UnWersUv Library 39002002220763 Cb4y P7 922 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE POLES IN AMERICA PAUL FOX THE POLES IN AMERICA BY PAUL FOX PASTOB, ST. PAUL'S PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, BALTIitOEB, MD, WITH AN INTRODUCTION BT CHARLES HATCH SEARS NEW ^$M£T YORK GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY YALE COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANT PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA INTRODUCTION The New Americans Series consists of studies of the following racial groups together with a study of the Eastern Orthodox churches: Albanian and Bulgarian, Armenian and Assyrian- Chaldean, Czecho-Slovak, Greek, Italian, Jewish, Jugo-Slav (Croatian, Servian, Slovenian), Magyar, Polish, Russian and Ruthenian, or Ukrainian, Span ish (Spaniards) and Portuguese, Syrian. These studies, made under the auspices of the Interchurch World Movement, were undertaken to show, in brief outline the social, economic and re ligious background, European or Asiatic, of each group and to present the experience — social, eco nomic and religious — of the particular group in America, with special reference to the contact of the given people with religious institutions in America. It was designed that the studies should be sympa thetic but critical. It is confidently bebeved that this series will help America to appreciate and appropriate the spiritual wealth represented by the vast body of New Amer icans, each group having its own peculiar heritage and potentialities ; and will lead Christian America, so far as she will lead them, to become a better lover of mankind. The writer in each case is a kinsman or has had direct and intimate relationship with the people, or group of peoples, presented. First hand knowledge and the ability to study and write from a deeply sympathetic and broadly Christian viewpoint were primary conditions in the selection of the authors. vi INTRODUCTION The author of this volume was born of Polish parents in Kojkowitz, Austrian Silesia. His prepar atory education was obtained in the Imperial Gym nasium in Teschen. After two years in Marietta College, he entered Western Reserve University, from which he received the A.B. and A.M. degrees. He has had four years of post graduate work in Johns Hopkins University. He is also a graduate of OberHn Theological Seminary. His birth, educa tion and pastoral experience in Polish churches peculiarly fit him to write this Study. These manuscripts are published through the courtesy of the Interchurch, World Movement with the cooperative aid of various denominational boards, through the Home Missions Council of America. At this writing arrangements have been made for the publication of only six of the series, namely, Czecho-Slovak, Greek, Italian, Pole, Magyar and Russian, but other manuscripts will be published as soon as funds or advanced orders are secured. A patient review of all manuscripts, together with a checking up of facts and figures, has been made by the Associate Editor, Dr. Frederic A. Gould, to whom we are largely indebted for statistical and verbal accuracy. The editor is responsible for the general plan and scope of the studies and for ques tions of pobcy in the execution of this work. Chabi.es Hatch Seass. CONTENTS CHAPTBB wer I EUROPEAN BACKGROUND .. . . -,- . Vi HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT Introductory Racial Classification and Early Home . Jf, Influence of Location on National Develop ment . . 17 Divisions of Polish History . . . . .18 J: The Formative Period of Polish National Life, 960-1306 Poland's Historical Beginning .... 18 Christianity's Influence on Economic Devel opment ..... 19 Poland's Ecclesiastical and Political Inde pendence of the German Empire under Boleslaw the Brave, 992-1025 .... 19 Three Centuries of Reverses 19 (a) Wars with Jealous Neighbors ... 19 (b) Internal Political and Religious Re action and Consequent Disorganization 20 '(c) Struggle for Supremacy among the Princes Resulting in the Weakening of Monarchial Power 21 (d) Tartar Invasions . . . . «... 22 (e) The Teutonic Knights ..... V S3 viii CONTENTS CHAPTER WQS II: The Period of Growing Power, Pros perity, and Influence, 1306-1586 The Dawn of a New Era 24 The Significance of the 14th Century . . 24 Restoration of Poland's Power under Wlady- slaw I, 1306-1333 24 Reorganization of the State by Kazimir the Great, 1333-1370 • • 25 Territorial Expansion under Kazimir the Great 26 Beginning of a New Dynasty: The Jagiellos, 1386-1572. Union of Lithuania with Poland 26 The Significance of the 15th Century. The Renaissance in Poland ...... 27 The Hussite Movement 28 The Supremacy of the State over the Church in Poland 29 Defeat of the Teutonic Knights: Poland at the Height of European Power .... 29 The Growing Power of the "Szlachta" . . 30 The Origin of the "Sejm": Its Composition, Privileges, and Powers 30-31 The 16th Century— the "Golden Age" of Poland's History 81 Economic Prosperity of the 15th and the 16th Centuries 32 The Spread of the Reformation to Poland 32 Development of Literature and the Fine Arts S3 The Influence of the Reformation on Polish Language and Literature 34 III: The Period of Poland's Declvne and FaU, 1587-1795 Poland's Decline: Its Causes 36 CONTENTS ix CHAPTER r*OI (a) The Elective Kingship 36 (b) The Catholic Reaction ..... 36 (c) Outside Interference ..... 36 (d) The Blind Selfishness of the Aris tocracy .... 36 Poland's Fall: The Partitions ..... 37 IV: The Period of National Struggle for Independence, 1795-1918 V: The Restoration, 1918- ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OP THE POLISH PEASANTRY Poland Essentially an Agricultural Country . 38 Economic Conditions of Polish Peasantry Poor: Causes Therefor ...... 39 (a) Small Landholdings ..... 39 (b) Small Productiveness 39 (c) High Taxation 41 (d) Lack of Industrial Development . 41 (e) Low Wages and Few Working-Days . 42 Result: Emigration 42 Possibilities of Improvement ..... 42 (a) In Agriculture 42 (b) In Industry 43 SOCIAL CONDITIONS OP THE POLISH PEASANTRY Polish Peasants' Education Neglected . . 44 Result: Illiteracy 45 Growing Improvement in Education ... 45 Education — First Concern of New Poland . 47 Polish Press 47 Polish Organizations 47 Living Conditions . . 48 i CONTENTS :bajt«b *aob , (a) Housing . 48 (b) Food ......... 48 (c) Clothing 49 The Lot of the Polish Peasant Woman . . 49 Recreation 49 Group-Life, National Consciousness, Patriot ism * . 49 RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN POLAND The Development of Christianity in Poland 51 Hussitism in Poland 52 Relative Strength of Religious Faiths in Poland 53 The Attitude of the Polish People toward In stitutional Religion . 53 Poland's Religious Needs ...... 54 II POLISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES AND ITS DISTRIBUTION . . 57 History of Polish Immigration .... 57 (a) Early Immigration ........ 57 (b) Later Immigration 58 Volume of Polish Immigration .... 58 General Causes of Polish Immigration 59 Special Causes 59 Character of Polish Immigration .... 60 Distribution and Location of Polish Immi grants 61 Migration of Poles in the United States . . 63 Return Movement 64 Prospect for New Immigration . . . . . 64 CONTENTS A** chapter rxes ,-.' Ill ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF POLISH IM MIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES . 69 Means of Livelihood 69 Wages ........... 69 Other Sources of Income . . . , . „ 73 Polish Women in Industry ..... 71 Standard of Living of Polish Industrial Workers 71 Poles in Agriculture ....... 73 Transition to Agriculture ...... 74> Poles- — Efficient and Successful Farmers . 74 Poles in Business ......... 75 Poles in Industry . . . . . . . .76 Poles in the Professions ...... 76 Value of Polish Property in the United States 77 IV SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND EDUCATIONAL FORCES 83 Housing 83 Family Life 86 Intermarriage . ': 87 Relation to Native Americans .... 88 Social Life and Recreation ..... 88 Civic Life and Political Relations .... 89 Organizations 90 The Church 92 Educational Institutions 92 (a) The Parochial School ...... 92 (b) The PubHc School 95 (c) Secondary Schools ...... 96 (d) Night Schools . . .... . V 97 (e) Lecture Courses . . ? . . '.Vv 97 'Vv xii CONTENTS PAGB CHAP TUA (f) Polish National Halls 97 Polish Press 98 Leadership • 99 Assimilation .100 V RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 107 OUTSTANDING CHARACTERISTICS Religion of the Poles . 107 Disintegrating Forces 110 Form* of Religious Break-up ..... 112 Forms of Religious Re-alignment . . . . 113 (a) The Polish National Independent Catholic Church 113 (b) The Polish Catholic Church of Amer ica .••»••«... 114 (c) Anti-church Organizations . . . . 114 (d) The Protestant Churches . . . . 115 Forms of Religious Approach 117 SPECIAL PROBLEMS Workers 121 Literature 123 Protestant Policy 126 Interdenominational Cooperation . . . . 127 The Foreign-Language Churches and Amer ican National Unity 129 PRACTICAL SOLUTIONS These are to be found along the line of interdenominational cooperation in the re cruiting and training of workers and in the publication of Polish literature. A BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY 137 INDEX 141 ILLUSTRATIONS FAQS Principal Square Cracow ......... 49 A Polish Peasant Home ....... c . 49 The Wawel Cathedral of St. Sebastian: Cracow . „ 32 The Church of St. Mary, Cracow . , 32 Poland's Country Side Plowing with Oxen ......... 48 Farming with Machinery .......:. 4$ A Group of Polish Women in Agriculture (U. S.) . . 96 A Group of Polish Men in Agriculture (U. S.) ... 96 Young PolishJVIiners (U. S.) . . 97 Learning English in the Ford Shops, Detroit ... 97 CHAPTER I: EUROPEAN BACKGROUND THE POLES IN AMERICA Chapter I EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 'HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT Introductory Racial classification and early home.— The Pole.- are Slavs. They form the westernmost branch oJ the Slavic race. Their home, since prehistoric times, has been Central Europe, the region east and west of the Vistula River between the Baltic Sea and the Carpathian Mountains. Influence of location on national development.— Owing to this central location, the Poles came very early into contact with both civilizations, eastern and western, and as a result developed rapidly eco nomically, culturally, and politically. So remark able was this development that the English histo rian Bain says: "In the middle of the sixteenth century Poland bore upon her the full promise of Empire. . . . She was indisputably the greatest power of central Europe, and the whole world re garded her as the chief representative of the Slavonic race." 1A^And the famous German general C. von Moltke, who certainly cannot be suspected of Polish partisanship, in his "Historical Sketch of Poland," published in London in 1895, stated that 1 Bain, The Last King of Poland, p. 1. 17 18 THE POLES IN AMERICA Poland prior to her partitions was "ihe most civi lized country in Europe. ' ' 2 Divisions of Polish history.— Polish history nat urally divides itself into five periods, namely: I. The Formative Period of Polish National Life (960- 1306) ; II. The Period of Growing Power, Pros perity, and Influence (1306-1586) ; in. The Period of Decline and Final Fall (1587-1795) ; IV. The Pe riod of Subjugation and of National Struggle for Independence (1795-1918); and V. The Restora tion (1918-).. The first is the period of the forma tion of monarchical power under the rule of the Piast dynasty (960-1384). The second period marks a transition from a monarchy to a republic of nobles under the Jagiellos (1386-1572). The third is the period of elective kings (1572-1795) and is characterized by reaction and disorganization, by a decline in power and in influence. The fourth is the period of repeated attempts on the part of the Poles to regain their independence. And the fifth •*— the period of Poland's reestablishment as an inde pendent nation as a result of the World War. I: The Formative Period of Polish National Life, 960-1306. Poland's historical beginning.— The Polish State emerges upon the scene of history with the consoli dation of the Polish tribes under Mieszko I (960- 992), and with the introduction of Christianity into Poland through Mieszko 's marriage to the Bohe mian princess Dubravka, both of which events marked the beginning of a successful resistance of the Poles to Teutonic aggression, conquest, and to their policy- of extermination under the cover of Christianization of the heathen Slavs. "Quoted by Dr. Badosavlejevich in his Who Are the Slavs! Vol. I, p. 82. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 19 Christianity's influence on economic development. ¦ — The introduction of Christianity not only saved the Poles from further exterminative conquests by the Germans and gave them a new religion, but also brought about an improvement in their economic conditions. The monastic Orders taught the Poles the use of improved agricultural implements, and showed them how to reclaim swampy lands by drainage, build better and more comfortable houses, plant orchards, and do many other things they had not known before. They also gave an impetus to the development of industry by bringing with them skilled craftsmen to produce certain necessary things which the natives did not know how to make.3 Poland's ecclesiastical and political independence of the German Empire under Boleslaw the Brave, 992-1025.— Under Mieszko I's successor, Boleslaw the Brave (992-1025), by the incorporation of neigh boring Slavic tribes, Poland gained greatly in terri tory, and asserted both its ecclesiastical and its po litical independence of the German Empire; the first by the establishment of an archbishopric at Gniezno in 1000 A. D., and the second by the coro nation of Boleslaw as King of Poland in 1025 by the archbishop of Poland "in the presence of Boleslaw 's feudatories and his great army of twenty thousand warriors."4 Three centuries of reverses.— After Boleslaw 's death in 1025 the young, rapidly developed kingdom was forced to undergo a period of nearly three cen turies of repeated reverses — a trial so severe that it was sufficient to disrupt for good any ordinary body politic. (a) Wars with jealous neighbors. — First came a series of wars with jealous neighbors, the German • Empire, Bohemia, Hungary, the Duchy of Kiev, and •Cf. Dr. E. H. LewinsH-Coiwin, Pol. Hist, of Poland, p. 14. * Ibidem, p. 21. 20 THE POLES IN AMERICA Denmark. Taking advantage of Mieszko IPs (1025- 1034) inertia and lack of foresight and daring, these jealous enterprising neighbors decided to compen sate themselves for their territorial losses during Boleslaw 's reign; Germany took Lusatia; Bohemia, Moravia; Hungary, Slovakia; the Duchy of Kiev, Red Russia, or eastern Galicia ; and Denmark, Pom- erania. Poland was thus stripped of nearly all her territorial acquisitions under Boleslaw the Brave. (b) Internal political and religious reaction and consequent disorganization.— Next followed a sav age reaction against the growing burdensome power of the State and particularly against the exploita tion of the Church. With the growth of the power of the State the earlier patriarchal form of govern ment was gradually displaced by a more centralized administration, curtailing the people's liberty and at the same time imposing heavier burdens upon them in the form of taxes. For to preserve the ter ritorial unity of the State the king was compelled to maintain a large standing army, the support of which could be secured only through increased tax ation. A more centralized administration required a growing official class and greater Court splendor, the maintenance of which had to fall also upon the State treasury. Moreover, the imposition upon the people of tithes for the support of the Church and the clergy, mostly foreign and hated, made that burden all the heavier and more obnoxious. As a result of this oppressive taxation by Church and State and the harsh treatment experienced at the hands of feudal lords and the clergy, the people rose in revolt, burned and demolished cities, castles, churches and monasteries, in many places murdered the hated priests and monks, and reverted to paganism.5 ¦Cf. Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, pp. 15-22. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 21 (c) Struggle for supremacy among the princes re sulting in weakness of monarchical power.— Reor ganization of the administration and partial recon quest of lost territory brought in a period of re stored order and of renewed strength. This, how ever, did not last long. It was soon followed by a period of bitter struggle among the members of the princely family for supremacy in the State. It re- sultedfrom Boleslaw Hi's (1102-1138) division of the principality of Poland among his surviving sons with the establishment of the principle of seniority. This made the sons independent rulers of their re spective provinces. The oldest, however, was to re ceive the Duchy of Cracow in addition to his heredi tary province, and, as the Grand Duke of Cracow, was to be the supreme head of the whole State of Poland. The arrangement suited the aristocracy and the clergy, who disliked a strong centralized government, excellently well. But it led to ceaseless civil strife, and marked the beginning of the decline of monarchical power in Poland. For, as Dr. Lew- inski-Corwin says, "the authority of the Duke of Cracow was not adequately defined by law and was nil in practice. The heads of the smaller principali ties were, in fact, independent rulers. They were free to estabhsh alliances for defensive and offen sive warfare, to make treaties, and to maintain in dependent customs-barriers. In other words, Po land of the thirteenth century was no longer one solid political entity. The sovereignty of the former state became diffused among a number of smaller independent political units, with only the common bonds of language, race, religion, and tradition."6 Its advantages to the aristocracy and the clergy.— This state of poUtical affairs was greatly in the in terest of the aristocracy and of the clergy. These two classes acquired large land holdings with juris- • Political Hist, of Poland, pp. 31-34. 22 THE POLES IN AMERICA diction over their peasants, and became very pow erful in the thirteenth century. The Church, in par ticular, grew stronger steadily due to its splendid organization, its genius for accumulation of wealth, its moral control over the people, its greater inde pendence resulting from the adoption in Poland of the Gregorian reforms, and to its representation in the Prince's Council since 1180 A. D. Thus with the growing weakness of the monarchical power in creased the wealth, strength, and influence of the two specially privileged classes, the barons and the clergy; and consequently both classes were putting forth every effort to maintain the existing disorder of things. (d) Tartar invasions.— Besides these troubles, Poland suffered much from the Tartars and from the Teutonic Knights. In 1241 savage hordes of Tar tars from Asia invaded Poland, and ruthlessly plun dered, pillaged, devastated, and depopulated the country. After they had laid the country waste completely, their attack broke at last on the field of Lignica, in Silesia, before the Polish cavalry, which arrested their further invasion of Europe, and thereby saved Western civilization.7 The Tartars flowed back into the steppes of the Volga, whence from time to time they sent plundering expeditions into Poland ; but never again succeeded in conquer ing her, nor even in passing through her territories in order to plunder and lay waste other countries. Poland, says Drogoslaw, "thus became the true ram part of the West and of Western civilization for many centuries, and shed streams of her blood in holding back first the Tartar hordes and later the Turkish armies, which menaced the very existence of the civilized world. It is impossible to say what might have become of the western peoples and the 'Drogoslaw, Poland, p. 3; Dufour, Petite Histoire de Pologne, p. 9. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 23 whole civilization of Central Europe if the Polish nation, though politically split into fragments, had not stood its ground, watchful, heroic, always ready to make every sacrifice."8 . (e) The Teutonic Knights.— The other source of constant trouble was the Order of the Teutonic Knights. Invited to Poland in 1228 by Conrad of Mazovia to protect his territories against frequent incursions of the barbarian Prussians, they, having just been expelled from Hungary by Andrew II on account of their political pretensions, joyfully ac cepted this new offer, and settled in the district of Culm, roughly corresponding to modern West Prus sia, granted them for their quarters by Conrad. These militant Knights, to secure themselves against the possibility of similar expulsion from Po land as had just befallen them in Hungary, put themselves under the protection of the Pope and the German Emperor, procured from both confirma tions of Conrad's falsified grant, and then took up the Christianization and subjugation of the Prus sians systematically. In the "Christianized" terri tory, they established German colonies, built for tresses, and organized a powerful State. Having established themselves in conquered Prussia, and confident in the protection of the Pope and the Ger man Emperor, they turned against Poland, shut her off from the sea, and became her most bitter and troublesome enemy until they were at last com pletely subdued by Casimir IV in 1466. The end of Poland's "Dark Ages."— The close of the thirteenth century marked the end of Poland's "Dark Ages" of external aggressions, internal dis orders, political divisions, administrative weakness, and of consequent purgatorial trials and sufferings ; the end of a period in which the aristocracy and par ticularly the Church with its powerful clergy reigned •Poland, p. 3. 24 THE POLES IN AMERICA supreme, and the princes were their humble de pendent vassals. II: The Period of Growing Power, Prosperity, and Inflilence, 1306-1586. The dawn of a new era.— The beginning of the fourteenth century ushered in the dawn of a new era. The next three centuries were centuries of growth and progress ; of internal reorganization, ex ternal expansion, and of ever-increasing pohtical power and prestige. The significance of the fourteenth century.— The fourteenth century witnessed the unification of the different Polish provinces, the reestablishment of royal power and authority together with the resto ration of the royal title lost in the eleventh century, the re-conquest of territories taken from Poland in time of her disunion and weakness, the reorganiza tion and development of the nation along adminis trative, judicial, educational, and economic lines, the beginning of a new dynasty, and the voluntary union of Lithuania with Poland in 1386. Restoration of Poland's power under Wladyslaw 1, 1306-1333. — The unification of the Polish provinces and the recovery of the royal title was successfully effected with the aid of the Hungarians by Wladys law I, the Short, 1306-1333, in spite of the powerful opposition of Brandenburg, the German Emperor, the German element in the city of Cracow, the clergy, Great Poland, and Bohemia. The odds against Wladyslaw were so great and his achieve ment was so remarkable that he may truly be re garded as the first real restorer of Poland. Hav ing successfully overcome all stubborn opposition, Wladyslaw united Great and Little Poland, and in 1320 was crowned King of Poland at Cracow, which henceforth until the close of the sixteenth century EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 25 became the capital of united Poland. To secure himself against the jealousy of Germany and Bo hemia and their aggressions, he effected a number of skillful foreign alliances ; in 1315 with the Scan dinavian countries, in 1320 with Hungary, by giving lis daughter Elizabeth in marriage to the Hungarian king, Charles Robert, and in 1325 with Lithuania, by securing the hand of Grand Duke Gedymin's daughter, Anna Aldona, for his son Kazimir. As sisted by Emperor Louis of Germany and the Mar grave of Brandenburg, John of Luxemburg, King of Bohemia, who as son-in-law of Waclaw I claimed the right to the throne of Poland, made war on Wladyslaw in 1327, but Wladyslaw died in the midst of the struggle in 1333, leaving the settlement of the war to his son and successor, Kazimir, 1333-1370. Reorganization of the state by Kazimir the Great, 1333-1370.— Kazimir 's chief endeavor was to make peace with the enemy, even though it cost Poland . the cession to Bohemia of "the pearl of the Polish Crown," the westernmost part of Silesia, — to a part of which, the principality of Teschen, the Czechs lay claim today on fourteenth century his torical grounds, — in order that he might devote all his attention and energies to domestic problems, economic, social, administrative, judicial, and edu cational, the internal reorganization, development, and strengthening of the politically unified nation. His long reign of thirty-seven years made it pos sible for him to achieve his object. He brought about uniformity in Polish law by the codification of existing laws, reorganized the judicial system of the country, readjusted the relation between the peasantry and the landlords, facilitated coloniza tion, granted special protection to towns and fur thered their growth, stimulated industry and com merce through monetary reforms and the improve ment of the means of communication, established the 26 THE POLES IN AMERICA University of Cracow, and encouraged education. It is of interest and worth while to remember that the University of Cracow was the second of its kind in Central Europe, following that of Prague by six teen years and preceding the University of Vienna by one year, of Heidelberg by two years, of Erfurt by twenty-eight, and that of Leipzig by forty-five years. In Kazimir 's time Poland had a number of eminent writers, scientists, and jurists. In the de velopment of the cities and in the growth of their wealth and importance Kazimir saw a support of the kingly power against the disquietingly growing might and lawlessness of the magnates and nobility and against the independence of the Church.9 By the end of Kazimir 's reign Poland was unified politically, not only in the person of the king, as in Wladyslaw 's case, but through the legal, eco nomic, and social reforms Kazimir had been able to bring about. As his father had been the restorer of Poland's external political unity, so Kazimir was the restorer of Poland's internal unity, prosperity, and strength. Territorial expansion under Kazimir the Great. — Moreover, besides his beneficent internal reforms, Kazimir extended Poland's boundaries eastward by reincorporating definitely into Poland, Red Russia, with its capital of Lwow, or what we now know as eastern Galicia. The beginning of a new dynasty: The Jagiellos, 1386-1572. Union of Lithuania with Poland.— With the death of Kazimir the Great in 1370 the Piast dynasty of Polish rulers came to an end. The Polish crown passed over by agreement and on certain con ditions 10 to Kazimir 's nephew, Louis of Hungary, and finally to his younger daughter Jadwiga, who was given away in marriage by the Polish nobility •See Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, p. 62. "Ibidem, pp. 64-65. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 27 to Jagiello, Grand Duke of Lithuania, in 1386, and in that way a union of Lithuania with Poland was effected in the person of the king, — a union which later on was voluntarily confirmed by the pact of Horodlo, 1413, and made indissoluble by the pact of Lublin of 1569. The significance of the fifteenth century. The Ren aissance in Poland.— The fifteenth century in Polish history was marked by the introduction of the Ren aissance into Poland, the spread of the Hussite Movement, the supremacy of the State over the Church, Poland's conquest of the Teutonic Knights, and by the growth of the power of the gentry. In 1400 King Wladyslaw Jagiello generously endowed the University of Cracow, reorganized and enlarged it by adding to the departments of law, medicine, and philosophy, the depart ment of theology. Soon the fame of the reor ganized university spread all over Europe, the university became a center of humanistic learning, attracted the scholastic world of western Europe, and counted among its graduates a great number of learned men. In its faculty it had such distin guished men as Adalbert Brudziew, mathematician and astronomer, teacher of Copernicus, and Mat thew Miechow, distinguished for his medical knowl edge and works. The enrollment of the university was very large, and both the students and the fac ulty were drawn from all classes of society and from many countries. In the second half of the fifteenth century nearly half of the students en rolled were of foreign birth.11 The university be came a Hving link connecting Poland with European education and science.12 As early as 1416 the Uni versity of Cracow acquired a European reputation "See Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, p. 73; Litwinski, Intellectual Poland, p. 32. "Prof. Tarnowski, quoted by Dr. Corwin, p. 75. 28 THE POLES IN AMERICA so far as to venture upon forwarding an expression of its views in connection with the deliberations of the Council of Constance, siding with the French theologians in support of the supremacy of Church Councils over the Papacy,13 and toward the close of the fifteenth century it was in high repute as a school of both astronomical and humanistic studies.14 Among the distinguished scholars and writers of this century were George of Sanok, who contributed a great deal toward the awakening of interest in the ancient authors and in their philosophy of life ; John Ostrorog (1420-1501), who wrote a remarkable treatise advocating the subordination of the Church to the State ; Paul of Brudziew, rector of the Univer sity of Cracow and author of the "Traetatus de potestate Papse et Imperatoris respectu Infidelium," presented to the Council of Constance in 1415 ; and foremost among them all the historian John Dlugosz (1415-1480), author of "the most profound historical works of the fifteenth century. The erudition of the author, the painstaking examination of the sources, his searching criticism and gift of analysis and observation, his masterful classification and method of presentation marked an era in history writing and laid solid foundations for all future na tional histories of Poland." 15 The Hussite movement.— Another thing that pro foundly stirred the life of the Polish nation in the fifteenth century was the Hussite movement. It spread to Poland early, and won many adherents and sympathizers. The Hussites of Bohemia had gone so far as to offer the crown of their country to the Jagiellos. The offer was not accepted due to the powerful influence of Cardinal Zbigniew Oles- a Prof. Alex. Bruckner, Hist. Lit. Polskiej, I. p. 26. MEnc. Brit., 1911, XXVII, p. 757. uDr. Lewinski-Corwin, p. 104. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 29 nicki and the strong reactionary clerical party in Poland. The Hussite movement, however, as it spread through the country, created a new religious atmosphere, and prepared the way to the emanci pation of the State from the domination of the Church by King Kazimir IV (1447-1492) and for the reformation of the sixteenth century. The Supremacy of the State over the Church in Poland.— Kazimir 's first step after the coronation was to restrict the power of the clergy by subordi nating the Church to the State. In this he was aided materially by two circumstances — the then existing strife between the Polish gentry and the Polish clergy over the payment of tithes (the gentry in sisting upon paying them in specie, and the clergy upon payments in kind), and the schism in the Church which resulted from the controversy regard ing the superiority of Church Councils over the Popes. In the long-drawn-out struggle the king won; the nomination of bishops, or the right of in vestiture lost in the thirteenth century to the Church, became henceforth a recognized attribute of the Polish kings. Defeat of the Teutonic Knights: Poland at the height of European power.— Then, too, in the fif teenth century, by defeating the Teutonic Knights Poland attained great importance as a European power. Poland's victory over the Knights in the battle of Grunwald in 1410 broke the power of the Order, and put an end to German domination over Polish lands. In 1466 Jagiello 's younger son, Kazi mir IV (1447-1492), crushed the Knights completely and definitely, and forced them by the Peace of Thorn, of the same year, to restore to Poland the territories formerly torn from her, namely West Prussia, Ermland, and the eastern part of Pome- rania, including the city of Golan1 sk, or Danzig. Thus Poland regained access to the Baltic, and was now 30 THE POLES IN AMERICA again enabled to communicate freely with the out side world. Unfortunately, however, it made a se rious mistake in that it had not driven out the Teutonic Knights altogether from the territories in which they had established themselves ; and in that it had allowed (1525) Albert of Hohenzollern, the Grand Master of the Order, to become the secular prince of the vassal province of East Prussia, even though the Dukes of Prussia promised to recognize Poland's sovereignty, and agreed to pay homage and tribute to the Polish king. This concession led to a gradual Germanization of the Polish popu lation of East Prussia and to the transformation of the vassal duchy into a powerful German state, which was destined to play such a sinister part in the history of Poland and of Europe.18 Growing power of the "szlachta."— The fifteenth century marked also the growth of the power of the Polish nobihty, or szlachta. As the szlachta paid with its blood for victories on innumerable bat tle-fields, it held that these sacrifices were worthy of reward in the form of special privileges and lib erties not enjoyed by other classes. The extinction of the Piast dynasty in 1370 afforded it the first op portunity for the exaction of special privileges for itself as a class. The throne of Poland made vacant by the death of Kazimir the Great, fell to Kazimir 's nephew, Louis of Anjou, King of Hungary. Louis, however, having no male issue and desiring to se cure the crown for one of his daughters, accorded the Polish nobility by the Pact of Koszyce, in Hun gary, 1374, privileges which made their class more powerful to the detriment of the royal authority. During the succeeding century these privileges grew steadily until at the close of the fifteenth century we see the Polish nobiHty at the helm of government. The origin of the "Sejm."— With the accession "Cf. Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, pp. 131-133. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 31 to the throne of Poland of John I Olbracht (1492- 1501) the Polish "Sejm," or National Diet, comes into being, and from now on to the end Poland has a regular parliamentary government, in which the nobility, particularly the knighthood or gentry, plays the leading role. Thus the power of the king, which in western Europe developed on the ruins of feudalism, and ultimately in consequence of relig ious strife grew absolute, became limited in Poland, and in 1501 the role of the Polish king was reduced to that of the President of the Senate. Its composition, privileges, and powers.— The Na tional Diet consisted of two chambers, the Senate, composed of lay and church dignitaries and the Chamber of Deputies, the members of which were elected by the county diets from among the gentry. As in all parliamentary governments, the Chamber of Deputies was the more powerful and influential; its decisions were determining. Freedom of speech was subject to no restrictions. Inviolability of prop erty and person were guaranteed by law ; the first by the pact of 1422, the second by the privilege of 1433. The Polish "Neminem captivabimus nisi jure victum" provision of 1433 preceded the English "Habeas Corpus Act" by two hundred and forty- six years. The szlachta reached the climax of its political aspirations when in 1505 it secured the passage of the statute known as "Nihil novi," pro viding that nothing new could be done or undertaken by the king without the common consent of both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Thus with the opening of the sixteenth century the "Sejm" became the legislative and most important governmental organ in Poland and the szlachta the most powerful and influential element. The sixteenth century— the "Golden Age" of Po land's history. ^-Ln the sixteenth century Poland reached the climax, not only of its political develop- 32 THE POLES IN AMERICA ment, but also of its material prosperity, its literary and artistic glory, and of its international influence. The sixteenth century was the "Golden Age" of Poland's history in every sense of the term. Economic prosperity of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.— In 1466 Prussia, with its seaports, became a part of Poland, and the whole course of the Vistula River returned under the control of the Polish gov ernment. This gave a great impetus to commerce and agriculture. Large freight fleets sailed upon the Vistula, carrying cargoes of wheat, rye, hemp, tar, honey, wax, bristles, fats, lumber, skins, and furs to Danzig. The enormous growth of exports produced a marked effect upon the cities. Due to the introduction of credit on an extensive scale, they grew in wealth, and many families acquired great riches. Private mansions, artistic public buildings, and beautiful churches adorned the towns. Art flourished. Wit Stwosz, the great Polish sculptor of the time, was a natural product of his age. Many foreign, particularly Itahan, architects were brought over to design public and private buildings. In daily life the burghers wore sumptuous dress of silk and lace, fine furs, gold, jewelry, and precious stones. Poor indeed was the master artisan or merchant who did not use silver table ware at home and whose wife did not possess a bonnet ornamented with pearls. The many gold, silver, and bronze can delabra, chandeliers, candlesticks, and other domes tic utensils left from that period, still found in churches, museums, and in private families as heir looms, bear ample testimony to the prosperity of the Polish cities and of the country at large in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.17 The spread of the Reformation to Poland.— The Reformation, which spread all over Europe in the sixteenth century, and stirred the life of every na- "See Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, pp. 111-117. THE WAWEL: CRACOW THE CHURCH OF ST. MARY: CRACOW {Seepage SI EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 83 tion to its very foundations, speedily penetrated into Poland, and grew influential rapidly. Lutheranism found favor with the German population of the cities ; Calvinism — with the Polish nobihty, particu larly with the magnates and nobles of Little Poland ; Hussitism, revived under the name of the Bohemian Brethren — with the people of Great Poland; and Socinianism, or Unitarianism — with the Ruthenian population of eastern Galicia. Among the native Poles Calvinism was more popular than Lutheran ism or any other form of the religious reform move ment for the simple reason that it was non-German in origin and that it admitted laymen to church councils, giving them a part in the government of the Church. On that account it was considered as more appropriate for a free state and a free people.18 So rapid was the growth of the Reformation in Poland that by the middle of the sixteenth century the Protestants were absolutely supreme in the Na tional Diet, and invariably elected a Calvinist as marshal of the Diet. At the Diet of 1555 they boldly demanded a national synod, absolute toleration, and the equalization of all sects, except the Antitrini- tarians.19 And so powerful was the influence of the Reformation on the intellectual and spiritual life of the nation that the sixteenth century is known in Po lish history as the "Golden Age" of Polish culture and literature. The development of literature and the fine arts.— With prosperity came the fine arts. Science, art, and literature flourished, and Polish culture reached an unprecedented degree of development. It was the fruit of the Renaissance and the Reformation as well as Polish freedom and tolerance. Owing to the somewhat reactionary policy of the University of Cracow at this time, the Polish nobihty and the "See Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, p. 139. "Eno. Brit., Art. "Poland." Bain, Slavonic Europe, pp. 77-78. 34, THE POLES IN AMERICA burgesses sent their sons abroad, to the universities of Germany, Italy, and France. The young men re turned with new ideas about hfe, government, and rehgion, and full of enthusiasm over them and of zeal in their propagation. The popularity of the Reformation at home still further augmented this enthusiasm and zeal. A host of talented writers appeared. Some discussed matters of state freely, and criticized the existing conditions, pointing out, as did the highly gifted Andrew Frycz Modrzewski, the necessity of equalization of all the estates before the law, and the advantages of a prosperous free peasantry. Others, like Orzechowski, thundered against the despotism of the nobility, the iniquities and the foreign character of the Church, and the great privileges of the Jews in matters of money lending and usury. Historians, poets, dramatists, and fiction writers sprang up in large numbers among all classes of society.20 The influence of the Reformation on Polish lan guage and literature.— With the spread of the Re formation the Polish language came into use in ht erature, displacing Latin. The Bible was translated into Polish, and a large number of pamphlets in tended for the mass of the people was written in Polish. In 1536 even the City Council of Cracow proclaimed Polish as the language to be used in prayers and sermons in the churches of the city. German and Latin books began to give way to Po lish prints. Polish hterature had its beginning with Nicholas Rey (1505-1569), a Protestant, an ardent advocate of Calvinism in Poland, an eminent writer and wholesome philosopher, and the greatest satirist of the time. His pictures of life, men, manners, and customs of the time are masterpieces of style, wit, and clearness of expression, and served as models "Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, p. 146. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 85 to many succeeding writers. Another vigorous, in cisive, and voluminous writer in Latin and Polish was Stanislaw Orzechowski (1613-1566). He was a relative of Rey, and for a time a very bitter oppo nent of the Roman Catholic Church, but a man with out stable principles. Andrew Frycz Modrzewski (1503-1572) wrote a great deal, but largely in Latin, and was a fearless champion of reforms in State and Church. He was a friend of Melancthon and a life-long supporter of the Reformation. Martin Bielski (1495-1575), a Protestant, wrote a history of Poland in Polish. The greatest hterary figure of this age, however, was Jan Kochanowski (1530- 1584). In his poetical writings he displayed great mastery of the Polish language. His poems and dramas dehght the most fastidious taste by their beauty, deep thought, and fine sentiment, and are considered as a model of highly cultured language to the present time. Kochanowski was a true son of the Renaissance, indifferent to the Church of Rome though devout, imbued with republican ideas, broad- and liberal-minded.21 Some of the most beautiful reHgious songs to this day are from his pen. The stimulus given to writing in Polish supplied by the religious reformers gained momentum as time ad vanced, and as early as 1548, at the funeral of King Sigismund I, the Old, the Bishop of Cracow, for the first time in history, used Pohsh on so solemn an occasion.22 Thus, in the sixteenth century, Poland reached the zenith of its territorial expansion, its political great ness and influence, its economic prosperity, its par liamentary government, its culture and its reUgious life and tolerance. "Jan Holewinski, Hist, of Polish Literature, p. 187. "Dr. Lewinski, p. 149. 36 THE POLES IN AMERICA III: The Period of Decline and Fall, 1587-1795. Poland's decline: its causes.— The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were centuries of decay, de cline, and final fall of Poland. The causes of this decline and final fall were various, and in their de teriorating effect upon the life of the nation and the body politic — cumulative. (a) The elective kingship.— First, there was the elective kingship with all its attendant mischievous consequences, political bargaining, bribery, foreign interferences, lack of interest on the part of the sov ereigns in Poland's welfare due to their limited tenure of office, and frequent interregna with un settled conditions resulting from them. (b) The Catholic reaction.— Then, there was the Catholic reaction, stemming the tide of intellectual and religious progress, fomenting dissensions, spreading intolerance and persecutions, getting con trol of education and setting back the clock of Po land's intellectual and spiritual progress by two to three centuries. (c) Outside interference.— Next, came constant outside interference in Poland's internal affairs in an effort to maintain the existing disorder of things in order to profit by it. Russia, Prussia, and Aus tria did all they could to make it impossible for the Poles to set their house in order, and then charged the Poles with inability to govern themselves, and used that as a pretext for the partition of Poland. (d) The blind selfishness of the aristocracy.— And, as a strong reenforcement of the cause just de scribed, there was the blind, egotistic selfishness and greed of the aristocracy, wliich led them, in their de sire to build up their private fortunes, whether ma terial or pohtical, into the trap of foreign false promises and entangling alliances, and thus to an unwitting betrayal and sacrifice of their country. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 37 Poland's fall: the partitions.— Suffering from these and other ills, the country could not forever resist their deteriorating and destructive effects as well as the growing aggressiveness and territorial greed of her neighbors. In the end it had to succumb to the inevitable, and her three partitions followed; the first in 1772, the sceond in 1793, and the third in 1795. By these three partitions Russia obtained the lion's share of the prey, Prussia — the next largest, and Austria had to content herself with the smallest portion. IV: The Period of National Struggle for Independence, 1795-1918. The partitions made an end of Poland as an in dependent state; but not of the Polish nation as a living, active, and growing organism, struggling des perately for existence. Poland's political form was torn asunder, but her spiritual life incarnated in the Hves of her people continued. It asserted and reasserted its vitality and its virility by repeated insurrections until, in 1914-1918, the power and the importance of the Polish nation became generally felt and recognized, and as a result the nation rose again to new pohtical independence. V: The Restoration, 1918. With the reestablishment of Poland as a new po litical power, in 1918, Pohsh history begins a new period— the Restoration. The beginning is very hopeful and very promising. The provisional gov ernment is in the hands of sane, far-sighted, mod erate progressives, with Marshal Joseph Pilsudski at the head. New Poland is a Republic, and will remain a Repubhc, with a most liberal democratic constitution. During the three years of its inde- 38 THE POLES IN AMERICA pendent pohtical existence the nation has weathered the storm of war that has still raged unabated around it, has successfully coped with all sorts of difficulties, and has, in spite of all odds, made won derful progress in the reorganization and recon struction of its political, economic, and social life. As always in its history, so now again Poland is abreast with the times, in the front ranks of prog ress. It fuily recognizes the rights of all social classes, of the peasantry, the industrial class as weU as of those enjoying heretofore special privileges and is moving in the direction of a sane solution of pressing economic and social problems fearlessly, but judiciously. It is neither timidly reactionary, nor recklessly radical. It exhibits the wisdom and foresight characteristic of real statesmanship. As to equal rights for men and women, Poland is the one nation that has granted women fuU suffrage rights without the women having been forced to fight for them. All Poland needs is a fair chance, and it will work out its destiny. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF THE POLISH PEASANTRY Poland essentially an agricultural country.— Po land is essentially an agricultural country ; the great majority of her people derive their subsistence from tilling the soil. Before the war, in Russian Poland, 73.4% of the population were living in villages; in Prussian Poland — 69.3%; and in Austrian Po land— 80.1%. 23 In other words, before the war in eastern Galicia, for instance, sixty-seven persons in a square kilometer lived by agriculture, in western Gaficia — eighty persons, while in the rest of old Austria the figure was thirty-six, and for Germany only thirty-four.24 "Journal of the Am.-Polish Chamber of Com., Dec, 1920, p. 5. *Dr. A. Gfirski, Braki krajowej produkcji w GaUcji, p. 35. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 39 Economic condition of Polish peasantry, poor. Causes therefor.— The economic condition of the Polish peasantry has unfortunately been very poor and deplorable thus far, owing to (a) small land- holdings, (b) primitive method of agriculture, (c) high taxation, (d) lack of industrial development, and (e) low wages. (a) Small landholdings.— Each peasant owns a strip of land. These peasant holdings vary consid erably as to size, and in many, if not in most, in stances are inadequate to give their owners suffi cient support. In Poznania farms of five hec tares,25 or about twelve acres and less, constitute only 6.8% of the total land-area; in GaHcia such farms constitute 84.4% ; and in former Russian Po land farms of less than 3.4 hectares constitute 37.1% of the total land-area and farms of less than 8.5 hectares — 44.4%.28 Moreover, these holdings are divided among the children of the household, and this tends to make them smaller with each succeed ing generation. In Galicia in 1882 a peasant hold ing averaged 5 " morgi," 21 or approximately 7 acres, and in 1896 the average dropped down to 4.2 "morgi," or to less than six acres. And it has been estimated that the lowest minimum necessary for the support of a peasant family is 10 "morgi," or about 13 acres.28 (b) Small productiveness.— To these smaU peasant holdings, and partly as an inevitable result of them, there is added smaU productiveness. The produc tiveness of land on large estates is relatively satis factory, but that of peasant land is very poor. Galicia, for instance, produced, in 1902-11, 11 quin tals 29 of wheat, 12 of barley, and 11 of rye per one 13 One hectare — 2.47 acres. 26 Journal Am.-Pol. Chamber of Com., for Dec, 1920, p. 5. "One "morg" — 1.32 acres. 28 Dr. L. Caxo, Emigraeja, p. 77. "One quintal — 220.46 pounds. 40 THE POLES IN AMERICA hectare of land, while Germany produced, in 1908- 12, 20.7 quintals of wheat, 20.1 of barley, and 17.8 of rye per hectare.30 Galicia, deducting seed, pro duced before the war 112 kilograms of wheat, rye, and corn per inhabitant; Russia, deductmg exports and seed, produced 370 kilograms of cereals per in habitant; Germany, 200; France, of wheat alone, 240, and England about 190. Galicia, therefore, produced cereals from two to three times less than she needed for her own consumption according to western European standards.31 Neither GaHcia, nor former Russian Poland produced before the war enough corn to feed their own populations. GaHcia, to be sure, exported some grain, but it imported one- fourth of the flour it consumed from Hungary, that is, about two and a half million quintals, or 25,000 carloads. And Russian Poland's annual grain defi cit was nearly constant, amounting to about 3,000,- 000 quintals.32 Only in Prussian Poland did the cul tivation of the soil reach a reasonably high degree of development. The average yield per acre in this district was twice that of the other dis tricts.83 As to Hve-stock, the kingdom, that is former Rus sian Poland, furnished the city of Warsaw before the war only 5% of the total consumption of meat, the other 95% had to be imported from Russia. Galicia exported some Hve-stock, but the export was gradually diminishing, and consisted chiefly of pigs.34 This small productiveness is the result of primi tive agricultural methods, namely, lack of agricul tural intelligence, inadequate agricultural tools and •"Dr. G6rski, p. 33-34. "Ibidem, pp. 34-35. "Ibidem, p. 31. "Journal of Am.-Polish Chamber of Com., Dec, 1920, p. 5. "Dr. G6rski, p. 31. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 41 machinery, insufficient fertilization of the soil, and poor agricultural credit facilities. 35 (c) High taxation.— Another cause of the unsatis factory economic condition of the Polish peasantry has been high taxation. In 1882 the number of those paying land taxes in Galicia was 1,420,020 ; by 1896 it rose to 1,743,792. This number included 2,978 large land-owners, with estates of 132 acres or more (100 "morgi"), and 1,740,814 peasants, with hold ings averaging less than six acres (4.2 "morgi").36 And these poor peasants were the ones that had to bear the lion's share of the burden of taxation, na tional, provincial, and local. The same conditions in respect of taxation prevailed in the other parts of Poland, modified, of course, by local differ ences. (d) Lack of industrial development.— From the foregoing description of conditions it is evident that the Pohsh peasant, in order to live at all and at the same time meet his share of the taxes imposed upon him, had to supplement the product of his small farm by outside work. Here, again, the chances to get such work at home were few. The large estates employed a certain number of peasants in the cul tivation of their land; but such employment was only seasonal, during harvest time in the summer and during the potato-digging season in the faU. During the long winters the surplus peasant labor had to remain idle ; for factories, being few, did not afford much or any opportunity for work. Owing to high taxation, national and local, inadequate transportation facilities, high cost of transportation, too much costly red-tape in starting any enterprise, lack of capital, and the natural antipathy of the PoHsh landed proprietors to trade and industry, "Dr. G6rski, pp. 35, 39, 40. MDr. L. Caro, p. 77. 42 THE POLES IN AMERICA commerce and industry have not been developed properly in Poland.37 (e) Low wages and few working-days.— This state of affairs was further aggravated by very low wages paid for farm labor,38 and by .numerous church hoH- days.39 In the seventies of the last century, for in stance, there were in 34 Galician counties 100-120 church holidays; in 22 counties, 120-150; and in 16 counties, 150-200; in the last case leaving only about five months in the year for work. This surely afforded the GaHcian peasant an inevitable and un surpassed opportunity for fasting as well as for praying. Result— emigration.— In the light of this brief sur vey of the economic condition of the Polish peas antry, the Polish peasant's chief motive for emigra tion becomes clearly evident. The pressure of eco nomic necessity was becoming too great for him to bear it meekly any longer. Whether he wanted to, or not, he had to go in search of better working and Hving conditions. PossibiUties of improvement, (a) In agriculture. — All this, however, does not mean that Poland is unable to feed and keep in reasonable comfort her population. Her territory has unlimited agricul tural and mineral resources ; all that is necessary is to develop them properly. Given right political con ditions and sufficient capital, her agriculture, her in dustry, and her commerce will rise and flourish, and her children will have enough work at home and bread to spare. In GaHcia alone there are over 2,200,000 acres of land which could be brought under cultivation by drainage, and would yield 5,000,000 quintals of grain, increasing the income from land by 80,000,000 francs. Better feeding of cows and "Dr. Gorski, pp. 44-45; cf. also Van Norman, p. 33. a Dr. Caro, p. 78. "Ibidem, p. 78. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 43 increasing the milk supply by one liter per cow daily, would give 55,000,000 francs annually. And by better feeding of the Galician pigs in order to get full price for them in the markets of Vienna or Prague, 10,000,000 francs more would be added to the GaHcian peasants' annual income. The GaHcian emigrants to Germany and America brought an nually before the war thirty to forty milhon francs. This, even if continued, would not compare with what could be secured right at home by better and more intensive agriculture alone.40 (b) In industry.— Then, too, there are in Poland unlimited possibilities along the Hne of industrial expansion. The Poles realize this fully, and are making every effort to develop Polish industry. In the years 1902-10 in Galicia the number of factory workers increased 42%, machinery, measured by horse power, 65%, and the number of workers em ployed in 1910 in home-industries, as distinguished from factory industries, was 97,000 persons.41 Fac tories, in the strict sense of the term, GaHcia num bered in 1910-14, 363. The output of these in 1908- 1914 increased from 300 to 500 million francs.42 Moreover, in 1866 the GaHcian provincial budget in cluded no appropriations for economic purposes, but in the provincial budget of 1911 these appropria tions amounted to 14,191,237 crowns, or 22.39% of the general budget, and occupied the second place in the budget, yielding the first place to appropria tions for educational purposes.43 All this shows that more and more industry is sup plementing agriculture, and that Poland is under going a gradual transition from an agricultural to an industrial economy. The recent war retarded *Dr. G6rski, pp. 35-36. ** Kazimierz Bartoszewicz, Dzieje GaEcji, p. 195. "Dr. Gorski, p. 57. A vi * Bartoszewicz, p. 179. =i; vA"AA*i>i 44 THE POLES IN AMERICA the process; but the new political status of Poland will in due time offset the retardation by accelerat ing the speed of the transformation. With this change the economic status of the PoHsh peasant will improve decidedly; and PoHsh emigration wiU diminish. SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF THE POLISH PEASANTEY PoHsh peasant's education neglected.— During the nineteenth century the PoHsh peasant's education was sadly neglected. His masters, Russians, Prus sians, and Austrians, the Polish landlords and the Polish clergy as well, were little concerned about his schooling. The less education he had, the more submissive he would be, the more easily ruled, and the more easily exploited. In Russian Poland it was a penal offense before the war to teach a PoHsh. peasant anything in Polish; and not only that, but to teach him anything at aU in any language, Polish or Russian. In Prussian Poland he might be taught, but there, again, he had to be taught only in Ger man; and what he learned in a tongue unfamiliar to him, as well as obnoxious, because forced upon him, amounted to very Httle. In Austrian Poland attempts were made to give him systematic instruc tion, and to give it to him in his mother tongue. But for several decades the number of schools was in adequate to the population, many village communes remained without any schools, and thousands of peasant children were deprived of educational op portunities. Even as late as the close of the nine teenth century there were 4,117 schools, public and private, in Galicia, for 6,243 school communes, and out of 919,000 children between the ages of six to twelve years only 660,649 were attending any school.44 Besides, many, if not most, of these schools "Bartoszewicz, p. 183; cf. also Ency. Macierzy Szkolnej, II, p. 837. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 45 were largely under the influence and control of the church, and consequently the training given the children in them was intended to fit them for the Hfe hereafter rather than for life here and now. Mr^ L. E. Van Norman gives a telhng description of his visit to one such school for peasant children in GaHcia. "Its sessions were held in a rustic Httle one-room building with the conventional thatched roof. The walls of this room, instead of being hung with geographical maps, charts, and other educa tional paraphernaha, were almost HteraUy covered with portraits of Kaiser Franz Joseph, the late Kaiserin Elizabeth, and Prince Rudolph, and many different varieties of Catholic religious pictures. . . . The teacher was the village priest who made the children recite the catechism for my benefit, which they did in the most sing-song and unintelli gible fashion. . . . They recited also verses from the saints, and then had some mental arithmetic. Finally, the prize scholar was asked where was America. He hesitated a moment, then said he did not .know, except that it was far-off, and that it was the country to which good Polish boys went when they died. At the close a number of smaU reHgious pictures and prayer-books were distributed to the bright boys, and coral wreaths and rosaries to the girls."45 Result— illiteracy.— It is not to be wondered, therefore, that in 1900 the percentage of iUiteracy in GaHcia was 52% among the male and 59.99% among the female population, above six years of age.48 Growing improvement in education.— Yet we must not fail to see the progress that has been made along the Hne of peasant education in the last fifty years, and to note what a free people under normal ** Poland — the Knight among the Nations, pp. 243-244. "Dr. Carp, p. 75. 46 THE POLES IN AMERICA conditions wiU do when it is free to act. In 1866 Galicia was granted provincial autonomy. At once improvements along almost every Hne of public betterment were begun, with education receiving first attention. In 1868 for 6,243 school districts, village, town, and city, there were only 2,476 elementary schools of all kinds. By 1898 the number of elemen tary pubhc schools increased to 4,117; by 1906 to 4,902; by 1913 to 5,963; and in 1914 the Council of Public Education reported only 24 communes with out an elementary school-commune having only 15-30 children of school age.47 The increase in the enrollment of children in these elementary schools is also worthy of note. In 1871 the number of children in elementary schools was 156,015; in 1898—660,649; in 1907—953,499; and in 1913—1,152,048, with 216,778 children in sup plementary schools, making a total of 1,368,826.48 Besides elementary day schools, GaHcia has been establishing supplementary industrial and voca tional schools. According to government reports there were 134 such schools in the province in 1913 with a total attendance in 1911-12 of 12,569 pupils.48 Secondary and higher schools have been devel oped with equal energy. In 1868 GaHcia had 12 gymnasia, with an eight-year course of study in each, 7 with a four-year course in each, and 2 tech nical preparatory schools, one with a three-year course of study, and the other with a six-year course. The number of students in these institutions at that time was 7,905. In 1910-11 the number of pub lic gymnasia in Galicia was 86 and of technical pre paratory schools — 14, with a total attendance of 40,060 students. In addition to these there were 17 private gymnasia for men and 13 for women, with "Bartoszewicz, p. 183. "Ibidem, pp. 183-184. "Dr. Gorski, p. 46. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 47 an enrollment of 4,110. The two universities of Cra cow and Lwow had 1,822 students in 1880-81 and a faculty of 148 instructors, professors, and lecturers. In 1911-12 the enrollment of students in both uni versities was 8,088, and the faculties numbered 409 members.50 Education— first concern of new Poland.— More over, it is very gratifying to know that after the reconstitution of new Poland in 1918 one of the foremost concerns of the new Polish Government was the reestablishment and reorganization of the school system of the country. The Poles fuUy real ize that education of the rank and file of the people is one of the most important foundation stones of the New Republic. The effort is being also made to secularize the PoHsh schools, to give the PoHsh child an education free from ecclesiastical control and influence, which will adequately fit him for Hfe. PoHsh. press.— A marked growth is manifest also in the Polish periodical press in Galicia. In 1865 the Polish press was represented by 14 pubhcations, in 1875 by 68, in 1901 by 237, and in 1914 by 342. Among these there were 14 PoHsh daihes, pubHshed in Cracow and Lwow, with a total circulation of 140 thousand.51 PoHsh organizations.— Furthermore, the last fifty years have witnessed a remarkable increase in or ganizations of various kinds, poHtieal, educational, economic, philanthropic, et cetera. In 1874 PoHsh social interests and activities were represented by 590 organizations; in 1900 by 5,518; and in 1912 by 12,621. This last number included 3,956 educational organizations and libraries, 2,601 agricultural so cieties, and 1,077 industrial and commercial asso ciations.52 "Bartoszewicz, pp. 182-183. "Ibidem, p. 196. "Ibidem, p. 196. 48 THE POLES IN AMERICA Living conditions: (a) Housing.— Living condi tions of the Polish peasant are very simple. The houses are of stone, logs, or boards, plastered over with mud and white-washed. The roof is thatched or mud-covered, and over the mud is laid straw, upon which often grows moss, so that a peasant's hut, topped off with green-growing moss is a fre quent picturesque addition to the landscape. The in terior of the house is often divided into two rooms, in most cases separated by the main entrance and a hall running clear across to the other side of the house. One of the rooms constitutes the Hving, eating, and sleeping quarters for the family, in many instances for two and three families.53 The other room, across the hall, furnishes shelter to the Hve-stock, and to the farm poultry. The peasant hut, though humble, is, in itseH and alone, very pic turesque. Surrounded by trees and separated from neighboring houses by Httle kitchen or flower gar dens, it far surpasses for comfort and even health many a shack in some immigrant sections of our American cities. A Polish village with its pictur esque houses and with their stiU more picturesque occupants, is, particularly on a Sunday or holiday, when the villagers turn out in their best, a sight long to be remembered.84 (b) Food.— The Polish peasant Hves simply. The vegetables he raises in his garden furnish practi cally aU his food. Potatoes are his great staple, but he is also fond of cabbage, beets, and beans, and he occasionally grows some corn. Of the cabbage he makes soups and pressed cakes. He has also a thick grain porridge,' known as kasza, and he especially likes a soup made of red beets and known as barszcs. Meat is very scarce. He enjoys that deHcacy only ¦"Postep, August, 1920, p. 176. *»Cf. Van Norman, pp. 234-235. POLAND'S COUNTRY SIDE 1. Ploughing with Oxen 2. Farming- with Machinery {See page 38 PRINCIPAL SQUARE: CRACOW "^iSS^^^Mfi? A POLISH PEASANT HOME \See page IS EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 49 in winter when he has killed a pig, or on hoHdays and on special festive occasions.55 (c) Clothing.— In summer the Polish peasant's clothing consists of thin shirt and trousers, home made, and to this, in winter, he adds a sheepskin coat, with the fleece turned inside. He goes bare footed most of the time, and frequently bareheaded. The gorale, or mountain peasants, of the Carpa thians have a particularly striking dress, and the simple yet impressive dignity of their carriage adds greatly to their picturesqueness.58 The lot of the PoHsh peasant woman.— The lot of the Polish peasant woman is somewhat hard and monotonous, but not necessarily unhappy. Her mental development may not be of a very high order, yet it is as good as her husband's for she has at tended the same school together with him, and has enjoyed equal educational opportunities. She does a good deal of hard work, but in this respect she is cheerfully helping her husband in the common strug gle for existence. Her life is dull and dreary, but not any more so than her husband's. The Polish peasant woman, therefore, simply shares the com mon lot of the social class to which she belongs. Recreation.— Too much work and no play makes Jack a dull boy regardless of his nationahty or his social position. So the PoHsh peasant, too, looks for recreation and amusement, and finds it in frequent informal neighborly visits, viUage dances, weddings, christenings, church fairs, and in hohday festivities of one kind or another. He loves music passionately, and dehghts in dancing thoroughly. Group life, national consciousness, patriotism.— Group life among the Polish peasants is very strong, national consciousness intense, and patriotism very "Cf. Van Norman, p. 236, and N. O. Winter, p. 266. "'"':' "The same authors, pp. 236 and 266, respectively. 50 THE POLES IN AMERICA ardent. Commonly the Poles are regarded as in- dividuahsts of an extreme type. The fact is over looked that they act in groups. The Polish peasant does whatever the group does; and nothing can move him as long as the group refuses to act. To bear this fact in mind is of utmost importance in dealings with the Poles, especially in social and religious work among the Polish immigrants in this country. No enterprise of any kind may reason ably look for success among them unless it takes their group-life into account, and tries to make a successful appeal to the group. Owing to the determined efforts of Poland's par- titioners to denationalize the Poles and to stamp out their language, the Polish peasant's national con sciousness and patriotism have been developed to a high degree; and therefore he clings to his tradi tions and to his language tenaciously. In the period of dismemberment -the Poles found their native tongue the strongest bond of union. The Polish peasant, says Van Norman, is patriotism personi fied. He has responded nobly to every call of his country in her hour of need. In the Kosciuszko in surrection he cheerfuUy left his field, and, armed only with his scythe, he went forth to battle. He has been as responsive ever since. He is the most common-sense, practical peasant in the world. He is also self-respecting, independent, strong, and usuaUy moral, temperate, and cheerful. He is the hope of his nation. The regeneration and progress of the nation, pohtical, social, or reHgious, must come from the peasant.57 So it is. The PoHsh peasant is determining today Poland's future. He holds the balance of power in the PoHsh Diet today ; and one of the recent Premiers of Poland, Witos, was a peasant. " Poland — The Knight among the Nations, p. 233. EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 51 BEIJGIOTTS CONDITIONS IN POLAND The development of Christianity in Poland.— Christianity in its western form was introduced into- Poland in 966 by Poland's first historical ruler, Mieszko I (960-992). His motive for the accept ance of Christianity and for its introduction into his dominions was a desire to save his country from devastating German wars, carried 'on under the guise of Christianizing the pagan Slavs. The first bishopric was established by the same ruler in 96S in Poznzn. The Archbishopric of Gniezno was founded about the year 1000 by Boleslaw I the Brave, 992-1025, with the consent of the German Emperor Otto ILL This step made Poland inde pendent of Germany ecclesiastically. At the same time a number of new bishoprics were estabhshed in newly conquered territories ; at Colberg in Pom- erania, at Cracow in Little Poland, and at Breslau. in Silesia. Monastic Orders were invited to settle in. Poland, and were given large grants of land to gether with special privileges. With the assistance of the political power Christianity spread through out Poland very rapidly, and the influence of the Church and its clergy soon made itself felt in the State. By 1180 the higher clergy were invited to participate in the Bang's Council; and by 1206, ow ing to the adoption of the Gregorian reforms in Po land, the nomination of bishops, heretofore a pre rogative of the Polish kings, passed over to the Pope. The Church was now supreme in Poland, — a supremacy which it enjoyed and made fuU use of for over two centuries and a half, until the reign of Kazimir IV Jagiellonczyk (1447-1492), when the right of episcopal nominations was regained by Kazimir, and henceforth remained a prerogative of the PoHsh Crown. 52 THE POLES IN AMERICA Hussitism in Poland.— The Hussite movement, which in the fifteenth century kept Bohemia in com motion, found its way also to Poland. The Polish clergy was at the height of its power and its preten sions. As a consequence the PoHsh nobility was irritated, indignant, and jealous. Moreover, the Poles had had enough of Germany. Hussitism, therefore, both as a reHgion and as a nationahstic movement appealed to the Poles and was welcomed by them. Many wealthy and influential famihes, especially in Great Poland, became its adherents and sympathizers. With the defeat of the Hus sites in Bohemia, the movement was suppressed in Poland for a time. But in the sixteenth century, un der the influence of the Reformation, it revived again, and its adherents were known then as the Bohemian Brethren. The Reformation found in Poland a fertile, but rather rocky soil without depth. Its ideas struck root quickly, but not deeply. They found ready ac ceptance with the city population and with the no biHty^ the upper crust of society, but failed to pene trate into the lower social strata, the depths of the peasantry. The movement, therefore, was doomed to a short life from the start. For a time, how ever, the Reformation was very popular with the upper classes ; in fact so popular that aU kinds and shades of reHgious reformers found refuge and wel come in the country. Most influential were Luther anism, Calvinism, and Antitrinitarianism. Drawing its inspiration from the Reformation, there sprang up also a short-lived movement tending in the di rection of a National Church. But as in the fifteenth century in the case of Hussitism, so now again in the case of the Reformation the CathoHc reaction aries, under the leadership of the Jesuits, and sup ported by reactionary kings, succeeded in getting the upper hand, checked the movement, axid in the EUROPEAN BACKGROUND 53 course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries well-nigh exterminated it. Relative strength of reHgious faiths in Poland.— The relative strength of existing faiths in Poland in 1791, just before the second partition, was as f oHows : — Boman Catholica £3.2% Uniates 29.2% Disuniates 3.2% Hebrews 10.5% Protestants 1.7% Dissidents from the Bussian Orthodox Church...... 1.1% Arminians 0.5% Mohammedans -. 0.6% M These relative proportions have been consider ably modified in the course of a century and a quar ter. The Protestants have evidently grown in. strength; for they are now estimated to form 6,6 % of the total population.59 Nevertheless the old sta tistics are still fairly indicative of the relative strength of the different religious faiths in Poland today. The Catholics, Roman, Greek, Uniate, about 79.4% strong, are greatly in the lead; next come the. Jews, about 12% strong; then — the Protestants, numbering 6.6% ; finaUy — the Russian Dissidents,, Armenians, and Mohammedans making up 2%. The attitude of the Polish people toward institu tional religion.— The attitude of the Polish people toward institutional religion is of interest. The chief emphasis placed by both CathoHcs and Prot estants on dogma and ritual rather than on life has resulted in estrangement of the educated classes from the Church and in blind superstitious devo tion of the masses. It is fair to say that the edu cated Poles, whether Catholic or Protestant, are " Tadeusz Korzon, Wewngtrzne Dzieje Polski, I, Table attached to p. 320. "Jakob Glass, Ewangelicy Polacy, pp. 8-12. The Centenary Bul letin, M. E., Nashville, October, 1920, p. 2. 54 THE POLES IN AMERICA largely indifferent to the Church. They regard themselves as having outgrown religion, and conse quently do not care to bother about it any more. Especially is this true of those brought up in Catholicism; less true of those brought up in Protestantism. With the masses the case is quite different. The vital, characteristic fact of the Polish peasant's Hfe is his religion. He is perhaps the most devout peas ant in the world, and, beyond a doubt, is the most faithful as weU as one of the most superstitious of all the adherents of the Church of Rome. Most of the legends and general folk-lore of the peasant are reHgious in character, having their origin in his love and reverence for the Blessed Virgin. "Matka Boska," the Mother of God, as the peasants affec tionately caU her, is the ideal of all that is beautiful, the refuge, the protector, the constant intercessor of the sinful and the oppressed, and the Queen of the Polish nation. The Polish priest is identified with every phase of the peasant life, and there are no festivities in which he does not take a part. He is looked up to as the guide and guardian of his flock, and is regarded and treated with utmost defer ence by his parishioners. It cannot be said that in his personal life he always sets an ideal example.60 The average Protestant Pole lacks none of his Catholic brother's reHgious fervor and devotion, while his religion is of a higher order, less super stitious, more intelligent, and more spiritual. Poland's reHgious needs.— The most imperative reHgious needs of the Poland of today are : separa tion of Church and State, Hberation of the soul of the PoHsh people from the domination of medieval rehgiovs conceptions and superstitions, revitahza- tion and spirituaHzation of Poland's reHgious Hfe. MSee Van Norman, p. 245, and Winter, p. 276. CHAPTER II: POLISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES AND ITS DISTRD3UTJON Chapter IE POLISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES AND ITS DISTRIBUTION History of Polish immigration, (a) Early immi gration.— Polish immigration to the United States dates as far back as the first half of the seventeenth century, when the Zborowski, or Zabrisky, family came to this^ country, and settled near Hackensack, N. J. Martin Zborowski, a lawyer by profession, made a big fortune in real estate, which in 1878 he left to his son, Wilham Elfiot Zborowski. William ElHot married Carey's daughter, whose mother was an Astor, and, dying accidentally in 1903, he left a fortune of $10,000,000. William ElHot's sister, Anna, married Baron Fontenoy. The Zborowskis are the oldest Polish family in the United States.1 Other Poles soon followed. According to Father J. Conway, "as early as 1659 the Dutch colonists of Manhattan Island hired a PoHsh schoolmaster for the education of the youth of the community."2 During the Revolutionary War came the well-known patriots, Kosciuszko and Pulaski; after the war came the writer and poet, Niemcewicz; and later — Prince Dimitrius A. Galiczyn, who, assuming the name of John Smith, entered the priesthood, was consecrated by Bishop Carroll, of Baltimore, Marck 16th, 1795, and settled in the parish of "Bohemia Manor," Cecil Co., Maryland.3 The unsuccessful insurrection of 1830-31 led many Poles by way of •Bev. Waclaw Kruszka, Hist. Polska w Ameryce, I, pp. 53-54. •Ibidem, I, p. 53. * Ibidem, I, pp. 63-64. 67 58 THE POLES IN AMERICA France and England to seek refuge in this country. The same thing happened in 1848 and in 1863. In 1854 under the leadership of Father Leopold Moczy- gemba a number of peasant famihes from Upper Silesia came and settled in Texas, at a place which they named "Panna Marya" — that is, Virgin Mary.4 (b) Later immigration.— Polish immigration to the United States on a large scale, however, does not begin until in the seventies of the nineteenth century, following the Franco-Prussian War. Its original source was Prussian Poland — Upper Silesia, Poznania, and West Prussia. Beginning somewhat slowly at first in the seventies the stream of Polish immigration swelled and spread to such proportions as to sweep away with it not only the natural in crease of the peasant population, but also a portion of the normal population of these provinces. So that in the next decade, 1882-1895, in Poznania and in West Prussia, the normal population was actuaUy reduced by 41,000.B From Prussian Poland the emi gration movement spread gradually to Russian Po land, and thence to Galicia. Polish emigration from Galicia does not assume any considerable pro portions until the nineties of the last century. Volume of PoHsh immigration.— The volume of Polish immigration was greatest in the decade and a haH preceding the World War. In 1901-1910 the number of Polish immigrants to the United States was 873,669. For the period 1904-1913 it was 1,009,054. The year 1912-13 was the banner year, bringing 174,365 PoHsh immigrants. The year 1914 yielded 122,657, and the year 1915 only 9,065.6 *Kruszka, I, pp. 71, 75; Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citi zens, p. 228. • Okolowicz, Wychodztwo polskie, p. 23. •Ibidem, pp. 21-25; Dr. Caro, p. 34; Eeport of Com. Gen. of Immig., 1912-13. POLISH IMMIGRATION TO UNITED STATES 59 General causes of PoHsh immigration.— The gen eral causes of Polish immigration to the United States, according to Mr. Joseph Okolowicz and Prof. L. Caro, both of whom are first-class authori ties on this particular subject, are (1) overpopula-. tion of the Polish village by an agricultural prole tariat- or semi-proletariat; (2) small landholdings, primitive agricultural methods, and meager pro ductivity of the soil; (3) insufficient industrial devel opment; (4) low wages; (5) excessive taxation; (6) alcoholism and petty litigations; (7) land-hunger and the difficulty to satisfy it at home; and (8) emi gration propaganda carried on by agents of steam ship companies, by representatives of foreign gov ernments and corporations, and by lucky emigrants themselves. Special causes.— Besides these general causes of Polish emigration to the United States, there were special, immediate causes operating in each section of the country. For instance, the immediate causes of Polish emigration from Prussian Poland in the seventies and eighties were greater economic back wardness of the country at that time, intelligence due to better common school education, linguistic and religious persecution resulting from Bismarck's "Kultur-kampf " policy, and the contagious influ ence of German emigration. Polish emigration from Russian Poland began in 1876. The immediate causes back of it were a crop failure, a crisis and lockout in the textile industry, throwing hundreds of men out of work, and the introduction of univer sal military service, in that year.7 Polish emigra tion from Galicia seems to have been due largely to the operation of the more general causes and eco nomic conditions enumerated in the above sec tion. "Okolowicz, pp. 22-23; see also Hourwich, Immigration, pp. 14, 190. 60 THE POLES IN AMERICA Character of Polish immigration. —The character of Polish immigration may be determined by the following statistical facts. The PoHsh emigrants leaving Russian Poland in 1912 with the intention of estabHshing permanent homes abroad were di vided as to (1) social classes: landless peasants 50.7%, landed peasants 27.1%, factory workmen 3.3%, other occupations 18.9% ; (2) literacy: unable to read or write: men 17.95%, women 11.66%, total 29.61% ; (3) occupations : farm laborers 47.15%, un skilled laborers 28.41%, without occupation to in clude women and children 18.55%, skilled workmen 5,35%, professional, Hterary, and business 0.54%; (4) sex: men 66.3%, women 33.7%; (5) family re lationship: single individuals 47%, married 35.6%, children 17.4% ; (6) religion: Catholics 76.1%, Jews . 15.3%, Orthodox 3%, and Protestants 5.6%.8 Ac cording to the findings of the American Immigra tion Commission the percentage of illiteracy among the Poles of both sexes is only 24.5% ; in respect of occupations in this country they are divided as fol lows: farmers 5.7%, business, professional, and clerical 8.7%, skilled trades 5.1%, mine, miU, and factory workers 23.2%, laborers, not on farms 29.1%, all others 28.2%; and 77 % of the married Poles have their wives in this country, over against 23% whose wives are abroad.9 This last fact is an evidence that the Poles constitute a permanent fac tor of our population, and possess qualities of value tetany community. They are not transient squat ters, but come with the expectation, hope, and pur pose of making permanent homes." 10 The perma nent character of PoHsh immigrants to the U. S. is further shown by statistics of visits made abroad •Okolowicz, pp. 28, 32, 33-34; Eeport of Com. Gen. of Immie.. 1912-13. 6 •Jenks and Lauck, Immigration, pp. 417, 433; Hourwich, p. 171. MBalch, pp. 473-74; Winter, p. 325. POLISH IMMIGRATION TO UNITED STATES 61 by foreign-born employes in iron and steel nulls. Of the Slovaks 21.4% make such visits home ; of the Hungarians — 20.3%; of the Russians — 10.2%; of the Bohemians and Moravians— 8.5% ; and of the Poles only 6.6 %.u As workers the PoHsh immi grants are both capable and industrious. Of PoHsh adult male clothing workers, 18 years of age and over, residing in the United States less than five years, 37.4% are reported by the Immigration Com mission as having made less than $10 per week, 54.1% between $10 to $15 per week, and 8.5% — $15 and over, whereas of German clothing workers 40% averaged less than $10 per week, 51.4% — $10 to $15 per week, and 8.6% — $15 and over, or, even in this last instance, only one-tenth of one per cent of Ger- , man clothing workers as compared with PoHsh clothing workers averaged the highest wage. The same is true of Polish women and girls in the same industry. The majority of them (55.4%) earned more than $7.50 per week, while the majority of American women of native parentage (57.2%) earned less than that amount. Polish girls, between the ages of 14 and 18, earned on an average $5.25 per week, whereas native American girls of native parentage made only $5.02 per week.12 These wages were, of course, pre-war wages. The Polish immi grant, therefore, taking him all around, is not hab? as bad as he is sometimes imagined and represented to be. Distribution and location of PoHsh immigrants.— According to the Polish National AUiance Calendar for 1910, there were approximately 3,063,000 Poles in the United States at that time, and their distri bution was as follows: "Hourwich, p. 75. "Ibidem, pp. 370-371; Immig. Com. Eeports, II, pp. 293, 301. 62 THE POLES IN AMERICA Total No. of Population Poles ercentaga Pennsylvania 6,302,115 500,000 8. New York 7,268,894 475,000 6.5 Illinois 4,821,550 475,000 9.5 Wisconsin 2,069,042 250,000 12. Michigan 2,420,982 240,000 10. Massachusetts 2,805,346 240,000 8.75 Ohio 4,157,515 200,000 5. New Jersey 1,883,669 120,000 6. Minnesota 1,751,394 120,000 6. Connecticut 908,420 120,000 13. Indiana 2,516,462 50,000 2.5 Missouri 3,106,665 40,000 1.5 Maryland 1,188,044 30,000 2.5 Nebraska 1,066,300 25,000 2. Texas 3,048,710 25,000 0.8 Ehode Island 428,556 25,000 5. Delaware 184,735 20,000 11. Maine , 694,466 20,000 3. West Virginia 958,800 15,000 1.5 Washington 518,103 12,000 2. California 1,485,053 15,000 1. New Hampshire 411,588 12,000 2.5 North Dakota 319,146 12,000 6. Kansas 1,470,495 12,000 0.8 Other States ¦ 10,000 — Total 3,063,000 These figures, however, are very conservative and unquestionably below the actual numbers of Poles in the given States, particularly some of them. The American Association of Foreign-Language News papers in its statistical report of 1919 estimates the number of Poles in the United States at 3,595,000 ; and the PoHsh Press, as early as 1908, estimated that there were about 4,000,000 Poles in the United States at that time. The estimate of the American Association of Foreign Language Newspapers is probably nearest the actual fact.13 The above table makes it clear that the North Atlantic States and the States around the Great "Statistical Eeport, August, 1919, cited by Okolowicz, p. 36; Dr. Caro, p. 115; Note 1, and Statistical Table, pp. 117-118; Archibald McClure, Leadership of the New America, p. 69. POLISH IMMIGRATION TO UNITED STATES 63 Lakes constitute the region in which the Poles have largely settled. This has been due to the industrial development of these states, favorable agricultural conditions, especially in such States as Wisconsin. and Minnesota, and to the prevailing ''cluriale throughout this region. Of the large cities the following are the great Polish centers: Chicago 400,000; Detroit 100,000 Milwaukee 100,000; Buffalo 100,000; Toledo 30,000 Cleveland 50,000; Pittsburgh and vicinity 200,000 New York 200,000; Philadelphia 50,000; Baltimore 35,000; and Boston 25,000. Migration of Poles in the United States.— The Polish immigrants constitute a reasonably stable ele ment in the population of a community. ' ' TEey~are not transient squatters," says the Boston Transcript, "but come with the expectation, hope, and purpose of making permanent homes." 14 To be sure, there is some migration incidental to changing industrial conditions and to the natural human desire of seeing the country. In such cases, however, the first ones to move on are the single individuals and the mar ried men whose families are abroad. The men with families usually stay, unless absolutely forced by prolonged local unemployment to make a change. The Polish immigrant has no Bohemian habits; he does not fancy moving from place to place aU the time. He likes to settle down and stay. This state ment finds support also in the discovery made by the Roosevelt Immigration Commission that over three-fourths of newly arrived immigrants, includ ing the Poles, have spent the entire period of their residence since their arrival in the United States in the neighborhood of where they now live.15 Po Hsh settlements, therefore, do not fluctuate; they are "August 4, 1909. " Jenka and Lauck, Immigration, p. 127. 64 THE POLES IN AMERICA reasonably stable and growing. And the majority of the Poles own their homes. Return movement.— During the last two years, since the restoration of Poland as an independent state, there has been, to be sure, a good deal of rest lessness among the PoHsh immigrants in this coun try, and quite a strong tendency toward re-emigra tion to Poland. Thousands have been planning to return, and thousands have actually returned. From June, 1918, to June, 1920, 365,367 aHens left Amer ica for Europe, among whom were 18,545 Poles. (From January to March, 1920, the number of aliens emigrating from America was 61,000, the majority of whom were Czechoslovaks and Poles.) 16 It is not likely, however, that this return movement among the Poles wiU assume large proportions. Many will be held back by ties, either economic or social. Of the re-emigrants many have gone be cause of family or business reasons; others from motives of sentiment and patriotism. But many of those that have gone over have already signified their desire to return to America.17 Indications are that the PoHsh re-emigration movement has already spent its force. It is fair to conclude that economic and social causes will, as usual, operate powerfully to hold the majority of the Poles here to their re spective places. Prospect for new immigration.— As to fresh im migration from Poland, it is doubtful that this wiU be very large in the future. For the next few years, before Poland is able to reorganize and rebuild its economic life, many wiU, probably, seek refuge and opportunity in this country. But as Poland's eco nomic Hfe becomes reconstructed, Polish immigra tion will graduahy diminish. According to some re ports Polish emigrants to America are pouring into .u" Foreign-Born," for May, 1920, p. 22. ""Codz. Kurjer Narodowy," for October, 1920. POLISH IMMIGRATION TO UNITED STATES 65 Danzig at the rate of 250 famiHes, or 1,000 souls, daily. That the movement is gaining volume, there seems to be no doubt. To house the steady stream of emigrants while waiting for steamers, the Danzig authorities have long since estabhshed an embarka tion camp in the outskirts of the city with accom modations for 4,000. The new flood of refugees flee ing before the Bolshevist invasion filled this to over flowing in a trice. A second camp, housing 2,000, was opened and as quickly filled. A third camp is being opened in the old quarantine barracks. And seeing no prospect of the cessation of emigration, the authorities are casting about for still further ac commodations.18 However, 95% of the present emi gration from Poland is Jewish rather than PoHsh.19 This smaU percentage of native Poles among the present emigrants from Poland to America is rather significant and doubtless indicative of the future. *"' Foreign-Born," September-October, 1920, p. 14. »"Codz. Kurjer Ludowy," for October, 1920. CHAPTER in.- ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF PO LISH IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Chapter III ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF POLISH IMMI GRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Means of Hvelihood.— As has been previously in dicated, the majority of Polish immigrants to this country belong to the class of unskiUed labor. According to the findings of the Immigration Commission, 6.4% are in the trades, 3.8% in domes tic and personal service, and the rest in unskiUed labor.1 However, the Poles are not afraid of work ; they know how to apply themselves, and they do it with determination and endurance. They are found in nearly every industry of importance, in mining, steel and glass industries, textile mills, boots and shoes and clothing manufacturing, stock-yards and packing houses, agricultural implement and vehicle establishments, automobile shops, furniture facto ries, wire works, oil and sugar refineries, and in agriculture.2 Wages.— The wages of the Polish immigrants have, more or less, been the prevailing wages in given industries at a given time. In this connection it is of great interest to see the weekly and yearly earnings of native and foreign-born workers in a number of leading industries, before the War, and to note the relative differences. As in these indus tries Poles are found in considerable numbers, the schedules represent their pre-war wages in those industries. 1 Jenks and Lauck, p. 124. 'Ibidem, p. 139; Balch, pp. 282-3. 69 70 THE POLES IN AMERICA AVEEAGE AMOUNT OF WEEKLY EAENINGS OF MALE EMPLOYEES, 18 YEARS AND OVEK» Native-Born Native Foreign Foreign- Industry Father Father Born Agricultural Implements and Vehicles.. $13.23 $13.62 $12.89 Boots and Shoes.... 12.57 12.84 11.19 Clothing 14.59 15.66 12.91 Cotton Goods 11.60 10.45 9.28 Furniture 11.43 12.31 11.58 Glass Industry— Bottles 16.87 19.54 12.63 Iron and Steel 16.54 16.62 13.29 Leather 11.02 12.15 10.27 Oil Befining 14.83 13.67 13.71 Sugar Eefining 13.42 13.12 11.64 Woolen and Worsted Goods 11.62 11.74 9.96 'AVEEAGE AMOUNT OF WEEKLY EAENINGS OF FEMALE EMPLOYEES, 18 YEARS AND OVEE3 Native-Born Native Foreign Foreign- Industry Father Father Born Agricultural Implements and Vehicles. . $7.13 $7.26 $7.12 Boots and Shoes 7.98 8.60 7.89 Clothing 7.41 8.60 7.74 Collars, Cuffs and Shirts 7.47 7.78 7.77 Cotton Goods 8.34 7.96 7.93 Glass Tableware 5.61 5.71 5.14 Leather 7.13 7.39 6.39 Woolen and Worsted Goods 8.35 8.61 7.96 Gloves 6.37 6.88 6.55 The average pre-war yearly earnings of the na tive-born, investigated by the Immigration Commis sion, were' $533; of the foreign-born — $385; while of the native-born of foreign fathers they were $526. This shows that, while the difference in the annual earnings of the native-born and the foreign-born is considerable, the earnings of the native-born of for eign fathers are nearly on a par with the earnings of the native-born of native fathers. In other words, the second generation of the immigrants rises to the productive level of native Americans. Of the more recent immigrants the average annual earnings were • Jenks and Lauck, pp. 147, 149. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRANTS 71 as foUows : Of the North ItaHans $425, of the South ItaHans $368, of the Poles $365, of the Servians $325, and of the Syrians $321. And the average an nual earnings of Polish women were $200.4 The Poles, then, occupy a middle position among the newer groups of immigrants with reference to earn ing capacity. Other sources of income.— That the pre-war aver age annual earnings of the representatives of Po Hsh famiHes were inadequate for family support re quires no proof. That the earnings of the father had to be suplemented by additional, earnings of the mother, or of the children, or of both, is plainly evident. Thus we find in the Report of the Immi gration Commission that of the PoHsh households studied 35.8% of families had their entire income from husband; 8.5% from husband and children; 13.2% from unspecified sources; and 37.7% from husband and boarders and lodgers.6 Polish women in industry.— Owing to this condi tion, large numbers of Polish women and girls are found in various industries such as textile mills, clothing factories, cigar factories, packing houses, and canneries. The Polish women enjoy the same reputation that the PoHsh men have for wUHngness to work hard. A determination to work and earn and save is uppermost with them. Marriage is not suffered tc be a bar to work. They have, therefore, made their way into a wide circle of industries ; and in some of these, as we have seen, they have been making fairly good wages.6 Standard of living of PoHsh industrial workers.-— The Poles, together with other recent immigrants, are frequently blamed for their low standard of liv ing. It is forgotten that their low standard of Hving 4 Jenks and. Lauck, pp. 126, 127. •Ibidem, p. 160. •Cf. Balch, pp. 354, 355-357. 72 THE POLES IN AMERICA is imposed upon them rather than of their own choosing, and that it is not a permanent, but only a temporary characteristic. A new immigrant in a strange country, unacquainted with the language, customs, and conditions of the land, with no re sources but his immediate earnings to depend upon for his daily bread in season of employment and out of season, does not have many choices left as to the kind of work he will do, the amount of pay he must have for it, and the kind of house and community he wUl live in. By sheer and inevitable necessity he is forced to take whatever work he can get, to be satisfied with whatever wages his generous em ployer is wilHng to pay him, and to be contented with such food and shelter as his wages aUow, leav ing a small margin of savings against emergencies. In the course of time, as his economic condition im proves, his standard of Hving naturally rises. Tem porarily, however, "sausage, and three loaves of stale bread for five cents" must be his staple food as long as his American Christian employer has the conscience to pay him the lowest possible wage for his labor, saying, "they're glad enough to get work. " 7 To blame the PoHsh immigrant for his low standard of Hving under such conditions betrays a sad lack of judgment. We might with equal reason blame the early Virginia colonists for the unsani tary conditions which caused them to die of fever; the Pilgrims for their lack of foresight, energy, and efficiency," which brought about practical starvation of many of them; Lincoln for having been born in a log-cabin; Garfield for having been a mule driver; and President Harding for having started as a news boy and a printer. Then, too, says Dr. Hourwich, "it is clearly insufficient to compare the sections in habited by English-speaking skilled mechanics and their famiHes with the settlements of the unskilled TShriver, pp. 27-28. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRANTS 73 Slav laborers, with a view te shewing that the for mer present a better appearance than the latter. The housing conditions of the new immigrants should be compared with those of the Irish and Ger man unskilled laborers a generation ago, in order to support the conclusion that the former have in troduced a lower standard of living. ' ' 8 Poles in agriculture.— The Poles, however, are not all in cities and in factories. They are chiefly peas ants, and many of them seek the country and take to farming. Miss Balch estimates that one-third of the Poles are Hving in country places ; Rev. Father Kruszka puts the number at 500,000.9 Miss Balch doubtless overestimates and Father Kruszka under estimates the number of Poles engaged in agricul ture. The number probably is somewhere in the neighborhood of 750,000. PoHsh farming communities are located in Massa chusetts, New York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wiscon sin, and Texas.19 In 1901 the number of PoHsh farming settlements was estimated at seven hun dred. The size of PoHsh farms varied from 40 to 360 acres and more, with an average of 80 acres. The total acreage of PoHsh farm land at that time was about 5,600,000. The value of these farms was put at $210,000,000." By today these Polish agri cultural settlements have considerably increased, if not in number, certainly in size, in population, and in the value of farms and farming equipment. If twenty years ago the value of Polish, farms was $210,000,000, which certainly was a very modest estimate even at that time, averaging only $37.50 per acre, it is perfectly safe to say that today the value of PoHsh farm property, including land, build- 8 Immigration, p. 54. 'Balch, p. 320; Kruszka, III, p. 120. "Shriver, pp. 82-83; Jenks, p. 89. "Kruszka, IH, pp. 120-121. 74 . THE POLES IN AMERICA ings, stock, and equipment, is at least twice that amount, or $420,000,000. Transition to agriculture.— The Poles in the rural communities on Long Island and in the Connecticut Valley are of three classes, farm laborers, renters, and independent farmers. Their economic progress follows two Hnes ; those who settle on the land imme diately after their arrival in America, begin as farm laborers, gradually develop into renters, and finally become independent farm owners ; a second class set tle on the land after a number of years' residence and work in the city, and according to their accumu lated savings begin either as renters, or at once as independent farm owners. However, the transition from industry to farming is shght ; and wherever it is made, it must be made by the first generation of immigrants. The second generation, brought up in the city, are not likely to turn to farming as they grow up. Their associations, ambitions, and habits will be of the town.12 According to the Immigra tion Commission, about one-half of the Polish farm ers have been in this country less than a decade, at the time of the investigation made.13 This shows that those who settled on farms did so either imme diately on arrival or shortly after. Poles efficient and successful farmers.— "The farming of the Poles," says Miss Balch, "is re garded as inferior by the Americans." Their great economic advantage is ascribed to the fact "that all the members of the family, women and children as weU as men, work in the fields." 14 The fact, how ever, remains that the Poles are making a success of farms given up by the natives. "Their readi ness in mastering the art of farming speaks weU for their quickness of observation and their power to MSee Balch, p. 335. "Jenks, p. 81. " Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p. 329. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRANTS 75 apply information, and to adjust themselves to new conditions."15 They understand intensive agricul ture, and are industrious. They possess in extraor dinary measure the qualities of application and en durance. They are thrifty and let Httle go to waste. Their success, accordingly, is no matter of surprise. The New Englanders of the Connecticut Valley, for instance, speak unhesitatingly in terms of highest praise of the industry, thrift, efficiency, and pros perity of the Polish farmers ; and one after another of the best farms in the Connecticut Valley is pass ing into PoHsh hands.18 Poles in business.— During the early stages of PoHsh immigration, the Poles constituted chiefly an armvpX_ffifirke£sr seeking employment wherever it couIoTbefound. Thisjgas perfectly natural. Most of the PoHsh immigrants were peasants, without any qualifications for business and without any working capital. The first thing they had to do was to get a firm footing in their new land, to establish a home, and to accumulate some surplus capital. This hav ing been done, they gradually began to branch out into business and manufacturing. Beginning cau tiously, they started to use their working capital first in small enterprises and later on in larger un dertakings. As time went on ever larger numbers would leave their factory jobs, and go into business for themselves. In this way PoHsh business grew and developed until today it is in a very flourishing condition, with full promise of still greater develop ment. In every Polish colony one can today find numerous Polish stores, covering practicaUy all branches of business ; and some of these PoHsh busi ness enterprises rival in variety, quantity, and qual ity of stock and in prices some of the better up-town American stores. As a result of high wages during "Boston Transcript, August 4, 1909. » Se© Shriver, pp. 82-85. ' : V 76 THE POLES IN AMERICA the War, and consequent greater accumulations of surplus capital, as well as the allurement of great business profits, the last five years have witnessed a tremendous development of Polish business. If it is safe to generalize from the observation of some settlements, it may be perfectly safe to say that Po Hsh business has grown one hundred per cent and more in the last five years. Poles in industry.— Besides business, the Poles have by degrees engaged in manufacturing. Here, too, Polish industry has been subject to a process of development. Starting on a small scale, and along few Hnes at first, it has slowly grown larger until it has come to embrace many lines of manu facturing today. The oldest Polish industry in the United States is the clothing industry. It dates back to the Civil War. The cause of its rise is evi dently to be looked for in the large demand for clothing at that time, as during the recent World War, and in the resulting high wages and big profits.17 Next, in point of time, engaging the at tention of the Poles, is contracting and buUding and the moving of houses ; then the brewing of beer, the manufacture of cigars and smoking tobacco, baking and butchering; and in more recent years the manu facture of picture frames, stained-glass windows, stoves, furniture, shoes, shirts, ties, and caps. As Polish business, so Polish industry has been greatly stimulated and has taken big strides forward in the last five years. The Poles in the professions.— During the first twenty to thirty years of the early history of Polish immigration to the United States there was a great scarcity of professional men in every Polish settle ment. The Polish immigrant, in need of profes sional services, had to resort to physicians and law yers of other nationahties, particularly Jews. This "Kruszka, III, pp. 92, 99. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRANTS 77 state of things was inevitable. Polish immigration, as has already been noted, was not composed of the "inteligencja," including the professional class, but of the peasantry. It was only here and there that a professional man ventured to pull up stakes and transplant himself to the United States ; and in such cases he very likely was the least desirable. Conse quently the Polish immigrants in the United States had to wait until they could develop a professional class of their own from among the younger genera tion. This, again, required time. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, if for the first twenty-five to thirty years, that is, down to 1900 or 1905, the Polish colonies did not compare favorably, in respect of business, manufacturing, or the professions, with colonies of other earlier settlers, the Germans or even the Czechs. Such comparisons, though fre quently made to the inevitable discredit of the Poles, have been very unfair ; for they have never taken all the facts involved in the case into account. Given necessary time, however, the Polish peasant immi grants have gradually developed from among their own group a creditable business and professional class, — a class of business and professional men brought up in our American atmosphere and trained in our American institutions, wide-awake, energetic, and increasingly efficient, with qualities for service and leadership. Value of Polish property.— Besides being indus trious, the Polish immigrants are a very . thrifty class of people. In the homeland the PoHsh peas ant's one supreme ambition is to own a piece of land and a home. When he comes to America, he brings that supreme ambition with him. He works, denies himseH, and saves, in order that he may some day have a home of his own to Hve in, and a patch of ground for that home to stand on.18 Being more or "Cf. Balch, p. 307. 73 THE POLES IN AMERICA less permanent residents, the Poles are owners of homes. It may safely be said that seventy to eighty per cent of them own their homes. As early as 1887 the Chicago Tribune calculated that the Poles in that one city owned real estate worth $10,000,000. In 1900 Father Kruszka estimated that the Poles in the United States owned $600,000,000 worth of city property alone, besides $210,000,000 worth of farm property. Today, taking into account the increase in population, the high wages and profits received during the War, and the fabulous increase in prop erty values, it is safe to increase the former figure by 150%, raising the present value of Pohsh-owned city property to $1,500,000,000. To this let us add the minimum present value of PoHsh-owned farm property, namely, $420,000,000, and we have a mod erate grand total of $1,920,000,000 worth of real estate property owned by the Poles in the United States. Nor is this aU. "Aside from their private banks, and state banks under their own management, the Poles have innumerable Building and Loan Associa tions, which play a large part in the savings and real estate developments. These associations are to be found in every Polish community, lending money, selHng shares, carrying mortgages ; in the cities cov ered by this report there are about 150 such organi zations doing an annual business of about $7,000,000. One association in Buffalo showed a total of $91,000 handled in smaU sums for investors in the year 1913 ; and the same board of directors stated that there was no reason why that association should not carry in that community a business investment amounting to $960,000, all in small sums invested in stores, homes, and real estate. In Cleveland there is a Po lish Chamber of Commerce, formed for the express purpose of 'booming Polish trade, influencing per manent settlement in the community, promoting ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRANTS 79 sympathetic relations between tbe Poles and the Americans of other nationalities in that city.' " 19 In Chicago, in 1904, there were eighty-one Bohe mian and Polish Building, Loan, and Homestead Associations with $6,200,000 in assets, 220,000 shares in force, and an approximate membership of 28,000.20 In Baltimore, in 1920, the assets of five PoHsh Building and Loan Associations amounted to more than $2,000,000. And during the War the Poles purchased $67,000,000 worth of Liberty Bonds, re ceiving the fourth place among the subscribers of foreign birth or descent to the Liberty Loans. "Hayden, Eeligious Work among Poles in America, pp. 9-10. "Balch, p. 307. CHAPTER IV: SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND EDU CATIONAL FORCES Chapter IV SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND EDUCATIONAL FORCES Housing.— In a study of social conditions of dif ferent social or racial groups, it is weU to begin with the home, the housing conditions; for the home, its structure, location, environment, and arrangement, is, broadly and relatively speaking, both an embodi ment and an expression of the social ideals and tastes of any given social group as well as a primary social institution the general character and atmos phere of which powerfully influence and mold the lives of coming generations. Housing conditions, however, are not, strictly speaking, personal, social, or racial, but economic ; x and this fact must not be lost sight of in any such study. Housing congestion in our large industrial centers is not wrought by the habits or standards of living of immigrants, but is forced upon them by condi tions not of their own choosing or making, such as low wages, high rents, poor city planning, inade quate building laws, and the notorious neglect on the part of city administrations of so-caUed "for eign" sections.2 "That bad housing conditions are not the exclusive characteristic of the immigrant, but are found under Hke economic conditions among the native wage-earners as well, has been shown by the investigation of the Immigration Commission in Alabama, where there are practicaUy no foreigners 1Jenks, p. 117. •Hounrich, pp. 235-240. 83 84 THE POLES IN AMERICA whose competition might be supposed to have forced down the American standard of Hving, and where 'the home of the native white laborer is frequently devoid of the more modern equipment and sanita tion.' "3 And in southern null-towns, where the mill-workers are largely country people of old American stock, the company houses in which they Hve "are neither sheathed, plastered, nor papered, and the tenants suffer intensely from occasional cold weather."4 In judging the Poles, then, we must take into ac count their wages and the housing conditions in America as they find them. In the households in vestigated by the Immigration Commission the aver age number of persons per 100 rooms was only 134, and per 100 sleeping rooms 232. The Poles averaged per 100 rooms 155 persons, while the Slo venians averaged 172 persons per 100 rooms and South Italians 166 persons. When the average num ber of persons per sleeping room is taken, the Poles average 2.72 persons per sleeping room, the Sloven ians^ — 2.99, the South ItaHans — 2.54, the Magyars — 2.43, as compared with an average of 2.03 among Germans and 1.93 among native Americans.5 Overcrowding is most frequently shown by the keeping of boarders or lodgers. Among the native Americans 10.2% of the families keep boarders; among the foreign-born — 27.2%. Among the for eign-born the Poles occupy the sixth place with 35.5% of the Polish families keeping boarders or lodgers, the Lithuanians leading with 70.2%; then follow the Hungarians with 47.3%, North ItaHans — 42.9%, Swedes— 37.2%, and Slovaks with 41%. • ¦Hourwich, p. 246; see also Beports of the Immigration Commis sion, IX, 229. ?Streightoff, Standard of Living, p. 92; Hourwich, p. 246; Jenks, p. 279. •Jenks, pp. 119-120. •Ibidem, p. 121. SOCIAL CONDITIONS 85 The household of immigrants, as compared with the native-born wage-earners, pays, generally speak ing, the same, if not higher rent per room, but lower rent per person, as among the immigrants, there is, generally speaking, a much larger number of per sons per room. The native-born white pays $2.51 on the average per room per month, while the for eign-born pays $2.90. The native-born, then, with a much higher income pays less rent per room per month than the foreign-born with a decidedly smaller income is required to pay. That under such condi tions congestion is inevitable is perfectly clear. Of the foreign-born the South Italians pay $3.28 per room per month, the Slovenians $2.20, the Russian Jews $3.51. The Greeks pay the highest average per room, $4.59, and the Poles the lowest, $1.60. The lowest rent per person is paid by the immigrant Slovenian, $1.29; next ranks the immigrant Pole, $1.34; the Pole of foreign father, but native-born pays $1.35 ; the Slovak pays $1.37 ; the South Itahan $1.91 ; and the Russian Jew $2.33. These rents are, of course, pre-war and not post-war rents. In all these cases it is perfectly clear that the effort is made to reduce rent per person by increasing the number of persons per room, i. e., by taking on boarders or lodgers, which low wages and high rents make inevitable.11 Of the famiHes studied by the Immigration Com mission one-tenth own their homes. Of the native- born families 5.7% own their homes, and of the for eign-born 10.4%. Among the immigrants, 25.8% of the Germans own their homes ; of the Swedes 19.4% ; of the Poles 17% ; of the Irish 12.5% ; and of the Slovenians 11.1%.8 These percentages, however, have been greatly modified in the course of the last few years in favor of larger home-ownership among ¦> Jenka, p. 122. •Ibidem, p. 123. 86 THE POLES IN AMERICA aU groups. Among the Poles, for instance, it is safe to say, that 75% of the Polish famiHes own their homes at the present time, 1921. The degree of house cleanliness among the Poles is noteworthy. Miss Janet E. Kemp in her Report on Housing Conditions in Baltimore says: "Of the four districts investigated, the Thames Street dis trict — which, by the way, is the worst housing disr trict in the Polish section of Baltimore — ranks first iu the matter of interior cleanHness. Of its 904 rooms, 808 were described as clean, and out of 322 halls and stairways only 32, or slightly less than 10%, were found to be dirty. Throughout the in vestigation no impossibly high standard of clean Hness was appHed. All rooms, "haUs, yards, and cellars that were not positively dirty were classed as clean. But in the Thames Street district, in nearly aU cases, the adjective may be considered as descriptive of actual conditions. A remembered Saturday evening inspection of five apartments in a house in Thames Street, with their whitened floors and shining cook stoves, with the dishes gleaming on the neatly ordered shelves, the piles of clean clothing laid out for Sunday, and the general at mosphere of preparation for the Sabbath, suggested standards that would not have disgraced a Puritan housekeeper. ' ' FamUy life.— The famUy is regarded with respect and reverence. Family life is still largely of the patriarchal type ; the father is the undisputed nomi nal, though not always real, head of the family. The mother occupies, in theory at least, but not neces sarily in practice, a somewhat secondary place, and the children are trained in filial respect and obedi ence. PoHsh famUies, as a rule, are large, with an average of five to six children to the family.9 The family forms an economic unit. In many instances •Jenks, p. 61. SOCIAL CONDITIONS 87 the labor of the wife and the chUdren supplements that of the husband and father. The earnings of the famUy go into a common treasury, and are dis tributed to each member according to his or her needs. Of course, as the economic condition of the family improves, the mother is reheved of outside work, devoting her entire attention to the home and the family, and the children are given an oppor tunity to secure better education. The standard of morahty is, on the whole, high among the Poles. An evidence of this is found in the vigor and vitahty of the Polish stock and in the small number of di vorces among the Polish people. Owing to a differ ence in language, customs, ideas, and the general American environment, parental authority and influ ence is not infrequently lessened, and the second generation is apt to grow up quite independent of home influences, which does not always result in a better type of manhood and womanhood and in a more desirable citizenship. On the whole, however, the second generation of Polish immigrants makes as good citizens as any other national group pro duces; and these "as a rule adopt the language and the customs of the country." 10 Intermarriage.— Intermarriage between the Poles and other nationalities plays as yet a very small role. According to the Census of 1910 97.2% of Polish im migrant f amUies were nationaUy homogeneous, with both parents born in Poland, and only 2.8% were mixed, with one parent born in Poland and one native. And even in the case of the 2.8% mixed marriages the fact must not be lost sight of that many a parent recorded as native was of Polish nationahty born in this country. It is also interest ing to note that more PoHsh-born men marry native- born women (2.2%?) than native-born men marry PoHsh-born women (0.5%) ; and that the percentage "Kruszka, I, p. 87. ; : A ;A 88 THE POLES IN AMERICA of women born in other foreign countries married to Polish-born men is slightly larger than that of native-born women, 2.9% as to 2.2 %.n Relation to native Americans.— It is a well-known fact that the native American population does not stay in the sections of our cities invaded by immi grants, but moves to up-town districts or to the suburbs. Those that actually do remain for busi ness or other reasons constitute a very smaU and scattered group. This naturaUy leaves the immi grant settlements solidly foreign and quite to them selves. It certainly is true of the PoHsh settlements, especially of the larger ones in our larger city- centers. Quite naturally, too, there is no social in tercourse between the Poles and the Americans, and very Httle, if any, between the Poles and other im migrant groups for the same reason. Whatever intercourse there exists between the Poles and the Americans, is of a business or poHtieal, but not of a social nature. This sharp Hne of social demarca tion has tended to preserve and to perpetuate a dis tinctly foreign character of our city immigrant com munities by natural and inevitable necessity. We learn and assimilate by contact; where there is no contact, there is no exchange of ideas and no assimi lation. However, the feehng of the Poles toward the native Americans is cordial, and in as far as they have opportunity to become acquainted with what is best in American social Hfe, they readily make it their own. Social life and recreation.— Being left to them selves, the Polish immigrant communities have by necessity had to preserve and develop a social Hfe and forms of recreation of their own. The Pole's intense social and hospitable nature finds expres sion, pleasure, and satisfaction in frequent "getting together." The Pole likes to visit, to talk, to en- UU. S. Census for 1910. SOCIAL CONDITIONS 88 tertain, and to have a good time. He passionately loves music, dancing, and dramatic art. Weddings and christenings furnish great opportunities for so ciability ; hohdays are taken advantage of for social visiting, and in summer for family picnics ; musical concerts and dramatic plays always find favor witb. the Poles, and, if good, are thoroughly enjoyed and appreciated. In anteprohibition days the saloon was a very popular social and recreational center; but now the home, friends, wholesome community entertainments, and the great outdoors receive more attention, and furnish sociability and recreation. Civic life and poHtieal relations.— At first for a number of years the Poles took small part in civic and pohtical affairs ; but their interest and participa tion in them have been growing rapidly in recent years. With improvement in their economic condi tion and with greater acquisition of property and of the Enghsh language as well, their interest in civic and pohtical matters has been aroused, and as a result a greater percentage of them have become naturahzed citizens. Of the Poles studied by the Immigration Commission that have been in the United States from 5 to 9 years 33.1% have either been naturahzed or hold first papers; of those that have been here 10 years and more, 39.8% have been fully naturalized.12 This percentage has been considerably raised during the war and since. It may probably be safe to say that at present (1921) 50-6Q%, if not more, of the Poles in this country are naturalized American citizens. As to political affiliations, both parties count Poles as members. In the days before the Civil War the slavery issue tended to draw the Poles into the Re publican ranks, and many of them fought gaUantly on the side of the Union. It is interesting to find, writes Miss Balch, that the Poles voted for Grant "Jenks, pp. 272, 273, 406. VVV. 90 THE POLES IN AMERICA in 1872, — the first election in whick they were not ably interested, — because he recognized the French Republic during the Prussian War, while his oppo nent, Greeley, was supposed to favor Austria in Italy and Germany in Alsace-Lorraine.13 On the other hand, it is claimed that in Chicago Poles are "normally Democrats."14 In the election of 1920 many supported the Democratic candidate out of gratitude to President Wilson for his stand regard ing Poland. Both Repubhcans and Democrats have nominated Poles to office; and a number of these nominees have been elected and have sat in city councils and in state legislatures, both in the lower chamber and in the upper.15 Organizations.— Polish life in the United States is well organized. £ln 1905 the Poles numbered as many as three to four thousand organizations of va rious kinds, reHgious, secular, and mixed. The larg est of these is the PoHsh National AUiance, organ ized under the present name in 1880, but going under different names as far back as 1842. The purpose of this organization is "to promote the moral and material development of PoHsh immigrants in the United States through the establishment of PoHsh 'Homes,' schools, and benevolent institutions, and through the encouragement of Polish industry; to encourage temperance ; and to maintain the proper observance of national holidays."16 (In 1904 the AUiance numbered 595 locals with a total member ship of 40,035. | Between 1886 and 1904, inclusive, it had paid out '$1,517,378.95 in death benefits and in surance, and had. a balance in its treasury of $242,- 441.53. At present (1921) it has a membership of 125,000, and maintains a daUy and a weekly pubhca- uOur Slavic Fellow Citizens, pp. 394-395. "Ibidem, p. 395. "Ibidem, p. 395; Kruszka, HI, pp. 132-134. "Kruszka, IV, p. 22. SOCIAL CONDITIONS 7 „, ;? >1 tion, an Immigrant Home in New York City, and a High School at Cambridge Springs, Pa., and by means of stipends assists PoHsh students in. their efforts to acquire a higher education.17 WhUe nomi- naUy secular and non-sectarian, the Alliance has been very much under clerical influence in recent years, very conservative and very reactionary. The headquarters of the AlHance is in Chicago. Of next importance is the Polish National De fence Committee known also by its PoHsh initials as the K. 0. N. This organization came into being sev eral years before the war. Its original purpose was to promote education among the Polish immigrants in this country, and to work for Poland's independ ence. Its spirit and policies have been liberal and progressive; and the K. 0. N. has ralhed to itseH aU the liberal and progressive element among the PoHsh immigrants, regardless of differences in re Hgious, economic, or political views. During the war the K. 0. N. supported General Pilsudski and his Polish legions, opposed PoHsh reHance on Rus sia up to the time of the fall of the Czarist regime, and advocated a poHcy of seff-reUance and oppor tunism. On that account it was very much misun derstood and misrepresented and even its loyalty to this Government was questioned. However, as to the last there was absolutely no rational ground whatever for any such suspicion; for the K. 0. N. welcomed the entrance of the United States into the European War, and built its hopes for PoHsh inde pendence on it in a large measure. The membership of the K. O. N. does not approach that of the AUi ance, but it represents the more progressive element among the Poles. The chief object of the organiza tion now is educational. Its headquarters are also in Chicago. Besides these two most important organizations "McClure, pp. 70-76. 92 THE POLES IN AMERICA of opposite extremes, the one conservative and re actionary and the other Hberal and progressive, there are several other organizations of importance like the PoHsh Roman Catholic Union, the Polish Falkans, or "Sokols," the PoHsh Women's Union, and the Polish Singers Union of America. These national organizations are further supplemented by an innumerable number of local organizations of one kind or another, in which different phases of Polish social Hfe and activity center, and find expression. The Church,— The most important Polish social institution is the church. It is the first one to be established, and its centralizing power is beyond dispute. Around it, and stimulated by it, grows the Polish colony, with its agencies weU organized and controlled. The church not only expresses the re Hgious aspirations of the Poles and ministers to their religious needs, but also completely dominates the entire life of the colony. This accounts for the unprogressive character of some of the smaUer Pol ish colonies. The larger ones, in which the domi nating influence of the church is weaker, show more independence, activity, and progress. Educational institutions: (a) The parochial school.— The next most important Polish social in stitution is the PoHsh parochial school. This insti tution owes its origin to the instinct of self-preser vation. Deeply religious and nationahstic, the Po Hsh immigrant has striven, not only to worship God in his mother-tongue, but also to have his chUdren instructed in his native language. This all the more so, because under Prussian and Russian rule he had been forbidden to have his children taught in Polish. And the clergy, regarding the Polish parochial school as the very foundation of the Polish Roman CathoHc Church in this country have taken the ini tiative in its organization and estabHshment.18 To • "Kruszka, II, pp. 83, 84; cf. Balch, p. 416. SOCIAL CONDITIONS A ** : VV -:-''' -sm determine the number of PoHsh parochial schools, one must know the approximate number of Polish parishes. This was in 1900 about 500, and in 1910 about 600. The number of children enrolled in these schools in 1901 was approximately 70,000, and the teaching force consisted of 200 secular male teachers and 804 convent sisters, or about one teacher to every 70 chUdren.19 The value of the physical equipment of these schools at that time was estimated at six rail- Hon dollars. The annual salaries paid to teach-* ers amounted to $140,000 for male teachers and $160,000 for sisters, making an annual total of $300,000.2° v The course of instruction, in. the PoHsh parochial schools embraces eight years and is supposed to cover all such subjects as are commonly taught hr elementary and grammar grades, with reHgious in struction added. The work done is regarded as * equal to that of the pubHc schools.21 Moreover, Fa ther Kruszka claims that children going from: the PoHsh parochial schools to pubHc schools enter cor responding classes, and in some instances are actu-v aUy promoted to' higher grades.22 We have no de sire here to controvert Father Kruszka 's statements, but we must say that his evaluation of the work of the PoHsh parochial schools is greatly overstated. To our knowledge the instruction in the PoHsh pa rochial schools does not equal that of the public schools, and children going from PoHsh parochial schools to pubHc schools must, invariably and as a rule, enter lower grades, because of inadequate preparation for the work of corresponding grades, not to speak of advanced grades. In support of this "Kruszka, II, pp. 86-88. "Ibidem, II, p. 89. "Ibidem, II, p. 97. "Ibidem, II, p. 98. 94 THE POLES IN AMERICA contention we cite a PoHsh press criticism of PoHsh parochial schools:— "Being mostly orthodox Catholics, PoHsh parents are compeUed to send their chUdren to PoHsh pa rochial schools. AU other schools, especiaUy the public schools, are denounced from the pulpit and in the so-called 'church-press' as 'unchristian, pa gan and demoralizing institutions.' Parents send ing their children to any other but the parochial school are denounced, threatened, ostracized, even expelled from the church, and their children are per secuted. With the exception of those where the priest is a sincere educator, the parochial schools are poor, many of them very poor, educational in stitutions. Reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, and history are taught in many of them rather su- perficiaUy. On the other hand many hours are spent every day in reciting catechism and church formu las, which is caUed 'teaching reHgion,' but it is far from being reaUy reHgion. The result of such poor system of teaching is that the PoHsh chUdren, after spending six or seven years in the parochial school, can hardly pass an examination for the fifth grade in the pubhc schools — if they want to continue their education in the pubhc schools." 23 iA As a matter of fact, it may safely be said that the parochial school, whether Polish, Bohemian, Itahan, or any other, is a menace rather than a bless ing to the weffare of the immigrants themselves as weU as of the nation; for it faUs to prepare the immigrant's children adequately for their competi tive economic struggle in the new land alongside of those going through the pubhc school and for intelli gent participation in civic and political Hfe. Out of consideration, therefore, for the real weffare both of the immigrants and of the nation at large, the paro chial school should be done away with. And as to g.»Balch, App.. XXVI, p.. 477. /./¦;¦¦;¦ VV*AVV?V SOCIAL CONDITIONS A - ,^ 95 teaching the children of the immigrants their re spective mother tongues, that could be provided for at much less expense by the various immigrant groups in hours outside of the pubHc school. A new language is an added avenue leading to the hidden intellectual and spiritual treasures of a people. The more such avenues the citizenship of a nation is famUiar with the greater is the national access to the inteUectual and spiritual treasures of others and the richer that nation's inteUectual and spiritual Hfe. Not suppression of native languages and senti ments among our immigrant groups, but their de velopment and utilization should be our aim. It wiH enrich our own culture, enlarge our resourcefulness, and increase our strength. . ^.'A (b) The pubHc school.— Owing to the strong na tional consciousness of the Poles and the presence of a parochial school in nearly every PoHsh commu nity of any appreciable size, the f eeling prevaUs among the Poles and native Americans alike that the majority of PoHsh children attend the parochial schools. Tet on reflection and investigation the in teresting fact is revealed that after all the majority of PoHsh children of school age are to be found in the pubHc schools. In his history of the Poles in America Father Kruszka estimates the number of children in Polish parochial schools in 1901 at about 70,000. The Polish population in the United States is estimated to number 3,500,000. Allowing one- third of this number for surplus male immigrants, and dividing the remainder by five, the number of individuals to a family, we obtain 466,733, the num ber of f amUies. Now, granting that of the three- fifths of family members two-fifths are children either above or below school age, we have one-fifth left, or 466,733, the number of Polish chUdren of school age, that is, one child of school age in every family. Taking 70,000 as the average annual num- 96 THE POLES IN AMERICA ber of PoHsh children in the parochial schools and deducting it from 466,733, we still have 396,733, or approximately 400,000 Polish children of school age, who obviously can be nowhere else except in the pubhc schools. This calculation finds support in the results of the investigation made by the Immigra tion Commission. The Commission's report in cluded information for a total of 2,036,376 school chUdren, of whom 221,159, or 9.64% of the total were in parochial schools. Of those in the pubHc schools 766,727, or 42.2%, were chUdren of native- born fathers, whUe 1,048,490, or 57.8%, were chU dren of foreign-born fathers. Of these pupUs some ¦A were born abroad, and some in the United States.24 |;; Among the chUdren enumerated in the pubHc ^schools included in the Commission's report the per- |centage of retardation was as foUows: White chU- fdren of native-born fathers 34.1% ; chUdren of for- - eign-born parents 36%. The highest percentage of Aretardation was found among the South ItaHans, <48.6%; next to them rank the Poles with 48.1%; A then come the North ItaHans with 45.9% ; and then A the French Canadians with 43.1%. Best of aU rank A the Finnish children with only 27.7% retardation; A then the Swedish with 28.7 % ; the Dutch with 31.1% j A the Welsh with 32% ; the Enghsh with 33.7%; and the Norwegian with 33.9 %.26 This makes it per fectly evident that the children of CathoHc parents , are the ones that show the highest percentage of re tardation, whUe children of Protestant parents show the lowest percentage of retardation ! :;¦;<:¦• (c) Secondary schools.— The Polish elementary parochial schools are supplemented by several sec ondary institutions such as the College of the Res urrectionist Fathers in Chicago, the PoHsh National AUiance High School at Cambridge Springs, Pa., a "Jenks, pp. 282, 283. „, V V • VJ> - . •.-- AV J -Ibidem, p. 286. - , - , . v *,. ~ ~, 7 , ^ * # - .- -^P iH ^aS iA^tA* AS ys**1**" P^PwP»#'' jA^II A -TV/ - <¦•"¦-'"- :a-^:. . ¦^^*. ';VVVi V^<%5 Vv>S| A GROUP OF POLISH WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE, (u.sj A GROUP OF POLISH MEN IN AGRICULTURR. (U.S.) 'V?A [See page-73: YOUNG POLISH MINERS (U.S.) LEARNING ENGLISH IN THE FORD SHOPS DETROIT [See page 05 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 97 School for Women of the Holy Family in PhUadel- phia, Pa., a Polish Theological Seminary at Orchard Lake, Michigan, and others.26 These institutions, however, do not draw any appreciable number of PoHsh youth. PoHsh young men and young women seeking higher education prefer to go to American high schools, coUeges, and universities. (d) Night schools. —Another educational force is night schools, pubHc and private. Their importance as an educational factor in Polish communities must not be underestimated. They serve the adults and young people above school age. Many a Polish im migrant has here acquired a knowledge of English^ or has laid a foundation for further study. For many the night school has been a door opening on a wide vista of opportunity, and leading to success in the new land. But for the night school many a one would be deprived of an opportunity for self- improvement, and the country of a more useful and valuable citizen.' The influence of night schools in ;', foreign communities is unquestionably great. - Vi&i (e) Lecture courses.— StiU another potent educa tional force have been the so-caUed "Uniwersytety ludowe," or popular lecture courses arranged for and offered to the pubhc either by some organization or by a group of pubhe-spirited men and women in terested in the social and educational weHare of their countrymen. Such popular lecture courses have been estabhshed and are maintained in many of the larger PoHsh centers. The lectures cover a wide range of subjects, vary from year to year, and are of great educational and spiritual value. (f ) Polish National HaUs.— Then, too, we must not faU to mention the Polish National HaUs as educa tional institutions and forces. These are PoHsh "Community BuUdings," erected and operated as PoHsh community centers by the PoHsh citizens or- « Okolowics, p. 51. .' VVV '%AV - V-"-\~f$c^ ¦ ... ,, , ... ¦- ¦'¦.^¦.^ 98 THE POLES IN AMERICA ganized as stock companies or corporations. There is scarcely a Polish settlement of any size without such a "hall," or "home." And these halls con stitute the centers of Polish organized life and of Polish educational and social activities. To be sure, in some places, in pre-prohibition times, these Na tional Halls were only common ordinary saloons and dance-haUs. In other places, where the clerical influence predominates, they have been converted into church haUs. But in most places they have preserved their original purpose and have been cen ters for good along the Hne of educational and social activities and life. / Polish press.— At the outbreak of the World War the PoHsh periodical press in the United States was composed of fifteen daUies and sixty weekhes. Since then several more daihes, weeklies, and monthlies have sprung into being, so that it may be ? safe to say that the present total number of PoHsh periodical pubhcations is not far from a hundred. These are pubHshed chiefly in the larger PoHsh cen ters Hke MUwaukee, Chicago, Detroit, Toledo, Cleve- : land, Buffalo, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Bal- 'timore, and Pittsburgh, although many a smaUer , plaee is not without a local weekly. p- The oldest PoHsh weekly pubHcation is the "Zgoda," founded in 1878 in Milwaukee, and in 1886 transferred to Chicago. The "Zgoda" is the official organ of the Polish National Alliance. The oldest Polish daily in the United States is the "Kurjer Polski," founded in 1888 in MUwaukee by Michael Kruszka.27 The circulation of the seventy-five PoHsh pubhca tions totaled 1,238,418 at the outbreak of the war; the present total circulation is doubtless larger. The circulation of the PoHsh daihes runs from 5,000 to 30,000, and of the weeklies from 5,000 to 120,000 V, "Okolowicz, p. 59. .,.-;-, SOCIAL CONDITIONS ,99 copies. In this connection the thing worthy of note is the fact that the Hberal and progressive pubhca tions, of anti-clerical tendencies, have a larger circu lation than the conservative and clerical. .For instance, the "Kurjer Polski," a radical and anti clerical daily, published in Milwaukee, has a circu lation of 20,000 copies, whereas the "Nowiny Pol- skie, ' ' a clerical daily, published in that city, has a circulation of only 10,000 copies. In Detroit the Hberal daily, "Kurjer Polski," is reported to have a circulation of 15,000, and the conservative "Rekord Cddzienny" only 8,000 copies. In Buffalo the con servative clerical daily, "Polak w Ameryce," re ports a circulation of 6,000, and the Hberal "Dzien-- nik dia Wszystkich" — a daily circulation of 16,000 copies. And the "Ameryka-Echo," a Hberal and. distinctively anti-clerical weekly, pubHshed in To ledo, Ohio, has a circulation of 80,000 copies, and is probably the most widely read paper of any PoHsh pubhcation in the United States. The "Zgoda" re-, ports a circulation of 120,000; but it is not a- subocription publication; it is the official organ of the PoHsh National AUiance, sent to every member of the organization, and such pubhcations are sel- , dom diligently read.28 It is interesting to note also that nearly all of the foreign language editors agree that their papers are not read by the young people, but mainly by the old.29 As to quahty the PoHsh American press is not of a high order ; yet, on the whole, it compares favor ably -with simUar pubhcations in other languages, and -still more so when it is remembered that it is the material and inteUectual product of the Polish peasant immigrant. Leadership.— The leadership among the Polish immigrants in America is in the hands of the ex- ¦ " Okolowicz, pp. 59-60. A, » MeClure, p. 39. :*-'- "" V : 100 THE POLES IN AMERICA saloon-keepers, the priests, a select number of well educated immigrant Poles, and the rising genera tion of PoHsh Americans brought up in the Ameri can atmosphere and trained in our American insti tutions. The first two groups of leaders, the ex- saloon-keepers and the priests, are usually found to work together hand-in-glove ; for both groups are exploiters of the people and social parasites, with no ideas to advance, but to prey on the masses. They are naturaUy reHable conservatives. The other two groups divide into conservatives and pro gressives according to their primary object in Hfe. Those whose chief ambition is to make a quick suc cess in business or profession rather than to be con cerned about the general weffare of society usuaUy Hne up with the conservatives, the ex-saloon-keepers and the priests, the men of influence and authority. Those, on the other hand, whose dominant desire in life is to contribute something to the sum total of social weU-being, to advance ideas and to promote social weffare, regardless of material success, as a rule tear loose, and Hne up with the progressives. Among the organized agencies the leadership is di vided between the PoHsh National Alliance and the Polish Defence Committee or K. O. N. ; the Alliance representing the ultra-conservative and reactionary elements and the K. O. N. leading the Hberals and, generaUy speaking, the forces of progress. Assimilation.— The early Polish immigrants, patriots and men of education, melted into the com mon Hfe so completely that the later comers could find no point of attachment with them. The more recent immigrants have come in much larger num bers; they have formed sohd colonies; and as an inevitable consequence they have in a remarkable degree preserved their language and their distinc tive customs. On the other hand, aU efforts in the direction of preservation of racial and national dis- SOCIAL CONDITIONS 101 tinctions are as nothing against the irresistible in fluence of environment and of American-born chil dren. Parents may be surprised, proud, or scan- daHzed, but they are powerless to prevent the trans forming process. The influence of environment and the innate positive dislike of children to be different from their playmates are very potent forces in the Americanization of the second generation. Ameri canization, however, does not necessarily mean a de nial or a refusal to learn one's native tongue. This should be encouraged rather than discouraged for reasons of parental home discipline, of leadership among newcomers, and of national welfare and strength in emergencies.30 "It is right enough that the immigrant into an English-speaking nation should learn the English language. But, on the other hand, it is altogether desirable that Americans should broaden their own culture by learning from the immigrant as well as by teaching him. In no other way can the possible benefits of the amalga mation of national and racial types be secured. We quite rightly ask them to abandon their old loyal ties; but we shall be incredibly fooHsh if we also constrain them to forget the culture they have in herited. We blame our foreigners for their clan- nishness. We resent the fact that they sequester themselves among people of their own race, and do not take the trouble to understand our language or our history and institutions; but we are guilty of an analogous piece of provincialism when we betray our unwillingness to learn from them, while expect ing them to learn from us. The Pole usually knows Russian and German, and even French, as well as his native tongue. In Switzerland one can hardly find a schoolboy who has not three languages in tolerable repair and in constant use."31 A knowl- "See Balch, pp. 412-416. "See Bridges, pp. 56-61. 102 THE POLES IN AMERICA edge of more than one language means so many mas ter-keys to the intellectual and spiritual treasures of more than one Hterature. With her citizenship drawn from the ends of the earth, no country has a more magnificent opportunity to be the proud mis tress of the languages and the literatures of the world than the United States. And yet no country in the world can possibly be as bHnd to any oppor tunity as we are to tbis unsurpassed opportunity of ours! But it is not only the second generation of Polish immigrants that becomes rapidly assimilated. The first generation, too, is fairly responsive to the in fluence of its new environment. Among the em ployees in the packing houses of Kansas City, the Immigration Commission found that while of the German employees under 5 and 9 and over 10 years' in the United States only 20%,, 70%, and 95.8% re spectively could speak English, the percentages of Polish employees speaking Enghsh were 26.1%, 73.2%, and 100% for corresponding periods of resi dence in the United States.32 In the clothing indus try, taking the same periods of. residence in this , country, the percentages for male Bohemian and Moravian employees speaking English were 22.5%, 45.0%, and 75.0%, and for female employees of the same nationality — 18.1%, 57.5%, and 88.0% respec tively; for male Pohsh employees the percentages were 24.8%,, 62.4%, and 83.2%, and for Polish fe male employees they were 19.4%, 63.0%, and 89.4% respectively.33 Of the total Polish immigrant popu lation of both sexes 39.1% speak Enghsh.34 More over, an evidence of PoHsh Americanism and of Po Hsh loyalty to the Government of the United States is the ready participation of the Poles in all the wars "Hourwich, p. 78; Eeports, Vol. 13, Table 256, p. 329. a Ibidem, p. 58; Eeports, VoL II, p. 363, Table 95. "Jenks, pp. 407-409. SOCIAL CONDITIONS 103 of the Union, from the Eevolutionary War down to the Great World War.35 On our entrance into the World War President Wilson called for 100,000 vol unteers; 40,000 of those responding were Poles. In view of the fact that they make up only 3.18% of our population it is very significant that during the War there were 220,000 Poles in the United States Army; that on the casualty Hsts 10% are PoHsh names ; that of the peoples of foreign birth or descent they are rated fourth in their contributions to the Liberty Loans with $67,000,000.36 "Kruszka, III, p. 134-136; IV, pp. 10-12. "Key. D. G. Jaxheimer, Ms, on the Poles. CHAPTER V: RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS Chapter V EELIGIOUS CONDITIONS OUTSTANDING CH AHA CTEBISTICS ReHgion of the Poles.— In religion the Poles are predominantly Eoman Catholic. Their devotion to the Church of Eome, as a result of temperamental and historical conditions, surpasses that of any other nationahty.1 The Protestants constitute only 6.6% of the total PoHsh population, and their num ber among Polish immigrants in the U. S. is very smaU and scattered. The Poles are a very religious people, possessed of a deep reHgious instinct and a temperament par ticularly susceptible to reHgious impressions. Be- ligion permeates the Polish peasant's thought, speech, and daily Hfe. The names of Christ and the Virgin are on his lips all the time. His legends and folklore are religious in character. His patriotism and his reHgion are inseparably Hnked together in his mind. A good Pole is expected to be a good CathoHc. A testimony to the religious fervor of the Poles is their many sanctuaries, cathedrals, and shrines in the homeland and their churches in this country. The Poles have always been very Hb eral in their gifts to religion; hence their church edifices usually are large, highly ornamented, not infrequently imposing, and often charming. Their worship is full of imagery, pageantry, and symbol ism. Their devotion is intense. It is almost pitiful JCf. Winter, p. 274. . .... 107 108 THE POLES IN AMERICA —says Winter — the desperation with which the Po Hsh peasants cHng to what seems to a Westerner to be antiquated reHgious forms, and into the observ ance of which they seem to throw their whole soul. The men in the churches equal the women in num bers, and they seem fully as absorbed in their devo tion.2 Pilgrimages are common and popular. Czensto chowa, a town midway between Warsaw and Cra cow, is the Mecca of the Poles. Here is the home of the "Mother of God of Czenstochowa," the Queen and Protectress of Poland. Her sacred picture, re ported to have been drawn by St. Luke upon the cypress table top from the Nazareth home, forms the altar-piece of a smaU chapel in the cathedral.8 This place is the central point of Polish reHgious history. The Poles consider it a great privUege to be permitted to make a pilgrimage to Czenstochowa. No sacrifice is too great to be made in order to ac comphsh the journey. Bands of pilgrims are almost constantly coming in from some direction. Some times hundreds and even thousands of peasants may be seen lying flat on their faces during worship, each one muttering his prayers. In places the stones are actuaUy worn by the contact of the knees of the worshipers. Before Poland's partitions it was the custom even for the royal processions on the way from Warsaw to Cracow for the coronation cere monies to stop at this shrine.4 Children are early taught to say their prayers and to perform the various acts of homage. The sacred images in the churches are worn smooth by the oscu lations of the devoted worshipers. Every conceiv able device is employed by the clergy to obtain and retain control of the simple mind of the peasant. 'Cf. Winter, pp. 275-276. * Hayden, p. 13. «Cf. Winter, pp. 277, 279. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 109 Every material that can draw the attention of the eye, and every sound that wiU attract the ear, is employed in the reHgious symbols.8 The religion of the Poles is chiefly a reHgion of external rites, symboHc forms, servile fear, and magical personal salvation rather than of spiritual ideahsm and inner freedom, fiHal trust and loving obedience, purity of heart and outward moral con duct, practical brotherly love and social service. It rests on ignorance instead of on intelhgence. It appeals to superstition instead of to rational moral and social idealism. While the reHgious tempera ment and the deeply reHgious nature of the Poles are of priceless value, and furnish a soHd rock-bot tom foundation for a magnificent superstructure of real, vital, and practical personal and social reHg ion, the actual reHgious superstructure erected upon this wonderful foundation has been rather valueless. Its external form and decorations are, to be sure, almost Hterally of gold, silver, and precious stones ; but its internal frame-work and substance are, un fortunately, too much of wood, hay, and stubble. It is, therefore, largely useless, a showy but burden- '« some liability, a serious obstacle in the way of in dividual, social, and national progress and develop ment. I ¦ This is the reHgious heritage the PoHsh peasant immigrants bring with them. True to the example of the patriarchs of old, the early discoverers and explorers of this continent, and the PUgrim Fathers of later days, who, when they came to a new coun try, first of all built an altar to Jehovah, raised the cross, or erected a meeting house to the honor and glory of their God, the Poles, on their arrival in this country, just as soon as a sufficient number of them has settled in a place, buUd their church in which they may worship God according to the cus-v •Cf. Winter, p. 277. • -•'--.¦¦ ¦ • '¦¦ V^V^A/fll 110 THE POLES IN AMERICA toms of their fathers in the homeland. The Polish settlement grows around the church, which is the center of its life and activity. In 1900, according to Father Kruszka, the Poles in this country had 520 churches and 550 priests.6 By 1910 the number of Polish churches increased to about 600 and that of priests to about 1,000.7 Since then, owing to the War and the stoppage of immi gration, the growth, if any, in the number of churches has been insignificant. Some of the Polish churches are of considerable size and beauty; they are struc tures which, according to Dr. Steiner, might weU be the pride of any community, or, according to Mr. Okolowicz, a notable adornment of any European capital.8 On Sundays and on other church hoHdays as well, these churches are fiUed with worshipers to overflowing ; for the Poles are a church-going people. Disintegrating forces.— Our free, critical, inquir ing, and extremely practical American atmosphere, however, has a disintegrating influence upon their religion. Nor can it be otherwise. A religion of external forms, however elaborate, over-awing, or charming these may be, based on ignorance, super- sition, and fear, cannot hold its ground.9 Sooner or later it is bound to fall a prey to inevitable disin tegration and decay. This process of reHgious dis integration is more rapid in its operation in some cases than in others. Among the Czechs and Ital ians, for instance, it is decidedly more rapid than among the Poles. The slower disintegration of reHgious faith and forms among the Poles is due to several causes. First, as has already been noted, the Polish peasant possesses a deeply religious nature and is very •Vol. I, p. 88. 'Okolowicz, p. 50. • Cf. Dr. Steiner, On the Trail, p. 211, and Okolowicz, p. 50. •Cf. McClure, pp. 78-79. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 111 loyal. He is not much incHned to scepticism, nor to change of loyalty. He is generous and true; he trusts impHcitly, is devotedly loyal, and may, in turn, be fuUy depended upon. He is neither the first nor the last either to accept a new thing and pin his faith to it, or to give up readily an old tried. thing. He prefers to pursue a safe middle course." It may take him longer to give up an old worn-out idea or institution and to take up with something new; but when he once does a thing wholeheartedly, his faith and loyalty may be depended upon. Sec ondly, the Eoman Catholic Church has remarkably weU succeeded in persuading the Polish peasant to beHeve that his national fortunes are inseparably tied up with Eoman CathoHcism. This, of course, is not true, as history plainly shows ; yet it is gen erally believed to be true, and the beHef is not alto gether without some historical foundation. Poland's most implacable enemies and oppressors, Eussia and Germany, are of different religious faiths, Bus sian Orthodox and Protestant. The portion of di vided Poland in which the Poles enjoyed the largest measure of autonomy and liberty before the Eestor- ation was not the Congress 10 Kingdom under the rule of Orthodox Eussia, nor Posen under the rule of Protestant Germany, but GaHcia under the rule of Catholic Austria. Even today the best conti nental friend of Poland is CathoHc France rather than Protestant England. In the light of these facts, it is not to be wondered at that it has been so easy for the Eoman CathoHc Church to foist on the Poles the belief in the identity of their nation ahty with Eoman Catholicism. Polish strong pa triotism, therefore, has naturally dictated at least nominal adherence and conformity to the estab lished national church. And, thirdly, social consid- »A kingdom, with the Czar as king, constituted by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, out of the remnant of Poland. ¦ t 112 THE POLES IN AMERICA erations, too, tend to preserve and maintain this out ward reHgious conformity. The operation of these causes explains, in a large measure, the slower dis integration of reHgion and its forms among the Poles as compared with conditions among other nationahties. But while the causes just described have retarded the disintegrating process of traditional reHgion among the Poles, they have not prevented it. The ecclesiastical and reHgious disintegration has been in force; and it has been greatly stimulated by the influence of our free political and social institutions, the separation of Church and State in this country, our great variety of religious denominations, and our friendly harmonious Hfe in spite of many differ ences of opinion, behef, profession, and poHtieal as well as religious affiliation. Its results are signifi cant. It is variously estimated that the number of Poles who have broken away from the Eoman Cath oHc Church embraces from one-fifth to one-third of the total PoHsh immigrant population in the United States.11 Forms of reHgious break-up.— The ecclesiastical and reHgious break-up among the Poles is taking on the forms (1) of religious doubt, apathy, and grow ing religious indifference; (2) of open revolt against the domineering and dictatorial attitude of the hier archy of the Church; and (3) of actual hostUity and undisguised opposition, not only to the Church of Eome, but to all churches and to reHgion as weU. The last-named form of reHgious break-up does not assume any significant proportions among the Poles,13 although here and there its influence ap pears to be considerably strong and active. The reason for that is to be found in the deeply reHgious "Father Kruszka estimates it at one-third; McClure st one-fifth. "See McClure, p. 79. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 113 nature of the Poles. Cases of open group-revolt against the autocracy of the hierarchy of the Church are not infrequent ; 1S and in many instances they have resulted in an out-and-out break with the Church of Eome. Wherever this occurs, it is a re sult of the Pole's natural and intense love of liberty coming to the fore and asserting itself in religion no less than in poUtics.14 Those that are under the influence of reHgious doubt, apathy, or of out-and- out indifference are the most numerous and consti tute the largest group. Forms of reHgious re-aHgnment. (a) The PoHsh National Independent CathoHc Church.— In nature every chemical decomposition leads to new chemical combinations, and to the development of new forms. It is, therefore, of great interest to know the new re ligious alignments among the Poles. Wherever there occurs a complete group-break with the Church of Eome, as a result of some abuses on the part of the Eoman hierarchy, it most frequently leads to the formation of a Catholic church independent of the Eoman organization. In this way the PoHsh Na tional Independent CathoHc Church arose with Bishop Francis Hodur, of Scranton, Pa., as its or ganizer, leader, and head. The movement is largely a protest against the domination of the PoHsh Eo man Catholic Church in this country by Irish and Eoman Catholic groups and a demand for parish control of church-property. It numbers about 50 churches, most of which are in the State of Penn sylvania; it has a benefit "Union," with 72 local branches ; and it pubhshes a weekly paper, which is its official organ, and which purports to reach a constituency of about 50,000 readers. In faith and worship the PoHsh National Church is stiU CathoHc ; it retains the CathoHc creeds, the mass, the conf es- " Cf. McClure, pp. 79-80. "Cf. Ibidem, p. 79. 114 THE POLES IN AMERICA sional, images, the worship of the Virgin and the saints, and the Eoman Church calendar of Holy days. It differs from the Eoman Church, however, in the substitution of the Polish language for the Latin in the mass; leaving the matter of auricular confession to the discretion of the individual local priests ; giving its members the Scriptures and en couraging them to read it; in the tendency toward a married clergy ; and in the matter of a more demo cratic church administration. The movement marks a step in the right direction. Its chief handicap is a painful lack of the right sort of leadership. If Bishop Hodur had men of good character, religious convictions, high ideals, and proper training, the movement would be making considerable progress.15 (b) The PoHsh CathoHc Church of America.— An other very similar reHgious organization is the Po Hsh Catholic Church in America, with Bishop Francis J. Mazur, of Detroit, Mich., as its organizer and leader. Its rise is to be traced to very much the same causes that led to the organization of the PoHsh National Church, with this difference that the PoHsh CathoHc Church of America is a protest against both former church organizations, the Eo man and the National, that in its administration it is much more democratic than either. Its creed is very progressive, its outlook very broad, and its conception of the Church's social mission quite advanced. (c) Anti-Church organizations.— Those who have lost faith, not only in the Church, but also in reH gion, affiliate, in certain instances, with radical or ganizations, the attitude of which is that of opposi tion to arbitrary power, and its abuses wherever these appear, whether in politics, industry, or re Hgion. The number of Poles, however, in the ranks "See Hayden, pp. 24-28; McClure, pp. 81-83; and Okolowicz, p. 50. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 115 of the Socialist Party, in the organization of the Industrial Workers of the World, and in other simi lar organizations, is rather small. The Poles, as we have seen, do not take readily to radicalism of any kind, although, it must be admitted, that tendency is gradually growing stronger. If it is allowed to gather momentum, it wUl be unfortunate all around ; for whatever the Pole does, when he has been fully aroused to action, he does it whole-heartedly, and is apt to go the Hmit. (d) Protestant Churches.— Those occupying a sort of half-way ground religiously constitute by far the largest group. Estranged from the Eoman CathoHc Church, and slowly drifting farther and farther away from it, carried by the gentle waves of re Hgious doubt, apathy, and indifference, some are actually finding their way into Protestantism as a result of missionary efforts. The Protestant Churches of America came early to reaHze the de cay in the new environment of the inherited form of religion of many of the immigrant groups. In consequence thereof they have strongly felt it to be their Christian and patriotic duty to meet these- people with a new conception and interpretation of the Christian reHgion and of its place and function in the life of the individual and of organized society. Thus as early as the eighties of the last century some of the Protestant denominations started missionary work among the Polish immigrants, and have been prosecuting it ever since with varying success. Ac cording to denominational statistics for 1920, the Baptists report 17 churches and missions, 809 com municant members, 2,000 adherents, 16 Sunday- schools with an enrollment of 580 scholars, and a Training School for Christian workers in East Orange, N. J.; the Methodists — 6 churches with a communicant membership of 180, and four Sunday- schools with an enrollment of 258 ; the EpiscopaUans 116 THE POLES IN AMERICA — 4 churches, 378 communicants and 546 adherents ; the Congregationalist — one church of about sixty communicant members and a fine Sunday-school; and the Presbyterians — 3 churches and missions with 140 communicant members and about 1,200 ad herents, and 3 church-schools with an enrollment of nearly 500 chUdren.16 Some of the Poles have come under the direct influence of EngHsh-speaking Prot estant churches, and have united with them. Others have attached themselves to undenominational or ganizations, Hke the Chicago Tract Society, the Y. M. C. A. and the Y. W. C. A. These figures, however, do not appear to indicate a very strong movement among the reHgiously drift ing Poles toward Protestantism. The situation re quires explanation. First, everyone, of course, knows that the statistics cited above do not tell the whole story. They do not register the many Poles who come under Protestant influence, thoroughly appreciate its reHgious spirit, its moral idealism, , and its practical Christian Hfe, but for patriotic, so cial, and business reasons do not unite with any Protestant church as communicant members. Sec ondly, every period, it must be borne in mind, of de cay and reconstruction, whether in pohtical, eco nomic, or in reHgious thought, life, and organiza tion, is marked by chaos — by uncertainty and hesi tation. There is no instant and direct transforma tion of the old into the new. When the old has fallen under the stress of inevitable elemental forces, the ground must be cleared first before a new and better structure can be raised, and the clear ing of the ground requires labor and time. Most of the present work is of the nature of clearing the ground of the debris and wreckage of the old, of dig ging deep below the surface through the accumu lated errors and prejudices of years, even centuries, "See Denominational Tear-Books. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 117 to the rock bottom of the human soul, and of first laying a new and sure foundation of reHgious thought, upon which in time the superstructure of new religious Hfe and organization may rise in a more beautiful form. This kind of reconstruction. work is necessarily slow, inconspicuous, and not easily tabulated. Thirdly, it must be frankly ad mitted, the Protestant denominations have not taken their religious opportunity among the Poles seri ously enough to make the work reaUy effective. They have dealt with it in a haphazard, happy-go- lucky way, without any definite policy or plan for prosecution of the work and without that faith which. makes great resources of means, energy, and power available for the removal of mountains of difficulties. Forms of religious approach.— The religious ap proach of the Protestant Churches to the Poles, in. so far as there has been any definite approach, has taken on the forms of (1) distribution of reHgious Hterature, (2) gospel preaching or evangelism, and (3) institutional church work. The first two have been used generaUy, the third — very Httle. The so cial settlement form of approach has not been em ployed in the PoHsh work by any Protestant de nomination. The two forms of religious approach most widely used, namely, distribution of religious Hterature and gospel preaching, are good and perfectly orthodox; their adaptation or application, however, by the users to the work among the Poles has not been par ticularly happy, nor specially fruitful of results. This has been due to the fact that the American Protestant Churches have labored under a miscon ception of the real character of the Polish people open to their ministry, and of their most immediate needs. Now, the business of every good mechanic,. someone has said, is to know, first, what he is to do, secondly, the material at hand, then he wiU know 118 THE POLES IN AMERICA what tools to select to convert his material into the desired object. The Protestant Churches, engaged in ministry to the Poles, have reasonably weU known what they wanted to do, but they have not suffi ciently weU understood the nature of the material at hand; hence their tools, or methods of approach, have not always been happily selected, nor skiffuHy adapted to the purpose in view. The material has been new, strange, rough and in a measure even uncouth in appearance. The Ameri can Churches have naturally been led to think that it was of the poorest sort, and that any common ordinary tools put in the hands of any ordinary workman that was only willing to work would an swer. The simplest kind of tract Hterature has been selected and distributed; preaching has been con ducted on the street, or in some abandoned unattrac tive store room; men have often been employed to do this kind of work without any adequate quaHfi cations, natural or scholastic, for leadership. The methods of approach and the means employed have been determined and shaped by the unfortunate mis conception, so strongly prevalent among Americans, that the people to be dealt with are of the lowest grade, inteUectually, moraUy, and spirituaUy. As a matter of fact, the ignorant, unreasoning, credu lous class of Poles is not the class of people that Protestantism can do anything for, or has any re sponsibUity for at this time. These people are per fectly contented in the Eoman Catholic Church, tliey are staunchly loyal to it, they are inaccessible to Protestant influence. To disturb them would be neither wise, nor profitable. Besides, the American Protestant Churches are not desirous of drawing any contented and loyal members of the Eoman Catholic Church away from it. They believe in comity, peace, and harmony. The Poles open and accessible to Protestant influence and ministry are RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 119 the more inteUigent and thoughtful class of people, the people who read and think for themselves, and even dare question the status quo of such a sacred institution as the church and its function in organ ized society. They are the ones that are loose and adrift. To these the Protestant Churches can be a religious guide and interpreter, leading them to the discovery of a new, deeper, broader, and surer re Hgious foundation, to a new, vital, Hberating, and invigorating religious experience, and to a higher, more rational, and more practical conception of religion. But this class of people can neither be reached nor adequately helped by the kind of religious Hterature we have been placing in their hands, by our street preaching, by our store missions any more than the same wide-awake, restless, thinking, doubting, ques tioning class of native Americans can be reached by such means or by similar methods. It may even be seriously questioned whether this class of people can be reached and helped by preaching alone. A practical demonstration of reHgion and Christian ity along the Hne of economic justice, square deal ing, neighborliness, ordinary friendliness, and Christian social helpfulness are always more effec tive. Practical Christian helpfulness, ministering to practical immediate and most keenly felt needs of humanity, paves the way to a higher and more fun damental, though apparently somewhat more ab stract, ministry — the ministry to the basic needs of the human spirit. Jesus understood this perfectly well. We are too much incHned to think of him as a preacher. But he was primarily a minister — a friendly and brotherly minister, going about doing good. He healed the sick, fed the hungry, comforted the sorrowful, and thus by tbis practical friendly ministry to the immediate needs of men and women and children he led the people to a realization of 120 THE POLES IN AMERICA their more hidden needs, to an appreciation of his teaching concerning the divine Hfe he was an ex ample of, and to an awakened desire to make that life their own. This practical ministry to the more immediate needs of the immigrants has not been very popular with our American Protestant Churches, because it has not seemed to be sufficiently spiritual. Institutional church work and social set tlement work have been regarded as doubtful meth ods of approach. Sunday-school work, distribution of religious Hterature, and preaching have been chiefly rehed upon as the only proper methods of reHgious approach to the immigrants. But even these have not, unfortunately, been scaled up, in the case of the Poles at least, to the spiritual needs of the people. Thus, the forms of religious approach to the Poles heretofore used have been weak in two points as a result of an under-estimation on the part of the Churches of the value and importance of social serv ice work as well as of the character of the Poles open to Protestant ministry. If, in the future, the Prot estant Churches are to make better use of their op portunity among the religiously restless Poles, they must modify their forms of approach in favor of (1) greater use of social service work, (2) more ade quate and attractive building-plants, (3) more and better qualified workers, (4) a larger quantity as well as a better quahty of Polish reHgious litera ture, and (5) a broader, more rational, and more practical interpretation of the Christian reHgion. SPECIAL PROBLEMS The special problems in the religious situation among the PoHsh immigrants in this country are five in number: (1) Of more and better qualified jsrorkers, (2) of a higher grade of reHgious litera- . RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 121 ture, (3) of a definite and consistent poHcy of PoHsh evangeHzation on the part of organized Protestant forces, (4) of interdenominational co-operation, and (5) of the relation of the foreign language church to racial assimilation and national unification. Workers.— The biggest and hardest problem fac ing the reHgious work among the Poles is that of workers. The men and women who are to be leaders in the reconstruction of the PoHsh reHgious Hfe must be men and women of the very finest spiritual and intellectual quaHfications. They must possess deep religious convictions; a strong faith in the Gospel of Jesus as the only hope of individual and social regeneration and in Jesus' ideal of life as the only Way of life leading to righteousness and jus tice, achievement and success, peace and happiness ; a single purpose, namely, to serve their fellow-coun trymen along the Hne of religious idealism and practical Christian helpfulness; an unfaltering de votion and loyalty to that purpose; and undaunted courage in the prosecution of their great work. The reHgious work among the Poles is of such nature that, unless the workers are blest with these spir itual qualifications, they will not be able to cope with its problems, difficulties, and discouragements. Moreover, the PoHsh workers must have the best possible mental training and intellectual equipment for their work. The class of people they have to deal with is not, as has already been stated, the ig norant, unthinking, credulous class; but the men tally wide-awake, thinking, reading, doubting, and inquiring class. These are the people that are breaking away from the CathoHc Church, and that are in need of new reHgious leadership. If they are to be saved from complete loss of reHgion and of its dynamic power and inspiration, they must be ap proached by men and women qualified, intellectu- aUy and spirituaUy, to be their leaders. No half- 122 THE POLES IN AMERICA baked individuals with, maybe, a lot of enthusiasm, but very little knowledge, insight, and understand ing can win the confidence of these people, stiU less help them to rebuild their reHgious conceptions and Hfe wisely and soundly. It was the weU trained Paul, rather than any of the simple, uneducated GaHlean fishermen, who helped the reHgiously dis integrating Gentile world most to a reconstruction of its reHgion and life on a new and better founda tion. Then, too, the reHgious workers among the Poles, or any other immigrant group, must have an Ameri can point of view. This does not mean that they should lose their feeling of oneness with their peo ple, or their sympathy with Polish historical tradi tions, ideals, and aspirations. Far from that. Should that ever happen, their usefulness would ter minate at once. We can acceptably minister and really lead only when we truly love and identify our selves fuUy with those whom we wish to help. The Polish workers must, therefore, be thoroughly iden tified with the Hfe of their people, and must share their ideals and aspirations sympathetically. At the same time, however, they must be well acquainted with American history, reHgious, social, and poHti eal institutions; they must understand American Hfe in aU its phases, its spirit, and its ideaHsm ; they must be thoroughly sympathetic with best American traditions and aims in order that they may be able to interpret these to their own people to the end that their people may not forever be strangers in a strange land. Most of the PoHsh people are here to stay. By naturaHzation they have identified themselves with the life of the nation. Their children are growing lip into an indistinguishable part of the nation. The parents, too, should be led, through proper acquaint ance with American institutions, their spirit, and RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 123 ideals, to the f uU enjoyment of their American citi zenship as well as to a reahzation of their responsi bUity as American citizens. They should contribute of the best in their national history, tradition and character to the development, strength, and power of their adopted country. Their life here can be what it should be only when they feel perfectly at home ; and their value to the nation will be in pro portion to their entrance into its Hfe. A wise lead ership, well acquainted and thoroughly sympathetic with the inherited tradition and the new environ ment can render a great service to both — the for eign-born citizen and the nation— along the Hne of mutual understanding and helpfulness. A leader ship that stiU lives and moves and has its being altogether and exclusively in the old environment, is useless in the new, with its new atmosphere and problems. Now, anyone, at least in a sUght measure ac quainted with the Protestant work among the Poles, knows well that there is a painful scarcity of Prot estant reHgious workers adequately equipped for their stupendous task. The first special business be fore the American Protestant Churches, therefore, is to recruit and train a strong well-equipped PoHsh reHgious leadership. Unless the Protestant Churches have real leaders, and enough of them, they cannot help the Poles to reconstruct their dis integrating reHgious Hfe. Literature.— The second problem in the Polish re Hgious work is that of literature. . PoHsh evangehcal religious Hterature is surprisingly limited in quan tity, very poor in qualtiy, and distressingly anti quated — lacking in adaptation to modern reHgious problems, perplexities, and needs. PoHsh reHgious books and pamphlets available in this country num.- ; ber scarcely 100 different copies, and as a matter of fact the writer has been able to get together only-j 12* THE POLES IN AMERICA 70 different copies. The majority of these are smaU pamphlets and tracts. Forty per cent, of them are translations from other languages, fifty per cent. are reprints of tracts published abroad, and ten per cent, consist of Seventh Day Adventist propaganda tracts. A very small portion of this literature, if any at all, is adapted to meet either the reHgious difficulties, or the spiritual yearnings and needs of the average Pole of today, with whom the Protestant Churches have to deal, and whom it is their business to reach and to help. PoHsh reHgious periodical Hterature suffers the same limitations. Altogether there are three Po lish monthly religious periodicals. The "Slowa Zywota," or "Words of Life," published by Eev. Dr. E. J. MiUer, of Pittsburgh, Pa., the Chicago Tract Society cooperating, is the oldest. This paper is strictly evangelical and undenominational in char acter. The tone of its reading matter is devotional rather than instructive ; and while it has filled a very important place, it has not made an appeal to the very class of Poles who should be the special con cern of American Protestantism. Great credit, however, is due Dr. MiUer for his self-sacrifice, pa tience, and perseverance in carrying on the publica tion of this paper for over twenty years in the face of financial and editorial difficulties, which have been trying enough to force an average man to give up the thankless enterprise long ago. The next old est Polish reHgious monthly is "Zrodlo Prawdy," "The Source of Truth." This paper is pubHshed by the Baptists, represents the PoHsh Baptist work, and is strongly denominational in character. Its reading matter is, on the whole, good and frequently much to the point. The "Postep," or "Advance," the publication of which was discontinued with the December number, 1920, was a semi-religious and strictly undenominational monthly, pubHshed by the RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS ilSg Presbyterians. Its attempt was to meet the intel lectual and spiritual needs of the more thoughtful and critical Poles, the very group that is both most restless and most hopeful. Unfortunately, its pub Hcation had to be discontinued, owing to inadequate financial support. The Polish secular press includes a number of pubhcations that are open to and from time to time publish reHgious articles. Their difficulty, however, has been to get readable religious matter, dealing with reHgion in a broad, unbiased, inteUigent, and constructive manner. In this connection, it must foe confessed that the Protestants have not the mes who either are qualified to write such articles, or have the time for writing them. If we had the men with proper quaHfications and the necessary time for Hterary work, the PoHsh secular press would be more than open to the pubhcation of good re Hgious articles. It should not be necessary to emphasize the im portance of good, up-to-date, constructive PoHsh re Hgious Hterature, book and periodical, for use among the Poles at this critical transitional stage in their reHgious life. Yet the lack of such Hterature is so acute and so serious that one need not hesitate to caU the attention of the Protestant reHgious forces to it, and urge a proper and speedy remedy. The second imperative task before the Protestant Churches, then, is to provide for (1) the pubHcation of at least one, and if possible two, good, strong, undenominational Polish reHgious periodicals, which will command the attention and the respect of the more thoughtful Poles, and (2) the preparation and pubHcation of better and more up-to-date PoHsh tract and book religious Hterature, namely, (a) de votional but instructive; (b) theological or philo sophical but written in simple readable language, dealing with reHgious fundamentals, solving reH- 126 THE POLES IN AMERICA , gious problems that perplex the modern man, and giving the readers an inteUectual basis for the re construction of their reHgious Hfe; (c) historical, deaHng with the development of the Christian Church, the Eeformation, and the rise of the differ ent Protestant denominations and their distinguish ing characteristics; (d) sociological, treating social problems from the standpoint of Christianity, and making the position of the Church clear regarding social justice in industry and commerce, and (e) a series of Bible-study handbooks for thoughtful and inquiring adults. Such Hterature would find great acceptance not only among Polish Protestants, but also among the clergy and laity of the PoHsh Na tional and the PoHsh CathoHc Churches described above, and among the large number of thoughtful Poles who are at present without any church affiHa- tion ; not only among Poles in this country, but also among Poles in the homeland. J Protestant poHcy. — The question of a definite, con sistent, and statesmanlike Protestant poHcy of ag gressive religious work among the Poles constitutes the third problem. Whatever Protestant religious work has heretofore been done among the Poles, it has been largely sporadic and haphazard. A local church, conference, or presbytery has here and there become interested in a local group of Poles, and has tried to minister to them after a fashion in its own way. The national denominational boards have co operated with the local agencies in these enter prises, wherever they have been asked to, and in as far as expediency has permitted. But they have not had the initiative in the matter, owing to the independence and autonomy of local church bodies. The initiation of new work has, generally speaking, depended on the initiative and aggressiveness of local church organizations. This decentralization of authority and power of initiative has seriously inter- RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 127 fered with the development of general definite poH- cies of aggressive religious work among particular immigrant groups on the part of denominational boards. The effect of this condition of things has been very unfavorable to the promotion of religious work among the Poles, whatever its effect may have been among other immigrant groups. A difficult problem cannot be solved by playing at it, but by taking it seriously and by working on it hard and systematically; by seeing it whole and by dealing with it according to a definite plan and in a masterly way. In order to make the Protestant religious ap proach to the Poles more effective, the Protestant forces must, in the third place, develop more definite, consistent, and more statesmanlike poHcies for the prosecution of this work. Weak, incoherent, hap hazard efforts will get them nowhere. The work is very difficult, and its problems are many and intri cate. V ; Interdenominational cooperation.— Closely con nected with the problem of the development of more definite denominational poHcies for the prosecution of the religious work among the Poles is that of inter-denominational cooperation in this work. The immigrant groups, it must be remembered, are ra cial, and in some cases, Hke that of the Poles, also reHgious units. They act as units, and must be dealt with as units, in the first generation at least.: After they have been absorbed into the Hfe of the nation as integral component parts of it, then we not only may, but can and must deal with them as individuals. In the first generation, however, we must deal with them as groups ; for they Hve and act in groups. Then, to reach any given immigrant group effectively, we must have quite an outfit of absolutely necessary means: workers speaking the language of the group; Hterature, tract, book, and periodical; a hymnology and books of worship with 128 THE POLES IN AMERICA special forms for special services Hke baptism, communion, weddings, and funerals, and a number of other more or less important things. These ob viously cannot be properly and adequately provided for by individual efforts of this or that local church, group of churches, or even denominations; for no denomination, at present at least, is either wiUing to confine its missionary effort to one or two par ticular immigrant groups, or capable to care ade quately for them aU. In the PoHsh work, for in stance, some denominations report as having one PoHsh church, some two or three, and only one has more than a dozen Polish churches and missions. No special argument, therefore, is needed to show that under existing circumstances no denomination has or can have the necessary equipment for han dUng the religious work among the Poles with any degree of efficiency. Nor is it specially desirable that the Protestant denominations should try to be self-sufficient in every particular. There are some things that can be done by interdenominational cooperation; and they can be done this way better and more economi cally. Among such interdenominational cooperative enterprises in the PoHsh work may be included: (1) the recruiting and training of workers, (2) the pub Hcation of one or two good religious periodicals, (3) the preparation and publication of PoHsh reHgious Hterature, and (4) the promotion of interdenomi national conferences of religious workers for mu tual acquaintance, exchange of experiences, encour agement, and inspiration, in order to save these workers from the altogether too common feeling of isolation and loneliness, which frequently drives them to cry with EHjah : "It is enough, 0 Lord; take me away from this job; for the feeUng of being a soHtary champion of thy cause is too dreadful; I eannot stand it any longer" (Cf. 1 Kings 19:3, 4, RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 12$ 10). We have come to recognize the importance of interdenominational cooperation along several lines of work on the foreign field, is it too much to ask of ourselves to recognize its importance on the home field? The foreign-language churches and American na* tional unity.— The fifth problem is that of the rela tion of the foreign-language church to racial assimi lation and national unification. Strictly speaking* this is not a real problem, but chiefly imaginary only. For that reason it should not be discussed here as a problem at all, were it not for the constant fears of some timid patriots that the foreign-lan guage church tends to be an obstacle in the way of racial assimilation and of national unification. To aUay the useless fears of these troubled souls and set their minds and hearts at ease as speedily as possible, it must be said at the outset that the for eign-language church in this country is only a tem porary, transitional institution, serving ihe needs , of practicaUy only the first generation of immi grants and possibly the older portion of the second generation. Thereafter it of necessity either be comes transformed into an EngHsh-speaking church, or quietly passes away with the old order of things. This transformation is going on constantly, stead ily, noiselessly, as the growth of all natural things. Feverish uneasiness about it and loss of sleep over it is not going to hasten the change, but it may seriously disturb, hinder, and retard it. As a caution to the American Protestant Churches carrying on work among immigrants an observation is in order, calHng their attention to the altogether too frequent, very loose and incorrect use of de scriptive terms. The substitution of "Americaniza tion," or "Christian Americanization," for "evan gelization" or "Christianization" is not only a very incorrect use of language, but also very misleading: 130 THE POLES IN AMERICA and frequently very mischievous. In the case of the Poles, for instance, who have been made keenly conscious of their nationahty as a result of forcible Germanizing and Eussianizing policies, and who have been led purposely by the Eoman Church to associate these denationaHzation policies with re Hgious faiths differing from that of the Poles, namely, Eussian Orthodoxy and German Protest antism, and to identify Eoman CathoHcism with their national independence and liberty, — to speak of "Americanization" even if that term is sugar- coated with the adjective "Christian" caUs instantly to their minds aU their unpleasant experiences un der Eussian and German rule, stirs up in them all the old fears and resentments, and places them un necessarily in an antagonistic position to the influ ences of their new environment, national and re Hgious. The American laisses faire poHcy in mat ters of nationahsm is both wise and sound. Abso lute non-interference with inherited national feehngs has been the strength of Americanism and a most potent cause in the promotion of American patriot ism and of national unity. The foreign-born loves this country and its government and institutions in stinctively and passionately, because he is not mo lested here everlastingly about language and na tionahty. It is very doubtful whether the so-caUed "Chris tian Americanization" propaganda of the American Protestant Churches is helping to speed up real Americanization of the immigrants; but it is cer tain that it does interfere with the process of their Christianization. This is particularly true of the religious work among the Poles. The Polish priests have not been slow to use that as a scarecrow to frighten the Poles away from Protestant Churches. Jesus was very careful not to aUow himself to be entangled with his Gospel in the meshes of national RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 131 sentiments and prejudices, it would, therefore, be well for the Christian Church to exercise the same caution, and not to rush where the Master refused to tread. "Bender unto Caesar the things that are Csesar 's, and unto God the things that are God's." Americanization is the business of the State. If the State sees any need of a special Americanization propaganda, it doubtless will attend to it, and look after it. The Church's specific business is Chris- tianization. Let her discharge her specific duty well toward the immigrants; and no foreign-born citizen, really and truly Christianized, will be found wanting in American patriotism and loyalty. PRACTICAL SOLUTION'S Problems call for solutions; they become tasks; and the more difficult they are the more imperative is the duty to solve them. We have discovered that among the special prob lems in the reHgious work among the Poles are those of more and better trained workers and of more and better reHgious Hterature. The question now is how can we secure both? There are two ways we may go about getting the necessary workers; (1) we may hope to find them here and there among the children of the Polish im migrants, or (2) we may import them from Poland from among the Protestant students there. On the face of it it would seem that the first method would be preferable. It would give us workers brought up and educated in this country, with an intellectual training equal to our EngHsh-speaking ministry and having an American point of view. There are, how ever, several things against it. First, it is uncer tain. We have depended upon it for the last thirty years, and it has not yielded any results. Secondly, it is very slow in its operation. J£ American in- 132 THE POLES IN AMERICA dustry had depended on the natural increase of population for its workers, it would be stUl in its infancy, and the country would stUl be largely an undeveloped wilderness. Thirdly, it is unpromis ing. The American brought-up children of the im migrants have neither the language of their parents, nor the sympathetic understanding of the first gen eration immigrant. Workers recruited from the second generation of Poles in this country, on fin ishing their education here, would have to be sent for one or two years to Poland in order to get the language and a better and more sympathetic under standing of their own people. Unless that were done, they would be practically useless for work among their people ; nor is it likely that they could be induced to take it up. The second method, on its face, is not very appeaHng. The American churchman, unhke the American captain of industry, is very reluctant to think of importing workers ; and his reluctance is based, in certain respects, on some good reasons. Nevertheless the method has a good deal to commend it. It eliminates the element of time and long waiting as well as the expense of preparation; it is more dependable and more prom ising as to results than the first method. Some of our best workers among the Poles in this country were picked out on the other side, brought to this country for the specific purpose of doing Christian work among their countrymen, given the finishing touches of education in our institutions, were put to work, and have done exceUently weU. What has been done can be done again, provided we have the vision and the will The American Protestant Churches should be as resourceful and as enterpris ing as American industry. Instead of helplessly waiting for a chance volunteer here and there, we should look for volunteers where there is a reason ably good prospect of finding them, among the RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 138 Protestant students of Polish gymnasia. This plan- would give us a half -finished product. This, in fact, is all that we should look for. We should not look for a completely finished product; for we want to do the finishing of it on this side of the Atlantic. We should try to get young men with an education Corresponding to an A m erican-coUege course, and should make provision to give them the seminary training in this country. This would enable them to acquire the EngHsh language, to become acquainted with American conditions and the better side of American Hfe, and to see things from our Ameri can point of view. The seminary course would serve the double purpose of a theological training and a process of acclimatization. The theological training of these young men should be provided for in our regular theological seminaries. They should by no means be segre gated either in a Polish department connected with some American seminary, or in a polyglot theologi cal institution, stiU less in a special PoHsh theologi cal training school. If they are to become sympa theticaUy acquainted with American Hfe, its spirit and its ideals, they must be placed in an American atmosphere; they must come under the instruction of American professors; and they must have the contact of American students. Educational segre gation of any group of students does not promote Americanization, in the best sense of the term, any more than the segregation of immigrants in our city and country communities. However, it would be very desirable for the men to Hve together for the purpose of keeping up the language, cultivating their spiritual Hfe together, promoting their common interests, and of develop ing a sense of unity, an esprit de corps, among them selves. To an aU-round equipment for their special work this is just as important as keeping in the 134 THE POLES IN AMERICA closest possible touch with American Hfe. They must have both contacts. The loss of either con tact is apt to be serious. This arrangement could be easily carried out in a city Hke Chicago, where several denominations have their own theological seminaries; Presbyterians — McCormick Seminary, Congregationahsts — Chicago Theological Seminary affiliated with the University of Chicago, Baptists — the Divinity School of the University, and Metho dists — Garrett Biblical Institute at Evanston. Here the PoHsh students of the various denominations could be brought and grouped together in a Polish Student Guild House, with a superintendent in charge, who would be their counsellor and guide; and their studies they would pursue in their respec tive denominational schools. This suggestion fur nishes a practical as well as an economical solution of a very difficult problem. This GuUd House could hold also a press, and be the center of Polish reHgious pubHcation activity, where a good interdenominational PoHsh reHgious monthly and other PoHsh reHgious Hterature could be issued. The superintendent of the House could act as Editor-in-chief of aU PoHsh pubhcations, and the students could cooperate by furnishing some Ht erary matter, or by helping in the press room, or in various other ways. This is another practical solution of a second very difficult problem. This suggested solution, however, assumes that the Protestant Churches earnestly desire to deal with the reHgious situation among the Poles in an aggressive manner; and that along these two lines of recruiting and training workers and of develop ing an up-to-date PoHsh reHgious Hterature they are wiUing and ready to cooperate in the interest of the Kingdom. A BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY A BELEF BIBLIOGEAPHY Bain, E. N. Slavonic Europe, Cambridge University Press, 1908. Bain, E. N., The Last King of Poland, G. P. Put nam's Sons, N. Y., 1909. Balch, Emtlt G., Our Slavic Fellow-Citizens, i/tlharities PubHshing Committee, N. Y., 1910. Benson, E. F., The White Eagle of Poland, George H. Doran Company, N. Y., 1919. Boswell, A. B., Poland and the Poles, Dodd, Mead & Co., N. Y., 1919. " Beandes, Geobge, Poland, a Study of the Land; People and Literature. - - v r Choloniewski, Antoni, The Spirit of Polish His* tory, Polish Book Importing Co., N. Y., 1908. Clabk, E. F., Old Homes of New Americans, (Chaps. ^4-6), Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1913. v A Gardner, Monica, Poland, Charles Scribner's SonsA N.Y., 1919. Gibbons, H. A., The Reconstruction of Poland, The Century Co., N. Y., 1917. Harley, J. H., Poland— Past and Present, Allen & Unwin, Ltd., London, 1917. Hatden, Joel B., Religious Work among the Poles in America, Missionary Education Movement, N. Y., 1916. Hourwich, I. A., Ph. D., Immigration and Labor, ^ G. P. Putnam's Sons, N. Y., 1912. Jenks and Lauck, Immigration, Funk & Wagnalls - Co., N. Y., 1912. Lewinski-Corwin, E. H., Ph. D., The Political His tory of Poland, PoHsh Book Importing. Co^. N. Y., 1917. ,-..-...,,,.,,, . .^,,r^v**? 137 , '"vA# 138 THE POLES IN AMERICA Little, F. D., Sketches in Poland, Frederick A. Stokes Co., N. Y., 1914. Lord, E. H., Ph. D., The Second Partition of Poland, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1915. McClure, Archibald, Leadership of the New Amer ica, George H. Doran Company, N. Y., .1916. Morfhl, W. E., Poland, G. P. Putnam's Sons, N. Y., 1893. Phillips, W. A., Poland, Henry Holt & Co., N. Y. Poland, Her People, History, Finance, Science, Lit erature, Art and Social Development, Petite Encyc. Polonaise (Eng. Edition), Herbert Jen kins, Ltd., London, 1919. Eadosavljevich, Paul E., Ph. D., Who Are the Slavs? 2 vols. Eichard G. Badger, Boston, 1919. Shriver, William P., D. D., Immigration Forces, Missionary Education Movement, N. Y., 1913. Slocombe, G. E., Slavonic Europe, Cambridge Uni versity Press, 1905. Van Norman, L. E., Poland, the Knight among Nations, Fleming H. Eevell Co., N. Y., 1908. Thomas and Znantecki, Polish Peasants in Europe and America, 5 vols., University of Chicago Press, 1916. Whitton, T. E., A History of Poland from Earliest Times, Constable & Co., Ltd., London, 1917. Winter, N. 0-, Poland of Today and Yesterday, L. C. Page & Co., Boston, 1913. Almt, Frederick, Huddled Poles of Buffalo, The Survey, Feb. 14th, 1911. Coulter, C. W., Poles of Cleveland, Cleveland Americanization Committee, 1919. Daniels, J., Americanizing 80,000 Poles, The Sur vey, June 4, 1919. Garrett, L. B., Notes on the Poles in Buffalo, The Survey, Dec. 5th, 1904. A BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY 139 Jan, the Polish Minor, The Outlook, March 26, 1910. Journal of the American-Polish Chamber of Com merce and Industry, 953 Third Ave., New York Spirit of Poles in America, The Survey, Sept. 28, 1918. The Pole in the Land of the Puritan, New England Magazine, October, 1903. INDEX Agriculture, Polish, 38; small farms, 39; small productive ness, 39; possible improve ment, 42. Agriculture in U. S., 74, 75. Alliance, Polish National, 90, 100. Aristocracy, The, 21; blind self ishness of, 36. Assimilation, 100-101. Americanization or Evangeliza tion, 129-131. Bibliography, 137-139. Boleslaw the brave, 19. Boleslaw III, 21. Business, Poles in, 75. Christianity in Poland; intro duced, i8; development, 51; influence on economic develop ment, 19. Church, The: Important social institution, 20, 21, 92; estrangement of educated classes from, 53; peasant loy alty to and reverence for, 54; Polish Protestant Churches in U. S., 115-117; Baptist, 115; Methodist, 115; Protestant Episcopal, 116 ; Presbyterian, 116; Polish Catholic Church of America, 114; Polish National Independent Catholic Church, 113-114; anti-church organiza tions, 114-115; church and state in Poland, 20, 29. Craeow, the ancient capital, 24. Clergy, The, 21. "Dark Ages" of Poland, 23. "Decline and Pall" of Poland; causes, 36; a. elective king ship, 36; b. Catholic reaction, 36; c. outside interference, 36; d. autocratic selfishness, 36. Education: in old Poland, 44- 46 _; new Poland, 47; in Ga licia, 46. Educational institutions : the parochial school, 45; the pub lic school, 44-46; public and parochial schools of U. S. com pared, 93, 94; secondary schools, 46; Polish in U. S., 96; night schools, 97; lecture courses, 97; Polish national halls, 97-98. Economic prosperity of 15th and 16th centuries, 32. Family life, 86. Galicia, 33, 39, 40-47, 58, 59. "Golden Age" of Poland, 31, 33. Historical beginnings, 18-38. History of Poland, 17. Hodur, Bishop Prancis, 113. Holidays, numerous, 42. Housing in the U. S., 48. Hussite movement, 27, 28, 29, 33, 52. Illiteracy, high, 45. Immigration to the United States, 57-65; early, 57; later, 58; volume of, 58; causes of, 59; character of, 60-61; dis tribution and location of, 61- 63; migration within TJ. S., 63; return movement, 64; fu ture prospects, 64, 65. 141 142 INDEX Industries in Poland, 41, 43, 44. Industry in U. S., Poles in, 70 seq. Jagiello (Ladislas II), 27; reor ganized and endowed univer sity of Cracow, 27. Jews in Poland, 34, 65. Kazimer the Great, 25, 26. Kazimer IV, 29, 51. Kruska, Father, quoted, 73, 78, 93, 110. Leadership, 91-100, 123. Literature of Poland, 33, 34, 35. Literature in U. S.: Protestant religious, 124 ; undenomina tional paper advised, 125; up- to-date tracts advised, 125, 126; hand books for adults ad vised, 126. Literary lights, 34, 35. Lithuania and Poland, 25; union with Poland, 26. Mazur, Bishop Francis, 114. Mieszko I, founder of Poland, 18. Morality, 87. National Diet or "Sejm," ori gin of, 30; composition and powers, 30-31. National halls, 97-98. Organizations, secular, religious and mixed, 47; in United States, 90-92. Peasantry, Conditions of : eco nomic, 39; social, 48, 49; housing, 48; food, 48; cloth ing 49; group life, 49; char acter of, 50. Piast dynasty, 26, 30. Polish history, period of: (1) formative, 18-23; (2) growing power, prosperity and influ ence, 24; (3) decline and fall, 36-37; (4) struggle for inde pendence, 37; (5) restoration, 1918, 37. Polish immigration in U. S. : in agriculture, 73, 74; in busi ness, 75; in industry, 76; in professions, 76; standards of living, wages, political rela tions, 89-90; property hold ings, 77-79; loyalty in war, religious heritage, 107, 109; religious disintegration, 110- 112; radicalism, 114-115. Press, Polish: in Poland, 47; in U. S., 98, 99, 123-125. Protestant missionary policy, 126; organized and aggressive, 127 ; interdenominational co operation, 127-128. Prussia, a part of Poland, 30. Recreation, 49. Reformation in Poland, The, 32, 52; influence on language and literature, 33, 34. Religious conditions in Poland, 109. Religious faiths in Poland, 107- 108. Religious problems in the U. S., 120-131; (1) workers, 121; (2) literature, 124-126; (3) Protestant policies, 126-127; (4) interdenominational co operation, 127-128; (5) for eign language churches, 129- 130; (6) practical solutions, 131 seq. Renaissance in Poland, The, 27. Restoration of Polish sovereignty, 1918, 37. "Szlachta" (The Nobility), 30, 31. "Sejm" (national diet), 30, 31; Origin, composition and pow ers of, 31. Social conditions of Poles in U. S., 83-102; 1. in general, 83; 2. housing, 83-84; 3. cleanli ness, 86 ; 4. family life, 86-87 ; 5. intermarriage, 87; 6. rela tion to native Americans, 88; 7. recreation and social life, 88-89. Struggle for independence, 19. INDEX 143 Tartar invasions, 22. Teutonic knights, 29, 30. University of Cracow, 26-28, 33. Wages, 42, 69-70. Wars: with jealous neighbors, 19, 20; German Empire, 19, 20; Bohemia, 20, 25; Teutonic knights, 23, 29; Hungary, 20; Tartars, 22; Austria, 26, and Russia, 20. Women, 49 ; in industry in U. S., 71. Workers (religious) among Poles; scarcity of, 123; kinds needed, 121; deeply religious, 121; best possible mental equipment and training, 1.21; must have American viewpoint, 122; training sehools for, 131- 133. Wladyslaw (Ladislas) I, 24, 25. YALE UNIVERSITY 3900? 0Q222076_3b