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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THOMAS RITCHIE

A Study in
VIRGINIA POLITICS

By
CHARLES HENRY AMBLER, Ph. D.
Author of
"Sectionalism in 'Virginia, 1776 to 1861", etc.

&iclinianb, ^a.
BELI. BOOK & STATIONERY CO.
1913

Copyright 1913
BY
The Bell Book & Stationery Co.
incorporated

TO

PREFACE
The political history of the United States for the period
of its inception, infancy, and youth can be found in the
numerous biogTaphies of illustrious Virginians. ISTotwith-
standing the fact that many Virginians preferred to serve
their country in the capacity of local legislators and admin
istrators, others gave up their lives and fortunes to the central
government. It was their own darling child. Historia^is
have written the names of those who took the latter
course, Washington, Madison, Jefferson, Marshall, Monroe,
Randolph, and others in large letters in the annals of
the republic and have accorded a due prestige and renown
to the state of their nativity. In weaving these lives into
that of the nation they have forgotten, however, those other
illustrious sons who remained at home to preserve those con
ditions which made possible the state's greater luminaries
and her national influence. They have forgotten also that
Virginia continued to have a history separate and distinct
from that of the nation. The fact that there is no written
history of the state for the period since the federal govern
ment began is significant, but it does not mean that there
were no events worth recording or that she gave all her
talents and genius to the common country.
It is not the purpose of this brief biography to rescue
her second sons from oblivion or to give a comprehensive
political history of the state, as its sub-title might suggest.
These commendable undertakings would necessitate the writ
ing of volumes similar to Hammond's and Alexander's His
tories of Political Parties in New York and to the numerous
lives of our national heroes. A humble effort will be made
to render tardy recognition to one of her lesser lights who
devoted practically the whole of a long, tempestuous, and
eventful life to maintaining the ascendency of Virginia
among the states and to making possible the national careers

Preface. ^^^
of her more illustrious sons. As he taught his people "to
think his own thoughts, to speak his own words, to weep
when he wept, to wreathe their faces with his smiles, and
above all to vote as he voted," this biography will of necessity
deal largely with local political conditions and happenings.
But the life of that man who did more than any other
to keep both Clay and Calhoun from the presidency cannot
be told separate and apart from the history of the federal
government. Chief emphasis will, however, be placed upon
local conditions and events, and it is hoped that the brevity
in reference to national events and conditions, necessitated
by a lack of space, will not add greatly to the other difficulties
which may be encountered in reading these pages.
In the preparation of this biography I have been greatly
aided by the authorities of the Virginia State Library and
the Library of Congress. I have also received assistance from
Dr. W. C. Eives of Washington, D. C, Miss Mary Campbell
of Dunnsville, Va., Mrs. George E. Harrison of Brandon,
Va., Miss Margaret Bitchie Harrison of Washington, D. C,
Mrs. M. W. Simmons of Younge's Island, S. C, Professor
W. E. Dodd of Chicago University, and numerous other
persons, to each of whom I gladly make a hearty acknowl
edgement. Through the kindness of the libraries I have been
able to secure access to the files of the EicJimond Enquirer
for the forty-one years during which Thomas Ritchie was its
editor and to the Washington Union for the seven years he
edited it and the use of other valuable sources, such as the
Jackson, Van Buren, Stevenson, and Polk manuscripts iu
the Library of Congress and the public archives in the State
Library of Virginia. Individuals have aided me by their
helpful suggestions and by placing at my command manu
scripts and other source material now inaccessible to the
public.
Chas. H. Ambler.
Ashland, Vii-giuia, ]May, 19i;_).

CONTENTS PAGE
I. The Beginnings 9
II. The Peace Regime . 25
111. Nationalism and Particularism 53
IV. President Making 85
V. Eeform and Nullification 118
\J. Jackson and the Whigs 155
VII. Van Buren and the Independent Treasury 187
VIII. Tyler and Texas 219
IX. The National Spokesman 246
X. The Great Compromise 273
XI. The Editor and the Man 290
Appendix . Genealogy . 301

ILLUSTRATIONS
Thomas Ritchie . Frontispiece
Thomas Ritchie's Birthplace . ... 12
Spencer Roane ... ¦ . . oa
Lower Brandon .... • • ^'"

THOMAS RITCHIE

CHAPTER I.

THE BEGINNINGS.

Thomas Ritchie was born on ISTovember 5, 1118, in the
only brick residence then in Tappahannock, Virginia.
To-day this house may be seen on the main thoroughfare of
that town and is used as a residence and a butcher-shop.
Though located near other fine residences, notably the Parker
house, the Anderton house, and the Brockenbrough house,
the superior quality of the Ritchie residence marked its
owner, Archibald Ritchie, as the chief business man of his
community. Archibald Ritchie, the first of his family in America, was
a Scotchman who emigrated to this country to engage in the
mercantile business. The year of his arrival is not known,
but he seems to have been a man of affairs from the begin
ning and to have found a place in the best social circles of
Virginia. Under date of August 21, 1753, Erancis Jerdone
wrote, "Last week Mr. Arch* Ritchie was married to a
daughter of Capt. Roane, with whom he gets £500 down, and
as much at her father's death." ^ Already he was a large
exporting and importing merchant, exchanging articles of
foreign manufacture for the corn, wheat, and tobacco pro
duced in a large part of the Rappahannock valley and thus
scattering industry and prosperity throughout Essex and the
surrounding counties. He also owned negro slaves and did
not hesitate to sell a "likely negro" to replenish the family
exchequer. The records show that he left a considerable
fortune to his wife and children.
Years after Archibald Ritchie's death and after one of
his sons had lost his life in the defence of his country and
another had seen gallant service in the same cause, John
1 William and Mary College Quo/rterly, XI., 240.

10 Thomas Ritchie
Floyd and John Hampden Pleasants, for political purposes,
accused Thomas Ritchie of being the "son of a Scotch Tory."
Their accusation seems to jhave been founded upon the fact
that Archibald Ritchie violated the Association of 1774,
entered into to prohibit the importation of British goods into
Virginia, and incurred the enmity of Richard Henry Lee
who had raised a mob in 1766 to destroy his business, after
he himself had mysteriously seen the light of a new day.^
That Archibald Ritchie was among the last to break away
from the mother country is probably true. He was a Scotch
man and moved with all the conservatism of his kinsmen.
Besides few of those interested in commerce were anxious
for war. In many instances it involved the loss of their
own and their neighbors' fortunes. But there is no evidence
that he opposed the cause of the patriots after war had been
declared. In fact, the evidence points to the opposite con
clusion. In 1776' he was appointed by the General Assembly
a member of the Committee of Public Safety of Essex
county, and at a later date he supplied Colonel Landon
Carter with gunpowder with which to fight the British.^
Tradition has it that his wife commanded him to stand behind
her while she got at a party of British pillagers with the
butcher knife, but it is not certain that he obeyed even this
authority. Like many another man of distinction, Thomas Ritchie
owed much, if not most, of his success to his mother. To
that conservatism and interest in worldly affairs, which he
inherited from his father, she added a taste for letters and
for society, all of which later contributed to make her son
an influential and efficient public servant. These sterling
natural qualties were not, however, the least of the maternal
gifts. She supplied an environment for the development of
the tastes which she gave. Among her relatives and con
nections were some of the ripest scholars, the profoundest
thinkers, and the most upright and honest men and women
' ^Yilliam and Mary CoUege Quarterly, II., 238.
'Ihid., v., 254; Ibid., XVI., 266.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 11
to be found in Virginia. She herself was a Roane, whose
family had either intermarried with or was on most intimate
terms with the Brockenbroughs, the Ruffi'ns, the Brookes, the
Parkers, and the Latanes, representatives of a younger genera
tion which in due time formed an "Essex Junto" that vir
tually governed Virginia through its power to control her
courts, legislatures, and financial policies. Unlike the planters
who surrounded them on all sides, they were progressives.
Among them were patriots of the revolution and ambitious
youths. From the lips of the former young Ritchie caught
that spirit which had revolutionized America and Europe,
and from his younger associates he caught a vision of the
future greatness of the nation and the part his native state
was to play in it.
Besides, from another standpoint, it meant something
in Ritchie's day to be born in old Tappahannock. It was
located fifty miles from the Chesapeake upon a bluff over
looking a broad expanse of the Rappahannock river, and was
then, as it now is, one of those modest and retiring towns
which hides itself from the world under the dense foliage
of its large and beautiful trees. A century ago it was a port
of entry for all the surrounding country. Hence there went
to the remotest parts of the world trading ships which sup
plied material wants and brought daily suggestions of the
dependence of man upon man and of nation upon nation.
In this small village, as in few others of colonial Virginia,
there intermingled the best in the plantation life with the
energy, initiative, and sagacity of the Scotch tradesmen.
The product of this single local environment in time reshaped
the character of the Old Dominion.
Thomas Ritchie's father died when he was only six years
old, and the responsibility for his education and rearing fell
consequently to his mother and her family. She planned first
to put him to the law under the guidance of his distinguished
cousin, Spencer Roane, who later became head of the Court
of Appeals of Virginia and Jefferson's first choice for Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States and for
his own successor in the presidency. A short apprenticeship

12 Thomas Ritchie;
sufficed to convince young Ritchie that he had neither talents
nor tastes for distinction in the field of his distinguished
kinsman. Consequently he turned to the study of medicine,
but a short course of lectures at Philadelphia convinced him
that this profession was even more distasteful than the law.
Reversing the practice of the present day, which makes teach
ing a stepping stone to the other professions, he then became
a pedagogue. At the age of twenty-one he took charge of an
academy at Fredericksburg and improved the opportunities
which this position afforded to make deeper and broader hia
knowledge of the classics and the best modern authors.
Ritchie regarded the teaching profession as one of the
most honorable and respectable. He was imbued with the
idea that the superstructure of wisdom and virtue in a
republic is the architecture of its schoolmasters. Moreover,
he opposed confining the benefits of education to men and,
from the very beginning of his career, made an honest plea
for greater opportunities for women. In defence of this plea
he pointed to the constellation of feminine genius which had
arisen in Europe: the Edgeworths, the Macaulays, the de
Genlis and the de Staels. Henceforth he lost no opportunity
to promote the cause of public free instruction in Virginia.
Such an enthusiast naturally endeared himself to his students
and to their parents. Had he been permitted to follow the
path of his inclination, as did his great contemporary, Horace
Mann, the history of popular education in the South might
to-day be written differently. As will be shown later, his
ideas on educational problems were modern and none doubted
that he had the courage of his convictions. But ill health
would not permit his remaining in the teaching profession,
and he sought more agreeable employment in Richmond as
the owner and proprietor of a small book-store.
When Ritchie came to Richmond in 1803 he cast his lot
with a people through whom he was in time to influence the
whole commonwealth and indirectly the whole nation. As if
by fate his tastes and training had fitted him for a large and
important place in this metropolis. Consequently a passing
notice of Richmond, as it was one hundred years ago, might

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1— I
Piin <

O Ho wu <H

A Study in Virginia Politics. 13
contribute much to a proper understanding of his subsequent
life and services.
Of industrial Richmond the Duke de La Rochefoucauld-
Liancourt wrote in 1796 as follows: "At present there are
few wooden houses at Richmond. The trade of this towa
consists in the purchase of the country products, and in sell
ing at second hand the articles of domestic consumption,
which are generally produced in England. The number of
merchants who carry on a direct commerce with Europe is
inconsiderable. They keep their ships at Norfolk, and send
down the produce of the country in small vessels. The com
mission trade may be considered as the real business of the
place. It is from the merchants of Richmond and Petersburg
that those of I^orfolk most commonly purchase the grain,
flour and tobacco which is later exported. The country pro
duce is paid for by the merchants in ready money or on short
credit: they even frequently obtain it on cheaper terms by
furnishing the planters with an advance of money on their
crops. The Richmond merchants supply all the stores
through an extensive tract of back country. As they have
a very long credit from England, they can allow a similar
indulgence of six, nine or twelve months to the shop keepers
whom they supply. All the merchants deal in bills of
exchange on Europe.
"The falls of the James which obstructed its navigation
from the distance of seven miles above Richmond, hitherto
imposed the necessity of employing land carriage for that
space. At present a canal, running parallel with the course
of the river for those seven miles, connects the communica
tion by water, and opens a navigation which extends with
out interruption 200 miles above Richmond. I have seen
one of the two mills at Richmond. It stands below the falls
of the river, receives a great power of water, and turns six
pair of stones. It is a fine mill, and unites the advantages of
all the new inventions; the cogs of the wheels are clumsily
executed. It costs a yearly rent of near $6,000 to Mon
sieur Chevalier, a Frenchman from Rockefort, hitherto
director of the French paquets to America, and now settled in

14 Thomas Ritchie
Virginia. Flour mills are more numerous at Petersburg than
at Richmond, and the mills there are also upon a good con
struction. The exportations of Petersburg are more con
siderable than those of Richmond, although generally speak
ing, the produce it receives is inferior in quality. Tobacco,
for instance, which sells at Richmond for $6 or $7 per hun
dred weight, does not fetch quite $5 at Petersburg. City
Point or Bermuda Hundred, is the spot where the custom
house is established for these two places."
Thus it will be seen that industrially and commercially
Richmond was then the clearing house of the surrounding
country which was then tilled by thousands of negro slaves,
the "happy wards" of the most indulgent masters that ever
lived. The James was the main thoroughfare "to town," but
all roads, however insignificant led to Richmond. The brick
row on lower Main Street was not then opulent enough to
call forth the scorn of the country folk who coidd find
hospitable treatment and comfortable lodging at the Bird in
the Hand, the City Tavern, or the Union Hotel. Meanwhile
they could enjoy a concert of the Musical Society at Tanbark
Hall, witness a play at the theater, invest their savings in
lottery tickets, or read the columns of the Enquirer and the
Gazette. Richmond was more than a mere industrial and commer
cial center. It was also the social and intellectual clearing
house of a plantation aristocracy with ample leisure to drink
deeply at the fountains of learning and culture. In April,
1791, when on his fourth visit to this country, Dr. Thomas
Coke preached "in the Capitol where the Assembly sits, to
the most dressy congregation" he had ever seen in America,
and it gave "great attention." There was then no other place
of considerable area in the United States where copies of
the standard authors, both classic and modern, could be
found in large numbers in the private libraries of its rural
population. Many Virginia planters could then read and
speak Latin and French and rivaled the English squires in
their knowledge of history and jurisprudence. Since 1779,
when Richmond became the capital, the annual sessions of

A Study in Virginia Politics. 15
the General Assembly, which usually extended from the first
of December to the first of March, marked the height of
the social season. Thither came the great planters and the
political solons with their wives and daughters to aid Cupid
in those amorous delights which have made one great family
of all Virginians. If three months did not suffice to complete
the match-making and the case seemed urgent, the interested
parties usually repaired to the springs for the summer season.
Although it is to-day one of the many cities of seven hills,
Richmond of a century ago was confined mainly to three,
namely: Gamble's Hill, Shockoe Hill, and Church Hill.
Each had its own social circle which knew no bounds on great
occasions and when Cupid came to town. The first named
hill overlooks the islets in the falls of the James. The social
life there centered in the "Grey House," built by Colonel
John Harvie and purchased after his death by Major Robert
Gamble. Elizabeth and Agnes Bell, his daughters, became
the wives of William Wirt, later Attorney-General of the
United States and candidate for the presidency, and William
H. Cabell, later govemor of Virginia. During the period of
Ritchie's early days in Richmond the two families, each
with several children, occupied the Grey House jointly.
Here William Wirt wrote his "Letters of the British Spy,"
and hence went forth the wives of many influential men and
the progenitors of such distinguished sons as James Branch
Cabell, the novelist.
Shockoe Hill was adorned by the Capitol building and
was the chief residential district. The social life of this
area centered in the palatial residence of Dr. John Brocken
brough, which was erected in 1818, later used as the White
House of the Confederacy, and the Confederate Museum.
In the heyday of Jacksonian Democracy it was the rendezvous
of the Richmond Junto. Here the Randolphs and the
Harrisons were entertained when in the city. Dr. Brocken
brough having married Gabriella Harvie Randolph and
being on most intimate terms with the Harrisons. A recep
tion at the Brockenbrough mansion was one of the highest
distinctions that could be extended a stranger when visiting

16 Thomas Ritchie
Richmond. The neighborhood was unsurpassed. In full
view were the homes of Chief Justice Marshall and his father-
in-law, Jacqueline Ambler ; Colonel John Harvie of Revolu
tionary fame lived near ; on Clay street, near Eleventh, lived
Colonel Edward Carrington, also a distinguished soldier;
and nearly opposite his residence were the homes of Lewis
Burwell and Major John Ambler. This same section
included among its residents Judge Philip N. Ificholas,
Dr. James B. McClurg, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Alex
ander McRea, Conway Robinson, Thomas Ritchie, and Bishop
Moore. Many a young girl was given in marriage in the
Brockenbrough mansion with Bishop Moore, of the Diocese
of Virginia, officiating. On such occasions Chief Justice
Marshall, Dr. Brockenbrough, Benj. W. Leigh, Thomas
Ritchie, and other distinguished men of the vicinity were
usually recorded as among the guests.
Just opposite Shockoe Hill and connected with it by a
heavily built wooden bridge was Church Hill. Since the
middle of the eighteenth century it had been owned by
Colonel Richard Adams who seems to have been a prosper
ous man of affairs. He always claimed that his purchase
contract with William Byrd was made with the understand
ing that the Capitol building was to be erected on his lands.
The failure of Thomas Jefferson to respect this private
arrangement caused a complete estrangement between him
self and the Adamses, which later became a source of poli
tical annoyance to the former. The social life of Church Hill
centered in the Adams mansion, which was erected in 1799
by Dr. John Adams when he married Geddes Winston of
Hanover county. In its lofty ceilings, spacious drawing
rooms, library, and bed chambers, and its colonial archi
tecture it rivaled the Brockenbrough house, which stood upon
the opposite hill. In other lines that rivalry continued even
into the period of war. When the latter became the White
House of the Confederacy, the former was the home of an
influential abolitionist and northern spy, Elizabeth Van Lew.
In Ritchie's early days Governor George William Smith, who
lost his life in the fire which destroyed the Richmond
Theater in 1811, was a member of the Adams household.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 17
Politics rarely marred the social circles of Richmond.
They were not half so disturbing an element as the "loo
mania," which raged in 1806 and caused the ladies of the
first families to lose their pin money and their tempers.
Although they had met meanwhile on scores of occasions
and were members of the same social clubs, Chief Justice
Marshall and Thomas Ritchie never engaged in a political
discussion before 1820. The leaders did not hesitate to
attack each other through the columns of the press and upon
the hustings, but all was forgotten when they approached
a cojnmon punch-bowl. True, there was much greater
unanimity of political opinion in Richmond than might be
suspected. It was, in fact, a Federalist stronghold. A review
of the names already given will disclose the fact that her
leading citizens were either soldiers or officers of the Revolu
tionary Army. These were, for the most part, loyal to
Washington and Hamilton in their efforts to establish a
strong central government. Thus silence may have been the
better part of discretion on the part of the young Republican
interlopers, who, like Brockenbrough and Ritchie, had come
to Richmond to seek their fortunes.
Despite their boasted democratic principles and equal
rights, the aristocrats of Richmond in 18100, as in 1900,
were ever ready to pay obeisance and court to royalty and to
rank. They received such recognition from those beneath
them in their social and political castes. Why not pay them
to others ? Reluctant to concede these traits of the body
politic Republicans attributed them to a desire on the part
of the Federalists for monarchy. On the contrary, the
Federalists saw in them only an expression of Virginia's far-
famed hospitality. But Wirt observed in his "British Spy"
that "notwithstanding all this, it was easy to discern in the
look, the voice and the whole manner, with which gentlemen
as well as ladies of both parties saluted and accosted young
 (the son of an English lord) a secret spirit of
respectful diffidence, a species of silent, reverential abase
ment, which, as it could not have been excited by his personal
qualities, must have been homage to his rank."*
'Wirt, The Letters of a British Spy, 14.

Ig Thomas Ritchie
As in the present day, inequalities in property had pro
duced their corresponding social and political inequalities
which penetrated every phase of life and entered into the
political contests between the geographic sections, notably
that between the cis-montane and the trans-montane counties.
On this subject the "British Spy" also observed that, "how
ever, they may vaunt of equal liberty in church and state,
they have but little to boast on the subject of equal
property. Indeed there is no country," said he, "where
property is more unequally distributed than in Virginia.
This inequality struck me with peculiar force in riding
through the lower counties on the Potomac. Here and there
a stately aristocratic palace, with all its appurtenances,
strikes the view : while all around, for many miles, no other
buildings are to be seen but the little smoky huts and log
cabins of poor, laborious, ignorant tenants. And what is
very ridiculous, these tenants, while they approach the great
house, cap in hand, with all the fearful trembling submission
of. the lowest feudal vassals, boast in their court-yards, with
justreperous exultation, that they live in a land of freemen,
a land of equal liberty and equal rights." Xeed one go
farther for an answer to the question now frequently asked,
"Why did the poor non-slaveholders follow their leaders into
secession ?"
Engrafted as it had been upon these sterile beds of
Federalism and surrounded here and there by the thorns and
rocks of self-interest and tradition, the democratic revolu
tion of 1800 was in grave danger of meeting a premature
death in Virginia. For lack of support the mouthpiece of
the reform party, the Examiner, under the editorship of
Skelton Jones of dueling fame, had gone down to a natural
death, and the office where it had been published had been
consumed in flames. Henry, who had himself become a
Federalist was dead, and Jefferson, Madison, Giles, and
Randolph were devoting their energies and talents to the
federal councils. Under these conditions Jefferson, who had
every reason for keeping Virginia true to the teachings of
republicanism, appealed to the young book-seller, Thomas

A Study in Virginia Politics. 19
Ritchie, as a proper person to watch the vestal fires in her
state capital. As yet Ritchie had made no entangling alli
ances with the aristocrats ; he was fitted by nature, training,
and previous association for such a calling; and he had a
number of promising friends and connections among the
younger generation. Accordingly, the Richmond Enquirer
arose Phoenix-like from the ashes of the Examiner, and in
its resurrection Ritchie found a life work. The first office
of the Enquirer was to echo and to re-echo the utterances
of the National Intelligencer and the thoughts of the federal
administration until they became the utterances and the
thoughts of the common people. Meanwhile the power and
influence of the Gazette, the Federalist organ, was to be
crippled. The first copy of the Enquirer appeared on May 9, 18'04.
It was announced to appear bi-weekly, but supplementary
half-sheets were promised for the weeks covering the ses
sions of Congress and the General Assembly. The price
of subscription was four dollars per annum, in pdvp^.-.^,
which was soon raised to five dollars. Advertising sj$kce
was sold to non-subscribers at seventy-five cents per "square
in length" for the first insertion, fifty cents for each of three
subsequent insertions, and thirty-three cents for each addi
tional insertion, "long ones in the same proportion." Rates
to subscribers were fifty for the first insertion and thirty-three
for each subsequent one. Little attention, however, was
paid to advertising. The Enquirer was to be maintained by
official patronage and by subscriptions, which were raised
during the first eighteen months from five hundred to fifteen
hundred. From the very beginning the Enquirer fell under the
influence of party patronage. The initial number contained
certified copies of federal laws and extracts from speeches
made on the anniversary of Jefferson's election to the presi
dency. Without official patronage it could not have lived in
so strong a Federalist atmosphere as Richmond and in com
petition with a well established and popular press. From the
first Ritchie did not disguise his purpose to speak for the

20 Thomas Ritchie
administration and his expectation of compensation for
such service. On the other hand, he did not propose to
become a political vassal. "Principle not men" was to
be his motto, and he boldly announced his purpose to sail the
turbid political stream alone with the constitution for his
compass and the Union for his chart.
The disavowals of any temporary allurements and tran
sitory convictions, which appeared in the first number of
the Enquirer, made it clear that young Ritchie had found
a life work. Without advancing any pretensions to un
bounded and varied resources he characteristically refused to
disclaim them. For his lack of knowledge in practical things
and in the "ways of the world" he hoped to make a tem
porary compensation by drawing upon the results of his
"theoretical research." Of only one thing was he con
fident, and that was the unfailing quality of his zeal,
a confidence which he never betrayed. Like his great pro
totype, Jefferson, he knew that the frailty of human wis
dom would often lead him wrong and cause others to think
him wrong when he was right. For each contingency he
asked only the indulgence of a grateful people and expressed
the patriotic desire to be able, when his course had ended,
to lay his hand upon his heart and indulge the reflection
that he had not injured his country, dishonored his profes
sion, or sullied his personal honor.'
Though in full accord with its social regime, Ritchie's
great service to Virginia and incidentally to the Union
came from the leaven which he, as an editor, injected into
aristocracy and conservatism. Like the raindrops against
the mountain boulder his pleas for republicanism and gi'eater
equality beat in vain upon that old Federalist stronghold,
Richmond, but they cast sprays beyond, which brought poli
tical life and virility to all the surrounding country. Unlike
most Virginians of his day, he was a disciple of Adam
Smith, being well versed in the principles of his "Wealth of
Nations" and in the writings of the other great thinkers of
° Richmond Enquirer, May 9, 1804.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 21
the liberal school of political economy, Ricardo, Malhus.
and Say. He was equally well informed in the writings of
Voltaire, Rousseau, and Paine who, with the economists above
mentioned, had already revolutionized society. With them
he believed that governments had long had too much power
and individuals too little. This he thought the chief dif
ference between despotic and republican governments, be
tween those of Europe and that of the United States. In
the former, agriculture was shackled by entails, primogeni
ture, and tithes; manufacturing was restrained by corpora
tion and apprenticeship laws; and commerce was stifled by
the abuses of privilege. He was determined that Virginia
should throw off whatever relics of feudalism lingered
in her society and conform her thought and legislation to
the genius of republicanism.® To this end he considered
popular education, local reforms in the existing laws and
customs, and the development of the state's natural resources
as indispensable prerequisites. He was thus ready to take
up these subjects where Jefferson and Madison had been
forced to abandon them a quarter of a century before. In
him the theorists of 1776 had at last found a champion who
did not tremble or quail before the realities of democracy.
Our unexampled freedom and opportunity, Ritchie main
tained, could be endangered by one or all of four evils:
war, luxury, the fitful violence of party spirit, and the dis
memberment of the Union. War offered an opportunity for
a designing president or an ambitious party leader to usurp
the government; luxurious indulgence would unnerve the
zeal that watched over the public welfare; when carried to
the point of persecution and riot, party spirit might lead to
a despotism like that in France; and dismemberment was
certain to be followed by border warfare between the states
and a return to dependence upon Europe. To avoid war he
advised adherence to Jefferson's counsels for peace and to the
well known injunctions of Washington's Farewell Address;
he found an antidote for the rising tide of luxury in enlight-
' Richmond Enquirer, April 14, 1807.

22 Thomas Ritchie
ened minds and in the maintenance of equal industrial and
political opportunities for all; and he would have avoided
unnecessary and dangerous manifestations of party spirit
by a strict adherence to the compromises of the constitution
and to the conciliatory spirit in which it had been drawn.
In this early stand for conciliation and compromise he struck
the key-note of his subsequent career.
With these diagnoses and specifics thus carefully made
and set forth Ritchie took his place as a sentinel upon
the watch-tower of the rights of the individual states. Cir
cumstances and conditions had more to do with placing and
keeping him there than inclination or personal preference.
In ordaining and establishing the federal government the
fathers had attempted to avoid each of the two well recog
nized evils in all government, the tendency to centraliza
tion on the one hand and to decentralization on the other.
Observation and study had taught them that one led to
despotism, the other to anarchy. They had thus resorted to
a division of powers between the central and the state gov
ernments, evolving the idea of a dual sovereignty in a single
state. In contemplating the result of their efforts, Gladstone
later pronounced it "the most wonderful work ever struck
off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man." Had
Ritchie been able to ignore facts and conditions, he would
have been a neutral, guarding alike the rights of both the
central and the state governments. But the exigencies of
our growing and expanding country had caused statesmen
of all parties to depart from the letter of the constitution,
by which alone the government of the fathers could be main
tained. Under the general welfare license they were rapidly
sweeping the country toward the dreaded maelstrom of cen
tralization. Even Jefferson had passed dangerously near
that pit on more than one occasion. If the govemment of
the fathers was to be preserved, Ritchie had thus no choice,
except to defend its vulnerable points. It is as a strict-con-
structionist of the conservative type that he will live in his
tory. With that same spirit of conciliation and compromise
which had characterized the federal convention of 1787, he

A Study in Virginia Politics. 23
continued to be a patriot of the ancient type and to see in
our original plan of government what Gladstone and Madison
saw. Had we adhered to that plan, his precepts would today
be watch-words on the tower of civic liberty and his name
a commonplace in every household. Who can now look into
the lesson of the past and contemplate the problems of the
future and deny him positively and unreservedly the right
to such a distinction?
In his defence of the powers and the rights of the states,
which in its broadest sense was a plea for the preservation
of the Union, Ritchie drew his chief information and inspira
tion from Madison's Report of 1799 to the Virginia Assembly
and from Edmund Pendleton's celebrated essay written
shortly after Jefferson's first election to the presidency and
entitled "The Danger Not Over." These documents were
the Old and the New Testaments of his political faith. The
former is accessible to all readers, but the latter is an unex-
ploited source of the "Virginia doctrines." Though brief,
it is a matchless presentation of the evils of centralization
and decentralization. It was frequently referred to by
Ritchie in his editorials and was republished in the Enquirer
after Jackson's election to the presidency in 1828 to serve
as a warning to him, as it had served as a warning to
Jefferson. Among all the companions of Ritchie's early years there
were few if any who did more to instruct him in the tenets
of sound republicanism than Henry Clay. The "mill boy
of the slashes" and the studious son of the Scotch merchant
man were kindred spirits. They had each sat at the feet
of a Gamaliel. The former was a disciple of George Wythe,
the latter of Spencer Roane. When young Ritchie had
found it convenient to visit Richmond, they discussed to
gether grave political and economic questions in a manner
which made it plain that they had each caught the progres
sive spirit of the age. They were each imbued with the
idea and the feeling of a new era, in which govemment would
be improved and the civil happiness of man enlarged. They
were each tired of that narrow and dastardly coasting which

24 Thomas Ritchie
had kept legislatures close to usage and to precedent. They
yearned to hazard a voyage in search of the treasure of public
felicity. Though they later ceased to be friends, they fol
lowed the same roads, each tempering his actions by a spirit
of conciliation and compromise.''
' See Richmond Enquirer, December 6, 1828; /ind., September 10,
1852.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 25

CHAPTER II.
THE PEACE REGIME.
The intervention of the French revolutionists in San
Domingo and the bloody scenes which followed the overthrow
of French authority there fixed the eyes of the slaveholders
of the United States upon that unhappy island. The condi
tions there, together with an occasional rumor regarding
local uprisings at home, caused the slaveholders of Virginia
to tremble for their own security and dictated silence on this
all important subject to the columns of the Enquirer. At
first Ritchie had promised full accounts of the massacres and
complete texts of the proclamations being made by the black
chieftain, Dessalines. His conception of the freedom of the
press left no other alternative. A brief experience revealed,
however, that 'such a promise was not in hannony with the
feelings and sentiments of Virginia, which had already de
cided upon a policy of studied silence upon the subject of
negroes and negro slavery. Accordingly his promises were
nerver kept, and he expressed the wish that no one "would
demand the reason."
Thus early Ritchie fell into that great reaction against
the anti-'slavery movement which had attended and followed
the American Revolution and given liberty to thousands of
those in bondage. The current with which he had cast his
lot, in time, eradicated those sentiments and theories which
caused Washington, Jefferson, Randolph, and others to eman
cipate their slaves and made the South a pro-slavery section.
Ritchie now began the first contribution to these ends' by^'
a.dvocating the enactment of laws making it more difficult ;
for slaves to gain their freedom and restricting the liberty.
of the free negroes. -"^
^Richmond Enquirer, January 9, 1804; Itid., January 15, 1805.

26 Thomas Ritchie
Even at this early date it is evident that Ritchie recog
nized in the slavery problem a negro problem as well. Thus
he raised a voice of protest when South Carolina and
Georgia, in response to the increased demand for negroes
caused by the purchase of Louisiana and the invention of
the cotton gin, opened their ports to the foreign slave-trade.
Virginia had too large a surplus of that "melancholy race
of men, whose fate we may deplore but can not redress," to
permit her to sit quietly by and see Africa supply a demand
which she could supply equally well, though not so cheap.
Plainly this was not a time for silence from the Enquirer
which now advocated an amendment to the Federal Consti
tution to forbid the foreign slave-trade after 1808.^ It also
condemned that spirit of avarice which was driving the slave-
dealelrs from the western to the eastern coast of Africa in
their search for human prey. Within two weeks, from May
1st to May 15th, 1806, one newspaper in South Carolina
had advertised for sale seven hundred and forty negToes
newly imported from Zanzibar and other points on the east
coast of Africa. His interested denunciations of these "hor
rible crimes" to humanity were potent factors in procuring
the enactment of a federal law to prohibit the foreign slave-
trade after January 1, 1808.
Meanwhile the chronic fear of the Virginians toward
banks and banking had subsided enough to permit the As
sembly to charter a state bank which was established in
Richmond in 1804 and was called the Bank of Virginia.
Hitherto the fabulous profits of the West India trade and
the demands for credit had not induced them to embark upon
such enterprises. With a characteristic conservatism they
had adhered to their rural simplicity and feared banks, be
cause it was believed that they fostered monopoly, increased
the cost of living, and paved the way to luxury and extrava
gance. As a consequence the routes of commerce did not
terminate in their ports, and they themselves had become as
'Richmond Enquirer, June 28, 1805; Hid., June 3, 1806.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 27
dependent upon the bankers of London as they are today
dependent upon those of New York.
Ritchie shared many of the local prejudices of his coun
trymen against the banks, but his experiences and observa
tions as the son of one of the largest exporting and import
ing merchants of colonial Virginia had taught the value,
nay the necessity, of institutions of credit. Besides his
cousin. Dr. John Brockenbrough, who was also bom and
bred in the old commercial center, Tappahannock, and who
later became president of the proposed bank, was now in-
terrested as one of its directors in putting it into operation.
The opportunity for fixing the hold of an Essex Junto upon
Virginia- was at hand and was too tempting to let pass. His
uncle, Spencer Roane, also from Essex county, was presi
dent of the Court of Appeals; several friends were influ
ential in both the Assembly and in Congress; and with
Brockenbrough at the head of the financial interest and
Ritchie at the head of the press, there was no reason why
the influence of these stalwart sons of the younger genera
tion could not be made permanent in Virginia. Tnie, their
methods were clannish, but which one of the large family of
Virginians could object to that? Accordingly Ritchie en
dorsed the proposed departure, ostensibly that the country
might have sufficient capital to develop its natural resources.
To prevent the dreaded monopoly in the banking business
he recommended the freest competition and the public sale
of bank stock.
It was not long, however, after the Bank of Virginia had
been established and put into successful operation before
Ritchie experienced a complete change of mind regarding
the banking business. This change was doubtless shared, if
it was not induced, by his relatives, and friends. He now
became a conservative, in modern terms, one identified with
the interests, and in the face of his democratic theories set
himself squarely against that free competition which he had
formerly recommended and to which the state of New York
later resorted in an effort to remove her banking business

28 Thomas Ritchie
from politics. He now defended Richmond's monopoly, in
sisted that bank directors should be Republicans, and de
nied banking privileges to towns under the control or even the
influence of the Federalists.^ In defence of Richmond's
monopoly he referred to the worthless "out of town bank
bills" which had demoralized the finances of Massachusetts,
despite the wholesome influences of Boston.*
Strange as it may seem in view of the prominent part he
later played, Ritchie buckled on the armor of national poli
tics reluctantly. It was generally conceded that the En
quirer had been established with the sanction and by the aid
of Jefferson. Consequently its early silence on national
questions became a matter of concern and comment. "Index"
demanded information about the threatened schism within
the Republican party and the censures which were being
daily directed toward Mr. Jefferson.' A series of essays de
fending Virginia against the attacks of New England was
the only answer. Ritchie's silence came not from a lack of
information in practical politics or from ignorance on the
subject of statecraft. He was well versed in the latter and
in a position to know all that was to be known about the
former. It is more than likely that his silence was due to a
deference to Jefferson's wishes. The questions relating to
the Yazoo frauds, the occupation of Florida, the purchase of
Louisiana, and the renewal of war in Europe had clouded
the political horizon, and it is doubtful if he saw his way
clearly out of any one of the perplexing situations. Silence
was therefore the better part of discretion on the part of a
party organ.
There came a time, however, when silence ceased to be a
virtue. Luckily for Ritchie the Louisiana purchase was a
closed incident when he entered public life. He could there
fore pass over the question of its constitutionality without
comment. But not so with the petitions requesting a repub-
^ Richmond Enquirer, January 7, 9, 11 1806.
*Ihid., April 15, 1807.
'lUd., September 22, 1804.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 29
lican form of government for its inhabitants. Like the mod
ern politician he would have accorded them a respectful
hearing without thought of granting their requests. With
Jefferson he considered them unfit for self-government, and
saw in the anxiety of those who advocated their requests for
it attempts to embarrass the administration. Unlike the
English colonists in Axaerica, the scions of a free country
and the heirs to democratic institutions, they knew not the
ways of republics. No colleges or private schools adorned
their land; the press had not diffused the lessons of reason
among them ; and not more than half of their number could
even read and write. In the light of the great barriers which
lie between all extreones he saw no inconsistency with his
own theories or any injustice or lack of wisdom on the part
of the administration in the policy to extend representative
govemment to Louisiana by degrees, to be determined in each
case by the fitness of its inhabitants to receive it.*
Regarding the wisdom, yea the necessity, of the Louisi
ana purchase Ritchie entertained not a doubt. Consequently
he sought to gain the greatest possible advantages from it.
Thus Spain's efforts to restrict us to the western bank of
the Mississippi met in him a patriotic resistance. By refer
ence to the treaties of 1719 and 1763 he tried to prove that
West Florida had always been a part of Louisiana. He pre
ferred compromise, however, to war as a means of settling
that question. Unlike Jefferson he was not temperamentally
opposed to war. In this case he considered it a poor method
to promote the federal interests. True, Spain was not
formidable and could not defend even East Florida against
an attack by American frontiersmen. But our republican
institutions were yet in an experimental stage and might
not weather the vicissitudes of a great international war
and the consequent indebtedness which it would involve.
Accordingly he suggested that Spain be given a clear title
to the land between the Mobile and the Perdido rivers in
'Richmond Enquirer, October 3, 1804.

30 Thomas Ritchie
exchange for the remaining part of West Florida. In case
of a refusal to accept this offer he would have given her
lands west of the Sabine river, the present territory of Texas,
in exchange for both East Florida and West Florida. The
latter proposition was especially attractive, because accept
ance would have given us an unbroken coast line east of the
Mississippi and extended our possessions into the very heart
of the West Indies.'^
His equivocal attitude on the Yazoo affair caused Duane,
editor of the Aurora and leader of the insurgents in Penn
sylvania, to pronounce Ritchie "a wolf in sheep's clothing"
and "a temporizer" with 'schemes of plunder and iniquity.*
Though the Enquirer condemned the alleged attempt of the
Yazoo claimants to defraud the federal goveimment and
praised Randolph's genius in opposing them and in keeping
pure the principles of the republic, it did not publish hia
speeches made in December, 1804, in opposition to their
claims. They were the first signals of schism, and as such
were passed over in the hope that they would be the last.
Later, when Randolph made his chief effort in this case,
Ritchie's attitude toward him remained unchanged, but he
continued to defend Madison's integrity and good intentions
in favoring the Yazoo claimants. This unusal stand of the
Enquirer was doubtless due to a desire on the part of its
editor and those for whom he spoke, to maintain harmony
and accord within the administration party. Randolph had
a large following in Virginia, who concurred in his opposi
tion to the centralizing tendencies of the federal govem
ment and were willing to follow him into any insurgent
movement. Besides he had been more irritable than usual
in attacking the "Yazoo thieves," and he yet had a great
service to perfoimi to the Republican party in sustaining
the impeachment of Judge Chase. Success in this effort
would doubtless elate him and redeem him with Jefferson.
¦'Richmond Enquirer, September 15, 1804; Ihid., October* 13
17, 1804. ^lUd., April 13, 1805.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 31
Thus there was a prospect of avoiding schism, and the En
quirer lost no oportunity to improve it.®
All of Ritchie's precautions were useless. Randolph did
not succeed in sustaining the impeachment charges and re
tired from the troublesome eighth Congress distrusted by and
disgusted with Jefferson and Madison and the rank and file
of his party. The sudden announcement of Jefferson's in
tention to retire with a second term, placed Madison in line
for the succession and aroused all the bitterness and jealousy
in Randolph's nature. From his home at Bizarre in the
summer of 1805 he poured out his discontent and dissatis
faction to his friends, Nicholson, Macon, and Gallatin, and
indulged in talk about "more imion and decision among the
real friends of freedom." This was the atmosphere in which
was bom the "Quid" party which now turned to Monroe as
the only person capable of defeating Madison for the presi
dency. It effected no formal organization and was held to^
gether only by a common feeling of dissatisfaction on the
part of its leaders.
Notwithstanding the formidable characters, who were
arraying themselves against the administration, and Ran
dolph's fulminations, Ritchie continued his efforts at concil-
i.ation. To this end he refused to concede the possibility of
Randolph's complete defection and shrewdly placed all oppo
sition Republicans into a class with the Federalists. Con
sidering the ultimate outcome of this third party movement
his comments upon the political conditions following the
adjournment of the eighth Congress show true political in
sight. In the proposed "union of honest men" he saw only
"the chorus of a Federalist ditty." Because of her uniform
population and freedom from the infection of popular elec
tions he feared no third party in Virginia. Unlike their
kinsmen in Pennsylvania and New York the German and
Irish elements in Virginia's population could not be organ-
' Richmond Enquirer, December 15, 1804; Hid., April 13, 1805.

32 Thomas Ritchie
ized into "clans and tribes for political purposes." i» He
expected differences of opinion as well as a "censurable spirit
of moderation" among those "who lived in the towns," but
he was certain that the yeomen of Virginia would not desert
the ranks of the Republican party. In general these obser
vations were correct, but the forces making for accord and
union within the party were too slow moving to prevent the
Federalists and the Quids from uniting in the Assembly of
1805-',O6 to elect W. H. Cabell to the governorship and to
defeat Ritchie for ©lection to the office of public printer.
Meanwhile international relations had taken a turn which
would eventually increase Randolph's hostility to the ad
ministration and render schism within the Republican party
inevitable. Our claims to West Florida and the act of Con
gress making Mobile a collection district for duties and
customs had called forth a terrible castigation from the Mar
quis of Casa Yrujo, minister from Spain to the United
States, and had produced a warlike attitude toward us on
the part of both Spain and France. While Randolph was
pouring out his dissatisfaction to his friends and receiring
consolation in kind, the leaders at Washington were talking
about war with Spain and contemplating the possibility of
defeating Macon's re-election to the speakership of the
House. The approach of the war cloud had, however,
alla'yed the intense feelings on all sides, and Macon and
Randolph retumed to the ninth Congress, the former able
to effect his re-election to the speakership and the latter will
ing to co-operate, as chairman of the Ways and Means Com
mittee, in preparations for war with Spain. Accordingly
the regTilar annual message, sounding the war cry, was popu
larly received.
Ritchie had seized upon the bellicose spirit of the coun
try as another means of avoiding faction Avithin the admin
istration party. Though counseling the prudence of Poly-
crates of Sanios, he praised the annual message. ¦"¦ He had
10 Richmond Enquirer, November 8, 1805.
" Richmond Enquirer, December 17, 1805.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 33
now abandoned all idea of compromise with Spain, and fol
lowing the popular demand, possibly with an idea of directing
it, had advised the conquest of West Florida and so much
of East Florida as would insure the payment of a war indem
nity. He now insisted upon an increase in the standing
army and the construction of an efficient navy.
To the utter surprise of Randolph and his small tribe,
and without consulting a single one of them, Jefferson sent
a secret message to Congress three days after the regular
message, in which he invited it to make preparations for the
purchase of Florida and said not a word about war. The
proposed purchase was to be made either through France or
as a bribe to her, and had a secret origin in the cabinet.
When Randolph grasped the situation he saw that the Span
ish dispute had been converted into a French job. At once
he began a series of amusing tactics to defeat the object of
the special message and to bring reproach upon Madison.
After a hurried interview with the President and Madison,
in which he made it plain that he would not bribe one nation
to rob another, he delayed a week and then made a visit to
Baltimore before calling a meeting of his committee to which
the matter had been referred. When the committee did
meet, which was not until late in December, he secured the
adoption of a report adhering to the original plans for war
with Spain. After a prolonged session behind closed doors
the President's request was finally granted.
During the enactment of this comic drama, in which
Randolph had behaved like a spoiled boy and Jefferson him
self had not escaped the political mire, the Enquirer, in
common with the press of the whole country, maintained a
profound silence. The mysterious secret session, preceded
as it had been by what seemed to be a popular and official
demand for war, left no doubt about some hitch in the work
ings of federal machinery. Considering the possibilities
for war it was no time for idle conjecture. Shortly before
Pitt had revolutionized the rules hitherto recognized as regu
lating neutral commerce, and Sir William Scott had handed

34 Thomas Ritchie
down a decision which render American ships fit subjects
for British prizes. Accordingly Ritchie sought to ease the
public mind by leaving doubt as to whether the mysterious
actions of Congress related to Great Britain or to Spain.-'^
At length the cloud of secrecy passed, and Ritchie was
forced to look upon a discordant party. After hitting some
desperate blows and hurling Jefferson and dozens of Con
gressmen headlong into the mire, Randolph had placed him
self beyond the pale of the Republican party, and his like
ness to the porcupine rendered a continuation of the efforts to
caress and fondle him extremely dangerous. Thus Ritchie
assumed a studied indifference toward him and made haste
to proclaim the "glorious news" of a peaceful settlement of
our difficulties with Spain and to divert the hostile tendencies
of the country toward Great Britain which, he said, should
be taught that "the sovereignty of the seas is an absurd and
dangerous dogma." ^* At the same time he praised the wis
dom and the statesmanship of the President. Later he pub
lished, without comment, Randolph's celebrated speech upon
Gregg's resolution for prohibiting the importation of British
goods, which marked his final breach with the Republican
party. As the election for members of the General Assembly
drew near Ritchie began to look with alarm upon the pros'-
pects of the administration party in Virginia. He saw
clearly that inability to control the Assembly might endanger
Madison's chances for reaching the presidency. Accord
ingly he made a conservative and conciliatory review of the
proceedings of the late Congress with a view to influencing
the local election. At the head of the factional op'position
he saw a Virginian "whose conduct had been not unworthy
of Bayard himself, sans peur, sans reproclie," and he was
confident that we could not and should not rely upon France
to interpose her good offices between us and Spain. He also
ridiculed the idea entertained by some blind partisans that
''Richmond Enquirer, January 14, 1806.
"Ibid., January 14, 16, 1806.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 35
Jefferson could do no wrong. His method of dealing with
Spain had certainly been a "melancholy example" of his
human frailties. Nevertheless he recog-nized in Jefferson
"a man of most unblemished integrity, a man whose admin
istration had manifested no less vigilance than virtue," and
he predicted that it would be months and years before we
would have a president who would be more worthy or in
whom we could repose more confidence.-'*
Randolph had taken leave of his party never to return
so long as Jefferson and Madison directed its councils.
Henceforth he voted almost uniformly with the Federalists
and did not scruple at a resort to the most "diabolical and
ingenious arts" to defeat the measures of the administra
tion. Both in the national Llouse and on the local hustings
he became a flowing gargoyle of vituperation which attracted
attention because of its sparkling illustration. Not content
with his verbal denunciations of Jefferson and his adminis
tration, he went into print over the signature "Decius." In
the series of essays which followed he laid bare the contents
of the President's secret message regarding Spain, praised
the minority which had dared to oppose it, and poured out
vials of sarcasm upon the "idol" who ruled in the White
House.-'' In fact these essays were the first, if not the only,
formal statement of the principles of the Qu.ids.
A due consideration for the freedom of the press ad
mitted Decius to the columns of the Enquirer, but the an
swers to his essays show clearly that Ritchie had given up
all hope of healing the schism within the Republican party,
and that he had retumed to his original ideas of our proper
policies in dealing with Spain. Henceforth he spoke of
Randolph as lacking the tempering influences of experience
requisite in a statesman and defended Jefferson unqualifi
edly. Even the lately lamented secret message now became
wise and patriotic and a statesman-like method of dealing

1806.

'* Richmond Enquirer, May 13, 1806.
"Ibid., August 15, September 2, November 18, and December 9,

36 Thomas Ritchie
with the conditions as they existed in December, 1805.
Questions of diplomacy were not for the common herd, much
less John Randolph. Again Ritchie entertained the hope
that Spain might sell the Floridas to keep them from falling
into the possession of the mistress of the seas. He also re
vived the idea of exchanging a part of Louisiana for them.^^
In terms which suggest the Monroe Doctrine he warned his
countrymen against allowing them to become the property
of Great Britain in any event.
The regular Republicans had triumphed in the local
elections of 1806, and when the Assembly met in December
of that year efforts were made to censure the insurgent Re
publicans. To this end resolutions were introduced, one to
commend the President, another to condemn his eritics.^^
"While disavowing any intention to protect or defend Ran
dolph, Ritchie again came forward in his role of the concili
ator. He heartily approved the resolution commending the
Pi'esident, but as earnestly opposed the other. He did not
believe all the members of the factional minority equally
culpable and therefore feared that a general resolution of
censure might be unjust to some. Then, too, the fact that
Mr. Randolph "held no terms whatsoever with Madison" did
not necessarily make him and his followers uncompromising
enemies of Jefferson. Had not Decius himself spoken of
the "illustrious" President ? Ritchie's councils prevailed,
and only the resolution commending Jefferson received a
majority of the Assembly.'*
In the meantime the efforts of General Miranda in be
half of the revolting Spanish patriots in America were at
tracting general attention. Sympathy for him and his cause
ran high in the southern states, whence both men and means
were sent to his aid. Even the inland city of Riehmond
sent aid under the guise of a trading expedition, and "\^ir-
'' Richmond Enquirer, November 28, 1806.
'^ Ibid., December 9, 1806.
''Ibid., December 20, 25, 1806.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 37
ginians expected Jefferson to become the god-father of his
filibustering expeditions.^®
Though in sympathy with the revolting Spaniards,
Ritchie believed Miranda an arch intriguer and warned Jef
ferson to have nothing to do with his expeditions. Even at
this early date he believed that the Spanish possessions in
America would eventually become free, though not under
his leadership. He therefor© tried to dampen the ardor of
his countrymen in their zeal to help him, and insisted that
their proposed expedition would be a palpable violation of
international law and result in another South Sea Bubble.^"
At this juncture attention was suddenly diverted from
Randolph and South America to our own West. After his
fatal encounter vrith Hamilton, Burr had retired from the
vice-presidency to seek new fortunes and new friends on the
frontier. There he met General Wilkinson, the arch-traitor
of American traitors. Wh.at transpired between them will
never be known, but it is certain that Burr retumed from
this trip fiUed with new ambitions and a determination to
return to the West with a band of adventurers. All this
happened just after Randolph's tirade against the "Yazoo
thieves" and his failure to sustain the charges of impeach
ment against Judge Chase, and while he was yet sulking in
his tent. Consequently, he, Macon, and Nicholson looked
on with an anxiety intermingled with delight while Burr,
Dayton, and their friends in the West hatched their treason
able plots and worked upon the "easy credulity" of Jefferson
in an effort to destroy him. In the operations of these ad
venturers Randolph saw a "conjunction of malign planets"
which "bodes no good."
Ritchie shared Jefferson's credulity in dealing with
Burr. Contrary to the opinion of his closest friends he now
refused to believe that Burr had shown bad faith in the
election of 1801, and that he now sought to erect an empire
''Richmond Enquirer, March 7, 1806.
20 Ibid., March 4, 1806.

38 Thomas Ritchix
in Mexico and to dismember the United States by adding a
large portion of the Mississippi valley to his proposed domin
ions.^^ He saw in Burr no Napoleon, and thought it impos
sible for him, with his limited resources and with no other
following than a band of adventurers, to conquer an exten
sive and populous empire and dismember a great republic.^^
He insisted therefore that Burr's expedition was simply the
last resort of a forlorn and friendless man to find a new
new home and new friends.
The Federalists, especially the Marshalls of Kentucky,
who were doubtless prompted and aided by their distin
guished kinsman, the Chief Justice, shared the suspicions
of Randolph and his friends regarding Burr, and seized
upon the occasion as a suitable one for exposing Jefferson
and freeing their country of the odious presence of Wilkin
son, whose treasonable transactions with Spain were known
to or suspected by them. To this end a Mr. Wood of Rich
mond, Virginia, was invited to Kentucky and made editor
of The Western World, a newspaper devoted to the interests
of Federalism in the "Dark and Bloody Land." Associated
with him as a fighting partner, such a coadjutor being more
necessary to an editor in that day and climate than a
printer's devil, was a Mr. J. M. Street, also of Richmond.
The very first issue of the World gave a history of the Span
ish Association and of Wilkinson's treasonable connection
therewith, and made it evident that the West had been
honeycombed with treason and conspiracy for a quarter of a
century.^* It required no stretch of imagination to apply
its revelations and deductions to the questionable acts of the
ambitious vice-president who was then returning to the west-
em land.
Though admitting that Burr's militaiy talents, intrigu
ing disposition, and inordinate ambition rendered him a
dangerous resident on the frontier, especially in times of
" Richmond Enquirer, April 2, 1805.
'Uhid., November 14, 28, 1806.
'^lUd., September 5, 1806.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 39
war, and deploring Wilkinson's frivolous pomp, his obsequi
ous court to parties and to administrations, and his hauteur
toward inferiors, Ritchie still insisted that the former en
tertained no treasonable designs and excused the latter for
his connection with the Spanish Association. In that ven
ture he now saw only a natural revolt against the Jay-Gar-
doqui negotiations of 1785 and the untold neglect and
iniquities which had been heaped upon the West. Jefferson
had recently made Wilkinson govemor of the Upper Louisi
ana Territory and permitted him to retain his command in
the regular army. But it is not plain that Ritchie sought to
shield his chieftain by defending Wilkinson, because he now
condemned the practice of combining the civil and military
functions of govemment in the same hands, and criticised
most severely Wilkinson's abilities and private character.^*
The account of Burr's warlike preparations on Blen-
nerhassett's Island, sustained as it was by reliable witnesses
and accompanied by the belated anxiety of the President,
revolutionized Ritchie's ideas regarding the purposes of
Burr's expedition. After a strange somersault the Federal
ists and the Quids could now see no cause for alaimi and
quietly prepared themselves for Jefferson*s humiliation.
They now used the mild term, "Burr's Project," while
Ritchie spoke of "Burr's Conspiracy" and pronounced its
author the "American Cataline," whose true history could
be written only by a Sallust.^^ When Wilkinson's keen scent
for the course of events finally led him to turn state's evi
dence and testify against Burr, the Federalists raised the
question, "How can one traitor convict another?" Such
taimts did not disconcert the President or his spokesman in
Richmond. Whatever they may have thought about Wil
kinson's acceptance of a commission in the Spanish army
and a pension from the Spanish govemment, while he yet
held a commission in the American army, they now extended
to him a safe conduct and placed in him their chief reliance
"Richmond Enquirer, September 5, 1806.
"Ibid., February 13, 1807.

40 Thomas Ritchie
for convicting Burr, who was already in Richmond awaiting
trial in John Marshall's court on the charge of high
treason.^® For the Quids and the Federalists the period of Burr's
imprisonment and detention in Richmond was a gala time.
The Virginia Gazette pictured him as a patriot foiled in an
honest attempt to fight our battles with Spain by an attack
upon Mexico. We had extended local aid to Miranda in his
filibustering expeditions, and the Federalists saw no reason
why Burr should be arraigned as a traitor for a similar un
dertaking. They stood ready to fumish bail for him in any
sum. He was "-wined and dined" in the homes of the "first
families" and received other attentions fit for a conquering
hero. Although he was to preside at the proposed trial, Mar
shall thought it no desecration of his high office to dine -with
Burr at the home of his chief counsel, John Wickham.^^
Burr's hospitable treatment in Richmond worried Ritchie
quite as much as it did Jefferson. He shared the President's
distrust in Marshall, and could not therefore see m him that
"noble candor" and those "god-like talents" which were be
ing ascribed to him by others. Although he occupied a place
at the head of the social life of Richmond and was lavish in
his distribution of hospitality, Ritchie considered Marshall's
act in dining with Burr a reprehensible and -willful prostra
tion of his own dignity and a wanton insult to his country.
When partisan feeling was willing to pay court to a traitor,
he thought it a time to be concerned for the liberties of the
country.^® Diiring the four months which the politicians required to
find out that Burr was not guilty of treason, the Enquirer
confined itself to a publication of the court proceedings and
scrupulously refrained from comment upon them. It did not
even side vrith the President in his controversy with the
court. It would be difficult to say that its refusal to do so
'"Richmond Enquirer, March 3, 1807.
'¦'Ibid., April 10, 15, 1807.
'Ubid., April 10, 28, 1807; Ibid., May 8, 1807.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 41
was a silent disapproval of the President's refusal to testify
before John Marshall. The verdict came, however, as a
surprise to Ritchie. Indeed, be refused to accept it, and in
sisted that Burr was guilty at heart if notT>y an "overt act."
In a series of essays entitled "Cursory Reflections" he at
tempted to show that Burr had planned the separation of
the West from the East, and that his proposed settlement in
Louisiana was only a temporary device to conceal his ulterior
purposes. He condemned Marshall's conduct during the
trial and his instructions to the trial jury as reprehensible.
The court had held that a traitor under the constitution was
a principal in levying war against his country or in adher
ing to its enemies. To be a principal the court had also held,
in this case, that the accused had to be present at the time
and place where the warlike preparations had been made.
As Burr had not been at Blennerhassett's Island when the
alleged treasonable transactions took place, there was noth
ing left to the jury but a verdict of acquittal. But Ritchie
insisted that the English law, upon which our o-wn was based,
knew no accessories or seconds in crimes of treason. Under
such a ruling as that of Marshall he pointed out the impos
sibility of the English King's levying war upon his subjects
in America, since he had never been here in person, and
concluded therefore that the Declaration of Independence
was a lie and the American Revolution a misnomer. In the
light of these apparent contradictions he demanded Mar
shall's impeachment.^®
Meanwhile our relations with Great Britain and France
in our efforts to become the neutral carriers of the commerce
of warring Europe had become alarming. Notwithstanding
the fact that Napoleon threatened the peace of the world,
and that the French vessels vied with the English in com
mitting depredations upon our commerce, Ritchie shared
the common prejudice toward England and placed the chief
blame upon her. Randolph's fulminations against the non-
" Richmond Enquirer, October 30, 1807 ; Ibid., November, 3, 6,
10, 17, 1807.

42 Thomas Ritchie
intercourse act and the intensity of the opposition to it,
doubtless heightened his hatred for the mistress of the seas.
Like Jefferson he did not, however, regard war as the proper
means of redress in dealing with either nation. The battle
of Trafalgar had ended the power of France upon the seas,
and he now thought it possible to starve England into better
treatment for American seamen. Accordingly he heartily
endorsed the non-importation act with G'rea.t Britain. De
pendent as she had been in the past, he felt that she could
not now operate her mills -without raw materials from Amer
ica. The weavers of Springfield had been tlirovm into dis
tress by a change of fashion from silk to muslin, and a mil
lion workmen had been thrown out of employment in Shef
field and Birmingham by a change from buckles and metal
buttons to strings and covered buttons for shoes. He saw
no reason, therefore, why the withdrawal of 25,000,000
pounds of raw cotton would not effect the textile industries
and bring her govemment to terms.^" Relying upon the
policy of non-intercourse, he endorsed the President's sum
mary disposal of Monroe's treaty with Great Britain, be
cause it had not safeguarded the rights of American sea
men.^' The attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake aroused
young Ritchie's maternal fighting blood and demonstrated
the futility of the peace policy as a restraining force upon
the leaders of the younger generation in a time of crisis.
As in the twinkle of an eye he became an insurgent, de
manded war, and even found a commander for the federal
army in the person of the gallant Moreau, then sojourning
in America. An "extra" announced the news of the attack
and summoned the people of Richmond to the Capitol
Square. Though confronted by a vigorous opposition under
the leadership of Charleisi Fenton Mercer, who did not hold
the British govemment culpable for the attack upon the
so Richmond Enquirer, October 18, 1805; Ihid., February 25, 1806;
Ihid., December 11, 1806.
"Ibid., March 10, 13, 1807.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 43
Chesapeake, Ritchie, Roane, and Brockenborough secured
the adoption of resolutions which pledged the lives and sacred
honor of those present to the patriotic duty of securing jus
tice. A later report brought the news that the commander
of the Leopard was blockading Norfolk. Without waiting
for a confirmation of this report, which proved to be false,
Ritchie deserted his young bride of a few weeks, turned the
management of the Enquirer over to a friend, and should
ered his musket to fight with the "Republican Blues" in the
defence of his country.*^ He requested that Congress be
called immediately in extra session to deliberate upon the
means of enforcing our rights and of extorting reparation.
The President was not moved by the bellicose demonsta-
tions in Virginia or elsewhere and held tenaciously to the
peace policy. He accepted the disavowal of the British
minister, waited patiently to hear from England, and set
the date of the proposed extra session three months hence.
When Congress did assemble the war sentiment had sub
sided, but the news of fresh aggressions from England and
France, and of the enforcement of the Berlin Decrees and
the British Orders in Council again fanned it into red heat.
Even then the President did not yield, but quietly sent to
Congress a confidential message asking for an embargo.
Though he himself preferred war, Ritchie defended the
peace policy in its nefw garb with all the zeal of a partisan.
The embargo was his only alternative to war. He might
and doubtless would have said the same of a non-intercourse
act, had it been deemed adequate to meet the exigencies.
On the contrary the Federalists and Randolph, after another
queer flip-flop, now opposed the embargo, arguing that it was
partial to France, that it would bring distress and bank
ruptcy to business, ruin our commerce and agriculture, and
bring war with the greatest and freest nation on the globe
and withal our best friend, Great Britain. Ritchie de
fended the embargo by practically the same arguments used
^'Richmond Enquirer, July 1, 27, 1807.

^^ Thomas Ritchie
in defence of the non-importation act, but now insisted upon
the necessity for a patriotic self-denial even at the expense
of agriculture and commerce. He likened those who went
to Great Britain for lessons of liberty and freedom to those
benighted souls accustomed to consult the Lama of Thibet
about religion, denounced Randolph as " the veriest slave
alive to his passions and antipathies," and predicted that the
petitions then being prepared in London, Manchester, and
Liverpool against the operation of the Orders in Council
marked the beginning of the end of British tyranny.^^ When
the expected redress did not come, he issued a declaration of
independence based upon that of 1776 setting forth our
national grievances and pledging the lives, fortunes, and
sacred honor of Virginia to maintain the embargo.^*
Strange as it may seem, in view of his subsequent course,
Ritchie now advocated protection for American manufac
tures. The suspension of free intercourse with England had
necessitated the erection of cotton mills in the North and
a resort to domestic manufacturing in the South. Under
the existing conditions it became evident that the United
States could be made a self-sufficing and consequently a
truly independent nation. But every one knew that a re
sumption of free intercourse, which was expected to follow
the repeal of the embargo, would be destmctive of the new
bom industries in America. Consequently he would have
preserved the beneficent results of the embargo by resort to
a permanent protective tariff. In our abundant resources,
mechanical genius, ample supply of slave labor, rapidly
accumulating capital, growing tendencies to fonn corpora
tions, and the rise of the wool-growing industry, he saw all
the domestic requirements for a great manufacturing na
tion.^" Accordingly he made proud mention in the columns
of the Enquirer of those patriots who wore homespun and de
nominated the generally accepted belief that manufactures
33 Richmond Enquirer, May 10, 1807.
'•Ibid., June 3, 1508.
"Ihid., December 27, 1808.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 45
could be made to flourish only in a densely populated coun
try, a delusion propagated by Great Britain to aid her own
selfish interests. His views on the subject of manufacturing
were ably set forth in "An Address to the People of Vir
ginia" signed by himself, W. H. Cabell, William Wirt, Wil
liam Foushee, and Peyton Randolph. His enthusiasm for
protection led to the call of a mass meeting in Richmond
which petitioned Congress to intervene in behalf of the Amer
ican manufacturer.
Ritchie's interest in the manufacturers was, however,
due mainly to a desire to maintain the embargo which was
now being attacked in all parts of the Union. As has been
seen it was his only alternative to war or submission. Now
he had an additional motive. Repeal meant condemnation
of Jefferson's pet policy. Nevertheless a hostile Congress
was openly defiant. To Ritchie it mattered not that a stoi-m
was rising in the East where the shipping interests were
suffering. The arm of the federal govemment was not to
be palsied by "the lowering aspect of political discontent,"
and John Randolph and hisi band of blind partisans were to
be given no opportunity to prostrate the nation at the feet
of Great Britain. Finally a partial repeal, which would have
permitted trade with Spain and Portugal only, was proposed
as a compromise. He opposed even that. In such a step he
saw the virtual repeal of the embargo itself, because it would
then be possible for Great Britain to ship her goods to Spain
and Portugal and thence by reshipments to America.^ ^ In
a vain effort to coimteract the tide which was about to over
whelm the administration he led the citizens of Richmond in
a formal protest against the proposed repeal, but Congress
had already acted. To Ritchie's great gratification it had
spared the President the deepest humiliation by making the
repeal operative after his retirement from office.^ ^ Even
then repeal was a bitter pill. Henceforth Ritchie became an
insurgent against the peace policy and an advocate of war.
"Richmond Enquirer, November 18, 1808.
"Ibid., March 3, 1809.

46 Thomas Ritchie \
The operation of the embargo caused the New Englanders
to "calculate the value" of the Union. A spokesman, John
Park, editor of the Boston Repertory, had gone so far as to
recommend that the states of that section take "just, honor
able, and fair ground" in setting forth their grievances and
the conditions on which alone the Union could be maintained.
The Force Act, which provided for the enforcement of the
embargo, caused a storm of protests and brought concerted
action against the federal govemment. The residents of
Bath called for civil war; the fishermen of Gloucester pre
pared to arm themselves in defence of their rights; Hadley
expressed the belief that a perseverance in the hostility
to commerce, which arose from jealousy of New England,
would dismember the Union. In brief, New England
had assumed an attitude not unlike that of Virginia in 1798.
Ritchie's response to the anti-Union sentiment resembled
the response of New England at a later period. He denomi
nated her Essex Junto, a hot-bed of treason, and warned its
adherents that the Sbuth would not stand idly by and see
them dismember the Union. It was not sufficient that they
quoted the example of Virginia in 1798 and incorporated the
very words of her celebrated resolutions in their own. He
did not deny the right of a state to interpose to arrest a breach
of the constitution. But he was certain that the embargo
was not a "palpable and dangerous" exercise of power not
granted, and that the conditions of 1809 were in no way
similar to those in 1798. Besides Virginia had protested as
a sovereign state, whereas New England proposed to speak
as a geographical section.^*
Meanwhile, the efforts to select Jefferson's successor in
the presidency gave Ritchie an opportunity to develop his
political instincts and to give e-vidence of those abilities which
were later to become a power in Virginia politics. In the
earliest stages of the campaign he had opposed the pretensions
of the heir apparent. His attitude toward the Yazoo claim-
" Richmond Enquirer, January 24, 1809; Ibid., April 4, 1809.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 47
ants caused Ritchie to agree with the Aurora "that no vir
tuous republican can support any man who has a concern
directly or indirectly in the stupendous scheme of plunder,
or who is a supporter thereof, or who may give a tacit coun
tenance to that fraud. "^^ Then, too, the presidency had been
filled sixteen out of twenty years by Virginians, and expe
diency demanded that it should go to another state. Accord
ingly he and Giles had favored the pretensions of George
Clinton of New York.*" But the defection of the Quids, the
uncertainties connected with Burr's conspiracy, the growing
strength of the Federalists, and the tactics of its chief trum
peter, W. C. Nicholas, drove them into the Madisonian band
wagon. At no time did Ritchie look kindly upon Monroe's
candidacy. On the contrary, he lost no opportunity to keep
him from the snares of the Quids. Upon his return from
England in December, 1807, he had warned him against the
danger of building for the future upon "the trembling ruins
of John Randolph's reputation." On January 21, 1808, a
largely attended caucus of the Virginia Assembly nominated
Madison for the presidency, while a smaller caucus placed
Monroe in nomination for the same office. Two days later a
congressional caucus, attended by eighty-three senators and
representatives, confirmed the action of Virginia in nomi
nating Madison, which was the work of Nicholas, Ritchie,
and Giles. The next issue of the Enquirer announced the
Republican electoral ticket, and expressed surprise at the
thought of opposition to it.*^
As in many a subsequent case, Ritchie's expression of
surprise at the presence of and necessity for an opposition
meant that it was unusually abundant. Both the motives and
the tactics of the legislative caucus which had nominated
Madison were soon the objects of a severe attack. Over the
signature "Opecancanaugh," Benjamin W. Leigh charged
that W. O. Nicholas had gone to Congress for the express
"Richmond Enquirer, October 7, 1806.
*oiUd., April 21, 1826.
"Ihid., January 26, 1808.

48 Thomas Ritchie
purpose of making Madison President, and that the letters
from Washing-ton which had appeared vrith such regularity
in the Enquirer had been written by him with a view to
shaping the political sentiment of Virginia. At the same
time "A Constant Reader," either George Hay, who was
Monroe's son-in-law, or John Randolph, assailed the political
and editorial character of the Enquirer, and openly accused
its editor of apostacy to the Yazoo thieves and of subservi
ency to the administration.*^
Ritchie was never more at home than when resenting
attacks upon his political record and methods, and was con
sequently now ready with a reply. He denied the use of un
fair tactics in the^ state legislative caucus which had nomi
nated Madison, but said not a word about Nicholas' purpose
in going to Congress or about his alleged connection with the
Enquire^'. As at all times he could not be induced to defend
the Yazoo claims, but he could not see in them an Aaron's
rod to swallow up the just claims of an able and upright man
to the presidency. He now took a turn which is one of the
most unique in his whole political record. Formerly he had
diverted the censure of the anti-Yazoo men from Jefferson
to Madison. Now he sought to place it wholly upon Gallatin,
in whom the discontented saw no guile. Frequent mention
was made of the fact that Gallatin had, as one of a commis
sion of three with Madison and Levi Lincoln, prepared the
report upon which the Yazoo claims were based. It was true
that Madison had made a grave political blunder in signing
the report, but the point was now made that he had simply
deferred to Gallatin's judgment.**
After the nominations for the presidency had all been
made, Ritchie entertained little fear of the Federalists and
the Quids. Except a few "sly bodies" which crept into the
columns of the Norfollc Ledger or a "blushing rose" which
occasionally adorned the CJiarleston (S. C.) Courier, he
noted with delight that Federalism had practically disap-
" Richmond Enquirer, February 11, 1808; Ihid., March 1, 1808.
"Ibid., February 11, 1808.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 49
peared in the Southland. The Quids confined their activi
ties to North Carolina and to eastern Virginia, and were at
no time formidable. Each of the opposition parties cared
more for party success than for party principles. Ritchie's
only cause of alarm came from the interest and the alleged
activity of the British in the campaign. In their co-opera
tion with the Essex Junto to defeat Madison, he saw a menace
not to the Republican party but to the whole country. Suc
cess in that event would be followed by an attempt to dis
member the Union. He found, therefore, more than the joy
of a partisan in Madison's election, and it afforded him an
exquisite pleasure to stand by the side of his old friend,
Henry Clay, to see their common choice take the oath which
made him President.**
After the contest had ended, an incident of the campaign
was revived and occasioned an interesting exchange of per
sonalities which threw light upon the political conditions in
Virginia and revived some of her history. In an effort to
force Colonel John Taylor of Caroline into line for the regu
lar nominee of the Republican party, the non-suspecting
young editor of the Enquirer had commented upon the fact
that, imlike most of the prominent men who had formerly
supported Monroe, Taylor was not then, September, 1808,
supporting, Madison. The true cause of this defection, the
nationalistic tendencies of the times, was overlooked, and it
was intimated that Colonel Taylor had sustained "private
griefs" at the hands of the administration. In a private
letter Taylor protested against the unauthorized use of his
name in a public print, and denied that he had ever asked or
expected any favors of Jefferson. The matter would proba
bly have rested there, had not friends prevailed upon Colonel
Taylor's son to permit the publication of his father's letter
in The Spirit of '76, which was then edited by one of Ritchie's
personal enemies. It now became necessary for the public to
hear the whole story.
** Richmond Enquirer, September 10, 1852.

50 Thomas Ritchie
In a paternal and philosophical manner peculiar to him
self and characteristic of the attitude of the older toward the
younger school of Virginia politicians, Taylor warned Ritchie
against the danger and folly of appropriating to himself
undue credit for Madison's success and of posing as an arbiter
of public merit. He was certain that the public would never
permit an insignificant editor to squirt his filth like a Hot
tentot conjurer, nor would it kiss the rod of a pedagogue.
He saw in Ritchie only a demagogue intoxicated by flattery
and goaded into error by partisan zeal. He saw no future
for him as an editor, and predicted that his glowing editorials^
"like glass beads, painted in gaudy colors to dazzle and cheat
ignorance," would in due time be accepted at their true
worth. But the Sage of Oarolihxhad met his match in the use
of invective and sarcasm. To this generally recognized
"quibbler" and "sophist" Ritchie was willing to accord the
privilege of railing, the prerogative of monks and women,
but he would not permit any one to assail the high calling
and permanent usefulness of the teacher and the editor. They
were each essential to the life and purity of a republic.
Ritchie was not content, however, to deal in mere personali
ties. With the ardor of youth he attacked the record of his
venerable assailant. He openly accused him of being the
original Quid, of leading John Randolph into schism, of
directing the attacks upon Madison from garbled extracts
from the Federalist, and of willfully absenting himself from
the polls in November, 1808. He was the one of whom "the
world was telling sad stories." Despite the fact that Ritchie
had recommended him for the premiei'ship in the new
administration, in case it was not offered to Giles, he now
admitted that Taylor had not sought office, but he insisted,
nevertheless, that he was gi'cen with envy and jealousy.
To heighten the ravages of these mental diseases, Ritchie
tauntingly added that Taylor's Resolutions of '98 had not
been half so favorably received as had been Madison's Re
port of '99.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 51
Colonel Taylor's reply revealed the fact that there were
things which the older politicians had not revealed even to
their chosen spokesman. To his great surprise, Ritchie now
learned that Madison had written the Resolutions of '98 as
well as the Report which followed, and that a man's politics
were not necessarily good or bad according to whether or not
he read the Enquirer. Taylor had read the Federalist upon
the suggestion of Ritchie, and had never used them or any
thing else in alienating Randolph's affections from Madison.
Ritchie was also surprised to leam that it was Jefferson him
self who had first informed Colonel Taylor about the threat
ened schism within the administration party. Doubt about
the propriety of voting for himself as an elector upon the
Monroe ticket, and the conviction that opposition was futile
as well as needless, had kept him from the polls in November,
1808.*' His later replies took the form of philosophical
essays.** They protested against the centralizing tendencies
of the federal govemment and against either war or non-
intercourse with England. He insisted that the latter was
ruining American commerce, and ridiculed the audacity of
those who would win the liberty of the seas by "an expedi
tion to the North Pole (Canada)."
No quantity of metaphysical writing could convince
Ritchie that Taylor was not a conceited sophist whose ab
surdities were worthy only of ridicule, and that he had not
been the original Quid. For a time all friendly intercourse
between them was suspended as a result of the personalities
exchanged on this occasion.
Ritchie sympathized, nevertheless, with Taylor's attacks
upon the new nationalism, which was now demonstrating
itself in many ways, and particularly in a movement for the
recharter of the Bank of the United States. As the first bank
had approached a natural death Gallatin, the Secretary of
the Treasury, had recommended a recharter. Now that Jef
ferson had made his official exit and that the Bank of Vir-
•^ Richmond Enquirer, March 14, 1809.
" These essays were published in pamphlet form.

52 Thomas Ritchh
ginia was in successful operation, Ritchie was free to pro
test against the proposed recharter on constitutional grounds.
Gallatin's former intimacy with Randolph had not been for
given, and Ritchie now objected to acknowledging him as
"the pope of the constitution." Besides the political activity
of the federal bank and its predilection for things European
had rendered it dangerous. Then, too, a recharter might
pave the way to other things national: roads, canals, and
schools. A federal bank was also unnecessary so long as there
were specie paying state banks which could be used for de
positories for federal moneys and as mediums for regulating
the currency. That the Bank of Virginia might serve these
ends, Ritchie and Dr. Brockenbrough united their energies in
a successful effort to increase its capital stock and to establish
tributary banks in the leading towns of the state.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 53

CHAPTER III.
nationalism and particularism.
Like his predecessor in the presidency, Madison loved
peace and was willing to secure it by any slow process of
law or negotiation. What seemed to be a triumph for his
ideas and policies came, when, after repeated conferences
with Erskine, the British minister to the United States, he
was able to issue a proclamation repealing the embargo and
non-intercourse acts against Great Britain and her colonies
after June 10, 1809. On that date more than a thousand
ships, already loaded and anxiously waiting the signal for
flight, spread their wings and, like a flock of long-imprisoned
birds, flew to the sea. Congress had met in extra session on
May 22d to prepare for war, but the President was then able
to assure it that there would be no war, that foreign inter
course would speedily be restored, that domestic tranquillity
would again smile upon the land, that the gun-boats would
be laid up, and that the militia had been discharged. Dur
ing this brief period of enthusiasm he was the most popular
man in the country. True, it was a Federalist triumph, but
the demands for peace were so urgent that it brought joy
to Republicans also, who now joined with the Federalists in
proclaiming Madison the superior to Jefferson in statesman
ship and diplomacy.
Since the attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake,
when he had shouldered his musket and marched to Norfolk,
Ritchie had been an insurgent and in favor of war as the
only means of redress for the wrongs and indignities heaped
upon us by Great Britain. Nor was he now carried away
by the temporary prospect for peace. In the promised suc
cess of the Spanish uprising against the power of Napoleon
he saw a menace to our peace with England. With no ally
except the "corrupt and selfish" English cabinet, with the
foot of the lion of Europe upon her neck, and with no

54 Thomas Ritchie
Kosciusko to lead her patriots he had at first feared that
the fate of Poland would be that of Spain. But, when suc
cess finally came as the result of British aid, he saw that the
markets of Spain and of her colonies would at once be opened
to British trade and that the mistress of the seas would be
no longer dependent upon the United States for her raw
materials and foods stuffs, if indeed she ever had been. As
early as January, 1809, he had noticed that the riots in
Manchester were ceasing and that British seamen, conscious
of their independence, were constantly assuming a more
defiant attitude toward American commerce.-'
The course of events fully justified Ritchie's contentions.
By a new order in council, that of April 26, 1809, the pre
vious order of November 11, 1807, was revoked, but the
ports of Holland, France and Italy were declared to be
blockaded. Shortly afterward. Canning repudiated Erskine's
arrangement with Madison, whereby the latter had been
induced to revoke the embargo and non-intercourse acts,
and Erskine was himself recalled. Then there came as his
successor the haughty and despotic Jackson with his servants,
horses, and carriages and a set of liistructions which would
have justified the United_States in a declaration of war. His
subsequent conduct, together with a renewal of the depreda
tions upon our commerce came near precipitating war with
both England and France, and when Congress met again in
extra session on November 27, 1809, the whole country was
in a turmoil.
Ritchie urged Congress to use decisive measures. He
defended Madison's summary refusal to continue intercourse
with Jackson and demanded the recall of Wm. Pinkney, our
minister to England, on the ground that he was guilty of
coquetting with British royalty. As the reports of depreda
tions upon our commerce multiplied, he asked for letters of
marque and reprisal, as the only means of defence for our
merchant marine. The time seemed opportune to strike.
'Richmond Enquirer, August 12, 26, 1808; Ihid., October 7, 1808;
Ihid., January 12, 1809.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 55
The British fleet then stood foiled in the Scheldt ; her troops
were being driven from Portugal ; France ignored her paper
blockade ; and her greatest ally, Austria, lay prostrated.^
As early as May, 1810, Ritchie saw a solution of the
perplexing problems growing out of our foreign relations
only in the election of a progressive and patriotic Congress
which would not hesitate to defend the national honor and
interests by a declaration of war. The "imbecility" of the
tenth and the eleventh Congresses disgusted him.* The
former had repealed the embargo, and the latter had
"piddled" with the "Macon Bills" and revived the cowardly
policy of non-intercourse with England. It was plainly one
of those congestions which have frequently appeared in our
history and lingered until relieved by a free and independent
use of the suffrage. It has always necessitated a complete
change in the personnel of those in authority. The follow
ing directions to the voters, accompanied by denunciation
of John Randolph and the peace loving Federalists, appeared
in the columns of the Enquirer on the eve of the election of
that memorable twelfth Congress. They leave no doubt
about Ritchie's remedies for the situation.
"Take 40 grains of virtue, principally of that sort called
disinterestedness, and 30 grains of firmness, which is dis
tinguished by a man's thinking for himself and doing what
he thinks right — ^blend these with a portion of talents and a
sufliciency of eloquence, and you have a composition some
thing like an American representative."*
Ritchie's sentiments were those which actuated the voters
in the newer parts of the Union. Filled with a consuming
hatred for England, "the young men," the generation bom
after the Revolution, came forward to assert and, if neces
sary, to fight for a more complete independence. The result
was a political revolution. Of the one hundred and forty-
two men who sat in the eleventh Congress, sixty-one were not
'Richmond Enquirer, December 19, 1809; Ibid, June 12, 1810;
Ibid., July 17, 1809.
'Ibid., May 15, 1810; Ibid., July 4, 1810.
'Ibid., September 7, 1810.

56 Thomas Ritchie
returned to the twelfth. On the roll of the new House were
some of the most illustrious men who have appeared in our
history, men who for years to come were to control national
legislation and administration, lead parties, and rival each
other for the honor of a residence in the White House.
Among the young "war hawks" were Henry Clay, John
Caldwell Calhoun, Richard M. Johnson, Felix Grundy,
Langdon Cheves, George M. Troup, and Peter B. Porter.
Practically all the states held their congressional elections
before Virginia, hers coming in April of the odd years.
Accordingly Ritchie and his friends felt it incumbent upon
them to place her in line with the states of the West and
the South, which had responded so nobly to the new born
spirit of independence by sending insurgents to Washington.
To them it meant more than a mere effort to keep abreast
with the times. Virginia's power and prestige among the
states was at stake. Thus a vain effort was made to defeat
the Quids — Randolph and Gray, and the Federalists —
Breckenridge, Sheffey, Lewis, Baker, and Wilson, for a
re-election. Notwithstanding his failure and what it meant
to Virginia in a loss of influence, Ritchie readily acquiesced
in the results and magnanimously welcomed into public life
Calhoun and Clay, the youthful leaders upon whom the
scepter of power had fallen. Though he later came to fear
and distrust Calhoun and was a power in keeping him from
the coveted presidency, Ritchie now saw in him "one of those
master spirits, who stamp their name upon the age in which
they live." ° His only regret was that this "promising South
Carolinian" was not a Virginian.
After giving effective aid in the election of a Congress
which could be trusted to guard the welfare of the nation
Ritchie began a crusade upon the executive department of
the federal government in an effort to relieve it of its dead
wood. Nothing was to be expected of a "President de jure"
under the influence of a cabal composed of such "weaklings"
as William Duane, Michael Leib, and Robert and Samuel
'Richmond Enquirer, December 24, 1811.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 57
Smith. As a protest against the feebleness of the chief
executive Gallatin, the only man of talent among Madison's
advisers, was on the point of resigning his place in the
Cabinet. It was an intolerable condition and the ties of
friendship or locality did not shield the venerable President
from condemnation in the columns of the Enquirer. When
Madison was finally made to see the light, Ritchie approved
few of his proposed remedies. He agreed that Smith's incom
petence rendered his services as secretary of state valueless,
but he desired neither Gallatin nor Monroe, Madison's first
and second choices, to succeed him. They each had talents,
but their former affiliations with Randolph rendered them
objectionable to a "died in the wool" Republican.* Ritchie
would have preferred Calhoun or Clay for this high honor.
Like many of the best movements in the ante-bellum his
tory of Virginia the war sentiment of 1812 took form in her
western counties and gradually extended itself to the Low
lands, where it found a ready exponent in the Enquirer.
As if in protest against the attitude of the New England
Federalists the eighth regiment of militia, in mass-meeting
assembled at Lexington, had early expressed a desire to
buckle on the "armor of the nation" and to fight upon the
shores of the Atlantic or in the wilds of Canada.'^ Others
gave expression to their militant feelings in petitions to the
Assembly, which was finally induced to adopt a resolution
calling for war.® Shortly thereafter the citizens of Rich
mond, under the direction of Ritchie and Spencer Roane,
assembled in mass meeting to consider our foreign relations
and to strengthen the courage of the President, then on the
point of abandoning his traditional peace policy.® Promi
nent among the leaders of the war movement were also:
William Wirt, Geo. Hay, Samuel Pleasants, P. N. Nicholas,
William Foushee, Peyton Randolph, P. V. Daniel, and
Dr. Brockenbrough.
'Richmond Enquirer, May 10, 1811; lUd., April 16, 26, 1812.
''Ibid., January 4, 1812.
'Ibid., February 6, 1812.
'Richmond Enquirer, May 3, 1812.

58 Thomas Ritchie
Both Giles and Randolph had seen the handwriting on
the wall. Without seeking a re-election the former had
retired to the "woods and vales" of Amelia, while the latter,
in a long letter addressed to his constituents, tried to defend
his course in Congress and to allay the rapidly increasing war
sentiment. Though Giles' presence in the Senate was of
no particular advantage to the country and of none to
Virginia, since he had put himself out of harmony with
the administration and dra-wn about himself "a cloud of sus
picion which all his eloquence and ingenuity could not
dispel," Ritchie sarcastically reminded him in his "Letters
from the Simple to the Great" that "those who are not for
us are against us." i° He now found a suitable position for
Randolph as the "chief horuspex" in a proposed college of
Augurs to be modeled after that of ancient Rome and to be
an oracle for "grannies" and the feeble hearted. As a last
resort Randolph tried to show that there was as much reason
for a declaration of war upon France as upon England and
that Napoleon was using the United States to further his own
selfish ambitions. Ritchie denied positively that we were being
offered up as an idolatrous sacrifice on the altar of French
rapacity, perfidy, and ambition and insisted that those who
favored war — Macon, Crawford, Troup, Bibb, Lowndes,
Cheves, Grundy, Calhoun, and Clay, were not, as was
claimed, the minions of France but the honest and patriotic
representatives of enraged constituency.-'^
Though the Virginians were no longer the leaders in
Congress, the formal declaration of war upon Great Britain
was a signal triumph for Ritchie. Henry Clay was among
the first to congratulate him upon the event and to thank
him for his part in bringing it about.-'^ Ritchie himself
hailed war as the beginning of a new era and implored God to
let fall the lightning of the nation upon the editors of the
Baltimore Republican, the Boston Repertory, and all others
""Richmond Enquirer, May 22, 1812.
"Ibid., February 6, 1812; Ihid., June 12, 1812.
"'Ihid., September 10, 1852.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 59
who deserted their country in its time of need. In his
support of an agressive war he spoke simply for that spirit
of nationalism and independence, then abroad in the land,
which he believed would carry us as conquerors into Canada
and bring about the annexation of that country to our own.'^
His brothers, John and Archibald, now atoned for whatever
of Toryism may have lingered about the home of the Ritchies
in 1776 by accepting commissions in the regular army.^*
The former lost his life while gallantly fighting on the plains
of Bridgewater, and the latter rendered disting-uished ser
vices in the campaign about Norfolk. The records show
that Thomas Ritchie himself received pay for services in
this war, and in 1827 the state of Virginia in recognition
of the distinguished services of Captain John Ritchie pre
sented a sword to his heirs. As editor of the Enquirer,
Thomas Ritchie's energies were untiring in efforts to arouse
the valor of his countrymen, to encourage the soldiers under
difficulties and dangers, to nerve and stimulate them to noble
achievements and to laud and chronicle their deeds. He had
always looked upon the federal govemment mainly as an
instrument for combining the resources of the whole country
in efforts to withstand foreign\ enemies. Therefore the
refusal of the New Englanders to permit their state militia
to pass under the command of the President was, to say the
least, a violation of the spirit of the federal compact. He
urged a united and patriotic defence on the part of the
whole country and advised the New Englanders to impeach
the President, if they thought him incompetent to command
the army, rather than desert their common country.'®
The times are few during the period of actual hostilities
when Ritchie was satisfied with the manner in which the war
was conducted, but they are fewer still when he despaired of
ultimate success. Man to man and gun to gun he was cer
tain that the tried red coats were no match for the American
"'Richmond Enquirer, June 23, 1812; Ibid., July 21, 1812.
"Ibid., May 29, 1827.

60 Thomas Ritchie
volunteers. He was equally certain that the generous prin
ciples which animated the breast of free men contending for
their country, her rights and her independence, would prove
"too powerful for the mercenary principles of the hired
slaves," who composed a large part of the British army. In
the incompetency of Dr. Eustice, the Secretary of War,
Ritchie saw a greater cause of Hull's defeat before Detroit
than the incompetency of that general, and he manfully
placed the blame where it belonged — ^to an unwise use of
the appointive power. In adhering to the tendency, as old
as the government itself, to parcel out the loaves and fishes
of office without regard to the ability and peculiar fitness
of the appointees, he saw the most fatal blunder of Madison's
whole administration. To his mind there was just as much
reason for choosing the Secretary of War, or any other offi
cial, by the color of his eyes or the length of his nose as
by the place of his domicile.-'^
It was with keen disappointment that Ritchie announced
the surrender of Napoleon and his banishment to Elba.'^
That the greatest warrior of the age should become an
humble sovereign and the recipient of the bounties of his
enemies was revolting to him. Besides, he now saw that the
war dogs of England would be turned upon America. Al
though negotiations to end the war were in progress, he
warned his countrymen against the siren voice of peace,
contending that the British would concede nothing until the
fate of their expedition to our southern states had been deter
mined. In the hostile tone of the British press, in the
presence of armed vessels in our waters, and in the arrival
of Wellington's tried veterans upon our shores he saw no
harbingers of peace. In a sort of ultimatum to Congress he
demanded an aggressive continuation of the war, and, yet
hopeful of winning Canada, he made bold to suggest that
"'Ritchie Manuscripts. Thomas Kitchie to Archibald Ritchie,
September 1, 1812, and August 31, 1813.
'¦'Richmond Enquirer, June 11, 1814.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 61
the scenes of operations be carried from the gates of Rome
to the gates of Carthage.'^
The rumors of peace which found their way from Ghent,
where negotiations to that end were in progress, made little
impression upon Ritchie, so firmly did he believe that the
British meant to continue the war. In the white flag sighted
off Cape May he saw only "a hoax, an invitation to traitors
to fumish the enenjy with provisions." At length the dis
appointing treaty arrived, and denial of the facts was no
longer possible.^®
Ritchie accepted peace with a gratitude intermingled
with shame and humiliation, but found solace for his
wounded feelings in urging a continuation of preparations
for war. He firmly believed that "as long as America pre
serves a name amongst the nations of the earth, she would
be opposed by a foe, haughty and cruel, and more faithless
than Carthage." Already there were rumors of British
designs upon Florida and the Northwest Territory. Our
only security lay, therefore, in a strong navy. To this end
Ritchie favored the construction of two "seventy-fours" and
four "Guerriers" annually. In our second war for inde
pendence experience had proved the value of a navy, and
Ritchie now insisted that further delay in building men-
of-war was as suicidal as it was unnecessary. The South
abounded in naval stores and live oak; the West furnished
cordage and canvass ; and the North had sailors "who would
not give up the ship."
From Jefferson and Madison, Ritchie had come a long
way in arriving at the conclusion that a time of peace is a
time to prepare for war,^** but a vast gulf lay between the
generation for which he now spoke and that for which he
bad formerly spoken. Born in the midst of the Revolution
and reared in an atmosphere of hatred to England he now
spoke for himself. It was plainly a time to venerate the
name and the deeds of "the fathers" but not to follow them.
"Richmond Enquirer, September 7, 14, 18, 21, 1814.
"Ihid., February 22, 1815; Ihid., March 25, 1815.
20 Ibid., May 20, 1815; Ibid., October 11, 1815.

62 Thomas Ritchie
The attitude of the New Englanders toward the war
and the utterances of some of their leading prints and
statesmen regarding it, caused the Enquirer to assume a
tone not unlike that of the northern prints in 18'60. The
"Holy Union" was now as dear to Ritchie as "the ruddy
drops that warm our hearts." It was our "pillar of Peace,
our Safety, our Prosperity." Without it he saw a country
divided, belligerent, with its borders stained by the blood
of its own citizens as had been the borders of the Grecian
states, England and Scotland, France and Holland, Austria
and Prussia. Under such conditions a contest for self-
preservation would inevitably follow; standing armies would
appear; demagogues and usurpers would be unscrupulous;
and vassalage upon a foreign monarch the inevitable result.^^
A time of national danger was evidently inopportune for a
discussion of the rights of the sovereign states, and Ritchie
accordingly deplored the course of the New Englanders.
Peace had hardly been restored in America and the
danger of disunion averted before the prints heralded the
triumphant return of Napoleon from Elba. In the hope
that adversity had made him a better man, Ritchie wel
comed the return of the defender of self-government and
the despoiler of the rights of legitimate princes. He saw
no reason why Napoleon could not succeed in re-establishing
his rule over France. Murat would welcome him; Belgium,
now trembling for her independence, stood ready to enlist
under his banners ; France would rise again in the strength
of her might ; and the Corn Laws and the Income Taxes had
exhausted England's resources. The result of the "hundred
days" was therefore disappointing, because experience had
taught that France could expect more from Bonaparte than
from a Bourbon.^^
With peace assured at home and abroad Ritchie faced
about with his countrymen to enjoy a new-born nationality.
From Europe, the prey of the legitimate princes, he gladly
"Richmond Enquirer, August 27, 1813; Ibid., March 2, 1814.
"Richmond Enquirer, May 24, 1815.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 63
pointed his fellow countrymen and the oppressed of other
lands to "happy America," with its boundless West and
matchless resources. His answers, made in the form of
questions to the self-imposed query, "What will you do for
news now that Napoleon is vanquished ?" tell the story of
the great change which had taken place. "Have the Ameri
cans no water-courses to clear?" asked he. "No canals to
construct? no roads to form? no bridges to erect? Where
are the public schools which we have erected ? Where are
the coUegs which Virginians have endowed? Where are our
public libraries ? Where are the shrines which we have
erected to the honor of Science.^^
Any attempt to answer these questions made Ritchie
blush with shame. Already Virginia had taken a back seat
in politics and statesmanship, and was rapidly sinking into
a star of second and third magnitude. All these things
grieved Ritchie who had already undertaken, as a life work,
the task of maintaining the ascendency of the state of his
nativity. To this end he now urged a greater interest in
education and internal improvements and established a new
journal, the Richmond Compiler, which he continued to edit
to 1833, to be devoted exclusively to the local and industrial
interests of Virginia.^* Had she followed his advice more
closely and paid less attention to the loquacious statesmen
who attempted to direct her councils, she would doubtless
have fared better in the race for material gain.
Under these altered conditions the question of the presi
dential succession demanded immediate attention. Monroe's
enviable record as Secretary of State had not yet wrought
an absolution for his former political sins, and Ritchie re
mained consequently indifferent to his candidacy. Whether
he shaped the indifference of Virginia or Virginia his atti
tude would be difficult to determine. Possibly they were
mutual. Be that as it may, the Assembly of 1816, which
"Richmond Enquirer, September 20, 1815.
^Ibid., September 20, 1815; Ibid., July 25, 1854. The Compiler
was established in 1816.

64 Thomas Ritchie
had just made Ritchie public printer and given him other
contracts for printing, out of which he made large sums, now
named presidential electors in legislative caucus, but re
frained from expressing a choice for the presidency. This
course can not be attributed wholly to a desire to placate
those who complained about "the scepter of Virginia."
Many of the younger school of politicians discredited Monroe
and preferred Crawford. It was not until after the con
gressional caucus had decided in favor of the former that
Ritchie said much in his praise. Even then he did not
deny that the nomination had been brought about by an alli
ance between the politicians of New York, Pennsylvania,
and Virginia, and made bold to suggest a more democratic
method ol nominating and electing the President than that
afforded by the congressional caucus and the electoral college.
Thus Monroe's election appeared to him to be more of a
tribute to Virginia and to Jefferson and Madison than a
triumph for republicanism.^®
With a statesmanlike foresight, Ritchie now turned to a
solution of the great problems connected with the internal
development of the country. A casual survey revealed the
beginnings of a contest between rival states for commercial
advantages. Love of the Union and sympathy for the pre
vailing nationalism carried him beyond state boundaries and
caused him to see in closer ties between the East and the
West greater security and prosperity for the whole coimtry.
Yet Ritchie thought that Virginia could not afford to stand
idly by and see the other states tap the granary of the nation,
the Mississippi valley. Pennsylvania was already reaching
in that direction with her turnpikes. New York with her
canal, and Maryland with the Cumberland Road.^® The
zeal with which he spoke, nay pled for a line of communica
tion to connect the East and the West by way of the James
and the Kanawha rivers achieved little for Virginia, but
it did much to win for Ritchie the affection of those living
"¦Richmond Enquirer, March 20, 1816; Ihid., November 6, 1816.
"Ihid., August 8, 1817.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 65
in the western counties, whose sentiments he had voiced in
1812 and who were rapidly becoming his political henchmen.
Interest in the growing West naturally directed atten
tion to the public lands which Ritchie feared had already
become the prey of speculators. To one who had resided
practically all his life in the land of "fair prices," $120 an
acre for unimproved land, the price then paid in Alabama
for certain choice tracts, seemed anything but normal. Accord
ingly he recommended the enactment of laws to safeguard
the public domain, leaving it at the same time open to a
free and liberal use of home seekers. He thought it should
be made the basis of credit in times of war and of security
for contemplated internal improvements in times of peace,^^
and he therefore oposed any gratuitous distributions. Like
Jefferson, he had always regarded the West as the refinery
for our republicanism and our national virility and could not
tolerate corruption, either in disposing of or administering
it. Nay, it was more than that. It was the refinery in which
the immigrants were to be wrought into American citizens.
Behind the stream of humanity, which was now fiowing into
the United States at the rate of two hundred daily, the editor
of the New York Evening Post saw an overpopulated Europe
casting off a superfluous and undesirable growth, but
Ritchie denied that Europe was overpopulated and could
see behind this living stream only the attractions of our
great West with its cheap lands, low taxes, and abundant
opportunities.^® Nevertheless the effect of the westward migration upon
Virginia alarmed Ritchie. As the bands of immigrants from
the armies of Napoleon and Wellington had passed over the
AUeghanies, thousands of his fellow countrymen had joined
them in search for new homes. With their negro slaves
some had gone to the far South, while others had been con
tent to stop in the Ohio and the Missouri valleys. As a
result, realty values had declined in eastern Virginia; per-
'^ Richmond Enquirer, October 6, 1818.
"Ihid., August 21, 1818.

66 Thomas Ritchie
sonal property was disappearing; and "likely" negroes were
not worth half as much as in the lower South. In the migra
tion of the slave owners, Ritchie saw an opportunity to rid
the state of the "fearful curse" of negro slavery, but he
feared that the process would rob her of her sons and cause
her further decline in the councils of the nation. To avert
these calamities he now pled for more scientific farming and
set in motion that interest and enthusiasm which resulted
in the formation of numerous agricultural societies.^®
On the other hand, western Virginia was sharing the
development and growth of the greater West of which it was
really a part. The conditions there produced demands for
credit and for banking legislation which the East could not
understand, coming as it did at a time of financial and
industrial depression in that quarter. During and imme
diately following the second war with Great Britain specie
and bank-notes had become as scarce in the western counties
as martins in the month of December. The iron makers,
the salt and wool manufacturers, cattle raisers and small
farmers now demanded some kind of money to carry on their
legitimate operations and to aid in the completion of their
contemplated works of internal improvement. The danger
of dependence upon their northern neighbors was not con
sidered sufficiently menacing to warrant granting their
demands for relief. Consequently, they resorted to a sort
of "moonshine" enterprise to obtain it. They now supplied
the demands for a currency by the use of illegal banks which
sprang into existence in every small town and flooded the
whole western country with worthless currency. Later these
banks sought to sustain themselves by an appeal to the
Assembly which was asked to accept the status quo and to
legalize their issues. The refusal of these requests called
forth other acts of defiance. The banking monopoly of Rich
mond was severely attacked; the immediate resumption of
specie payment was demanded; grand juries presented the
Assembly as an unjust and tyrannical body; and associa-
" Richmond Enquirer, August 25, 1818; Ihid., October 6, 1818.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 67
tions, not unlike those which went into the West at an
earlier date and set up pioneer governments, were formed
to protect the illegal banks.^" Persistance in their efforts
brought about the enactment of a law to compel the banks
of Virginia (there were only two each located at Richmond)
to resume specie payment on or before November 15, 1816.
The demands of the westerners, accompanied as they
were by a movement in the country at large for the recharter
of a national bank, greatly embarrassed Ritchie. The
national bank he considered unconstitutional, and to grant
the request of the westerners would endanger the banking
monopoly of Richmond, which had been built up by the
genius of his cousin. Dr. Brockenbrough. In his opposition
to the proposed increase in the number of the state banks
he was actuated, however, by more than local and family
interests. His arguments were unanswerable. First, he
pointed to Kentucky then in the midst of financial and
political chaos because of her unwise banking operations.
So long as the old ones were unable to pay specie, he consid
ered it the heigth of folly to incorporate new banks, but he de
sired the repeal of the law requiring the banks of Virginia to
pay specie on a fixed day. If the other states did not resume
at the same time, he saw plainly that Virginia would be
drained of her specie in a short time by conforming to a
suicidal act of the Assembly. It was at this juncture that
he called upon Thomas Jefferson to publish his writings upon
the subject of banking and classed the illegal bankers of
western Virginia with the Tory traitors of New England.
Ritchie's bold stand on this occasion, which was doubt
less maintained through the aid of Dr. Brockenbrough, was
most salutary in its effect upon Virginia. The Assembly
was called immediately to repeal the law requiring the
resumption of specie payment. But it completed its work
by incorporating two new banks in western Virginia, one
at Winchester, the other at Wheeling, and the illegal state
so Richmond Enquirer, April 13, 27, 1816; Ibid., June 8, 1816;
Ibid., July 13, 1816.

68 Thomas Ritchie
banks were required to go out of business. Thus Virginia
was spared the unenviable experiences of Kentucky and
those other states which had been liberal in granting bank
charters.^' The unsuccessful movement for state banks was immedi
ately responsible for a demand on the part of the westerners
for a reform in the state constitution. They were con
vinced that a more democratic distribution of representation
in the Assembly would enable them to obtain redress.
Accordingly a convention, composed mainly of representa
tives of the illegal banks, assembled at Winchester and
issued a call for a larger and more representative conven
tion to be held at Staunton, August 19, 1816. The slogan
of the reformers was equal representation for equal numbers
of free whites. Jefferson was appealed to and responded
with his famous letters to Samuel Kercheval, in which he
again espoused the cause of reform. Dismemberment was
now threatened. But Ritchie again appeared as a com
promiser and a peace maker. For an increase in their
representation in the state Senate he urged the westerners
to consent to a more equitable reapportionment of the land
taxes. Feeling between the sections was thus temporarily
allayed, and Ritchie was henceforth the friend and advocate
of a constitutional convention, which he had at first opposed
because he thought it a Federalist enterprise in behalf of
the illegal state banks and the bank of the United States.^^
The new-born spirit of nationalism did not exhaust itself
in demands for banks and for reforms in the organic
law. It carried settlers into the remotest parts of the far
West, led to the acquisition of Florida, and eventually con
stituted the United States the guardian of the new-bom
sovereignties which were now making tleir appearance in
America. Though in sympathy with every movement which
made for a larger national greatness, Ritchie could not
"Richmond Enquirer, June 21, 1815; Ihid., February 8, 1816;
Ibid., March 30, 1816; November 16, 1816; Ibid., February 6, 1817.
"Ibid., July 20, 1816; Ibid., August 7, 1816; Ihid., February 8,
1817.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 69
^endorse General Jackston's invasion of Flbrida and the
popular demands which followed for the conquest of that
country. His high sense of international honor, his tradi
tional distrust of the military power, and what was possibly
more effective, his confidence in the efficacy of peaceful
negotiations as a means for acquiring Florida revolted
against the blood and thunder methods of the Old Hero. In
a strong editorial entitled, "Alrbuthnot and Ahnbrister,"
which was later published as an appendix to the letters of
Algernon Sydney, he laid bare Jackson's unenviable record
as military governor of Louisiana and demanded that his
conduct in Florida be reviewed by a court of inquiry. At
no time did he question the General's patriotism and good
intentions. Nor did he deny that the Spaniards, in the
violation of their treaty obligations, had given just cause for
an attack. He simply insisted that the dignity of our new
born republic, yet in its experimental stage, and a proper
regard for our international obligations could not be sub
jected to the passions or the whims of a zealot and that
Yankee tactics should not be employed even to extend the
common territory.^^
It should be noted, by the way, that this attack upon
Jackson, mild as it was, was one of Ritchie's greatest poli
tical blunders. Though not a culpable act, it later cut him
off from all chances of promotion at a time when his ser
vices were most needed and would have been most effective.
Others, notably Calhoun, who had looked with disfavor upon
Jackson's conduct in Florida, were able for a time at least,
to conceal their designs and to avoid his displeasure. But
the publicity and freedom demanded of the press placed
Ritchie in disfavor from the beginning with the man who
rarely forgave and never forgot a criticism, even of his
public acts, and who was destined to be the commanding,
figure of his times. Thus, Francis P. Blair was later pre
ferred as the national spokeman of the Republican party,
S3 Richmond Enquirer, May 11, 1830; Ihid., December 15, 1818.

70 Thomas Ritchie
and Ritchie, who was called in his day the "Napoleon of
the Press," was passed over.
The press of the lower South naturally sympathized with
Jackson in the Florida matter. Accordingly they made haste
to pronounce Ritchie's talk about the national honor and the
superior duties of our new-born republic "a deceitful strata
gem," designed to aid a futile plan for securing Florida by
peaceful negotiation. They also asserted that he was act
uated by a desire to enhance Monroe's popularity, that he
was influenced by the Federalists, that the siren voice of
Algernon Sydney, his cousin, Spencer Roane, had lulled him
into a false security, and that the policy of the Enquirer
was determined by one of Jackson's personal enemies in
Washington. The press was unable to reconcile Ritchie's
preference for negotiation, as a means of securing Florida,
with the fact that Pensacola was being fortified. None of the
many attacks disturbed Ritchie, except that which charged
him with subserviency. This he denied vehemently. To prove
his complete independence he referred his critics to editorials
which had appeared in the Enquirer as early as June 30,
1818, before the opinions of any other editor or public man
regarding Florida were known in Richmond.^* He traced
the demands for "Florida or war" to the activity of certain
business houses in New Orleans and defiantly predicted that,
whatever the outcome of the negotiations then in progress
might be, Jackson would be withdrawn and Florida would
be restored to its rightful owners. He attributed the forti
fication of Pensacola to Jackson's ignorance of international
law and of the policies of the President. The Enquirer
doubtless spoke for the administration, and its influence upon
the South in allaying the prevailing spirit of hostility to
ward Spain was a potent factor in the purchase of Florida.
During the long period of waiting for the Cortes to ratify
the treaty for the sale of Florida there were frequent de
mands in the South for its conquest by arms. Rumor had
it that British intrigue prevented favorable and speedy
"Richmond Enquirer, October 9, 1818; Ibid., February 2, 1819.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 71
action on the part of Spain and that Florida would never be
surrendered to us until Great Britain had acquired Cuba.
Rumor also gave credence to the belief that Spain was anxi
ously waiting for us to seize Florida to relieve her of the
embarrassment of selling it and of the consequent demands
which would be made upon her for other slices of her rapidly
disintegrating empire. Ritchie continued, however, to adhere
to the peace policy. He did not anticipate a resort to arms
on the part of Great Britain in her efforts to possess herself
of Cuba, and no other foes were formidable. Llad any nation
attempted to seize Florida, he would have consented to war
to protect our claims to it. Under other conditions he feared
that war with Spain would compel her to sell Cuba to Great
Britain and to permit Russia to gain a foot-hold on the
Pacific. He was thus willing to "bide our time" in the
hope that by so doing not only Florida but Cuba also would
become a part of the United States. Indeed, he now regarded
Cuba as a more desirable possession than Florida, com
manding, as did the former, the free access to the Mississippi
and to the shortest land routes between the Atlantic and the
Pacific.^' The complications regarding Florida had a very notice
able effect upon Ritchie's attitude toward the efforts of the
Spanish colonies in America to secure their independence.
Before the war with the Seminoles and the beginning of
negotiations for the purchase of Florida he had spoken enthu
siastically of their efforts and successes. In the midst of the
stirring scenes of 18'13, he had called attention to the revolu
tion in Mexico and commended the Virginians who were
leading it.^^ As early as 1817 he saw that England pre
ferred her own commercial advantages in Spanish America
to Spanish rule. Recognition of the independence of the
Spanish American states had therefore become necessary to
preserve the influence of the United States.^'' But, when
"Richmond Enquirer, October 26, 29, 1819; Ibid., December 16,
1819; Ibid., May 9, 1820.
"Richmond Enquirer, August 31, 1818.
"Ihid., October 17, 24, 1817; Ibid., April 3, 1818.

72 Thomas Ritchie
negotiation to secure Florida began, following the outbreak
with the Seminoles, this attitude suddenly changed. Clay's
efforts, formerly commendable, in behalf of the revolting
patriots were now traced to a desire for self-aggrandizement,
and the independent sovereignties were apparently forgotten.
Instead attention was directed to our trade with China and
to the proposed Panama canal.**
Under the spell of an awakened independence and self-
reliance, which had temporarily eclipsed the power and the
importance of the individual states, carried settlement into
the far West, and increased the area of the national domain,
Congress had rechartered the Bank of the United States,
enacted a protective tariff law, and increased its appropria
tions to works of internal improvement. Deserted by both
Jefferson and Madison and confronted by the peculiar exi
gencies of the times, Ritchie had raised only a feeble pro
test against these violations of the constitution, which this
wave of nationalism had made possible.*^ His original con
ception of the nature of the federal govemment had not
changed, but the tastes of his readers had. Party distinc
tions were rapidly disappearing, and under the direction of
Clay, Calhoun, and Crawford, we were mo-ving harmoniously
and unitedly to a national greatness, the very thought of
which inspired every patriot. What could Ritchie say
against the new-born nationalism, when his friends and asso
ciates, Andrew Stevenson, W. C. Nicholas, P. N. Nicholas,
and Thomas Rutherford had so far departed from their
former prejudices as to become directors of a branch bank
of the Bank of the United States to be located at Richmond,
and when no voice was raised against the tariff.*"
Underneath the calm of this "Era of Good Feeling" and
little politics there was, however, a conscious dissatisfaction
and distrust. In addition to the acts of Congress already
noted and tq the spirit of the times, this feeling was height-
"Ibid., May 12, 1820.
"Ihid., March 9, 1816; Ibid., July 31, 1816.
*o Richmond Enquirer, February 1, 1817.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 73
ened in Virginia by the decisions of the federal Supreme
Court and by the local discontent which had manifested itself
in a demand for an increase in the number of the state banks,
for reforms in the fundamental law, and for the industrial
awakening of the East. Notwithstanding the fact that
Monroe was the Chief Executive of the federal government,
Virginians were no longer formidable in national councils.
As in 1798 they, therefore, turned again to the good old
days before the federal government had become powerful.
The leader in this new movement was Spencer Roane, head
of the Virginia Court of Appeals. By his numerous letters
attacking Marshall's decisions and the centralizing course of
events he revived the Democratic-Republican party and those
dogmas of state rights so familiar to the fathers. This reac
tion carried most of the politicians of the old school out of
Congress and replaced them by young men imbued with the
particularistic theories of government. Most prominent of
the new lights who now found a place in public life, as
representatives of Virginia in Congress, were P. P. Barbour,
John Floyd, and John Tyler. The occasion also called forth,
from his involuntary retirement, John Randolph, who hence
forth became Virginia's recognized apostle of republicanism.
There now began to be talk throughout the whole country
of a "Virginia party" and of a revival of the Virginia doc
trines. In the beginning neither Jefferson nor Madison were
popular with the leaders of this new movement. Monroe was
not even considered. But the course of events, accompanied
as they were by a change in his attitude toward the tariff
and other nationalistic measures, brought Jefferson into
good standing with the particularists. After the death of
Roane, which occurred in 1822, he became, despite his age,
one of the recognized leaders in the new movement.
The particularistic reaction called out the best that was
in Ritchie, who now entered upon his real life work, the
preservation of the ascendency of Virginia. Temperament,
education, and association fitted him for this peculiar ser
vice. Only reluctantly had he consented to the nationalistic
tendencies of Jefferson's and Madison's administrations.

74 Thomas Ritchie
After enjoying such unusual opportunities it pricked him
to the heart to see Virginia dropping behind. Thus he be
came the natural spokesman of his companion and relative,
Roane, of the young men who now entered Congress, and of
Dr. Brockenbrough and others who, through their influence
upon courts and legislatures directed the polifical, financial,
and industrial efforts of Virginia in her lonely crusade
against nationalism. Under the conditions he had no diffi
culty in renewing his friendship with John Taylor of Caro
line, who was one of Roane's ablest lieutenants. The tone
of the Enquirer changed completely, becoming positive and
aggressive. The able essays from the pens of Taylor, Steven
son, Roane, and Brockenbrough, which now illumined its
columns were reflected in every editorial. A crusade was
commenced to crush out the remnants of Federalism which
continued to linger in the borders of Virginia and to eradi
cate that "hankering" after the stars, garters, and titles of
nobility which was daily creeping into the White House.*^
Thus a wholesome discontent had added its leaven to the
crucible of national interests, and as its spokesman, Ritchie
began to be recognized in national politics.*^
The strict constructionists made their first united assault
upon the Bank of the United States. After two years of
trial it had failed dismally to establish a uniform circulating
medium and to equalize exchange ; many state banks had
suspended specie payment or failed; a panic was abroad in
the land ; and some of the western and southern states were
trying to drive the federal bank out of existence by impos
ing confiscatory taxes upon its branches. The fact that
Ritchie's friends had resigned from the directorship of the
branch bank in Richmond is indicative of the change of
attitude which had come over Virginia. This was followed
by a vigorous attack from the Enquirer against the consti
tutionality of a national bank. Experience had taught
•'Richmond Enquirer, January 9, 1817; Ihid., May 30, 1817;
Ihid., December 11, 1817; Ibid., February 4, 1818.
"Ibid., May 19, 1818; Ibid., August 18, 1818.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 75
Ritchie that it could not be relied upon to equalize exchange
or to establish a uniform circulating medium. He now
considered these things obtainable only through the use of
specie paying state banks. Adam Smith and the English
reviewers had made it plain to him that a uniform circulat
ing medium must be either hard money or convertible paper.
As it was then organized the Bank of the United States was
simply a sluice through which metallic money flowed from
our country to foreign countries.** With a restoration of
peace in South America, a retrenchment in our trade with
the Indies, and an end to speculating and wild financiering in
the West, he felt that specie would again become abundant
and that the state banks would then accomplish all the ends
for which the federal bank had been incorporated.**
Though he disapproved of the use of force by Ohio to
oollect a tax from the branch of the federal bank located at
Chillicothe, after the Supreme Court of the United States
had ruled the tax unconstitutional, Ritchie protested against
the contention that Ohio in so doing had been guilty of
rebellion. He would have given a state as much latitude in
resisting a "deliberate and dangerous" breach of the con
stitution when made by the judiciary as when made by the
executive or legislative departments :bf the goTemmen,t.
Moreover, he insisted that the duty to "interpose for arrest
ing the progress of the evil" was as great and as imperative
in one case as in the other. The striking similarity of these
arguments to those made by Judge Spencer Roane on the
same subject is apparent. But, as in his advice tg the New
England states, when they had on sundry occasions threat
ened secession and resistance to federal laws, Ritchie now
pointed Ohio to \the example of Virginia in 1798 and sug
gested also that she return to the federal govemment the
money which she had taken from the branch bank.*^
Crawford's defence of the federal bank and his vigorous
"Richmond Enquirer, August 13, 1819.
"Ibid., October 30, 1818; Ibid., June 4, 1819; Ihid., August 17,
1819. "Richmond Enquirer, October 15, 1819; Ihid., November 16, 1819.

76 Thomas Ritchie
assault upon the state banks, as set forth in his "Currency
Report" of 1820, was not convincing to Ritchie. Admitting
the necessity, for the sake of argument, of a federal bank
he now insisted that a constitutional amendment was neces
sary before it could have a legal existence and that the state
banks should be maintained to prevent it from acquiring a
monopoly of the I banking business. The following extract
from an editorial on Crawford's Report would make inter
esting reading for a modem "trust-buster" : "All corporate
bodies, and particularly those which are licensed to exact
contributions from the public, are not only objectionable in
themselves on account of the temptations which they con
stantly hold out to go beyond the object of their original
creation, but because the exclusive privileges -with which they
are clothed are encroachments upon the common rights of
the people and contrary to the avowed principles of republi
can government.*®
The particularistic reaction completely revolutionized
Ritchie's ideas regarding the , proper use of a protective tariff.
In 1807 he had favored it as the proper means of making the
United States an independent and self-sufficing country;
later, when New England had appealed for protection for her
infant industries against the flood of importations which
Great Britain poured into our country and when both Jef
ferson and Madison had favored granting them relief,
Ritchie had said little or nothing on the subject, but in the
proposed tariff of 1820 he saw an unjust, unnatural, and
unnecessary effort to foster manufactures at the expense of
commerce and agriculture. He believed that a redundancy
of population and capital would eventually make the United
States a manufacturing country, but he insisted that the
change should be allowed to come about, naturally and not
as the result of intervention on the part of the government.
He grasped clearly the principles of the American System,
but feared that a protective tariff would bring low prices for
raw materials, a monopoly capable of regulating all prices,
"Ihid., March 21, 182D.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 77
and retaliatory legislation designed to exclude our surplus
flour, tobacco, cotton, rice, and lumber from foreign markets.
He traced the causes of the panic of 1819 to that world-wide
craze for speculation, which had carried distress and panic
to Birmingham and the Valley of Deville and not to an
insufficient protection for American manufacturers. In
answer to the argument that agriculture and commerce had
always received the fostering care of the federal govemment
and that manufactures should not, therefore, be neglected,
he showed clearly what the American farmer of today does
not understand, that protective duties on articles produced
chiefly for exportation are in no wise protective. Further
more he justified the custom of placing the coast-wise trade
in the hands of Americans as a means of national security
and of building up a navy.*''^
That callousness to the iniquities of negro slavery, which
came from the infiuences of a black "mammy" and from wit
nessing from childhood the sale of "likely negroes" to
replenish the family exchequer was not the only, if indeed
it was the chief cause of Ritchie's desire for the preservation
of negro slavery in the proposed state of Missouri. Slavery
in Missouri as well as the material interests of the sea-board
sections of the old South, had become involved in the pai-ti-
cularistic reaction, and was consequently a subject to be
settled by a sovereign state. Ritchie thought it a mis-nomer
to deny to a sovereign people the right to determine their
own institutions. To exclude slavery from the state of Mis
souri without the consent of her people was more; it was a
breach of faith and confiscation. In the treaty for the pur
chase of Louisiana the United States had agreed to admit
the inhabitants of that territory to the full rights of citizen
ship on an equality with those of the other states, and since
making that treaty she had permitted her citizens to carry
their negro slaves into the Missouri territory. He thus con
tended that they had every reason to expect protection in the
"Richmond Enquirer, April 28, 1820; Ibid., May 2, 1820.
"Ihid., December 21, 1819; Ihid., January 20, 1820.

78 Thomas Ritchie
possession of their property.** In language which smacks of
the Dred Scott Decision he repudiated the Ordinance of 1787
as unconstitutional and ridiculed the talk about the pro
posed attempt to forbid the "migration of servile persons"
into Missouri after the year 1820. He did not profess to
know the status of the negro slaves of the other states, but
he was certain that those from Virginia, when they went
beyond her borders, were "imported and exported." Ritchie
also opposed the exclusion of negro slavery from Missouri on
the ground of expediency.. He was confident that the new
state would need slaves to clear and cultivate her lands, and
he welcomed their removal from the congested areas of the
old states as a means of ameliorating the condition of those
who remained in bondage. In a further continuation of
agitation of the subject he saw a way for demagogues like
Rufus King to reach the presidency and heard the death
knell of the Union.*^
The first suggestion of a compromise whereby Missouri
was to be admitted as a slave state on the condition that the
territory north and west of her boundary should remain
free, threw Ritchie into a frenzy. He looked upon the pro
position as an effort to subvert one of the great compromises
of the constitution and predicted that persistence in such
designs would destroy the federal government. The constitu
tion aside, however, he considered such a compromise inex
pedient and detrimental to the best interests of the South. It
meant the exclusion of her people from the common terri
tory which had been acquired by the common councels and
the common treasury. If the South was denied access to the
West on a basis of equality with the North, he saw that the
time was not far distant when the latter section would raise
up a hot-bed of manufactures and abolish the slave repre
sentation feature of the federal constitution. He therefore
contended that the South's only security to keep the North
from "lording it over her" lay in a strict adherence to the
constitution, and gave solemn warning that she would not
"Richmond Enquirer, December 21, 1819; Ibid., January 20, 1820.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 79
abide by her votes when the constitution failed to guarantee
her rights.^**
In less than a week after this vehement utterance Ritchie
published two letters "from a gentleman in Washington to his
friend in Richmond." These letters made it evident that a
national crisis was at hand and expressed the deepest regret
that so many persons in both the North and the South viewed
"disunion with so little repugnance." They also made it
plain that the South, and Virginia in particular, could hope
to gain nothing by disunion. The writer, who seems to have
stood high in national councils, therefore urged the accept
ance of the proposed compromise that the Union might be
saved, that the ambitions of King and other aspirants to
national honors might be thwarted, and that some little of
the coveted territory might remain open to slavery.^ ^
It is believed that these letters were potent factors in
reconciling Virginia, but they had little effect upon Ritchie.
He did reconsider his remarks which had been "penned
under some degree of excitement" at the first suggestion of
compromise, but reflection brought no regrets for making
them or changes in their form. Rumor now had it that
acceptance of the compromise was the sole condition of
Monroe's re-election to the presidency, but Ritchie was will
ing to forego the honor to the South, if it came at the price
of such a sacrifice.^^ When compromise finally came he
could not re-echo the congratulations which the National
Intelligencer extended to the country. Instead he had "no
recollection of having ever taken a bitterer cup." The only
consolation which he found in the whole proceeding was the
fact that Virginia had given two-fifths of the total vote.
against the compromise and that only four of her twenty-one
representatives in Congress had voted for it.^* An intenr.x.
5» Richmond Enquirer, February 10, 12, 15, 1820.
'¦'Ihid., February 17, 1820.
"Richmond Enquirer, April 20, 1820. The articles on Monroe's re
election were written by Gfeorge Hay, his son-in-law. See William
and Mary College Quarterly, X., 15.
"Richmond Enquirer, March 7, 1820.

80 Thomas Ritchie
love for the Union kept his heart buoyant, however, and
he soon advised all good citizens "to hold to the sheet anchor,
the law of the land."^*
As "has been noted, the particularistic movement in Vir
ginia found its best expression in Spencer Roane's protests
against the nationalistic tendencies of the decisions of the
federal Supreme Court. In the case of Hunter vs. Martin,
lessee, Virginia's highest court had been reversed, and the
state was subsequently commanded by a mandate from the
federal court to carry into effect the decision of her local
court. At once Roane raised a voice of protest through the
medium of the Enquirer. Again when the federal court
decided in favor of the Bank of the United States in the
case of McCuUough vs. Maryland he spoke through the same
medium over the venerable name of Hampden. In each
instance Ritchie commended his attacks and endorsed their
contents. His language in introducing Hampden is char
acteristic. "Hear him for his cause," said he. "The Su
preme Court of the United States is a tribunal of great and
commanding authority, whose decisions, if not received as
'the law and the prophets' are always entitled to the deepest
attention. To the presiding justice of that court, we are
always ready to pay that tribute, which his great abilities
deserve, but no tribunal, however high, no abilities, however
splendid, ought to canonize the opinions which are advanced.
We solemnly believe the opinion of the Supreme Court in
the case of the bank to be fraught with alarming conse
quences; the federal constitution to be misinterpreted; and
the rights of the states and of the people to be threatened with
danger." It grieved Ritchie sorely to see Republican prints,
the National Intelligencer, the Charleston (S. C.) Patriot,
and the Kentucky Reporter commend" Marshall's decisions.^"
The opinion of the federal court in the case Cohens vs.
Virginia, reached the acme of endurance and brought forth
Ritchie's severest criticism. He now denied that its juris-
"^ Richmond Enquirer, August 8, 1820; Ibid., November 17, 1820.
^^ R'lchmond Enquirer, February 1, 1816; Ibid., April 20, 1819;
Ibid., June 11, 1819.

A Study in Virginia Politics. S'l
diction extended to all cases in law and equity arising under
the constitution and laws of the United States and was for
restricting its jurisdiction to those cases which grew out of
an exercise of the powers expressly delegated. To restrain
tho greedy spirit with which the judiciary was usurping the
rights of the states, he now advocated the repeal of the
Judiciary Act of 178'9 and the consequent denial of authority
in such cases as that of Cohens vs. Virginia. He believed
that the Supreme Court should sit as a guardian of the rights
of both the state and the federal governments. Inasmuch as
it had failed in the performance of its constitutional func
tions, he would have abolished it and substituted in its stead
an elective tribunal to be composed of tried and mature
statesmen of the type of Jefferson and Madison. The state
legislatures were to be given the power to elect the proposed
tribunal.^® Meanwhile John Taylor's Construction Construed, the
most valuable of his sundry contributions to the state rights
literature, had been issued from Ritchie's press in Richmond.
Strange as it may seem, considering their former relations,
Ritchie wrote the preface for Colonel Taylor's masterpiece.
This service called forth from Jefferson one of the "most
gratifying compliments which the editor of the Enquirer ever
received from the pen of any man." *'' In a ringing appeal,
even more earnest than that with which he had introduced
Hampden, he commended Construction Construed to the
readers of the Enquirer as a breath of political life from
the fathers. Ritchie sincerely believed that Taylor's work
would do much to prevent the evils of centralization on the
one side, and of decentralization on the other. As such a
service would be instrumental in perpetuating "the grand
est and most beautiful experiment ever knovni in the his
tory of government," he pronounced its author the greatest
benefactor of his day.®*
'^'Richmond Enquirer, January 22, 1822.
" Richmond Enquirer, January 17, 1845.
"Ibid., November 17, 1820.

82 Thomas Ritchie
Soon the National Intelligencer and other nationalistic
prints, accustomed to the former liberalism of the Virginia
dynasty, tried to make it appear that there were two parties
in Virginia, one led by Jefferson, the other by Roane, Taylor
and Ritchie. As they sympathized with the former, they
spoke with contempt of the "new lights," the "new
school," the "new party," and the "Richmond Junto," which
it was claimed distributed the political spoils of the nation
from its divan.°® But there is every evidence that Ritchi?
knew his ground better than his critics and that his love for
the Union and the constitiition was as genuine and as
patriotic as was theirs. Accordingly, it was a source of no
little satisfaction to him to be able to tell the world authori
tatively that the authors of the Virginia doctrines were in
full accord with the particularistic movement.®" Neverthe
less there was much in the condition of affairs that grieved
him. In the coma which had enveloped the minds of the
people, in the temptations which were blinding the servants
of the country, in the apathy of the press, which had long
ceased to be a sentinel on the watch-tower of liberty, he saw
grave danger to the republic and the source of the ridicule
which was being heaped upon Virginia.®^
Had not Monroe's veto of 1822 of the bill authorizing the
President to cause toll-houses, gates, and turnpikes to be
constructed along the Cumberland road been followed by that
obnoxious doctrine, of his "Views on the Subject of Internal
Improvements," which asserted the power of Congress to
raise and appropriate money for "purposes of common de
fense and general, not local, national, not state benefit," the
Virginia party could have boasted of a triumph. The veto
message of 1822 was, to their minds, a distinct improve
ment upon that of 1817. Instead, however, of marking a
complete triumph, it simply marked the parting of the ways
in the Republican party and the passing of the Era of Good
" Richmond Enquirer, September 4, 1821 ; Ibid., November 16, 1821.
eo Jefferson Papers, Series I., Vol. 14, No. 215; Richmond Enquirer,
July 17, 1821; Ihid., August 3, 1821.
"Richmond Enquirer, November 16, 1821 ; Ibid., November 27, 1820.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 83
Feeling.^^ Henceforth one faction tended more and more
to nationalism, following the ideas set forth in Monroe's
"Views," and the other followed the ways of particularism as
set forth in his veto message and the writings of John Taylor
and Spencer Roane. The former faction in due time became
the National-Republican party, and the latter became the
National-Democratic party, which thus claimed to inherit the
Jeffersonian traditions.
The efforts of the crowned heads of Europe to crush out
liberalism at home and the rumors of their plans for the
reconquest of Spanish America came as a challenge to all our
theories and experiences. Already Ritchie had pronounced
the attempt of the allies to put down revolution in Italy and
Spain a blow at democratic government and not what it was
claimed to be, an effort to preserve the "order and peace"
of Europe. Moreover, he saw in the noiseless tread with
which Russia was extending her possessions into and beyond
the Oregon territory, a direct menace to our future possi
bilities as a nation. He ridiculed the idea that Russia could,
by the use of a gate four thousand miles wide, exclude other
nations from the northern portions of the Pacific ocean,®^
where our fishing and commercial interests were already
gaining a foot^hold. He hailed with delight the reports of a
successful revolution in Mexico and Monroe's message of
March 8, 1822, recommending to Congress the recognition
of the independence of the South American republics. Recog
nition by the United States, he was confident, would be fol
lowed by recognition by Great Britain, whose commercial
interests in South America were such that she could not
afford to be outdone in efforts to win the good will of the
revolting Spaniards.^* He did not credit the rumor that
Spain had temporarily ceded Cuba to Great Britain to keep
France from claiming it as the price of putting down revo
lution in Spain. He insisted, however, that "if Great Britain
"Richmond Enquirer, May 31, 1822; Ibid., January 24, 1824.
"Richmond Enquirer, April 23, 1822.
"•Ihid., March 12, 1822; Ihid., June 7, 25, 1822.

84 Thoinas Rjtchie
did intend temporarily to occupy Cuba to jceep France from
getting it and to save it to Spain, then we should occupy
it temporarily to keep it from falling to Great Britain per
manently." ®® Later when the Greeks revolted against the
oppressive rule of Turkey, he earnestly espoused their cause,
commended those who volunteered to aid them, and became
the secretary of a mass-meeting held in Richmond to send
material aid and to adopt resolutions of sympathy for their
cause.^® Notwithstanding the frequent approaches in his numer
ous editorials on foreign relations to the principles of the
Monroe Doctrine, its formal announcement, as set forth in
the President's message of December, 1823, came as a
surprise to Ritchie. It is more than likely that he had
not been informed of the abrupt turn which John Q. Adamg
had given to the plan for concerted action with Great Britain
in opposing the alleged intentions of the continental powers
to interfere in South America. The editorials of the
Enquirer leave little doubt that he was informed of Jef
ferson's and Madison's approval of the plans for concerted
action. In a light-hearted vein, possible only to one who was
acquainted, with the inner secrets of our diplomatic relations,
he had repeatedly assured his countrymen that they had noth
ing to fear from the tyrants of Europe. As has been sho-wQ
he had long considered Great Britain's commercial interests
in South America as more important to her than the pre-
seivation of the Holy Alliance, but his predictions regarding
the intentions of the continental powers in America must have
had a better foundation than the belief that Great Britain
would not aid them. His constitutional inability for adjust
ing himself to sudden changes in the policy of state did not,
however, blind Ritchie to the superior advantages of the
Monroe Doctrine as finally declared. After all it followed
the injunctions of the Father of his Country and the previous
course of national events. Thus a conservative like Ritchie
could readily become its champion and defender.
" Richmond Enquirer, February 13, 15, 1823.
"Ibid., January 15, 17, 31, 1824.

A Study in Virginia Politics. S5

CHAPTER IV.
PRESIDENT MAKING.
Unlike the editor of the National Intelligencer and those
other persons who believed Monroe perfect, Ritchie did not
hail his re-election as a triumph for republicanism. With an
eye upon "the bright suns which have already set" (proba
bly Jefferson and Madison), he spoke of that event only with
"reluctance and regret." ^ Except for the rumor that Martin
Van Buren had attempted to use the federal patronage to
destroy his political enemies who had voted to restrict the
extension of negro slavery in Missouri, and that he was thus
attempting, to cement more closely the political ties between
New York and the South, the presidential election of 1820
was as uninteresting as it was undisputed. Ritchie attributed
these conditions to indifference on the part of the voters and
to the absence of an opposition party, and not to any merits
of statesmanship or to any popularity on the part of the
President-elect. He observed also the absence of that zeal
and enthusiasm which had accompanied the election and the
successive re-elections of Jefferson and Madison, but his keen
political insight scented in the existing calm the rapid ap
proach of a "war of the giants," Adams, Cra-wford, Clinton,
and King, for the succession.
From the very beginning Ritchie saw that the approach
ing political battle would be waged between men and sec
tions and not, as in the past, between political parties with
well-defined principles. Thus while their respective states
were putting forward the claims of Adams, Crawford, Clin
ton, Clay, Jackson, and Lowndes, and while Pennsylvanians
were "backing their friend," Calhoun, he retrained from
expressing a preference for either and concerned himself i
'Richmond Enquirer, June 23, 1820; Ibid., November 7, 1820.

86 Thomas Ritchie •
mainly with the solution of a plan to keep the election from
the House of Representatives. Hoping that public opinion
would meanwhile concentrate upon one or two candidates,
he at first advised a two year's truce to be agreed upon among
the political knights.^ This -wise council went unheeded,
and he then proposed a national nominating convention, then
not an entirely new idea, to be composed of delegates elected
by the several state legislatures in caucus assembled or by the
voters of each congressional district.^ This suggestion was,
however, too, revolutionary, and, as the necessity for con
certed party action became more imperative, to keep the elec
tion from the House, Ritchie took up and endorsed Colonel
John Taylor's proposed amendment to the constitution, which
would have recommitted the election to the college of electors
in case of a failure to elect at their first meetings.* But per
sonal ambitions, sectional jealousies, and conservative indif
ference thwarted these patriotic reforms which, had they
been caried out, would have saved our present legislators
much worry.
In spite of his indifference, at this time amusing because
so unnatural, a casual reading of the Enquirer for 1822
would convince one that, even thus early, Ritchie preferred
Crawford to all others for the presidency, and that he felt
reasonably confident of his ultimate success. Indeed, his
effort at reform in the methods of naming the party candi
dates, though honestly and earnestly proposed, may have
been, like many of Ritchie's proposed reforms, actuated also
by a desire for political advantage. Crawford's candidacy
had a following, in all the states, and a political truce or
national convention could not have been, under ordinary cir
cumstances, detrimental to his interests. By a process of
elimination Ritchie had also made it evident that his choice
would not fall upon certain candidates. Calhoun's "d  d
good natured friends" in Pennsylvania, among whom was
'Richmond Enquirer, January 10, 1822.
'Ibid., July 23, 1822; Ibid., August 3, 1822.
•Thid., October 7, 1823.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 8'7
Walsh of the Philadelphia Franklin Gazette, had nauseated
the people with a too frequent mention of their candidate's
name ; Jackson was never "seriously mentioned" by anyone ;
Clinton could not get the nomination of his own state, much
less that of Ohio ; and Lo-wndes was scarcely considered even
in South Carolina.' Only Crawford, Adams, and Clay
therefore remained, but the Lynchburg Virginian which sup
ported Adams and maintained, with some semblance of truth,
that he was the choice of Virginia, knciW that Ritchie was
waiting an opportune time to throw the Enquirer, like the
sword of Brennus, into the political balances for Crawford.
Considering Van Buren's activity for the same candidate,
it was not difficult to make such inferences as that of the
Virginian, after an assurance from Ritchie that there would
be no difference between New York and Virginia on the
question of the presidency. Thus he had made clear bis
position, and with it that of Virginia, without saying any
thing either directly or indirectly against either Adams or
Clay. On the contrary each had been tbe subject of his fre
quent commendation.^
An incident of 1822, though small in itself, came near
producing large results in the contest then waging for the
presidency. That year Henry Clay visited Richmond as the
representative of Kentucky in a boundary dispute with Vir
ginia. The Assembly was in session at the time, and Spencer
Eoane, Ritchie's former choice for the presidency to succeed
Monroe, had just died. The fact that Clay was now gen
erally regarded as the favorite of the West for the presidency,
Missouri and Kentucky having already nominated him for
that office, made it an opportune time for him to renew the
acquaintances of his early manhood and to talk with them
of his chances for promotion. With characteristic weakness
for those to the manor bom, many Virginians now forgot
the follies of the American System, which had not yet become
'Richnwnd Enquirer, March 2«, 1822; Ibid., July 30, 1822; Ibid
August 3, 1822; Ihid., October 4, 1822; Ihid., December 24, 1822.'
'Ibid., July 22, 1822; Ibid., November 12, 29, 1822.

88 Thomas Ritchie
odious, and looked with favor upon the political prospect of
"the mill boy of the slashes." Together he and Ritchie prom
enaded the long hall of the Eagle Hotel and talked of by
gone days and of their political differences. Clay was cer
tain that he himself had not departed from the Virginia doc
trines, and assured Ritchie that his preference for a national
bank was due mainly to a desire to relieve Kentucky from
the curse of the state banks. This was certainly an argument
which appealed to both Ritchie and to Dr. Brockenbrough.
He also assured him that when "he (Ritchie) had crossed
the mountains, and traveled the miserable roads, in all sea-
eons of the year, as he was compelled to do on his way to
Washington," he, too, would excuse in some degree his anx
iety to claim for the federal govemment the power to prose
cute internal improvements.^ Though unable to make a con
vert of Ritchie who would not have objected to him for the
vice-presidency. Clay had from this day hence many friends
in Richmond who would have liked to see him President.
Shortly after Clay's visit to Richmond, Ritchie published
in the Enquirer a letter from Washington, together with
comments on the same, which gave a comprehensive view of
the political situation at that time, and indicated the lines
along which the approaching contest was to be waged. Only
three candidates, Adams, Crawford, and Clay, were then con
sidered as possibilities. Of these it was expected that Adams
would carry the New England states ; Clay the West, includ
ing Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Kentucky, and a part
of Tennessee and Louisiana; and that Cra-wford would get
the South, except possibly South Carolina and Georgia.
Thus it was evident to Ritchie and his correspondent that the
successful candidate would have to secure the votes of New
York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, the acknowledged bat
tle ground of the contest. Accordingly J. C'. Calhoun, who
stood as the sole barrier to any effort to unite this section in
support of Crawford, became an object of attack and hatred.
^Richmond Enquirer, September 10, 1852.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 8'9
On the contrary. Van Buren and his fellow spoilsmen who
were doing their best to secure the election of Crawford, were
hailed as statesmen and patriots.®
These conditions brought forth from Ritchie interesting
and instructive estimates of the respective merits of the can
didates. It could not be denied that Adams had many
friends in both Virginia and North Carolina, who thought
that the best interests of the Union, his acknowledged abili
ties as a cabinet officer, and his sterling character, which re
moved wrong doing from him, entitled their favorite to the
presidency. James Barbour, a Senator in C'ongress from
Virginia, was known to be friendly to his candidacy; John
Taylor of Carolina was in doubt; and the Lynchburg Vir
ginian insisted that Jefferson desired the election of Adams. ^
Adams' famous letter to General Smyth of Virginia, written
especially for that meridian, convinced many of the old school
and some of the more charitable of the new school that its
author was a true friend of the doctrines of '98. But Ritchie
agreed with those who argued that mere intellectual achieve
ments and a sterling character did not necessarily make a
statesman. Like them he also feared that Adams, if clothed
with power, would develop the same irritable temper as that
displayed by his father, and that he would eventually return
to the nationalistic tendencies of the section which was most
active in urging his candidacy.^"
Ritchie saw in Clay a genius in the mastery of men, but
not what his friends professed to see, a presidential possibil
ity able to unite the warring sections and to be the President
of the whole country. In spite of the fact that he was a
native Virginian, a most valuable asset when Virginians
estimate the merits of any man, Ritchie saw that Clay's
pliancy and laxity in matters of administration as well as
matters of morals woidd make him an unsafe repository of
great powers. Despite the claims of the Petersburg Intelli-
' Richmond Enquirer, January 28, 1823; Ihid., February 13, 1823.
'Ihid., August 5, 1823.
i»76td., January 28, 1823; Ibid., August 5, 1823.

90 Thomas Ritchie
gencer, he also mistrusted his nationalistic leanings and his
loyalty to Monroe's administration.-'^
It was plain that Ritchie now regarded Virginia as prac
tically pledged to support Crawford's candidacy. Gratitude
alone necessitated such a course, when it involved the claims
of a candidate who was a native Virginian and a supporter
of Monroe's candidacy in 1816 and again in 1820.'^ It was
true that Ci-awford had made mistakes as Secretary of the
Treasury; he had favored John Adams in 1798; and he had
even stood for the recharter of the Bank of the United States.
Notwithstanding all these objections his escutcheon showed
fewer blots than that of any of his rivals, and his principles
were now more in accord with those of the older school of
politicians. He possessed the first qualities of a statesman:
judgment and good sense; he was bound down by no formal
etiquette; and experience had brought its lessons in diplo
macy, legislation, and administration.
Henceforth there was no mistaking Ritchie's attitude to
ward Crawford's candidacy. Rumors of the influence of and
plans of "the Richmond party" and of "the Richmond Junto"
were again revived, and Ritchie's friendship for Van Buren
became a subject of comment.^^ The importance of the
Albany influence and the Richmond influence were doubtless
exaggerated. John Hampden Pleasants, then editor of the
Lynchburg Virginian, estimated the latter at its true value.
He would not admit that there was in Richmond, as in
Albany, a political club or junto whose power and purposes
extended to the whole country and whose opinions and wishes
could suplant those of the whole people. He did not deny,
however, that there was in the city of Richmond a body of
men distinguished by talents, eminent in service, and pos
sessed of "a great degree of confidence in the power and im
portance of Virginia" which could, by constituting itself a
"Richmond Enquirer, Januaiy 28, 1823; Ibid., August 26, 1823.
"Stevenson MSS. George M. Shepherd to A. Stevenson, April
20, 1824. '^
"Richmond Enquirer, March 7, 1823; Ibid., July 4, 1823.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 91
central committee of correspondence, practically shape the
political sentiment of the state.'* Pleasants might have
added that Thomas Ritchie was the tried and trusted secre
tary of that central committee and the inspired genius of the
"body of men" so distinguished for talents and eminent for
services. Like the "machine men" of today Ritchie disclaimed
afiiliation with the organization. Serenely and blissfully he
pronounced the talk about the Richmond Junto "mere cant."
He continued to sing the praises of W. H. Crawford, and at
times went out of his way to praise "the little Magician.""
Despairing of success in his attempts to unite the party upon
one candidate by means of a truce or a nominating conven
tion, it became evident quite early in 1823 that he was will
ing to wager the success of his favorite upon the outcome of
a congressional caucus and upon the possibility of uniting
Pennsylvania, New York, and Virginia to control it.^®
After the Republicans of New York, under the direction of
Van Buren, had endorsed the congressional caucus, Ritchie,
and even John Taylor, found less objection than formerly to
that method of nominating candidates for the presidency.'''
Indeed, the proposed nominating convention now became im
practicable, and, when the Assembly met in December, 1823,
a legislative caucus in Virginia endorsed the action of the
Republicans in New York and began active steps to further
Cra-wford's candidacy.^*
With the methods and means thus agreed upon, Ritchie's
chief interest centered in the efforts being made to put Cal
houn out of the race that Pennsylvania might be left free to
act in conjunction with New York and Virginia. Of the
ultimate outcome he had no doubt. As he saw it, Calhoun
'•Richmond Enquirer, May 6, 1823.
"^Ihid., July 4, 1823; Ibid., September 12, 1823.
"Ibid., October 7, 1823.
"Ihid., January 6, 1824; Yan Buren MSS., John Taylor to "Van
Buren, May 12, 1823.
"'Richmond Enquirer, January 29, 1824; Ibid., February 12, 1824.

92 Thomas Ritchie
was the most unpopular of all the candidates in Virginia;
he had not a single friend in the Assembly ; and he could not
poll three hundred votes in the whole state." It seemed
folly, certainly poor politics, to continue before the public
as a candidate for the presidency in a state which was the
acknowledged mother of Presidents.
Though largely a New York and Virginia affair, the con
gressional caucus which met on February 14, 1824, and
nominated Cravsrford for the presidency and Gallatin for the
vice-presidency was a sad disappointment to Ritchie. His
favorite had won a political victory which was a positive
burden, and the bribe extended to Pennsylvania in the nomi
nation of one of her favorite sons for the second place was
ignored with contempt. Few of Pennsylvania's representa
tives had attended the caucus, and Crawford's rivals con
tinued in the race as if no nomination had been made.
Ritchie now denounced the conduct of the "fourteen de
serters" from Pennsylvania and of all those who were un
willing to agree upon a single candidate for the presidency.
Nevertheless he did not despair. In a few days after the
nomination of Crawford the Republicans of Virginia placed
an electoral ticket in the field committed to his candidacy,
and Ritchie reminded his readers that all congressional cau
cuses had been attended by small minorities. In that of
1808 only eighty-nine members were present, in that of 1812
only eighty-two, and in that of 1816 only one hundred and
nineteen. Moreover, he was certain that the sixty-six mem
bers who had attended the caucus of 1824 did not represent
Crawford's strength in the country or even in Congress.^"
There was, however, one of those surprises peculiar to
American politics in store for the New Yorkers and the Vir
ginians. Pennsylvania, upon which they staked so much,
now deserted Calhoun and enlisted under the leadership of
Andrew Jackson. Though he had noted with alarm the in
crease of Jackson's strength in the West and even in Penn-
" Richmond Enquirer, October 3, 1823; Ihid., December 11, 1823.
''O Ihid., February 19, 24, 1824.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 93
sylvania, after the caucus had become an issue, and had re
vised his list of presidential possibilities by substituting
Jackson's name for that of Clay,^i Ritchie had fully ex
pected Pennsylvania to acquiesce in the action of the con
gressional caucus. Her failure to do so left him at sea with
out chart or compass. It meant simply that Crawford had
missed the presidency and that Calhoun's persistency and its
consequent effect upon the course of Pennsylvania had made
for him two political enemies. Van Buren and Ritchie, who
were henceforth to play a leading role in keeping him from
the goal of his greatest ambition.
In view of his previous criticism and of the subsequent
relations between himself and Jackson, Ritchie's estimates
of the gladiator who had now entered the political arena are
of interest. He had always conceded to Jackson the noblest
qualities of patriotism and the best of intentions, but he now
feared that his fiery temper and impetuous spirit would unfit
him for the position of chief executive of a great nation.
He saw clearly that a man of Jackson's temperament, expe
riences, and education would be exposed to the influence of
men of superior abilities in statesmanship, who would devote
themselves to his person and thus obtain his confidence, pos
sibly to abuse it. They would become "the power behind
the throne." It was true that the impetuosity of his temper
would at times stand for independence, but it would more
frequently carry him beyond the bounds of authority and
reason.^^ Ritchie was willing, however, to bow to the will
of the majority. His reluctance in doing so might have been
overcome, had he known that he himself was eventually to
become a power behind the throne.
As the mysteries of the "A. B." plot, over which signature
Ninian Edwards had accused Crawford of a corrupt use of
the federal moneys, thickened, and as the rumors of Craw
ford's failing health became more disconcerting, efforts were
made to induce the Richmond Junto and the Albany Regency
"Richmond Enquirer, February 21, 26, 1824.
" Ihid.

94 Thomas Ritchie
to abandon his candidacy. Had the members of each been
able to agree upon a second choice, the efforts would proba
bly have been successful. But these close political corpora
tions had come to know that in union and organization there
is strength even in defeat.^* Accordingly Ritchie set himself
firmly against all attempts "to blow up" Crawford. At the
same time the central committee of the Republican party in
Virginia, the official name of the Junto,^* issued an address
in language which showed that its interest in Crawford was
rapidly ripening into sentiment. To dispel all rumors of dis
cord the central committee also endorsed the candidacy of
Gallatin for the vice-presidency.^'
The conflicting rumors of a combination between Jackson
and Calhoun and between Adams and Calhoun made an alli
ance between the friends of Crawford and Clay both tempt
ing and desirable to the politicians of Virginia.^^ Pennsyl
vania's course in supporting Jackson had rendered Gallatin
a poor political asset. Indeed, he had never been popular in
Virginia since the days of the Quids. As has been seen.
Clay had already won a place in the hearts of the Junto, but
he, unlike 'Calhoun, was unwilling to play a second fiddle
and could not be approached upon the subject of the vice-
presidency. Accordingly, the Junto decided to force it upon
him, hoping that circumstances would bring about acquies
cence. Since both Clay and Cra-wford were native Virgin
ians, and Gallatin had simplified the situation by withdraw
ing from the contest, it was deemed best for New York to
place Clay in nomination for the second place. ^' On Sep-
" Richmond Enquirer, June 18, 1824.
"The members of the Central Committee at this time were: John
W. Green, P. N. Nicholas, John Robertson, Peter V. Daniel, Jerman
Baker, Andrew Stevenson, Thomas Ritchie, William Munford, and
Jacqueline B. Harvie.
"¦Ibid., June 15, 1824.
" Such a combination had been suggested in April, 1824. See
Stevenson MSS., April 4, 1824, also the Richmond Enquirer, July 30,
1824. " Yan Buren MSS., P. N. Nicholas to Van Buren, October 19,
and 31, 1824.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 95
tember 4, 1824, C. W. Gooch, now joint editor with Ritchie
of the Enquirer, wrote Van Buren as follows :
"(Mr. Clay's friends in Virginia are anxious that he
should be taken up in this manner, (by New York . . . )
It will unite us most effectively. As to consulting Mr. Clay
it is injudicious. Let him not be consulted, and the force
of circumstances must urge him into an acquiescence. And
this will be done, too, without hazard or compromitment.
When New York elects electors favorable to Mr. Crawford
her Legislature ought to nominate Mr. Clay as vice-presi
dent."^* Gales and Seaton of the National Intelligencer
were in full accord with the plans of the Virginia politicians
and wrote Van Buren endorsing them.^®
These belated efforts to save Ciravpford were of no avail,
but defeat did not come as a surprise to the editor of the
Enquirer. As Jackson had received a plurality of both the
electoral and the popular votes, Ritchie readily conceded his
final election, but, strange as it may seem, he now assumed
a position not unlike that later taken by the Whigs. Vir
ginia was to be found henceforth in the opposition, doing all
she could to protect the whole country against the sordid,
selfish, and timid trimmers and time-servers who were creep
ing in among the courtiers and sycophants of this "era of
good feeling and bad principles."^" He urged the selection
of strong men to the United States Senate, where the Whig
party later entrenched itself, men who would oppose the evils
which were expected to flow from Jackson's administration,
and who would give character and dignity to the govem
ment. He thought Littleton W. Tazewell too nationalistic
to be entrusted with such a commission.-'^
John Hampden Pleasants considered the occasion of
Ora-wford's defeat a suitable time to write Ritchie's obit
uary. His tribute to the memory of his rival editor is a fair
"Yan Buren MSS..
"Richmond Enquirer, October 19, 1824.
so Ihid., December 16, 1824.
"Ibid., December 9, 1824.

96 Thomas Ritchie
example of the editorial sparring of the day. This fact and
the subtle references which it contains are sufficient justifi
cations for publishing it here in full:
"Farewell my friends, farewell my foes,
"My peace to these, my love to those!"
"Death of Thomas Ritchie.
"A great man has fallen in Israel! It becomes our painful duty
to announce to the public the death of Thomas Ritchie, Esq., Senior
Editor of the Enquirer. This great event toook place on Sunday even
ing last, about nine o'clock, P. M. The following is a brief but au
thentic narrative of the causes and progress of the malady, which
terminated in this melancholy catastrophe.
"For some months Mr. Ritchie had been in a drooping and
languishing condition. This was first observed by his friends, soon
after the 14th, February, last, when the Congressional Caucus was
held in the city of Washington. Mr. Ritchie was an ardent patriot,
and the abortion of a measure, upon which he supposed the salvation of
the country depended, preyed upon his spirits, wasted his strength,
and sapped the foundation of his constitution. Like the celebrated
Lucius Carey, after the commencement of the great Civil War between
Cnarles the 1st and his Parliament, he was never seen to smile more;
or if be smiled, it was the melancholy and unmeaning smile of mental
abstraction. The impending fate of the Republic was the constant
tenant of his thoughts, and the unceasing theme of his tongue.
Latterly he embraced the opinion 'the people were their own worst
enemies,' and. In their defeat of the Caucus, he saw evidences of the
truth of the death, and the harbingers of the final overthrow of the
Constitution. The mournful exclamation, 'O my country!' burst fre
quently from his lips, in tones so dolorous, as proved that it came
from the heart. His appearance indicated the effect that his patriotic
solicitude had upon his health, and his 'mortal coil' shrunk and atten
uated to the most lilliputian dimensions. He had taken up an odd
and whimsical notion, not unlike that of the Egyptian astronomer
described by Rasselas, who was firmly impressed with the idea that
his personal superintendence was required to hold the sun and the
stars in their spheres, and make them discharge their diurnal duties
to the world which they lighted up. Mr. Ritchie was no less con
fident that his private superintendence was essential to confine the
sun and planets of our system within their orbits. We regret to
say that this honest, but whimsical opinion, embittered his last moments
and occupied much of his last thoughts which ougnt to have been
devoted to God, and the concerns of liis soul. 'What will my country —
What will the world do without me?' was the absorbing reflection,
when he saw the gradual approach of death. It was in vain that his
friends reasoned upon fhe vanity of such an idea — in vain they reminded
him that the order and affairs of the world depended not upon the
life of a single individual, and that even the death of Washington
had not impeded the prosperous march of the Republic — the poor gen
tleman was in no condition to hear reason. Don Quixote, on his death
bed, recanted the errors of chivalry, but Mr. Ritchie, on his, clung

A Study in Virginia Politics. 97
to his mistake with fond and increasing tenacity. His disordered imagi
nation anticipated all the horrors of anarchy when the pervading in
fluence of the Enquirer should be extinguished in his death. The
delirium conjured up the most appalling and opposite fancies. At one
moment he saw the States losing all subordination, disorganizing the
Union, and setting up separate and independent governments — at
another the general government absorbing all power, and 'rushing into
consolidation.' 'State rights,' 'the sovereignity of the people,' 'the
integrity of the Constitution,' 'the doctrines of '98,' 'Madison's report,'
all were anhilated in this general ' 'wreck of matter and crush of
worlds.' All this he predicted would come to pass after his death.
"With such stupenduous fancies brooding incessantly in his mind, it
is no wonder that he made rapid advance to the gates of death. During
the last days of his illness some of his opinions underwent the most ex
travagant changes. At one time he was extremely alarmed at the
idea of the Presidents being chosen by the House of Representatives.
He dreaded the recurrence of such another scene as that between
Jefferson and Burr, and was not sure that it would lead to a dissolu
tion of the Union. To prevent this he strenuously advocated the
Caucus, and the nomination of Crawford; but when it became certain
that Mr. Crawford could not be elected by the people, all his efforts
were directed to prevent them from making any choice. He was now as
solicitous that the election devolve on Congress, as he was before,
that it should be made by the people. Perhaps it would not be
difficult to prove this, that all he wanted was the election of his man —
that it was Mr. Crawford he wished to serve. But let us tread
lightly on the ashes of the dead, and under the influence of the
human maxim, 'de mortuis, nihil nisi bonum,' let charity hide what
reason would discover.
"For several days Mr. Ritchie was kept alive by the stimulus of
anxiety. To hear from New York, North Carolina, and Ohio was his
last wish. His friends began to hope that cheering news from these
States might revive him, and even restore him to health again. Vain
hope! and evanescence as vain. On Saturday night Mr. Van Buren
wrote that all 'except honor' and four electors were lost in New York.
On Sunday night it was ascertained that North Carolina had abjured
the Caucus. It seemed that the spirit of Mr. Ritchie only lingered
to carry these disastrous tidings to Heaven. It fled immediately upon
fheir annunciation, refusing, like Patrick Coutts, to wait for the news
from Ohio. 'The evil that men do Uves after them.
The good is often interred with their bones.'
So let it not be with Mr. Ritchie. We have shown that he fell a
victim to his patriotism. Let that be remembered when his trans
gressions are forgotten. For fifteen years he had ruled public opinion
in Virginia, and in all that time he had never dissented from the
majority. He was so good a Republican that he refused to express any
opinion, to advocate any measure, before he had clearly discovered on
whose side of the question public opinion was. His own sentiments were
cheerfully sacrificed to those of the majority. Where is the man, liv
ing or dead, who has given stronger devotion than this to the 'will of
the people' or paid greater respect to the 'omnipotence of public
opinion!' "

98 Thomas Ritchie
When the election of the President was taken to the House
of Representatives, Ritchie again conceded Jackson's elec
tion, but continued to entertain a hope for Crawford. On
January 10, 1825, he wrote his brother Archibald: "Ciraw-
ford's cause is almost hopeless. I had a letter from a West
ern Senator two days ago, who writes me that C. has many
friends among the Western Delegation, but that they can
not think of going for him apparently against the sense of
their own people, unless they see New York leading the
way. That state and his other Atlantic states will give him
l/3d of the Union — and thus excuse themselves to their
people for voting for him: — ^but even in the event of N. Y.'s
going for him, there is so much doubt of the Western Rep
resentatives imitating their example. He adds that 8 west
ern states may otherwise be set down for Jackson, Cooke of
Illinois being for Adams.
"What a desperate choice would our Reps, have to take be
tween Jackson and Adams. I almost pity them for being
obliged to vote. The elective power is in such a case a curse
instead of a blessing. It is said this morning that our Va.
members will stick to Crawford to the very last extremity,
and perhaps at last not vote for either Jackson or Adams.
The friends of the last are very sanguine. But for my part I
think there is no certainty about the matter. The members
seldom write to me. They are cautious, shy as a parcel of
mice. Their present situation is certainly one of great deli
cacy & responsibility."^^
Although Jefferson and a majority of the politicians of
the old school preferred Adams to Jackson for the presi
dency, the Junto took Clay as a second choice. Ritchie
shared the opinion of the Junto, was not hostile to Adams,
and thought Jackson justly entitled to the place.^* It is
strange, therefore, that the final selection of Adams encoun-
^' Ritchie MSS.
ss Richmond Enquirer, January 29, 1835; Ibid., March 10, 1827;
Ibid., December 20, 1828; Ibid., September 19, 1828; Richmond Whig,
March 21, 1829; Giles, Political Miscellanies, pp. 165, 166.

A Study in Virginia Politics. 99
tered opposition in Virginia. Though inclined to nip the
bait themselves when prepared by Van Buren, the Virginians
were yet opposed to anything that savored of corrup
tion or bargaining. That was why the letter which ar
rived in Richmond on the evening of January 29, 1825,
telling of the alleged bargain between Clay and Adams
whereby the latter was to become President and the former
the heir apparent, created such a sensation. The effect is
best described in the following brief note from Betsy Coles
to her brother, Andrew Stevenson, then a representative in
Congress: "The good people are run mad here about the
presidential election. I was with some of our great men at
Dr. Brockenbrough's the other night and found them all uni
versally denouncing Clay and Adams. They (Mr. Nicholas,
Dr. & Judge S., Rone, Campbell, etc., etc.) said that they
would take Jackson and any body now in preference to
Adams." ^*
Ritchie shared the indignation and alarm of his country
men and repudiated the "corrupt and vile bargain" even
more quickly than they. It seemed to him an effort to parcel
out the empire between Pompey and Csesar. He at once sus
pended all friendly intercourse with Clay, who had thus
treacherously betrayed the South. From this time to March
4, 1837, when Van Buren was inaugnrated, they did not
meet, and Ritchie was most relentless and effective in keep
ing him from the goal of his ambition, the presidency.
Though he announced it as his intention to judge the new
administration solely upon its merits,^' there can be no doubt
that the guns prepared for Jackson were now turned upon
Adams, and that Betsy Coles spoke for Ritchie also when
she said that the Junto was willing to "take Jackson and
any body now in preference to Adams." ^®
Disappointed and disgusted the Enquirer abandoned tem
porarily the field of politics and devoted itself to local affairs.
'•Stevenson MSS., February 3, 1825.
"Richmond Enquirer, February 8, 1825; Ihid., May 24, 1825.
'¦^ Giles, Political Miscellanies, p. 165.

100 Thomas Ritchie
Since the debates on the admission of Missouri the subject
of negro slavery had been an absorbing one. To those who
contend that the abolition movement began about 1830,
Ritchie's remarks of 1825 on that subject may be interest
ing and even instructive. He had long tried to quiet those
"vain glorious knights of the quill" at the North, who per
sisted in discussing a subject "of all others the most inter
esting and delicate to the people of the South." At the same
time he had warned the "officious and facetious" individuals
of the former section that the evils of negro slavery were to
them largely dreams and imaginations. He readily acknowl
edged, however, its real evils and confessed his willingness
to be entirely free from "the curse." But, like the true
southerner of a later period, he was unwilling, even now, to
trust the abolition of negro slavery to inexperienced hands —
to persons who could not follow the innumerable fibers by
which it was attached to and interwoven with the people.
At this time, as later, the slavery problem presented also a
negro problem which Ritchie saw clearly. Regardless of his
disapproval of slavery and of his fears regarding the pres
ence of the negro, he was now unwilling to sanction a viola
tion of the constitution by accepting King's resolution which
provided for the use of the funds arising from the sale of the
public lands to aid in abolishing slavery by purchasing the
negroes and deporting them.
Although it involved the subject of negro slavery, Ritchie
believed that good would come from the proposed Panama
C'ongress. He could not defend Georgia m her dispute with
the federal govemment about the removal of the Indians.
But his chief interest centered in the internal development
and in the educational progress of Virginia. To the former
end he considered free commercial intercourse with the West
Indies imperative, and expressed grave fear lest Great
Britain should monopolize our western trade thence by
diverting it to free ports in Canada. ^^ With remarkable en-
"' Richmond Enquirer, May 30, 1827.

A Study in Virginia Politics 101
thusiasm and foresight he set forth the advantages of "rail
roads and steam moving carriages," and had the boldness
to suggest that they would in time supersede canals and
canal-boats. He felt that Virginia could regain her place of
prestige in the Union only by maintaining and strengthen
ing the moral force and tone of her citizens. Accordingly
he made an earnest plea for the proposed state university,
which he expected to become the sheet anchor of her intelli
gence and her morals. It mattered not that its professors
were to be foreigners ; mind was of no country ; and science
had neither latitude nor longitude.^*
Adams' first annual message to Congress set the ball of
political revolution again in motion and recalled the editor
of the Enquirer to a place on the watch tower of our national
liberties. Henceforth Adams was to be fought in the open.
Where prudence had dictated silence he had characteristically
espoused broad principles of national power. Not only had
he urged the construction of roads and canals, but, in his en
larged view of internal improvements, he included the estab
lishment of a national university, the support of observa
tories, "light-houses of the skies," and the exploration of the
interior of the United States and of the northwest coast. He
urged also the enactment of laws for the promotion of agri
culture, commerce and manufactures, the "encouragement
of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advancement of
literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and
profound." This was all to be done to promote the "general
welfare." Ritchie demanded at once to know where Clay and James
Barbour were when the President penned that part of the
message which related to the general welfare. He was
never more serious in making any inquiry. Even a casual
reading of the Enquirer and of his correspondence for this
period shows that he was not playing politics and that he was
actuated by a patriotic desire to preserve the balance be-
" Richmond Enquirer, October 11, 1825.

102 Thomas Ritchie
tween the centralizing and the decentralizing forces in our
government. In the words of the celebrated jurist, Edmund
Pendleton, he raised the cry, "The Danger Not Over;" he
also implored Jefferson and Madison to interpose their efforts
to arrest the tendencies toward consolidation ; and in his zeal
for a return to original principles, he republished the Journal
and the Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention of
2Y8Y.39 There is no mistaking the sentiment of the lan
guage to his brother Archibald when he said : "I have stood
by Virginia like an affectionate son & an honest man. I
stand by her at this moment when I am humbly attempting
to defend the constitution against the heresies of J. Q. A." *"
Though his zeal and methods did not command the ap
proval of the Albany Argus, the political organ of the Van
Buren party, they doubtless had the sanction of all those
patriots who understood the original nature of the federal
govemment and desired to preserve it to avoid the e-vils of
despotism on one extreme and of democracy on the other.
His able presentation of the theory of the division of power
in our govemment was the inspiring source of the numerous
resolutions which Virginia and other states now began to
adopt on the subject of federal relations. Tuey came to be
called abstractions and, because of the political uses which
were later made of them, doubtless did much to cheapen the
theory of state sovereignty. But they had their origin in
that great reaction toward particularism which began about
1816 and ended in civil war.
In view of the large part which the West has played in
our national history, the following extract from a letter by
Jefferson to Ritchie, written at this crisis when it seemed
that Clay had betrayed the country, is of interest:
"I fear with you all the evils which the present lowering aspect
of our political horizon so ominously portends. That at some future
day, which I hope to be very distant, the free principles of our govern
ment might change, with the changes of circumstances, was to be ex-
"Richmond Enquirer, December 8, 10, 24, 1825; Ibid., September
11, 1825; Writings of James Madison (Ford Ed.) IX., 231.
io Ritchie MSS. (No date.)

A Study in Virginia Politics 103
pected; but I certainly did not expect that they would not overlive the
generation which established them. And what is still less expected
was that my favorite western country was to be made the instrument
of that change. I have ever and fondly cherished- the interests of that
country, relying upon it as a barrier against the degeneracy of public
opinion ffom our original and free principles. But the bait of local
interests, artfully prepared for their palates, has decoyed them from
their kindred attachments to alliances alien to them. Yet though I
have little hope that the torrent of consolidation can be withstood,
I shall not be for giving up the ship without efforts to save her. She
lived well through the first squall and may weather the present one." •'
It was indeed a crisis, and the politicians of Virginia
bestirred themselves to avert it. First they sought a "real
coadjutor of Tazewell" to represent the state in the federal
Senate. The resignation of James Barbour to accept a place
in the new cabinet presented an opportunity for redemption.
But Virginia was not equal to the occasion. She had no bet
ter material to offer for leaders than William B. Giles, John
Randolph, John Floyd, and Henry St. George Tucker. Of
these, Giles had one foot in the grave and was too hostile to
Jackson to be an effective co-worker with him; Floyd had
also seen his best days and had little following except in the
western counties; and Tucker was a nationalist. Thus the
choice fell upon Randolph, who was unfitted by temperament
and habits for leadership and who, despite the length of his
service, was not popular even at his home.*^
Though the columns of the Enquirer did not betray him,
Ritchie had opposed in vain the election of Randolph to the
Senate. He preferred Giles, but local conditions were such
as to render it inexpedient to express a preierence. His
activity in the presidential election of 1824 and his strict
construction doctrines had neutralized temporarily his popu
larity in the western counties so that John Hampden Pleas
ants was about to succeed in ousting him from the office of
public printer by organizing the representatives of the west-
em counties in the Assembly against him. The following
extract from a letter to his brother gives an adequate de-
•' Richmond Enquirer, September 11, 1827.
"Ritchie MSS. Thomas Ritchie to Col. A. Ritchie, (no date);
Richmond Enquirer, December 10, 1825.

104 Thomas Ritchie
scription of the situation as well as an index to the true
Ritchie :
"The Legislature has been in a sort of hurly-burly since it met.
There are many new members; many young ones; many whom I never
saw and who never saw me; several from the West have come not very
well inclined to take my part, because they were for Tucker and I was
for Giles. They were for Roads and Canals at all events, and I
only when the Constitution should be amended to authorize them; and
what with these causes, and what with the offence I had given to
some about the Yorktown bill and to others about the William & Mary
College bill & &; and what with the votes my opponent got by his
personal friends & legislative acquaintances and some who felt for his
poverty, and the Adams & Clay men, and what with the 10 or 12 ( )
votes he got, he received the vote you have seen. Not content with
that, some of his friends are trying to strike at me in other ways.
A young member from Harrison (son of John G. Jackson) who nomi
nated Tucker first and J. H. Pleasants next, has proposed a Resolu
tion to let out the Public Printing to the lowest job. Meantime they
are circulating every description of lie against me; that it is the most
lucrative office in the Commonwealth, when the net profits do not
exceed $1,200, of which I only receive one third (the rest is divided
among printers whom I have interested in the work to have it well
and properly done, and as well or as properly, it has never yet been
done) . They say that it is a ( ) when I read the proof-sheets,
and turn out at almost all hours, day & night, to see their work; when
I read over yesterday, most carefully, equal to 50 pages in octavo
of the public work. They say that I employ a printer to do the
work at most inadequate wages, and skim the cream myself; when it is
a fact that Shepherd, the best printer in the Commonwealth, and
equal to any in the Union, receives a salary of $850, besides being as
much interested in the profits as I am, that is just one third. When
I proposed three years ago to resign Shepherd would not let me. He
was pleased to say such had been my liberality he could not consent
to lose me. But they will not lie me down. I have weathered too many
a storm to care for this. If they put out the work to the lowest bid,
be it so. They have the right to do it; and they may at their own
risk try a project, which did the work at Washington so badly &
so slowly that Congress had to abandon the system & employ a Public
Printer. Let the thing go as it will, I shall not bow my spirit before
the proudest of them. I am as honest as any of my opponents, and as
independent and as unbending. They calumniate me as a Dictator,
as possessing too undue an influence in the Commonwealth (this
is what that foolish fellow, the editor of the Whig, charged upon me
last Tuesday), but I laugh the imputation to scorn. It is a poor com
pliment to the citizens of Virginia to raise my influence at their ex
pense. It is false as it is malignant. It is a leaf from the Richmond
letters, and I will not stoop to answer it.""
Triumphant at home, Ritchie again turned his attention
to national politics. Virginia was now to present a united
" Ritchie MSS.

A Study in Virginia Politics 105
front both at home and in the national councils. To the first
end he sought to conciliate the inhabitants of the western
counties, where Adams was strong, by supporting the move
ment for reforms in the state constitution and by substitut
ing state for federal aid in completing their proposed inter
nal improvements. When Hezekiah Niles reminded Ritchie
that Virginia had requested aid from the federal govern
ment in 1815 to extend the National Road, and suggested
that the inhabitants of the western counties, in continuing
to look to that source for aid, were acting in keeping with
the best and the latest traditions of the state, Ritchie insisted
that the resolutions of 1815 had been adopted without due
deliberation and that no one had ever thought of regarding
them as a "life precedent."** To accomplish the second
end he urged that the state stand by and reiterate its resolu
tions on federal relations and that she place her ablest men
in public life. Though not a resident of the district, Giles
was put forward to succeed Randolph in the House. His
defeat was followed by the publication of his "Political Dis
quisitions" and another futile attempt to reach C'ongress by
contesting the re-election of W. S. Archer.*^ Notwithstand
ing the opinions of the National Intelligencer to the contrary,
Ritchie, unlike "men of principle in proportion to their ovm
interest," knew that Virginia would never be bribed by any
appropriations to works of internal improvement within her
boundaries.*® Meanwhile the bitterness which John Randolph, in his
moments of hysteria, was injecting into the political caldron
had so agitated the anti-administration forces as to make it
possible for Van Buren, with his gentle touch, to organize a
working opposition and to launch Jackson's candidacy for the
presidency. It was the best way to get rid of him and to
destroy the power and influence of Adams and Clay, and for
** Richmond Enquirer, June 23, 1826.
•'Ibid., January 21, 1826; Ibid., March 11, 1826; Ihid., August
29, 1826; Ibid., October 13, 1826.
" Ihid.

106 Thomas Ritchie
that reason Van Buren's more disinterested efforts received
the hearty endorsement of such leaders as Randolph, Taze
well, and Calhoun. Under the direction of Randolph the
campaign for -Jackson's _re-election was accordingly launched
from some of the most strategic points in Virginia on July
4, 1826. Both Calhoun and Van Buren now became popu
lar heroes, and the ambitions of the former to reach the
presidency as the heir to the "Old Hero's" popularity found
indulgence in the columns of the Enquirer.'^'' His desire for
unity and accord, as the only possible means of overthrow
ing the federalistic regime, led Ritchie even to condemn Ran
dolph's attacks upon the North. **
Though in sympathy with anything that would unite the
opposition and defeat Adams, Ritchie had accepted Jackson's
candidacy with reluctance. Consequently he and others of
the Junto had not been readily admitted to the secrets of
the little magician and his political henchmen. As early as
October, 1826, P. N. Nicholas, one of Ritchie's closest
friends, wrote to Van Buren for information regarding "the
views of those with whom we would co-operate in the other
states," and assured him that there were "some of us who are
discreet enough to be confided in"*® At the same time he
informed him of the continued hostility to Jackson in Vir
ginia, but was careful to assure him that Adams was even
more unpopular. In due time the administration came to
the rescue of those desirous of winning Ritchie. By uniting
its strength with those Republicans of the Assembly who
could not endorse Randolph's record in the United States
Senate, it brought about his defeat for a re-election and
secured the election of John Tyler, who had favored Adams
for the presidency in 1825 and who was at the time of his
election to the Senate on friendly terms with Clay.** Con-
" Richmond Enquirer, February 14, 1826; Ibid., April 28, 1826;
Ibid., July 4, 1826.
•'Ibid., August 18, 1826.
" Van Buren MSS. P. N. Nicholas to Van Buren.
00 Richmond Enquirer, February 13, 1827.

A Study in Virginia Politics 107
sidering the active part taken by Randolph in promoting
Jackson's candidacy and in attacking the administration,
Tyler's election to the Senate was an anti-Jackson victory.
But it was one of those victories which act as a boomerang.
Incensed at the tactics by which it had been accomplished,
Ritchie now rallied to the Jackson banner, determined to put
do^vn Adams and Clay, to retrieve the injustice done the "Old
Hero" by the "corrupt bargain," and to avenge Virginia's
apostle of republicanism."^
Van Buren did not delay in extending a ready welcome
to his new political ally. In a letter dated January 13, 1827,
he outlined the plans of and reasons for a political alliance
between "the planters of the South and the plain Republicans
of the North," which continued to be the basis of their alli
ance until 1860. The proposed union was to be accomplished
through a national convention, by which means Van Buren
felt that the "Old Republican Party" could be reorganized
in such a way as to combine Jackson's personal popularity
with the attachment of his followers for a particular party.
Such a development would then permit a substitution of
party principles for sectional and personal preferences. Van
Buren's experiences in New York had taught him to regard
political combinations as unavoidable, and he now considered
that between the "planters of the South and the plain Re
publicans of the North" as the most practicable and desir
able for national purposes. The Republicans had once won
victory by it, and he saw no reason why they could not do so
again. "It would take longer than our lives (even if it were
practicable)," said he, "to create new party feelings to keep
those masses together. If the old ones are suppressed, geo
graphical divisions founded on local interests or what is more,
prejudices between free and slave-holding states will inevit
ably take their place. Party attachments in former times
furnished a complete antidote for sectional prejudices by
producing counteracting feelings. It was not until that pre-
" Richmond Enquirer, January 16, 1827.

108' Thomas Ritchie
judice had been broken down that the clamour against South
ern Influence and African Slavery could be made effectual in
the North." He also called Ritchie's attention to the fact
that in former times "attacks upon Southern Republicans
were regarded by those of the North as assaults upon their
political brethren and resented accordingly," and that this
"all powerful sympathy had been weakened, if not destroyed,
by the amalgamating policy of Mr. Monroe." This impor
tant, if not epoch making letter, marked the first application
of the methods of the local spoilsmen to national politics and
consummated a political alliance of long standing between the
North and the South. It had been written at the instigation
of Calhoun and of Ingham of Pennsylvania, for the former
of whom it carried a dagger, and closed with the assurance
that Ritchie could render great service to the cause.
In less than one month after his initiation to the secrets
of the politicians "higher up," but not before he had com
mitted the Enquirer irrevocably to Jackson's candidacy,
Tazewell wrote to Ritchie that he and Van Buren had dis
cussed "the propriety, nay necessity, of establishing a journal
in the city (Washington) which should be a suitable organ
of the views and opinions of the opposition in Congress both
now and hereafter." They had each concurred in the wish
that Ritchie should be the editor of the proposed paper "in
preference to any other editor in the United States." No
pledges or conditions were exacted, and he was also informed
that the election of General Jackson was only a secondary
desire with them. On the other hand, said Tazewell, "our
great wish is to inculcate and to keep alive by frequent repe
tition and argument, the great principles of the Republican
party, as they were manifested and expressed prior to 1801.
To support those who support them, and to oppose those who
oppose them."
In this remarkable letter, marking as it did the beginn
ing of the partisan press and the influence of the party organ,
Tazewell betrayed the prevailing distrust of the southern
politicians for Van Buren and gave evidence of a desire.

A Study in Virginia Politics 109
which later manifested itself more strikingly, to rule or ruin
the Republican party. "For my part," said he, "I look for
ward beyond the 4th of March, 1829. Should we be de
feated then, it would be necessary to take a new departure.
Should we then succeed (of which I have no doubt) it is
possible, nay probable, that our party will soon be in danger
of separating from the very fact of its overwhelming force
and unmanageable numbers. Then will arise a new crisis,
for the occurrence of which timely preparation should be
made ; & I feel solicitous that a Southern Editor should have
acquired and established the reputation of the proposed
Journal before that day arrives. What may be Mr. Van
Buren's views upon this point of the subject I know not, nor
does he know mine. In your reply, therefore, to this letter
(which I shall be compelled to show him) you will not of
course notice this.
"Many reasons exist why this communication should be
considered by you as strictly confidential for the present at
least."" It would be difficult to estimate the results of Ritchie's
refusal to accept this offer. He gave as his reasons for de
clining his douT)tful qualifications for such a position and
his attachment to Virginia. He preferred to rely for sup
port upon "a generous people than to be dependent in any
manner upon the favor of a Clique, however respectable, or to
the control which might be required over the Govemment
Press." So far as he was personally concerned, this oppor
tunity may have been the tide which, had it been seized,
would have led to even greater national fame and greatness
than that later attained by Francis P. Blair, Duff Green, or
any of the other great editors of the Jacksonian era. It was
the only opportunity which came to Ritchie in the prime of
his life to enter national politics. After the presidential
election of 1828 that door was practically closed, because
Jackson could not forget the attitude of the Enquirer in 1819
" This letter is the property of Mrs. Geo. E. Harrison, of Brandon,
Virginia.

110 Thomas Ritchie
i
and in 1824. Besides, Ritchie's conciliatory nature and con
servative tendencies revolted against his abrupt and uncom
promising disposition. Had he entered the national arena
before Jackson, it is not probable that he would have been
dislodged, as was Duff Green. Instead, he would have re
mained as a co-worker with Van Buren in maintaining a
balance for the eccentric head of the govemment.
It is equally difficult to estimate the effects of Ritchie's
refusal upon the course of national politics. In the first
place, it left the way open to Francis P. Blair, who was more
nationalistic in his views and less soundly versed in the fed
eralistic theories of statecraft. In their fight for political
preferment Jefferson and Madison had revived the original
and true conception of the nature of the federal govemment.
It is true they later followed its practical problems into the
haunts of nationalism and centralization. But it is also
true that they sympathized -with the great reaction to par
ticularism, which, in conjunction with an awakened democ
racy, had made the Jacksonian era possible. As the authora-
tative spokesman of the Virginia doctrines, Ritchie's oppor
tunity to be a power in directing the ship of state safely be
tween the shoals of democracy and of nationalism had come
and gone forever. As the spokesman of a great party he
might have retarded the relegation of the Virginia doctrines
to the junk pile of "abstractions" and sustained the infiuence
of the Border as a leaven for the decentralizing forces which
were now working at the South and for the centralizing ten
dencies at the North. The effect upon the body politic,
whether to defer a resort to arms or to render that final
arbiter unnecessary, lies only in the field of conjecture.
Nevertheless Virginia was to remain for a long time the
connecting link between the North and the South in the
political alliance which Van Buren had already formulated.
Under the circumstances political success seemed assured,
and the Virginians were eager for the fray. Under the lead
ership of Tazewell, Andrew Stevenson, John Randolph, and
John Floyd in national, and Ritchie, Geo. O. Dromgoole,

A Study in Virginia Politics 111
Wm. C. Goode, John Y. Mason, and W. C. Rives in local
affairs, they began to play the political game as it had never
been played before in the Old Dominion. They had thus
fallen easy victims to the spoils system and to its methods.
To their own and the great detriment of those who came
after them, Virginia has followed, with few important in
terruptions, the lead of New York ever since, even to the
point in recent times of dependence upon Tammany. Thus
State sovereignty received its most vital blow at a time when
it seemed most buoyant and when the attraction of the flesh
pots was most tempting.
Only a few of the anti-administration leaders in Virginia
held aloof from the movement inaugurated by Van Buren,
Tazewell, and John Randolph to make Jackson President and
to bury their minor differences for the accomplishment of
that end. Like John Tyler, those who hesitated to join it
were friendly to Clay, but could not endorse Adams.'*^ The
others looked eagerly to the time when Jackson would "reign
but not rule" in the White House, and they would again en
joy the spoils of office. Under the circumstances federal re
lations ceased to be a subject of serious consideration, though
the demands of the North had become more pressing and
her power more menacing. It was a time only for concilia
tion and union among the opposition forces. Accordingly
every effort was made to convert Tyler and those similarly
disposed into Jackson men ; Van Buren's plan to depose Gales
and Seaton, editors of the National Intelligencer, by depriv
ing them of the public printing, and to entrench Duff Green,
editor of the United States Telegraph, in their place by giv
ing the public printing to him, was praised by Ritchie as a
patriotic effort "to regulate and purify" the press. Mean
while the petulant and irritable Giles, to avert the danger of
a worse calamity, was placed in the governor's chair; Mc-
Duffie was given a hearty welcome to Richmond at the same
time that Van Buren and his friend Cambreleng were wel-
" Richmond Enquirer, March 6, 1827.

112 Thomas Ritchie
comed to the Southland ; and the talk about the ambitions of
the little magician to reach the vice-presidency and ultimately
the presidency as the political heir of Jackson was pronounced
a "vile trick" to sow discord between Van Buren and his
"friend" Calhoun.5*
Assaults from the Richmond Whig and other national
istic organs exposing his inconsistency in supporting Jack
son for the presidency, did not dampen Ritchie's enthusiasm
for the northern alliance and its program. He not only en
dorsed its methods but in some instances fathered them.
With the avidity of a partisan he now drank toasts to Henry
Clay, "the base Judean," who had thrown "a pearl (the presi
dency) away, richer than all his tribe," for a mess of pottage.
At the same time he praised both Van Buren and Calhoun,
and did not believe that there was in all New England "a
more able and respectable editor than Mr. Hill of the Ne^w
Hampshire Patriot," or in the whole West a "more powerful
editor than Mr. Kendall of the Kentucky Argus," who later
became members of the "Kitchen Cabinet." He also became
most vehement in his denial of the existence of a Junto in
Richmond, which thwarted all efforts at reform and distrib
uted from its Divan all patronage both local and federal.
The results of the elections of 1827 in New York and Penn
sylvania were hailed by him as the death knell of the admin
istration.'*® As he saw it there was just one question to be
settled in the coming presidential election, viz: "shall the
voice of this country call him (Andrew Jackson) forth for
four years — for four years only will he serve" or "shall it
continue J. Q. A. for another four years, with a reversion to
his present Secretary of State for another eight years after
him ?" He thought it much better to take a military chief
tain "badly bred and with an impetuous temper" than to \
'•Richmond Enquirer, March 20, 1827; Ihid., February 22, 1827;
Foote, Casket of Reminiscences, p. 24; Richmond Enquirer, June 12,
1827> 5^ Richmond Enquirer, November 13, 1827; Ihid., December 11,
1827.

A Study in Virginia Politics 113
continue a "vicious and corrupt" administration conceived in
political bargaining and reared in the school of national
ism.®® The National Intelligencer now spoke of him as the
"sovereign dictator of the political opinions of Virginia,"
and lamented the condition which made it possible for a
great people to "be led about by a weak and wicked editor." ®'^
After the meeting of the Harrisburg Convention the
tariff played the important part in the work of president
making. As the spokesman of Virginia, standing as she did
midway between the pro-tariff and the anti-tariff strong
holds, Ritchie had a difficult position. As might be expected,
he took a conciliatory attitude hoping that the South would
follow the lead of Virginia. Nevertheless he endorsed the
plan to make his friend, Andrew Stevenson, Speaker of the
House of Representatives in an effort to control all tariff
legislation by placing the appointment of the committees in
the hands of a southerner. At the same time he took pains
to assure the whole country that GDvernor Giles' radical
message on the subject of federal relations did not voice the
sentiment of Virginia, and to warn both South Carolina and
Georgia against taking steps hostile to the Union either on
account of the tariff or the Indians.®* Although he dis
trusted their friends in South Carolina he now regarded the
northern alliance as the more important. Accordingly he
frankly admitted the legality of the tariff but urged only its
inexpediency.®* When the Carolinians began to calculate
the value of their alliance with the North and to threaten the
opposition program with disruption, Ritchie visited the
Albany Regency in its divan on a political mission and later
suggested to Van Buren, by letter, that his elevation to the
governorship of New York had opened up to him "another
destiny under the general govemment."®"
"Richmond Enquirer, October 26, 1827.
'¦•Ibid., June 26, 1827.
"Ibid., February 26, 1828; Ibid., March 4, 1828.
"Ibid., November 16, 1827.
60 Van Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, March 11, 1828.

114 Thomas Ritchie
Unlike many Virginians the South Carolinians regarded
the Tariff Bill of 1828 as of more vital concem than the
"manufacture of a President of the United States." Few
of the rank and file of the party there, as elsewhere, under
stood the object of the political alliance with New York.
The "Bill of Abominations" was a direct menace to their
material well being and called forth vigorous, and in some
instances, hostile protests. In ten days after its passage the
whole state was afiame and talk of secession was rampant.
They were not willing to stand by and see their rights and
interests bartered away as the price of promotion for a favor
ite son, and were thus on the verge of passing from the con
trol of their leaders. But Calhoun was reluctant to give up
his political friends, both in Virginia and in New York, and
set himself to the task of converting the threatened revolu
tion and revolt of his countrymen into an orderly and con
servative resistance. The famous Exposition which he
worked out in the summer of 1828 was the result of these
efforts. To a patriot concerned only temporarily with the task of
president making and the duty of humiliating Adams and
Clay, the conditions in South Carolina became alarming.
In an effort to find campaign material the National Intelli
gencer, and other administration prints, charged the South
Carolinians with disloyalty and insinuated that the Virgin
ians were parties to their treasonable designs. In this new
issue Ritchie saw a real danger to Jackson's chances of reach
ing the presidency. Accordingly he addressed letters to Cal
houn, Stevenson, and his cousin, Richard E. Parker, to de
termine their attitude toward the Union. On July 18th he
published Calhoun's reply, which expressed loyalty to both
Jackson and the Union and the belief that South Carolina
would remain "within the bounds of moderation" in her op
position to the tariff.®^ Later he pronounced Stevenson and
Parker sound on authoritative information, and denied that
"Richmond Enquirer, July 18, 1828; Ihid., August 15, 1828.

A Study in Virginia Politics 115
Giles had been disloyal, as charged, in 1798.®^ Meanwhile
he threatened the New Yorkers "with a loss of their political
friends in the South, if the tariff evils were not remedied,
and consoled the Carolinians to use moderation in their op
position to the tariff. He would have had Virginia stand
where she stood in 1798 for both the letter and the spirit of
the constitution, which would have admitted of a liberal com
promise. Should she fail in her efforts it would then be time
for the South to resort to non-consumption of articles pro
duced at the North, and to raising her own hogs, horses, and
mules. He was confident that other steps would be unneces
sary, because he already detected a movement on the part of
the anti-tariff interests in Maine, New York, Massachusetts,
and the West to prevent the Bill of Abominations from be
coming operative.®^
The subject of internal improvements was of almost as
much concem to Ritchie as the tariff. Locally it was a much
more important issue in the campaign. Operating under the
General Survey Act, Adams was at that time trying to melt
down the political scruples of the Virginians "in the crucible
of mercenary interests" by a systematic use of "political en
gineering and topographical arguments ;" the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad Company and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal
Company had secured charters and were inaugurating sys
tems intended to make western Virginia tributary to Balti
more and Philadelphia ; and New York and Pennslvania had
already outstripped Virginia in the race to tap the granary
of the nation, the Ohio Valley. Disguise it as they would,
Jackson's chief strength lay in the western counties which
were most interested in all these movements. Accordingly
Ritchie now said little about the constitutionality of federal
appropriations to works of internal improvement.®* He lost
no opportunity, however, to urge the state to greater activity
in the construction of roads and canals, and again renewed
"Richmond Enquirer, July 29, 1828; Ibid., August 12, 1828.
"Ihid., June 27, 1828; Ibid., July 8, 1828.
"Ihid., March 1, 1828; Ibid., May 30, 1828.

116 Thomas Ritchie
his assurances that Virginia could not be bribed into accept
ing the American System by Adams' topographical argu
ments or by an occasional appropriation to the proposed Dis
mal Swamp's Canal or to the National Road.
Meanwhile the work of the campaign within the state was
proceeding with interest. From the very beginning the ad
ministration entertained hope of carrying it. Ex-Governor
James Pleasants, probably the most beloved and popular man
then in active politics in Virginia, was talked of as a proper
running mate for Adams; both Madison and Monroe were
placed on the Adams Electoral Ticket ; although he had not
voted in twenty years, John Marshall was induced to come
forward and register a protest against the unjust assaults
which were being made upon the administration;®® and it
was everywhere argued that the election of John Tyler to the
federal Senate and of Wm. B. Giles to the governorship
pointed to the triumph of Adams in the general election.
Considering his interest in the contest, Ritchie's indiffer
ence to the plans and the activities of the administration to
carry Virginia must have been founded upon absolute confi
dence in his position. Before they declined to permit the use
of their names upon the Adams Electoral Ticket he pro
nounced the attempt to drag Madison and Monroe into the
campaign an insult to them and a disgrace to Virginia.
Whatever their previous attitude may have been, he was now
certain that neither Giles nor Tyler was opposed to the elec
tion of Jackson. The other claims of the opposition went
unnoticed, and the Enquirer continued fo devote itself to the
larger aspects of the campaign. He was greatly alarmed lest
the anti-Masons would combine with the administration and
carry New York, Ohio, and Kentucky. Thurlow Weed's
frequent visits to Washington and the influence of his sub
sidized press in western New York were factors, the influence
of which he could not calculate. On the other hand he lost
"Richmond Enquirer, August 21, 1827; Ibid., December 18, 1827;
Ihid., January 12, 1828; Ihid., March 4, 21, 1828; Ibid., April 4, 1828;
May 13, 1828.

A Study in Virginia Politics 117
no opportunity to enlist Crawford's followers under Jackson's
banner. To this end he quoted from a letter from Crawford
endorsing the candidacy of Jackson.
Jackson's election was no surprise to Ritchie who, like
Benton, viewed it as "a triumph of democratic principles,
and an assertion of the people's right to govern themselves."
The efforts to effect it had, as if by magic, lifted him from
the groove of safe precedent and prepared him for valiant ser
vice in the cause of a new democracy. The interest of the
cause had eclipsed the unattractive personality of the un
trained, self-willed, and passionate frontiersman who had led
the Republican hosts to victory. It was therefore a feeling
of pure patriotism (he never asked for an office) which later
induced him to join that motley army of office-seekers, per
sonal friends, and sight-seers who flocked to Washington to
see the "Old Hero" take the oath which made him President
of the United States and ushered in a new era in our national
life.

US' Thomas Ritchie

CHAPTER V.

reform and nullification.

Immediately following the presidential election of 1828
the partnership which had existed between Ritchie and C.
W. Gooch since March, 1820, as joint editors of the Enquirer,
was dissolved, and with his tried and trusted friend, John L.
Cooke, as a co-laborer, Ritchie entered upon a period of
greater and more effective usefulness in both local and
national affairs. A planter owning several large estates in
eastern Virginia, Gooch had, like others of his class, con
sistently opposed all efforts at reform in the statutes and
fundamental laws of the state, and in so doing had developed
opinions radically different from those entertained by his
colleague. The common courtesy of its editors for each other
had thus prevented the Enquirer from taking an active part
in the movement about to culminate in a constitutional con
vention and had confined it almost entirely to a discussion of
national affairs. With the enthusiasm and spirit of a Jack
sonian Democrat and with a patriotic sympathy for the ideals
and movements which had made possible the political revolu
tion of 1828, Ritchie now cast his lot with the reformers to
the great chagrin and alarm of the plantation aristocracy.-*
The effect of his course in both local and national politics, in
keeping western Virginia true to the principles of Jacksonian
Democracy, and permeating the whole Union with a feeling
of patriotism, has not been understood or appreciated even
to this day. It was a factor to be reckoned -with in Demo
cratic councils down to 1860, in producing a Union sentiment
in eastern Virginia, and in keeping western Virginia loyal
to the federal govemment during the greatest crisis of our
history. '^ Richmond Enquirer, November 7, 1828; Ibid., July 25, 1854.

A Study in Virginia Politics 119
Had not the election of Adams diverted attention from
local to national issues and had not the indiscretion of Giles
created discord within the Democratic-Republican party of
the state, the reform movement, set in motion by the banking
interests of western Virginia in 1816, would doubtless have
prevailed before 1828. It came near succeeding in 1825.
Fortunately for Ritchie, success came at a time when he was
free to throw his whole force in the direction of his inclina
tions. Accordingly, he united with the westerners in their
plans for controlling the organization of the convention.
Actuated by a desire to clinch the main point at issue, they
demanded the white basis of representation, which would
have given equal numbers of delegates for equal numbers of
voters or equal numbers of the white population. On the
other hand the easterners desired a mixed basis which would
have considered property as well as population as a basis of
representation in the proposed convention.
With the fearlessness of a true reformer, Ritchie repeat
edly warned the lowlanders that both necessity and principle
required acquiescence in the demands of the westerners.
Great and peculiar as were their property interests he felt
that the slaveholders could not now afford to look beyond the
great general principles which lay at the basis of all repre
sentative govemment. He therefore found no excuse for
their desire to give a free man in a large county less power
in the govemment than a free man who lived in a small
county, to make the vote of a man who lived in Shenandoah
count for only one-twelfth as much as that of the man who
lived in Warwick, and to maintain an oligarchy under the
guise of a democracy. If its work was to be permanent, if
representative government was not to become mockery, and
if the integrity and influence of the Commonwealth was to be
maintained, he saw and urged the necessity of organizing the
proposed convention on a basis of equal and just representa
tion.^ It is thus evident that he had little sympathy with
'Richmond Enquirer, January 22, 1829.

120 Thomas Ritchie
the new theories regarding the rights and privileges of minor
ities in govemment, which were becoming popular in the
older sections of the South and extending themselves, through
Calhoun's influence, into the national councils. On the con
trary he remained loyal to the Jeffersonian teachings which
had endorsed and made popular the rule of the majority.
There was, therefore, small place in his idea of the proper
comity betwen the states or even the sections for an exercise
of local sovereignty which could assert its latent possibilities
as the dictates of its interest demanded.
Although defeated in his plans for the organization of
the proposed convention, Ritchie continued dauntless in the
cause of reform. While the election of delegates was in pro
gress he concerned himself especially with the movement to
extend the suffrage to the non-freeholders. They paid a
large tax upon personal property; labored upon the public
highways; bore arms in times of war; maintained the militia
in times of peace ; and he saw no reason why they should not
exercise the right of suffrage. He was certain that their ser
vices to the body politic were ample evidence of a permanent
common interest with an attachment to the community and
that their duties were in no way commensurate with their
rights and privileges. He also thought it contrary to the Bill
of Rights to exclude them from the electorate, and suggested
that they petition the constitutional convention for a redress
of grievances.^ Although his proposed reforms were far reaching, at times
tolerating the idea of woman suffrage,* Ritchie thought the
time inopportune for 'a consideration of any plans for the
abolition of negro slavery. Accordingly he disapproved of the
attempts of the westerners to inject that subject into the dis
cussions regarding the proposed convention. He knew that
"this sting can scarcely be touched without jarring the body
politic," and warned all that its discussion would "instantly
'Richmond Enquirer, February 14, 1829; Ibid., October 15, 1829.
•Ihid., October 20, 1829.

A Study in Virginia Politics 121
inflame the minds of the eastern members, prove a source of
discord, and distract the deliberations of that assembly more
than all other points of required concession."®
Nevertheless Ritchie did not give up on the main issues
involved and continued to excoriate the slaveholding aristoc-
racy in the name of justice and of progress. His abruptness
in breaking through the crust of custom and the sanctity of
privilege with which the aristocrats clothed their long estab
lished and timidly questioned right to rule, caused many to
pity him and others to wish for the destruction of his press.
Those whom he was trying to aid hardly appreciated his
situation sufficiently to be helpful. They did, however, rush
to his aid -with subscriptions, raising the total number of
those taking the Enquirer to 5,000, and increasing that num
ber at the rate of three daily during the month of July, 1829,
and thus making it possible for Ritchie to win his way to the
hearts of the westerners. Encouraged by these evidences of
approval and buoyant with the spirit of the times he, in the
face of the hostile east, enlarged the size of his paper, pur
chased new type, confessed his former errors in neglecting
the interests of the people, and recommitted himself to the
cause of reform.
Amid the talk of dismemberment and the counter attacks
of the easterners and the westerners in that memorable con
vention which met in Richmond in October, 1829, Ritchie
continued to demand reforms. His demands became even in
sistent and impetuous. After weeks of debate and fruitless
effort in which the respective rights of a majority and a
minority in government were clearly and forcefully set forth
by such debaters as Benjamin W. Leigh, Abel P. Upshur,
Chapman Johnson, John Tyler, Littleton W. Tazewell,
John Randolph, and W. B. Giles on one side, and Philip
Doddridge, C. F. Mercer, Briscoe G. Baldwin, Judge Lewis
Summers, and Alexander Campbell on the other, with two
ex-presidents, Madison and Monroe, and the Chief Justice of
'Richmond Enquirer, July 24, 1829.

122 Thomas Ritchie
the United States, John Marshall, as referees, the eastern
aristocrats suddenly awoke to the fact that their antagonists'
most trusted sentinel was located in Richmond in the office
of the Enquirer. AVhen they handed down their ultimatum
the most that he would concede was compromise. Accord
ingly a movement was set on foot to destroy the Enquirer
by establishing a pro-eastem and a pro-slavery press in Rich
mond. The best description of this incident, together with
the attending circumstances, is found in the following ex
tracts of a not wholly disinterested letter written some years
later by C. W. Gooch to Van Buren :
"I have been to Mr. Ritchie and his family — a friend — a brother —
a child — a Father — a Benefactor. He knows it — he feels it! On
several occasions I have had the bread of his five children in my
hands! During the session of our Convention, the whole of Eastern
Virginia (including some of his nearest relations) were exasperated
at his course. They were determined to destroy him and his press.
Deputies from many counties came to Riehmond; the Members of the
Convention and of the Legislature and others had Meeetings or Cau
cuses — they understood one another — and appointed a large Committee
of Management to get up a press they could support. That Com
mittee had several meetings to select an Editor. My name was promptly
brought forward; but two personal friends told the meeting that
they would vouch for my declining any offer they could make; that
I stood peculiarly related to the Enquirer; the Editor of that paper
was my friend, and owed me $10,000, (which he has since paid) for my
interest in the paper — that independent as I was, and this debt over
Mr. R's head & my intimacy & good feeling with him & his family,
it was impossible for me to think of the proposition; and, the more
especially, since I had quitted the paper but a short time & could
take it back & control it, if I thought proper. They then looked
out for another; but they could not agree upon any man; and in
sisted that my friends should make the proposition, and assure me
that within ten days, $10,000 should be paid me in money, the price
for 2,000 subscriptions; that they would contribute original matter
and make such exertions as should insure unprecedent success to the
paper. These propositions were accordingly submitted to me. I could
give but one answer, l^o. But seeing the course things must take in
the Convention, and that the excitement about the white basis would
soon subside, I gladly seized the opportunity of preventng the enlist
ment & pledged devotion of more than half the State, in a crusade
against the Enquirer, and the more especially when I saw that
Calhounisnk was the next great object of the leaders in this business.
Under these circumstances I asked 8 or 10 days to think of the
matter & make my decision; goin^ at once to Mr. Ritchie & telling
him to quiet his alarms, repeating all the circumstances (but names)
and informing him what was my predetermined decision, & my motives
for delay. Mr. R. was truly alarmed, but my frank declarations trans-
steribed him into a moving shadow over the room. His tears witnessed

A Study in Virginia Politics 123
the sincerity of his declarations when he said if I would not embark
in such a scheme, he defied any other man. It was a, critical time in
the fortunes of his paper. The eighth or ninth day after, when
Gordon's compromise had been adopted in the Convention, and the
minds of men had been freed of an excitement of which I partook
like others, since my property was likely to be taxed by men who had
no property, etc. — when I saw the calm so rapidly succeeding the
tempest, I made my decision in form, and- communicated with the
Committee. I , protested against throwing the Enquirer over board,
because Mr. Ritchie was in favor of the white basis; that it was a
paper more devoted to federal politics than any thing else; that
upon almost every other point that far he had gone wth lower
Virginia — that the Convention would soon adjourn with a Constitution
which the people would ratify, & that we should be thrown back upon
federal politics in all our political movements — and that in these
respects I was not aware of any difference in mine and Mr. R's
opinions. I explained the personal relationship and connection between
us, and the impropriety at that time of setting up a new paper. But,
that when Mr. Ritchie did not support the Administration of Gen.
Jackson as he ought; whenever he showed a leaning to either Clay or
Calhoun, or to their opposite policies, then I would embark under such
fiattering offers, and apply myself again to what I knew to be the
most slavish, the most disagreeable, nay, revolting employments. The
Managers in this Matter, including my personal friends, were then
covertly and are now ardent Calhoun Men & Nullifiers. To such
men my answer was decisive. In the meantime the friends of the
Administration had become satisfied with the Compromise in the
Convention, & their ardor for a new paper had cooled down. As you
may suppose, the subject was dropped for a time. I had anticipated
this result. The little Calhoun party, however, being thus foiled
rallied after a while upon their own supposed strength, and set up the
Jeffersonian Republican, •which found a circulation only on the south
side of the James River & in some of the Calhoun States. It proved
a losing business, tho' it struggled on to this winter when the
Coalition between Clay & Calhoun caused its amalgamation with the
Whig. The hostility to the Enquirer has been kept up, and has in
creased so much that Mr. R. was near being ousted as public printer.
His enemies are confident of success at the next Session, & I fear
will succeed. Many of the cordial friends of the Administration voted
against him on account of the milk & water course he pursues. He
was, in fact, only saved by the Clay men and old federalists who are
afraid of Nullification."
Ritchie emerged from the exasperating and initimidating
experiences of the constitutional convention stronger than
when he entered it. Threats to dismember the Common
wealth and attempts to destroy his press caused him to mod
ify his attitude toward and his "rash" statements about the
lowlanders and to endorse the compromise which they pro-

" Van Buren MSS.

124 Thomas Ritchie
posed as a settlement of the differences between the sections
about representation. Nevertheless his heart continued to
overflow with sympathy for the "men beyond the mountains,"
whom he was ever ready to admit on a basis of equality to
a share in the common traditions and achievements of the
Old Dominion.'^ His reluctance in accepting the constitu
tion of 1830 was ample proof that intimidation had not pro
duced conviction. Now that the slaveholders had won with
out establishing an independent press, he continued as their
spokesman, but was henceforth the acknowledged leader of
the Jacksonian Democrats of the uplands.
Meanwhile national politics had assumed an alarming
aspect. The tariff agitation of 1827 and the passage of the
act of 1828 had inflamed the South to the point of conflagra
tion. John Randolph continued to hold high the standard of
revolt; Dr. Cooper, the apostle of the Manchester doctrines
of laissez-faire and free trade, was calculating the value of
the Union ; agricultural societies met to protest and threaten ;
and the South Carolina delegation were on the point of vacat
ing their seats in the federal Congress. It was not evident
how far Calhoun's desires to be the leader of his section
would carry him into the paths of Nullification or when the
keen appetite of the protectionists would be satisfied. It was
evident though that a reaction against Adams' vain but not
unpopular attempt to erect "light-houses of the skies" and
to lay low the mountains by a liberal interpretation of the
constitution was at hand, but it was equally evident that
every step of the movement would be fought most stubbornly
by that arch strategist, Henry Clay.
Though sympathizing most heartily with the strict con
struction program, Ritchie saw danger ahead for the new ad
ministration. That danger lay within the party, and his
tory had taught him that internal discord was fatal to vigor
ous party life. A time for conciliation and compromise had
thus arrived. Accordingly he advocated a return to the Vir-
^ Richmond Enquirer, December 3, 1829.

A Study in Virginia Politics 125
¦;
ginia doctrines of '98 as a happy and constitutional mean
between the unconstitutional tendencies toward nationalism
at the North and the equally unconstitutional tendencies to
ward Nullification in South Carolina. Either tendency ad
mitted of no compromise and thus vitiated both the spirit
and the letter of the federal compact which was itself a bun
dle of compromises. He lamented the fact that the sections
had gone so far adrift in their contest for material gain and
political advantage as to lose sight of the spirit and nature
of the federal government. With a view to recalling his coun
trymen to original principles he therefore embarked upon a
campaign of education. To this end Edmund Pendleton's
famous essay, written in 1801 after the Jeffersonian triumph^
and entitled "The Danger not Over," was republished in the
Enquirer f protests were made against the attempts to place
the federal Senate in control of the opposition ; and a move
ment was launched for a federal convention to aid in recall
ing the country to original principles and in settling by com
promise the questions involved in the application of the fed
eral constitution.^
Like the elder statesmen of Virginia and elsewhere,
Ritchie, despite his avowals of 1828, had no exalted opinion
of Jackson's ability as a statesman and a constructive leader.
Least of all did he consider him a conciliator and a compro
miser. He had accepted the Old General's candidacy in the
hope that his popularity would blast the ambitions of those
engaged in the "corrupt bargain" and make it possible for
wiser heads to restore the govemment of the fathers. For
himself he had already undertaken in a most patriotic spirit
what he conceived to be his part in this noble work. Consid
ering the contemplated revival of the power and influence of
the states it is not strange that he had elected to perform his
services at Richmond instead of going to Washington. His
first duty had ever been to Virginia, and he now considered
her leadership necessary to make the political revolution of
' Richmond Enquirer, December 6, 1828.
'lUd., December 18, 22, 1828.

126 Thomas Ritchie
1828 effective. She was allied to the West by the strongest
ties of interest, and her relations with the South were such as
to call for all the "prudence of the head" and all the "ener
gies of the heart." Therefore he did not see why a free and
vigorous press in Virginia could not aid materially in curbing
the ambition of the former and in restraining the ardent and
centrifugal forces of the latter, while it at the same time
opposed the encroaching domination of the North and the
East.i® Ritchie's position was clearly evident from his attitude
toward and advice to the newly elected President. Though
willing to entrust the patriotic duty to other and younger
heads, he urged the necessity of a press in Washington that
would dare to "speak the truth to the Court and to the Peo
ple." Familiar with what he considered the "Old Hero's" be
setting weaknesses he also made bold to advise that he devote
his whole energies to the services of his country, that he sur
round himself by able men, that he avoid the delusions of
ambition and the seductions of passion, that he aid in restor
ing the government to its original conceptions, and that he
show moderation in the use of victory. He had always con
sidered that it was one thing to win victories but quite an
other to use and improve them.^^
Whatever may have been his distrust of the chieftain
under whom they had fought, there is every evidence that
Ritchie understood the importance of the victory achieved
by the Democrats in 1828. They had broken through the
line of safe precedent under the slogan "measures not men,"
inaugurating a new era similar to that inaugurated by the
Democratic revolution of 1801. However, deluded he may
have been about the importance of "measures" in this per
sonal triumph of a military hero, sufficient measures and
principles were at stake to render necessary political accord
within the victorious party if that victory was to be improved.
10 Richmond Enquirer, November 21, 1828.
"Ibid., November 21, 25, 1828.

A Study in Virginia Politics 127
Accordingly he used every energy to steer clear of the rocks
of internal discord. He considered it a time to bind up the
ties of friendship and to soothe the lacerated feelings of those
who had been injured by eight years of bitter party warfare,
a time to restore the press to a due consideration of virtue
and intelligence, a time to restore the purity of our institu
tions, and a time to develop the internal resources of our com
mon country. In reply to the rumor that Van Buren and
Calhoun already sought the presidency as the successors of
Jackson in 1832, he entreated the politicians and the editors
to "save Rome" from her enterprising and ambitious citizens
and to give the people a rest from the madness, the folly, and
the heart-sickening effects of political strife. Had his ad
vice been followed, granting that he himself would have been
willing to abide by it permanently, Ritchie might today be
rated among the great statesmen as well as among the great
editors. As the cabinet was expected to perform the most impor
tant executive functions under the new order of things, and
as the leading politicians of Virginia expected to occupy the
most important places in that body, Ritchie approached all
discussions regarding it with a degree of caution. He did not
share the common distrust of Van Buren, nor was he keen
for the promotion of those radical state rights men who were
willing to play fast and loose with Clay for political advan
tages. It is not certain, however, that he had been admitted
to those administration secrets which contemplated sending
the leaders of the old school to oblivion. He, therefore,
quietly acquiesced in the local movement to make Tazewell,
the solon of the Virginia lowlands, the premier of the new
administration. Nor did he express a doubt that Floyd, who
had refused to stand for a re-election to Cbngress, would be
called to aid in the patriotic work of recalling the government
to original principles. Meanwhile, the Enquirer lost no op
portunity to urge Jackson to an independent course in the
selection of his advisers. Although conspicuous because of
the absence of Virginians, he was therefore able to announce

128' Thomas Ritchie
the names of the new cabinet with disappointment but not
with regret. Had local conditions permitted, he doubtless
would have had even less hesitancy in seeing the line of suc
cession pass to the younger statesmen.
Mistaking his praise of the elder statesmen in Virginia
for sympathy with their ambitions, it was not long, however,
before the editorial world began to chide Ritchie about the
"crop of sour grapes" there. It was noted, moreover, that
despite the inclemency of the season, the crop was unusually
large but of a variety that would never ripen. He endured
this pleasantry until it reached a point beyond which for
bearance ceased to be a virtue and until some of the smaller
plums had been allotted to the lesser politicians, and then he
notified the amused public that there were no sour grapes in
Virginia and that Tazewell had never desired a place in the
cabinet.^^ He could not say as much for Floyd and refrained
from saying anything.^*
The slight shown the elder statesmen in the formation
of thei cabinet did not concem Ritchie half so much as the
other innovations introduced by Jackson. Inured to the
methodical habits of the Virginia dynasty and to those tenets
of conservatism which made the Old Dominion a power when
she had giants in politics but later left her stranded high and
dry in the march of progress, the practical application of
the spoils system shocked him. But he had cast his lot with
the new regime as a matter of patriotism and was determined
to fight within the party rather than out of it. On April 14,
1829, he protested by letter to Van Buren, thus early recog
nizing him as the, power behind the throne, against the con
sideration being shown the army of office seekers which
thronged the federal capital. He feared that they would
hasten the calculations of the politicians by sending Jack
son to an untimely grave. He therefore advised that the
President himself peremptorily refuse to converse with all
" Richmond Enquirer, March 1-0, 1829.
"Floyd MSS. Floyd to Col. John Williams, December 27, 1830.

A Study in Virginia Politics 129

I

applicants for office. Instead he urged that the whole matter
be turned over to secretaries empowered with authority to
investigate each and every application and to make recom
mendations. Under such conditions he predicted a quiet dis
persal of the office seekers and the restoration of a sounder
tone to the body politic. He was equally alarmed at the
growing practice of appointing editors to office as a reward
for political or other service. "It is with great reluctance,"
said he, "I speak upon this point. I am seriously impressed
with the conviction that too many of these appointments have
been made ; and certainly of all the measures of the present
adm. it is the only one which has produced a deep and serious
impression among its friends in this part of the country.
Is it not time to stop ? The more you appoint, the more, I
fear, will harass you for office."^*
After an attempt, only partly successful, to conciliate
the proud and ambitious Virginians and to lay the basis of a
new Democracy with them by sending Tazewell to the Eng
lish,*® Randolph to the Russian, and Rives to the French
court, by making other liberal uses of the spoils, and by re
affirming her political faith, interest was suddenly diverted
from the administration, as such, by a movement for the an
nexation of Texas. Mexico was being threatened with a loss
of her independence, and under the circumstances it was
feared that her northeastern provinces would be disposed of
in such a way as to make them a menace to the further
growth and development of the United States. Our subjects
were already pouring into Texas in an effort to extend our
territory. As all such movements, this one received the en
dorsement of the folk at home, and the articles by "Ameri-
canus," believed to have been Thomas H. Benton, urging
annexation, were republished in the press of the whole coun
try and received with popular favor.*®
" Van Bwren MSS.
'"Tazewell declined the appointment. Van Buren MSS. Tazewell
to Jackson, March 30, 1829.
"Richmond Enquirer, -Steptember 8, 1829.

130 Thomas Ritchie
Notwithstanding the fact that the National Intelligencer
saw in the proposed annexation the creation of a new West,
which would depopulate Virginia by opening up new lands
to her citizens and eventually dismember the Union by mak
ing the slaveholding power formidable, Ritchie wanted Texas
and wanted it then. Ever since the South's unfortunate
acquiescence in the Missouri Compromise, he had looked to
Texas as a compensation for what it had then lost. Fully
versed in the expansive powers of a slaveholding society he
knew that elbow room was necessary to sustain the power and
prestige of the South. Besides, there were other circum
stances which now made Texas desirable. He believed Mex
ico ready to sell, and thought the purchase necessary to re
move the dangers of British aggression.*^ Then, too, the
purchase of Texas might be used as a master stroke by Jack
son to allay party discords and to stifie opposition, as Jeffer
son had used the purchase of Louisiana to accomplish similar
ends.*® Even Texas could not divert the attention of the South
Carolinians and the disappointed Virginians from the tariff.
It had not taken a year to convince them of their impotency
at court and of the doubts surrounding the political triumph
of 1828. Nevertheless they had strong ground of hopeful
ness for a redress of their material grievances in the sup
posed anti-tariff attitude of Jackson. This was doubtless the
reason why they had said so little, except in their private cor
respondence, about his indifference toward their political
pretensions and about the promotion of the "little Magician"
to the premiership. The first annual message had tickled
their fancy regarding the tariff, and the Exposition had not
yet wrought its mission. Thus while some of the state leg
islatures, notably that of Pennsylvania, were nominating
Jackson for re-election, they offered no serious opposition,
planning and hoping all the time to control the policies of his
"Richmond Enquirer, September 8, 22, 1829.
" Ibid.

A Study in Virginia Politics 131
second administration. This is why Jackson's toast, "Our
Federal Union; it must be preserved," given on April 13,
1830, at the celebration of Jefferson's birthday, surprised
them. It meant simply that the Union would be preserved
regardless of what became of the tariff or of what course the
Nullifiers ultimately took.
As with Jackson so with Ritchie, there was much doubt
about the ends to which his anti-tariff sentiments would lead.
For once he had ventured to disagree with his teacher, Madi
son, in insisting that a protective tariff was unconstitutional
and not merely inexpedient.*® But at the same time he had
tried to reconcile the Virginia planters to the existing condi
tions by inducing them to employ their slave labor in fac
tories. Thus he hoped to make the South self-sufficing and a
recipient of the protective policy.^" Moreover, he had wel
comed Van Buren, the supposed custodian of the northern
interests, to Richmond in 1829; he had declared for Jack
son's re-election almost three months before the Legislature
of Pennsylvania; and he had complaisantly acquiesced in
denying to Floyd and Tazewell a place of influence in the
new administration.^* When he could see no more in Jack
son's toast than a 'mild warning to all parties," Calhoun,
Tazewell, and Floyd needed no other proof that the Enquirer
would be henceforth for Jackson and a united Democratic
party regardless of the tariff or anything else.^^
During the days immediately following Jackson's bold
declaration for the Union, the Nullifiers became more aggres
sive. By a confusion of their own doctrines with those of
'98 they hoped to drive Ritchie and other strict construc
tionists into an active alliance. But the wily editor of the
Enquirer continued to condemn their schemes as inoppor
tune and ill-advised. In able expositions of the Virginia
doctrines based upon his political Bible. (Madison's Report),
"Richmond Enquirer, December 27, 1828; Ihid., January 3, 1829.
20/6td, January 27, 1829.
^Ihid., January 12, 30, 1829.
"Ibid., April 20, 23, 1830; Ibid., June 4, 1830.

132 Thomas Ritchie
he showed that they were unlike and preferable to Nullifica
tion. At the same time he made every effort to keep Jackson
tme to the strict construction theory of the federal constitu
tion, hoping thereby to counteract the Nullification move
ment by a milder and more logical method of opposition to
the tariff. To this end he urged, through Van Buren, a veto
of the Maysville Bill on constitutional grounds as an achieve
ment "more glorious than the Victory of New Orleans."^^
Though he did not entirely approve the principles of
Jackson's veto of the Maysville Bill, he accepted it as a vin
dication of the middle course between nullification and cen
tralization, and assured the public that it would be harmless
to the administration even in the West. His belief in its
beneficient effects both as a means to restrain Nullification
and vindicate the Virginia doctrines was clearly set forth in
a letter to his brother Archibald, from which the annexed
extract is taken:
"I have this day had a long conversation with Stevenson, and
a pretty long one with McDuffle. I infer from the remarks and tone
of the latter that the storm in S. Carolina is blowing over that the
proceedin-gp of Congress for the last few days previous to adjourn
ment will have the effect of tranquilizing her excited politicians and
of putting aside the measure of nullification. I told him very plainly
that in my opinion Virginia would not co-operate in such a measure.
He said that the most the politicians of S. C. had thought of doing
was to declare the Tariff null and void by a Convention, and then
leaving it to her Juries to refuse giving judgments on the Revenue
Bonds. He seemed to think that even this course would now be
abandoned, though he said he had no idea that Congress, organized
as it now was, would modify the Tariff so as to make it acceptable or
toIertibiLe to his state. I suggested to him that the measure might
be got rid of by breaking in pieces the Combinations which had
carried it through, but this was to be done by degrees and required
time — that next winter we might reduce the duty on sugar and thus
lessen the attachment of Louisiana for the Tariff — that in reducing
the duty on iron & wool we might strike N. Jersey & N. York from
the Tariff States, and thus we might get back to the old times. He,
however, contented that a reduction on sugar would be lost by a ma
jority of 30 votes, and that the various interests which were involved
would stick together, and defeat any gradual or detached attack.
I confess upon the whole his tone is miueh softened down, and that
I have almost lost all fear of a storm from the South.
"Our friends are, of course, in high spirits for Gen. Jackson's
" Van Buren MSS.

A Study in Virginia Politics 133
Mess-age on the Maysville Bill. It does not exactly come up to our
Virginia Doctrines; but it does a great deal, by arresting corrupting
local appropriations, for the benefit of this and that sectional im
provement, which were wasting the public funds and bribing the
members of Congress out of their Constitutional principles. When
I heard of the way in which the "Old Hero" was beset, by members
from the West telling him if he rejected the Maysville Bill, he and
they were gone there, that it would scatter dissatisfaction through
most of their districts^ — when I recollect how many interests he was
going against in taking his ground, I am more &, more impressed
with the great moral courage he has exhibited. I understand Eaton
& Ingham were for his signing the bill. Van Buren & Branch against
it. On Sunday morning, after sitting up all night, the President
was very much nettled in their forcing the Light House & Harbor
bill upon him, filled with God knows how many little appropriations
for roads and canals & &, in order to force them all down his throat,
or by his rejecting them, rousing up so many various interests against
him. He exclaimed with some warmth, 'Let them come on — all — I
am ready for them.' That bill you know he kept by him on Monday
morning & refused to pass upon. Webster was very anxious to con
tinue Congress together in order to force him to act, and thus get
material against him for the Summer Campaign. The obligations
we owe "Old Hickory" for stepping in at this crisis & saving the Con
stitution almost at its last gasp are great indeed."
Accordingly Ritchie turned his chief attention to the ef
forts being made to open the West India ports to American
trade. "This is a matter," said he, in a letter to his brother
Archibald, "deeply interesting to you farmers, at this time
too, would have much effect on the coming harvest. I wish
to God that I could have the pleasure of announcing the
opening of the W. India ports. No news can he more agree
able to the public.^*
Ritchie was never more mistaken in anything than in
considering Nullification dead in 1830. The supposed rem
edial developments had only heightened the opposition of the
Carolinians to the tariff. During the summer of 1830 they
effected working organizations and made determined efforts
to extend their propaganda.. To this end the Nullification
doctrines were again described as being identical with the
Virginia doctrines, and Ritchie was attacked as a nationalist
who, in conjunction with Van Buren, had parceled out the
'•Richmond Enquirer, June 8, 1830.

134 Thomas Ritchie
empire.^® The Salisbury (N. C.) Carolinian even affirmed
that he had been a NuUifier in 1822,^® when his cousin Spen
cer Roane had sought the presidency as the leader of the
strict construction wing of the Democratic-Republican party.
In sympathy with their war upon the tariff, but desirous
of controlling the enthusiasm of the Nullifiers, Ritchie was
now ready to admit that there was a point of forbearance be
yond which a free people could not go in the neglect of their
rights. He was certain, however, that the South Carolinians
had not reached that point, and he hesitated to draw the veil,
under the existing conditions, on what would happen, were
they to resort to force to prevent the collection of the cus
toms duties. To his mind nullification and secession seemed
synonymous, and the former was without sanction or prece
dent. In suport of these contentions he quoted at length
from the writings of Jefferson and Madison, and called at
tention to the edition of the Resolutions and Debates of '98
which he had recently published, together with a preface by
himself.^''' He furthermore denied the existence on his part
of any understanding with Van Buren looking to the promo
tion of the latter to the presidency to the exclusion of Cal
houn. Supported as he was by most of the younger politicians
of the state and by the General Assembly, the effect of
Ritchie's stand in favor of the administration was readily
seen in a tendency of the opposition forces of all varieties
whatsoever to unite as they later did to form the Whig party.
It is doubtless true that the followers of Jackson aided this
tendency by their efforts to prevent the re-election of Floyd
to the govemorship and by their haughty exercise of power.
They thus led Floyd, and probably Tazewell, to believe that
Jackson's hostility to Calhoun had ante-dated the presiden- /'
"Richmond Enquirer, June 18, 1830; Ihid., July 2, 13 1830 and
August 3, 13, 1830. .x . > ", "^ ^^
"Ibid., August 3, 1830.
"Ihid., July 2, 1830; Ihid., August 3, 31, 1830; Ihid., October 1,
1830.

A Study in Virginia Politics 135
tial election of 1828, and that the old guard had been treach
erously betrayed into voting for a gang of spoilers. His
Indian fighting blood was thus aroused, and he now sought
sweet revenge to be "marked by the effects of the tomahawk."
The following extract from a letter to Col. John Williams of
Knoxville, Tennessee, shows plainly that he did not hesitate
to join forces with Clay to attain such results :
"When I wrote to you that Mr. Clay and myself could not be
reconciled it was for the reason that there was not in my opinion
ground enough for us to occupy with the freedom- of former friend
ship and not that I had the slightest enmity to him or remotest
disposition to check his future hopes in this State or any where
else — but perfectly willing my friends should deal with him as their
judgment of the present and belief of the future shall dictate." "
The final breach between Calhoun and Jackson, which
came when the latter discovered the attitude of the former
toward his conduct in Florida in 1819, and the odium cast
upon the administration by the presence of Mrs. Eaton in the
official family, marked the parting of the ways between the
politicians of the old school and those whom the natural
course of events had made leaders in Virginia in 1829. In
their short sightedness and lack of confidence in the power
and influence of the new democratic revolution, Floyd, Taze
well, Tyler, Thomas W. Gilmer, and others thought that the
time for sweet revenge had arrived, that the new order was
rapidly disintegrating for want of experience and knowledge
in the art of statecraft, and that they themselves would soon
be vindicated by restoration to a commanding place in the
councils of the republic. Even the friends of the administra
tion admitted that Calhoun was the favorite of the Assembly
for the presidency. Under the circumstances it seemed pos
sible to win a large part of the followers of Clay. In the
midst of such encouraging conditions the old guard became
militant. With Floyd in the governor's chair and with Taze
well and Tyler in the federal Senate they anticipated little
'^ Floyd MSS. December 27, 1830.

136 Thomas Ritchie
difficulty in marshaling the state behind Calhoun's candidacy
and thus checking the Nullification movement by making it
unnecessary. To this end Ritchie was to be driven from his
commanding position by Gilmer, who was to establish an
anti-Jackson organ in Richmond, and that "wretch of a
printer," Amos Kendall and those "miserable reptiles," Wil
liam B. Lewis, John Eaton, and Martin Van Buren, were
denounced as political dictators who had usurped the govem
ment by taking advantage of Jackson's credulity. Patriot
ism had thus called the old guard to the rescue. The lurking
desires for revenge and the longings of ambition made it im
possible to ignore the call.
The following extract from Floyd's Diary, commenced at
this time to record what he believed to be the downfall of our
experiment at govemment, tells the story as he and other
Virginians saw it:
"The President has disappointed friends and foes. All his enemies
said of him before the election has been realized. The future his
torian will regret to record the error these states committed in raising
a victorious general of their army to the first office in the States
of a civil kind, merely because he had become popular in winning a
great battle and closing a war with a splendid victory over the
English army at New Orleans. * * * j thought Jackson had
mind, which by practice in the affairs of government, would be qualified
to manage the machine and in a short space of time he would be a
statesman. That all the talents of the Union were at his command,
I knew, and did believe in common with all others of his friends,
that he would call around him the talented and distinguished gen
tlemen throughout the confederacy and make as strong and splendid
an administration as Jefferson's. How sorrowfully all have been
disappointed. We believe that Landon Cheves, Littleton Waller Taze
well, John McLean of Ohio, Thomas Benton, James Hamilton, Jr., of
South Carolina, Hayne, a senator of that State, Hugh L. White of
Tennessee, and so forth and so forth would have been called; and that
Mr. Calhoun, the Vice-President, would have been consulted and al
lowed his due weight, he being considered a man of the first talents in
the Union, the one on which we place the highest value. Instead of
giving us such men, he has surrounded himself with men of narrow
minds, some of them hardly gentlemen and none of them have much
character and no principles, moral or political, except Ingham and
Branch. Jackson has given himself up to the management of these
wretches and has even had the folly to engage in the little petty quar
rels of the women." "
" Floyd Diary.

A Study in Virginia Politics 137
To the honest conservatives, whatever may have been
their political ambitions, their disappointments, and their
estimates of the value and nature of their own public ser
vices, the exigencies of the times were indeed alarming. It
is not strange that they turned to their hero, Calhoun, for
deliverance and let pass no opportunity "to keep- the long
end of the lever in case of his (Jackson's) death." To this
end Duff Green suggested that the General Assembly of Vir
ginia place Calhoun in nomination with Jackson for re-elec
tion to the vice-presidency. Fearing and hoping that Jack
son might die before the end of his first term, Floyd doubted
the wisdom of the course suggested by Green, because Calhoun
could not then ask for the presidency with the same grace
that he could if his name had not been used in connection
with the second place. Despite occasional tendencies to
ward conciliation and concerted action with the followers of
Clay, the dissatisfied politicians of Virginia were willing to
aid in the re-election of Jackson to defeat Clay and to be in
a position to determine the succession in any event. ^*
Had not Clay been in the way the disaffected elements
of the Democratic party in Virginia would have urged Cal
houn's candidacy in 1831. With him and Jackson alone in
the contest, Floyd was certain of their ability to carry the
state. It mattered not that Duff Green, editor of the United
States Telegraph, was being driven from his strategic posi
tion in conection with the press of the country to make a
place for Blair and the Globe, and that the press of Virginia,
under the leadership of Ritchie, was being brought into
greater accord with the administration. Floyd's hope lay in
getting Clay to see that the people would not satirize them
selves by turning Jackson out and putting him in, and that
he could attain the presidency only after Jackson's successor
had served one or two terms. But unlike Judge Brooke,
Clay's confidential adviser in eastern Virginia, the leaders
of the western and the northern parts of the state, who favored
30 Floyd MSS. Floyd to Calhoun, April 16, 1831.

138 Thomas Ritchie
fedeffal appropriations to works of internal improvement
and were not hostile to the protective tariff, were not willing
that the author of the American System "should decline for
a time" to be a candidate for the presidency.^* Clay doubt
less shared their opinion, and, though the inter-party feeling
against Jackson raged, the time seemed inopportune for Cal
houn. Jackson's decision to have a political house cleaning, to
be accomplished by forcing the -resignation of his cabinet
and by its complete reorganization, brought a revival of hopes
for the anti-Jackson program. True, Floyd saw in the pro
posed house cleaning only "another of those manifestations
of weak sagacity" by which Van Buren thought to save him
self and Jackson and to suspend public judgment upon their
conduct.^^ There was, however, a noticeable, falling off in
Jackson's streng'th in Virginia about this time, and the ad
visability of launching Calhoun's candidacy was seriously
considered by his friends. Despite the happiness over what
was believed to mark a decline in Ritchie's power and influ
ence, the chief difficulty lay now not with Clay but with
Ritchie. To Floyd he had become a veritable thom in the
flesh. On June 24, 1831, he wrote to J. S. Barbour as
follows :
"I am informed that Ritchie still adheres to Jackson, and to
Van Buren ; some think for the sake of the latter and 'for other
purposes,' though he has but few, very few in his train. The Trabea
is falling from his shoulders; every step he takes is digging his own
pit; and every apology he attempts for the violation of the Consti
tution is lessening his influence, and for the outrages upon morals
and private rights by the favorites of power, is preparing for him
self future regrets. To talk about the benefits this administration
has broug^ht or will bring to State Rights, is an insult to the plain
understanding of all and a satire upon the whole of Ritchie's former
political opinions." si
There are few better examples anywhere of the inability
of politicians to bring about things of consequence or to know
what is of consequence and possible than that shovm in 1831
"Floyd MSS. Floyd to Calhoun, April 16, 1831.
"Floyd's Diary, April 25, 1831.
ss Floyd MSS.

A Study in Virginia Politics 139
by Calhoun's friends in Virginia. With a skill and adroit
ness equalled only by that of the Albany Regency, W. S.
Archer, Geo. C. Dromgoole, and the Junto recently recruited
by the addition of Ritchie's brother-in-law. Judge Richard
E. Parker, Peter V. Daniel, and others of equal skill as poli
ticians, understood both the temper and the desires of the
^•oters and the limitations of their opponents both in and out
of the Republican party. By smoothing over the attacks of
the Globe upon "our Senators," Tazewell and Tyler, by offer
ing the voters Jackson and reform in preference to Clay and
the tariff or to Calhoun and Nullification, by a loyal devo
tion to the Union, and by throwing cold water upon the
rumors which had brought Mrs. Eaton into the limelight and
disrupted social and political circles in Washington, Ritchie
made it almost impossible for such politicians as Floyd, Taze
well, and Tyler to bolt Jackson, while he at the same time
prevented Calhoun from winning a popular following.
Plainly nothing but victory was to crown such efforts and
such sagacity. On April 4, 1831, Andrew Stevenson wrote
Van Buren to have no alarm about the rumors of "mighty
changes in the Old Dominion." He did not doubt that there
would be "war to the knife" accompanied by the loss of some
of his former friends, but he was determined to beat no re-
treat.3* Even the disruption of the cabinet did not alarm Ritchie
and his associates. Indeed, they saw in it a political asset.
They expected the resignation of the "little Magician' and the
"magnanimous utterances" which accompanied it to put an
end to "the discords and ambitions which have appeared in
our party," and Ritchie expressed it as his opinion that Van
Buren would not again accept office at the hands of the Presi
dent.^® A second thought, prompted doubtless by informa
tion from Washington and sustained by a desire for party
unity, produced a change of mind, however, and he with the
'• Van Buren MSS.
" Yan Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, April 20, 1831. See
also R. E. Parker to Van Buren, April 28, 1831.

140 Thomas Ritchie
approval of the Junto, concluded that it would be better for
Van Buren to go to the Court of St. James rather than re
main in this country and scramble with Calhoun for the vice-
presidency. While the New York Herald was certain that
Van Buren would not go to London, but would remain in this
country and run for the vice-presidency, Ritchie was equally
certain that he would go, and that he was not and would not
become a candidate. Both publicly and privately, even to
Van Buren himself, he opposed all attempts to run him
against Calhoun.^® The degree to which these declarations
of a semi-friendship were reassuring to the friends of Cal
houn would be difficult to determine.
Ritchie and the Junto had meanwhile developed a pro
found respect for Jackson as a man of integrity, character,
culture, and principles. They thought it ridiculous and
even unpatriotic for his own countrymen to denounce and
villify, as a barbarian, a tyrant, a corrupter of the public
morals, and a tool of magicians and juntoes, a man who would
grace the society of any European court. It was, said they,
the same type of justice as that given Jefferson in his life
time. The Winchester Republican, controlled by Judge
Parker, was certain that Jackson could carry Virginia against
the combined forces of Clay and Calhoun. ^'^ It is interesting
to note incidentally that such a combination was desired by
some at this time as a means of depriving Ritchie of his
power. If friends of Calhoun dared to assemble to make
formal protest against the re-election of Jackson, their gath
erings were written up as "Clay meetings," and those who
took part were chided with the prediction that they would
ultimately vote for the father of the American System for
President.^® The friends of Calhoun knew as well as Ritchie himself
that Jackson's strength in Virginia lay in the westem and
"Van Buren MSS., Ritchie to Van Buren, April 30, 1831; Rich
mond Enquirer, May 17, 24, 1831.
"Ibid., July 22, 1831.
"Richmond Enquirer, September 9, 1831.

A Study in Virginia Politics 141
particularly in the Valley counties, each of which was at this
particular time seething with discontent over the subject of
internal improvements. While Baltimore had carried off the
fruits of Hesperides, Ritchie had tried in vain to arouse the
"sluggards and talkers" of his own state to the necessity of
availing themselves, by the use of turnpikes, canals, and rail
roads, of the benefits which nature had lavished upon them.
Since the incorporation of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
Company and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company he
had repeatedly held out to them the advantages of connect
ing the East and the West by way of the James and the
Kanawha rivers. From both the political and the economic
view it is not surprising therefore that he now opposed the
efforts of the South Carolinians to make Charleston the out
let of the Valley of Virginia by connecting the two by rail.®^
Meanwhile Nullification had gained additional momen
tum. Although it had practically ruined his chances for the
presidency in 1832, had Jackson not been in the running,
Calhoun no longer concealed his paternal connection with
that movement, and it was generally known that he had in
spired some and written others of the elaborate arguments
and expositions made in its defence in the summer and
autumn of 1831. The talented and patriotic source of their
origin commanded for the Nullification doctrines, therefore,
a more respectful hearing then had hitherto been accorded
them, and necessitated a more exact and thorough exposition
of Ritchie's views regarding them.
He readily admitted Calhoun's courage and patriotism in
opposing the tariff, but he could not subscribe to his method,
Nullification of a federal law. That was to place a state in
the impossible position of being both in and out of the Union
at the same time. He admitted the right of a state to inter
pose by peaceful and constitutional means to arrest a delib
erate, palpable, and dangerous encroachment of the federal
government upon the rights of the states, such an interposi-
" Richmond Enquirer, June 17, 1831.

142 Thomas Ritchie
tion as Virginia had made in 17'98, but he insisted that no
state could veto a federal law until its constitutionality had
been passed upon by the several states. Any other course
might prove fatal to the Union, because three-fourths of the
states- might not act in accord with the nullifying state. He
evidently considered that Calhoun, in his efforts to preserve
the Union and to control the sentiment of his state, had either
mistaken or ignored the logical conclusion of the Virginia
doctrines which conceded the right of a state to secede or to
revolt after due notice to her sister states and after all means
to secure a redress of intolerable grievances had failed, but
did not even imply that a single state or any number less
than three-fourths of all had a right to nullify a law.*® Al
though Ritchie later admitted that Jefferson was the father of
Nullification, in that he had used that term in the Kentucky
Resolutions, he would not admit that Jefferson's doctrine of
Nullification was applicable to the tariff, because it was not
plain that the protective tariff acts were abuses of delegated
or an assumption of undelegated powers. Nor did he admit
that Jefferson's ideas of Nullification were identical with the
system worked out by Calhoun.**
However formidable Calhoun's doctrines might appear,
Ritchie did not now consider the dangers from the tariff men
acing. He saw clearly the near approach of the time when
the public debt would be extinguished and when the public
lands would be a source of sufficient income. Such condi
tions he hoped would make a tariff unnecessary and impossi
ble. Accordingly he opposed the interposition of the indi
vidual states, except by resolutions on federal relations, and
requested the co-operation of all aggrieved parties in an anti-
tariff convention to be held at Philadelphia on September
30, 1831.*^ This he now considered a peaceful, constitu
tional, and adequate means for stating their grievances and
for obtaining redress. In the same editorials which de-
*o Richmond Enquirer, August 16, 1831; Ibid., August 19, 1831.
•'Ibid., March 13, 1832.
"Richmond Enquirer, July 27, 1831.

A Study in Virginia Politics 143
nounced Nullification as opposed to the Virginia doctrines,
he praised the Union party in South Carolina and urged the
counties in Virginia to select delegates to the proposed anti-
tariff convention. When the convention met Virginia had
fifty-one delegates, thanks to his vigilance, a number greater
than that from any other state. Among the number were
some of Ritchie's most intimate friends: P. P. Barbour,
John Brockenbrough, Geo. O. Dromgoole, Randolph Harri
son, W. H. Roane, and others.*^ Ritchie was confident that
the effects of their deliberatons would be remedial, but sug
gested that, in case they were not, the southern states call
a convention to revise the constitution. In case this resort
failed to bring redress he would then have sanctioned a con
vention of the southern states to devise the best means of ap
pealing to the sister states. Secession or revolution were to
be used only as the last resort — Nullification never. It is
thus plain that he desired anything but Calhoun's plan.**
With such a conciliatory and com|promising attitude,
Ritchie might have endorsed Clay's proposal of 1832 for
modifying the tariff by a downward revision. Other Vir
ginians accepted it as better than the Tariff of Abominations,
but his antipathy to Clay's political ambitions hSd now be
come chronic. In every move of that gentleman he saw an at
tempt to reach the presidency. Clay had become to him a
modern Themistocles who could not sleep for thinking of the
triumphs of Miltiades. Accordingly he pronounced his pro
posal for modifying the tariff only a "new bill of abomina
tions" and gave warning that the South would not end the
matter there. She demanded remedial legislation not as a
favor but as a right.*® Then, too, he and Blair of the Globe
stood in constant fear lest a compromise of the differences on
the tariff would lead to a coalition between Clay and Calhoun

•'Richmond Enquirer, October 11, 1831.
••Ihid., November 1, 1831.
•'Ihid., January 24, 1832.

144 Thomas Ritchie
to defeat Jackson. The tariff issue had thus become a politi
cal asset.*®
Meanwhile Duff Green, out of the bounty of his sordid
though fertile brain, sought to expose Ritchie. First he af
firmed on the authority of "an intelligent gentleman from
western Virginia," that Ritchie and John Randolph had gone
into the service of Van Buren, and that they were organizing
the state so as to give him its vote for the vice-presidency,
regardless of the wishes of Floyd, the govemor, and Tyler
and Tazewell, the Senators in Congress. Then came the re
port that W. O. Rives was to supplant Floyd for govemor,
that Peter V. Daniel was to succeed Tazewell, that Ritchie
was to succeed Van Buren at the Court of St. James, and
that the tariff, as an issue, was to be surrendered.*^ Finally
it was reported and freely reiterated by the New York Jour
nal and the National Intelligencer that a move was on in
New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia to make Van Buren
President by securing his election with Jackson, who had
promised to resign to permit his promotion.**
Ritchie at once assigned Green to a place in the Ananias
Club. He also challenged him to produce any proof that he
had ever sought office from Jackson for himself or for others.
His very nature revolted against the spoilsmen and their
methods, and he now laid bare the "vigilant inquisitor to
the teeth." "We defy both him and his spies," said he, "who
go prowling into the public offices, and hold conversation with
the heads of departments, which are afterwards garbled, and
retailed to the public by the Editor of the Telegraph. We
defy all such men. We ask no favor of any of them — and
may as truly add none of Mr. Van Buren himself — ^nor of
Gen. Jackson."*^ Furthermore, Ritchie declared that he
then had in his possession a letter from Van Buren, in which
•'Van Buren MSS. F. P. Blair to Van Buren, January 28, 1832;
Ibid., R. E. Parker to Van Buren, February 3, 1832.
" Richmond Enquirer, December 22, 28, 1831.
•'Ihid., December 30, 1831.
"Ihid., December 28, 1831.

A Study in Virginia Politics 145
he had declined to run for the vice-presidency, that there was
not a man in the General Assembly of Virginia, who pressed
his claims, and that he had never heard a single member ex
press the slightest desire to vote for him.®®
The refusal of the Senate to confirm Van Buren's ap
pointment, after he had actually repaired to the Court of St.
James, acted as a bomb in the various political camps
throughout the Union. Immediately plans and policies so
shaped themselves in Virginia as to give an appearance of
truth to Duff Green's falsehoods and conjectures, but the cor
respondence of those concerned more than refute his charges.
Although he considered Van Buren wholly unfit for the presi
dency,®* John Randolph, who now desired to be minister to
England himself, felt that the part which "the thrice double
ass," Calhoun, had played in bringing about his recall had
made it "as easy for Benedict Arnold to get the vote of Vir
ginia as for him" (Calhoun).®^ To Ritchie it was a mem
orable event in our annals,®^ and he urged Van Buren's re
appointment at once. The Winchester Republican nomi
nated him for the vice-presidency, and Richard E. Parker
boldly predicted that he would succeed Jackson.®* After a
conference with Jackson, Andrew Stevenson informed Ritchie
that he must take the field "in the spirit of victory" and that
his "former scruples as to Mr. Van Buren being nominated
for the vice-presidency must give away."®® Furthermore he
advised that delegates, to the proposed Baltimore Convention
be selected at once and that they be instructed to vote for Van
Buren. In the following lines Floyd committed to the pages
of his diary what the obstinacy of the old guard had wrought
in Virginia: "Ritchie, that profiigate son of a Scotch Tory,
and the Richmond Junto are at work trying to procure a
" Richmond Enquirer, December 30, 1831 ; Ihid., January 3, 1832.
"Jackson MSS. Randolph to Jackson, March 18, 1832.
"Ibid., March 26, 1832.
"Richmond Enquirer, January 31, 1832.
" Yan Buren MSS. Stevenson to Ritchie, February 4, 1832.
" Ibid., Van Buren MSS. Stevenson to Ritchie, February 4, 1832.

146 Thomas Ritchie
party to nominate in this state Van Buren for the vice-presi
dency.' '®® Clearer vision would have enabled him to see that
they already had a party both able to nominate and elect
Van Buren.
In his opposition to the plans to force Van Buren's pro
posed candidacy, Ritchie was true to his conservative ten
dencies and displayed superior political sagacity. Despite
the vigilance of dame rumor the idea was a new one, and
Virginians then as now moved slowly. Time was needed to
pave the way in the popular mind for an explanation of Van
Buren's former attitude toward the tariff, his relation with
the peace party of 1814, and his attitude toward the Mis
souri Compromise. Then, too, Virginia had a natural feel
ing of distrust for political spoilsmen and magicians, of
whom he was the reputed prince.®'^ Furthermore, he feared
the consequences of such a course upon the national cam
paign. In hope -of carrying Virginia and North Carolina,
and of throwing the election of the vice-president into the
Senate, where Van Buren had about as much chance of elec
tion as he had to be minister to England, the friends of Cal
houn had launched P. P. Barbour's candidacy for the second
place. Already there was talk of withdrawing Sergeant,
Clay's running mate, from the race in the border states for
any man who could carry them against Van Buren. Under
the circumstances Ritchie thought it wise to sound the public
before taking an irretrievable step.
Notwitstanding Ritchie's attitude, leading members of
the Junto made a determined effort to commit Virginia to
Van Buren's candidacy. The first trial of strength came in
the Democratic State Convention which met in February,
1832. The contest was hotly waged, and the friends of Van
Buren, led by W. H. Roane, now a member of the Junto,
forced a sine die adjournment, when it was found that they
could not win and after Jackson had been re-endorsed.®*
/
/ " Van Buren MSS., February 5, 1832.
"Richmond Enquirer, February 4, 1832; Ihid., March 17, 20, 1832.
" Richmond Enquirer, March 17, 20, 1832.

A Study in Virginia Politics 147
After an interval of two weeks the matter was again taken
up in a caucus of the Democratic members of the Assembly,.
which, after a heated discussion, decided to refer the whole
matter, together with the selection of delegates to the Balti
more Convention, to the people.®^ As a result, the spring
election of 1832 was largely a contest between rival candi
dates for the vice-presidency.
The decision to refer the contest to the people was a tact
ful move, and was largely the work of Ritchie. He rarely
made a move of any kind without previously making a dili
gent effort to ascertain the sentiment of Virginia. Then he
generally moved in the direction it indicated. As a result of
the plebiscite Barbour received the support of Virginia, vot
ing under the unit rule, in the Baltimore Convention,®" but
the result of the contest for that support had made it evi
dent that Van Buren was almost equally strong, and that his
candidacy would, in due time and as the result of his being
the regular nominee, develop a strength greater than that of
any combination which could be made against him. Accord
ingly Ritchie dismissed his former scruples and reluctantly
espoused the candidacy of the New Yorker. Henceforth the
battle cry was Jackson and Van Buren, the choice of the peo
ple, against the triumvirate. Clay, Calhoun, and Webster.®*
Many of Calhoun's friends in Virginia did not concur in
the nomination of Van Buren and continued to support Bar
bour. Those of them who attended the Baltimore Convention
had refused to make its action unanimous.®^ Accordingly a
Jackson-Barbour ticket was placed in the field, and there was
talk during the summer of a coalition with the opposition to
support it. But the disaffected reckoned without their host.
Although a strict constructionist of the most approved type,
Barbour now had an eye on the supreme bench, and was not
willing to antagonize the only man who could gratify his
"Richmond Enquirer, March 20, 23, 1832.
eo Ihid., May 25, 1832. The vote was: Van Buren 39, Barbour 45.
"Ihid., May 29, 1832.
"Ibid., June 5, 1832.

148 Thomas Ritchie
ambitions. Those who desired to use him as a tool to accom
plish the defeat of Van Buren were disgusted at his non-com
mittal attitude regarding the vice-presidency and his rever
ence for party unity. But the cause of their chagrin was
the capital which Ritchie and his associates used to effect
Barbour's complete withdrawal from the race.®^
Ritchie's reluctance in supporting Van Buren for the
vice-presidency, even after he had secured the nomination
and after his candidacy had become popular in Virginia,
was due to a careful consideration of the best interests of the
party locally, and not to any feeling of hostility or distrust.
His record on the tariff had not been satisfactory, and it was
feared that unnecessary enthusiasm would fan the opposition
of the Nullifiers and anti-tariff men. Since 1828, when
Ritchie had suggested that greater honors were in store for
him than the govemorship of New York, and when Van
Buren had desired to make Ritchie the national spokesman
of the Jacksonian party, they had been friends and confi
dants. Besides, there is every evidence that the Junto now
had greater confidence in Van Buren than in Jackson, and
that they desired the presence of the former at court as a
sort of balance wheel. New York's iniative in undertaking
and carrying to a successful completion her works of internal
improvement and the flush condition of the federal treasury
had simplified the national issues upon which he had been
found wanting, and it was now thought that he was the only
man who could steer the ship- of state safely through the storm
which continued to blacken the southern skies. In a letter
written so that it would reach him immediately upon his
arrival in this country from England, Ritchie requested that
he "hasten without delay to the city of Washington to do all
you can to assist in settling the tariff on just principles."
"Take your stand," said he, "boldly like a patriot. Come out
fearless of all consequences— and trasting to your country

"Richmond Enquirer, June 1, 12, 1832; Ihid., July 3, 1832; Ibid.,
October 20, 1832; Floyd's Diary, October 26, 1832.

A Study in Virginla. Politics 149
and your God." ®* One week later he begged him to open his
mind to the President and to beseech him not to sign the bill
then pending for appropriations to certain works of internal
improvement. About the same time Daniel expressed a belief
in Van Buren's influence for good at Washington. John
Randolph's invitation for him to partake of Virginia's hos
pitality followed, as did Parker's assurance that the vote of
that state would be for him for the vice-presidency.®®
Jackson's veto of the Bank Bill gave a new and more
important issue to the campaign and permitted Van Buren to
retire from the limelight. Henceforth Clay and his policies
became the chief objects of attack, permitting Ritchie to re
vive the story of the corrupt bargain of 1825, to ridicule
"Nick" Biddle, and to ferret out and publish all evidences
of and tendencies toward a coalition between Clay, Calhoun,
and Webster to defeat the choice of the people. In some
quarters it was feared that the predilection of the inhabi
tants of the western counties for the American System and
their dissatisfaction with the results of the Constitutional
Convention of 1829-'30 would combine with the disaffected
elements in the east to give Clay the electoral vote of the
state, but Van Buren's popularity with the German elements
of the Valley, Jackson's complete impersonation of the West,
of which western Virginia was really a part, and Ritchie's
previous services in the cause of reform more than offset
these tendencies. The success of Jackson was accordingly
hailed by Ritchie as a triumph for the people, a rebuke for
the federal Senate in rejecting Van Buren's appointment to
be minister to England, and the death knell of both Clay and
Calhoun. Meanwhile the Tariff Bill of 1832 had become a law, and
the Nullifiers, failing to obtain redress by it, were pressing
South Carolina to radical measures. While the bill was pend
ing Ritchie had predicted that McDuffie, Calhoun, Hayne,
'•Van Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, June 25, 1832.
"Ibid. From June to September, 1832.

150 Thomas Ritchie
and Hamilton would be naughty, if Congress failed to grant
remedial legislation. "The Union party," said he, "are too
weak to resist them. There is no knowing where the dissatis
faction may stop. The whole South is indignant at the oppo
sition and obduracy of the Tariffi'tes. Virginia is now cool,
but very excitable and determined not to send a man or mus
ket to put down S. Carolina. Events may hurry us further.
I fear. Sir, many of our most sagacious patriots are now be
ginning to tremble for the Union. It is on all hands ad
mitted to be the most alarming state of things which has ex
isted since the Revolution."®®
Now that these prophetic utterances were about to be
come true, Ritchie's chief concem was to keep Jackson "cool"
and "firm." His panacea for all crises of state was "concilia
tion and compromise," to which haven he now fied. While
the Nullifiers were preparing to resist the collection of the
customs duties by making them illegal within the limits of
South Carolina, and while Jackson was preparing to collect
them by the use of federal troops, Ritchie suggested that the
annual message to C'ongress recommend a gradual reduction
in all duties until they should be only twenty per cent, of
what they then were. This was the principle of the compro
mise later agreed upon, but it now went unheeded. Even
after the adoption of the famous nullification ordinance by
South Carolina, Ritchie thought Jackson should take the
initiative in moving for compromise. It was a glorious op
portunity to make a masterly use of his great popular victory
at the polls. He could now kill Calhoun by magnanimity,
whereas he had led the people in their execution of tllay.
The moderate tone of the annual message pleased Ritchie
greatly and led him to the false conclusion that the "Old
Hero" was not going to hang Calhoun, or what was more im
portant to Ritchie, disrupt the Democratic party by precipi
tate action. The Enquirer praised its moderation and again
°° Van Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, June 25, 1832.

A Study in Virginia Politics 151
congratulated the people upon their wise choice in electing
Jackson to the presidency.®'^
Every precaution to keep the Old General cool was for
naught. It mattered not that he had been lenient in deal
ing with Georgia in her confiicts with the Union about the
Indians. Now the Union had been assailed by an enemy,
Calhoun, and as Jackson was at its head, the assault was
taken as personal. He had no intention of passing it by un
noticed. While Ritchie was praising his moderation in deal
ing with the Nullifiers, his Secretary of State, Livingston,
was at work upon the famous Proclamation to the people of
South Carolina, which made its appearance on December the
10th, six days after the regular message. Its masterly and
defiant refutation of the Nullification arguments was popu
larly received, and thus in little more than a month after he
had vanquished Clay, Jackson again found himself a national
hero in the battle with Calhoun.
The Proclamation, as it came to be called, swept aside
the bad logic and the impracticable theories of the ordinance
of nullification and proclaimed the doctrines of the suprem
acy of the Union, which at that particular time meant the
supremacy of Jackson. The following is possibly the most
important passage in it: "I consider the power to annul a
law of the United States, incompatible with the existence of
the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the consti
tution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every
principle on which it is founded, and destructive of the great
object for which it was formed." Jackson insisted, also, that
it mattered not how the tariff had been enacted or how un
equally it operated upon any section or sections, it was the
law of the land and had to be obeyed. Moreover he attacked
the compact theory of our govemment, thereby questioning
the right of a state to secede or to be an arbiter in the adjust
ment of grievances.
The effect of this state paper, the ablest of the Jacksonian
" Richmond Enquirer, December 4, 6, 1832.

152 Thomas Ritchie
era, was to arouse the Carolinians almost to the point of de
fiance and to strike terror to the hearts of Virginians. Few
of the latter sympathized with nullification, except as a
means of harrassing Jackson, but they did believe in the com
pact theory of our govemment and in the ultimate right of
a state to secede. Immediately a friendly Assembly which
had elected W. C. Rives, an ardent follower of Jackson, to the
federal Senate without opposition, was converted into an
unfriendly body which elected Tyler, his enemy, to fill the
vacancy caused by the resignation of Tazewell ; W. S. Archer
wrote C. C. Cambreleng of New York that it would simply
be out of the question to think of having Virginia endorse
the Proclamation; and Floyd rejoiced to see "the poor un
worthy dogs, Bitchie, Van Buren, Jackson and Co." com
pletely deserted. So phenomenal was the transformation that
Jackson suspected the Virginians of a secret alliance of long
standing with the Nullifiers. "You see," said he, in a letter
to Van Buren, "the course of the Nullifiers in the Virginia
Assembly. I was aware of the combination between them
and Calhoun and Company."®®
The Proclamation placed Ritchie in a most embamass-
ing position. He endorsed every word of its argument against
Nullification, but could not agree with its "doctrinal points"
regarding the right of a state to secede. But there was also
the practical side. Jackson had carried Virginia by 25,000
majority in, 1832, and the Assembly was overwhelmingly
Democratic. Now all these advantages seemed to be lost as
in the twinkle of an eye. The main issue, however, was Nulli
fication and not secession. On this subject Ritchie was in
accord with the Proclamtion and the voters in the western
counties who, after all, made up- the rank and file of the
Democratic party in Virginia. Accordingly he accepted the
general principles of the Proclamation in the hope that it
would appeal to the good sense and patriotism of the South
Carolinians in such a way as to be effective. By an ocea-
™ Van Buren MSS. Jackson to Van Buren, December 23, 1832.

A Study in Virginia Politics 153
sional airing of his opposition to its doctrinal points he was
also able to lead the disaffected elements of the lowlands.
The time seemed opportune, however, to destroy Ritchie's
influence. His attitude was not wholly pleasing to Jackson ;
Nullifiers called him a Federalist ; nationalists called him a
Nullifier ; Floyd's wife was certain that he took his cue from
the Albany Regency; and Floyd himself spoke of him and
others of the Junto as "wretches" who had "deserted their
principles and the liberties of the people" for the smiles of a
tyrant."®* After discovering that only a few Virginians
were in active alliance with the Carolinians, Jackson's assur
ances that all was well in the Old Dominion, "regardless of
the mad theories of a few demagogues & politicians," gave
credence to the report that Ritchie was his chief informant
and that he secretly approved the Proclamation and the con
templated use of force in dealing with South Carolina.
The charge-s against him were too numerous to answer,
and many of them were too trivial to deny. Accordingly
Ritchie persisted in his devotion to the Union and in his
fight for compromise. The same issue of the Enquirer which
contained his chief comments on the Proclamation contained,
also, a letter from Lewis Cass, written probably at Jack
son's request, suggesting that Virginia, by a committee of her
Assembly, entreat St>uth Carolina to retrace her steps and
to petition Congress for a reduction of the tariff. Three days
later, December 18, 1832, the Enquirer announced that Clay
and Webster had surrendered and that the tariff would in all
probability be gradually reduced to what it had been in 1816.
His devotion to the Union finally righted him with the ad
ministration and greatly increased his favor with the west
erners who now poured out an avalanche of resolutions en
dorsing the Proclamation and condemning Nullification.
Meanwhile his insistence upon the compact theory of govern
ment and his personal antipathy for Calhoun kept him

"Richmond Enquirer, December 22, 1832; Floyd's Diary, December
15, 1832; Ibid., January 1, 1833.

154 Thomas Ritchie
straight in the course between nationalism and Calhoun's
variety of particularism. Of the many aspirants to direct
the ship of state he was one of the few who kept an eye upon
"the Rights of the States" and "the Union of the States,"
the light-houses established by the fathers. Amidst the storm
then raging he had the satisfaction of seeing his pet policies,
mediation in dealing with South Carolina and compromise
in disposing of the tariff, carried into effect in such a man
ner as to restore peace and harmony to the country. His
heart certainly beat with pride when he recorded the events
which had saved the Union, restored tranquillity, opened to
the South a prospect of justice, and revived the spirit of those
friends of liberty who had sighed because of the threatened
shipwreck to the only great republic in the world.

A Study in Virginia Politics 155

CHAPTER VI.
JACKSON AND THE WHIGS.
Had not the nullification movement ended when it did and
as it did, the followers of Clay and Calhoun would have
united into a formidable opposition at the very beginning of
Jackson's second administration. The alliance of the state
rights men of eastern and the nationalists of western Vir
ginia, the incongruous elements of which its local and
national Whig party was later composed, had been practi
cally completed in the winter of 1833. It remained only for
the party as a whole to find a common platform which was
soon forthcoming in the belated and questionable efforts of
each faction to save the country from executive usurpation,
ignorance, and general inefficiency. *
Ritchie always insisted that the opposition factions had, in
some instances, combined to prevent Jackson's re-election,
and he was confident that the Compromise Tariff was the
offspring of their intercourse. The fact that Tyler, Floyd,
and John Hampden Pleasants now spoke of their old friend
of 1825, Henry Clay, as "our great ally of the West"
and as the deliverer and preserver of the Union, the value
of which they had so recently calculated, and the fact that
these believers in the Virginia doctrines were now willing
to make concessions regarding both a national bank and the
tariff, following Clay's magnanimous sacrifice upon the altar
of his country, all strengthened Ritchie's conjectures.*. The
following extract of a letter from Tyler to Floyd, written
at this time, would have confirmed them:
"In one word I go for the Union, not in word but in feeling and
sentiment. Would northern men believe it that the manufacturers
are safer in the hands of those wicked S. Carolina nullifiers than of
the non descript, and yet it is true."^
'Richmond Enquirer, April 12, 16, 1833; Ihid., May 17, 1833.
'Floyd MSS. January 10, 1833.

156 Thomas Ritchie
Union of the opposition and disaffected elements was not,
however, yet possible. Intensity of interest and disinter
estedness of purpose had not wrought them into a coherent
working party. Because of his "magnanimous sacrifice"
on the tariff Clay sought and expected to win the South and
to become the logical and acceptable candidate of the whole
country for the presidency in 1836. On the other hand,
Calhoun already regarded himself as the spokesman and
leader of the South and hoped, by adding the West to his
following, to reach the presidency as the leader of a power
ful section.^ In November, 1833, Duff Green despaired of
any concerted action on the part of the opposition factions,
being, as he was, un,willing to give up Calhoun's preten
sions and program. Meanwhile he lost no opportunity to
sow discord in the ranks of the administration. To this
end Colonel R. M. Johnson was to be made Speaker of the
House of Representatives that he might become an inde
pendent candidate against Jackson's choice for the presi
dency and that the ranks of the administration might be
thus broken.* At the same time Floyd, also a follower of
Calhoun, thought it possible to detach Clay from the
"Northern harpies" and to induce him to play a second
fiddle to his favorite. This was to have been attempted in
the effort to unite the South and the West, and to estab
lish another line of succession which would have given the
presidency first to Calhoun and then to Clay.® These con
flicting interests and ambitions only delayed concerted
action. This delay operated to extend the Junto's hold upon
the political power of Virginia. In the face of a hostile
Assembly, which had condemned the Proclamation and the
Force Bill and re-elected Tyler to the federal Senate only two
months after it had elected W. C. Rives, a devoted follower

" Floyd MSS., April 16, 30, 1833.
•Ihid., Duff Green to Floyd, November 10, 1833.
'Ibid., Floyd to W. C. Preston, November 23, 1833; Floyd's Diary,
November 24, 1833.

A Study in Virginia Politics 157
of Jackson, Ritchie appealed to Virginia to endorse the
administration. The response from the mountain and hill
counties, where the people disapproved of Clay's Compromise
and his coquetting with Calhoun and where the Old Hero
was still an idol, was immediate and overwhelming. The
new Assembly contain,ed National Republicans lor iC&ay
men. Democrats or administration men, and seceders and
nullifiers or ultra state rights men, and the members of Con
gress elected at the same time were similarily divided.® But
the administration stood vindicated with a majority in both
houses of the Asembly, and Ritchie was able to thwart all
efforts to remove him from the office of public printer,'^ which
he had held by successive re-elections for almost twenty
years. In these days of loose party ties political victories were
as useless as they were meaningless. Although he had won
the elections, the temper of the people of Virginia was not
such as to sustain Jackson in a further war upon the bank
such as that which a removal of the federal deposits would
necessitate. As has been shown Calhoun's friends in Vir
ginia were not always hostile to a national bank. Now
that war upon that institution seemed to strengthen Andrew
Jackson politically and to spread panic throughout the land,
they hesitated more than ever. Accordingly Ritchie be
came an unwilling spectator while the fruits of his recent
political victories slipped from his very grasp, and the regular
opposition and the disaffected elements formed themselves
into a majority party in the Assembly, henceforth to be
known as the Whig party, a name given the new organization
by James Watson Webb of the New York Courier and En^
quirer. Following the course of the federal Senate in con
demning the President for the removal of the deposits the As
sembly of Virginia took a similar course, forced the resigna
tion of W. C. Rives from the federal Senate and elected Benj.
W. Leigh, a friend of the national bank, to the vacancy,
'Richmond Enquirer, April 23, 26, 1833.
'Ibid., December 3, 10, 1833.

158 Thomas Ritchie
elected Tazewell, a Whig, over the administration aspirants
to the govemorship, and the majority party therein agreed
upon a program for preserving harmony within its own
ranks.® The course followed in 1832 after Nullification and
the Proclamation had thus been repeated, but it had also
led to the formation of a great political party.
In its eagerness to win political victories and to serve
the material needs of its members, the Whigs now scrupu
lously avoided any references to the constitutionality of the
federal bank and to its alleged political activities. But
Ritchie claimed that these were the all important issues
before the people and threw all the strength of the Enquirer
into a determined effort to keep them alive. The public
prints give a very inadequate account, however, of the depres
sion which had fallen upon the administration party in Vir
ginia and of the actual conditions which existed there. This
If revealed only in the private correspondence of the leaders.
Ritchie himself wrote Rives that "The times are out of joint
in politics,"^ and Gooch, his former partner, compared the
party violence and proscription to that of the days of the
Black Cockade and observed that the merchants and farmers
were being made to feel the fangs of the dying monster;*®
respect for its venerable editor was all that saved the
Enquirer from mob violence ; John Rutherford wrote that
none thought of the constitution but only of self-interest;
and Peter V. Daniel was threatened with the destruction of
his business but continued to decry the "contemptible slaves
of the bank" ; and the merchants of Richmond refused to buy
from those countrymen who supported Andrew Jackson.**
Such were the conditions under which the party of the "wise
and the just," which was to rule that city for ten years first
saw the light in Richmond.
'Richmond Enquirer January 18, 21, 23, 1834; Ibid., February 27,
1834. 'Rives MSS. Ritchie to Rives, January 6, 1834.
10 Van Buren MSS. Gooch to Van Buren, March 24, 1834.
"Stevenson MSS. Rutherford to Van Buren, March 19, 1834;
Ibid., Daniel to Stevenson, March 29, 1834.

A Study in Virginia Politics 159
Never before had Ritchie entered a campaign under more
threatening auspices. He owed the banks of Richmond large
sums and his defence of them and denunciations of the
national bank were constantly construed as due to sub
serviency to the former. Then, too. General Jackson,
despite the attitude of the General Assembly, was preparing
to protest against the federal Senate's resolutions of censure.
The effects of the Proclamation were not yet dead and Ritchie
dreaded the appearance of such a state paper and entreated
Stevenson to do all in his power to suppress it. "If such a
paper is sent," said he, "it must do great mischief. It may
turn the tide completely in Virginia. I pray heaven that
this message may not ruin us. You can not act too promptly
and decisively. Show this, if you please, to the President." *^
On the day before Ritchie's letter to Stevenson, urging
Jackson to use moderation, was written the famous "Pro
test" was sent to the Senate. Had they reached Washington
in time a dozen letters like that from Ritchie and others as
prominent in the councils of the party as he, would have
availed nothing. The Old Hero was furious at the presump
tion of Clay and Calhoun in daring to censure him, and, as
usual on such occasions, it was impossible to restrain him.
Conscious that "The eyes of the world are upon us," a
favorite expression, Ritchie returned to his efforts to save
the Assembly of Virginia from the control of the hated
"piebald" party. He was determined that his children
should never reproach him for sitting idly in his domicile
"while the measures were being prepared for a loss of our
liberty." *^ The monster was to be decapitated that it might
be rooted out of Virginia and Clay be sent to a deserved
oblivion. The campaign resulted in a complete victory for the
Whigs, and Ritchie was forced to endure his first great
political defeat. The re-election of Leigh to the federal
Senate was assured, and all the Democratic accomplish-
" Stevenson MSS., Ritchie to Stevenson, April 18, 1834.
"Ibid., Ritchie to -Stevenson, April 10, 1834.

160 Thomas Ritchie
ments stood in danger of being reversed. In a character
istic manner. Ritchie forgot himself in his sympathy for
his friends who had been overtaken by defeat. The follow
ing extract from a letter to his friend Stevenson tells the
whole story:
"Roane's defeat stung me worse than any other electors? I have
ever known. E,ven J. Q's was not so bitter to me. But I tried to keep
up my spirits- hoping for better things elsewhere.
"Blair would not believe me last August — & you would scarcely
listen to me in November, when I predicted to you the mischievous
consequences of removing the deposits. I fear we shall rue the
precipitate step in sackcloth & ashes. But what is now to be done?
It requires wiser heads and firmer hearts than mine to say. I am
not in a mood to speculate upon these events. But unless wc are
wiser than we have been, our enemies will crow over us & our party
will present nothing but a splendid ruin. The terrors of the Bank
are now carefully kept out of view by a des-perate opposition, and
the cry is that the President, in his usurpation, has seized upon the
public purse, &. &. &.
"Have you, my dear Sir, consulted with him about the proposition
I suggested of coming before Congress, recommending a wise system
of state banks stript of executive control and abuse, &. &.
"God knows when I am to write you good news.
"Pray burn this and the other letter. I unbosom to you in the
utmost confidence of my friendship, think, consult the strongest heads
of our party, and coolly and firmly, or else we are lost. For myself
and those who are dearer to me than my life (he expected to lose the
public printing), I would eschew politics forever & live upon bread
and water. » * * j have one consolation in the utmost frank
ness against these unfortunate measures, but in .vain. I have destroyed
all our confidential scraps for fear of accident. So do with my two
last." '•

Political sagacity kept Ritchie's heartburnings from the
public. Before the smoke of the battle had cleared he came
forward in a "prediction," which shows clear political in
sight and that its author had lost none of his ability or
determination as a fighter. "A strange and unnatural com
bination," said he, "has gained a temporary ascendency which
it must lose as soon as its object is accomplished. "When it
comes to act upon any subject of policy or principle, not
connected with hatred to Jackson, it must fall to pieces, and
commence a war inter se. It contains all the elements of dis-
"• Stevenson MSS. Ritchie to Stevenson. (No date.)

A Study in Virginia Politics 161
solution, and is destined to share the fate of other mon
strous alliances.
"Never was there a party in which the seeds of its own
dissolution were more deeply sown. Principle may divide
them — policy may sever them, but the presidential election
is being organized at this very moment; and it must break
them to pieces. True, Mr. Clay said the other day in the
Senate in reply to Mr. Grundy : 'For one, I can assure the
Senator from Tennessee that I am no candidate — ^that I do
not desire to be a candidate — and, that, if it depends upon
me alone, I never shall be a candidate for any office whatso
ever !' But, Mr. Clay has not yet acquired the very first
principle of the ancient Metaphysicians: 'He knows not
himself.' He who has been three times a candidate for the
highest honor in the world will not suffer it to escape him,
if he thinks he is able to clutch it. He will not suffer
all his late labors in the Senate to pass for naught. If hope
whispers him of success, he will attempt to reap the harvest.
Even if his own modesty would withdraw him from the
contest, the zeal of his friends will hurry him into the arena.
"But even ambition does not burn so intensely in his
bosom, as it does in the heart of another leader of the Senate
(Mr. Calhoun). If recent signs do not deceive us, this extra
ordinary man (extraordinary every way for the vigor of his
mind, the variety of his principles, and the intensity of his
ambition) will soon take the field, with feeble hope of win
ning the voices of the South, as well as the support of the
Bank. Then shall we see under which king the various
members of the opposition will range themselves."
Following the triumphant victory of the Whigs, politics
in Virginia were in a hurly-burly. The indications were
that the new party had come to stay, and the usual pro
fessions of faith and reaffiliations on such occasions of
those willing to do the bidding of the people and to keep in
pace with the progress of the times were in order. When
submitted to the scathing ridicule of Ritchie and Daniel,
the parting respects of W. S. Archer and other former
Democrats who now climbed into the Whig band-wagon

162 Thomas Ritchie
attracted state-wide interest. In the enthusiasm of their suc
cess the Whigs began to suggest some of their more promi
nent partisans, such as Tyler and Leigh for the presidency
or the vice-presidency, but Ritchie refused to follow the
decoy and repeatedly warned the people that the "monster"
proposed to make Clay and Calhoun in l;urn President.
Adversity frequently points the road to success, and so
it now proved with the Democrats of Virginia. Recovery
from the shock of their defeat was rapid, and they now
began to prepare for the future. Hitherto the Enquirer had
coped almost single-handed with a numerous and ably con
ducted opposition press, at the head of which stood John
Hampden Pleasants, a foeman worthy of the steel of any
"knight of the quill" of his day. A movement was now set
on foot to establish administration presses throughout the
length and breadth of the state to aid Ritchie in his work
of reclamation. After their characteristic methods for find
ing out things and executing policies, the politicians had
awakened to the fact that Jacksonian Democracy carried with
it an obligation to educate the people, and they very reluc
tantly complied with that demand to secure their own self-
interest. Accordingly Democratic presses were established
in most of the leading towns, whence the seeds of discord
were sowed among the ranks of the opposition.*® To this end
the ambitions of Clay and Calhoun were made to run counter
at every possible turn.
Finally it was decided to prevent the re-election of Leigh
to the federal Senate. Relying upon the anti-bank sentiment
which prevailed in Virginia, a large majority of the
Assembly being unwilling to endorse that institution, his
known friendship for the national bank, and his unpopularity
in the western counties, which did not like his course in the
Constitutional Convention of lS29-'30, a bold attempt was
to be made to force the Whig party to repudiate one of its
ablest leaders or incur odium in refusing to do so. To this
end numerous post-election polls, frequently determined by
"Richmond Enquirer, July 25, 1834.

A Study in Virginia Politics 163
house to house canvasses, were made in those counties of
which the Whig assemblymen were willing to vote for Leigh
regardless of his opinion upon the constitutionality and
necessity of a national bank. Ritchie took an active
part in these canvasses, urging the sacredness of the time
honored right of instruction. When the Assembly met in
December, 1834, he was confident that the backbone of the
Whig party had been broken, because the electors in both
the eastern and western counties had responded in no uncer
tain terms to the campaign against Leigh.*®
With Virginia ripe, as Ritchie thought, for another
change his greatest solicitude was regarding Jackson. At
one time the ill-fated Proclamation had robbed the Demo
crats of Virginia of the fruits of their political victories and
sent Tyler to the federal Senate, and at another the removal
of the deposits and the famous Protest had driven Rives from
that body and sent Leigh to fill the vacancy. On each occa
sion Ritchie had opposed the action of the administration as
suicidal to the party. Now it was rumored that war upon
the bank was to work a forfeiture of its charter and that
Jackson was on the point of granting Letters of Marque and
Reprisal upon the commerce of France to force that proud
nation to a quickened sense of its financial obligations to
us. A conservative by nature, Ritchie thought he saw in
such ill-advised steps the complete annihilation of the Demo
cratic party in Virginia. Certainly, Leigh could not be
defeated, if they were persisted in. Accordingly he pled
with Van Buren and Stevenson against the use of any "bold
and questionable proposition" regarding the bank that would
furnish a new "handle to his (Jackson's) and our enemies,"
and he expressed surprise that any one at Washington had
thought of Letters of Marque and Reprisal. "The measure
is too hasty in any event," said he. "It is not called for by
the present state of the question. I have not seen a single
"Van Buren MSS. W. C. Rives to Van Buren, October 14, 1834;
Richmond Enquirer, August 29, 1834; Ibid., October 3, 1834; Ibid.,
December 4, 1834.

164 Thomas Ritchie
person who is in favor of the measure. Rely upon it that
the people will be decidedly against it. -» * * j shoula
be under the necessity of raising my humble voice as strongly
as I could against it." *'^ Instead he would have let the bank
alone and referred the subject of our international relations
to Congress. None of Ritchie's precautions could save him and his
party in Virginia from the penalties of their defeat. Amid
one of the most exciting contests ever witnessed at the state
capital, Leigh secured a re-election to the Senate, and Ritchie
himself later became "a martyr" to the political proscrip
tions which were now revived for the first time in more than
thirty years. The public printing was given to Samuel
Shepherd; Linn Banks had a close call for re-election to
the Speakership of the House of Delegates; and P. V.
Daniel lost his place in the Governor's council.*® It was
more than "Old Nous Verrons" could endure gracefully, and
he now began to fight like a stag at bay. Long editorial
articles appeared in the Enquirer on the right of instruction
and the duty of obedience, on the unprecented use of poli
tical proscription in Virginia, on the dangers with which a
probable restoration of the monster would surround the state
banks, and on the consuming ambition of Clay and Calhoun
to reach the presidency. Under the slogan "heads up" he
rallied the unterrified for the election of 1835, confident that
the people would resent the ruthless manner in which their
instructions had been disregarded by the "piebald Whigs"
in the re-election of Leigh. All the available letters and
resolutions of protest against Leigh's election were now pub
lished at length, and appeal after appeal was made to the
sovereign people to redress their wrongs.*®
Meanwhile the abolition had swallowed up the anti-
slavery movement and in so doing had pressed negro slavery
to the front as a political and economic question. Until
"Stevenson MSS. Ritchie to Stevenson. (No date.)
"Richmond Enquirer, December 9, 1834; Ibid., January 29, 1835.
"Ibid., February 28, 1835.

A Study in Virginia Politics 165
1830 Virginia had maintained a studied silence on this
all important subject, because silence had meant security at
home and political friends abroad. But, when a band of
deluded negroes had rushed like a pack of hungry wolves
upon helpless women and children in the dead of night,
assaulting and murdering them in what was called "Nat"
Turner's Insurrection, and when the political skies were
growing ominously dark, it became impossible "to keep
things quiet south of the Potomac." Accordingly, Ritchie,
as the faithful spokesman of the people, warned his fellow
countrymen of the folly of shutting their eyes and avert
ing their faces from "the black and gnawing evil, "which
stood at their doors. In no equivocal terms he urged the
gradual abolition of negro slavery and the removal of the
free people of color from the Commonwealth. In support of
this bold stand he showed that every census made the black
cloud larger and more appalling; that the laws of the sister
states to the southward against the domestic slave-trade would
cut off the market for surplus negroes; and that thousands
of Virginia's non-slaveholders were pouring into the West
and the Southwest to escape the evils of an institution which
had already impoverished them and was now threatening
to debase them. He also urged immediate action, insisting
that it was not a time to sit quietly down in the consola
tion that their grand children would eliminate "the black
curse," but that it was a crisis requiring the immediate atten
tion of statesmen and patriots.^®
Like a spark to the parched prairie Ritchie's bold stand
soon attracted attention throughout the entire Union and
aroused all the latent indifference of the Old Dominion.
For days the Assembly had hesitated to break the profound
silence; but now that it had been broken by the fearless
leader of all reforms, the people of the westem counties
responded in petitions and resolutions urging the gradual
abolition of negro slavery, and the slaveholding aristocracy
stood aghast, hesitating between the dictates of conscience and
20 Richmond Enquirer, January 7, 1832.

166 Thomas Ritchie
their material well being. Some sided with Ritchie, who was
himself a slaveholder, but others planned his destruction,
as his enemies had done in 1829-'30. The following letter
indicates the attitude toward him in parts of the "south side" :
"Messers Editors: — Owing to the late publication in your paper
advising the gradual emancipation of our slaves, you will discontinue
sending the Enquirer to my post-office & consider me no longer a sub
scriber to a paper so reckless in its course and so regardless of the
safety and property of others. Yours, etc. Nath. Alexander."
But Mr. Alexander was not willing to stop here. In an
address to the people of Halifax and Mecklenberg, two of the
largest slaveholding counties in the state, he attacked the
practicability of emancipation, pointing out especially the
dangers of agitation, and urged the slave-holders to discon
tinue the Enquirer, which, he maintained, was trimming
its sails to the "winds which seemed to be blowing
westwardly."^* To both friends and assailants Ritchie's replies were
firm and sane. He discontinued Mr. Alexander's paper with
pleasure; reiterated his former remarks upon the subject of
negro slavery; and assured the slave-holders that he would
have adhered to his customary silence in dealing with that
subject, had not "the still small voice of conscience" made
such a course impossible. At the same time he pled for the
freedom of the press, quoted from Jefferson and others of
the fathers to justify his position, and disclaimed any sin
ister design upon the west.^^ Despite the opposition which
he encountered, Ritchie's editorials were doubtless potent in
committing the House of Delegates, by a vote of 60 ayes
to 67 noes, as favoring some measures for the gradual aboli
tion of slavery.^^
Ritchie's subsequent silence upon the subject of aboli
tion, continuing, as it did, nearly uninterrupted for almost
''¦ Richmond Enquirer, January 12, 1832.
" Ibid.
=" Journal, House of Delegates, 1831-'32, p. 110.

A Study in Virginia Politics 167
two years, was doubtless due to his desire for accord within
the Democratic party and not to the intimidating threats of
his assailants. It was plain to his mind that much of the
agitation in both the North and the South and in Congress,
that the proceedings of American Anti-Slavery Society, and
the demands for the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia had no other object than that of keeping Van
Buren from the presidency. If they had other purposes.
then he saw in such movements a menace to the Union and
refused to give them publicity. Already he suspected Cal
houn and Duff Green of a design "to pick a quarrel with the
North about the negro" in an effort to unite the South, that
Calhoun might reach the presidency as the leader of a power
ful section. When he did speak upon the subject of negro
slavery it was only to condemn the abolitionists as dis
unionists and to expose the political designs of Calhoun. By
the use of elaborate extracts from the northern prints he
attempted to show, what was doubtless true, that the inhabi
tants of the North were for the most part friendly to the
South and to her institutions and that Calhoun and his
followers had greatly exaggerated the nature and scope of
the abolition movement.^* It is not surprising therefore that
the United States Telegraph, edited by Duff Green, placed
the editor of the Enquirer in a class with the abolitionists
and denounced his subserviency to the North.
Though eager to win in the local elections, disposed to
discount the importance of the abolition movement, and
practically committed to Van Buren, Ritchie hesitated to
espouse his candidacy openly. He still placed a high value
upon the alliance between the northern and southern Demo
crats, but the persistency of the abolitionists, together with
the teachings of Thomas R. Dew, had wrought a complete
change in his mind regarding negro slavery. By 1835 he,
in common with many other Southerners who had formerly
favored abolition, saw that any possible solution of the
"Richmond Enquirer, April 16, 20, 1833; Ibid., June 28, 1833;
Ihid., July 26, 1833.

168 Thomas Ritchie
slavery problem would leave behind it a greater, the negro
problem. Without admitting Calhoun or any of his friends
lo his council and after the Democrats of the Assembly had
endorsed Van Buren's candidacy in secret caucus, Ritchie
tactfully sought to ascertain by letter his opinions upon
the right of Congress to interfere, constitutionally, with
slavery in the states and upon the expediency of abolishing
the slave-trade in the District of Columbia.^® In due time
a favorable reply was received through Silas Wright, and
the Enquirer began forthwith to demand justice and grati
tude for the man whose only magic was his good sense and
good humor.^®
Having decided upon a national standard bearer, Ritchie
buckled on his armor to retrieve the defeat of 1834. Mean
while new conditions had arisen which promised to per
petuate the Whig rule. The referendum on the senatorship
bad exposed Leigh's unpopularity and had put an end to the
premature efforts to strengthen the Whig party locally by
rallying the voters to him for the presidency. Accordingly
the Whigs now endorsed Judge White, whose candidacy had
been launched iu the hope of defeating Van Buren and of
disrupting the Democratic party. Locally the Whigs were
not so much concerned with White's candidacy for the presi
dency as they were with electing "White men" to the
Assembly, who would be willing to join with the regular
Whigs against the administration and thus control the
patronage. From the very first Ritchie saw through their
designs and expressed the hope that the "old man" (White)
would soon understand the efforts being made to use him
as a stalking-horse for others, and that he would return to
the Democratic fold.^'^
The campaign which followed for members of the Assem
bly and for representatives in Congress was one of the most
hotly contested ever waged in Virginia. Ritchie and others
" Van Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, March 2, 1835.
"Richmond Enquirer, March 20, 31, 1835. ,
" Van Buren MSS. Daniel to Van Buren, February 22 1835 ¦
Richmond Enquirer, March 3, 1835. ' '

A Study in Virginia Politics 169
of the Junto fought for their political lives with odds
greatly in their favor but with a majority to overcome. The
good crops and high prices of 1834 had dissipated the panic
scare; the re-election of Leigh had proved suicidal; and
the Whigs of the western counties preferred Van Buren to
White, if Clay was to be abandoned. Both parties fought
for the presidency. Had the Whigs secured a majority in
the Assembly, they might have been able to unite upon
Judge White for the presidency with a hope of carrying the
state for him. Though Van Buren was favored by Jackson and
the North, such a contingency would have been a powerful
factor toward eliminating him from the contest in favor of
some man who could carry the South. The story of "a
corrupt bargain" between Ritchie and Van Buren looking
to the promotion gf the latter to the presidency and supposed
to have been made about 1829 was launched but to no avail.
The administration leaders were steadfast and achieved a
victory which for completeness surpassed their most san
guine expectations. The importance of the result was evi
dent. Judge Parker assured Van Buren that all was well
in the Old Dominion,^® and Ritchie wrote that all opposi
tion to his candidacy in the South would now quickly
disappear.^^ This triumphant victory of the Democrats in Virginia
did more than place the candidacy, if not the election, of
Van Buren beyond the question of a doubt. It inspired
Ritchie and the Junto with an ambition to name his suc
cessor in the presidency. The political alliance between
New York and Virginia, which they had so zealously main
tained, had relegated the politicians of the old school in
Virginia, Floyd, Giles, and Tazewell, to oblivion, ' made
Stevenson Speaker of the House of Representatives, placed
Virginians in the most important foreign missions, deter
mined the personnel of the Supreme Court, and made
Ritchie political arbiter of his own and the neighboring
" Van Buren MSS. May 8, 1835.
"Rives MSS. Ritchie to Rives, May 19, 1835.

170 Thomas Ritchie
states. That same alliance was now to be used to elevate
W. C. Rives first to the vice-presidency and later to the
presidency. The few days intervening between the election
of 1835 and the meeting of the Baltimore Convention were
given up almost entirely to furthering this plan. The fol
lowing extract from a letter by Ritchie to Rives himself
throws light upon the situation :
"You know I have carefully foreborne touching upon the Vice-
Presidency. Not a word, line, or syllable has been exchanged between
us on the subject. But I think it high time to tell you (P. P. Barbour
being out of -the question who in my opinion has superior claims to
any one in the iJnion, on account of his long service)! that my heart
1.3 now set upon your elevation from the Floor to the Chair of the
Senate. I had hoped that the thing was fixed; and I had given myself
less concern than I ought to about it, but I am informed since Friday
night that some of our strongest friends at Washington think that
RiOhd. M. Johnson ought to have the nomination, great as they
admit your claims to be. What is the desire of Mr. V. B. on the
subject I am unable to say; though it seems to me that he would prefer
yourself. I will not inform you of all that has passed since Saturday
morning. But I have not hesitated with all the respect I feel for Col.
Johnson, to press your name in every way that appeared proper to me.
I have this evening written two letters to two of the delegates of
the Convention, one from Virginia and the other from the West, and
1 have also addressed myself to a gentleman at Washington, wEo can,
if he thinks fit, exercise a sort of 'potential voice' upon the pro
ceedings of an important part of his Delegation. I am assured by
every man that I have seen that you are the favorite candidate of this
state. I think from what two of the N. C. Delegation told me you
will receive their support. Col. Watkins (ever zealous and efficient)
& Col. Morgan, who took the steam boat on Sunday, will go by way
of the Potomac & Washington. Peter V. Daniel has been induced by
the emergency of the case to go to Baltimore, and will take Wash
ington in his way. What the result may be it is utterly impossible
to guess. I shall be most deeply disappointed if we do not prevail.
I have freely told & written my friends that with your name associated
on the ticket, I think Virginia and the South will be safe, with Col.
Johnson less than safe.
"I beg you for the present to say and write as little upon the
question as possible. I have no authority now to tell you why. But
be content if you receive the nomination, to accept it in a way which
you so well know how to express, and if the Cup be unfortunately
passed to another lip, to bear your disappointment as becomes you." so
When the Democratic convention met in Baltimore on
May 20th, one day after Ritchie wrote the letter to Rives
so Rives MSS.

A Study in Virginia Politics 171
from which the above extract was taken and almost eigh
teen months before the election, the Virginians semed omni
potent. In a speech overflowing with optimism, its presi
dent, Andrew Stevenson, himself a member of the Junto,
defended the convention system, then in use for the second
time by the Democrats, and pointed the way to Van Buren's
nomination by such interrogations as "Who will best pre
serve the unity of the Democratic party? Who best under
stands the principles and motives of our government ?" and
"Who will carry out the principles of the Jeffersonian era
and General Jackson's administration?" After some debate
the two-thirds rule was readopted, and amid the smiles of
its obedient members the convention ratified General Jack
son's choice for the succession.
This apparent unanimity was destroyed in the vote for the
vice-presidential nomination. With the aid of New York,
Johnson defeated Rives, receiving barely the necessary two-
thirds majority. The only attempted explanation of New
York's vote was the necessity of crippling Clay or Harri
son, each prospective nominees of the opposition for the
presidency, by running a western man on the Democratic
ticket for the vice-presidency. Politically it was sound, but
the Virginians were not always willing to play politics, even
with their New York allies and teachers, when they them
selves could not be the beneficiaries. As Silas Wright now
expressed it they were "wild" and "too astute as to their
principles and too little practical in their political course." ^^
In view of this betrayal they did not hesitate to lay violent
hands upon the ark of the covenant and announce on the floor
of the convention their intention to oppose the election of
ifohnson whose principles and character they could not
respect. Thus was struck the first effective blow at the coalition
between New York and Virginia, which had placed Jackson
in the presidency, was about to name his successor, and
has been a potent, though not always a wholesome factor, in
"' Van Buren MSS. Silas Wright to Van Buren.

172 Thomas Ritchie
American politics from that day to this. The blow had
been struck by personal ambition which has always been
the greatest menace to political coalitions. Separated by
powerful rival commonwealths at sufficient distance to re
move local friction nothing remained in a material way,
except possibly the tariff, which neither has ever taken seri
ously, to mar their industrial and commercial relations, and,
as political principles and issues frequently find their basis
in self-interest, it has always been easy for New York and
Virginia to co-operate in political movements. Thus the
Grand Old Commonwealth has been kept subservient to
Tammany Hall, while its citizens praised their leaders as
patriots and statesmen and strangers looked on with con
tempt and frequently with jeers in imitation of Calhoun's
attitude in the thirties and the forties. In view of the fact
that Calhoun is today regarded as one of the South's greatest
statesmen, the question naturally arises what will the South
and Virginia, fifty years hence, think of those who have
recently tried to break the political dependence of the South
upon New York?-
The healing of this schism, which always left a scar,
called for skill and diplomacy. Silas Wright and Van
Buren each sent personal letters to Rives, Ritchie, Parker,
and Daniel ; Van Buren himself visited Rives in his home at
Castle Hill ;^^ and the northern prints were profuse in their
praise of the Virginians, tactics familiar and effective even in
this day. After some delay Van Buren was received into
full fellowship, a favor never extended to Johnson, and the
flag of Democracy was again unfurled with the slogan "heads
up" and to the contest. Van Buren's letter to Dt. William
McK. Gwin of Mississippi in further explanation of his
attitude toward negro slavery, together vrith B. F. Butler's
Exposition,^^ were taken as further evidences of their can
didate's southern principles, and his election was now urged as
" Van Buren MSS.
ss Richmond Enquirer, July 28, 1835.

A Study in Virginia Politics 173
necessary for the preservation of the Union and the national
Democracy.^* But others, notably the leaders of the lower South, were
not so sanguine over Van Buren's candidacy. They doubted
his southern principles, suspected the intimate relations
existing between Richmond and Albany of being fraught with
evil, and began to plan for a southern convention that they
might more effectively protect the rights and interests of
their section. Naturally Ritchie oposed the proposed con
vention and tried to soothe his fellow southerners into a
feeling of security, but the annexed extract from the
Atlanta (Ga.) Chronicle makes it plain that he was dealing
with conditions and forces which he did not understand :
"Mr. Ritchie and Old Virginia will not meet with a Southern
Convention, because Virginia must be a border state in the event of
a dissolution and because Mr. Ritchie would lose the rewards he has
been earning from Mr. Van Buren and the Albany Regency. Be it so.
Let Virginia occupy neutral ground then, or take sides with the North
as she may prefer. We shall lose some great and good men (who
might go farther South and be saved ) . Yet, when we get rid of Ritchie,
Stevenson and others of that kidney, we need not count the cost, and
we shall he greatly benefitted by having Virginia a slave state be
tween us and the North without being compeUed to contribute to her
defence." "
At this time Ritchie was doubtless more interested in
the success of the Democratic party in Virginia than in the
rights and interests of the whole South. Consumed by a
desire to preserve the ascendancy of the Mother of Common
wealths in a great nation and never over suspicious of the
ulterior motives of men, he had little sympathy with Cal
houn's program for a united South, if, indeed, he under
stood that movement. His patriotism was circumscribed by
no sectional lines and was as broad as the legitimate inter
ests and commendable ambitions of every American citizen.
He advised the united action of the South against the aboli
tionists and other disunionists only as a means of preserv-
'• Richmond Enquirer, July 21, 1835; Ibid., August 4, 18-35; Ibid.,
September 18, 1835.
"Ihid., October 6, 1835.

174 Thomas Ritchie
ing the Union and of maintaining the rights and interests
of all. He would doubtless have been willing to conciliate
and compromise. Virginia had scarcely been rescued from
the clutches of the Whigs, and Jackson's time for throwing
fire-brands, the regular meeting of Congress, was near at
hand. He desired no repetition of the experiences which
had followed the Proclamation and the Protest. In a letter
to Van Buren he, therefore, advised that the annual mes
sage be written in "the language of dignified moderation."^®
Especially was war with France to be avoided, because war
would arrest the spirit of internal improvement then abroad
in the land, restore the protective system and the bank,
and entrench the Whig party in power both locally and
nationally. Contrary to expectations Jackson showed moderation in
dealing with France. It is not probable, however, that the
local conditions in Virginia or the desires of her politicians
to win elections there infiuenced him in the least. But as
much can not be said of Ritchie's infiuence, exercised as
it was through Van Buren, upon the larger and more im
portant policies of the administration as set forth in the
message in dealing with France. However that may be,
Ritchie accepted the message as a vindicatip;i, and, had the
press known his part in shaping it, his unqualified praise
of that state paper would doubtless have been accepted as
another evidence of his alleged monumental conceit and
consuming vanity. The message was spoken of as the most
"conciliatory, dignified, enlightened, and noble paper which
has ever been given to the country."^''
Triumph in national affairs was also attended by a vindi
cation at home. The Assembly, by a vote of 95 ayes to 68
noes, restored Ritchie to the office of public printer and by
a vote almost equally large reinstated Daniel in the Execu
tive Council. Though aware of a desire to keep him from all
places of influence, Ritchie had furthermore the satisfaction
"Van Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, November 28, 1835.
"Richmond Enquirer, December 12, 17, 1835.

A Study in Virginia Politics 175
of hearing those who had voted against his re-election dis
claim any personal feeling in their efforts to secure a "prac
tical printer." He now said not a word about political
proscription, but characterized the leading Whigs as the "oily
orator" from Petersburg, the "rampant lawyer" from Rich
mond, the "Beliol delegate" from Albemarle, the "rumbling
thunderer" from Northampton, the "county court lawyer"
from James City, and the "bewitching spoiler" from Pittsyl
vania and defied the whole "mongrel pack," Tray, Branch,
Sweetheart, and all.^® A declaration of war upon Leigh and
Tyler, members of the "aristocratic" Senate followed, and
was accompanied by a hearty approval of Benton's efforts to
expunge from the records of the Senate the resolutions of
censure against Jackson for the removal of the deposits.^^
Thus Ritchie found himself indirectly approving the very
measures he had formerly disapproved and even willing to
drive opposition senators from office that Jackson might be
vindicated. Although he deplored its injection into both local and
national politics abolition would not down. Even Virginia
played with the fire with all the eagerness of childish
curiosity. In his annual message of December, 1835, to
the Assembly, Govemor Tazewell endorsed the proposed plan
for concerted action among the slave-holding states against
abolition and requested that he be authorized to communicate
with the non-slave holding states upon the subject. Fol
lowing up his message the Whigs tried to place the Assembly
on record as opposed to the right of Congress to interfere
with negro slavery in the District of Columbia, as reaffirming
the right of a state to regulate and determine its own
domestic institutions, and as demanding the suppression of
all abolition societies by a resort to punishment for those
who persisted in belonging to them.*®
These new issues were annoying at their best, but under
"Richmond Enquirer, December 12, 1835.
"Ibid., December 17, 1835.
•'Ihid., January 7, 12, 14, 1836.

176 Thomas Ritchie
the conditions prevalent in 1835 and 1836 they became posi
tively embarrassing. Ritchie recognized in it all an attempt
to injure Van Buren's candidacy and not a patriotic effort
to serve the southern weal. But there were Democrats ever
ready to listen to the Whig press and the Whig politicians
in their studied attempts to make it appear that the Demo
cratic party was in alliance with the abolitionists and not
in full sympathy with the best interests of the South. It
took real skill and masterly statesmanship to tide the feeble
members of his party over such ordeals as those imposed by
the Whigs in these attempts. Ritchie's slogan for all such
exigencies was "The federal Union, it must be preserved."
He now insisted that Tazewell was not and never had been
a friend of the Union and that he should not therefore be
entrusted with the care of an explosive which might destroy
it.** Like many other loyal patriots to be found in the
South at this time and twenty years later he did not think
the election of a northern man to the presidency a sufficient
cause for the united action of the slave-holding states to
prevent such a contingency. Accordingly he lent his best
energies to the support of a less radical course on the' part of
the Assembly than that desired by the Whigs. The right of
a state to regulate its domestic institutions was reaffirmed,
the non-slave holding states were simply requested to restrain
the activity of the abolitionists, a protest was made against
the proposed abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,
and confidence in the desires of the North to deal justly with
the South was expressed.*^ True, Whigs and even Demo
crats cried "subserviency to New York," but they could not
deny that Ritchie's subserviency contained a large propor
tion of patriotism and that they themselves in their attacks
upon the abolitionists were resorting to the stock argument
of all minority parties in the South.
Another subject used most effectively against the admin
istration party in Virginia and to the great annoyance of
•'Richmond Enquirer, December 17, 1835; Ibid., December 29, 31,
1835. •'Ibid., January 21 1836.

A Study in Virginia Politics 177
Ritchie was that connected with banks and banking. The
vast enterprises being launched in the western counties and
the general quickening of industrial activity created a de
mand for such credit as only banks could extend. This came
at a time when the death throes of the Bank of the United
States, the efforts to reform the national currency, and the
uncertainties of the panic made it almost impossible for the
state banks to live. Having abandoned the national bank,
as a local party, the Whigs now suddenly developed a remaiTS-
able affection for the state banks, demanding an increase in
their number and in their capital stock. In addition to the
general conditions argning in their behalf they defended
their course as necessary to encourage internal improvements
and to prevent the threatened depopulation of Virginia and
attacked the banking monopoly of "King Ritchie and his
prime minister. Dr. Brockenbrough." Despite Ritchie's
great popularity, as a friend of the people and the spokes
man of the Jacksonian Democracy, these were taking argu
ments in tlie western counties.*^
As in dealing with the subject of abolition, Ritchie dis
cussed banks and banking frankly but diplomatically, and
there is every evidence that his arguments in defence of the
existing system were based upon a sounder foundation than
his financial obligations to the banks of Richmond. In de
fence of his opposition to an increase of the number of the
independent banks he reviewed the early experiences of
Kentucky, insisted that those Virginians who were leaving
their lands for the far West where banks were unknown were
not in search of bank credit, and predicted a restoration of
the national bank in case the states did not act conservatively
in their banking operations. To offset the political advan
tages which the Whigs contemplated from their change of
attitude toward the local banks, he held before the rural
inhabitants, naturally inclined to favor the exclusive use of
hard money, the evils of excessive banking and of a con
sequent restoration of the monster. In view of the fact that
•'Richmond Enquirer, December 10, 1835; Ihid., February 23, 1836,-
Richmond Whig, April 22, 1836.

-j^/jg Thomas Bitchie
Pennsylvania had rechartered the Bank of the United States
and that several states were expected to charter branches
thereto, he saw and made others see how Biddle could evolve
another monopoly and bring the "whole confederacy . . .
under bank government." If free banking was permitted or
even an undue increase in the number of local banks
allowed, he was confident that these calamities would be
immediate. The common horror which the inhabitants of
the western counties felt toward the national bank and the
traditional conservatism of the east coupled with the fact
that a large part of the state's internal improvement and
literary funds were invested in bank stock enabled Ritchie
to defeat the Whigs at every turn, to retain his own political
influence amid trying and perplexing conditions, and to main
tain Virginia's record for conservative banking.
The time, energy, and skill necessary to keep the state
right on abolition and banking did not restrain Ritchie from
prosecuting his declaration of war upon Leigh and Tyler.
With a majority of the Assembly at his command he now
planned to drive them from the Senate, as the Whigs had
driven Rives, by instmcting them to vote for a proposition
which they could not endorse, knowing that sufficient pres
sure could be brought upon them to compel obedience. Ex
cept in 1811, when Wm. B. Giles had protested against it,
the time honored right of instruction had never been ques
tioned in the "sovereign state of Virginia." Finally amid
stirring scenes equaled only by those which had attended the
actual expunging of the Senate's record or the re-election
of Leigh by the Virginia Assembly, he and Tyler were
instructed to vote for Benton's resolutions. As Governor
Tazewell refused to communicate the resolutions of instruc
tion, talk of impeachment proceedings followed. But Tyler's
subsequent resignation and Leigh's refusal to follow his
course simplified conditions in two ways ; it gave the Demo
crats an opportunity to re-elect Rives and a winning issue
with which to go before the people in the contest which
was then at hand for members of Assembly.**
" Richmond Enquirer, March 5, 1836.

A Study in Virginia Politics 179
Thus the Virginians entered the preliminary skirmish
for the presidency, that contest for members of the Assembly
which came in the spring of the presidential year, and
was as carefully watched as are the political vanes, Ver
mont and Maine, to-day, with many new and perplexing
issues. But abolition, banking, expunging, and the right
of instruction were not allowed to eclipse the main issue,
the contest for the presidency. Already White and Tyler
had been placed in nomination by a caucus of the Whig
members of the Assembly for the presidency and the vice-
presidency respectively, but the western Whigs desired
General Harrison for the first place and preferred Webster
or Calhoun to so recent an apostate as White.*® This lack
of accord within their party led to a Whig state convention
which nominated Harrison for the presidency and Tyler
for the vice-presidency but accepted the electors committed
to the support of Judge White, with the understanding that
they should vote for that one of the two candidates who re
ceived the largest popular vote. By such a combination the
Whigs hoped to carry Virginia and to make it possible for
no one to sacrifice his principles in supporting the "piebald"
ticket. All were urged to vote against the abolitionist. Van
Buren, who, it was now claimed, desired social and political
equality for all races.
At first the Whig plan of campaign seemed formidable,
but as the contest advanced the "double-headed" ticket com
manded a constantly diminishing support. Following the
example of Virginia Ritchie expected the opposition at large
to run Webster in New England, Harrison in the Middle and
Westem states, and White in the South, in an effort to throw
the presidential election into the House and to effect the
possible elimination of Van Buren entirely by making the
three candidates to whom the constitution restricted the
choice on such occasions all Whigs. It was all the more im
portant therefore to defeat the Whig party in Virginia in
•'Richmond Enquirer, January 2, 1836; Ibid., February 13, 1836;
Richmond Whig, January 1, 1836.

180 Thomas Ritchie
its efforts to control the Assembly and to win a popular
majority of the votes in the local election. Thus no oppor
tunity was lost to unite all factions in support of Van Buren's
candidacy which had already been endorsed by the Demo
crats of Virginia but was now re-endorsed by a state conven
tion in which Wm. C. Rives spoke of him as "the first choice
over all others in the Union."*® In spite of the fact that
the Democrats refused to place Johnson's name upon their
ticket for the vice-presidency, the most possible was made of
the lack of accord within the opposition party. To this end
Harrison was attacked in the eastern counties as an aboli
tionist and a friend of the American System, while White
was attacked in the westem counties as a Nullifier and a
seceder. Ritchie's generalship. General Jackson's popularity, and
the disorganized condition of the Whigs saved the day to
the Democrats, who now carried the state by a popular
majority aggregating 5,000 and retained control of the
Assembly.*^ An end was thus put to the fear of possible
Whig combinations, and Van Buren's election seemed
assured. Again members of the Junto assured him that all
was well in the Old Dominion, and the Whig press now
spoke of the Richmond Enquirer as the "Albany Enquirer."
Now that the presidential contest seemed won in Vir
ginia, Ritchie and the Junto attempted to divert interest
from those local and national issues which were perplexing
them and to keep Van Buren awake to his obligations to the
South by launching a movement for the annexation of Texas,
never dreaming that their efforts if successful would com
plicate the abolition question and give rise to a score of other
questions equally perplexing. In 1819, 1829, and again in
1835 Ritchie had cast longing eyes to the southwest, a small
part of which he now possessed in fee simple. Now his
dreams had come true, and Texas was making a noble fight
for her independence of Mexico and was thought to be
•'Richmond Enquirer, January 16, 1836.
"Ihid., May 17, 1836.

A Study in Virginia Politics 181
friendly to annexation to the United States. Accordingly
when Santa Anna talked of arming the slaves of Louisiana,
of planting his banners on the Capitol at Washington, and
of plucking the laurels from the brow of General Jackson,
if the Americans did not desist from their attempts to dis
member his country by aiding the Texans, Ritchie urged
that we acknowledge their independence. The daily re
minders from the opposition press that his enthusiasm for
Texas was not wholly disinterested went unheeded.*® He
had long regarded Van Buren as friendly to annexation, but
he did not know to what extent he would carry his friend
ship when placed in a position of responsibility and faced
by a growing abolitionist sentiment. Accordingly, Ritchie
now informed him of their previous understandings, though
thinking it impossible that he could have changed his mind
and assuring him that the South counted upon him "to carry
the measure against the prejudices of the Northern opposi-
toin." He was not certain how the measure was to be
brought about, "whether by waiting the overtures of Texas
or Mexico — or, by initiating the proposition — ^whether by
recognizing the independence first, or smoothing the way to
the affiliation in the first instance — whether now or at the
next session — whether by admitting Texas in the chrysalis
from a territory or immediately as one of the sovereign states
of the Union — whether as one state, or as one subject to the
qualification of making her into several, as they obtain the
necessary population." He was willing to leave these and
"various other questions" to Mr. Van Buren's "long head,"
but he ventured the suggestion that no more than three
states be made out of Texas, lest the North prevent its
annexation.*® Fearing that agitation of this subject would not enhance
his chances to reach the presidency Van Buren followed the
advice of Jackson and of Ritchie's close friend, Judge
Parker, and carefully refrained from any expressions regard-
•' Richmond Enquirer, October 30, 1835; Ibid., May 13, 24, 1836.
"Yan Buren MSS. Ritchie to Van Buren, June 9, 1836.

182 Thomas Ritchie
ing Texas. There is no evidence that he answered either
directly or indirectly Ritchie's letter and suggestions. Had
he now taken a stand, his course eight years hence might have
been greatly simplified and the possibility of an abrupt
breach between himself and his friends in Virginia might
have been obviated.
Meanwhile the federal treasury had become embarrassed
by the almost unprecedented experience of having more
money than it could spend. The proceeds from the public
land sales, which were enormous at this period of expansion,
and the revenue from customs had extinguished the public
debt and was piling up a vast surplus. If the Compromise
Tariff was to be maintained and if settlers were to be given
access to the public domain at any reasonable price, the
causes which were producing these conditions could not be
disturbed. Nevertheless, some would have lowered the tariff
regardless of the Compromise, and others would have low
ered the price of the public lands or have given them to the
states in which they were located. But the desire to keep
faith between the sections regarding the tariff and to con
serve the nation's resources by restricting the public land
sales and appropriating the benefits of the common territory
to all prevailed, and on June 23, 1836, Congress passed an
act distributing the surplus proceeds of the land sales among
the several states in proportion to their representation in
that body. The pill needed a little coating before Jackson
could swallow it, and the distributions were therefore made
in the form of loans, but with the understanding that they
were never to be returned.
Dr. Brockenbrough's interest in retaining the federal
deposits in his bank at Richmond was not the only nor
indeed the chief reason for Ritchie's opposition to the dis
tribution act. He saw in that measure a tariff bill in dis
guise and the final destruction of the sovereignty and respect
ability of the states in a mad scramble for the flesh pots of
Egypt. Instead he would have used the surplus already
existing to provide an adequate defence, to exterminate the
Indian titles to the public domain, and to secure the annexa-

A Study in Virginia Politics 183
tion of Texas. He would have prevented the further
accumulation of surpluses by reducing the tariff. Piqued at
Jackson's refusal to veto the bill and elated with Van Buren's
bold declaration against it, he now proclaimed the latter
ihe real and not the nominal leader of the Democracy.®®
The flurry over Texas and the agitation over the surplus
diverted attention only temporarily from the contest for
the presidency. In Virginia the rival parties continued to
vie with each other in picturing the abolition records of the
opposing chieftains. The rapid strides made by Harrison's
candidacy in the western counties created alarm in the Demo-
rcatic camp, but Ritchie never let pass an opportunity for
picturing the calamities which might result from an election
by the House. The danger narrowly averted in 1801 and the
experiences of 1825 were drawn upon constantly. It was
not known how many Whigs would stick to the declining
fortunes of Judge White, and, therefore, the "double-headed
Janus-faced mongrel ticket" worried Ritchie no little. On
September 20th Judge Parker wrote to Van Buren that
"nothing could draw him (Ritchie) away from his press at
this critical juncture."®* Nevertheless, he was never more
resourceful. From picturing Van Buren as a strict con
structionist he turned to praising the "Tenth Legion" ®^ and
deploring the election of a Nullifier and a seceder like White.
From a denunciation of Harrison's abolition record he turned
to a defence of Van Buren's free negro vote and his part in
the Missouri Compromise.®*
Though now prominently mentioned in connection with
the governorship, Ritchie announced the results of the Demo
cratic victory in Virginia, which had greatly enhanced his
ovra prestige, with characteristic modesty. The chief
recipient of its benefits was not, however, unmindful of the
so Richmond Enquirer, June 21, 28, 1836; Ibid., August 23, 1836.
" Van Buren MSS.
"The Tenth Legion was the name applied to the Democratic strong
hold of the Valley.
"Richmond Whig, August 12, 1836; Richmond Enquirer, Novem
ber 4, 1836.

184 Thomas Ritchie
one who had done most to make it possible, as the annexed
extract of a letter from Van Buren to Ritchie indicates:
"There is, I assure you with great sincerity, no man in the
country in whose patriotism, political intelligence and per
sonal integrity I have more confidence. I know I have
not a better friend in the world and be assured that your
suggestions will always be duly considered."®* As he re
viewed Jackson's administration by which he proposed to
to shape his own, it was plain that questions might arise upon
which he and the Virginia editor could not agree, but he
was certain that their general objects would always be the
same. Virginia readily acquiesced in the election of Van Buren,
but the prospective election of Johnson to the vice-presi
dency by the federal Senate was a bitter pill which was not
swallowed readily. Rather than submit some were willing
to apply the knife as the only remedy for the disease with
which the spoilsmen and the abolitionists had infected the
body politic. Their opposition went further than their
friendship for Rives; it was founded in enmity for the
American System and the rumors about the dusky origin of
Johnson's wife. The Whig press contained many rhymes on
"Johnson's Wife of Old Kentucky," and a laurel crown was
given by "the Chaste Southern Dames" to the author of one
of these doggerels.®® Virginia's electors had been selected
to vote for Wm. Smith of Alabama for the vice-presidency,
but it was now proposed that they cast their vote for Tyler,
the Whig candidtae, to keep the election from the Senate
and to accomplish the defeat of Johnson.®®
Although he did not attempt to defend his record or his
character, Ritchie regarded the assaults upon Johnson as
attacks upon the Union and as so many unnecessary and use
less attempts to inflame the anti-abolition sentiment at the
South. He classed the "madmen" who made them with those
'•Richmond Whig, November 4, 1836; Van Buren MSS.
5B Richmond Whig, December 2, 1836.
"Ibid., November 25, 1836.

A Study in Virginia Politics 185
pessimists who predicted the downfall of our glorious experi
ment in government, but assured them that "There is an
attachment to the Union among the people of this country
so strong that it wiU baffle all the parricidal attempts of such
infuriated incendiaries." This attitude was wholly sincere
and sprang from a love for the Union of the fathers and not
from a desire to preserve accord within the Democratic
party. It is almost needless to say that the electors of Vir
ginia kept faith by casting their vote for Wm. Smith for the
vice-presidency. The election of Van Buren, following as it did two bril
liant victories for members of the Assembly, marked the
period of Ritchie's greatest power. With his incessant war for
principles he was not, however, a practical politician. Thus
he did not always make the best use of his political victories
or aid others in using them to the best advantage. In a sort
of ultimatum he now advised the Assembly regarding the
use of the federal surplus, regarding appropriations for
internal improvements, and the state banks.®^ By aid of the
party caucus he was re-elected public printer, his friend,
David Campbell, was made Governor, and his brother-in-law,
Judge Richard E. Parker, took Leigh's place in the federal
Senate to be succeeded in a few weeks, after he had found
a place better suited to his tastes and abilities, by Ritchie's
cousin, Wm. H. Roane.®® He did not hesitate to advise
Van Buren in the formation of his cabinet, or Jackson
regarding the proper way in which to close his brilliant
administration.®® It is thus not strange that he was called an
autocrat and that the Richmond Whig spoke of him as a self-
constituted politician who bestowed offices of honor and
dignity as a reward for relatives and partisans.®® But the
Whig did not consider that Ritchie had played a prominent
part in bringing about the tariff compromise, the destruction
'^Richmond Enquirer, December 24, 1836.
"Ihid.^ December 13, 15, 17, 1836; Ibid., January 6, 1837.
"Van Buren MSS. Parker to Van Buren, February 7, 1837;
Rives MSS., Ritchie to Rives, February 25, 1837.
80 Richmond Whig, December 6, 1836.

186 Thomas Ritchie
of the national bank, the suppression of the nullifiers, and
the election of Van Buren, and that he could stand in the
federal Capitol to see the new President take the oath of
office and shake hands with the potentates who took part on
that occasion with some feeling of personal triumph and that
he could dictate to the local Assembly and even to the powers
higher up with some claim to authority, if not to the finer
qualities of a politician and a statesman.

A Study in Virginia Politics 187

CHAPTER VII.
VAN BUREN AND THE INDEPENDENT TREASURY.
Through the calm which surrounded Van Buren's inau
gural ceremonies the evidences of political discord were ap
parent even to the casual observer. The clashing ambitions
of W. C. Rives and N. P. Tallmadge on one side, and Thomas
H. Benton, whom Jackson had placed second in the line of
succession, on the other, were making for an irreparable
schism in the Democratic party. The former leaders sought
to win by merit the popular favor which Benton hoped to in
herit. By overwhelming majorities they had already suc
ceeded in committing Congress against Jackson's famous
specie circular requiring all payments for public lands to be
made in specie, and they had also induced Congress to claim
its alleged constitutional right to be the custodian of all
federal moneys. Encouraged by these successes, they were
furthermore resolved to make Van Buren abandon the specie
circular which Jackson had continued in operation by a bold
use of the pocket veto. As the author of that state paper,
the leader of a large party opposed to banks of whatsoever
description, and as the friend of Jackson and the spokesman
of Van Buren, Benton, now called "Old Bullion," was a
formidable barrier to their ambitions. As early as January,
1837, the Whig press had gleefully noted the personal char
acter of the contest.*
The conditions at the beginning of Van Buren's adminis
tration were well portrayed by Ritchie in one of his "strictly
confidential" letters written this time to Benj. F. Butler,
Attorney General, under the new administration. To inquir
ing parties desiring to invest capital in America, Andrew
Stevenson, Minister to the Court of St. James, had expressed
'Richmond Enquirer, January 6, 10, 17, 1837.

188 Thomas Ritchie
the belief that the national bank, upon which Jackson had
made a war to be continued by his successor, would not be
put down. His indiscretion became known in America and
was interpreted by the Globe, in a caustic editorial, as evi
dence of a disposition to repudiate Van Buren and Jackson,
and of a possible alliance with those opposed to Benton and
friendly to Rives and Tallmadge. Ritchie's letter was a de
fence of Stevenson, and because of its thorough and able pre
sentation of the whole situation is here given in full as
follows : "Tuesday, Moening.
"My Dear Sir:
"I have been prostrated two days on the bed of sickness, and
though I am rapidly recovering, I am compelled to pillow up my head,
for the purpose of addressing you on a subject which deeply interests
me. Perhaps I am going too far. Perhaps, I may be taking a liberty
which our short acquaintance may not seem to justify. Perhaps, I
am too boldly breaking through that state and dignity, that hedge in
men of affairs. But, when I recollect the simplicity of character which
best adorns a man, — when I recall to mind the cordial terms you used
towards me, at the last night I had the pleasure of seeing you, I feel
irresistibly impelled to address you upon a subject, which interests
me as a friend and as a patriot.
"Without further circumlocution, then, I call your attention to
the editorial article which appeared in the Globe, containing some
severe criticism on the conduct of Andrew Stevenson. It is scarcely
necessary to tell you how much pain it has given many of his and the
President's friends. May I frankly inquire of you, whether it is to be
regarded as a true exponent of the President's feelings and sentiments?
I well know the solicitude which this article will occasion in the
breast of Mr. Stevenson, not only on account of the character of these
strictures, but from the source from which they emanate, the official
organ of the government. You will readily imagine, Sir, how very
unpleasant must be his situation, until he shall be apprised of the
President's feeling on this subject. You can well conceive, too-, that if
he shall ascertain the article in question to have received the Presi
dent's sanction, he might feel himself constrained to resign his com
mission and return home. I feel solicitous that Mr. Stevenson and
bis friends should be put at ease on this subject, if, injieed, I am right
in the conjecture that Mr. Blair, without consulting his official friends,
has only given expressions to his own views-, stimulated as they no
doubt have been by the conduct of the agents of the Bank, as well as
the insidious comments of the Press on Mr. Stevenson's London letter.
"May I call your attention to the few remarks I made in the
last Enquirer, on the article in the Olohef They were written. Sir, I
am free to confess to you, under some little embarrassment. While I
thought on one hand, that Mr. S, did not deserve the severe strictures
he had received, even admitting that he may not have sufficiently
weighed the phraseology of his letter, — I could not on the other hand,
lose sight of the importance of pressing the harmony of our party, and

A Study in Virginia Politics 189
of maintaining an unbroken front towards our opponents, who are
ready to make the most of every division in our ranks, and indeed of
every thing which may avail in the opposition which they seem deter
mined to wage against the Administraton. I feel constrained too, by
those personal sentiments I entertain towards Mr. Blair, by the recol
lection of that cordial and confiding kindness, which he had so freely
poured out to me, on my last visit to Washington. Of all the the
articles I had ever seen in a newspaper, I confess to you, the article
in the Globe had given me the most poignant concern. I liked Mr.
Blair, sincerely, ardently. You can then very readUy conceive under
what feelings I penned my brief comments on this severe stricture.
But, Sir, I think myself bound to tell you, that the Republicans
in this quarter of Virginia will not sustain the course which the
Globe has sustained towards Mr. Stevenson. His sentiments iu regard
to the Bank, the persecution he has received from the opposition, and
his feelings towards Mr. Van Buren, both politically and personally,
and let me add, Sir (because it is a fact which fell within my own
knowledge), the memorable efforts which he made to sustain Mr. Van
Buren in the days of his trial or persecution, and while others were
shrinking from the storm, his coming forward, and being one of the
most active and determined men to press the rejected minister for the
Residency, — these and other circumstances are too well known, to
permit his friends in Virginia to view with indifference any attempt
to strike him down! I will not cavil with you. Sir, about the amount
of Mr. S.'s indiscretion. I will not deny, if you please, that he might
have written rather a more prudent letter; because we now see that
the one he has written is susceptible of some misconstruction. I will
not say, whether taking even the worst view of the matter, Mr. S'.
ought or ought not to have spoken a syllable about the Bank, and
whether if asked at all in the frankest spirit by any gentleman who
was preparing to withdraw his funds from Ai^erica, he ought not to
have said, that he did think the Bank would not be put dovni, an
opinion which seems to be countenanced by the report of the Republican
Committee of Pennsylvania.
"Admit, then, that the private letter from London is correct;
which I am prepared to deny in all its extent, — admit that Mr.
Stevenson has been guilty of some indiscretion, yet does it therefore
follow that he was at once to be put under the ban — that there was no
other mode of correcting the error?
"I have no question that his own letter, which is the only
authentic testimony we have before us, has been misconstrued. It is
perfectly obvious, at least to me, that Mr. S'. was not aware at the
time he wrote it of the construction that would be placed upon it,
both as regards Mr. Rush, for whom I know he entertains the kindest
feelings; or the sentiments expressed in Mr. Van Buren's letter to Mr.
Williams, which no man more cordially approved. I attribute the
whole style and phraseology of the letter, to the indignation he felt
at the article in the Commercial Advertiser, and not as the Globe
supposes, to any disposition to repudiate either Mr. Van Buren's or
Mr. Rush's opinions in relation to the Bank.
"On this subject you have no doubt formed your own opinion.
And you will pardon me, I trust, for the liberty I take in advising
you at all upon the subject. My own course on this occasion pro
ceeds not only from my regard for Mr. Stevenson, but from the great
interest of my party. My feelings for him are certainly very warm,
both as a public and private man, and I feel the strongest desire that

190 Thomas Ritchie
he should not suffer in the public estimation. But I am equally
solicitous for the union and harmony of the Republican Press, and
for whatever course may be most likely to promote the success and
prosperity of the administration. I am but poorly read in the signs of
the Heavens, if a lowering storm is not coming on, which may require
all our strength and discretion. Our Currency is in a most distracted
condition. The spirit of speculation has involved the community in
danger and embarrassment. Thousands will fall victims to circum
stances, of which they had no presentiment, and over which they could
exercise no control. The picture of the distress in this City is already
most appalling. The strongest houses, as they were supposed, are
bowing beneath the tempest. The Hermans of N. Orleans, the Josephs
of New York, the Philips of Philadelphia, and the Warwicks of
London have prostrated several of our capitalists, and our new Bank
Bills, admirable as they are in many respects, by abolishing the small
notes and requiring 3/5 of their Capital to be preserved in gold and
silver, are yet calculated to add to the distress of our existing banks.
The Treasury Circular has disturbed the equilibrium of circulation,
and by unnecessarily accumulating the specie in the Western States,
will prevent us from eking out the capital of the new Banks except by
heavy drafts on the old. Instead then of extending accommodation,
the Banks will be compelled to curtail their Customers. In such a
state of the elements the clamor is always directed to the government.
The opposition, of course, have seized upon the Treasury Circular.
Some of the friends of the Administration who believe it to have been
a wholesome measure, originally, have changed their view. They
contend a change of circumstances demands a change of policy, that,
as Mr. Burke said 'circumstances are infinite — and infinitely com
bined, are variable and transient; that he who does not take them info
consideration, is not erroneous, but stark mad, he is, metaphysically
mad ; that a statesman never losing sight of his principles, is to be
guided by circumstances and judging contrary to the exigencies of the
moment, he may ruin his country forever.' Some of his friends also
maintain that whatever respect might at first have been due to the
Circular of General Jackson, yet a decided voice of both houses had
condemned its continuation, and that it is the duty of Mr. Van Buren
to consider not so much what had been done by his predecessor, as
what would promote the good of the country.
"In a word, Sir, it cannot be concealed that the time is not far
distant, when from the confusion and turbidness of the elements, we
will require all our sincere friends to support us against the common
enemy. Union and not discord must become our watchword. If within
three weeks from the commencement of the Administration, we have the
signs of two important dissensions in our ranks; — if in addition of
the contre temps of Mr. Forsyth, we are to have such men as Stevenson
struck down and sacrificed, men who like him have hazarded every
thing for our cause, who have suffered so severely from our opponents,
and whose interests and feelings are so naturally and deeply enlisted
in the success of the present Republican Administration — what I frankly
ask you, are we next to expect? The President's path may be strewn
with roses, but it will also have thorns enough.
"My intercourse with Mr. Van Buren has been so cordial and con
fiding for ten years past, — mj? confidence in his good sense and
magnanimity, so strong, that I am sure he will excuse me for asking
you unreservedly to submit this hasty letter to his inspection. I
beg you to consider it in every other respect as strictly confidential.

A Study in Virginia Politics 191
You will best judge what ought to be done. I do not not ask for any
thing to appear in the Globe on this subject. Far from it. I do not
even ask the privilege of putting a line in the Enquirer. My respect
for Mr. Blair forbids that course. All I wish is, to put myself at
ease about the matter, and the immediate friends of Mr. Stevenson;
and to put him also at ease. But I will consult your own wishes
rather than mine. In a word then, let me assure you, that whatever
information you may give me shall be considered strictly confidential,
and that no use will be made of your reply, except so far as may be
expressly allowed by yourself. Fear not, Sir, that I will trouble
you in this way again. I am too well aware of the drafts made up'bn
your precious time, as well as too sensible of the reserve which it
becomes me to observe towards yourself to think of repeating this
transgression, but on the most urgent occasion.
"If I could be vain enough to hope that Mrs. B. retains any recol
lection of the eccentric Virginian whom she met for the flrst time in
the East Room on the 4th of March, I would add my best wishes for
her, as well as those for yourself, from/
"Yours truly, Thomas Ritchie."
It is evident that Ritchie contemplated more in this letter
than a mere vindication of his friend Stevenson. At the
point of a threat he was fighting for the state banks and for
a continuation of the credit system, each of which was en
dangered by the specie circular and the new banks which had
sprung up in the West. In a few well regulated state banks,
such as the Bank of Virginia, of which his cousin. Dr. Brock
enbrough, had been president for twenty-five years, he saw
the only possible means of continuing the credit system by
the use of bank notes and the only alternative to a national
bank. Besides, Virginia was wedded to the old order of
things, having invested her literary and internal improve
ment funds in state bank stock and agreed to accept bank
notes in payment of taxes.^ In opposing the proposed return
to an exclusive use of metallic money, Ritchie stood by Vir
ginia, but in so doing he was forced into the conservative
following which was now rapidly crystalizing about W. C.
Rives in Virginia and N. P. Tallmadge in New York.
On the other hand Benton and his policies were popular
in Virginia. Disgusted because of the monopoly enjoyed by
'Van Buren MSS.
'Ihid., P. V. Daniel to Van Buren, October 20, 1838.

192 Thomas Ritchie
the Richmond bankers and accustomed to the use of hard
money only, the rural population accepted what "Old Bul
lion" said as gospel. They were ably led by James Mc
Dowell of Rockbridge and Thomas Jefferson Randolph of
Albemarle county. McDowell's connection with Benton,
being his brother-in-law, and Randolph's commendable efforts
to prevent Rives from appropriating to himself the political
legacies of Madison and Jefferson, gave prestige to their
leadership. Van Buren had scarcely entered the White House before
the contest, already noticeable in national affairs, was on in
Virginia. All realized that it involved the presidential suc
cession, and the hope of having Rives displace Benton in the
popular favor aroused local pride and added spice to the con
test. Many were now willing to accept Rives at his own
estimate as the logical successor of Jefferson and Madison,
and as the one man who could restore the prestige of Vir
ginia. The ambitions and interests of each faction were
plainly evident in the elections of April, 1837, for members
of the General Assembly and of Congress.*
Standing aloof and eager to profit by the results of
faction was a vigilant and, since the election of Van Buren
and the financial panic which followed, growing opposition.
This opposition was ably directed by John Hampden Pleas
ants of the Richmond Whig, who lost no opportunity to sow
seeds of discord in the ranks of the administration. By con
stantly referring to Benton as "the Great Expunger" and to
Rives as the "Little Expunger" and by creating anxiety as
to which of the two the "Little Magician" would ultimately
favor, he wounded the pride of the latter and drove deeper
the wedge of discord.® When Jackson had used the pocket
v^eto for the resolutions suspending the specie circular order
of 1836, Pleasants had cried conspiracy and tried to give the
impression that Rives would never be permitted to aspire to
•Richmond Whig., April 21, 1837; Richmond Enquirer. April 11,
1837. -i ' e
'Richmond Whig, February 23, 1837; Ihid., March 3, 1837.

A Study in Virginia Politics 193
the presidency. But when it seemed that the breach in the
Democratic party was irreparable, he suddenly ceased to find
fault with the "Little Expunger" and actually vied with him
in professions of friendship for the state banks and in con
demnation of the panic producing qualities of the specie
circular.® The financial alarm and distress which enveloped the
country during the months of April and May, 1837, were
seized upon by Ritchie as forceful means of inducing Van
Buren to rescind the specie circular. To this end Rives was
given a conspicuous place as the spokesman of the people in
his congressional fight against that measure.'^ Meanwhile
Dr. Brockenbrough, president of the Bank of Virginia, made
flying trips to Washington ;® Ritchie pictured the dire calam
ities which would befall the country in case the credit system
were abandoned ; and Rives reminded the President through
the correspondence which they maintained and the agency
of friends, that he could not defy the people by adhering to
the specie circular.^ It was all to no purpose; Van Buren
remained non-committal and doubtless determined.
Unlike Rives, Ritchie was unwilling to force Van Buren's
action in regard to the specie circular. Next to his love and
ambition for Virginia was his love for the Democratic party,
which was now in danger. Then, too, he did not, like others
opposed to the specie circular, attribute all the financial ills
of 1837 to it. Wiser councils had prevailed, and from his
friend. Dr. Brockenbrough, he had learned that "the panic"
was due mainly to over banking, wild speculation, and un
wise uses of the federal moneys.*" His confidence in the
state banks had also been shaken by their suspension of specie
payment and their apparent unwillingness to resume it. Such
institutions were plainly unsuited for federal depositories
'Richmond Whig, March 7, 1837; Ibid., April 4, 21, 1837.
'76id.^ March 28, 1837.
'Stevenson MSS. Ritchie to Stevenson, April 20, 1837.
• Van Buren MSS.
10 Richmond Enquirer, April 21, 1837; Ihid., May 16, 1837.

194 Thomas Ritchie
and unsound bases for the state's credit at a time when
credit was most needed for the construction of works of in
ternal improvement. Precipitate action might also result in
a political triumph for the Whigs and the consequent resto
ration of "the monster." Besides, Congress had been sum
moned to meet in extra session to deal with the situation,
and he was willing to thrust responsibility upon it.
To the eternal credit of Virginia and even to the Junto,
a solution for the crisis was forthcoming. Going back to a
recommendation, first made by John Randolph to Albert
Gallatin, when the latter was Secretary of the Treasury, and
again renewed, in 1834, by Wm. F. Gordon, Dr. Brocken
brough now suggested to Van Buren a complete separation
of the federal finances from all banks whatsoever. To this
end he proposed a system of federal depositories, two or more
for each state, under the charge and management of federal
commissioners. In such an expedient Brockenbrough saw
security, both to the state banks and to the federal govem
ment. In the first place it would make a national bank im-
necessary, and familiarity with local conditions would make
it possible for the federal government to accept the notes of
specie paying banks in payment for lands. Thus the credit
system could be maintained which he considered necessary
"in a rising and enterprising country like ours," where "a
mere metallic currency is too silly for any man of sense to
dwell upon." In the second place, the proposed system pro
vided a suitable financial agency which could be freed from
the embarrassments of an occasional suspension of specie
payment.** As a way out of his dilemma. Van Buren readily ac
cepted Brockenbrough's suggestion and hastened to enlist
Rives and others in support of it. Without mentioning the
specie circular he laid before them three methods for caring
for the federal moneys, viz : a national bank, the continued
use of the state banks under certain regulations and restric-
"John p. Branch Historical Papers, Vol. III., No. 3, p. 253.

A Study in Virginia Politics 195
tions, and the proposed independent treasury system. The
first of these propositions he himself was unwilling even to
consider, but he expressed no preference as between the re
maining two. In keeping with the purpose of the politicians
for maintaining accord within the party, he suggested to
Rives that he write to Benton, Wright, Buchanan, and Tall
madge upon the importance of coming together in a concilia
tory spirit for the consideration of these propositions.*^
At once Rives saw in the proposed independent treasury
a scheme to give the whole country "an exclusively metallic
currency" or to give the government "one money and the
people another," both of which its author had clearly en
deavored to avoid. From the standpoint of the constitution
and of expediency he considered a national bank unthink
able, even going beyond Van Buren in his opposition to it.
Accordingly he informed the President that he, "with Jack
son and Taney," believed "selected state banks under proper
regulations adequate to the wants of the federal govem
ment" and helpful auxiliaries in "the improvement of the
currency of the country." Though it may have been unable
to meet the exigencies of the panic, he was also unwilling to
discard a system which had worked well for three years for
"a new and very doubtful experiment."*^ Thus it became
plain that there was to be no compromise with Rives.
Other Virginians, notably Judge Parker and Judge
Daniel, to whom Van Buren had submitted Brockenbrough's
proposal, saw in it a scheme to continue the specie circular
and even to put the whole country upon a hard money basis,
but they did not hesitate on that account to approve it. They
were willing to go further than Brockenbrough and to accept
the whole of Benton's program. They each thought that the
govemment had come to a choice between an independent
depository and the use of specie and a national bank and
the continued use of discredited paper. Their opinions were
doubtless potent with the President in determining his sub-
" Van Buren MSS.
"Ibid. June 3, 1837.

1 Q A
Thomas Ritchie
sequent actions. "The bankers of Wall Street," said Parker,
may have to say 'Othello's occupation is gone,' " but he was
confident that the "people will rejoice and bless the day which
emancipates them from the iron yoke of the moneyed aris
tocracy." He therefore advised Van Buren, if for nothing
else than politics, to take a stand against the credit system
and the discredited banks and "to tmst all to the people."**
To Ritchie there remained one of the three possible
courses. He could have gone to one or the other extreme —
followed Benton or Rives — or taken the middle course as
outlined by his cousin. Dr. Brockenbrough. Political con
sistency and expediency, not always virtues, and his friend
ship for and confidence in Rives as the hope of Virginia, left
him little choice. To Butler he had already committed him
self to the credit system, and to the public at large he had
committed himself against the independent treasury, when
proposed as a Whig measure in 18'34. Accordingly he now
sided with Rives, and to remove the objections to the state
banks as federal depositories and as agencies for preserving a
sound currency he began to urge an early resumption of specie
payment and their more rigid regulation and control, insist
ing meanwhile that the panic would soon be ended and that
the country would return to its former prosperity. During
its special session of twelve days, in June, 1837, the General
Assembly was completely under his influence and did noth
ing hostile to the interests of the state banks.
But the panic continued; business demoralization iu'
creased; and the public became daily more hostile to the
state banks. Something in the line of immediate resumption
had to be done, or the days of the banks were numbered.
Thanks to Rives, Ritchie, and Brockenbrough, they had es
caped the wrath of the Assembly in Virginia, but angered
solons elsewhere now planned to" force resumption or a for
feiture of the banks' charters. Then, too, rumor had it that
Van Buren had cast his lot with the hard money party and
" Van Buren MSS., May 27, 1837.

A Study in Virginia Politics 197
that he proposed to recommend an independent treasury.
After a conference with Dr. Brockenbrough*® Ritchie threw
himself into the breach with "A Proposition" for a conven
tion of bankers to meet in Baltimore on September 18th, two
weeks after the date set for the meeting of Congress. The
object of the proposed meeting was to devise "means for
bringing about a resumption of specie payment," but it also
contemplated greater security for the state banks and a
formidable stand of the conservative elements of the Demo
cratic party.
The Proposition met with small encouragement in the
states, and it soon became definitely known that Van Buren
would adhere to the specie circular, and furthermore that
he would recommend the proposed independent treasury.
Thus Rives had lost his fight one month before Congress met,
when he had expected to carry everything before him. At
once he set about to rally his followers under the conservative
banner. Tallmadge in New York and other conservative
leaders elsewhere took a similar course. Their organ, the
Madisonian, now first saw the light in Washington, and
Rives began to be openly mentioned for the presidency. In
vain did Dr. Brockenbrough plead for harmony in the party
and endorse the independent treasury. In his letters of
"Camillus," which now appeared in the Charlottesville Re
publican and later in the press of the whole country. Rives
declared his platform and proclaimed relentless war upon
those who were overthrowing the Jacksonian Democracy.*®
Ritchie was now in a dilemma. On one side stood the ad
ministration and a number of his personal friends, among
them Judge Daniel, Dr. Brockenbrough, and his brother-in-
law. Judge Parker. On the other side were Rives and, as
Ritchie believed, "a majority of the Democratic party" in
Virginia. The results of the proposed campaign of educa
tion in behalf of the administration remained unknown, but
" Van Buren MSS. Brockenbrough to Rives, August 5, 1837.
"Ibid.; Richmond Enquirer, August 18, 1837.

198 Thomas Ritchie
he proposed to remain loyal to the Conservatives without
breaking with the administration. To Rives he expressed a
preference for the independent treasury over a national bank,
but he advised him, "as a wise and prudent man" not to
"brave the executive power." "It is," said he, "fearful odds
why. "*^ To Van Buren, who had taken Ritchie into his full
confidence explaining why he favored the independent treas
ury and adhered to the specie circular, he expressed alarm
because of the increased power which would be given the
executive by the proposed changes, but he took particular
pains to make his position on them clear to the administration,
as the following extract from a letter to Van Buren shows:
"When I first expressed them (his opinions on the independent
treasury) I was aware that they differed with two of my most inti
mate, most trustworthy friends. Judge Parker and Dr. Brockenbrough.
I was told you were going also for the Sub-Treasury system, and no
man can be ignorant of the fearful odds to be encountered in the
Executive power. I expected to meet with the opposition of every
Press friendly to the Administration, and I scarcely knew one man
in the Republican party who had made up his mind against the sup
posed Executive project. I was not certain of the course which Mr.
Rives would take. But I made up my opinion on the reasons, which
both the Enquirer and the Globe took in 1834. If you have the
Enquirer for Oct. 3, 1834, you will find the strong grounds, which
my friend Blair took against the Sub-Treasury system at that time,
and which, I have no doubt, he has forgotten. My plan was to bring
back the State Banks to specie payment. For that purpose partly,
I was in favor of a Bank Convention. . In a word, to pursue in
some degree, the course which was pursued in the parallel period of
1815-'16. I did not believe that the State Bank Deposits had been
fairly tried. I did not think with Mr. Adams that they were as bad
or worse than counterfeiters, nor with G-en. Jackson that they had
been insfi^ated by their subserviency to Messrs. Biddle & the Barrings
to suspend payment, nor that they were suspending to speculate in their
paper or to sell their specie. But I did believe that they might be
induced to resume payment at some early period, and that with proper
precautions, they might serve as useful agents of the public Revenue.
. . . It is impossible for me to say positively what the public
sentiment is in Virgina. I can only speak of the very few persons
who are around me. This short letter is written to you in confidence,
and I may, therefore, say, that Judge Parker & Dr. Brockenbrough are
yet, I believe, for the Treasury Scheme — the former, however, is for
the Bank Convention, the latter is decidedly so, and now thinks the
new system cannot be carried out unless the resumption has taken
place. Judge Daniel goes strongly for the Sub-Treasury System. On
the other hand, Mr. Rives, James Garland, Nicholas, Rawlins, the
" Rives MSS. Ritchie to Rives, August 10, 1837.

A Study in Virginia Politics 199
President of the Farmers Bank, are decidedly against it. Fontaine of
Hanover (a senator of our State Senate) is on the same side. I do
not really know how my friend Roane (the U. S. Senator) stands
affected. But judging from other indications and especially from the
general tone of my domestic correspondence (for the Enquirer) I am
disposed to think it probable that the majority of the Democratic party
in Virginia will be opposed to the Sub-Treasury System as compared
with the State Banks.""
When Congress assembled in September, Ritchie re
mained loyal to Rives. Facing the praise of a united
press the Enquirer and the Charlottesville Republican con
demned the President's message. When the Richmond Whig
saw Calhoun returning to the Democratic fold, it daily
expected "Father Ritchie" to take a "flip-fiop" to the admin
istration which seemed to be reuniting as of old, despite the
talk of disintegration. But the flip-flop did not come, and it
turned to chiding the editor of the Enquirer because of his
alliance with the "nullifier," but he remained aloof and
even defiant. He felt that the new policies would wreck the
party, and he mistrusted Calhoun's motives and loathed his
ambitions. In a leading editorial he assured the public
that "Mr. Calhoun has not gained our confidence by his
recent moves on the chess-board, however, much he may have
won on the hearts pf our brethren, "He is," said he, "too
much of a metaphysician for us. His late speech has been
cried up by his friends to the skies — but we will thank them
to tell us how it comes to want the non-committalism genius
of Mr. Van Buren's Message. How so many persons have
been puzzled yet to see from its zig-zag statements and bal
ancing expressions whether Mr. Calhoun is now or not a
friend of the Bank of the United States.*"
From his retreat at the Hermitage the "Old Hero" tried
to prevent Rives from pursuing further the road which Judge
White had followed to oblivion and to arrest the schism in
his beloved party. -Through his influence pressure was
brought to bear upon Ritchie, but consistency, loyalty to
friends and devotion to principle made it impossible for him
" Van Buren MSS., August 20, 1837.
"Richmond Enquirer, October 3, 1837.

200 Thomas Ritchie
to face about abruptly. He was always ready, however,
to compromise and conciliate. Accordingly he came for
ward with a second "Proposition," this time the Special
Deposit System, a sort of halfway measure between the use
of the pet banks and the proposed independent treasury.
Under this system the federal moneys were to be deposited
with approved state banks which would permit federal in
spection and regulation and refrain from the use of the
federal moneys in their banking operations.^" Ritchie urged
its adoption as a means of restoring business tranquillity,
perpetuating the state banks, making a national bank impos
sible, and preserving the unity of the party. As the fol
lowing extract from a letter to Rives shows he hoped to enlist
him in its support :
"We must not divide and break down the party. I should think
that you might all agree upon some plan. It seems to me that Calhoun
is easing off and even Benton a little.
"What think you of the plan of the Special Deposites? See the
Enquirer of Friday. Even Dr. Brockenbrough says, if there be sup
posed insuperable objections to the S. Treasury System, the Special
Deposite System will work well." ™
Congress and even Rives paid little attention to Ritchie's
proposed compromise, and adjournment came without an
agreement upon a suitable depository for the federal moneys.
The time was, therefore, thought opportune for launching
the Conservative party in Virginia. J. M. Mason, James
Garland, Geo. W. Hopkins, and W. S. Morgan, representa
tives in Congress were ready to join it, and the reports of a
successfully contested election, in which the united action of
the Whigs and Conservatives had made W. H. Seward Gover
nor of New York, inspired confidence.^^ The home-coming of
Rives was attend by demonstrations of popular approval of
his course in Congress; Ritchie praised "our worthy Sena
tor" and endorsed his determined stand; and Governor
Campbell's message to the General Assembly, endorsing the
insurgent movement and commending its objects was re-
20 Richmond Enquirer, October 20, 1837; Yan Buren MSS.
"Rives MSS., September 20, 1837.
" Van Buren MSS., R. E. Parker to Van Buren, November 27, 1837.

A Study in Virginia Politics 201
ceived with enthusiasm. So alarming did the situation be
come that Judge Parker began to conjecture about the future
of the Democratic party, if it were to be deprived of the
masterly direction of the Enquirer. ^'^
In the face of such developments and confident of the
outcome the administration leaders resolved upon drastic
measures to hold their disintegrating party together. A
movement was started for an independent press in Richmond
with Hugh A. Garland as editor ;2* the "Calhoun Whigs"
entering the Democratic party were everywhere treated with
the kindest consideration, and open bids were made to John
Tyler, Abel P. Upshur, Henry A. Wise, Thomas W. Gilmer,
and others to follow their example ; the Globe was admon
ished to deal gently with Rives ; and Van Buren was ad
vised to say as little as possible upon the subject of the
independent treasury in his regular message to Congress.
Finally it was arranged that Judge Parker, a politician of
the "gum shoe" variety, should be on hand for the meeting
of the General Assembly with a letter from Van Buren
which could be shown to a "few and in circumstances which
would satisfy them."^®
This bold stand effectively checked Ritchie who did not
contemplate a breach with his party, but it only spurred
Rives to renewed efforts. The regular session of Congress
for 1837-'38 had carried him too far adrift to permit a
return to the fold, and he, an "expunger" and a "remover
of the deposits," was royally hated by the Whigs. Thus
there was nothing left for him but to persist in the third
party movement. He could not join the Whigs as the Con
servatives in New York were doing, because the Whigs did
not desire his help and had within their party such men as
Tyler and Leigh whose ambitions ran counter to his own.
Besides the Conservative strength had never been tested
before the people, and the contest for members of the General
Assembly was at hand.
" Van Buren MSS., January 18, 1838.
"Ibid., Daniel to Van Buren, January 23, 1838.
"Ibid., Parker to Van Buren, November 14, 27, 1837.

202 Thomas Ritchie
As the time for the spring elections drew near and it
became daily more evident that Congress would adjourn
without agreeing upon a suitable depository for the federal
revenues, the cause of the administration in Virginia be
came alarming. The "campaign of education" by which
the leaders had hoped eventually to win had thus far been
unsuccessful, but like the Conservatives, they too were anxi
ous for the verdict of the people and apparently willing to
abide by it. Silas Wright, a special emissary from Van
Buren, came to Richmond to confer with Ritchie, who was
now greatly concerned about the movement to destroy his
press. As a result of this and other conferences, it was agreed
that the whole weight of the Enquirer would be thrown to the
administration in the .fight then to be waged before the
people in Virginia and elsewhere, provided, however, that
the war on Ritchie was to cease and that he was to be left
to follow his independent course in case the administration
failed in its campaign of education. Accordingly Ritchie
switched the issue from Rives and the independent treasury
to Van Buren and the national bank. In the very beginning
of the conservative movement it will be remembered he had
left a loop-hole for such an exit by informing Rives that he
would go for the independent treasury to defeat a recharter
of the national bank. Protesting against the design of the
"piebald" Whigs to restore the monster, he now entered the
list of those fighting for the regular Democracy, and Parker's
letters to Van Buren became more encouraging.^^
Despite Ritchie's good faith in carrying out his part the
election in Virginia resulted in defeat for the Democrats,
who found consolation only in their continued control of
the state Senate and their ability thus to prevent the Whigs
from instructing Roane out qf the federal Senate and en
dorsing the national bank. The Conservatives won twenty-
three Delegates and four Senators, which gave them the
balance of power in the House ar,\l on all measures requiring
a joint vote, such as the election of a federal Senator.
" Van Buren MSS.

A Study in Virginia Politics 203
Ritchie attributed the defeat to apathy, discord, and panic,^'
but others, among them some of his uninitiated friends,
attributed it to Rives and Ritchie. Van Buren was informed
that the "vacillating and wavering course" of the latter had
done "more harm than all other things beside," 2® and prints
outside of the state maintained that he had desired and
planned the defeat hoping to force upon Congress his plan
for the special deposit banks.
Not perturbed by the charges against him but fearful
lest the results of the elections elsewhere would dupli
cate those in Virginia, Ritchie appealed at once to Van
Buren on behalf of his proposed compromise. On July 2,
1838, he wrote as follows :
"I am about to write you a very free letter. I have no time to
study the graces of composition. I must tell my tale right straight on.
The mail closes _within a short time, and it was only within a few
minutes past, that upon a long conversation with Dr. Brockenbrough,
I have determined to take this mode of addressing you, instead of
taking the cars in the morning for Washington. He thought it would
be best for me to go on political grounds, but advised me on personal
considerations to decline the visit. He said that I would be watched,
hampered, & belittled. But these considerations should not have pre
vented me, if I had not supposed that the special friends of Calhoun
in the H. of R. might suspect the object of my visit, and then set
themselves to defeat it.
"Sir, you ought to know me. From the first moment of my
acquaintance with you, I have been your personal & political friend.
How warmly I have been so, let my actions speak more than my pro
fessions. No man more sincerely rejoiced in your election — no one
could have more highly regretted that the first measure of your admin
istration should have called forth my opposition. But I have ever
been most anxious to conciliate and to compromise this vexatious ques
tion. I have spared no pains to bring our friends together. Were
any one at Washington, who had the ear of both, with an address and
weight of character to enforce his recommendations, I think the matter
would have been settled before this. But each side complains that the
other will not compromise, and nothing is done.
"I wrote ilr. Balch last Thursday that if I could do any good at
Washington I would cheerfully go on. He gave me no sort of encour
agement. I had almost abandoned the whole matter in despair, until
I received the three letters marked A. B. & C. I trust them to your most
sacred honor.
"I beg you to read most carefully the letters of Messrs. Rives and
Hopkins in particular. Call around you, my dear Sir, your closest
"Richmond Enquirer, May 1, 11, 1838.
" See Yan Buren MSS., for April and May.

204 Thomas Ritchie
friends, if it be not too late. You know the means of bringing about
such results far better than I can undertake to advise. Cannot Mr.
Poinset approach Mr. Lagare, and thus make a point d' appui between
the two wings?
"If Congress could be induced to postpone their adjournment for
a few days, everything might be settled. I beg you in the most
emphatic terms to close up this vexatious question now. Read the
letter of my friend Rutherford ( the Lieut. Governor, and a Sub-Treasury
man) and of Fontaine our amiable, pure & sensible Senator.
''I pray you not to listen to the infuriated counsels of those bitter
Hotspurs, who advise you to appeal to the Polls. Before the Fall Elec
tions the schism in our party may produce the direst results. We shall
all be distracted whether Mr. Wright's bill passes or is rejected. We
shall probably be beaten, and then a National Bank may be fastened
upon us.
"Mr. Calhoun is for agitation, agitation. But you know him suf
ficiently to know how far he is to be trusted for motives or measures.
John P. King has drawn this politician to the life.
"I am interrupted. I have no time to pour out the thousand
lefiections that run in my brain. Your own sagacity renders it, how
ever, unnecessary.
"I entreat you to act and to save our Party, as I took the liberty
of telling you, through my letter of last year to Mrs. B. in the spirit
of a liberal comj)romise. "Believe me to be, your friend,
, ; Thomas Ritchie."
"(Please return my letters.) Dr. Brockenbrough fully agrees
with me in all my calculations & he is the only person who knows of
this letter.'""

W'ith characteristic tenacity Van Buren refused to be
moved even by this ardent appeal from his old friend. He
yet had confidence in his proposed campaign of education,
and, as soon as Congress adjourned, set out to reason with
the Virginians on their native heath at the White Sulphur.
On his way thither he made it convenient to eat "bacon and
beans" with Rives at Castle Hill and to break bread with
T. j. Randolph, Rives' rival and neighbor. While Daniel
and Parker criticised this condescension as "calculated to
inflate the vanity and self-importance of one (Rives) who
ridiculously imagines himself to be holding the destiny of
the administration and of the Republican party in his
hand.'^."^" Ritchie accepted the visit iu a gracious spirit and
" Van Buren MSS.
"Ibid., Daniel to Van Buren, August 8, 1838.

A Study in Virginia Politics 205
was loud in his praise of the Commonwealth's distingnished
guest.^* Ritchie evidently misunderstood the object of Van
Buren's visit. It was not, as he supposed, to pave the way
to a compromise but to prevent a further widening of the
schism within the party. In the last days of the regular
session of Congress Rives had expressed a willingness to
accept the Special Deposit System with important modifica
tions, aud there was thus ground for Ritchie's false con
jectures. On the verge of what he considered a triumph for
his proposition he now pled more earnestly than ever for
conciliation and compromise, as the only condition under
which the Democrats could win in 1840. In the efforts of the
Globe to make the President's sojourn both pleasant and
profitable he saw also a supposed disposition to abandon the
independent treasury.^^ Had Ritchie's advice been followed,
the Democrats would doubtless have fared better in 1840, but
Van Buren's administration would have stood for naught
instead of a brilliant period in the executive history of our
country. Both Rives and Ritchie made their greatest mistake in
imder-estimating the effect of the "campaign of education"
being conducted by the administration and in over-estimating
the popularity of the credit system as maintained by the
state banks. They also placed too much emphasis upon the
conditions in and vote of Virginia. If Van Buren accepted
any compromise with them in 1838, it was certainly
only by taking the lion's share. Ere he reached the springs
the tone of the Charlottesville Republican made it plain that
he had offered Rives nothing in the line of conciliation,
except the honor of his presence for a two day's visit in his
ovm home. The work of winning Virginia had already been
entrusted to T. J. Randolph, James McDowell, Judge
Parker, P. V. Daniel, Geo. C. Dromgoole, and Dr. Brocken
brough, and the President had simply offered Rives a last
" Richmond Enquirer, July 31, 1838.
"Stevenson MSS., Ritchie to Stevenson, August 4 and 5, 1838.

206 Thomas Ritchie .
opportunity to right himself with the party which had hon
ored him and from which ambition had driven him astray.
Contrary to expectations the autumnal elections in the other
states were generally favorable to the administration, and
the independent treasury stood justified in the sight of the
people. True to his promise made to Silas Wright, Ritchie
accepted this last chance to get into the band-wagon, and,
in the words of J. M. Mason, who also had seen the light, was
now ready to "sink or swim" with Van Buren. Some sug
gested Calhoun as a compromise leader, but Ritchie was un
willing to be rocked in the same "truckle-bed" with the man
who had defeated Crawford and fathered Nullification.^^
Such changes of attitude as this have subjected Ritchie to
the severest criticisms, among which were disloyalty and
ingratitude. When considered in connection with his promise
to Silas Wright, the best explanation for this change is
found in a letter from Daniel to Van Buren. "Mr. Rives,"
said he, "ought to have known Ritchie better. Should have
known that altho' he is glad to acquire favor throughout
the nation, that his special horizon is limited to the State
of Virginia ; that he never will go beyond what with assidu
ous industry he strives to ascertain is the sentiment of this
state. To that he will adhere no matter who stands or who
falls. Pie believed, I have no doubt, from the unfortunate
connection of the state with her banks, thru' her literary
fund and fund for internal improvement vested in their
stocks, and from her unwise pledge to receive their notes in
payment for taxes, that she would be constrained to sustain
these banks to any and every extent, and therefore, he sided
with them : he now believes the state will not countenance an
outbreak with an administration which sustains her familiar
and great constitutional doctrines ; therefore, to keep with
the majority in the state, he will abandon Mr. Rives, if
necessary and save himself from falling to the earth. I sus-

ss Richmond Enquirer, September 28, 1838; Stevenson MSS.,
Ritchie to -Stevenson, March 4, 1838; Ihid., Rutherford to Stevenson,
July 28, 1839.

A Study in Virginia Politics 207'
pect, too, that Ritchie's own involvements with the banks
have had their influence."^*
The signs of the times carried no warnings for Rives
who adhered to the third party, defying the advice of friends
and the Whig coquetry. In the defeat of the Whigs at the
polls in the autumnal elections of 1838 and in the successes
of the Conservatives in Virginia he saw a possibility of
making the latter the real opposition party and of placing
himself in Clay's shoes.^® His "Principles and Policies of
the Conservatives," declaring for an "armed neutrality,"
was a revised statement of his political platform, first set
forth in the letters of "Camillus."^^ Brockenbrough now
questioned his Democracy, alleging that it had been shat
tered by his failure to reach the vice-presidency in 1836;
Parker and Daniel ridiculed the armed neutrality and the
presumption of its chief exponent ;^^ and Ritchie, now fear
ing a union between the Whigs and the Conservatives,
warned him not to throw himself into the hands of the
Volsci.^® Forced to abandon his friend and doubtless wounded in
pride, Ritchie now sought consolation in the quiet of
Brandon, on the James, whither he was accustomed to go
in times of adversity. The Enquirer could not retreat,
however, and turned temporarily to a discussion of non
partisan subjects. Its attacks upon the abolitionists were
renewed and intensified; greater aggressiveness in the worK
of internal improvements was urged ; and agriculture and
manufacturing came in for a share of attention. It was
just as unwilling to permit Calhoun to tap Western Virginia
and divert its trafiic thence to Charleston as to see it made
tributary to Baltimore and Philadelphia. Without endors
ing protection the En\quirer tried also to show how prejudice
against the tariff had prevented the rise of a belt of manu-
" Van Buren MSS., October 20, 1838.
"Richmond Enquirer, April 11, 1839.
"Ibid., Januaiy 11, 1839.
" Van Buren MSS. and Stevenson MSS.
'^Richmond Enquirer, December 20, 1838.

208 Thomas Ritchie
factures in Virginia along the granite belt separating the
Tidewater from the Piedmont. It also contained able letters
and editorials setting forth the advantages and profits to be
derived from scientific farming and from silk culture.^*
Although in a mood for reforms his dependence upon
the state banks now blinded Ritchie to an opportunity for
real service. He saw little merit in the system of "free
banking," which was then so successfully divorcing the banks
of New York from politics by admitting competition into
the banking business. Such practices were in keeping with
his principles of political economy and with his former sug
gestions, but the proposition now came as another "northern
fad" and was therefore under the ban from the beginning.
Besides, if Biddle's "hydra-headed monster" was to be kept
down, Ritchie thought it now necessai-y that the Democrats
should retain control of the banking business. He knew
that Biddle's genius was equal to the task of organizing a
second monopoly, if it were given free range in a field open
to competition. *°
The intense interest in the impending senatorial contest
in Virginia made it impossible for Ritchie to abandon politics
even temporarily. As has been shown the Conservatives held
the balance of power in the General Assembly. They were
now determined to force the re-election of their leader. A
majority of both the Democrats and the Whigs were willing
to combine with them to effect this object. The Democrats
asked only that Rives cease to oppose the administration,
but the Whigs made no conditions as to the price of their
help and thus rendered their coalition with the Conservatives
-possible. Nevertheless an election was rendered impos
sible, because there were "impracticables" in each of the old
parties, notably the thirteen Whig-s, who would not counte
nance such an alliance and who thus constituted themselves a
.second and third balance-of-power party. Not even so tempt-

" See Riehmond Enquirer, September to December, 1838.
iolhid.. November 30, 1838; Ihid., December 18, 1838; Ihid., Jan
uary 12, 1839.

A Study in Virginia Politics 209
ing a plum as the vice-presidency, though believed to have
been tendered by Clay, could induce the "thirteen imprac
ticables" to vote for Rives.** Consequently Virginia was
cut off from her equal representation in the federal Senate.
Though never willing to admit the possibilitj^ of a re
election for Rives, Ritchie grew nervous when the vote in
the Assembly fell only two or three short of that goal. In
such an event he saw the possibility of a permanent union
between the Conservatives and the Whigs, which would wrest
the electoral vote of Virginia from the Democrats in 1840.
Accordingly he urged Rives to retire to private life rather
than turn Federalist and desert the principles of Jefferson
and Madison.*^ As a solution of the question of the senator-
ship he urged a referendum. "They (the people) are," said
he, "the foundation of power, and in all doubtful cases their
servants are bound to consult them."*^ It is extremely
doubtful, however, whether he would have endorsed a
referendum for a proposition to increase the number of
independent state banks or to confirm the banking monopoly
of Richmond, questions indirectly involved in this issue.
Rives chose to lead the Conservatives into their second
contest before the people, that of April, 1839, as an inde
pendent party, fighting under the banner of the armed
neutrality. He yet_hoped for greater defections from the
Democrats, and it is not certain that he now contemplated a
permanent alliance with the Whigs. To this end the Con
servatives of the Assembly issued an address to the people,
and Rives himself published a letter defending their course
and reasserting their claims to be the original Democrats.
In proof thereof it was pointed out that only one Democrat
had voted for the Sub-Treasury Bill when first proposed in
1834 and that a large majority in each house of Congress
had opposed the specie circular in 1837. Rumors of a
•^Richmond Enquirer, January 24, 1839; Ihid., February 2, 7, 14,
1839. "Ihid., January 24, 29, 1839; Ihid., February 14, 1839.
"Ibid., February 21, 1839.

210 Thomas Ritchie
tentative understanding between the Whigs and the Con
servatives looking to the presidential election of 1840 were
also denied. There were, nevertheless, visible traces of a
Conservative leaning to the Whigs. Their alliance with them
in the attempt to re-elect Rives was now defended, and Rives
himself now assured the public that all Whigs were not
lepers and that he would never be deterred from duty by any
"Brutum fulmen."**
The fifth rib thrusts which Rives now gave Ritchie on
every occasion led to a suspension of friendly intercourse
between them and spurred the venerable editor to renewed
efforts to control the General Assembly. There was much at
stake: a senatorship in Congress and the electoral vote for
1840. Besides Ritchie had to redeem himself, if possible,
and to rehabilitate his friends. Stevenson would not have
refused a place on the ticket with Van Buren in 1840,*® and
James McDowell, whom Ritchie liked scarcely more than
Benton, was now the acknowledged leader of the Democracy
in Virginia, thanks to the confusion wrought in the Junto
by Van Buren's policies. It was indeed one of those times
that "try mens' souls," and as usual Ritchie was equal to the
test. The press of the whole country spoke of it as "one of
the battles of his life." *® With a skill and adroitness equal
to that of Tweed at a later day, he now extended the olive
branch to Impracticables and to Conservatives alike ; resur
rected the ghosts of the dead monsters, the national bank and
the tariff; and decried Clay in his finessing to reach the
presidency. The annexed extract from the Enquirer was
a typical rallying cry :
"People of Virginia . are you prepared to put down 'the
Northern President with Southern principles?' Are you prepared to
disgust the whole Northern Democracy, the best friends, as a party,
which we have there, by discarding our staunchest friends in all the
North? Are you prepared to paralyze such a, man, to spread abolition
over the free states, and to shake the pillars of the Union itself."
••Richmond Enquirer, March 20, 1839.
"Stevenson MSS., John Rutherford to Stevenson, April 10, 1839.
•'Richmond Enquirer, April 13, 30, 1839.
*' Richmond Enquirer, April 13, 1839.

A Study in Virginia Politics 211
The independent stand taken by the Conservatives made
success for the Democrats impossible. In counties where
they had no candidate of their own members of the former
party either absented themselves from the polls, following
the example of their leader. Rives, or supported the Whig
candidates, thus dividing the mominal Democratic vote.
As a result the new Assembly had practically the same poli
tical alignments as its predecessor. Ritchie found consola
tion only in the fact that the total popular, vote of the admin
istration candidates for the House of Delegates was greater
than the combined totals of the Conservative and Whig can
didates.*® This, to his mind, was sufiicient assurance that
Virginia would vote right in 1840. Regardless of the fact
that the Democratic majorities came from the westem coun
ties, where James McDowell's influence was greatest and
the hard money sentiment strongest, the press of New York
gave Ritchie chief credit for the showing of the administra
tion party.
Regardless of Ritchie's contentions the results of the
election of 1839 indicated doubt about the vote of Virginia
in the presidential election of 1840. Accordingly each of
the national parties during the months immediately follow
ing made every effort to heal its schisms and to attract
strength. To this end it was proposed that the Whigs and
the Conservatives unite, to make Rives Govemor and to elect
a Whig to the federal Senate. In convention assembled
at Staunton the Whigs also nominated Tallmadge for the
vice-presidency on a ticket with Clay, and their prints and
orators throughout the state sowed dissension among the
Democrats by keeping Benton before the public for the presi
dential succession and McDowell, his kinsman and the teiTor
of all slave-holders, for the governorship.** It was even
asserted and with some evidences of truth, that McDowell
and Benton were getting control of the press in the western
•'Stevenson MSS., Ritchie to Steveson, May 15, 1839; Ihid., July
28, 1839; Richmond Enquirer, June 14, 1839.
"Richmond Enquirer, September 10, 13, 1839; Ibid., October 1, 4,
1839.

212 Thomas Ritchie
counties, preparatory to establishing their ascendency in
Virginia and to putting the Junto out of control. On the
other hand, the "sink or swim party," a name now applied to
the followers of Van Buren, in ridicule of Ritchie, were
equally active. Stevenson was suggested for the vice-presi
dency ; McDowell was to take Rives' place in the Senate, pro
vided Brockenbrough or some other eastern man was made
Governor; public dinners were attended without distinc
tion as to faction; and Ritchie persisted in the contention
that one hundred state rights Whigs, now called "Ritchie
Whigs," were ready to take the place of each Conservative
who deserted, a contention confirmed by the absence of the
Impracticables from the Whig State Convention.®"
The month of December, 1839, was fruitful of events of
consequence to the people of the whole country, but parti
cularly those of Virginia. On March 4th the Whigs in what
Ritchie termed the "Thaddeus Stevens Convention" sur
prised the country by renominating General Harrison for
the presidency and John Tyler for the vice-presidency. It
is true Tyler's nomination was generally expected, but as
the running mate of Clay. A few days later the Whigs and
Conservatives placed a young Virginian, R. M. T. Hunter, in
the speaker's chair of the House of Representatives, where
he, as leader of the Calhoun party in Virginia, was able to
serve the interests of that faction most effectively. These
events were followed in the last days of the month by a
rconciliation between Van Buren and Calhoun and by
Ritchie's unequivocal declaration for the independent)
treasury. Thus more than a modus operandi for the coming
presidential camijaign had been effected. The way had been
paved for the Calhoun faction which had hitherto fought
in vain for a footing in Virginia to fasten itself upon that
Commonwealth. When aljolition and the extension of negro
slavery became the sole issues, as they soon did, this faction
clinched the hold secured first in 1840.

50 , lohn Letcher became editor of the Valley Star in 1839. See
Richmond Enquirer March 19, 1840.

A Study in Virginia Politics 213
Under the changed conditions the contest over the vacant
senatorship from Virginia lost none of its interest. A new
situation had developed to prevent the election of Rives.
Some of his Conservative followers had become impracti
cables to the extent that they would not vote with the Whigs
who were now ready to give Rives their undivided support,
provided the Conservatives would do likewise. Early in the
session of 1839-'40 John T. Anderson, himself a Conserva
tive member of the Assembly, had made clear their reasons
for refusing to unite with the Wliigs in a letter to Mr.
O'Callaghan of New York. Had General W. S. Scott been
the Whig nominee for the presidency instead of General
Harrison, there would have been no barrier to such a union
and to the election of Rives, since Tyler had been nominated
for the vice-presidency. Lender the circumstances Rives
could not openly ally with the Whigs, because some of the
Conservatives would then have supported John Y. Mason,
Democrat, who was popular with all parties. The result was
another deadlock, and Virginia continued to be represented
by only one Senator.®*
When it became apparent that the vacancy in the federal
Senate would not be filled Rives put a timely end to the life
of the third party in Virginia by declaring for Harrison for
the presidency. This new change of attitude came when
Clay and other leading Whigs were gathering at Richmond to
launch the campaign of 1840 for members of the General
Assembly and was doubtless made in preparation for that
event. Henceforth it was to be a straight out fight between
Whigs and Democrats. The letter anouncing Rives' affilia
tion with the Whigs was dated February 15, but was not
published until ten days later. It disclaimed against execu
tive usurpation, the abuse of federal patronage, and Benton's
"Graduation Bill" for the sale of public lands and was
especially vehement in its denunciation of the independent
treasury, which it claimed was capable of becoming a greater
menace than the national bank had ever been. It set forth
'^Richmond Enquirer, January 22. 1840; Ibid., February 1, 4, 1840.

214 Thomas Ritchie
a good negative program and thus entitled its author to full
membership in the Whig fraternity.
The political caldron never boiled hotter than in Virginia
during the period between the adjournment of the Assembly
and the April elections of 1840. The last skirmish before the
great fight for the presidency was in progress. The Con
servatives seem to have divided almost evenly between the
two old parties, but many state rights Whigs, such as Wm. 0.
Goode and Wm. P. Taylor followed Calhoun into the Demo
cratic party. Abolition entered into the contest as at no
previous time. It was now recalled that General Harrison,
as a young man, had belonged to a society for the abolition
of negro slavery; that both Ritchie and McDowell had been
abolitionist in 1832 ; that Van Buren, as a member of the
constitutional convention of 1821 in New York, had voted
to enfranchise free negroes; and that R. M. Johnson, the
Democratic vice-president and candidate for re-election, was
an abolitionist who had married a wench. Each side was
able to furnish "positive proof" for its statements and equally
able to refute all attacks upon its own candidates. In this
game of crimination and recrimination little progress was
made on either side, but, at a psychological moment in the
contest, some one sprang Poinsett's Report on the proposed
reorganization of the army and turned the tide completely to
the Whigs. Under the proposed changes of the Secretary of
War, which were known to have the President's approval, the
state militia was to be used as a part of the national army,
which the Whigs now claimed would pave the way for a
<;ontemplated executive usurpation.®" Virginia's pride was
at once wounded, and before the smoke of battle could clear
Ritchie was forced to admit defeat and to concede the re
jection of W. C. Rives to the federal Senate as a Whig.
The end of this contest did not produce even a truce in
the bigger one of which it was a part. Without the slightest
disposition to "give up" Ritchie continued to attack Harri
son's anti-slavery record and his federalistic leanings and to
"Sterenson MSS., Rutherford to Stevenson, May 19, 1840.

A Study in Virginia Politics 215
herald his incompetence and obscurity. He was present
everywhere on the firing line, exhorting his followers to
organize and to rally. He even refused an invitation from
the President to come to Washington, giving as an excuse
his unwillingness to leave Virginia before she had been
vedeemed.®3 By a personal letter to Poinsett he tried to
determine the facts about his recommendations regarding the
organization of the army and to exonerate Van Buren from
any blame for them.®* Expressing a desire to use the re
maining days of his life in a defence of those principles for
which his life had been spent he was determined that the
"Whigs should raise no "new issue" and that the war for
vindication should be carried "boldly into the heart of
Africa." Calhoun was welcomed to Richmond as a spell
binder, and a new paper. The Crisis, was put into the
iield by Ritchie to aid the Enquirer in its campaign of
education.®® The Whigs were equally active. They were confident
of success provided the old issues which had divided Federal
ists and Republicans could be kept out of the campaign.
Van Buren's supposed anti-southern leanings were brought
into vivid review, and he was pictured as a spendthrift who
had used the federal moneys to purchase French bedsteads
and gold knives and forks for the White House. Their chief
asset, however, was Poinsett's Report, which they begged in
vain to have published in the Enquirer. The least possible
was said about the tariff, the bank, and internal improve
ments. Despite their alleged monopoly upon the wisdom and
decency of the Old Dominion the Whigs now conducted a
campaign of advertising. Log cabins decorated the public
squares of all the leading towns and cities, and the clans
rallied nightly at their Tippacanoe clubs. Whig orators
visited every nook and corner of the state. Clay, Webster,
" Van Buren MSS., Ritchie to Van Buren, June 1, 1840.
'• Richnwnd Enquirer, June 12, 1840.
ss Richmond Whig, July 28, 1840; Ihid., August 11, 1840; Ihid.,
September 29, 1840.

216 Thomas Ritchie
and Rives appearing upon the hustings. Webster's visit to
Richmond was made the occasion for a grand demonstration,
when log cabins surmounted by living raccoons and canoes,
filled with white boys dressed as Indians, were transported
through the leading streets in ox-carts and when the children
of the "wise and good" dangled strings of buckeyes about their
necks in all the glee of a savage revel. It could not be denied
that Harrison had, as a young man belonged to an aboli
tionist society in Richmond, but it was urged that he had
since seen the light, and in extenuation for his former
opinions reference was made to the anti-slavery tendencies
of the Father of his Country, the Sage of Monticello and
the Orator of Roanoke.
Ritchie anounced the results of the contest as follows:
"The Goths have taken Rome," but he was proud that "the
Citadel," Virginia, had been saved. "There is an asp among
their (the Whig's) roses,'' said he. "The proud and noble
Commonwealth of Virginia is against them. 'Yet all this
availeth me nothing, so long as I see Mordecai, the Jew,
sitting at the King's gate.' Like Fabricius she despised the
seductive pageant, and their intimidating threats. . . .
Seduce Virginia by their log cabins, and hard cider, and
their Belial orators ! Intimidate her by threats of revolu
tion ! Humbug her by their arts and devices ! How little
did they know the character of this people."®* Van Buren's
satisfactory answer to the letter addressed to him on the
traiff, negro salvery, etc., Calhoun's active support of his
candidacy, and Ritchie's repeated expressions of confidence
in the Tenth Legion, and the western counties in general.
had saved Virginia to the administration but not the
presidency.®'' The first returns from the contest had indicated that the
result in the country at large would be very close and that
it would in all probability depend upon the vote of Virginia.

"Richmond Enquirer. November, 1840.
"Ibid., August 7, 1840; Ibid.. October 15, 1840; Richmond Whig,
December 4, 1 840.

A Study ix Virginia Politics 217'
Confident of success the leading Whigs of that state were
exultant, but, as usual, the returns from the Valley counties
dampened their ardor and created grave fear as to the final
outcome. At once the Richmond Whig began to revile and
ridicule the ignorance and stupidity of the "Suabian Dutch"
and to declare its unwillingness to see the results of a national
election turn upon "300 spurious Dutch votes" in Shenan
doah and Rockingham counties. A vigilance committee was
organized resolved to carry war to the knife rather than
submit.®® As later evidence showed a coup d' etat was
planned by which Van Buren was to have been seized on the
eve of his second inaugural and carried to the mountains of
North Carolina. Thence a revolution was to have been
declared in the name of justice and in defence of our repre
sentative institutions. Although Pleasants later denied the
existence of any such revolutionary plan, explaining it all
as hoax upon Father Ritchie, it can not be denied that the
Whig's regarded their predicament as serious and that they
contemplated a resort to force.
Though rarely forced to fight on the defensive, Ritchie
was a militant leader of an opposition. Despite -their
strength in the South, he firmly expected the Whigs, when
once in power, to return to the tenets of the Federalists.
Accordingly he now thought that Virginia, aided by "chi
valrous South Carolina,'' which, of course meant Calhoun,
was specially called upon to become the "flag bearer" of the
South and of the Union in an effort to restore the government
to the doctrines of '98. He urged the necessity of organiza
tion and of refraining from all discussions of the relative
merits of Van Buren, Benton, Calhoun, and Buchanan for
the presidency. He reprinted the Resolutions of '98 and
announced that they would be the beacon flag by which Vir
ginia would judge the incoming administration.®*' Mean
ly iSic;!)«o«d Enquirer, November 6, 10, 13, 1840; Richmond En
quirer, December 8, 1840.
"Richmond Enquirer, November 13, 1840.
eolhid., November 20, 1840.

218 Thomas Ritchie
while he never lost sight of "our northern allies."®* He was
evidently playing the role of a conciliator and compromiser
in an effort to hold together the anti-slavery and protectionist
North and the pro-slavery and free trade South in prepara
tion for another fight for the presidency.
" Richmond Enquirer, November 27, 1840.

A Study in Virginia Politics 219

CHAPTER VIII.
TYLER AND TEXAS.
While Governor of Virginia, David Campbell made pub
lic some astounding revelations regarding the status of learn
ing in that state. After a careful investigation he showed
that one-fourth of the white population could not read or
write. The effect of this revelation and of Govemor Camp
bell's frequent references to it were humiliating and gave
birth to one of those spasmodic but fruitless reform move
ments which characterized the South during the ante-bellum
period. As in other movements for the social betterment so in-
this, the people of the westem counties took the lead but
found an able and sincere lieutenant in Ritchie. Already
under the influence of the "Yankee 'school teacher" and im
patient with a system of education which provided a univer
sity training at public expense for the sons of the "eastern
nabobs" and reserved its lesser benefits for the indigent
poor," the middle classes, the small farmers, now demanded
public free schools, even if they necessitated the destruction
of their far-famed University. Educational conventions,
attended by leading educators from all parts of the Union,
were held in the western counties and sent mammoth peti
tions to the General Assembly setting forth the objects of
their meetings and asking aid from the state to accomplish
them. Ritchie lent his best energies to a presentation of the re
quests and to furthering the general educational movement.
The "buncombe," "coon-skin fooleries," and "hard cider
jests" of 1840 had temporarily shaken his confidence in the
wisdom of the people, and he now pled for the public free
school as the salvation of the republic. He would now have
restated MJontesquieu's celebrated maxim, "Virtue is the

220 Thomas Ritchie '
basis of a republic," so as to make it read, "Virtue and in
formation constitute the basis of a republican govemment."
That the Assembly might know what was being done for the
cause of public education in other states, he caused his own
duplicate of the library then in use by some of the public
schools of New York to be placed in the Capitol where it
could be seen daily.* Aided by James M. Gamett his pio
neer efforts were of immediate service and planted those
germs which later ripened into an abundant fruitage in the
free school systems of both Virginia and West Virginia.
Among Ritchie's many services to the cause of primary
education his address before the Educational Convention,
held in Richmond, in November, 1842, deserves special men
tion. In one of the few public addresses ever delivered by
him he there emphasized the wholesome influences of educa
tion as a means of lessening crime and of strengthening and
maintaining our democratic institutions. He was appalled
at the ignorance in the southern as compared with the north-
em states and attributed the cause in Virginia to a system
of public education which pauperized its recipients and made
no provision for a regular, systematic, and proper superin
tendence. He pointed to Prussia as the best example of the
results to be derived from considering primary education as
a common benefit to be borne as a common burden.* But the
slave-holding aristocracy was then no more disposed to bear
common burdens than is the moneyed aristocracy of to-day,
and Ritchie was thus prevented from joining hands with
Horace Mann in doing for the South what the latter was
doing for the North, and what he was fitted to do both by
education and training.
Ritchie's enthusiasm for free schools and his responsi
bility as the father of a large family of girls led him to
espouse the cause of education for women. Even to-day the
following from one of his editorials on that subject would
be a sweet morsel for advocates of greater equality between
'Richmond Enquirer, December 4, 1840.
'Ibid., 'November 22, 1842.

A Study in Virginia Politics 221
the sexes : "We go for anything which promises to advance
the improvement of women. Man, 'the tyranny man,' has too
long degraded them into beasts of burden or into toys to en
tertain his dallying hours. We have cut them off from our
political privileges. Their very name is sunk in ours — and
we educate them in the most light and superficial manner,
as if they had very inferior minds to improve and as if they
had not the most important duties to discharge in the rela
tions of wife, mother, helpmate, and companion. But sev
eral of them begin to assert their rights, to display their in
tellect, and to command our respect. We are now for en
larging the sphere of their information and influence; and
hence we approve of any plan which is calculated to put
them on more solid and useful studies."^
Scientific agriculture was another subject of great con
cern to Ritchie. His cousin, Edmund Rufiin, the prince of
agriculturists of the South, was about to give up the editor
ship of the Farmer s Register just at a time when his ser
vices were most needed to redeem the farm lands of Vir
ginia. Nevertheless, he did not despair. He endorsed the
suggestion made by W. C. Rives for establishing a chair of
agriculture in the State University, and he himself thought
that the farmers should be educated in the rudiments of
agricultural chemistry and of scientific agriculture. To
promote these objects he advocated the formation of local
agricultural societies centering in a state organization, the
distribution of prizes and premiums for model farms and
rare products and the founding and operating at state ex
pense of agricultural stations.* His enthusiasm upon these
subjects and the advantages from having their particular
brands of flour mentioned in a journal of so great authority
as the Enquirer induced manufacturers to send Ritchife sam
ple barrels of flour and choice boxes of tobacco. Such re
ceipts were always acknowledged in the most gracious man
ner. From the hospitable board of the venerable editor the
'Richmond Enquirer, November 9, 1841.
•Ihid, November 11, 1842.

222 Thomas Ritchie
flour went direct to the consumers, and the tobacco was dis
tributed among his friends, as he did not use the weed
himself. But the subject of negro slavery would not down and,
now that the abolitionists had taken it in hand, diverted at
tention from all local reform movements. At the best their
activity was alarming and annoying; since the South had
resolved to have Texas, it became positively unbearable. To
gether with other southerners, relying on that security
which came when the White House was occupied by a "north
ern man of southern principles," and together with those
Whigs who, like Wise, Gilmer, and Upshur were losing con
fidence in the power of the Whig party to preserve the Union
with its diverse sectional interests, Ritchie had become more
and more of a pro-slavery advocate and was now determined
to have Texas that the institution of slavery and the expand
ing energy of the South might have a West of its own into
which to retreat and fortify itself. Shortly after her decla
ration of independence he urged the representative of Texas
in London to maintain terms of friendship with Stevenson,
our representative at the Court of St. James, to whom
Ritchie now made repeated suggestions about the possibility
of annexing the "Lone Star Republic" to the United States.®
The new program threatened at once the political rela
tions of New York and Virginia. The defection of the Con
servatives had placed the former state in the power of the
Whigs with William H. Seward as Govemor, who had re
fused to extradite fugitive slaves. In return Virginia had
refused to give up escaped criminals, and subsequently her
Legislature enacted an inspection law for all vessels bound
to and from New York. The differences between these "sov
ereign states" became menacing, and at times Ritchie seemed
willing to part company witli his former political ally. In
a half-hearted tone he commended the retaliatory acts of the
General Assembly, but he endorsed most heartily Upshur's
article in the first number of Rufiin 's Southern Magazine
'Stevenson MSS., Ritchie to -Stevenson, September 9, 1839.

A Study in Virginia Politics 223
and Monthly Review, calling upon Virginia to take her
ground as a sovereign state in opposition to the abolitionists,
"boldly and decidedly" and "at once."® A second thought,
fathered doubtlessly by his political instincts, revived
Ritchie's genius for an appeal to the constitution and
brought forth the happy suggestion that all could live in
peace and accord by adhering to its compromises.
The accession of the Whigs to power imder the leader
ship of General Harrison did more than break the hold of the
Albany Regency and the Richmond Junto upon the admin
istrative machinery of the government. It struck a death
blow to the schemes of the latter and its southern lieutenants
for the annexation of Texas. The determination of the
Whigs to proceed at once to put their program into operation
would, if successful, have revived the political contests over
the tariff, the bank, and internal improvements and blinded
all interests to the golden opportunity for expanding to the
westward. A.ccordingly Ritchie did not pause long in com
mending the military services, the patriotism, and the social
qualities of the deceased chief executive, but proceeded at
once to take advantage of "the act of God" which had given
the South a doubtful opportunity in the elevation of Tyler
to the presidency. If the opportunity were used, the politi
cal achievements of the past might be preserved and the
opportunity for a greater nationality might not be lost. To
this end the proposed extra session of Congress was con
demned, and no opportunity was lost to widen the growing
breach in the long-established friendship between Clay and
Tyler. The former was pictured as a "designing politician"
bent upon being President in all but name, and a "glorious
immortality" was held out to Tyler, "should he be found
faithful to the constitution." His closest friends. Wise, Gil
mer, and Upshur, now known as the "corporal's guard,"
were hailed as members of the republican wing of the Whig
party, and democracy and republicanism were made synony-
' Richmond Enquirer, March 6, 1841.

224 Thomas Ritchie
mous with strict construction and the Virginia doctrines for
which the guard professed to stand.''
Tyler's message to the extra session of Congress made it
as plain to Ritchie as to others that the days of Whig rule
were numbered and that the object of his recent editorial
efforts had been attained. The President's determination to
adhere to the Compromise Tariff of 1833 and his advocacy
of a "fiscal agency" as a depository for the federal moneys,
could never be reconciled with Clay's schemes for a protec
tive tariff and a revival of the national bank. But Ritchie
sought no compromise or alliance with either faction. When
the indignant Whigs of Richmond, Norfolk, and other points
in Virginia rose in mass to condemn Tyler's vetoes of Clay's
measures and to honor their idol by a legislative act perpet
uating his name in that of a county of the Old Dominion,
Ritchie exulted. He was witnessing the death throes of the
hated Whig party, and, to make the work of the executioner
in Virginia more complete by alienating completely the strict
constructionists, he continued to praise Tyler's vetoes and
to assure him of the support of the Democratic party and of
the undying gratitude of Virginia.® His private corre
spondence shows, however, that he already regarded Tyler
as "driftwood upon the stormy sea of Whig politics" and as
the destined leader of a forlorn and hopeless third party.^
The first regular session of Congress under the Whig
regime only widened the breach which the special session
(liad made in their party, but the reaction to Clay and his
nationalistic policies was so pronounced as to alarm "old
state rights" men. Blinded to the advantages of a "union
of Whigs for the sake of the Union" and, despite their pro
tests to the contrary, eager for the spoils of office, the Whigs,
now in control of the General Assembly of Virginia, refused
to pass resolutions condemning the national bank and a pro-

^ Richmond Enquirer, May 14, 1841; Ibid., August 24, 1841.
'Ibid., July 20, 1841; Ihid., August 17, 24 ]
1841.'John P. Branch Historical Papers, III., 247

'Ibid., July 20, 1841; Ihid., August 17, 24, 1841: Ihid., September
24, 1841. ' ^

A Study in Virginia Politics 225
tective tariff, or to take any stand upon the subject of fed
eral relations.*" Fearing the eternal disgrace which he
thought must follow, should Virginia go on record as favor
ing these things, Ritchie pled for the Virginia doctrines as
never before and at once placed himself in greater harmony
with the record and policies of his own party. Although ad
hering to the state banks as suitable depositories for the
federal moneys, he was now willing to divorce them from
politics and to give the country a metallic currency in so
far as that desired end could be effected by substituting
coins for paper notes of small denominations.
The end of his first regular session of Congress, also,
found Tyler and his guard without a party. Although Clay
was about to retire to private life, he was everywhere re
garded as the real leader of the Whig party, and his retire
ment was looked upon as a grooming for the presidency.
The circumstances presented an opportunity, however, to
rally a party around the President. To this end an effort
was made in administrative circles to classify all voters as
adhering either to the administration or to the opposition,
and the Madisonian, the organ of the defunct Conservative
party, was accepted as the mouth-piece of the administration.
Numerous mass meetings were also held, particularly in
Virginia, at which letters were read from Tyler, Wise, Up
shur, and Gilmer. But all efforts to adjust party align
ments by executive dictum were futile, and resulted only in
placing the President at the head of the expected "forlorn
and forsaken" third party which Ritchie now pronounced as
impossible as the "third estate in the Empire."**
With the Whigs rent asunder both locally and nationally,
Ritchie considered the time opportune for the Democrats to
reclaim Virginia. "Sentinel must answer sentinel," said
he, "until the contest is over."** On the eve of the state
election Tyler had sent a special message to Congress recom-
" Richmond Enquirer, January 13, 22, 1842.
"Ihid., February 26, 1842.
"Ritchie MSS., Ritchie to Charles Campbell, April 6, 1842.

226 Thomas Ritchie
mending a repeal of the federal law providing for a distribu
tion of the proceeds of the public land sales. This came as
a blow to the Whigs of western Virginia, who had expected
to use their part of this fund for internal improvements and
free schools.** Their consequent defection and the inability
of Wise, Upshur, and Tyler to hold their following in the
eastern part of the state paved the way for a brilliant and
decisive victory for the Democrats. The growing pro-south
ern sentiment, that sentiment which was later to ripen into
a passion for Texas, contributed materially to the Democratic
success. Cbunties in the Tidewater, hitherto Whig and
Federalist, now gave Democratic majorities for the first
time in their history. It marked the beginning of that
movement which at important crises was to make Virginia a
united pro-slavery state under the leadership of the Demo
cratic party. As Ritchie said, "The fiery cross has indeed
passed over the state and the Republican clans have rushed
to the rescue." **
In recognition of his services in this and other cam
paigns Ritchie's name was perpetuated in that of a new
county in the trans- Alleghany ; *® his name was frequently
used in connection with the vice-presidency;*® and friends
far and near supported the Enquirer more liberally than
ever before in a gracious effort to relieve the financial em
barrassments of its editor.*^
Under the disintegrating influences of the Whig party
and the reviving hopes of the Democrats, the presidential
succession began to be of concern to the latter. Though
formidable Clay was not feared, and Van Buren was dis
credited by his defeat in 1840. Regardless of Jackson's
desire to have the succession pass to Benton after Van Buren
had done with it, the followers of Calhoun in Virginia, in-
" Richmond Enquirer, March 29. ],S42.
'•Ibid., May 10, 1842.
"Ibid., March 2, 1843.
"Ibid., March 2. 1843; \'an Buren MSS.
"Ibid., November 18, 1842: Ibid., December 2, 1842.

A Study in Virginia Politics 227
spired by the Texas fever which was becoming chronic with
them, began to groom their favorite for the race. He was
put foi-ward as the one candidate upon whom the "Tyler
AVhigs," now in ridicule sometimes called "Ritchie "Whigs,"
and the Democrats of eastern Virginia could unite. His pro-
southern program was attractive to them, and his followers
realized that there was now a chance of removing the long
standing objection of Virginia to his ambitions. Little fear
was entertained regarding the course of the voters in the
western counties. They had ever been willing to swallow
diluted doses of strict construction, and they now lived under
the illusion that the preservation of the Union which they
loved depended upon the preservation of negro slavery. Be
sides they had always l)een ardent expansionists, and, with
Texas as an issue, they were willing to follow the standard
of any man who favored its annexation. Accordingly copies
of a "Life of Calhoun," written by himself but fathered by
R. M. T. Hunter, were distributed freely; newspapers in
the south side placed Calhoun and Silas Wright in nomina
tion for the presidency and vice-presideHcy respectively ;
and Calhoun himself addressed an enthusiastic following at
Petersburg.*® But the friends of Van Buren in both the eastern and
the westem counties were not willing to be brushed aside
thus ruthlessly. The fact that both Jackson and Benton re
mained favorable to his candidacy was a power in his favor
in all sections. His friends were quick to detect the "con
certed efforts" of the Calhoun men and equally quick in their
efforts to annul them.*^ George C. Dromgoole and Thomas
Jefferson Randolph, two of the most active and effective
leaders east of the Blue Ridge, lined up behind his candi
dacy, while James McDowell now one of the most popular
leaders in the whole state and in constant communication
with his brother-in-law, Thomas H. Benton, led the Van
Buren foices in the westem counties. The movement for
"Richmond Enquirer, September, 1842.
" Van Buren MSS., Benton to Van Buren, April 17, 1842.

228 Thomas Ritchie
Texas seems not to have entered into their calculations, and
they now demanded the renomination of their favorite as a
matter of right and justice.
William H. Roane wrote that Ritchie was put into "a
narrow place" by these rival candidacies.^® At all times
Democratic success was uppermost in his mind, and there
was no gainsaying the fact that its successes of 1841, in Vir
ginia, had been due to an active co-operation between the
Calhoun and the Van Buren factions of the party. In
recognition of this fact Ritchie had not "for a long time
breathed a sentiment of the slightest hostility to John C.
Calhoun,"^* and he had even praised his genius, his past
services, and his recent espousal of the true republican doc
trines of '98. The Charleston (S. C.) Mercury made bold
to enlist him among those who favored Calhoun for the suc-

&

cession.^^

But the Richmond Whig came nearer the truth in its
prediction that "the past could not be forgotten" and that
"Ritchie will not support the favorite of the South." Be
sides the Whig rule had necessitated the return of his friend
Stevenson from the Court of St. James, and Ritehie now
hoped to make him vice-president, govemor of Virginia, or
a member of the federal Senate. He preferred the vice-
presidency for his friend, because such a promotion would
not run counter to McDowell's ambitions to reach the
Senate or the governor's chair. He also saw the impossi
bility of taking both the candidate for the presidency and
the candidate for the vice-presidency from the South. Ac
cordingly his preferences were for Van Buren for the first
place and Stevenson for the second, but he did not dare
openly to express a preference. In the strictest confidence
and on the very eve of the gubernatorial election, in Decem
ber, 1842, he did, however, declare himself to John Letcher,
McDowell's close friend and political representative, as
" Van Buren MSS., W. H. Roane to Silas Wright, February 14,
1843. " Richmond Enquirer, August 12, 1842.
" Ibid., December 8, 1842.

A Study in Virginia Politics 229
favorable to Van Buren's candidacy for the presidency and
McDowell's candidacy for the governorship, and promised,
furthermore, to declare himself openly for Van Buren after
the spring elections of 1843. Considerations of Texas seem
also not to have entered his mind at this stage of the cam
paign. The first hand to hand contest between the rival factions
within the party came in the Democratic State Convention
held in Richmond on March 2, 1843. Led by James A.
Seddon, the friends of Calhoun favored the latest possible
date for holding the national Democratic convention. May,
1844, and insisted that the delegates thereto should be elected
by congressional districts and that each delegate should have
a vote on the floor of the convention. Led by George C.
Dromgoole, the followers of Van Buren favored the earliest
possible date for the convention, December, 1843, and ad
hered to the old method of appointing delegates thereto by
state conventions and of allowing a majority of the dele
gates from each state to cast the vote of that state.^* It was
the old but ever recurring fight between the organization and
the anti-organization forces. The former pled for an early
nomination to prevent sectional and personal jealousies
which they feared would arise in the next session of Con
gress. On the other hand, Calhoun's friends desired a late
nomination for directly opposite reasons. Their only hope
lay in the occurrence of the very things which the other
faction feared. There were great possibilities in the Texas
issue, and Calhoun's friends expected the South to line up
against Van Buren on the tariff, even if Texas did not be
come an issue. The friends of Van Buren succeeded in con
trolling the convention and won all the points for which they
contended.^* The action of the Democrats in Virgnia came as a sting
ing defeat to Calhoun's friends everywhere. Naturally
"Richmond Enquirer, March 7, 1843.
'•Richmond Enquirer, March 7, 11, 1843; Calhoun Correspondence
Am. Hist. Asso. Rept. (1899), II., p. 516.

230 Thomas Ritchie
Ritchie received their severest criticism. The Charleston
Mercury claimed that he had everything cut and dried for
Van Buren days before the convention was held. In a long
editorial Ritchie denied the charge but admitted his "deep
interest in the contest."^® The Mercury would not be
appeased and defiantly placed at the head of its editorial
column "John C. Calhoun, for President of the United
States, subject to the decision of a national convention to
be held in May, 1844."^® It was thus evident that the con
test in Virginia was to be continued.
The next tilt between the rival factions came in the elec
tions of April, 1843. From the beginning the friends of
Calhoun despaired of success, and they made a strategic
mistake by even entering the contest. They insisted that
the Assembly had so gerrymandered the state as to prevent
the election of representatives to Congress or of delegates
to a national convention, who would be friendly to Calhoun's
candidacy. Their consequent apathy injured only them
selves and in a way they could ill afford. William O. Goode
was defeated by George C. Dromgoole for a renomination
for election to Congress ; R. M. T. Hunter failed in his con
test for a re-election; and William Smith (Extra Billy)
went dovsn to defeat before a Whig, Samuel Chilton.^'' As
a result Calhoun had not a friend in Virginia's representa
tion in Congress, except those who were also friendly to
Tyler. A,|pparently the pro-southern cause had been de
feated, but this contest, so far, was more personal than politi
cal ; more anti-Calhoun than anti-slavery or anti-Texas.
True to his promises and in response to earnest solicita
tions, Ritchie now openly committed himself to the candidacy
of Van Buren. A few weeks before he had associated with
himself, as joint editors of the Enquirer, his two sons, Wil
liam F. and Thomas, Jr., but he now desired it to be clearly
"Richmond Enquirer. March 18, 1843.
"Ibid., April 4, 1843.
"Richmond Enquirer, April 7. 1843; Ihid., April 16, 19, 1843;
Ihid., June 13, 1843.

A Study in Virginia Politics 231
understood that it was not only "the boys" but Father Ritchie
as well, who desired the election of the "Little Magician."^®
This open stand was immediately felt in all directions, and
many southern prints attacked the Richmond Enquirer with
out mercy."* With few exceptions the press of Virginia fol
lowed its course. The Abingdon Banner reminded the public
of Calhoun's record in the days of Nullification and added
that "it woiild be 'carrying coals to New Castle' to offer
reasons and considerations to the voters of Little Tennessee
why they should support Martin Van Buren." ^® The Wood
stock Sentinel went for "Martin Van Buren and short Dutch
cabbage against the world." ^* The conditions and Ritchie's
ideas of the freedom of the press were such, however, that
he admitted freely to the columns of his paper communica
tions from those favorable to Calhoun's candidacy. He thus
also thwarted the movement to establish a rival press in
Richmond. Their other political reverses and the open hostility of
Ritchie did not deter the followers of Calhoun in Virginia,
who at all times were conspicuous for their zeal and enthu
siasm. Accordingly they flooded the state with another ava
lanche of speeches; "Calhoun's Plenipotentiary," Rhett,
made another visit to "Van Buren's Secretary of the South
ern Department," Ritchie ;^^ from the press of South Caro
lina went up a sigh for "the proud Old Dominion under the
feet of the Empire State ;"^^ talk of a refusal to abide by
the decision of a national convention and of throwing the
presidential election into the House of Representatives was
heard in the Calhoun camp. But it was evident to all that
without some paramount issue their cause was doomed to

" Richmond Enquirer, July 18, 1843.
"Ibid., September 15, 19, 1843.
"Ibid., August 12, 22, 1843.
"Ihid., July 27, 1843; Ibid., August 1, 1843.
"Ihid., September 15, 1843.
"Calhoun Correspondence, Am. Hist. Asso. Rept. (1899), II., pp.
527, 536.

232 Thomas Ritchie
failure, and that Van Buren would secure a third nomination.
Fortunately the issue was at hand. British interference
in Texas and her consequent refusal to discuss further pro
positions for annexation to the United States aroused the
dormant fears of all parties and shook off their apathy re
garding that country. Texas had thus become a national
and not a factional issue. Chief interest naturally centered
in the South. Only ten years before England had freed the
slaves in her West India possessions, and southern statemen,
especially Calhoun and Upshur, now attributed her activities
in Texas to a desire for the abolition of negro slavery
not only there but also in the United States. Tyler and
Upshur, now Secretary of State, decided to forestall Eng
lish interference by more active efforts to conclude a treaty
for the annexation of Texas. Incidentally they hoped to
rally the friends of the administration in an effort to arrest
the President's declining political fortunes. But his closest
friends played fast and loose with him and Calhoun, and the
followers of the latter decided to steal Tyler's political thun
der. In the hope of committing Jackson to the annexation
of Texas and with a possible view, also, to turning the politi
cal tables against Van Buren who, it was rumored, had agreed
secretly with Clay to keep Texas out of the campaign of
1844, a letter written by Gilmer on the annexation of Texas
had been sent to the "Old Hero" early in 1843. His reply,
which urged the advantage of annexation from a military
point of view and contemplated no sinister motives on the
part of his informants, was forthcoming, but it was as readily
laid by for future use. Mistrusting Van Buren's attitude
toward Texas and conscious of its growing importance as a
political issue, they had in hand the material which would
alienate a large part of Jackson's following from him. Ac
cordingly it was planned to commit Van Buren against an
nexation by skillful interrogations and to use his answers
and the Jackson letter at the psychological time to destroy
his candidacy.^* ,
" Van Buren MSS., John Letcher to Ritchie, September 23, 1843.

A Study in Virginia Politics 233
But the friends of Van Buren in Virginia were on the
alert and quickly apprised their chieftain of the schemes
of the rival faction. They knew that negotiations for the
annexation of Texas were already in progress and now saw
in the tactics to defeat their favorite only the proverbial
straw in the sight of a drovniing man. Ritchie insisted,
therefore, that the midst of a presidential election was not
a propitious time for the "free discussion and calm consid
eration of so vital a subject."^® At the same time William
H. Roane wrote to Van Buren that he had "long opposed the
annexation of Texas," and that he now saw "nothing to
change his mind." There is no denying, however, that
Texas was, even now, a subject of the greatest concern to
Ritchie and his friends, and that they were deeply concerned
in the probable attitude of their candidate toward it. In
the same letter, in which he showed such indifference to
ward Texas, Roane either displayed unpardonable ignorance
or resorted to poor politics, when he informed Van Buren
that "neither Ritchie nor I recollect your position in regard
to it" (Texas), and assured him that any information on the
subject "would be regarded in the strictest confidence."^®
Although Van Buren ignored all reference to Texas in his
reply to Roane, there are no signs of a dampened ardor on
the part of his friends in Virginia. The General Assembly,
five to one, remained friendly to his candidacy, and the En
quirer continued to support him loyally.
Calhoun's friends resolved to make a final stand in the
Democratic State Convention which met in Richmond, Feb
ruary 1, 1844. Meanwhile, R. K. Cralle, Calhoun's most
ductile protege in Virginia, and the Petersburg Intelligencer
continued to complain of the "petulance," "dotage," and
"dictatorship" of Father Ritchie.^^ On the evening before
the meeting of the state convention Calhoun's address to his
"Richmond Enquirer, October 10, 1843; Yan Buren MSS., Steven
son to Van Buren, October 8, 1843.
"Yan Buren MSS., October 17, 1843.
"Richmond Enquirer, January 18, 1844.

234 Thomas Ritchie
"political friends and supporters" was made public in Rich
mond. It openly repudiated Van Buren but also resigned
his own candidacy for the presidency. The effect was not
to stampede the convention as some had expected. Both
friends and antagonists took the address seriously and re
solved to support the nominee of the Democratic party.^®
Had not the negotiations for the annexation of Texas by
treaty been nearing a successful completion, the effect of this
ultimatum might have been different. It certainly proves
that little was expected from any coup d'etat in the nomina
tion for the presidency.
From a scene of expected strife the Democratic State
Convention was thus converted into a love feast. Although
unwilling to be responsible for the effects of Van Buren's
nomination, Calhoun's friends practically conceded it and for
political reasons were now ready to vote for him. In return
the convention adopted conciliatory resolutions and placed
adherents of both factions on the electoral ticket.^®
In the only important political speech of a life devoted
almost exclusively to directing political movements, Ritchie
welcomed this return of political accord and assumed full
responsibility for the results.*® The next number of the
Enquirer proclaimed the Democratic party of Virginia "one
and indivisible" and announced that "the Ark . . .
which has been agitated on the billows of the sea of liberty
. . . has now touched the summit of Mount Ararat — the
rainbow of peace is brightening the Heavens — and the Dove
has gone forth from the Ark to bring back the Olive Branch
to all our party."** Calhoun was permanently out of the
race, and the electoral vote of both Virginia and South

" Van Buren MSS., H. A. Garland to Van Buren, February 7,
1844; Ibid., W. H. Roane to Van Buren, February 3, 1844; Richmond
Enquirer, 1, 6, 1844.

'Ibid., February 6, 1844.
° Richmond Enquirer, Fel
ilk, February 6, 1844.
" Richmond Enquirer, February 3, 1844.

•'Richmond Enquirer, February 6, 1844; Polk MSS., Cave Johnson
to Polk, February 6, 1844.

A Study in Virginia Politics 235
Carolina was counted for Van Buren.*^ On the other hand
it was currently rumored and generally believed that Ritchie
and his associates had committed themselves to Calhoun for
the succession in 1848. Although he later denied these
rumors, Ritchie now let them pass unnoticed.
The readiness with which Calhoun's friends gave up on
this occasion was surprising, but their course was not wholly
disinterested. Loyalty to their chieftain had sent Hunter,
Goode, Gordon, and Smith down to defeat in 1843, and they
were now doing yeoman service to avert their own ruin.
Even Wise and others of the "corporal's guard," who had
guided and misguided Tyler, were now ready to give up
Calhoun for Van Buren. They insisted only upon the nom
ination of Polk for the vice-presidency, thus seeking to
thwart Ritchie's plans for his friend Stevenson.
The days immediately following the Democratic State
Convention were full of surprises. The opportunity to make
political capital of Texas had come, and, as was so frequently
the case in other things, Calhoun was not in a position to
profit by it. The negotiations for annexation by treaty
dragged on, and there began to be doubt about the attitude
of the federal Senate toward any treaty for that purpose.
Moreover, the publication of Senator Walker's letter on "re-
annexation" made it impossible for Ritchie and his friends
to maintain silence on so important a subject. There were
many possible conditions, any one of which would inject
Texas into the campaign as the leading issue. In a letter to
James K. Polk, Aaron V. Brown expressed what was also
the sentiment of most Virginians in the following words :
"If the negro question (Texas) is settled wrong & if nothing
can be done with the Tariff, we are a lost & doomed party."*^
But there is no evidence that Ritchie and his associates
even now deserted Van Buren or that they entered into any
scheme to snatch the nomination from him by stealth. They
had trusted the northern man with southern principles in
" Van Buren MSS., B. H. Rhett to Van Buren, February 26, 1844.
••Polk MSS., February 25, 1844.

236 Thomas Ritchie
18'36, and they felt that they could do so again even under the
changed circumstances. Calhoun had been beaten, and Van
Buren had always been willing to play politics. Nor is it
at all certain that Ritehie desired from him a public utter
ance of his attitude on Texas. He knew that the Democrats
could not win without the electoral votes of New York and
other northern states, and he also knew that there was a
large and growing sentiment in those states against the an
nexation of Texas. He did, however, desire to convince Van
Buren of the importance of the new issue and to make it
impossible for him to go against Texas, should it be brought
into the campaign for the presidency. To this end he wrote
Silas Wright, Van Buren's closet political friend and ad
viser, as follows:
"I send you the following extract of a letter I received laat night
from Washington:
" 'March 17 — The Texas Question is destined to succeed. I think
the treaty when made will certainly be ratified. . . To
morrow evening a decisive article will appear in the Globe. General
Jackson is most heartily with us, and will go the whole. He is the
originator of this movement and will see it through. Unless forced to
do so we must not make this a party question. Unless there is great
imprudence or folly, Van Buren will be elected, but if he goes against
Texas (which I deem impossible) all is lost.
" 'I would send you the original, but it is marked 'confidential.'
The writer is a member of Congress and a friend of Mr. Van Buren.
Be BO good as to consider its contents confidential, with the reserva
tion only, that if you think it best, you may communicate them to
Mr. V. B. I leave that disposition of them to your own discretion.' "**
Two days later and under date of February 12, 1844,
instead of its correct date, February 12, 1843, Ritchie pub
lished General Jackson's letter to Aaron V. Brown, which
had been called forth by Gilmer's letter and to which refer
ence has already been made.*® This anachronism and the
subsequent developments have caused historians to give
greater credence to the alleged existence of the above men
tioned plot to keep the nomination from Van Buren, and
such writers have not hesitated to connect Van Buren's friends
" Van Buren MSS., Ritchie to Silas Wright, March 20, 1844.
•" Richmond Enquirer, March 22, 1844.

A Study in Virginia Politics 237
in Virginia with the conspiracy.*® Recent discoveries in
the Van Buren manuscripts reveal, however, the fact that
W. H. Roane had, five months before the publication of
Jackson's letter to Brown in the Enquirer, informed Van
Buren of the existence of such a letter and of the use pro
posed to be made of it.*^ Writers connecting Ritchie with
the alleged plot also overlooked the fact that he himself
corrected, in the very next issue of the Enquirer, the typo
graphical error made in the original publication of the Jack
son letter and called attention to the fact that an error had
been made.*® Whatever plots the "corporal's guard" may
have been in, it is almost certain that Ritchie continued
loyal to Van Buren and that he hoped to keep Texas out of
the presidential campaign as a complicating issue.
Neither the publication of Jackson's letter nor the timely
warning to Wright had the desired effect to convert Van
Buren to the expediency of favoring annexation. The pact
with Clay had to be kept; and Silas Wright counseled an
other course. Meanwhile it had become impossible to keep
Texas from becoming an issue in the campaign. In his
famous "Raleigh Letter," Clay had declared against annex
ation after a triumphal tour through the South; the north-
em as well as the southern press was full of comments upon
Texas; and the legislatures of northern states were going
on record as opposed to annexation. Van Buren's letter
casting hi" lot with Clay and against the pro-southern pro
gram reached Richmond on April 30th, when the Junto was
receiving the news of an unsuccessfully contested election
for members of the General Assembly.
The effect of Van Buren's letter upon Richmond as upon
the whole South was thrilling. With both of the presidential
candidates opposed to annexation, the indications were that
" See Alexander, Political History of the State of New York, II.,
p. 66 ; Hammond, Political History of the State of New York, III.,
p. 447; McLaughlin, Cass, p. 215; Shepherd, Van Buren, pp. 401-406,
etc., etc.
" Yan Buren MSS., Roane to Van Buren, October 17, 1843.
"Richmond Enquirer, March 26, 1844.

238 Thomas Ritchie
the Senate would reject the pending treaty and that Texas
would be lost. The prospective market for negroes, then
of consideration to Virginians, would be cut off, and the
possibilities for a greater nationality would be blighted, To
a race of expansionists, who, like Ritchie, now desired the
Hawaiian Islands as a military basis for holding and gov
erning the West, this was a sad disappointment. The effect
of the letter is best described in Roane's immediate reply to
it. "Your letter to Mr. Hammett," said he, "is just received
here and has caused a sensation and is likely to produce an
effect which no paper has caused or produced within my
knowledge." He also informed Van Buren that the publi
cation of his letter two weeks earlier would have given the
House of Delegates to the Whigs by thirty or forty majority
and added, "you cannot (I am grieved to the heart to think)
carry this state next fall. Whether any Democrat can, God
only knows."*'
The members of the Junto were at a loss to know what
to do. Various courses were suggested. Finally it was de
cided to hold a meeting of the Democratic Association in its
hall on Shockoe Hill. At this meeting Ritchie was supreme.
He drew, offered, and secured the adoption of resolutions
which declared that the immediate re-annexation of Texas
was a measure required by the best interests of the Union,
that annexation was consistent with the soundest principles
of international law ; that the efforts being made in the North
by Albert Gallatin and others to prevent the acquisition of
more slave territory would, if successful, place the South
under the ban of the republic ; that the commercial and abo
litionist activities of Great Britain in Texas furnished strong
and additional grounds why we should repossess ourselves
of that country; that Clay's letter opposing annexation was
an attack upon the institution of negro slavery, and that the
Democrats of Virginia be at once urged to express their
opinion on the subject of Texas and on the propriety of re
lieving their delegates to the Baltimore convention of their
" Van Buren MSS., April 30, 1844.

A Study in Virginia Politics 239
instructions.®® Though he did not mention Van Buren by
name this was his first repudiation of him, and it came
openly and publicly.
"\^Tiile the meeting was in session on Shockoe Hill an
admirer sent Van Buren the following anonymous letter:®*
Richmond, May 1, 1844.
"My Dear Sir:
"You are deserted. Ritchie, Roane, Stevenson are all out against
you on the Texas question ; positively, openly, and unequivocally
against you. Arrangements are now, at this very hour, being made
to take up some other candidate, and of this be assured, if there be a
God in Heaven. "A faithful follower and a friend, "Q IN THE CORNEK.
4 o'clock P. M."
From all over the state letters began to pour in upon
Ritchie endorsing his course in the Shockoe Hill meeting
and telling why Van Buren could not carry Virginia in No
vember. With many the feelings of friendship for him were
strong, but they simply considered him unavailable. Desir
ing to be perfectly frank and to apprise him of the sentiment
in Virginia, Ritchie, on May 5th, sent him some of the com
munications which he was receiving together with a long
personal letter from which the following extract is taken :
"I have refrained from writing you a single letter, during the pres
ent campaign, and I deeply regret, that the first one, which I shall
have to write, would be oiie, which gives me as much pain to write, as
any which ever came from my pen. I need not tell you, Mr. Van Buren,
the feelings which I entertain toward you. Trusted at all times with
a kindness, a liberality, a distinction far beyond my merits, I have
conceived a sentiment toward you, which partakes not more of confidence
in you as a politician, than of attachment to you as a man. I have
received from you a hundred evidences of good feeling, which have left
a reciprocal impression upon my heart. But I will not dwell upon
particulars, nor will I deal in any profusions. You must know me
well enough to believe them unnecessary.
"The last ten days have produced a condition of political affairs,
which I had not believed to be possible. I am compelled to come to the
conclusion that we can not carry Virginia for you. We have lo=t,
1 now believe, the joint vote in the Legislature. We have ten majority
in the Senate, it is true, but in the H. of Delegates, where we had a
"Washington IJnion, April 3, 1847.
"Yan Buren MSS.

240 Thomas Ritchie
majority of 16 at the last session, the WTiigs have now a majority of
about 12. But I do not attribute so much importance to this Revolu
tion, aa some of my friends. I have recovered from the temporary
panic, which is so natural with such circumstances. I assure you, I do
not write you under th'e influence of any feeling, which might cloud my
judgment. But I write you under the effect of what I have heard from
my friends and what they write me about your Prospects in November
next. Judge for yourself. Sir. If I did not know that you are a man
of honor, I would not put the enclosed letters in your hands. Read
them, my dear Sir, but don't preserve their names — take no copies of
them — but return me the originals. I will have no half confidence with
you — some of them are my best friends. They are all your warm friends.
I trust them in your hands, for, I know that you will not abuse the
confidence I am now reposing in you. Read them, and judge for your
self. I am most anxious to spare your feelings, if I can, but I owe to
you, as my friend, as the friend of our great Principles, to let you see
what others have trusted to me, that you may determine for yourself.
"Whom we can get to supply your place, I know not, if you retire.
You will see what my Correspondents say on that point. I can only
tell you, that Mr. Calhoun's friends solemnly disclaim any wish to
run him — that I have solemnly protested and will protest against any
such idea as that and that I am actuated by no other motive under
Heaven, than the desire to possess you of the views which these letters
express. It is the same opinion, which is entertained by gentlemen, aa
staunch republicans as any in the state, who are around me, who have
been late and are now your personal and political friends.""
Ritchie's admonitions regarding the use of his confi
dences were unnecessary. The Van Buren Manuscripts con
tain no record of them except that in Ritchie's own letter
from which the above extracts have been taken. The stub-
bom and wily "Dutchman" returned them at once without
even replying to the personal letter which accompanied
them.®^ The insinuation that he should retire for a man
who could win had doubtless added insult to injury.
Notwithstanding his indifference, Van Buren's friends
in Virginia continued to speak kindly of him and, in some
instances, to support his candidacy. In a public letter
George C. Dromgoole condemned the action of the Demo
cratic Association of Richmond ; ®* Calhoun's friends showed
their good faith in an address denying the charges of unfair
dealing on their part and repudiating any alliances with the
"Yan Buren MSS.
" Richmond Enquirer, July 24, 1854.
'•Ibid., May 10, M44.

A Study in Virginia Politics 241
"anti-Van Buren Clique" at Washing-ton, which had long
plotted his overthrow ; in an "Address to the People of Vir
ginia" the Democratic Central Committee, which was made
up largely from members of the Junto, praised his conscien
tious statesmanship and patriotism; and Ritchie himself
promised to support his candidacy, should he be the nominee
of the Democratic party.®®
After the horse had been stolen, with the stable appar
ently locked, it was indeed a time for "conciliation and com
promise." The electoral vote of New York was worth it,
and it was evident to all that the tide had ebbed never to
return, and that neither Dromgoole nor "a hundred Globes"
could stop the cun*ent of public sentiment in favor of Texas.®®
The choice of a new favorite for the presidency now be
came a matter of great concern at Richmond. Naturally
many turned to Calhoun who, as Secretary of State since the
untimely death of Upshur, was doing all in his power to se
cure Texas, but, true to his promise to Van Buren, Ritehie
"solemnly protested . . . against any such idea as that."
Benton, Buchanan, and Coloned R. M. Johnson were quickly
eliminated from the running, as each had only a small local
following, and Benton, the most formidable of the three, was
pledged to Van Buren to the end. For a time Silas Wright
was looked upon with favor. He combined all of Van
Buren's political strength, being a northern man with south-
em principles and Van Buren's closest political friend, and
it was thought he would profit by his friends' mistakes re
garding Texas. But Wright declined all overtures. Finally
a timely letter from Cass favoring the immediate annexation
of Texas made him the favorite. It was with "great pleas
ure" that Ritchie published his letter in full in the Enquirer,
but he very cautiously refrained from an open declaration
in his favor, expressing himself as satisfied with any "Texas
Man." There can be doubt, however, that Cass was already
the choice of Virginia. His famous letter on Texas had put
"Ibid., May 7, 1844.
"Ritchie M8S., Ritchie to Howell Cobb, May 6, 1844.

242 Thomas Ritchie
him into the class of northern men with southern principles,
for which the Virginians had a peculiar weakness, and be
sides he had always had a strong local following in the west
em counties, in one of which he had won a bride from one of
the most aristocratic and influential families.
When the Demoocratic Convention met in Baltimore,
(Ritchie was in a strategic position. By yielding to the
urgent demands for the abolition of the two-thirds rule, thus
permitting Van Buren's loyal majority to effect his renomi
nation, he had it in his power to accomplish that result. As
the roll of states was called to hear the vote on this important
proposition, all waited anxiously for Virginia, because she
came last on the roll and had it in her power ta control the
situation. But her vote under the unit rule went against
the abolition of the two-thirds rule and subsequently for
Cass. When the first dark horse in American politics rode
into the Democratic camp, Virginia was among the fi^rst to
board the band-wagon, and the next issue of the Enquirer,
her oracle, announced triumphantly that "a handful of Polk-
berries would kill any coon."®''^
Thus calmly and unostentatiously Ritchie had played a
leading role through an important epoch in our history, with
out reverting to the methods of the "machine" or the "boss,"
but by loyal devotion to a great cause. In the moment of
this, as in those of other triumphs, he was not exultant and
refused to place himself in a position of authority. On the
eve of the Baltimore Convention he declined to be a delegate
thereto and advised his son, William F., who represented
the Abingdon District, to go to that deliberation as "no man*
man," not even his father's.®* Meanwhile he remained at
his post entreating the delegates from Virginia to act as free
men and to lose no opportunity to effect such "a union of
Democrats" as will defeat Henry Clay, "the greatest enemy
of the country."®®
" Richmond Enquirer, June 4, 1844.
"Ritehie MSS., Ritchie to Howell Cobb, May 23, 1844.
"Riehmond Enquirer, May 24, 1844.

A Study in Virginia Politics 24&
While some were lamenting the course of the Baltimore
Convention and conceding the election of Clay,®® word eamo
to Richmond that the Senate had rejected the treaty for the
annexation of Texas. At once Ritchie voiced the slogan,
"Polk and Texas." For the first time in the whole campaign
he now believed Clay's chances ruined, so confident was he-
in the merits of the Texas issue. His political sagacity
taught caution, however, and he now set himself firmly
against the movement for a southern convention to resent
the action of the North in preventing the annexation of
Texas. Instead he proposed a national convention of the
friends of annexation. This course would not only secure
Texas ;®-^ but it would not endanger the Union. As rumor
of English interference again spread over the country he re
iterated his slogan and urged annexation as a condition of
national security.®^ In reply, Whigs argued that annexa
tion would lower the price of land and decrease the popula
tion in the older states. But Ritchie insisted that Texas
would be a competitor in any event, and that she would be
less dangerous in the Union than as a British colony.®*
The subsequent contest was spirited and in doubt to the
end. Whigs attacked the "despot," the "artful wirepuller,"
and the "miniature Talleyrand," ®* Ritchie ; they insisted
also that he and others of the Junto were owners of lands in
Texas, and that they were willing to destroy the Union for
mercenary purposes;®® they denominated the resolutions of
'98 mere abstractions, and pled for a national bank as a
means for increasing the currency and equalizing exchange ; ®®
they protested against the use of British gold to make the
United States a free trade country,®''' and expressed great
"Van Buren MSS., P. V. Daniel to Van Buren, June 11, 1844.
"Richmond Enquirer, June 11, 1844; Ihid., June 18, 1844.
"Ihid., June 28, 1844.
"Ibid., July 19, 1844.
"•Ihid., September 10, 1844.
"Ibid., September 6, 24, 1844.
"Ibid., November 12, 1844.
"Ibid., October 5, 1844.

244 Thomas Ritchie
fear lest the success of the Democratic party and the con
sequent repeal of the tariff act of 1842 would make it neces
sary for the laboring population of this country to live upon
"free-trade bread," a black rye bread used by the laboring
population of Germany;®® and they went even so far as to
invite John Quincy Adams to address a political meeting in
Richmond.®^ None of the personal attacks disturbed Ritchie quite
so much as the appearance of John Quincy Adams in Rich
mond on a political mission. This he considered a disgrace
to the Commonwealth. He would not deny that he and other
Virginians owned lands in Texas, but he did insist that his
and their interest in the preservation of the Union was para
mount to all other interests ; ^® he pronounced the rumors of
disunion which had followed the Senate's rejection of the
treaty for the annexation of Texas as "idle chimeras" started
by some "hasty resolutions in South Carolina, which Calhoun
regrets and reprobates ;" by showing that rye-bread was then
a wholesome and popular diet in Germany he proved the
"black rye-bread" argument against the tariff a fraud; he
held out the adoption of free trade in Europe as an example
which should be followed in America;''* and with the zeal of
his younger days he returned to the old story of the "corrupt
bargain" of 1825.'2
Encouraged by their splendid showing in 1840 and the
defection of the northern Democrats, the Whigs were hope
ful of carrying Virginia. They had always been prominent
in the lowlands among the "wise," and with "Harry of the
West" as their standard bearer they now confidently expected
to win in the western counties. Under the freehold qualifi
cation for suffrage the "wise" and "just" in that section
shingled the mountain sides over with land patents to enable
"Richmond Enquirer, October 22, 1844.
"Ibid., September 6, 1844.
"/6td., September 3, 1844.
"Ibid., October 24, 1844.
"Ihid., October 10, 12, 15, 1844.

A Study in Virginia Politics 245
the "slaves of Angus McDonald," the poorer whites who did
not own land, to assist Henry Clay in his last effort to reach
the White House. But the slogan "Polk and Texas" united
the lowlands for the Democrats. As with one voice this sec
tion now spoke against the attempts of the North, in oppos
ing the extension of negro slavery, to make the South a plague
spot on the Union. On the other hand, Ritchie held the west
erners in line by his repeated expressions of confidence in
the "Tenth Legion" and other Democratic strongholds and
by recalling the caricatures which the Richmond Whig had
so thoughtlessly made upon the ignorance and stupidity of
the "Suabian Dutch" for refusing to support General Har
rison in 1840."
The result was decisive. Polk carried the state by more
than five thousand votes. With characteristic modesty,
Ritchie attributed the victory to other causes than his own
leadership and hastened to Brandon to enjoy it in the midst
of his friends. The candidates and the issues doubtless de
termined the results for the country as a whole, but Father
Ritchie's activity was the potent factor in Virginia.
"Ihid., October 3, 1844.

¦246 Thomas Ritchie

CHAPTER IX.

THE NATIONAL SPOKESMAN.

Ritchie neither expected nor desired reward for his part
in the political events of 1844. He had power in the South,
where he was content to remain, an humble worker in the
ranks, striving ever to maintain the ascendency of his be
loved Virginia and to keep her right on great national ques
tions. Ever mindful of his friends, he congratulated Polk
upon his election and suggested Stevenson for a place in the
Cabinet.-' The fact that this was the second request of the
kind ever made by him, proves that Ritchie was actuated on
this occasion by motives of pure friendship and not by a de
sire to assist in dispensing the spoils of office.
But other councils were at work. Robert J. Walker,
Aaron V. Brown, and Cave Johnson, who liked the fiavor of
political plums themselves, had decided that Blair, the editor
of the Globe and the spokesman of the Democratic party
since the days of Andrew Jackson, must go. His long stand
ing hostility to Polk and the lukewarm attitude of the Globe
in the campaign of 1844 left no difficulty in the way of con
vincing the President and his other associates of the wisdom
of their plan. As the leader of the northern Democrats,
Benton and Van Buren desired the retention of Blair as the
editor of the party organ, and the expulsion of Calhoun from
the Cabinet to make a place for Wright or Flagg of the
"Barnburner" faction. On the other hand, southern leaders
desired a southern spokesman and the retention of Calhoun.
As a way out of the dilemma it was decided to place Ritchie
in control of the party organ and to displace Calhoun by
Buchanan, who held a semi-neutral position between the fac
tions. The "Barnburners" were, however, to be treated con-
'Polk MSS., November 20, 1844.

A Study in Virginia Politics 247'
siderately, and to that end Wright was offered a place in the
Cabinet, which he declined.
Thus Ritchie had been drafted without his personal
knowledge or consent, and there was grave fear lest he would
decline to come to Washington to supersede his old friend
Blair. Accordingly Cave Johnson agreed to go to Richmond
to see Ritchie personally. Fearing detection on the part of
the northern Democrats he delayed his proposed visit and
finally gave it up entirely, entrusting the negotiations to
Ritchie's close personal friend. General Thomas H. Bayly,
a representative in Congress from Virginia. In due time
the finances for carrying out the proposed scheme had been,
provided by Walker's friend, Simon Cameron of Pennsyl
vania, and Bayly submitted a proposition. For days he and
his associates earnestly awaited a reply from the great Demo
cratic editor of the South, who had done so much to make
Polk's nomination and election possible.
In the light of his subsequent failures, Ritchie's letter
declining Bayly's offers and propositions is interesting as a
whole despite its length. It was written from the midst of
the Christmas festivities at Brandon and overflowed with
love and devotion for Virginia. He wrote as follows:
"Brandon, December 28, 1844.
"My dear General:
"I did not receive your very kind letter in time for me to answer
it from Richmond. And here I am so much pressed with the gaities of
a very large and social circle that I am not able to do full justice
to the various conditions which induce me to decline the honor that
my friends are preparing for me. Your own letter shows how well
you know me — although you appreciate any good qualities I may
possess much more than they deserve, I am free to say to you, my
dear Sir, that tho' misunderstood by others, and the remissness of
too many of my subscribers and my necessary inattention to my
pecuniary affairs, have placed me and my family in such a situation
as would make any improvement in our fortune very desirable. Indeed
I have not altogether abandoned the scheme I once confidently com
municated to you, viz.: as I jocularly told you to exchange the scepter
of Dionysius for the female. I have talked the matter over & over
again with my family, and m,y daughters are willing to do anything
which may assist a father's interest. Still I confess to you frankly,
I would rather resort to this expedient than undertake the too respon
sible office which you suggest.
"You refer to the proposition made to me 17 years ago to con-

248 Thomas Ritchie
duct the official paper under Gen. Jackson's administration. It was
made to me jointly by Mr. Van Buren & Mr. Tazewell, in the kindest
terms and the most taking form. I remember distinctly the reasons
which I assigned for declining it: 1st that I and mine were deeply at
tached to Virginia and could not willingly leave our kindred and friends,
2nd that I would rather trust myself for support to a gracious people,
than be dependent in any manner upon the favor of a Clique, how
ever, respectable, or to the control which might be required over a
Government Press, and 3d, that I doubted my qualifications for such
an office — and particularly whether at my time of life, I was capable
of enduring the physical fatigue and the cares which it would devolve
upon me, reminding Mr. Tazewell of the saying of Old Partridge —
'Non suum qualis eram.' Time, my dear Sir, has weakened not at all
the two first arguments and certainly has added strength to the laat,
for though a gracious Providence has given me a very buoyant con
stitution, yet I am not equal to everything. There is a point of
exertion and even of endurance to which I am not equal. These con
ditions alone would serve to induce me to decline the offer, but
there are others which no wise man could fail to see in the circum
stances of the times. I agree with you thoroughly that our party is
in imminent danger. We have a strong, dogged, inexorable, indomit
able party to encounter, conquered but not subdued, and if they can
unite again upon H. Clay they will become more united than ever.
On our side of the House we see the elements of discord too freely
sown among us. We have scarcely won the victory and are called
upon to do our duty, but we find stumbling-blocks in the waiyi.
VVe find Benton like a roaring lion in our path. We find
Benton and Calhoun distrusting and opposing each other. I
know that Benton does not like me and I am afraid that some of our
New York friends are still dissatisfied with the course which Vir
ginia boldly and wisely pursued in May last. With all the pre
cautions which I employed at the time to explain our course to our
N. Y. friends and especially to Mr. Van Buren, to whom I was not
only politically attached, I shrewdly suspect that the impression still
remains that Mr. Van Buren was superseded by an intrigue set on
foot at Washington, principally by Mr. Calhoun's friends, and that
I was directly or indirectly, a party to the movement. I doubt very
much whether under the circumstances I should be the proper person
to please and unite the whole party. I have no fear that I should
not possess the confidence of Mr. Polk and his intimate friends,_ but
it would not be a wise step to involve me in any of the objections,
which these Gentlemen, however misguided I know they are and doing
sore injustice to me by the very absurd suspicion they may have
entertained, may indulge towards myself. And then there is the
Globe. I could not buy out my friend, if he were even disposed to
sell out. and if he continued at the head of the Globe, as I have no
doubt he wishes to do, there would too easily get up a feeling of
dislike and rivalry between the two establishments. The quarrel of
the white and the red rose might then be expected and nothing would
more strongly contribute to rend the party in twain. Thus, the very
scheme you propose to unite and save the party might, more than
any other, be the cause of its division and disruption.
"With many and most candid thanks, which you and our friends
from Tennessee deserve at my hands, I must most respectfully decline
the offer. I will do all I fairly and honorably can to support Mr.

A Study in Virginia Politics 249
Polk's administration and to keep our party together, but I had better
try to do it here than shift the scenes to Washington.
"I am free to say to you that I think our Republican friends who
are not altogether satisfied with the course of the Globe, ought
frankly to tell Blair of it. Such a communication made in the proper
spirit might have all the good effects which are desired. He must see
as well as I do that Col. Benton is still taking a course to defeat the
Administration and to do us much mischief by {not legible) and
unnerving our party. But if the H. of R. of Missouri should concur
with the Senate and defeat him the mischief may be averted, and we
shall have much fewer difficulties to encounter. If our friends in
Washington think that I could do any good in" writing frankly to Mr.
Blair, I would willingly undertake the office.
"I beg you to make a discreet use of this very hasty letter, and
before I close permit me to recommend to you in the most earnest
manner to resist this miserable and shuffling policy of procrastina
tion. Strike home for Texas and for a reduction of the 'Tariff. The
country demands both at our hands. We should be derelict in our
duty, if we did not do all that our utmost energies can accomplish
to secure both." ' "With best regards, your friend, "Thomas Ritchih"
Following the refusal of its editor to enter national poli
tics, the editorial tone of the Enquirer continued strictly
Virginian. At home Ritchie was confronted with the
shrewdly devised attempts of a Whig legislature to prevent
the annexation of Texas and to bring about the re-lection of
W. 0. Rives to the federal Senate.* The legislature had been
elected in May, 1844, when Henry Clay was at the height
of his power and before "Polk and Texas" became the issue,
and for political reasons it opposed practically everything
endorsed by the Democrats. Ritchie pled in vain for a
referendum on these questions and also suggested that the
people be allowed to vote upon the proposed annexation of
Cuba. The opposition remained persistent, sparring at
every turn for party advantages. By keeping Texas con
stantly before the Assembly, Ritchie was able, however, to
prevent the re-election of Rives or any other Whig, but he
could not bring about the election of a Democrat.
" The original of this letter is in the possession of Mrs. George E.
Harrison of Brandon, Virginia.
'Richmond Enquirer, January 7, 14, 21, 24, 1845; Ibid., February
6, 1845.

250 Thomas Ritchie
The annexation of Texas, which occurred in the last days
of Tyler's administration, simplified the situation in Vir
ginia. It now mattered little what records a hostile opposi
tion might make. The work had been accomplished, and a
stream of praise went up from the Enquirer for those who
had taken a friendly part in it. Ritchie now demanded a
free hand for Polk in the use of the patronage and in the
selection of his cabinet. The Oregon question remained to
be settled, and the pledge to the people for a reduction of
the tariff was to be made good. It was therefore necessary
to give the newly elected President a free hand. Evidently
this was a warning for the Benton, the Buchanan, and the
Calhoun factions.
Buoyant over the annexation of Texas and fully confident
that it would put an end to much of the factional discord
within the Democratic party, Ritchie launched a war of ex
termination upon the Whigs in Virginia. Since the annexa
tion of Texas he had received more kindly the repeated pro
posals for his coming to Washington, but he could not think
of leaving the "Old Dominion" in the hands of the enemy.
The country had launched upon a new era in which she was
to play a part, and a federal senator, a much needed asset to
the new administration, was an immediate stake. The re
sponse to his leadership was immediate and overwhelming.
Forgetting their former affection for Van Buren and their
inclination to follow the leadership of New York and Penn
sylvania, the Democrats of the western united with those of
the eastern counties, whose numbers had already been in
creased by the accession of "Texas Whigs," in an alliance
which swept the state in 1845 and retained undisturbed con
trol until 1861. Hitherto the representation of Virginia in
the federal Congress had been almost one-third Whig; now
it included a solitary representative of that party.
This Democratic triumph marked a new era in the poli
tics of Virginia. It was the first direct and important re
sult of the Democratic State Convention of February, 1844,
when Calhoun's friends had given up his candidacy and re-

A Study in Virginia Politics 251
luctantly consented to follow the leadership of Van Buren.
Meanwhile epoch-making events had ushered in a new
national era, each turn of which had strengthened the Cal
houn following. Even in the midst of success, Ritchie had
lost to his old time enemies. R. M. T. Hunter, Henry A.
Wise, James A. Seddon, William 0. Goode, William Smith,
and others of their school had never been reckoned as among
the political friends of Ritchie, and they were now the lead
ers in Virginia. Though hesitating to urge it, Ritchie had
never denied the ultimate right of a state to secede. Those
who now led the Democracy of Virginia not only recognized
that right, but in some instances, were anxious to exercise it.
The Richmond Whig attributed the Whig Waterloo of 1845
to the presence of a "Grouchy in the field," James Lyons,
the leader of the "Texas Whigs;"* the Richmond Enquirer
rejoiced over the general result, but found especial joy in
the fact that the "Gibraltar of Whiggery," Richmond, had
fallen; but the Charleston (S. C.) Murcery spoke of it as
of "the greatest value to the South." ®
Meanwhile those desirous of bringing Ritchie to Wash
ington had taken new courage. With Texas out of the way,
one of his own chief objections to the change had been re
moved. For a brief time after his first refusal there had
been hope that Benton would go "right on Texas," and, vrith
Calhoun out of the Cabinet, it had been thought possible to
retain the Glohe.^ But Benton did not go right, and in their
chagrin at the slight done their own chieftain, the friends
of Calhoun, backed by Duff Green, who had himself been
displaced by Blair, demanded a new editor. To Walker,
Johnson, and Brown their demands, sanctioned as they were
by the President, seemed imperative.
Ritchie, however, continued to hesitate and to urge the
appointment of his friend Stevenson to a place in the Cabi
net. For local reasons he also considered it unwise to offend
•Richmond Enquirer, April 29, 1845.
'Ibid., May 6, 1845.
'Polk MSS., A. V. Brown to Polk, January 1, 1845.

252 Thomas Ritchie
the Democrats of western Virginia by displacing Blair, whom
they loved as the spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy,
which, after all, was the basis of Ritchie's strength in Vir
ginia. Then, too, the practical difficulties which he had
already suggested in his first refusal had not been removed.
Blair would not sell, and Ritchie could not buy at any price.
Besides the proposed change had called forth the fury of
General Jackson, now quietly but eagerly watching the move
ments on the political chess-board from his home at the Her
mitage. Though friendly to Polk, the "Old Hero" could not
gracefully give up his cherished plan to have Van Buren
succeed him in the presidency for eight years and Benton to
follow for an equal period. He had plainly told Polk that
Blair's removal would be the signal for the complete dis
ruption of the Democratic party.'' Naturally both Benton
and Van Buren shared Jackson's feelings and opinions. Be
sides there was no assurance that Blair would not continue
to edit the Globe in any event.*
But the Italian hand of Robert J. Walker continued its
work. The ravings of "Old Hickory" he completely ignored,
and Jackson himself finally advised Blair to sell the Globe.
Later Wright, Benton, and Van Buren concurred in this
advice. An interview was arranged between Blair and
Ritchie, who agreed to continue their former friendly rela
tions, happen what would. On his way home, Calhoun stop
ped in Richmond, dined with Ritchie,® and it was believed
gave him assurances of his support. Meanwhile Simon Cam
eron, by a careful manipulation of the federal funds at his
disposal, had provided the wherewithal for the purchase of
the Globe; Blair had agreed to sell; and a business manager
in the person of John P. Heiss of Tennessee had been en
gaged to run the new establishment. What part Walker had
' Van Buren MSS., Blair to Van Buren, March 29, 1845.
'Polk MSS., Brown to Polk, January 17, 184.5 •,Ihid., Ritchie to
Polk, February 17, 1845.
• Richmond Enquirer, March 14, 1845.

A Study in Virginia Politics 253
in all these arrangements can not be determined, but that
he played the chief part can not be denied.
Under these circumstances Ritchie was invited to Wash
ington for a personal interview with the President. He was
made to believe that his services were needed to unite the
party and possibly to save the Union, and that he had a
clear and friendly field before him. The call came as the
call of his country, and nothing remained but to accept.
That the public might know that a new regime had begun
in the editorial as well in the political world, Ritchie deemed
it expedient to effect a complete change in the character of
the party organ. Not only were weekly and semi-weekly
issues to be added to the regular daily editions, but these new
issues were to be furnished at popular prices. Then, too,
the very name of the journal was to be changed, not that
there was so much in a name, but that the power and pres
tige of Blair might sooner be forgotten. To this end the
Washington Enquirer was at first suggested as a suitable
name, but it was finally rejected that the Richmond En
quirer, now to be continued under the joint editorship of
Ritchie's two sons, might have an independent existence free
from all suspicions of outside influence. Various other
names were suggested. Finally, after a conference with the
"Calhoun men" of Richmond it was agreed to call the new
party organ The Union and to adopt for its motto, "Liberty,
the Union, and our Country," instead of the motto desired
by Ritchie, "The Union, it must be preserved."
The "Prospectus" of The Union breathed the spirit of
the times and could have emanated from none other than a
patriot. In the success and preservation of our institutions
its author saw a torch which would eventually carry the
"flame of Liberty over the Eastern World." In the enter
prise fostered by our free institutions he saw the power
which was erecting schools, executing canals, building rail
roads, felling the forests, redeeming the prairies, scattering
cities and towns throughout the West, multiplying our popu
lation, and doubling the number of our states. Well could

254 Thomas Ritchie
he exclaim in the words of the poet :
"Westward the course of empire takes its way;
The first four acts already passed;
A fifth shall close the drama with the day.
Time's noblest offspring is the last."
With the success and preservation of our free institutions,
the extension of discovery, and further conquests of the steam
engine, he confidently predicted that the course of empire
would continue westward.
After a characteristic recapitulation of his theories re
garding the character and nature of our govemment, Ritchie
then came to more practical things. On the subject of the
tariff the "Prospectus" was most guarded. It stood only
for a "system adjusted on a scale consonant with all the
great and varied interests of the Union without sections,"
looking to a revenue standard only. The rash and meddle
some disposition of the abolitionists to interfere with the
great compromises of the constitution were soundly con
demned, as calculated to destroy our public counsels and en
danger the Union. Regardless of the evident disposition
on the part of English journals to ridicule and deprecate
our claims to Oregon, he was certain that the President would
omit nothing, "demanded hj a proper spirit of conciliation,
and due regard to the rights and interests of our country,"
to defend our just claims to that country. With all ques
tions connected with the annexation of Texas finally settled
and the tariff system brought to a proper revenue point, he
expected a return of tranquillity in the Democratic party,
and he, furthermore, let it be known that he came to Wash
ing-ton determined to avoid all remote contests for the suc
cession, pledged to no candidate or clique, prejudiced against
no portion of the party, and anxious to extend the right hand
of fellowship to every section and to every honest Democrat.
Ritchie's correspondence with his partner regarding the
"Prospectus" for their proposed paper is both interesting
and instructive, and furnishes a complete justification of
the fears entertained by Calhoun and others regarding the

A Study in Virginia Politics 255
attitude of the administration toward the tariff. "You will
see," said he, "that of all subjects the tariff is the most diffi
cult." To avoid a storm of protests and a loss of moral force
he knew that the subject could not be passed over equivo
cally. Therefore he spoke "frankly but guardedly, leaving
the quea^ion of protection, discrimination, the minimum
principle, the ad valorem, etc., untouched." ^® In the same
connection he later informed Heiss that the tariff was the
one question upon which "we," "our friends in Washington,"
and "especially Mr. Polk and Mr. Walker ought to make up
their minds." ^^
These preliminaries settled, the passing courtesies of the
retiring and the incoming editor were in order. In an ap
parently frank and honorable statement, which, however, can
be judged better in the light of subsequent developments,
Blair expressed unbounded confidence in the "ability, integ
rity, and patriotism" of the man who was now to preside over
the establishment and expressed himself as willing to make
any further sacrifices for the "continued union and success
of the Democracy." ^2 On the other hand, Ritchie praised
in the highest terms the "manly and magnanimous and lib
eral conduct" of Blair and J. C. Rives in transferring the
party organ to him, mentioning in particular the liberal
terms upon which the transfer had been made. As a double
precaution he quoted from Van Buren's letter of April 24th
to Rives, in which the former President had also praised the
liberal and conciliatory course of his former spokesman,
Blair. Declining a public dinner tendered him by the citizens
of Richmond, Father Ritchie now bade adieu to Virginia
and to the readers of the Enquirer. The characteristic tone
of his valedictory is sufficient apology for the following
lengthy extracts from it :
"On this day forty-one years ago (9th May, 1804), I appeared before
my country as the editor of the Richnwnd Enquirer. 'The same day
"Polk MSS., Ritchie to Hiess, Aprill 13, 1845.
"Ihid., April 17, 1845.
"Richmond Enquirer, April 10. 184.5.

256 Thomas Ritchie
of the month, which brought us together, is about to separate us —
not in my affections, nor in my principles, but in my person and in
the press. My lot is now cast on a different theater. The star of my
destiny seems to point, at least for a time, in a different direction —
but I can never forget Virginia, or her people. Sooner would my
'right hand forget its cunning;' sooner would my heart forget to
beat, than I cease to honor the time-honored Commonwealth — to love
the soil where my cradle was rocked, and my coffin will be deposited.
She has cherished me in her bosom — trusted me beyond my deserts —
and made me what I am. I should indeed be unworthy of bearing
the proud name of a Virginian, if I did not carry with me a heart
filled with gratitude and overflowing with affection.
"I should have remained with you, altogether, if the interest
of those, who are dearer to me than life itself, did not call me away
from you. But though the sacrifice is bitter enough — though to part
with friends who have been endeared to me by so many years, be one
of the bitterest sacrifices which man can make, yet it is imposed upon
me by a sense of duty which I cannot control. I shall try not to add
to it the sacrifice of the principles which I imbibed almost with my
mother's milk.
"It would have given me a pain which I have no words to de
scribe, if I had left my political friends amid disaster and defeat—
if the sun of Virginia's glory were at all eclipsed — if, in any respect,
the Old Dominion had been wrapped in sackcloth and ashes. Far dif
ferent, however, is her condition. I leave her in the midst of her
triumphs. In November last, she carried out her great principles, in
the election of a Republican President by a majority of near six thou
sand. During the last month she has followed up this victory by
another, and one of the most brilliant achievements which has ever
graced her annals. The laurel is still green upon her venerable brow —
and I can leave her without the slightest suspicion of treachery, or any
taint of disgrace. Younger, but not more zealous, hearts — stronger,
but not more eager arms, are ready to support her banner. To their
prudence, and to their firmness, I commit that portion of the respon
sibility which has hitherto fallen upon my shoulders.
"I leave the old 'Enquirer' with feelings similar to those with
which the veteran soldier surrenders his arms, but I have the con
solation of reflecting, that I not only leave my political associates
in the proud possession of the field of battle, but that I transfer my
sword to my own sons. I .give to them in charge, to defend the post
which their father has attempted to guard for forty-one years — to
maintain your principles, and to uphold the character of Virginia.
On my own account, as well as on theirs, I ask of you to extend to
them the same confidence and kindness which you have uniformly given
to me. I know they are deeply dyed in the wool of the Republican
faith — anxious to serve their country, and I hope competent to dis
charge the commission which I now" entrust to their hands. More
I could not ask of you, than to treat them as you have treated me.
In a political life of forty-one yeai's, I have probably made some
few personal enemies — few, I trust, they are — perhaps few as most
men may have made. I have brought, perhaps, some prejudices around
the Enquirer; but I ask, in the name of charity and justice, visit not
my political sins upon my sons.
"It is not necessary for me at this time to recapitulate the
articles of my faith. They are j'our own. They are the same I have

A Study in Virginia Politics 257'
professed for so many years. They are the same with those of the
present editors of the Enquirer, and it is therefore with some con
fidence that I invoke on their behalf the support of the people.
"Were I to ventui-e' to leave with you one piece of advice, of more
importance than the rest, it would be to guard with more than vestal
vigilance the purity of the right of suffrage. It is the right con
servative of all the other rights. Let this precious privilege be cor
rupted, and you poison Liberty at her very fountain. Destroy this
corner-stone of the building, and the whole structure of your political
institutions is in danger of falling into ruins.
"Henceforth, my own name will be stricken from the firm of
the Enquirer, and I leave it to mj- sons, to make the best arrange
ments for your interests, as well as their own.
"Eight hours only separate me from my late abode; but I know
not how long it will be before my pressing engagements will enable
me to breathe, even for a day, the air of Virginia. Yet, I am happy
to say, that I find warm hearts on this side the Potomac as on that —
not as many of them, perhaps. I have met with kindness and confidence
in the few days during which I have sojourned in the Metropolis.
There is full scope and verge enough for any man who wishes to serve
his country — great interests to maintain in opposition to the claims
of foreign nations — and great power invested in the federal govern
ment, for weal or for woe. I find men here willing, I honestly be
lieve, and able, I know, to maintain our rights and our interests — to
'put the government on the Republican track,' and to administer the
executive power under the constitution, according to the Jeffersonian
standard. I come here prepared to co-operate with such men in the
support of such principles : and I trust, when the time of settling
up their trusteeship shall arrive, you will not repent of bringing
them into power, nor I of exchanging Richmond for Washington. I
have political duties to discharge here, that may require all my
energies, and almost all my time. Besides, I do not mean to confine
'The Union' altogether to politics. I should not properly employ the
facilities which my position may give to me, if I did not at least
attempt to call around me, for the benefit of the Union, most of the
lights which may be in possession of the government, or which may be
obtained through its enlightened agents in foreign parts. It will
become the duty of the press to bring the people of the states (to whom
this government belongs) well acquainted with its transactions, as
well as with the events, prospects and views of other countries. How
far I may be able to succeed in making the press here a 'brief abstract
and chronicle of the times' will depend upon circumstances, which
1 may not be able to understand or to calculate. I will attempt,
however, to do my duty. And one thing more I will attempt to do,
which is, if I do not elevate, I will not debase the dignity of the
Press — that 'miraculous organ,' to which free government, on an ex
tended scale of empire, is so much indebted for its creation and preser
vation. "I cannot close this hasty Valedictory, without again expressing
the sentiments of gratitude and affection, with which I am so pro
foundly penetrated. Yours faithfully, "Thomas Ritchie.
"Washington, D. C."

258 Thomas Ritchie
As his valedictory would indicate, Ritchie entered upon
the discharge of his new duties with the vigor, ambition, and
enthusiasm of a man of half his years. External indications
pointed to a brilliant success. He was in charge of one of
the greatest presses in the country; training and inclination
fitted him for his new position; and his fellow editors ap
plauded his deserved promotion. The Charleston (S. C.)
Mercury thought his selection "far the best choice Mr. Tolk
has yet made for office," and henceforth began to have a lit
tle "generous confidence" in the administration. On the
other hand the Albany Argus, representing the other extreme
of the Democracy, spoke of the choice as the most fortunate
that could have been made. Then, too, the spirit of the times
inspired confidence in an editor called to this responsible
position. The country had said to the newly elected Presi
dent "carry out your program," which embodied the annexa
tion of Texas and Oregon and contemplated the acquisition
of Cuba and Mexico. It was a glorious program, filling all
patriotic hearts with the spirit of 1803 and that of 1812,
and inspiring the oldest patriots with new enthusiasm and
confidence. In this new position with all its possibilities, Ritchie was
a Sampson shorn of his locks. Great in his former sphere,
his idiosyncrasy was not national. Both in the North and
the South the political thunders continued to rumble, and the
old man's strict construction doctrines and constitutional
abstractions were placed in the catalogue of provincialisms.
Though professing friendship and good wishes for the new
<editor, Blair confidently expected his arrival in Washington
to divide the party on sectional lines "before the middle of
the next session." ^^ Drafted as a conciliator and pacifier,
Ritchie had been too long a free man now to play the role
of a politician on a national scale or to assume the livery of
a parasite on any scale. He had opinions of his own, a self-
respect, and a regard for the rights of the people which made
it next to impossible for him to flatter the vanity of officials
" Van Buren MSS., Blair to John Van Buren, March 29, 1845.

A Study in Virginia Politics 259
in high position or to sacrifice principle for personal gain
or favor. Also, there is ample proof that Ritchie did not grasp
fully the situation before him. As the "Prospectus" of The
Union indicates, he looked backward instead of forward.
The contests of the future were not to be fought out, as he
expected, along old lines or even upon old battlefields. Con
trary to expectations the tariff had ceased to be the important
issue ; the fight for the acquisition of Oregon and Texas was
practically won ; but new issues, which did not readily admit
of compromise, were to be raised in the coming contest be
tween the slave-holding and the non-slaveholding sections.
Efforts directed toward a settlement of the differences be
tween free traders and protectionists proved inadequate for
a solution of the differences between those who desired free
labor and those who desired a monopoly upon labor. But
Father Ritchie was not the only man who failed to penetrate
the future at this important period of our history, to see
that the contest with Mexico would be pressed to the sword's
point, and that important consequences would follow, and
to realize that the tariff and our boundary disputes were not
the most important questions before the country.
Already the signs of more momentous questions could
have been read in the contest between the slaveholding and
the non-slaveholding portions of the great national churches.
The very year that witnessed the election of Polk and ushered
in a new political era, the Methodist Church had split from
bottom to top on the question of whether a bishop should own
slaves. Ritchie regarded such divisions and dissensions as
so many links struck off from "the chain which binds the
glorious Union," but, like those accustomed to view problems
of statecraft from the standpoint of the tariff, banks, and
internal improvements, he did not despair of the republic
and confidently looked to the good sense of the body politic
to bear safely the ark of the covenant. -"^
Ritchie's first task as an editor was to win the northern
" Washington Union, May 15, 1845.

260 Thomas Ritchie
Democrats, because the impression yet lingered that both
he and the President were the creations of the "Calhoun
faction." In his selection of Buchanan over Calhoun to be
Secretary of State, the selection of Marcy to be Secretary
of War, and Bancroft to be Secretary of the Navy, his chief
tain had already taken a long step in the direction of con
ciliation. It remained for Ritchie, as his spokesman, to
aid in the further wooing. Accordingly The Union defended
earnestly our claims to the "whole of Oregon" and said lit
tle about Texas, except to give the doubtful assurance that
Benton and Van Buren had each acquiesced in its annexa
tion, though they could not approve the methods by which it
had been made.-'® Furthermore, Ritchie denied the report
of Dame Rumor to the effect that he was committed to Cal
houn for the succession, and he called both James A. Seddon
and R. M. T. Hunter, leaders of the Calhoun following in
Virginia, to testify to his truthfulness.^® As a last precau
tion he visited Blair in his country home at Silver Spring,
Maryland, and returned to praise the hospitality and the
amiable qualities of his predecessor. So far did the pendu
lum swing in the direction of the North that The Union
was currently reported to favor Van Buren for the succes
sion.^^ In trying to please the North, Ritchie naturally offended
the South. His conciliatory attitude won his election to the
office of public printer by a practically unanimous vote of
the Democrats in Congress, but it was evident, even before
Congress met in December, 1845, that his mission of recon
ciliation, vTOuld be unsuccessful. Calhoun remained dis
trustful of Polk's attitude on the tariff, and was willing to
compromise our claims to Oregon. On the other hand, the
North did not like the indefinite statement of the Prospec
tus of The Union on the Oregon question and was conse-
" Washington Union, May 5, 1845; August 4, 1845; Ibid., Septem
ber 4, 1845; ibid., November "l7, 1845.
"Ihid., December 2, 1845.
"Ibid., May 22, 1845.

A Study in Virginia Politics 261
quently distrustful of the administration. The introduction
of the resolution providing for a notice of termination of
the Convention of 1827 whereby we held Oregon in joint
occupation with England, brought matters to a crisis. With
out urging our claims to 54° 40' Ritchie tried to advise and
to scold the Senate into passing the resolution, insisting that
such a course would not be followed by war with England
and that it was necessary to protect and defend our just
rights.^* But Calhoun and his small following remained
deaf to those tactics which had appalled the Assembly of
Virginia. In due time a characteristic assault was made
upon Calhoun. When the desired resolution finally passed
both houses of Congress in face of his opposition, Ritchie
was exultant.^® He spoke tff the event as an epoch-making
incident in our history, which would fix the eyes of Europe
upon us and stand as an eternal reproach to those who had
opposed it. The result was immediate. The followers of
Calhoun could now strike the President through his spokes
man, Ritchie, who was frequently reminded that he was not
running Congress.
Fearing that his course, as an editor, would defeat their
plans for acquiring Oregon or any part of it by alienating
Calhoun and possibly precipitating a foreign war, northern
leaders took alarm. Ignorant of all the circumstances sur
rounding Blair's removal and of Polk's well-founded objec
tions to the Globe, Senator Allen of Ohio and Secretary
Buchanan called upon the President to tell him of the in
tense dissatisfaction with Ritchie and to ask that Blair be
associated with him as joint editor of The Union. Allen
was confident that "Ritchie could not get five votes out of
the Calhoun faction in either house of Congress." The
President took no alarm, however, and assured his callers
that Ritchie was honest and actuated by no other desire than
to serve the Democratic party. It was true that the old man
made mistakes, but it was also true that he was ready and >
" Washington Union, January 7, 12, 29, 1846.
"Ibid., March 25, 1846; Ihid., April 23, 1846.

262 Thomas Ritchie
willing to rectify them. Failing to enlist the sympathy of
the President, the dissatisfaction continued, and finally led
to a movement to set up an independent press with Blair
as its editor. Senator Cass agreed with Polk that such a
course would not only defeat the ends of the northern
leaders, but that it would also result in a disruption of the
Democratic party. Accordingly he and other leaders
arrested the movement and turned their energies to the task
of making Ritchie a more acceptable editor.^®
The politicians had a difficult task, because Ritchie was
not of the malleable type. Nor is it at all certain that his
chieftain now desired him to be all things to all men. With
a foreign war upon his hands and the prospect for an exten
sion of the South's boundary to the Pacific, and with Oregon
not yet won, he saw his only chance of maintaining union
and accord between the factions in adhering to a semi-inde
pendent course in dealing with each. Accordingly Ritchie
continued to defy England, now even to the point of the
sword, and he made bold to read the Charleston (S. C.) Mer
cury out of the party,^^ as a print that was unfriendly to
the greatest interest of the West at a time when it was ready
to unite with the South to procure a reduction of the hated
tariff. Thus by adhering to the middle ground he hoped not
only to save the party but also to work for a greater Union.
The sound of the war trumpet temporarily diverted at
tention from Ritchie and gave him a free opportunity to
give expression to that patriotism with which his soul con
tinually overflowed. In reply to an editorial of the Londoii
Times commenting upon the fact that the United States had
no standing army and that she could not therefore carry on
a successful war with Mexico, he assured the hated English
men that volunteers would start up like Cadmus' men from
the sowing of the dragon's teeth to fight our battles, that a
bugle sound in the West and the Southwest would call forth
thousands of men who would go forward with the cry "West-
" Polk's Diary, I., 3.50-361.
"Washington Union, ^lay 1. (1. 1846.

A Study in Virginia Politics 263
ward Ho," and that Americans would not only take the capi
tal of Mexico in a single campaign, but would carry their
wives and children to the region of Santa Fe in one season
and to Colorado and California in the next.^^ This was the
brand of patriotism which had deposed Van Buren, won
Texas, and stood ready to fight for Oregon and California.
Ritchie did not long find protection under the war cloud,
which at no time became menacing or interrupted the pro
gress of ordinary legislation. His caustic editorials on Ore
gon had sunk deep into the memories of southerners, and
their untimeliness and boldness had alienated those whom
they were meant to serve. Henceforth he was a marked
man ; a scapegoat for Polk ; and a football for the politicians.
Calhoun opposeed the manner of conducting the war with
Mexico, and the North remained indifferent to it. But as
its staunch defender Ritchie made many enemies and few
friends. From a settlement of the Oregon question and its pre
paration for the war with Mexico, Congress proceeded im
mediately to a discussion of the tariff. Ritchie followed
cautiously. In lenghty editorials overflowing with the teach
ings of the classical school of political economists he ex
ploded the protectionist theories and sustained a revenue
tariff, but he now, as in the past, found a practical way out
of *he difficulty by accepting the compromise tariff of 1846.
He saw in this bill a complete triumph for the Democratic
party and the long desired union between the West and the
South for the benefit of agriculture, but he did not fail to
give credit to the Democrats of the Middle and New Eng
land states, who had supported it. In the affirm;ative votes
from Pennsylvania he professed to see a return of the day
when the Keystone State and the Old Dominion would be
united again as of old.^*
Generalizations and pleas for conciliation and compro
mise did not conceal the fact that the tariff of 1846 was not
" Washington Union, June 9, 1848.
"Washington Union, July 8, 1846.

264 Thomas Ritchie
merely a revenue tariff. Accordingly it found favor neither
in the North nor in the South, and in supporting it Ritchie
made almost as many enemies as he had made in discussing
the Oregon question. Calhoun's predictions had come true.
In the moment of her triumph, as in 1832, the South was
again betrayed in the house of her friends for the sake of
the party. Some of her leaders saw a return of the day,
when, under the leadership of Ritchie, Virginia, Pennsyl
vania, and New York would again control their party for
the spoils of office and the advancement of their favorites.
Discouraged at the prospects, Yancey withdrew from Con
gress, vowing his purpose never again to attend another
Democratic convention.^* On the other hand, Blair, Benton,
and the Van Burens were exultant; subscriptions to The
Union were discontinued; and reports came thick and fast
of how Ritchie's ardor for free trade was disrupting the
Democratic party in Pennsylvania and other northern
states.^® At no time in our history have politicians been over
scrupulous in the selection of their sacrifices. Polk had dis
appointed all parties on the tariff, and some atonement had
to be made. The lot fell to Ritchie without even the formal
ity of the usual casting. This time the way was to be paved
for a rival independent press in Washington by first provid
ing a financial basis for it. The opportunity came when
Garrett Davis of Kentucky, a Whig, wishing to strengthen
his own party and to widen the breach within the Demo
cratic party, introduced a resolution to let the public print
ing to the lowest bidder. The dissatisfied Democrats seized
the proposition with avidity, defending it as a means of
putting the public printing upon a non-partisan basis and of
emancipating the executive from the clutches of the editors.
The resolution finally became law and did have wholesome
effects, but it was enacted to humiliate and embarrass
Thomas Ritchie, at a time when he stood for the interests of
'•Washington Union, August 11, 1846.
"Ibid., July 28, 1846.

A Study in Virginia Politics 265
the whole country as opposed to those of any particular sec
tions. His offence was a too ardent devotion to the interests
of his party. In the nomenclature of this day he was a
"standpatter." Ritchie accepted this mark of disfavor with that com
posure which comes only from confidence. After assuring
the public that he was no interloper, having been invited to
Washington in 1804 and again in 1827 to become the editor
of the national Democratic organ, his plans for putting the
press upon a more popular basis and divorcing it from com
plete dependence upon the government were carried into exe
cution. The daily Union was now offered at $10 per year,
the semi-weekly at $5, and the weekly at $2. Besides a Con
gressional Register ,re^'emblin'g the preslent Congressional
Record, but published only weekly, was promised to the
public.^® Thus not only the government, but the press as
well profited in the long run by the exigencies of this
occasion. The adverse results of the autumnal elections of 1846
only complicated Ritchie's difficulties. Instead of attribut
ing their defeats to other and more potent factors, the dis
appointed politicians traced them to the unvrise leadership
of "Old Nous Verrons," as Ritchie was now contemptuously
called by Blair and others. Naturally many of "the wise"
returned to tte next session of Congress resolved to rectify
Polk's mistake in the selection of a spokesman for their
party. The contemplated withdrawal of the public printing
was not enough, he was to be driven completely from his
position of leadership.
Not ignorant but fearless and firm in his conviction of
the justness and wisdom of the causes in which he fought,
Ritchie remained defiant. The unpatriotic equivocation of
Calhoun and the political designs of Benton were alike dis
gusting to him, and he continued to urge a vigorous and un
relenting prosecution of the war with Mexico. He spoke of
the National Intelligencer, which opposed that course, aS
"Washington Union, July 1, 11, 1846; Ibid., August 7, 1846.

266 Thomas Ritchie
the Mexican paper in the federal capital, and Calhoun and
his followers in the Senate were classed among the "friends,
compatriots, and fellow soldiers" of Santa Anna and Am-
pudia. The crisis came, when immediately following the
defeat of the "Ten Regiment BiU" their appeared in The
Union a communication signed "Vindicator" and entitled
"Another Mexican Victory." In no unmistakable references
to Calhoun this writer described the battles then waging in
Congress in behalf of the Mexicans and pled for a more gen
uine and unselfish patriotism. ^^
Smarting under the attack of "Vindicator," and think:
ing that his utterances had been inspired by the President,
Calhoun and his small personal following in the Senate,
now called the "balance of power party," did not hesitate
to reply. On the day following "Vindicator's" appearance,
Senator Yulee of Florida introduced the following resolu
tions, which the balance of power party, composed of the two
Senators from South Carolina and the two Senators from
Florida, aided by the Whigs, were able to pass :
Resolved, That the editors of the Union — a newspaper published in
the city of Washington — having in a publication contained in a number
of that paper, dated the 9th of February, issued and published a public
libel upon the character of this body, be excluded from the floor of the
Senate. "That the report of the proceeding of the Senate of the 8th day of
February in relation to the bill entitled 'An act to raise, for a limited
time, an additional military force, and for other purposes,' is partial and
unjust to this body and that the reporters for that paper be excluded
for the residue of the session from a place in the gallery of the
Senate." "
The debate which followed the introduction of the above
resolutions affords ample proof of Ritchie's abilities and of
the high esteem in which he was held. Senator Allen of
Ohio, who had desired his removal only one year before,
now threatened the Senate with an unfriendly visitation of
the sovereign power of the people should they see "the hands
" W(i.ihington Union, February 13, 1847.
" Cong. Globe, 29th Cong., 2d sess., p. 300.

A Study in Virginia Politics 267
of Fifty-six Senators clinched in the gray hairs of Thomas
Ritchie," should they be forced to witness a cowardly and un
necessary assault upon "an old man, almost twice as old as
the Senate itself."^® Sevier of Arkansas thought the reso
lutions unnecessary to protect the dignity of the Senate, and
predicted that the result would be a "Ritchie victory," if
not a "Mexican victory,"^® and Turney of Tennessee saw in
them simply a revolt against an honest effort to fix respon
sibility where it belonged and against the freedom of the
press. The resolutions were defended on the undemocratic
ground that the Senate had the same right to protect itself
in its home that a private individual had to protect himself
in his home. Any intention of an attack upon the freedom
of the press was disclaimed, as were all feelings of political
animosity. Equally ridiculous and ludicrous with these
declarations was a denial on the part of Calhoun that he
was then or ever had been a candidate for the presidency,
and that he entertained personal feelings toward Ritchie.^^
The reflections of Van Buren's friends upon Ritchie's
predicament were more amusing than instructive. They
show an utter incapacity to understand the importance of
Texas and to concede to others honesty and sincerity in
politics. Silas Wright had already discovered a rebuke for
Ritchie in the election of Hunter to represent Virginia in
the federal Senate, but he now saw in Ritchie's expulsion
from the press privileges of that body a '"retributive justice"
for the wrongs done Van Buren in 1844. He, also, observed
that in every crisis Ritchie had allowed his fears to drive
him "off in a tangent" from which his personal fidelity had
eventually brought him back "weak and wound, and power
less." Accordingly, he now confidently expected his return
to his first love, Van Buren, and as a relief to "the good old
"Cong. Globe, 29th Cong., 2d sess., p. 392.
"Ibid., 395.
"Ibid., 395-417.

268 Thomas Ritchie
man," Wright now magnanimously considered renewing his
subscription to the Enquirer, which he had not seen since
1844.^2 John C. Rives, former business manager of the
defuuct Globe, jocularly compared Ritchie's situation Ito
that of the father and son who, to avoid the jeers /of the
crowd, had carried their jackass to market instead of both
riding him, and had been rewarded by even greater criti
cisms.^^ Meanwhile Blair confidently expected Van Buren
to be the Democratic nominee for the presidency in 1848,
and looked forward to the re-establishment of the Globe with
himself as editor.
Following a complete disavowal of all responsibility for
"Vindicator" on the part of the President, Ritchie launched
a characteristic attack upon the Senate. He regarded his
expulsion as a cowardly attack upon the administration and
as an outrage upon the rights of the press, and he invited
the people to rally to a defence of their constitutional rights.
Calhoun was described as the ambitious leader of a "little
clique professing to belong to the Democratic party." He
defied both him and his followers, and appealed to the peo
ple to right his wrongs. "They will not," said he, "desert
the cause. What becomes of us is of little account. We are
but atoms in a powerful community of twenty millions of
people." In large black letters he printed the names of A.
P. Butler, John C. Calhoun, James D. Westcott, and David
L. Yulee, Democrats who had voted for the resolutions of
expulsion, on the front page of The Union, together with
the resolutions for which they had voted.
Whatever his attitude toward others, it was now evident
that Ritchie would not support Calhoun for the succession.
Accordingly northern leaders began to share the opinions
entertained by Silas Wright and to hope for a renomination
for Van Buren. Polk had pledged himself not to seek a re-
" Van Buren MSS., Wright to Van Buren, January 28, 1847;
Ihid., April 14, 1847.
" Van Buren MSS., Wright to Van Buren, January 28, 1847 ;
Ibid., Rives (J. C.) to Van Buren, May 12, 1847; Ihid., Blair to Van
Biircn. July 7, 1847.

A Study in Virginia Politics 269
electipn ; Texas had been won ; the war with Mexico was on
the point of a successful termination; and it was generally
conceded that an old-time alliance between the northern and
southern Democrats was all that could save them in 1848'.
Thus they saw no reason for a refusal to return to the days
of Jacksonian Democracy. In his adherence to the national
nominating convention, now attacked by Calhoun as an un
desirable method of selecting candidates for the presidency,
in his pleas for accord within the party, and in the persis
tency of his attacks upon the "prince of nullifiers," the
northern leaders now scented the return of Father Ritehie
to those halcyon days.
Although there was no evidence of a turning to Van
Buren, Calhoun's treatment of Ritchie and his course in
general met with disapproval in Virginia, and for a time
rendered uncertain the hold of his followers upon the state.
In many instances where avowed Calhoun men presented
themselves as candidates for Congress and the Assembly in
1847 they were successfully opposed by administration can
didates. This was true in the Richmond district, where
James A. Seddon and W. D. Leake were candidates for Con
gress. The regular nomination went to the former, but,
with only two dissenting votes, the convention adopted the
following resolution: "That in the nomination of Mr. Sed
don this convention does protest against its being considered
as giving, directly or indirectly, any color of approval to
the political course of the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, or any pledge
to support him for the presidency." Seddon, always an
ardent follower of Calhoun, considered this resolution a re
flection upon his course and resigned his candidacy.^* The
nomination then went to Leake, but, as in most cases, where
similar lines were drawn, the Whig candidate was successful
at the polls. Such experiences had the effect of riveting
more firmly the hold of the pro-southern statesmen upon
Virginia, because it had become impossible for the Demo
crats to win without them.
"Washington Union, April 3, 1847.

270 Thomas Ritchie
In another, yet a most important field, Ritchie seemed
willing to co-operate with the North. Calhoun's schemes
for uniting the South and connecting it with the West by a
network of internal communications had long been known
to the leading statesmen of both sections. The political,
commercial, and industrial possibilities of such a South were
beyond conception. They might enable Calhoun to reach
the coveted presidency. They would certainly divert the
lines of trade from the North and from the central water
ways of Virginia. The only way to counteract them was at
once to bind the West by arteries of trade to the East. Ac
cordingly a convention met in Chicago, July 5, 1847, to
devise means for improving the navigation of the rivers and
lakes in that region and for connecting the upper Missis
sippi valley with the Oregon country. Letters sympathetic
with the movement were read on this occasion from Clay,
Van Buren, Benton, and Wright. Later Ritchie spoke en
thusiastically of the proceedings and seems to have been
willing to brush aside his scrpules regarding the power of
Congress over internal improvements with a mere reference
to former decisions, vetoes, speeches, and state papers. He
uow admitted that it involved a "doubtful power" and that
there was much well-founded "difference of opinion" on the
constitutional power of the general government over internal
improvements. Evidently he was again ready to "conciliate
and compromise." The problems of our greater nationality
had necessitated a growth in the organic law, which could
be made only in the spirit of compromise. To what extent
Ritchie was actuated by hostility to the schemes of Calhoun,
the desire to protect the interests of the Border, a desire to
co-operate with the North, or the spirit of nationalism which
characterized the epoch can not be determined.
Developments in the North soon made it impossible,
however, for Ritchie to co-operate with its leaders in any
thing. A more momentous question than the tariff, or the
freedom of the press, or individual rights, that of the exten
sion of slavery into the territories, was now engaging the

A Study in Virginia Politics 271
attention of its people. It had become evident that they
would not give up the principles of the Wilmot Proviso.
Other efforts at conciliation were attempted. Ritchie being
readmitted to the privileges of the fioor of the Senate and
entrusted with the editorship of a special organ. The Cam
paign, established to fight for the presidency in 1848. But
the Herkimer convention with its radical resolutions upon
the subject of negro slavery and the power and duty of Con
gress to exclude that institution from the territories and
the persistency of the abolitionists, as seen in the ecclesias
tical and political gatherings at the North, forced Ritchie
to beat a retreat in the direction of the pro-slavery
camp. At the first mention of the Wilmot Proviso he had
calmly suggested that it would be time enough to govern and
administer our territories after they !had been acquired.
Later he had proposed the extension of the line of the Mis
souri Compromise, as a suitable boundary between slavery
and freedom in all newly acquired territory. But the in
creasing bitterness of the abolitionists in their attacks upon
the South, their unreasonable demands regarding the exclu
sion of slave property from the common territory, and their
boldness in shouldering the abolitionist propaganda upon
Thomas Jefferson, brought from Ritchie a vigorous defence
of the rights of the slave owner in the common territory
and a flat denial that the Sage of Monticello was not at the
time of his death in sympathy with negro slavery as it ex
isted in the South.
Blows now fell upon the venerable editor from another
direction. Following the cue of the New York Evening
Post, the northern prints insisted that The Union had be
come a pro-slavery organ. The defeat of the Democratic
candidates in the autumnal elections of 1847 in New York
were attributed to its changed attitude. In February, 1848,
David Wilmot rose in his place in the House and demanded
the retirement of the "old man," then "in his second child
hood," for a more impartial and disinterested spokesman.^®
"¦ Cong. Globe, 30th Cong., 1st sess., p. 182.

272 Thomas Ritchie
Defeated and disa;ppointed, Ritchie was ready, in May,
1848, to surrender all and to retire to his beloved Vir
ginia;*® but other councils prevailed and he remained.
From this point things went from bad to worse. The Barn
burners, Freesoilers, and other third parties held conven
tions and nominated separate candidates for the presidency ;
Van Buren himself accepted the nomination of the Free-
soil party; and the Democracy which Ritchie had come to
Washington to unite and preserve was rapidly going to
pieces, and that, too, at a time when there was every neces
sity for unity and strength.
From the very beginning Ritchie despaired of success
in the presidential campaign of 1848. That valiant leader,
Lewis Cass, a northern man with southern principles, whom
Ritchie himself had preferred for the presidency in 1844,
could not inspire confidence. With the Democratic vote of
New York divided between Cass and Van Buren, Ritchie
knew that there was little chance for his favorite. Experi
ence had taught him to attach a high value to that vote in
presidenfial contests. In a reminiscent mood he referred
to Van Buren's former wooings of the South, reviewed the
incidents of 1844, and pronounced a well done upon his
own patriotic course in deserting him. Thus prepared he
went down, "defeated but not daunted, beaten but not over
whelmed." »' Van Buren MSS., Blair to Van Buren, May 23, 1848.

A Study in Virginia Politics 273

CHAPTER X.
THE GREAT COMPROMISE.
Though honored and respected for his venerable services
and sterling character, Ritchie did not always share the
complete confidence of his political chieftain. His intense
desire to appear to others as the real spokesman of the ad
ministration and his mania for publicity made it difficult,
and at times, impossible for him to keep a secret.-^ These
traits greatly annoyed the President who, however, attrib
uted them to habits of the editorial profession and not to
defects of character in his spokesman. To complaining
politicians he defended Father Ritchie, insisting that he
always meant well. Thus Polk made it possible for the
party organ to retain its place as the representative of his
own following and as the spokesman of his party through
the stormy days of the Great Compromise and after he him
self had retired.
As spokesman of the minority, Ritchie's trials and trou
bles were not lessened. In the very midst of the campaign
in which his party had gone down to defeat, the debate on
the question of establishing a territorial government for
Oregon had again brought into review the whole subject of
negro slavery. The leadership of Lewis Cass had failed to
reconcile the sections and even to produce accord within his
own party. At the North there were Democrats who de-
sird to apply the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 to Oregon,
and at the South there were those, led by Calhoun, Davis,
and others, who insisted upon the constitutional right of
Congress to protect and defend the slave-holder in the pos
session of his property in the common territory. The enact
ment of the bill excluding slavery from Oregon was the be-
" Polk's Diary, III., 237, 474; Ihid., IV., 214-216.

274 Thomas Ritchie
ginning of another great crisis. Before Calhoun's mournful
prophecy, "The great strife between the North and the
South is ended" could become true another political contest
was to be waged between the sections, and Ritchie, as the
spokesman of the conservatives of the Border, was again to
be harrassed and cajoled by the warring factions entrenched
in the extreme North and the extreme South.
When Congress met in December, 1848', it heard in
Polk's optimistic message, which Ritchie had already ap
proved, simply an ardent plea for peace and accord within
the party. But there was to be no peace. Exultant over
their victory in the contest for Oregon and armed with reso^
lutions from their state legislatures endorsing the Wilmot
Proviso and demanding the exclusion of slavery and the
slave trade from the District of Columbia, the North had
returned to the national councils resolved to fight the further
extension of slavery, cost what it would. Alarmed because
of their previous defeats and concessions and because of the
aggressiveness of their rivals the representatives of the lower
South, aided by recruits from other parts of the slave-hold
ing section, had also retumed resolved to fight for a per
petual franchise over the labor of negroes, which, they said,
was guaranteed them by the constitution. Thus, standing
on the constitution they demanded their "bond" regardless
of the principles involved and the possibility of compromise.
The necessity for a regular government for California and
her subsequent request for statehood had precipitated the
fray, and it was evident that the peaceful councils advised
by the retiring President and his venerable spokesman would
not prevail.
Contrary to his usual course, Ritchie did not face
squarely the demands of either section. Formerly he had
favored the extension of the line of the Missouri Compromise
as a solution of the slavery question, but he now advised the
immediate admission of California without requiring her to
pass through the territorial stage, and with full power to
determine for herself whether or not slavery would exist
within her borders. Circumstances made delay impossible.

A Study in Virginia Politics 275
In the immediate admission of California to statehood,
Ritchie saw defeat for any movement looking to an inde
pendent republic on the Pacific, also the impossibility of a
repetition of the foreign complications experienced in our
dealings with Texas. Such a course would also make a re
vival of the Wilmot Proviso impossible and make it un
necessary to compromise the honor and dignity of the South.
Besides it would then be unnecessary to debate the conflict
ing theories regarding the power of Congress over slavery
in the territories.
Although willing to dodge the real issue in dealing with
California, Ritchie's sympathies were with the South. He
thought, however, that additional constitutional guarantees,
later demanded by Calhoun, were unnecessary and did not
take kindly to the suggestions for a dual federal executive.
In their mad haste for power and ascendency and conscious
of the embryonic nationality of their respective sections, the
leaders of the extreme North and the extreme South had
long calculated the value of the Union, and in so doing had
lost confidence in the constitution. But Ritchie, like most
of the leaders in the Border and like those who had ordained
and established the federal government, saw in the strict in
terpretation of that document full security for the guaran
teed rights of the South and for the perpetuity of the Union
of the fathers. He found in the conservatism of the Border
the leaven which was to destroy two prospective nationalities
for the preservation of a greater nationality. Consequently
he did not even now despair of the republic. There was
yet security for all in "the Rights of the States and the
Union of the States."
Adherence to the letter of the constitution did not, how
ever, preclude possibilities of compromise. Ritchie's theory
of the nature of the federal government had been wrought
out at the time it was made and in a spirit of conciliation
and compromise, later to be fostered by the genial influences
of a conservative environment, the great Border section.
He did not now understand why new problems involving the

276 Thomas Ritchie
national life and security could not be met and solved in the
same spirit. To-day centralization is the slogan of greater
nationality ; with Ritchie that slogan was compromise. He
regarded good faith, kindness, and forbearance as neces
sary for the preservation of the federal compact, and held
him a traitor who assumed a different attitude. He could
understand Calhoun and Davis who would have been satis
fied witli the letter of the law, but, in the light of the great
compromises upon which the Union was founded and the long
struggle to maintain them, the attitude of Garrison and
Seward was beyond his conception. In answer to the charge,
now frequently made, that he had become the spokesman of
a section instead of a great political party, he reiterated his
devotion to the constitution with all its compromises, which
he insisted were as old as the govemment itself and as dear
to all real patriots.^
Liberal concessions in regard to California intermingled
as they were with pleas for a strict interpretation of the
constitution, did not satisfy all the leaders of the North.
Of California they were reasonably certain, and they had
already identified strict construction with a defence of negro
slavery. After a caucus attended by fifty or more members
of Congress and encouraged and abetted by interested press
men. Senator Allen of Ohio waited upon the venerable
editor, then in his seventy-second year, to express dissatis
faction with his course in general and with his pro-slavery
leanings in particular.* Of this interview Blair, who was
always jealous of Ritchie and never free from' a desire to
supersede him, said: "Ritchie remonstrated, wept, and at
times defied — said he would stand no matter what hap
pened — that he meant not only to maintain his press here
during his life, but would leave it to his son as a successor." ¦*
After agreeing to associate with himself Edmund Burke, as
joint editor of The Union, Ritchie was retained as the
' Washington Union, January 13, 20, 27, 1849.
'Polk MSS., Cave Johnson to Polk, March 17, 1849.
* Van Buren MSS., Blair to Van Buren, March 4, 1849.

A Study in Virginia Politics 277
spokesman of the party, but dissatisfaction with his course
never ceased.®
The proposed admission of California brought promi
nently to the front the subject of internal communication.
Already, as seen in the deliberations of the Chicago Con
vention of 1847 and in the gigantic schemes of Calhoun,
leaders of the rival sections were calculating the advantages
to be derived from connecting their own growing nations
with the great West. That the interests of the whole coun
try might be served more patriotic spirits would have con-.
nected the Atlantic and the Pacific by a canal crossing the
Isthmus of Panama or the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. But
all recognized that the day when the iron horse would cross
the Rockies was near at hand. No power could keep the
immigrant out of the West, national ownership of which had
necessitated a sectional contest for its control.
True to his ideals of a greater nationality for the whole
country, Ritchie endorsed the "grand idea" of bringing
China to our door. Since this great task involved the rights
and interests of the sections, even the existence of the slave-
holding power itself, it too, like the other great questions
which had confronted the fathers in 1787, was to be under
taken in a spirit of conciliation and compromise. In such a
solution the constitution was to find adjustment to the de
mands of a growing and changing nationality. The acquisi
tions of 1845, 1846, and 1848 had inspired a feeling of true
national greatness which even the constitution could not be
permitted to retard. True, Ritchie, like Jefferson in 1803,
preferred a constitutional amendment to meet the exigencies.
In lieu of that he was now willing to invoke the true spirit
of the constitution, the only liberal construction known to a
strict constructionist, the spirit of compromise, as a solution
of the difficulty and as a guarantee of the rights of all.
These conditions and these facts made it possible for
Ritchie to face the facts boldly. Accordingly he suggested
'Washington Union, June 2, 1849; Polk MSS., Ritchie to Polk,
April 10, 1849.

278 Thomas Ritchie
routes for three trans-continental railways: one to connect
the southern point of Lake Michigan with the mouth of the
Columbia river, another to connect St. Louis and Monterey,
and still another to connect New Orleans with some point
farther south on the Pacific. The fact that he had fought
for both Oregon and Texas and that he would have waged
international war for 54° 40' almost as readily as for the
Rio Grande boundary, made a preference of routes impos
sible.® Thus far Ritchie had spoken the sentiments of President
Polk, which he himself most heartily endorsed. But Polk
had retired. Congress had adjourned without admitting Cali
fornia, and the South, as a last resort, was trying to enlarge
the slave-holding territory by adding a part of New Mexico
to Texas. The contest between the sections was to continue
and even to increase in bitterness. Both at the North and
the South Democrats demanded a more clear-cut statement
of principles by their editor. Accordingly he now declared
for the policy of non-intervention, fathered by the new leader
of the party, Lewis Cass of Michigan. By non-intervention
Ritchie denied to Congress the expediency of legislating
upon the subject of negro slavery in the territories and re
served to the people thereof the right to determine the regu
lations and laws under which they became states.
Ritchie had not, however, ceased to be a compromiser.
This declaration had simply placed him in accord with the
dominant element of the Democratic party without chang
ing his principles. Non-intervention was in full accord with
his ideas of government, and it offered a possibility of re
moving the contest for the new West from the legislative
halls to the federal courts. Besides, acceptance of this policy
might bring about a life-long ideal, party unity.'^
The months immediately following this declaration
marked a period that tried men's souls. The opinion was
general that the next session of Congress would either save
6 Washington Union, April 17, 1849.
'Ibid., June 9, 1849.

A Study in Virginia Politics 279
or destroy the Union. All parties groomed for the contest.
A convention of southern members issued an address in
which they complained of the difficulty of recovering fugi
tive slaves and of the action of the abolitionists, demanded
the right of immigrating into the territories with their slave
property, and inveighed against the action of the House in
attempting to exclude slavery from California and New
Mexico. The legislature of Virginia had no difficulty in
selecting a course between submission to the Wilmot Proviso
and resistance to federal aggression, and feeling ran at fever
heat in the cotton states. In the North feeling ran equally
high. State legislature after legislature put itself on record
in resolutions defending the power and duty of Congress to
prohibit slavery in the territories and urging it to abolish
the "curse" in the District of Columbia. Party lines were
broken down and little heed was paid to time-honored party
principles. With each succeeding day the political horizon
became darker, and, when Congress met in December, 1849,
echoes of the gathering storm resounded from the federal
capital. Under such conditions no political editor who attempted
to maintain a neutral position could escape attack. There
was no neutrality. Northern leaders continued to regard
Ritchie as pro-southern, and the South could not find in him
a safe custodian of its rights and interests. Of the trials of
this period Ritchie himself said: "Never did my poor bark
weather so fearful a tempest."* But he rejoiced, and suc
ceeding ages my rejoice with him, that the bark rode the
storm and emerged "with the flag of the Union still flying."
In the time of a great crisis, the greatest that he had ever
seen. Father Ritchie, now the spokesman of Jefferson and
Madison, had risen to his greatest stature.
The meting of Congress brought the expected crisis, but
Ritchie was ready. On the very day that Clay came for
ward with his first set of resolutions looking to a compromise
'Richmond Enquirer, September 10, 1852.

280 Thomas Ritchie
of the differencies between the sections, Ritchie disappointed
the "fire-eaters" of the lower South and the "fanatics" of
the North by throwing the power of The Union for concilia
tion. Following a review of our struggle for independence,
of the conciliatory and compromising spirit which had made
the federal govemment possible, and of the blessings which
had flowed from the Union, he pictured a glorious future
for our republic, "rising on a new continent — stripped of the
antique prejudices and the aristocratic privileges which de
faced the ancient world — with an immense surface of young
and unappropriated land, capable of supporting a teeming
population and of furnishing an asylum to all the oppressed
emigrants of Europe — abounding in rivers and sea-coast,
and all the facilities of commerce and manufactures —
blessed with liberty — and, on all these accounts, productive
of an energy and character which has never been equaled
by the proudest republic of antiquity, and of an ingenuity
and enterprise which are calculated to advance the improve
ment of the country to an indefinite extent." Then he
issued a call for patriots, men whose spirits were equal to
the storm which threatened the nation, who would sacrifice
office for the good of their country and die for the father
land. The editorial closed with the assurance that there
were Suffolks in Congress, who, like the English statesman
of that name, would deem themselves unworthy of the name,
if asked to ward off an impending blow to their country.'
One week later Clay began his great speech in favor of
the compromise resolutions. Ritchie praised his motives
and many of his utterances, but could not approve his plan
for excluding slavery from the new territory by extending
the laws of Mexico to it, on the ground that they were already
the laws which governed it. He searched in vain for a con
cession to the South in such a proposition, and then assured
Clay that it could not be palmed off as a compromise.^®
Then by a shrewd use of those arts of which he was master,
• Richmond Enquirer, September 10, 1852.
"Ibid.

A Study in Virginia Politics 281
those arts which gave him his political power, Ritchie began
to cast about for "clearer," more "generous," and more "in
trepid" spirits than Clay who could be relied upon to save
the Union. With an eye upon the great man whom he pro
fessed to be abandoning, he assured the public that there
were other men in Congress "who have the ability and
patriotism to risk themselves for the glorious Union — who,
like Curtius, would plunge into the fiery gulf for the salva
tion of this country !"
At this jucture Clay realized that he could accomplish
little without Ritchie's assistance. Accordingly he expressed
a desire to confer with his old-time assailant. As all inter
course between them had long ceased, and as they were each
recognized leaders of opposing parties, extreme caution was
necessary in effecting a meeting. Through the kindness of
a mutual friend, James W. Simonton, it was finally arranged
for Ritchie, accompanied by General Thomas H. Bayly of
Virginia, to call upon Clay in his rooms in the National
Hotel at 4 P. M. on Sunday, February 10th. The meeting
was cordial, and began by pleasant references to the old days
in Richmond, when they had attended the same frolics and
paid court to the same ladies. Although the Enquirer had
been his most bitter assailant when he had sought the cov
eted presidency. Clay assured Ritchie that he had never
ceased to read it and to be interested in its editor.
After a short conference, both were convinced that noth
ing but patriotic motives had brought them together. Ac
cordingly they proceeded at once to a discussion of the com
promise resolutions. Clay defended them as originally pro
posed, but at length he agreed to strike the provision regard
ing the Mexican law from them and to insert instead a pro
vision leaving it to the territories to decide for themselves
whether or not they would have slavery. Through a mutual
friend. Senator Foote of Mississippi, Ritchie had already
suggested to Clay the reference of the whole matter to a
special committee of thirteen. Now, as a means of effect
ing the proposed changes in the original resolutions, he re-

282 Thomas Ritchie
newed his suggestion which Clay received with favor and
later accepted." After discussing the claims of Texas to a
part of New Mexico, the necessity for a more stringent fugi
tive slave law, the expediency of abolishing slavery in the
District of Columbia, and the possibility, in the last resort,
of extending the line of the Missouri Compromise, they
parted resolved that "everything or nothing" should be set
tled by a "fair and liberal compromise," at once and forever,
to secure "the peace, the union, and the prosperity of our
country." In the light of subsequent events the importance
of this meeting can not be overestimated.
Henceforth Ritchie was one of Clay's most valuable lieu
tenants in the fight for compromise. Cordial relations were
resumed extending even to the joking point. Shortly after
this meeting it is reported that Ritchie, in the presence of
a number of public men, promised Clay to forgive him for
his course in 1825, if he would only save the Union and cease
to aspire to the presidency. To which Clay replied: "Tom
Ritchie, you never believed a word of that bargain story."
But Ritchie's aid was not conditional in support of the Com
promise resolutions. He attacked bitterly the unconciliatory
attitude of Calhoun's speech of March the 4th, and pro
nounced Webster the "lion of the day."^^ Despite the chid-
ings of friends he entreated the President to join Clay and
Webster in their efforts to save the Union, and, if necessary
to maintain the findings of the select committee of thirteen,
he himself was willing to drain the cup of poverty to the
last dregs.^^ Alternately he begged and scolded in an effort
to induce Congress to act, the North to give up the Wilmot
Proviso, and the South to cease its agitation for disunion.
With the resolutions of the Nashville Convention upon the
" Foote, Casket of Reminiscenes, p. 24 ; Richmond Enquirer, Sep
tember 10, 1852.
"Washington Union, March 0, 8, 1850; Ibid., May 10, 1850.
"Ibid., May 10, 1850.

A Study in Virginia Politics 283
nature of the federal govemment and the ultimate right of
state to secede he was in full accord, but he condemned its
ultimatums and particularly its indepen'dent attitude to
ward the northern Democrats.^* As in the days of Jack
son and Van Buren he continued to value his northern allies.
He now classed Rhett, Yancey, and Toombs with Garrison,
John Van Buren, Phillips, and Seward as disunionists. A
true representative of the Border he, like the Great Com
promiser, loved the Union of the fathers and deplored the
movements which now threatened its destruction.
As at other times, notably in 1832, Ritchie paid dearly
for his devotion to the Union. Contending that he had sur
rendered the party of Jackson to its arch enemy, Calhoun,
Douglas and Richardson of Illinois, acting as the represen
tatives of a number of others, tried to induce Blair to set up
an opposition press.-'® A few weeks later forty -four southern
members of Congress adopted an address to their constitu
ents recommending the establishment of a newspaper in
Washington to be devoted to "the support and defence of
southern interests." Ritchie was accused by them of placing
party welfare before their rights and interests, the old charge
so frequently made by Calhoun. The severest attack came
from his beloved Virginia, when R. K. Meade, a represen
tative in Congress from that state, assailed his course in
support of the Compromise. Meade urged the impropriety
of permitting the young men of Virginia to call Father
Ritchie "Old State Rights," and demanded that he cease to
fight for "Onachar who had drunk the milk of the white doe,"
and that he return to the leadership of her stalwart sons
or desert completely to the camp of the Philistines. He was
opposed to all concessions, to all compromise, but did not
represent the sentiment of Virginia. He, like many others,
was alarmed for the future of the South when the balance
between the states had been destroyed by the admission of
California, Utah, New Mexico, and Oregon, as free states.
" Washington Union, June 15, 18, 1850.
"Van Buren MSS., Blair to Van Buren, March 24, 1850.

284 Thomas Ritchie
"Then," said he, "the pressure on our sides will cause south
ern respiration to grow thick and short: the serpent's fold
will become tighter and tighter, and the days of our fair
land with its wonderful civilization will be numbered.""
But Ritchie did not think this a death straggle for the
South. In dissolution he saw death, but in view of his un
derstanding with Clay that contingency was impossible.
Accordingly he continued buoyant and steadfast in his
course. Knowing that the northern leaders would in time
junderstand his position and adjustt themselves to it, he
paid little attention to their attacks, but those from the
South, and particularly those from Virginia, disturbed him
no little. He frankly admitted the right of any person to
establish a press at Washington, but he reviewed his record
on the Wilmot Proviso, abolition, and the political contests
of 1844 to prove his loyalty to the South and her institu
tions. Moreover, he denied outright the charge that he had
lulled the South into a "false security" by keeping her at
tached to the North for the sake of political union and party
successes. To Mr. Meade he gave the assurance that the
"glorious edifice on which we dwell might yet survive us
and bless our children, for it is founded upon a rOck." ^^
In national affairs the compromise resolutions which
were finally adopted one at a time did not produce even a
truce, and the war upon the venerable editor continued.
After one year Burke retired from the co-editorship,^^ and
Ritchie was left to bear the burdens alone. Occasion for
further attacks came when he petitioned Congress for relief
for losses sustained in the execution of his contract to do
the public printing. When the contract was made, it was
thought to include the printing of the census of 18'50, but
the politicians through some hook or crook kept that work
from going to Ritchie. He was now accused of holding up'
Congress for a contribution for his share in bringing about
"Washington Union, June 9, 1850.
"Ihid., May 14, 15, 18, 1850.
"Ihid., May 31, 1850.

A Study in Virginia Politics 285
the Compromise. The debate which followed his petition
and the newspaper comment upon it brought into review the
questionable acts attending the establishment of The Union
and General Jackson's various expressions of disapproval
of Ritchie.^® James L. Orr of South Carolina denied the
desired relief, alleging that the contract had been entered
into with a view to prevent the establishment of an inde
pendent press in Washington, and that the parties to it
should thus suffer for their political sins.^® Ritchie's poor
financiering afforded a rare opportunity for Blair and Rives,
who had hounded him ever since his arrival in Washington.
Unable to destroy him as an editor, they now hoped to ac-.
complish his downfall by attacking him in his most vulner
able spot, his weakness as a financier. To secure the appro
priation Blair now accused him of courting the favor of
the Hunkers, but he was confident that "the old scavenger
will be left to perish in his sink," unless "Cass & Co." and
"Buck & Co." considered "the central organ with its Polk
prestige" worth the price.^^
From this final testing Ritchie emerged with character
unsuUied.^^ It was shovsn that he knew nothing about the
financial deals and arrangements by which Simon Cameron,
Robert J. Walker, Cave Johnson, and Aaron Brown had
founded The Union, that his whole career had been honest
and straightforward, and that his petition for relief was
just.^^ Accordingly the House voted the desired appropria
tion which was defeated by Calhoun's friends but later
granted by the Senate.^* Thus, vindicated before the whole
country and apparently sustained and endorsed in his sup
port of the Compromise, Father Ritchie decided to retire.
Calhoun had passed to the great beyond, and Clay and Web-
" Washington Union, January 2, 1851.
™ See speech in the House of Representatives, February 12, 1851.
" Van Buren MSS., Blair to Van Buren, September 20, 27 and
December 26, 1850; Ibid., January 22, 1851.
"Cong. Globe, 31st Cong. 2d sess., p. 838.
"Washington Union, January 2, IC, 1851; Ibid., March 15, 1851.
'• Cong. Globe, 32d Cong, 2d sess., XXVI, p. 935.

286 Thomas Ritchie
ster were about to follow. With the passing of these great
lights with whom he had worked for the good and glory of
their common country, his opportunity for the greatest use
fulness had ended. Throughout the whole Border and nota
bly in Virginia, his influence had been a power in recon
ciling the dissatisfied to the last great effort to save the
Union. ^® In his own mind and in the mind of others, the
object of his mission in coming to Washington had been at
tained.^® Henceforth the ship of state was to be entrusted
to newer and younger pilots. That they might be able freely
to select their own bearings, he was now willing to retire.
Accordingly it was announced that after April 15, 1851,
Andrew Jackson Donaldson assisted by General Robert Arm
strong would edit The Union, and that Father Ritchie would
write no more editorials. ^''^
Ritchie's farewell, closing a period of forty-seven years
as an editor, is deserving of more than passing attention.
Speaking as it were from his "political death-bed, with all
the solemnity and responsibility which surrounded the con
fessions of a dying man," he told the story of how his influ
ence in the South had been shorn from him after coming
to Washington because of his efforts to save the Union. He
rejoiced, however, in the fact that loss in one theater had
been met by gains in another, which he had been able to use
in the service of his country at the time of its greatest crisis.
As a father would council his children, he warned his "coun
trymen at the North" not to deceive themselves, "because"
said he, "the South is in earnest." It would certainly insist
upon a faithful execution of the fugitive slave law. "For
otherwise," said he, "the Union will topple to the ground.
It is idle to talk about the Union alone. We must preserve
all the three great pillars of our prosperity — the Liberty of
the People, the Rights of the States, and the Union of the
"Washington Union, March 11, 1851.
"Goldsboro (N. C.) Republican, March 25, 1851; Milledgeville
(Ga.) Union, March 25, 1851.
" Washington Union, March 15, 1851.

A Study in Virginia Politics 287
States." To this end he thought it imperative that they
should keep their hands off of the institutions of the South,
put down freesoilism, and, in keeping with his own ideas of
party unity, permit no man to reach the presidency who
would not disavow "all participation with fanatics."^'*
His advice to his own section was equally paternal and
prophetic. First of all it was to observe th^ Compromise and
to discountenance any man "who would now rush into seces
sion." Conscious of the growing nationality of the South
he advised loyalty to the federal Union, "until the southern
people are so far united by common wrongs as to be given
into a common struggle and until the issue is fairly made
between a dissolution of the Union and a government with
out limitation of powers."^* Thus the man who had lived
by the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions was ready to die
by them. He had never doubted the ultimate right of a sov
ereign state to secede.
The work of reorganizing the Democratic party he left
to younger and abler hands. He was certain that local and'
clashing interests would arise, but saw no reason why they
could not be adjusted by the "standard of the constitution."
He also saw the possibility of demagogic leaders arraying
section against section in contests over the presidency, but
he was certain that a united party, for which he had always
stood and made many a sacrifice, could repress ambitious
leaders and settle all party contests in deliberative conven
tions, until sucli a time as the selection of the President
could be referred directly to the people.
Very appropriately the "Napoleon of the Press," as
Ritchie was called in his day, directed his last paragraph to
his fellow editors. From the very beginning of his editorial
career he had regarded a free and unsubsidized press as the
life of the republic. To him the editorial profession was one
of honor and dignity, if not of emolument. To meet this
" Washington Union, April 15, 1851.
" Ihid.

288 Thomas Ritchie
high standard he insisted that it must be conducted with
talent, independence, liberality, courtesy, and decency. He
assured his fellow editors that there was much of drudgery
and sacrifice before them, but begged that they carry into
their work an indomitable spirit which would quake under
nd fear, except that which came from a neglect of duty and
a reproof of conscience. He considered energy of character
insufficient to make an editor; the profession required en
thusiasm. A survey of his life and of the comments made
upon it at the time of his retirement affords ample proof
that he lived his precepts.
The three remaining years of Ritchie's life were passed
in retirement in his own home at Washington or in his
daughter's home on the James. The politics of the press
room there gave way to the joys of the domestic circle and
the delights of social intercourse. None knew better than
he how to use leisure, another proof of his greatness. The
Bible which had been his constant companion through life,
the classics, and even music now became sources of comfort
and delight, and his beautiful grandchildren became his con
stant companions. Meanwhile he was not forgotten by the
public which he had served so faithfully. Among the many
honors which came, his election to honorary membership in
the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, through the in
fluence of his friend, Lyman C. j''r"p^''f was keenly appre
ciated. Drap^«
The death of Henry Clay, which occurred in 1852, called
Ritchie again into the press, but only as a contributor. In
the presence of a large company of distinguished men he
had jokingly promised to plant a laurel upon Clay's grave,
if the Compromise of 1850 were accepted. Now that the
venerable statesman had passed away and he survived him,
Ritchie took his promise seriously. It afforded an oppor
tunity to right himself with the only man whom he had ever
hated and consequently treated unjustly. The article which
he prepared for the press on this occasion reviewed the his
tory of the Great Compromise and again held it up as a

A Study in Virginia Politics 289
document to live by. In terms of praise and admiration
which will live longer than any floral tribute could live, it
pictured also the virtues and talents of the Great Compro
miser in a spirit which made it certain that the past had
been forgotten and that Ritchie could die at peace with all
men.

£90 Thomas Ritchie
CHAPTER XI.
THE EDITOR AND THE MAN.
Ritchie was not a genius. Either of the others of the
great "Democratic Triumvirate" of political editors, Francis
P. Blair of the 'Washington Globe, or Edwin Croswell of the
Albany Argus, was his equal in natural ability. Possibly
John Hampden Pleasants, Duff Green, and even others sur
passed him in one or more of the qualities requisite in a
great editor. In versatility, broadness of vision, soundness
of judgment, and constructiveness, any of a half score of
modem editors surpass him. Why then was he justly called
the "Napoleon of the Press" ? Some would say that it was
because he was the first of the great editors, but that answer
is not satisfactory and does not adhere to the truth. No less
distinguished an editor than Benjamin Franklin preceded
him. There was something of worth in the man himself,
which caused him to live and to bear this title of distinction.
As his numerous nicknames, "Thomas Nous Verrons," "Old
Nous Verrons," "Momentous Crisis Ritchie," "Obita Prin-
cipiis Ritchie," "Old State Rights," "Father Ritchie," etc.,
indicate he had a distinct personality.
Success and distinction came to Thomas Ritchie because
of his superior tact, his sound judgment, his genial temper,
his persuasive manner, and his ability to worn. He knew
how to improve a victory and equally well how to recover
from a defeat, characteristic Napoleonic traits; he seldom
distrusted a friend and was as rarely deceived by an enemy ;
he never surrendered but chivalrously flung away his sword
the moment he heard the cry of quarter; he counseled with
the aged without becoming obsolete and carressed the young
without becoming an enthusiast; he enjoyed the confidence
of the sages of the "Mother of Commonwealths" and was
admired for his sterling character and devotion to principle

A Study in Virginia Politics 291
throughout the nation; he united Parisian manners with re
publican simplicity and possessed versatility without caprice,
wit without malice, grace without affectation, courage with
out Quixotism, zeal without bigotry; and he combined with
his broad patriotism an intense love for Virginia. Like our
greatest and most successful lawyers, he never fought with
out an object and beyond the pale of his conscience.-' Then,
too, he did not enter the field of national politics until after
he had distinguished himself as the recognized spokesman
of a great state in the center of the border section. From
this strategic point his vision extended to the very outskirts
of the nation whence it gathered facts later to be boiled down
in the crucible of conservatism and national patriotism.
Thus he became an oracle for the whole country and a guide
for all other editors less favorably situated and constituted.
It should also be borne in mind that he won his prestige
when the American press was comparatively in its infancy
and when Virginia and her sons were directing the affairs
of the nation. After Jefferson and Madison passed from the
stage of action Ritchie was, through some of our greatest
crises, looked to as the oracle whence they continued to
speak. Historians and casual readers have done Ritchie a grave
injustice by handing him down to posterity as a political
boss and by overlooking the importance of his editorial
career. Such a verdict is not surprising, however, in the
light of contemporary comment of which the following from
the New York Express is a sample: "If anybody ever un
derstood the politics of the Old Dominion it was Father
Ritchie, for he had sounded the depths of all the abstractions
of that old Commonwealth from the Resolutions of '98 to
the resolutions of 1844, when a new era seemed to dawn
upon the Democracy of the country."^ From this and simi-

^ Claibourne, J. F. H., Life and Times of General Sam Dale, p.
200. 'Richmond Enquirer, July 7, 1854.

292 Thomas Ritchie
lar comments it was easy to confuse a thorough knowledge
of political principles, conditions, and methods with adept-
ness in the use of political machinery, at which art Ritchie
was as ignorant and as helpless as a child. True, there are
brief periods in the history of Virginia when his infiuence
and organizing power seemed to dominate, but it is also true
that he was more frequently opposed to the leading poli
ticians of that state than in accord with them. The methods
of the boss were unknown to him. During the twelve years
from 1829 to 1841, when he was a power at the federal
court, he recommended only one person for a federal ap
pointment, and during the whole term of his service as
national spokesman for his party, he scrupulously refrained
from any part in the distribution of the patronage. Cer
tainly Ritchie's editorial career in Washington, when he be
came the political football in the contest between the North
and the South over the goal to be reached on the Pacific,
argues him anything else than a practical politician. With
him knowledge and art were not synonymous.
If destined to live among the sons of men, Ritchie must
be known as a great editor. His infiuence upon men came,
not from a skillful use of political machinery but from an
enthusiastic adherence to fundamental principles, from his
power and versatility as a writer, and from his unselfish and
patriotic love of the Union. He was not a Tweed. A con
temporary of opposite political faith has given the following
explanation of his great power : "It proceeded from a knowl-
/cdge on the part of the public that he was aiming with his
whole soul to promote, as far as he thought right, the public
interest and particularly to sustain Virginia in her highly
prized principles, and to sustain her in the ascendency
among the states. It strengthened in the confidence felt in
his disinterested devotion to these things and his freedom
from selfish aspirations for himself and his friends."^ Had
the "Virginia doctrines" lived as the popular theory of the
' Richmond Enquirer, July 25, 1854.

A Study in Virginia Politics 293
nature of the federal govemment, the motto, "The Rights
of the States and the Union of the States," would to-day
have been as popular as that other motto, "The Union, now
and forever.' As in other great contests so in this, failure
attracted attention to the minor incidents by which it was
sustained and not to the principles involved. In the light of
modern developments, when section is being arrayed against
section and interest against interest, who can not see the
possibility for a resurrection of this great apostle of the
rights and interests of the sovereign states of America and
of the classical school of thinkers in politics and economy?
Should that time ever come, it would be as impossible to
think of Ritchie as a mere politician as it is now impossible
to think of Webster in that role.
To Ritchie more than to any one of his contemporaries
the press of to-day owes a debt of gratitude for the high
ethical conceptions which lie brought to and made a part of
his profession. Although caustic and at times severe in his
attacks upon public men he never rioted in an unnecessary
massacre of private character and always proceeded to such
attacks with the recollection that he too had a character of
generosity and liberality to maintain and that abuse and
scurrility are not always antidotes for ignorance and vice.
When he entered the editorial profession the Billingsgate of
foreigners was its chief characteristic, necessitating as it
had done the enactment of the sedition laws and rendering
the profession dangerous to life and limb. Actuated by a
high conception of his calling and the importance of a free
press as the basis of popular government, he sought to rem
edy these conditions by proposing to his fellow editors a code
of rules, which served to elevate the tone of the press of
the whole country and to put the editorial profession upon a
higher plane.*
Ritchie's exertions did not end with an effort to purify
editorial ethics. Throughout his whole career he lost no op-
• See Richmond Enquirer, November 7, 1800.

394 Thomas Ritchie
portunity to elevate the personnel of the press and to increase
its usefulness. It was he who called and presided over the-
first convention of editors held in this country. A review of
his address on that occasion (the convention met at Rich
mond in January, 18'38) furnishes ample evidence of his
multitudinous services to his profession. After humorous
references to the fact that he was already called "the ven-
rcrable," he dwelt at length upon the magic power of the
press in promoting the progress of art, extending the sphere
of science, and in keeping alive a spirit of vigilance over
the republic. The irksomeness of tasks "still beginning,
never ending" in rolling the stone of Sisyphus up the moun
tain and in listening to the going and returning footsteps of
"the poor Devil" had not stolen the joys of his prison house,
the editorial department, and he admonished his co-editors,
each as poorly paid as himself, to aim for something higher
ihan fortune, for a position of distinction and power as con
structive members of society. In the distinction, high stand
ing and power of the editors of the London E.vaminer and
the Edinburgh Review he saw encouragement for every
patriotic American editor who was willing to devote his best
to his profession and to cast off the maliciousness and licen
tiousness of the press in an honest effort to raise the tone
of the public morals and to strengthen the character of the
public councils.® Thoughts of our present subsidized and
commercialized press seem never to have crossed his mental
vision. As in most other things Ritchie lived his precepts of in
dustry and application. The demands upon him were great.
During the period of his residence in Richmond he was the
moving spirit in almost every public gathering, the manager
¦of public balls and dinners, the toastmaster for great occa
sions, such as that when Charles Dickens, on his second
visit to America, was received as the guest of the city, the
'hospitable host of the politicians, and the faithful reporter
'Richmond Enquirer, January 17, 23, 1838.

A Study in Virginia Politics 295
of the proceedings of the General Assembly and of all con
ventions whatsoever, except those in which the hated Whigs
held their councils of war. After a night spent in conviv
iality or in study (he did not retire before three in the morn
ing), an attenuated form, thin and wand and apparently
wasted to a shadow, appeared clad in civilian suit with white
Marseilles vest, thin pumps, and white socks on schedule
time at the office of the Enquirer. Through heat and cold,
snow and rain, mire and dust. Father Ritchie was always
the same both in dress and manner. When Congress and the
General Assembly were in session, work piled upon him
thick and fast, and he then frequently carried to his home
large bundles of exchanges and copy bound in his white
cambric handkerchief. Under such circumstances it was his
habit to retire to an upper apartment of his residence, for
the time ceiled to the world, where in dressing gown and
slippers and frequently upon the flat of his back with two
large candle sticks at his head, he examined exchanges and
produced those editorials which shaped the political think
ing of others and won for their modest and retiring author
the name of a "managing politician."®
This disinterested devotion to duty and to principle
largely explains that stoicism and heartlessness with which
Ritchie could change his course and strike down a friend
without remorse. As his editorials constantly show, the im
mortal examples of Roman patriotism were his constant
sources of inspiration, inspiring as they did others of the
fathers who, like Ritchie, could have played the role of a
Brutus. Thus it was that he favored the abolition of negro
slavery in 1832, following the Southampton insurrection,
and the retention of the state banks as depositories of the
federal moneys, later to become the very Cerberus of the
South's "peculiar institutions" and a most violent opponent
of W. C. Rives who continued friendly to the "pet banks."
' Hudson, History of Journalism, p. 270 ; Richmond Enquirer,
July 24, 1854.

296 Thomas Ritchie
Thus it was that he struck down Van Buren in 1844, with
out, so far as he himself was concerned, going beyond the
pale of his friendship or the possibility of a reconciliation.
It is not strange that his ideas and principles, when acted
out in the life of that body politic which he did more to
shape than any other, except possibly Thomas Jefferson,
carried eastern Virginia out of the Union in 1861 and kept
western Virginia loyal to it.
In one very essential particular Ritchie was a complete
failure as an editor. Though himself the impersonation of
honesty and square dealing, he was ignorant in matters of
domestic and business economy. His accounts went uncol
lected until they aggregated thousands and were then fre
quently forgotten. After Van Buren had ceased to be his
political friend, he was forced to a use of strategy in an
effort to pay his arrears to the Exaiminer. With a large and
extravagant family to maintain and educate, with a home
a center of the hospitality of hospitable Richmond, and with
tastes better suited to spending than to accumulating a for
tune, Ritchie was kept constantly to the wall. At times his
dependence upon friends and banks for loans embarassed
him as an editor, and, in an evil hour of his fame, it was
the hope of remedying his finances that induced him to go
to Washington. Had it not been for the timely and deserved
relief extended by Congress, he would doubtless have died in
poverty. Ritchie's home life was ideal. At the age of twenty-
nine he had married Miss Isabella Harminson Foushee,
daughter of Dr. William Foushee, a distinguished physician
of Richmond. To this marriage were born twelve children :
Isabella, always referred to by her father in his correspon
dence as "my dear Bell," Mary, John, William Foushee,
Robert Rufiin, Margaret, Thomas, Jr., Charlotte, Frances,
Anne Eliza, George, and Virginia. In the midst of this
large and charming family circle Father Ritchie appeared
at his best, the beau ideal of a gentleman of the model of the
old French school and a kind and indulgent parent. The

A Study in Virginia Politics 297
sons received the best education obtainable in this country,
and William F. spent some years abroad in a study of the
modern languages. The daughters received training in the
private schools of Richmond and under the direction of their
father who spent many an hour in their instruction. To
them he was peculiarly tender and affectionate. When
speaking of them to friends and acquaintances, it is said,
that his eyes sparkled with that pleasure which evinces true
satisfaction and pride. He also loved his grandchildren, and
a large part of his holidays and of the period of his retire
ment was spent in romping with them upon the green lawn
or in the halls of the palatial home of his dear Bell at Bran
don. Both children and grandchildren had his first thoughts
and deepest interests. On the occasion of the birth of his
fifth daughter and eighth child he wrote his brother Archi
bald as follows : "What a load upon a man to do justice by
such a crowd and give them all a good education. However,
they must do as well as they can for themselves (the boys,
of course, I mean). As to the girls, they must behave well
and try to fijc themselves as well as they can, or live con
tentedly without extravagance in their father's house."
It is needless to say that children thus carefully reared
rarely fell short of their father's expectations. Isabella
married George E. Harrison and became the mistress of
Brandon, whence her famed hospitality extended through
out the states and even to Europe ; Mary became Mrs.
Thomas Green. William F. became the editor and proprie
tor of the Enquirer, which he continued to edit with marked
ability even into the period of the War between the States,
always adhering to the conservative and conciliatory policy
of his father. Robert Ruffim was a distinguished physician
and practiced in the vicinity of Brandon. Margaret became
the wife of Robert King Stone, a ceTebrated physician of
Washington and a friend of Abraham Lincoln. Until his
death, which occurred on May 22, 1854, about six weeks
before that of his father, Thomas, Jr., was associated with
his brother as joint editor and proprietor of the Enquirer.

208 Thomas Ritchie
It was he who accepted a challenge in an affair of honor
which resulted fatally to John Hampden Pleasants and cast
a shadow over his own life to the time of his death. Char
lotte married John Gittings, and Anne Eliza, a famous
beauty, became Mrs. William B. Cross. George died while
yet a young man, and Virginia never married but, after her
sister's death, continued to reside at Brandon and to share
in the distribution of its hospitality.
Thus Ritchie had lived to see most of his children hap
pily married and some of them on the road to service and
even to fame; he himself had a comfortable living; friends
were respectful and appreciative ; and the joys of the several
firesides around which he was called grandfather were
sources of true comfort and delight. These were certainly
suitable blessings for a stormy life spent in the service of
others, and human justice would have continued them in
definitely. But the God of nature decreed otherwise. Be
neath the outer cover of cheer and vigor the iron constitu
tion of the venerable editor was wearing slowly away. When
his final illness came he expressed the belief that he would
never recover; nevertheless, he was calm and poised, patient
and benevolent, conversing freely and frankly upon public
affairs and uttering his counsels and warnings with his usual
tone and power, and declaring, as he had ever done, that his
solicitude for his country was high and buoyant.
On many notable occasions the pealing anthems of our
national anniversary have mingled with the requiem and the
dirge of statesmen and patriots, but never did they fall upon
a nobler, purer soul than that of Thomas Ritchie. He died
at 12 o'clock noon, July 3, 1854. Following a brief funeral
service which was attended by the President, members of his
cabinet, scores of senators and representatives in Congress.
and a vast concourse of loving admirers, his remains were
taken to Richmond and laid to rest in Hollywood at a beau
tiful spot overlooking the James which he loved and by the
side of Avhich his greatest battles had been won. The in
scriptions upon his monument are those that Ritchie him-

x\. Study in Virginia Politics 299
self might have selected. In one side this appears : "In
memory of Thoinas Ritchie, founder of the Richmond En
quirer, and for more than forty years, the controlling spirit
of that Journal," and on another this expressive character
ization: "He never turned his back upon his country, was
always devoted to his friends, and never dreaded his
enemies." Regardless of party affiliations the press of the whole
country hastened to pay tribute to the venerable dead. His
political enemies, for he had few others, had never hated
him personally, the charm of his personal purity having
made even them to be "at peace with him." Of the many
tributes paid to him the following from the Washington Sen
tinel, then edited by a man whom he had practically reared,
is the most appropriate for this biography:
"No impure thought ever found a resting place in that old man's
heart. The world thought that he was shrewd and cunning, but the world
did not know him. Mr. Ritchie was a plain, free spoken man with inteiiie
personal attachments, aud, we believe, without an animosity toward a
living man. For fifty years he has been an active combatant. He has
gone down to the tomb without an enemy." '
Ritchie died as he had lived, a patriot, loyal to the whole
country and true to his original conception of the nature of
the federal government. At the time of his death all efforts,
to compromise the differences between the North and the
South seemed futile, and he was distressed to see the states
again estranged and the stars of the great constellation of
commonwealths dimmed and unstable in their spheres. Un
like the venerable George Mason he di3^ not, however, despair
of the republic. In the closing paragraph of his last will
and testament,® which is its own apology for quoting here
as the closing paragraph of this biography, he, in a patriotic
retrospect of the past and vision of the future and in a con
cise statement of his own political philosophy, dedicated his,
sons to the public service. Said he :
' Richmond Enquirer, July 7, 1854.
'Ibid., July 25, 1854.

300 Thomas Ritchie
"I hold it to be the duty of every citizen to watch over the
interests of the country of which he is a member, and such a free
and glorious country as this is.' Who is not proud of her destiny?
Who is not willing to give his services and even his life to the main
tenance of the great principles on which her free and federal institutions
are based? America has made one of the greatest pqjitical discoveries
which the world has witnessed: a form of government which reserves to
the states and their people the power of regulating most of the functions
which appertain to government, leaving but very few powers, and they
only of the most general and yet important character, to the jurisdic
tion of the federal authortities. Hence the specification which is made
in the constitution of those powers, which the United States are to
exercise in their legitimate sphere; and hence the necessity of watching
over the operation of the machinery and repairing its excesses, when it
threatens the rights of the States. We are already the greatest power
among the nations. We are destined to be greater still, but let us not be
too ambitious, or too rapid in our advances. Let us fill up the immense
territory which we own. Let us not be too anxious to step our foot
from the mainland to the islands, unless indeed, as in the case of Cuba,
we are threatened by the barbarization of that beautiful island and its
conversion into a black and hostile neighborhood. Let us not deny to
the inhabitants of other lands (evidently a warning against the Native
American movement and the Knownothings ) a free asylum into our own
shores; but let us confine ourselves to the operation of natural causes.
Iri this way we may b^st acclimate the emigrant to our free institutions.
Preserve both the Rights of the Union and the Rights of the States.
These are the two great pillars of American prosperity and glory."

A Study in Virginia Politics 301

APPENDIX I.
Gexealogy of Williaji Roane and Mary Upshur.'
1. Thomas Roane x Mary A. Hipkins.
Children: Sarah x Archibald Campbell who left a son
Hugh X Nancy Gatewood and Mary Fleet; Margaret x A. C.
Harwood and Thomas Garnett and left, by the first marriage,
Archibald R. and Thomas Harwood and, by the second, Henry,
James, John R., Annie M. and Emily C. Garnett; Alice x
Sterling Ruffin whose children were Judge Thomas Ruffin of
N. C. X Annie Kirkland, Minerva x Edward Delany and George
McNiel, father of Rev. George and Rev. James McNiel, Mary
R. x William Cain, William , James H. of N. C. and Ala. x
Susan Williams; Molly and Mary; Rebecca x Richard Barnes;
Martha Hipkins x Archibald Ritchie whose children were Janet
X Richard Rowzee, Juliet x Dr. Clopton and Mr. Roy, and
Archibald x Miss Spindle; the eight child (  ) "never
married; Lucy x Edwin Upshur; Catherine x Archibald Ruffin
of N. C. : Archibald; Thomas x Mary A. Wilson and left Char
lotte, Maria x Dr. A. B. Westmore, Isabella x Horace Waring,
Lawrence and Thomas; WilUam; Samuel; and John x Agnes
Kazier.
The children of Janet (nee) Ritchie and Richard Rowzee were
Mary x Mr. McDonald, Juliet x Dr. James Latang, and Archibald x
Katharine Lewis. Dr. James Latane left four children : Anne Bur
well X R. L. Ware whose children are Edward M., Robert L., Wm. L.,
Henry H., Burwell, Ritchie, John, and Catsby; Janet Roane Ritchie
X William Campbell whose children are Janet x Alfred Bagby, Anne
X R. C. Williams, Mary, Wade H., and Courtney x R. G. Neale;
Rev. William Catsby Latane x Miss Wilson and left Wilson, Janet
Ritchie, Henry A., William C, Lawrence W., James, and Bettie W. ;
and Mary 8. x M. S. Sale whose children are Mrs. Meriwether Smith,
Charles, Dandridge, Latang, Ritchie, Lewis, and Mrs. Alger Shaw.
2. John Roane x Miss Jones of Middlesex.
Children: John of King William county, who was for
many years a representative in Congress, and Molly x James
RuflBn who left Robert x Lucy Roane and Miss Haskins, John,
James x Agnes Dandridge, Lucy x Mr. Haskins, Thomas, and
Sterling.
3. William Roane x Judy Ball of the Northern Neck.
Childrem: Thomas; Spencer, President of the Virginia
Court of Appeals and father of W. H. Roane who was a repre
sentative and senator in Congress; Judy x Mr. Proudfit; Sarah
X James Dykes who left a daughter, Sarah x William Bernard.
The children of William Bernard and his wife, Sarah, were Eliza
" For years this genealogy has been preserved on a piece of card
board in Lower Brandon. Few additions have been made to it, and
these only by parties who were themselves Interested.

.302 Thomas Ritchie
Frances x Thomas Semmes, Professor at V. M. I. x Louise Brocken
brough whose children are Mrs. Howard Jones, Bernard, Alice x Corse,
Louise X Brooks, and Thomas, and Sarah Ann x Judge John A. Mere
dith who had twelve children, William B., James, Walter, Mary Ella,
Sarah Roane, Eliza B. x .J. Preston Cocke, Charles V. x Sophy G.
Rose, Edward D. x Lelia Withers, ,Iohn, Julian, Wyndham R. x Ann
Marson, and Lelia B. x Richard I. Manning. J. Preston Cocke's chil
dren are Ella M., Edmonia Madison Randolph, Sarah B., and Eliza
beth P. Chas V. Meredith's children are Katie Rose x Max L. Talbot,
Sophie R., Sarah B., and Bernard. Wyndham R. Meredith's children
are John A., Marion, and Alice. Richard I. Manning's children are
Sarah B. x Rev. Alfred Berkeley, Richard I., John M., Wm. S. x Barbara
Brodie, Vivian M. x Adair McDowell, Bernard, Wyndham M., Eliza
beth, St. George S., Laelius M., Burwell D., John Adger, and Preston
Cocke. 4. Molly Roane x Archibald Ritchie.
Children: Col. Archibald, who commanded in the Second
War with Great Britain, x Martha Hipkins Roane (see descen
dants of Thomas Roane) ; Margaret x William Rufiin of N. C. ;
Janet x Dr. Buckner of Ky.; William, Captain John, who fell in
an engagement near Lunday's Lane; Thomas, founder of the
Richmond Enquirer, x Isabella Harminson Foushee; and Molly
X Mr. Hopper and Gov. Robert Brooke, of Va.
To Thomas Ritchie and his wife, Isabella, twelve children were
born : Isabella H. X Goerge Evelyn Harrison of Brandon ; Mary Roane
X Thomas Green; John; Willi-am Foushee x Anna Core Mowatt, nee
Ogden, the celebrated actress; Dr. Robert Ruffin; Thomas; Margaret
F. X Robert King Stone, the friend and physician of Abaham Lincoln;
Charlotte Carter x John S'erret Gittings; Frances Gantier; Ann Eliza,
the celebrated beauty, x Wm. B. Cross; George Harrison; and Virginia.
George Ereh/n Harrison and his wife, Isabella, had two children,
George Evelyn x Guhilma Clifford Gordon of Savannah, Georgia, and
Isabella Ritchie. George Evelyn Harrison and his wife, Guhilma,
left five children: Guhilma Gordon x Richard Cuyler; George Evelyn
X IWary Walker and left two children, Evelyn Byrd and Virginia
Ritchie; William Gordon x Sadie King and left two children, William
Gordon and George Evelyn ;Zsa6eHa Ritchie x Stephen Decatur Mayo;
and Robert Clifford x Eliza McKay Huger and left two children,
Isabella and Joe Huger.
Thomas Green and his wife, Mary Roane, left six children:
Isabella Foushee x Wm. Jessup Ward whose children were Mary
Roane, Wm. J., Charles R., and George x Eliza Byrd Page; Thomas
Ritchie; Julia Peyton ; William Carter; Emily Smith x Sydney Ashe
Legare of South Carolina whose children were James, Sarah Seabrook
who married Morton Waring Simmons, Balie Peyton x Liefji von
Herwerden, Sydney A., Thomas Green, Marie Stone, and Sydney
Claude; Bernard Peyton.
Dr. Robert King Stone and his wife, Margaret F., had three chil
dren, Jane Southall x Dr. George Byrd Harrison, Isabella, and Thomas
Ritchie x Lelia Whitney. Dr. George Byrd Harrison left two children,
William Evelyn and Margaret Ritchie, and Dr, Thomas Ritchie Stone
left two children, Lillian Gannett x George Appleby and Robert King.

A Study in Virginia Politics 303
5. Sarah Roane x John Brockenbrough.
Children: John. President of the Bank of Virginia, x Mrs.
Maun Randolph; William, Judge of the Court of Appeals of
Virginia, x Judith White; Lucy x James Cox; Arthur; Thomas;
and Dr. Austin,.
Sarah Jane, eldest daughter of .Judge Wm. Brockenbrough, x
Edward Colston whose children were Eli~abeth Marshall x R. Alfred
Williams whose children were Alfred B. x Mary Brice, Edward Dan
dridge, Rosalie B. x Wm. E. Page; Mary Brockenbrough x Wm. Leigh
whose children were Benj. Watkins, Edward Colston, Wm. Robinson,
Elizabeth M., and Thomas; Raleigh, killed in the War between the
States; Wm. B. x Minnie Suniiiiers and left children, Susan, Jane,
Elizabeth Marshall x Wm. Trapnell, and Sophia Hunter x Wm. Corn
wall; Lucy B. X Bennet Taylor; Minnie x Dr. Michie; Edward x Sally
Stevenson and Mary Stevenson.
Judge Wm. Brockenbrough's 'second child, John W., Judge of the
U. S. District Court for western Virginia, x Mary Bowyer and left
Bowyer x Alice Murrell, William x Miss Major, Willoughby Newton
x Miss Thomas, Louisa x Thomas M. Semmes, Robet L. x Miss Grasty,
and Frank.
Judge Wm. Brockenbrough's third child was Elizabeth x Mr.
Philips, and the fourth, Mary, x Willoughby Newton to whom was
born John B., x Roberta Page Williamson; Hon. Willoughby whose
children were Mary Mann Page and Wm. B., Sally x John Phillips
Smith whose children were Willoughby Newton, Mary Newton, Wil
liam Newton, and Raleigh Colston.
Judge Wm. Brockenbrough's fifth child was William and the
sixth, July X Rev. J. P. McGuire whose daughter, Fenton x Rev.
Kinlach Nelson. His second daughter, Emily, x Phillip Nelson.
6. Lucy Roane x Richard Barnes.
Children: Richard x Rebecca Roane to whom was born
Lucy X Mr. Branham, Maria x Phillip Claiborne, Charlotte x
Mr. Wright, Thomas, Richard, and Arthur.
6. Lucy Roane x Moore Fontelroy Brockenbrough.
Children: Col. Moore F. x (  ) whose children
were Walter, Littleton, John M. of the C. S. Army, (  )
X W. R. Aylett, Ella, and Edward; and two daughters.

INDEX
"A. B." plot, suggested by Edwards, 93.
Abolition, beginnings of, 100; opposed in Virginia, 165; considered a
political move, 167; in local politics, 175; attacked by Ritchie,
207; influenced by Texas agitation, 222.
Adams, Dr. John, 16.
Adams, John Quincy, author of Monroe Doctrine, 84 ; candidate for
presidency, 85; popular in New England, 88; characteristics, 89;
elected President, 99 ; first message to Congress, 101 ; use of
General Survey Act, 115; visited Richmond, 244.
Agriculture, chair of in University, 221.
Albany Regency, loyalty to Crawford, 94; influence upon Ritchie, 153.
Alexander, Nath., opposed gradual emancipation, 166.
Allen, Senator William, opposed Ritchie, 261; defended Ritchie, 266;
dissatisfaction with Ritchie, 276.
Ambler, Jacqueline, Justice Marshall's father-in-law, 16.
Ambler, Major John, 16.
American System, popular in Virginia, 87 ; popular in western Vir
ginia, 149.
Anderson, John T., letter to Mr. O'Callaghan, 213.
Archer, Wm. S'., democratic leader, 139; opposed Proclamation, 152;
joined Whig party, 161.
Atlanta (Ga.) Chronicle, comments upon Ritchie, 173.
Baker, John, Federalist, 56.
Baldwin, B. G., member of constitutional convention, 121.
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Co., chartered, 115.
Bancroft, George, Secretary of Navy, 260.
Banks, Linn, speaker of H. of Delegates, 164.
Banks and banking, first bank in Virginia, 26; proposed re-charter of
Bank of U. S., 51; movement for, in western Virginia, 66;
banks incorporated at Winchester and Wheeling, 67; bank of
U. S., re-chartered, 72; branch bank of Bank of U. S. in Rich
mond, 72; attacks upon Bank of U. S., 74; Richmond monopoly,
177; independent treasury, 194; "free banking" system opposed
by Ritchie, 208.
Barbour, James, supported Adams, 89; member of cabinet, 103.
Barbour, P. P., elected to Congress, 73; member of anti-tariff con
vention, 143; candidate for vice-presidency, 146.
"Barnburners," political faction, 246.
Bayly, Gen, T. H., negotiations with Ritchie, 247 ; accompanied Ritchie
'to see Clay, 281.

Benton, Thomas H., for annexation of Texas, 129; hard money policy,
187; popular in Virginia, 191; "Great Expunger," 192; sug
gested for presidency, 211; for Van Buren, 1844, 227; suggested
for presidency, 241 ; opposed annexation of Texas, 251 ; friend
of Blair, 252; interest in internal improvements, 271.
Biddle, Nicholas, ridiculed by Ritchie, 149.
Blair, F. P., editor, 69 ; editor of Jacksonian organ, 109 ; editor of
Globe, 137; efforts to depose, 246; retired from Globe, 255;
supported Van Buren for presidency, 1848, 268; rejoiced in
Ritchie's failures, 276.
Boston Repertory, opposed embargo, 46.
Brandon, on James, 207.
Breckenridge, James, Federalist, 56.
Brockenbrough, Dr. John, marriage, 15; social leader, 15; banker,, 27;
for war with Great Britain, 43 ; war-hawk, 57 ; member of anti-
tariff convention, 143; consulted Van Buren about financial con
ditions, 193; suggested independent treasury, 194; supported
Van Buren, 205; suggested for governor, 212.
Brooke, Judge, Clay's friend, 137.
Brown, Aaron V., comment on Texas, 235; hostility to Blair, 246.
Buchanan, James, favored treasury system, 194; suggested for presi
dency, 241 ; secretary of state, 246.
Burke, Edmund, associate editor of Union, 276; retired, 284.
Burr, Aaron, interest in the West, 37.
Burwell, Lewis, 16.
Butler, A. P., Calhoun follower, 268.
Butler, B. F., attitude toward negro slavery, 172.
Cabell, William H., life in Richmond, 15; elected governor, 32; inter
est in manufacturing, 45.
Calhoun, member of 12th Congress, 56; proposed for cabinet, 57;
opposed Jackson's conduct in Florida, 69; nationalist, 72; can
didate for presidency, 85 ; candidacy unpopular, 87 ; incurred
enmity of Ritchie, 88; again popular in Virginia, 106; favored
alliance between New York and Virginia, 108; political friends
in New York and Virginia, 114; accused of disloyalty, 114; dis
appointed in Jackson, 131; breach with Jackson, 135; urged as
Jackson's successor, 137; internal improvement schemes, 141;
fathered nullincation, 141; eiTorts to win West, 156; political
ambitions, 161 ; aided sectional discord, 167 ; supported indepen
dent treasury, 199; internal improvement schemes, 207; reconciled
to Van Buren, 212; suggested for presidency, 227; candidate for
presidency, 228; retired from contest for presidency, 234; neg
lected by Polk, 246; visited Richmond, 252; mistrusted Polk,
260; opposed occupation ot Oregon, 261; drove Ritchie from
Senate fioor, 266 ; repudiated by Va., 269 ; planned to unite South
and West, 270; strict construction, 276.
California, desired statehood, 274.
Cambreleng, C. C, visited the South, 111.
Cameron, Simon, hostility to Globe, 252.
Campbell, Alex., member of constitutional convention, 121.

Campbell, David, elected governor, 185; interest in education, 219.
Carrington, Col. Edward, 16.
Cass, Lewis, letter on nullification, 153; suggested for presidency, 241;
Texas letter, 241; defended Ritchie, 262; failures, 272; for non
intervention, 278.
Charleston Patriot, supported Marshall, 80.
Chesapeake, attacked by Leopard, 42.
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Co., chartered, 115.
Cheves, Landon, member of 12th Congress, 56.
Chilton, Samuel, a Whig, 230.
China, trade of, 277.
Church Hill, home of Adamses, 16.
Clay, Henry, influence upon Ritchie, 23 ; at inauguration of Madison,
49; member of 12th Congress, 56; proposed for Cabinet, 57;
interest in Spanish America, 72; nationalist, 72; candidate for
presidency, 85 ; visit to Richmond, 87 ; a nationalist, 88 ; popu
lar in Va., 88 ; popular in West, 88 ; characteristics, 89 ; favored
by Va. for vice presidency, 94; choice of Junto for vice-presi
dency, 98; breach with Ritchie, 99; candidate for presidency, 137;
efforts to win South, 156; unpopular in Va., 157; political ambi
tions, 161; Whig orator, 215; opposition to Tyler, 223; retired
to private life, 225 ; opposed annexation of Texas, 232 ; "Raleigh
letter," 237; interest in internal improvements, 270; compromise
of 1850, 279; speech on compromise, 280; eulogized by Ritchie,
288.
Clinton, DeVVitt, candidate for presidency, 85.
Cohens vs. Virginia, authority in case, 81.
Coles, Betsy, letter to A. Stevenson, 99.
Compromise of 1850, proposed, 279; defended by Clay, 280.
Congressional Caucus, favored Crawford, 91.
Conservatives, beginnings of, 197; successes in Va., 202; balance of
power in Va., 208.
Constitution, spirit of, 22.
'"Construction Construed," written by John Taylor, 80.
Conventions, Staunton, 68; Harrisburg, 113; Va. constitutional con
vention of 1829-30, 119; anti-tariff convention of 1831, 142;
Southern proposed, 173; educational, 219.
Conventions, political, national nominating convention proposes, 86;
national convention endorsed by Van Buren, 107; Baltimore con
vention, 1835, 170.
Cooke, John L., joint editor of Enquirer, 118.
Cooper, Dr., teacher of Manchester doctrines, 124.
Corporal's Guard, 223.
Courts, decisions of Federal Supreme, 73.
Cralle, R. K., Calhoun protegfi, 233.
Crawford, W. H., candidate for presidency, 64; nationalist, 72; cur
rency report of 1820, 76; candidate for presidency, 85; can
didacy nation-wide, 86; popular in South, 88; political record,
90; caucus nominee for presidency, 92; followers support
Jackson, 117.

Cuba, desired by the U. S., 71.
Daniel, P. V., war-hawk, 57; member of Junto, 139; suggested for
U. S. Senate, 144; on political conditions in Va., 158; de
feated for council, 164; accepted independent treasury; criticized
Van Buren, 204; supported Van Buren, 205; estimates of
Ritchie, 206.
Davis, Garrett, Whig, 264.
Davis, Jefferson, strict construction, 276.
"Decius,'' essays by, 35; commended Jefferson, 36.
Dessalines, black chieftain, 25.
Dew, Thomas R., writing on negro slavery, 167.
Dickens, Charles, entertained by Ritchie, 294.
Distribution Bill, passed, 182.
Doddridge, Philip, member of constflutional convention, 121.
Douglas, Stephen A., opposed Ritchie as editor, 283.
Dromgoole, George C, local democratic leader, 110, 139; member ot
anti-tariff convention, 143; supported Van Buren, 205; for
Van Buren, 1844, 227, 229 ; loyalty to Van Buren, 240.
Duane, attacks Ritchie, 30, influence with Madison, 56.
"Dutch," in Valley, 217.
Eaton, John, influence with Jackson, 136.
Eaton, Mrs. John, 135, 139.
Edwards, Ninian, attacks Crawford, 93.
Elections, presidential of 1808, 46; presidential of 1816, 63; presidential
election of 1820, 85; presidential election of 1824, 86-88; im
portance of that of 1828, 126; presidential election of 1832, 146-
149; local elections of 1835, 169; presidential of 1836, 179;
local in Va., 1838, 202; local of 1840 in Va., 214; presidential
of 1844, 226, 242-245.
Embargo, proposed, 43; repealed, 45, 55.
Erskine, Minister to U. S., 53; recalled, 54.
Essex Junto, reproduced in Va., 27.
Eustice, Dr. William, Secretary of War, 60.
Examiner, organ of reform party, 18.
Exposition, work of Calhoun, 114.
Federalists, defend Burr, 38, 40; crushed in Va., 74.
Florida, occupation of, 28; impotency of Spain, 29; trouble with
Spain, 32; purchase suggested, 36; invaded, 69.
Floyd, John, elected to Congress, 73; as a leader, 103; suggested for
cabinet, 127 ; disappointed in Jackson, 131 ; opposed by Jackson,
134; letter to Col. John Williams, 135; deserted Jackson, 135;
comments upon Jackson, 136; comments upon Ritchie, 138;
forced to support Jackson, 139; comments upon Ritchie, 145; com
ments upon Ritchie and Junto, 153; attempted to win Clay,
156; loss of influence, 169.
Foote, Senator, suggested committee of thirteen, 281.

Foushee, William, interest in manufacturing, 45; war-rawk, 57.
France, interest in Florida, 33; attacked American commerce, 41;
E'erlin decrees, 43; reprisals upon commerce, 163.
Gallatin, Albert, election of 1808, 48; for re-charter of bank of U. S.,
5i ; cabinet official, 57; nominated for vice-presidency, 92;
eniorsed by Va. for vice-presidency, 94; abolitionist, 238.
Gamble, Major Robert, owner of Gray House, 15.
Garland, Hugh A., editor, 201.
Garland, James, Conservative leader, 200.
Garnett, James M., interest in education, 220.
Garrison, W. L., abolitionist, 283.
Gazette, Federalist organ in Richmond, 19.
Genealogy, See Appendix.
"General Survey Act," used by Adams, 115.
Georgia, dispute with Indians, 100.
Giles, W. B., election of 1808, 47; opposed for Secretary of State, 50;
war-hawk, 57 ; retired from Congress, 58 ; as a leader, 103 ; at
tempts to re-enter public life, 105; message on federal relations,
113; accused of disloyalty, 114; favored election of Jackson, lib;
member of constitutional convention, 121; loss of influence, 169;
opposed right of instruction, 178.
Gilmer, Thomas W., deserted Jackson, 135; attempted to displace
Ritchie, 136; Democrats attempt to win, 201; left Whig party,
222; member of "Corporal's Guard," 223.
Gladstone, comments upon nature of our government, 22.
Globe, criticised Stevenson, 188; sold to Ritchie, 253.
Gooch, C. W., letter to Van Buren, 95; joint editor of Enquirer, 118;
letter to Van Buren regarding Ritchie, 122; on political condi
tions in Va., I'oS.
Goode, Wm. O., local Democratic leader. 111; aflaliated with Democrats,
214; nominated for Congress, 230, Calhoun supporter, 251.
Gordon, William F., suggested independent Treasury, 194.
Great Britain, attacked American commerce, 41 ; industrial conditions,
42 ; orders in Council, 43 ; industrial conditions, 44 ; orders in
Council, 54; interest in Florida and Northwest Territory, 61;
interest in Florida and Cuba, 71; importations of, 76; interest
in South America and Cuba, 83 ; interest in Texas, 232, 238, 243.
Green, Duff, editor, 109; editor of U. S. Telegraph, 111; supported
Calhoun for presidency, 137; attacked Ritchie and Van Burei;,
144; attempts to defeat Van Buren, 156; aided sectional discord,
167; opposed Blair, 251.
Grey House, 15.
Gray, Edwin, "Quid," 16.
Grundy, Felix, member of 12th Congress, 56.
Gwin, Dr. W. McK., received letter from Van Buren, 172.
Hammett, W. H., 238.
"Hampden," letters of, 80.
Harrison, George E., 297.

Harrison, Randolph, member of anti-tariff convention, 143.
Harrison, Gen. W. H., nominated for presidency, 179; renomii.-ated for
presidency, 212; abolitionist, 214; opposed annexation cf Texas,
223, death of 223.
Harvie, John, built Grey House, 15; Revolutionary soldier, V:.
Hay, George, election of 1808, 48; war-hawk, 57.
Heiss, John P., Ritchie's associate, 252.
Hopkins, George W., Conservative leader, 200.
Hunter, R. M. T., Speaker of H. of R., 212; Life of Calhoun, 227; de
feated for re-election to Congress, 230; Calhoun supporter, 251.
Hunter vs. Martin, Virginia's court reversed, 80.
Immigrations, westward, 65; effects upon East, 65-66.
"Index," attacked Jefferson, 28.
Independent treasury, proposed by Brockenbrough, 194; rejected by
Rives, 195.
Ingham, Samuel D., favored alliance between N. Y. and Va., 108.
Internal Improvements, following war with England, 64; Chicago con
vention of 1847, 270; between East and far West, 217.
Italy, revolution in, 83.
Jackson, General, invasion of Florida, 69 ; candidate for presidency, 85 ;
endorsed by Penn., 92; Ritchie's estimates of, 93; leader of op
position in Va., 99 ; favored by Va. and N. Y. for presidency,
105; favored by Va. politicians, 111; popular in western Va.,
115; elected President, 117; an innovator, 128; renominated,
130; toast on Federal Union, 131; vetoed Maysville Bill, 132;
breach with Calhoun, 135; forced resignation of cabinet, 138;
vetoed Bank Bill, 149; re-elected to presidency, 149; issued
Proclamation, 151; denounced nullifiers in Va., 152; censured
by Senate and protested, 159; policy in dealing with France, 174;
supported independent treasury, 199; for Van Buren, 1844, 227;
on annexation of Texas, 232, Texas letter, 236 ; friend of Blair,
252.
Jefferson, Thomas, interest in founding Enquirer, 18; anti -salvery senti
ment, 25; breach with Randolph, 30; peace policy, 33; friend
of Miranda, 36; published writings upon banking, 67; parti-
cularist, 73; praised Ritchie, 81; party leader, 82; Monroe Doc
trine, 84; friendship for Adams, 98; comments about the West,
102; birthday celebrated, 131; father of nullification, 142; on
negro slavery, 271.
Johnson, Cave, hostility to Blair, 246; negotiations with Ritchie, 247.
Johnson, Chapman, member of constitutional convention, 121.
Johnson, Richard M., member of 12th Congress, 56 ; suggested as
Speaker, 156; nominated for vice-presidency, 171; repudiated by
Va., 180; unpopular in Va., 184; suggested for presidency, 241.
Jones, Skelton, editor of Examiner, 18.
Kendall, Amos, influence with Jackson, 136.
Kentucky Reporter, supported Marshall, 80.
Kercbival, Samuel, Jefferson's letter to, 68.

King, Rufus, opposed Missouri Compromise, 78; candidate for presi-
denc}', 85.
"Kitchen Cabinet," beginnings of, 112.
Leake, W. D., candidate for Congress, 269.
Leib, Michael, infiuence with Madison, 156.
Leigh, B. W., resident of, 16; attack upon Nicholas, 47; member of
constitutional convention, 121 ; elected to Federal Senate, 157 ;
re-elected to Senate, 159, 164; suggested for vice-prsidency,
162; attempts to drive him from the Senate, 162; driven from
Senate, 178.
Letcher, John, friend of McDowell, 229.
Lewis, Joseph, Federalist, 56.
Lewis, William B., influence with Jackson, 136.
Liancourt, Duke de La Rochefoucauld, description of Richmond, 13.
Livingston, Edward, author of Proclamation, 151.
Louisiana purchase, political issue, 28 ; exchanged for Florida, 36.
Lyons, James, Texas Whig, 251.
Lowndes, Wm., candidate for presidency, 185.
McClurg, Dr. James B., 16.
McDonald, Angus, 245.
McDowell, James, favored Special Circular, 192; supported Van Buren,
205; leader of Va. Democracy, 210; suggested for governorship,
211; suggested for U. S. Senate, 212; abolitionist, 214; supported
for presidency iu 1844, 227 ; candidate for governor, 229.
Mc-DiifTie, George, visited Richmond, 111.
McRea, Alex., 16.
Macon, N., friend of Randolph, 31; for war with Spain, 32; interest
in Burr, 37; author of "Macon Bills," 55.
Madison, James, candidate for presidency, 31; candidacy effected by
local conditions in Va., 34; nominated for presidency by \a,., 47;
adhered to peace policy, 53; particularist, 73; Monroe Doctrine.
84; elector on Adams ticket, 116; member of constitutional con
vention, 121.
Madisonian, Conservative Organ, 197 ; Tyler Organ, 225.
Mann, Horace, educator, 12.
Manufacturers, protected by tariff, 44.
Marcey, W. L., Secretary of War, 260.
Marshall, John, relations with Ritchie, 17; dined with Burr, 40; the
Burr trial, 41; political activity, 116; member of constitutional
convention, 121.
Maryland, interest in internal improvements, 64.
Mason, J. M., conservative leader, 200; deserted Rives, 200.
Mason, John Y., local Democratic leader, 110; suggested for U. S
Senate, 213.
Masons, political party, 116.
Maysville Bill, vetoed, 132.
Meade, R. K., attacks upon Ritchie, 283.

Mercer, C. F., opposed war with Great Britain, 42; member of con
stitutional convention, 121.
Methodist Church, dismembered, 259.
Mexico, revolution in, 71, 83, 129.
Miranda, General, leader of Spanish patriots, 36.
Missouri, admission of, 77-79; negro slavery in, 85.
Monroe Doctrine, suggested, 36.
Monroe, James, candidate of the Quid party, 91; treaty with Great
Britain, 42; nominated for presidency by Va., 47; elected to
presidency in 1816, 63; particularist, 73; re-election and Mis
souri Compromise, 79; veto of 1822 and "Views," 82; message on
South America, 83; elector on Adams ticket, 116; member of con
stitutional convention, 121.
Moore, Bishop, 16.
Morgan, W. S., conservative leader, 200.
Nashville Convention, ultimatum, 282.
Napoleon, banishment to Elba, 60; returns from Elba, 62.
Nationalism, effect upon the West, 68.
National Intelligenver, organ of Jeffersonian party, 19 ; favored Mo.
Compromise, 79; supported Marshall, 80; parties in Va., 82; sup
ported Monroe, 85 ; favored Clay for vice-presidency, 95 ; com
ments upon Ritchie, 113; on nullification, 114; opposed annexa
tion of Texas, 130.
Negro slavery, reaction against abolition of, 25; fight for extension
Missouri, 77; defended by South, 100; abolition opposed by
Ritchie, 120; discussed in Congress, 164; in District of Columbia,
176; agitation revived, 259; westward extension, 270; attempt
to exclude from D. of C, 274; fugitive slaves, 279.
New England, opposed embargo, 46; opposed war of 1812, 62.
New York, activity in internal improvements, 64; political relations with
the South, 85; with Va., 87; political ally of Va., 107; effect of
alliance with Va., 109; opposed Rives for vice-presidency, 171;
differences on slavery, 222.
Nicholas, Judge P. N., resident of 16; war-hawk, 57; bank director, 72;
letter to Van Buren, 106.
Nicholas, W. C, part in election of 1808, 47; bank director, 72.
Niles, Hezekiah, comments upon Va., 105. ,
Nullification, fathered by Calhoun, 124; activity of leaders, 131. 133;
aided by Tariff Bill of 1832, 149; ordinance adopted, 150.
Ohio, taxed U. S. bank, 75.
Oregon, territory of, 83; claims to, 261; attitude of North toward, 273.
Orr, James L., attacked Ritchie, 285.
Panama canal, proposed, 72, 277.
P.inama Congress, proposed, 100.
Panics, causes of , 1819, 77; causes of, 1837, 103.

Park, John, editor, 46.
Parker, R. E., accused of disloyalty, 114; member of Junto, 139; sup
ported Van Buren for vice-presidency, 145; letter to Van Buren,
183; elected to Sonnte, 185; accepted independnt treasury, 195;
"gum-shoe" politician, 201; criticized Van Buren, 204; sup
ported Van Buren. 205.
Particularism, reaction toward, 72.
Pendleton, Edmund, author of the "Danger Not Over," 23 ; essay
republished in Enquirer, 125.
Pennsylvania, interest iu internal improvements, 64; supported Cal
houn for presidency, 85; deserted Calhoun, 92; renominated
Jackson, 130. z
Phillips, Wendell, abolitionist, 283.
Pinkney. William, Minister to England, 54.
Pitt, William, influence on neutral commerce, 33.
Pleasants, John Hampden, editor of Lynchburg Virginian, 90; wrote
Ritchie's obituary, 95; efforts to overthrow Ritchie, 103; leader
of Wliig press, 162; opposition leader, 192; comments upon Sua
bian Dutch," 217;; killed in duel, 298.
Pleasants, James, popular in Va., 116.
Pleasants, Samuel, war-hawk, 57.
Poinsett, J. R., report on militia, 214.
Political Parties, origin of National-Republican and National Demo
cratic, 83; Whig party formed, 155; Conservatives, 197.
Polk, James K., suggested for vice-presidency, 235; nominated for
presidency, 242; elected, 245; defended Ritchie, 262, 273; mes
sage of 1848, 274.
Porter, Peter B., member of 12th Congress, 56.
Press, freedom of, 166; effected by public printing, 265; tone ot, ele
vated by Ritchie, 293.
Printing, public, job printing, 264.
Proclamation, 151.
Prussia, educational system, 220.
Public lands, speculation in, 65; sales of, 182.
"Quids," party of discontent, 31; principles of, 35; defend Burr, 39.
Randolph, John, anti-slavery sentiment, 25; opposed Yazoo claims, 30;
attacked Madison, 31; for war with Spain, 32; opposed peace
policy, 33; speech on Gregg's resolution, 34; alliance with Fed
eralists, 35 ; author of "Decius," 35 ; interest in Burr, 37 ; op
posed non intercourse act, 42; opposed embargo, 43; "Constant
Reader," 48; opposed war with England, 58; apostle of repub
licanism, 73 ; elected to U. S. Senate, 103 ; power as opposition
leader, 105; member of constitutional convention, 121; seces
sionist, 124; minister to Russia, 129; endorsed Van Buren for
vice-presidency, 144; supported Van Buren for vice-presidency,
145 ; first suggested independent treasury, 194.
Randolph, Peyton, interest in manufacturing, 45; war-hawk, 57.
Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, favored Specie Circular ,192; entertained
Van Buren, 204; supported Van Buren, 205; for Van Buren,
1844, 227. ' IX

"Republican Blues,'' 43.
Resolutions of 98, authorship, 50; interest of nullifiers in, 134.
Rhett, B. H., visited Richmond, 231; disloyal, 283.
Richmond, in 1800, 13; social and intellectual center, 14; political and
social life, 17; Federalist stronghold, 17; fondness for disi-
tinction and rank, 17; Wirt's comments upon Richmond, 17;
aided Miranda, 36; in campaign of 1840, 216; educational conven
tion, 220; captured by Democrats, 251.
Richmond Compiler, founded, 63.
Richmond Enquirer, founded, 19; Jeffersonian organ in Va., 19; ac
count of Burr trial, 40; increased its influence, 121; Conserva
tive organ, 199.
Richmond Junto, distribution of spoils, 82; political factor, 90; loyalty
to Crawford, 94; power in Va., 156; repudiated Van Buren, 238.
Ritchie, Archibald, Scotch merchantman, 9; a tory, 10; member of
Committee of Public Safety, 10.
Ritchie, Archibald, military service, 59.
Ritchie, John^ killed at Bridgewater, 59.
Ritchie, Thomas, Jr., joint editor of Enquirer, 230.
Ritchie, William F., joint editor of Enquirer, 230; delegate to Balti
more Convention, 1844, 242.
Ritchie, Thomas, born, 9; maternal influence , 10; relatives and con
nections, 11; education, 11; became a teacher, 12; bookseller, 12;
relations with Justice Marshall, 17; founded Enquirer, 19;
principles and influenced as an editor, 20; strict constructionist,
22 ; influence of Madison and Pendleton, 22 ; anti-slavery move
ment, 25 ; foreign slave-trade, 26 ; interest in banks, 27 ; Louis
iana purchase, 29 ; Yazoo claims, 30 ; failure to win the Quids,
31; defeated for public printer, 32; for war with Spain, 32;
deserted Randolph, 34; defended peace ragine, 35; mistrusted
Miranda, 37 ; confidence in Burr, 37 ; deceived in Burr, 39 ; wrote
"Cursory Reflections," 41 ; criticized Marshall, 61 ; defended em
bargo, 43 ; for protection, 44 ; desired war with England, 45 ; op
posed disunion, 46; defense of Union, 46; election of 1808,
46 ; attacked John Taylor of Caroline, 49 ; for war with Great
Britain, 53; interest in Congressional election of 1812; early
friendship for Calhoun, 56 ; favored war with England, 57 ; a
soldier, 59; part in the war of 1812, 59; opposed peace, 60-61;
spokesman of the new era, 61-62; friend of internal improve
ments, 64 ; attitude toward West, 65 ; opposed state banks, 67 ;
opposed Jackson in Florida, 69 ; opposed war with Spain, 70 ;
favored independence of Spanish America, 71; acquiesced in
nationalism, 72 ; a particularist, 73 ; attacked bank of U. S..
74; opposed tariff, 76; opposed Missouri Compromise, 77; com
mends Roane, 80; comments upon "Construction Construed," 81;
party leader, 82 ; on occupation of Cuba, 83 ; espoused cause of
Greeks, 84 ; suggested Monroe Doctrine, 84 ; endorsed Monroe
Doctrine, 84; opposed re-election of Monroe, 85; supported
Crawford, 86; friendship for Clay, 87; comments upon candidates,
1824, 89; member of Junto, 90-91; comments upon caucuses, 92;
estimates of .lackson, 03; Calhoun's political enemy, 93; loyalty
to Crawford, 94-08; concedes Jackson's election, 1824, 95; political
obituary, 06 ; breach with Clay, 99 ; comments upon abolition,
100; favored internal improvements and schools, 100-101; repudia-

ated Adams, 100-102; letter to A. Ritchie on political condition:
in Va., 104; comments ort Federal relations, 105; reluctance to
accept Jackson, 106; refused editorship of National Organ, 108;
lost an opportunity for service, 110; loyalty to N. Y., 112;
hostility to Clay, 112; concedes legality of tariff, 113; visited
Albany, 113; opposed nullifiers, 114; witnessed Jackson's inau
guration, 117; spokesman of Jacksonian democrats, 118; champion
of local reform, 119; Gooch's opinion of, 122; strengthened by
constitutional convention of 1829 30, 123; opposed nullification,
124, 134; distrust of Jackson, 125; devoted to Va., 125; advice to
Jackson, 126; confidence in Van Buren, 127; condemned ofiice-
seekei-s, 128; for annexation of Texas, 130; for Jackson's re
election, 131; comments on Maysville veto, 132; comments on
West India trade, 133; successful Democratic leader, 139; de
sired retirement of Van Buren from cabinet, 139; internal im
provements, 141 ; denounced Calhoun and nullification, 141 ; op
posed Clay Compromises, 143; endorsed Van Buren for vice-
presidency, 144; suggested for Minister to England, 144; at
tacked Duff Green, 144; supported Van Buren for vice-presi
dency, 145; political leader, 146; confidence in Van Buren, 148;
comments on South Carolina, 150; as a conciliator, 150; accepted
Proclamation, 152 ; attempts to destroy influence of, 152 ; devo
tion to Union, 153; comments on Whigh party, 155; efforts to
remove as public printer, 157 ; on political conditions in Va.,
158; political activity and defeat, 159; comments upon election
of 1834, 160; comments upon Whig party, 160; concern about
Jackson, 163; defeated for public printer, 164; minority leader,
164; favored gradual abolition, 165; called an abolitionist, 167;
"corrupt bargain," with Van Buren, 169; political arbiter, 169;
comments on Rives' candidacy for vice-presidency, 170; opposed
Southern convention in 1835, 173; placed party success before
sectional interests, 173; efforts to control Jackson, 174; re
elected public printer, 174; moderation in dealing with aboli
tionists, and love of Union, 176; opposed increase of state
banks, 177 ; for independence and annexation of Texas, 181 ; op
posed distribution of land sales, 182; interest in election of
1836, 183; mentioned for governor, 183; commended by Van
Buren, 184; denounced abolitionists, 184; at height of power,
185; letter to B. F. Butler regarding Stevenson, 188; defended
credit system and state banks, 191; panic of 1837, 193; rejected
independent treasury, 196 ; proposed banker's convention, 197 ;
letter to Van Buren on indejjendent treasury, 198; continued
opposition to Calhoun, 199; proposed Special Deposit System,
200; letter to Rives, 200; supported Rives, 200; supported Van
Buren, 202 ; responsible for victory of Conservatives, 203 ; letter
to Van Buren, 203 ; pled for compromise, 205 ; underestimated
popularity of independent treasury, 205 ; deserted Rives, 206 ;
as described by Daniel, 206; opposed Calhoun's internal improve
ment policies, 207 ; opposed "free banking," 208 ; renewed loyalty
to Democrats, 210; efforts to redeem Va. from Whigs, 210;
political abilities acknowledged, 211; declaration for inde
pendent treasury, 212; abolitionist, 214; political activity in
1840, 215; edited The Crisis, 215; political leader, 217; interest
in education, 219; pro-slavery advocate, 222; praised Tyler's
vetoes 224 ; defended the Virginia doctrines, 225 ; county named
for 226; denounced by friends of Calhoun, 230; supported Van
Buren, 230; attempted to prevent Texas from becoming a poli-

tical issue, 233; letter to Wright regarding Texas, 236; pub
lished Jackson's Texas letter, 236; an expanionist, 238; letter
to Van Buren, 239; favored Cass for presidency, 241; raised
"Polk and Texas" cry, 243; a miniature Talleyrand, 243; owned
Texas lands, 244; comments on campaign of 1844, 244; devotion
to Va., 246 ; suggested for national spokesman, 247 ; letter to
Gen. Bayly, 247; refused to leave Richmond, 249; on annexation
of Texas, 250; war upon Whigs, 250; lukewarm on secession, 251;
editor of Democratic organ, 253; established Union, 253; on the
tariff. 255; fareivell to Va., 255; opportunities in Washington,
258 ; difficulties, 258 ; comments on negro slavery, 259 ; a con
ciliator, 200; visited Blair, 250; offended South, 260; on occupa
tion of Oregon, 260; difficulties as national editor, 261; reply to
London Times, 262; made new enemies, 263; influence upon press,
265; efforts to depose, 265; attacked U. S. Senate, 268; interest
in internal improvements, 270 ; readmitted to floor of Senate,
271; Wilmot Proviso, 271; publicity mania, 273; for extension of
Missouri Compromise line, 274; adhered to conservatism, 275;
spokesman of border section, 275; Garrison and enigma, 276;
interest in Chinese trade, 277; changed views on internal im
provement, 277; internal improvement schemes, 278; endorsed
non-intervention, 278; considered pro-southern, 279; disap
pointed "fire-eaters" and "fanatics," 280; praised Clay, 280;
supported Compromise of 1850, 281; conference with Clay, 281;
praised Webster, 282 ; condemned Nashville Convention, 282 ;
placed party above sectional interest, 283 ; loyalty to South,
284 ; petitioned Congress for relief, 284 ; financial failures, 285 ;
vindicated by Congress, 285; retired, 286; editorial farewell,
286; eulogized Clay, 288; claims to distinction, 290; not a poli
tical boss, 291; as a great editor, 292; influence upon editors,
294; entertained Dickens, 294; a stoic, 295; financial failures,
296; marriage, 296; children and descendants, 296 (see also
appendix); death, 299; will, 299.
Rives, John C, retired from Globe, 255; comments upon Ritchie, 268.
Rives, W. C, local Democratic leader, 110; minister to France, 129;
suggested for governor, 144; elected to U. S. Senate, 152; retired
from Senate, 157; candidate for vice-presidency, 170; re-elected
to Senate, 178; endorsed Van Buren for presidency, 180; leader
of Conservatives, 187; popular in Va., 192; "Little Expunger,"
192; author of essays by "Camillus," 197; prevented from be
coming Whig, 201; entertained Van Buren, 204; underestimated
popularity of independent treasury, 205; adhered to Conserva
tives, 207 ; Conservative candidate for Senate, 209 ; deserted
Ritchie, 210; suggested for governor, 211; affiliated with Whigs,
213; Whig orator, interest in agriculture, 221.
Roane, Spencer, lawyer, 11; influence upon Ritchie, 23; president of
Va. Court of Appeals, 27 ; for war with Great Britain, 43 ; war-
hawk, 57 ; wrote letters of "Algernon Sydney," 69 ; influence upon
Ritchie, 70; president of Va. Court of Appeals, 73; death of,
73; opposed bank of U. S., 75; as "Hampden," 80; party leader,
82; influence on National-Democratic party, 83.
Roane, William H., member of anti-tariff convention, 143; leader of
Van Buren forces, 146; elected to Senate, 185; for Van Buren,
1844; 228; letter on Texas, 233; opposed annexation of Texas,
237; letter to Van Buren, 238.

Robinson, Conway, 16.
Ruffin, Edmund, editor of Farmer's Register, 221 ; editor of Southern
Magazine, 222.
Russia, encroachment upon Northwest, 83.
Rutherford, Thomas, bank director, 72; on political conditions in
Va., 158.
San Domingo, insurrection in, 25.
Santa Anna, Gen., planned to invade U. S., 181.
Scott, Gen. W. S., suggested for presidency, 213.
Scott, William, decision on neutral carriers, 33.
Sectionalism, factor in elections, 85.
Seddon, James A., Calhoun leader, 229; Calhoun supporter, 251;
friend of Calhoun, 209.
Sergeant, John, candidate for vice presidency, 146.
Sevier, Sen. A. H., defended Ritchie, 267.
Seward, W. H., Governor of N. Y., 200; refused to extradite fugitives,
222.
Sheffey, Daniel, Federalist, 50.
Shepherd, Samuel, elected public printer, 164.
Simonton, J. W., intermediary between Clay and Ritchie, 281.
Shockoe Hill, social centjr, and seat ol Richmond Junto, 15.
Slave-trade, prohibited, 20.
Smith, Adam, influence upon Ritchie, 20, 75.
Smith, George William, 16.
Smith, Robert, influence with Madison, 56.
fetaith, William, supported by Va., for vice-presidency in 1836, 184.
Smith, William (Extra Billy), defeated for Congress, 23-; Calhoun
supporter, 251.
Smyth, Gen., Adams' letter to, 89.
South Carolina, pro-slavery, 26; opposed tariff of 1828, 114; opposed
tariff of 1828, 130; Union Party, 150; efforts to detach Va.
from N. Y., 231.
Spain, interest in Louisiana, 29 ; violates treaty, 69 ; delay in sale
of Florida, 70; revolt of American colonies, 71; revolution in,
83.
Spanish Association, exposed, 38.
Special Deposit System, suggested by Ritchie, 200.
Specie Circular, 187; efforts to repeal, 193.
Stone, Robert King, 297.
Stevenson, Andrew, director in branch bank of Bank of U. S., 72 ;
elected to speakership, 113; accused of disloyalty, 114; endorsed
Van Buren, 139; supported Van Buren for vice presidency, 145;
leader in Baltimore Convention of 1835, 171; comments upon
Bank of U. S., 187; candidate for vice-presidency, 210, 212;
returned from Court of St. James, 228; suggested for vice-
presidency, 228; suggested for cabinet, 246.
Summers, Judge Lewis, member of constitutional convention, 121.
Sydney, Algernon, letters of, 69; nom-de-plume of Spencer Roane, 70.

Tappahannock, commercial center, 11.
Tallmadge, N. P., leader of Conservatives, 187 ; opposed independent
treasury, 195; nominated for vice-presidency, 211.
Tariff, desired in 1808, 44; opposed by particularists, 76; "Bill of
Abominations," 114; declared unconstitutional, 131; Clay Com
promise, 143; opposition to injured Va., 207; issue in 1844, 244;
of 1846, 263.
Taylor, Col. John, part in election of 1808, 49; opinions of Ritchie, 50;
knowledge of Federalist, 51; attacks new nationalism, 51; a
particularist, 73; author of "construction Construed," 81; party
leader, 82; influence on National-Democratic party, 83; pro
posed amendment to constitution, 85; in election of 1824, 89.
Taylor, W. P., a Democrat, 214.
Tazewell, L. W., candidate for Federal senate, 95; communication of
1827 with Ritchie, 108; member of constitutional convention,
121 ; suggested for cabinet, 127 ; proposed for Minister to Eng
land, 129; disappointed in Jackson, 131; opposed by Jackson,
134; deserted Jackson, 135; forced to support Jackson, 139;
elected governor, 158; loss of influence, 169; message of
1835 to Assembly, 175; opposed right of instruction, 178.
•"Ten Regiment Bill," defeated, 266.
Tenth Legion, location, 183; praised by Ritchie, 216, 245.
Texas, annexation proposed, 129; annexation desired, 180, 222; political
issue in 1843, 229; national issue, 232; treaty of anexation re
jected, 243; annexed, 250.
Tidewater, became Democratic, 226.
Toombs, Robert, disloyal, 282.
Troup, George M., member of 12th Congress, 56.
Tucker, Henry St. George, a nationalist, 103.
Turner, "Nat," leader of insurrection, 105.
Turney, Sen. H. L., defended Ritchie, 267.
Tyler, John, elected to Congress, 73; elected to U. S. Senate, 106;
friendship for Clay, 111; favored election of Jackson, 116; mem
ber of Constitutional Convention, 121; deserted Jackson, 135;
forced to support Jackson, 139; elected to U. S. Senate, 152;
letter to Floyd, 155; suggested for vice-presidency, 162; driven
from Senate, 178; nominated for vice-presidency, 179; attempts
of Democrats to win, 201; nominated for vice-presidency, 212;
President, 223; first message, 224; strengthened Democrats, 226;
interest in Texas, 232.
¦Union (Washington), established, 253; prospectus of Union, 254; pro-
slavery organ, 271.
Upshur, Abel P., member of constitutional convention of 1829-30, 121 ;
Democrats attempt to win, 201 ; left Whig party, 222 ; member of
"Corporal's Guard," 223; interest in Texas, 232; death of, 241.
Van Buren, John, abolitionist, 283.
T^an Buren, Martin, use of federal patronage, 85; a political organ
izer, 105; father of alliance between N. Y. and Va., 107; visited
the South, 111; infiuence with Jackson, 128, 136; rejected as
Minister to England, 145; candidate for vice-presidency, 145;

opinions on negro slavery, 168; popular in western Va., 109;
accepted by Va. for presidency, 169; visited Rives, 172; un
popular in South, 173; opposed annexation of Texas, 181;
praised Ritchie, 184; accepted independent treasury, 194; visited
Va., 204; free negro vote, 214; popular in Va. in 1844, 231;
opposed annexation of Texas, 232; non-committal upon Texas,
235; letter on Texas, 237; repudiated by Va., 239; friend of
Blair, 252; suggested for presidency in 1848, 268; interest in
internal improvements, 270.
Van Lew, Elizabeth, northern spy, 16.
"Vindicator,'' article in Union, 266.
Virginia, unequal distribution of property in, 18; Federalism, 18
anti slavery, 25; German and Irish elements in, 31; war senti
ment in, 43; declined in political power, 56; war of 1812, 57
conservative banking policy, 66-67; "Virginia Party," 73; doc
trines of, 82, 102; repudiates Adams, 99;, lacked leaders, 103
political ally of N. Y., 107; political link, 110; dependence
upon N. Y^., Ill; opposed nullification, 115; opposed tariff of
1828, 130; supported re-election of Jackson, 137; became devoted
to Jackson, 139; leader in anti-tariff Convention of 1831, 143;
confidence in Van Buren, 148; resented Proclamation, 152;
opposed Jackson's war on bank, 157; effect of alliance with
N. Y., 169, 172; repudiated R. M. Johnson, 180, 184; interest in
state banks, 191 ; opposed independent treasury, and specie cir
cular, 197; repudiated independent treasury, 202; differ
ences on slavery, 222; won for Van Buren, 234; voted for Polk,
245; under Democratic control, 250.
Virginian (Lynchburg), supported Adams, 82.
Walker, R. J., letter on Texas, 235; hostility to Blair, 246; political
manager, 252.
War of 1812, beginnings, 57; declared, 58; opposition to, 59; treaty
ending, 61.
"War hawks,'' 56.
Washington, George, anti-slavery sentiment, 25.
Webb, J. Watson, named Whig party, 157.
Webster,. Daniel, candidate for presidency, 179; whig orator, 215;
visited Richmond, 216.
Weed, Thurlow, political activity, 116.
West, Burr expedition to, 37; conspiracies in, 38.
Westcott, James D. Calhoun follower, 268.
Western World, Kentucky newspaper, 38.
West Indies, trade of, 26; revival of interest in, 133.
Whigs, party formed, 155; named, 157; victories in Va., 159; nature
of, 160; friendship for state banks, 177; "impracticables," 208;
Staunton Convention, 211; "Ritchie Whigs," 212; campaign of
1840, 215; condemned Tyler, 224; controlled Assembly of Va.,
224; "Ritchie Whigs," 227; strength in Va., 244; Va. Whigs
opposed annexation of Texas, 249.
White, Judge Hugh L., candidate for presidency, 168, 179.
Wickham, John, Burr's counsel, 40.
Wilkinson, General, meeting with Burr, 37; defended by Ritchie, 39.

Williams, Col. John, Floyd's letter to, 135.
Wilmont, David, attacked Ritchie, 271.
Wilmont Proviso, proposed, 271; supported by North, 274; condemned
by Va., 2/9; endorsed by North, 279.
Wilson, Thomas, Federalist, 56.
Wise, Henry A„ Democrats attempt to win, 201 ; left Whig party,
222; member of "Corporal Guard," 223; influence with Tyler,
235; Calhoun supporter, 251.
Wirt, William, life in Richmond, 15; author of "Letters of the British
Spy," 15 ; interest in manufacturing, 45 ; war-hawk, 57.
Wright, Silas, letter to Ritchie, 168; comment upon Virginia's politi
cians, 171; visited Richmond, 202; suggested for vice-presidency,
227 ; opposed annexation of Texas, 237 ; suggested for presi
dency, 241; declined Cabinet position, 247; comments upon
Ritchie, 267; interest in internal improvements, 270.
Yancey, W. L., disgusted with Ritchie, 264; disloyal, 282.
Yazoo frauds, political issue, 28.
Yulee, David L., follower of Calhoun, 266, 268.

Williams, Col. John, Floyd's letter to, 135.
Wilmont, David, attacked Ritchie, 271.
Wilmont Proviso, proposed, 271; supported by North, 274; condemned
by Va., 2/9; endorsed by North, 279.
Wilson, Thomas, Federalist, 56.
Wise, Henry A„ Democrats attempt to win, 201 ; left Whig party,
222; member of "Corporal Guard," 223; influence with Tyler,
235; Calhoun supporter, 251.
Wirt, William, life in Richmond, 15; author of "Letters of the British
Spy," 15; interest in manufacturing, 45; war-hawk, 57.
Wright, Silas, letter to Ritchie, 168; comment upon Virginia's politi
cians, 171; visited Richmond, 202; suggested for vice-presidency,
227; opposed annexation of Texas, 237; suggested for presi
dency, 241; declined Cabinet position, 247; comments upon
Ritchie, 207; interest in internal improvements, 270.
Yancey, W. L., disgusted with Ritchie, 264; disloyal, 282.
Yazoo frauds, political issue, 28.
Yulee, David L., follower of Calhoun, 266, 208.

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