YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE
HISTORY OF THE
REBELLION AND CIVIL WARS
IN
ENGLAND. BV
EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON,
SOME TIME LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.

A NEW EDITION.

VOL. III. PART I.

OXFORD:
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.
MDCCCVII.

TO THE

QUEEN.

MADAM,
W ITH all duty and fubmiifion comes into the
world the laft part of this Hiftory under your
Majefly's protection ; a juft tribute to your
Majefty, as well on the account of the memory
of the Author, fo long engaged, and fo ufefully,
in the fervice of the Crown, as of the work itfelf,
fo worthily memorable for the great fubjecl he
treats of; and fo inftru&ive, by his noble way of
treating it.
This work, now it is completely published,
relates the tranfactions of near twenty years ;
hardly to be paralleled in any other time, or place,
for the wonderful turns and paflages in it. In
this fpace of time, your Majelly fees your own
country at the higheft pitch of happinefs and
profperity, and the loweft degree of adverfity
and mifery. So that, when a man carries his
thoughts and his memory over all the occur
rences of thofe times, he feems to be under the
power of fome enchantment, and to dream,
rather than read, the relations of fo many fur-
vol. in. p. i. a prifing

ii THE DEDICATION.
priling revolutions. The peace and the plenty
of this kingdom, and, in fo Ihort a fpace of time,
the bloody defolation of it by a moll wicked re
bellion, the ruin of fo many noble and great fa
milies, and the devaltation of their ellates ; and,
after this, the rellitution of all things as at the
begmning, is hardly credible at this time, even fo
foon after all thefe things came to pafs.
When your Majelly fees one of your royal
ancellors, the firfi who lived to reign as heir to
the two Crowns of Great Britain united, and, on
that account, higher in reputation, honour, and
power, than any of his predecelTors, brought, by
unaccountable adminhirations on the one hand,
and by vile contrivances on the other, into the
greatell difficulties and diftrelfes throughout all
his kingdoms ; then left and abandoned by moll
of his fervants, whom he had himfelf railed to the
greatell honours and preferments ; thus reduced
to have fcarce one faithful able counfellor about
him, to whom he could breathe his confcience and
complaints, and from whom he might expect one
honell, found, dilinterelled advice : after this,
how he was obliged to take up arms, and to con
tend with his own fubjedts in the field for his
crown, the laws, his liberty, and life ; there
meeting with unequal fortune, how' he Was
driven from one part of the kingdom, and from
one body of an army to another, till at lall he
was brought under the power of cruel and mer-
cilefs men, imprifoned, arraigned, condemned, and

THE DEDICATION.

in

and executed like a common malefactor: and
after this Hill, when your Majelly fees his ene
mies triumphing for a time in their own guilt,
and ruling over their fellows, and firll com
panions in wickednefs, with fuccefsful infolence,
till thefe very men by force, and fraud, and fun-
dry artifices, Hill getting the better one of another,
brought all government into fuch confulion and
anarchy, that no one of them could fubfill ; and
how then, by God's providence, the heir of the
royal Martyr was invited and brought home by
the generality of the people, and their reprefent-
atives, to return, and take on him the go
vernment, in as full an exercife of it as any of
his predeceiTors had ever enjoyed ; not fubject to
any of thofe treaties, or conditions, which had
been fo often offered by his Father to the men
then in credit and power, and, in their pride
and fury, had been as often rejected by them :
when your Majelly fees before you all this be
gun, and carried on in violence and war, and
concluded in a peaceful relloration, within the
fpace of twenty years, by Englilhmen alone
amongll themfelves, without the intervention of
any foreign power ; many of the fame hands
joining in the recovery and fettlement, as they
had done before in the dellruction, of their coun
try ; your Majelly will certainly fay,
This was the Lord's doing, and it mufi ever be
marvellous in our eyes.,
An account of this great work of God coming
a 2 to

iv THE DEDICATION.
to be publilhed in your Majefly's time, it is humbly
conceived not improper to congratulate your
good fortune, that, in the beginning of your
reign, fuch a hillory of the greatell matters
patTed within your own dominions, comes to
light ; as well for the neceffity there may be,
after above forty years run out in a very un-
fettled and various management of the public
affairs, to put men in mind again of thofe mif-
chiefs under which fo many great men fell on
both fides, as in hopes, that on your Majefly's
account, and for the glory of your name, whom
your people have univerfally received with joy,
this generation may be inclined to let thefe frelh
examples of good and evil fink into their minds,
and make the deeper imprefiion in them to fol
low the one, and avoid the other.
From the year l OOo to very near 1 085, which
was the time of King Charles the Second's reign
here in England, it mull needs be owned, that,
with all the very good underllanding and excel
lent good nature of that King, there was a great
mixture of counfels, and great viciffitudes of good
and bad events, almoll throughout that fpace of
time attending his government. They feem indeed
to be fomewhat like the four feafons of the year ;
of which three quarters are generally fair, hope
ful, flourilhing, and gay ; but there come as con-
flantly fevere winters, that freeze, wither, deflroy,
and cut off many hopeful plants, and expectation?
of things to come. It

THE DEDICATION. v
It mull be owned too, fince it can never be
concealed, that, from the beginning of the Reflo-
ration, there was, certainly, not fuch a return to
God Almighty for the wonderful bleffings he had
poured out with fo liberal a hand, as, no doubt,
was due to the great Author and Giver of all that
happinefs : neither was there fuch a prudence in
the adminiflration, or fuch a fleadinefs in the
conduct of affairs, as the frefh experience of the
foregone misfortunes might well have forewarned
thofe that were entrufled in it, to have purfued
with courage and conflancy. It is but too noto
rious there was great forgetfulnefs of God, as
well as manifefl miflakes towards the world;
which quickly brought forth fruits meet for fuch
undutifulnefs and ill conduct.
The next four years after that reign were at
tended with more fatal mifcarriages ; over which
it may be more decent to draw a veil, than to
enter into a particular enumeration of them.
Many great Princes have been led unawares into
irrecoverable errors ; and the greater they are, fo
many more particular perfons are ufually involved
in the calamity.
What followed after this time, till your Ma
jefly's mofl happy coming to the throne, is fo
frefh in the memory of all men yet living, that
every one will be befl able to make his own ob-
fervations upon it. Such deliverances have their
pangs in the birth, that much weaken the con-
a 3 flitution,

vi THE DEDICATION.
ftitution, in endeavouring to preferve and amend
it. And now your Majelly, who fucceeds to a
Revolution as well as a Refloration, has the advan
tage of a retrofpect on all thefe accidents, and
the benefit of reviewing all the failings in thofe
times : and whatfoever was wanting, at thofe
opportunities of amending pafl errors, in the
management of affairs, for the better eflablifh-
ment of the Crown, and the fecurity of the true
Old Englifh government, it will be your Majefly's
happinefs to fupply in your time : a time in
fome fort refembling the aulpicious beginning of
King Charles the Second's Refloration ; for in that
time, as now in your Majefly's, the people of
this kingdom ran cheerfully into obedience ; the
chiefefl offenders lay quiet under a fenfe of their
own crimes, and an apprehenfion of the reward
juflly due to them ; and all your fubjects went
out to meet your Majefly with duty, and mofl
with love.
Comparifons of times maybe as odious as that of
perfons ; and therefore no more lhall be faid here
on that fubject, than that fince the Refloration,
and fome few years after it, given up to joy and
the forgetfulnefs of pall miferies, there hath been
no time that brought fo much hope of quiet, and
fo general a fatisfaction to thefe kingdoms, as
that on which we faw your Majefly fo happily
feated upon the throne of your anceflors. Among

THE DEDICATION.

VI 1

Among all the figns of greatnefs and glory in a
Prince's reign, there is none more really advan
tageous, none more comfortable, than that which
Virgil remarks as a felicity in the time of Au-
guflus, When abroad the fovereign is prosperous, and
at home does govern fubjecls willing to obey :
When it is not fear that drives and compels
them, but affection and loving-kindnefs that
draws them to their duty ; and makes them re
joice under the laws by which they are go
verned. Such was certainly the time of your
Majefly's firfl entrance ; and fuch God grant it
may be ever.
The two firfl volumes of this Hiflory have laid
before your Majefly the original caufes and the
foundations of the rebellion and civil war ; the
contrivances, defigns, and confultations in it ;
and the miferable events of it ; and feemed to
have finilhed the whole war, when the Author,
at the very end of the ninth book, fays, that from
that time there remained no pojffibility for the
King to draw any more troops together in the
field. And when there is an end of action in the
field, the enquiries into the confequences after
wards are ufually lefs warm. .
But it happens in the courfe of this Hiflory, that
feveral new fcenes of new wars, and the events
of them, are opened in this volume ; which, it is
hoped, will prove exceeding ufeful, even in thole
parts, where, by reafon of the fadnefs of the fub-
a 4 ject,

viii THE DEDICATION.
ject, it cannot be delightful, and, in all other
parts of it, both ufeful and delightful.
Your Majefly efpecially, who mufl have your
heart perpetually intent to fee what followed in
the clofe of all thofe wars, and by what means
and methods the lofs of all that noble and inno
cent blood, and particularly that portion of the
royal flream then fpilt, was recompenfed upon
their heads who were the wicked contrivers of
the parricide, and how at lafl the miferies of
thefe nations, and the fufferings of your royal
family, were all recovered by God Almighty's
own unerring hand, will, no doubt, be more
agreeably entertained in this volume with the
relation of the fecret fleps of the return of God's
mercy, than when he Hill feemed openly to have
forfaken his own oppreffed caufe ; wherein fo
much of what was dearefl to yourfelf was fo
highly concerned.
Of the tranfactions within thefe kingdoms,
foon after the war was ended, efpecially jufl be
fore and after the barbarous murder of the bleffed
King, this Author could have but Ihort and im
perfect informations abroad. It cannot there
fore juflly be expected that he Ihould be fo full
or minute in many circumflances relating to the,
actions and confultations of that party here at
home, as are to be found in fome other writers,
whofe bufinefs it was to intend only fuch mat
ters. One thing indeed were very much to he
wifhedi

THE DEDICATION. ix
wifhed, that he had given the world a more dif-
tinct and particular narrative of that pious King's
lafl moll magnanimous fufferings in his imprifon-
ments, trial, and death. But it feems the re
membrance of all thofe deplorable pafiages was
fo grievous and infupportable to the writer's mind,
that he abhorred the dwelling long upon them,
and chofe rather to contract the whole black
tragedy within too narrow a compafs. But
this is a lofs that can only now be lamented, not
repaired. But when the Hiflory brings your Majefly to
what the noble writer efleemed one of his prin
cipal bufinelfes in this volume, to attend King
Charles the Second, and his two royal brothers,
throughout, all their wanderings, which take up
a confiderable fhare of it, and are mofl accurate
ly and knowingly defcribed by him, as having
been a conflant witnefs of. mofl of them, it is pre-
fumed, this part may give your Majefly equal
fatisfaction to any that is gone before it. It will
not be unpleafant to your Majefly, fince you
have known fo well the happy conclufion of it,
to fee the banifhed King under his long adverfe
fortune, and how many years of trouble and dif-
trefs he patiently waited God Almighty's ap^-
pointed time, for his redemption from that cap
tivity. In that difconfolate time of diflrefs and low-
nefs of his fortune, your Majefly will find caufe
to obferve, that there were factions even then in
his

x THE DEDICATION.
his little Court beyond fea; fo infeparable are
fuch indecent and unchriflian contentions from
all communities of men: they are like tares
foivn by an enemy amongji the wheat, whilji good
menjleep. Upon the fubject of the factions in thofe days,
there is a particular paffage in this Hiflory, of two
parties in that Court abroad, who thought it
worth their while, even then to be very induflri-
ous in profecuting this Author with unjufl and
falfe accufations. And the Author himfelf ob-
ferves, that, howfoever thofe parties feemed, on
mofl other accounts, incompatible the one with
the other, they were very heartily united in en-r
deavouring to compafs his deflruction ; and for
no other reafon, that ever appeared, but his being
an unwearied alfertor of the Church of England's
caufe, and a conflant friend and fervant to the
true interefl of it ; to which either of them was
really more irreconcileable, than they were to
each other, whatfoever they pretended.
This pafTage feems to deferve a particular
reflection, becaufe, within few years after that
King's refloration, fome of both thofe parties
joined again in attacking this noble Author, and
accufing him anew of the very fame pretended
crimes they had objected to him abroad ; where
there had been fo much malice fhewed on one
fide, and fo much natural and irrefiflible inno-
cency appeared on the other, that one would
have thought, no arrow out of the fame quiver could

THE DEDICATION. xl
could have been enough envenomed to have hurt
fo faithful, fo conflant, and fo tried a fervant to
the Church and Crown.
This particular, and another, wherein your
Majefly will find what advice this Author gave
his royal Mailer, upon the occafion of his being
much preffed to go to church to Charenton, and
how fome intrigues, and fnares, cunningly laid
on one fide, were very plainly and boldly with-
flood on the other by this Author, will let the
world fee, why this man was by any means to
be removed, if his adverfaries could effect it, as
one that was perpetually croffing their mifchiev-
ous defigns, by an habitual coUrfe of adhering
unmoveably to the interefl of this church and
nation. In the progrefs of this book, your Majefly
will alfo find fome very near that King whilfl he
was abroad, endeavouring to take advantage of
the forlorn and defperate circumflances of his
fortune, to perfuade him, that the party who
had fought for his father was an infignificant, a
defpicable, and undone number of men ; and,
on this account, putting him on the thoughts of
marrying fome Roman Catholic lady, who might
engage thofe of that religion, both at home and
abroad, in his Majefly's interefl ; others at the
fame time, with equal importunity, recommend
ing the power of the Prefbyterians, as moll able
to do him fervice, and bring him home.
This noble Author all this while perfifled, in
the

xii THE DEDICATION.
the integrity of his foul, to ufe that credit his
faithfulnefs and truth had gained him, to con
vince the King, that foreign force was a flrength
not defirable for him to depend on, and, if it
were fufpected to be on the interefl of Popery,
of all things mofl likely to prevent and difap-
point his refloration ; that for his own fubje&s,
none of them were to be neglected ; his arms
ought to be flretched out to receive them all ;
but the old royal party was that his Majefly
Ihould chiefly rely on, both to aflifl him in his
return, and afterwards to eflablifh his govern
ment. This noble Author had been a watchful ob-
ferver of all that had paffed in the time of the
troubles ; and had the opportunity to have feen
the actions, and penetrated, in a good meafure,
into the confultations of thofe days, and was
no ill judge of the temper and nature of man
kind ; and he, it feems, could not be of opinion,
but that they who had ventured all for the fa
ther, would be the truefl and firmefl friends to
the fon.
Whether this grew up in him to be his judg
ment, from his obfervation of the rules of nature,
and a general practice in all wife men to depend
mofl on the fervice and affection of thofe who
had been fleady to them in their diflrelfes ; or
whether a lukewarm trimming indifferency,
though fometimes dignified with the character
of politics, did not fuit with his plain dealing, itis

THE DEDICATION. xiii
is certain, he never could advife a Prince to
hold a conduct that fhould grieve and difoblige
his old friends, in hope of getting new ones,
and make all his old enemies rejoice. But, how
ever his malicious profecutors afterwards fcandal-
ized him, as being the author of fuch counfels,
and objected to him what was their own advice
and practice, he really thought this kind of con
duct weakened the hands, and tended to the
fubverfion of any government. And the fuc-
cefs has approved this judgment; for in the very
inconflant and variable adminiflration under
that King, it was found by experience, and to
this day the memorials of it are extant, that he
had quiet and calm days, or more rough and
boiflerous weather, as he favoured or difcoun-
tenanced his own party ; called indeed a party
by the enemies of it, upon a levelling principle of
allowing no diftinctions ; though all who have
contended againlt it were properly but parties ;
whilll that was then, and is Hill, on the advan
tage-ground of being eflablifhed by the laws, and
incorporated into the government.
By degrees your Majefly is brought, in the
courfe of this Hiflory, as it were to the top of
fome exalted height, from whence you may be
hold all the errors and misfortunes of the time
pall with advantage to yourfelf ; may view ar
mies drawn up, and battles fought, without
your part of the danger ; and, by the experience of

sir THE DEDICATION.
of former misfortunes, eflablifh your own fe-
curity. It feems to be a fituation not unlike that of
the temple of wifdom in Lucretius ; from whence
he advifes his readers to look down on all the
vanity and hurry of the world. And as that
philofophical poet does very movingly defcribe
the purfuits of thofe whom he juflly flyles mi-
ferable men, diffracting themfelves in wearifome
contentions about the bufinefs and greatnefs of
an empty world ; fo does this noble hiflorian,
with true and evident deductions from one caufe
and event to another, and fuch an agreeable
thread of entertainment, that one is never con
tent to give over reading, bring your Majefly to
an eafy afcent over all the knowledge of thofe
miferable times ; from whence, not in fpecula-
tion only, but really and experimentally, you
may look down on all the folly, and madnefs,
and wickednefs of thofe fecret contrivances, and
open violences, whereby the nation, as well as
the prown, was brought to defolation ; and fee
how falfely and weakly thofe great and bufy dis
turbers of peace pretended reformation and reli
gion, and to be feeking God in every one of
their rebellious and finful actions ; whereas God
was not to be found in their thunder, nor their
earthquakes, that feemed to fhake the founda
tions of the world; but in the Hill voice of peace
he came at lafl, to defeat and difappoint all their
inventions :

THE DEDICATION. xy
inventions : that God, to whom vengeance be
longs, arofe, and fhewed himfelf in defence of
that righteous caufe of the Crown and Church ;
which your Majefly will obferve to have been
combined againfl, fought with, overthrown, and
in the end raifed and re-eflablifhed together. Now
thefe things happened for enfamples, and they are
written for our admonition.
It is now mofl humbly fubmitted to your
Majefly's judgment, whether the confideration of
thefe matters, fet forth in this Hiltory, be not
the mofl ufeful profpect, not for yourfelf only,
but your nobleft train, your great Council, the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons
in Parliament alfembled.
When your Majefly is fo attended, by God's
bleffing, no power on earth will be able to dif-
appoint your wifdom, or refifl your will. And
there may be need of all this power and autho
rity, to preferve and defend your fubjects, as
well as your crown, from the like diffractions
and invafions. There may want the concurrence
of a Parliament to prevent the return of the
fame mifchievous practices, and to rellrain the
madnefs of men of the fame principles in this
age, as deftroyed the lafl ; fuch as think them
felves even more capable than thofe in the lafl,
to carry on the like wicked defigns ; fuch as
take themfelves to be informed, even from this
Hiflory, how to mend the miffakes then com
mitted by the principal directors on that fide, and

xvi THE DEDICATION.
and by a more refined fkill in wickednefs
to be able once again to overthrow the mon
archy, and then to perpetuate the deflruction of
it- There is no doubt, Madam, but every thing
that is reprefented to your Majefly of this na
ture will find a party ready to deny it ; that
will join hand in hand to aflure the world
there is no fuch thing. It is a common caufe,
a\nd it is their interefl, if they can, to perfuade
men, that it is only the heat and warmth of
High-Church inventions, that fuggefl fuch fears
and jealoufies.
But let any impartial perfon judge, to whom
all the libertines of the republican party are like
to unite themfelves ; and whether it is imagina
ble, that the eflablilhed government, either in
Church or State, can be flrengthened, or ferved
by them. They mull go to the enemies of
both, and pretend there is no fuch thing as a
republican party in England, that they may be
the lefs obferved, and go on the more fecure in
their deflructive projects,
They can have no better game to play,
than to declare, that none but Jacobites alarm
the nation with thefe apprehenfions ; and that
Jacobites are much greater enemies than them
felves to your Majelly. Let that be fo: no man,
in his wits, can fay any thing to your Majelly in
behalf of any, let them be who they will, that
will not own your government, and wifh the
profperity

THE DEDICATION. xvii
profperity and the happinefs of it, and contribute
all they can to maintain it.
But whilfl thefe men mofl falfely afperfe the
fons of the Church of England for being Jaco
bites, let them rather clear themfelves of what
they were lately charged before your Majefly,
that there are focieties of them which celebrate
the horrid thirtieth of January, with an execra
ble folemnity of fcandalous mirth ; and that they
have feminaries, and a fort of univerfities, in
England, maintained by great contributions,
where the fierceft doctrines againff monarchi
cal and epifcopal government are taught and
propagated, and where they bear an implaca
ble hatred to your Majefly's title, name, and
family. This feems to be a torrent that cannot be re
fitted but by the whole legiflative authority; nei
ther can your throne, which they are thus per
petually aflaulting or undermining, be fupported
by a lefs power.
In thefe difficulties your great Council will,
over and above their perfonal duty to your Ma
jefly, take themfelves to be more concerned to
be zealous in the defence of your royal preroga
tive, as well as of their own juft rights and pri
vileges, in that it was under the name and flyle
of a Parliament, though very unjuftly fo called,
that all the mifchiefs mentioned in this Hiffory
were brought upon the kingdom.
They beft can difcover the craft and fubtilty
vol. m. p. i. b formerly

xviii THE DEDICATION.
formerly ufed in thofe confultations ; which firfl
inveigled and drew men in from one wickednefs
to another, before they were aware of what they
were doing ; and engaged them to think them
felves not fafe, but by doing greater evils than
they began with.
They will, no doubt, be filled with a jufl in
dignation againfl all that hypocrify and villainy,
by which the Englifh name and nation were
expofed to the cenfure of the reft of the world :
they only can be able to prefent your Majefly
with remedies proper and adequate to all thefe
evils, by which God may be glorified, and the
ancient conllitution of this government retrieved
and fupported.
There is one calamity more, that Hands in need
of a cure from your own fovereign hand. It is in
truth a peculiar calamity fallen mofl heavily on
this age, which though it took its chief rife from
the diforderly, diflblute times of thofe wars, and
has monftroufly increafed ever fince, yet was
never owned fo much as now, and that is a bare
faced contempt and difufe of all religion what-
foever. And indeed what could fo much feigned
fanctity, and fo much real wickednefs, during that
rebellion begun in 1641, produce elfe in foolifh
men's hearts, than to fay, There is no God ?
This irreligion was then pretended to be co
vered with a more fignal morality and precife
ftrictnefs in life and converfation, which was to
be a recompence for the lofs of Chriflianity. But

THE DEDICATION. xix
But now, even that fhadow of godlinefs and vir
tue is fled too. Atheifm and profanenefs, dili
gently cultivated, have not failed to produce a
proflitution of all manners in contempt of all
government. This profanenefs and impiety feems, next to the
horrible confufions of the late rebellion, to have
gained ground chiefly by this method, that, when
many who have been in authority have not, on
feveral accounts, been heartily affected to the
fupport of the Church eftablifhed by law, there
has crept in, by little and little, a liberty againfl
all religion. For where the chief advifers or
managers of public affairs have inclined to al
terations, which the eftablifhed rules have not
countenanced, they durft not caufe the laws to
be put in execution, for fear of turning the force
of them on themfelves ; fo their next refuge has
been to fuffer men to obferve no difcipline or go
vernment at all.
Thus the Church of England, put to nurfe, as
it were, fometimes to fuch as have been inclined
to Popery, andt fometimes to other fects, and
fometimes to men indifferent to all religion, hath
been in danger of being ftarved, or overlaid, by all
of them ; and the ill confequence has redounded
not only to the members of that Communion,
but to all the profeflbrs of Chriftianity itfelf.
Whoever have ventured to give warning of
thefe wicked defigns and practices, have been
rendered as perfons of ill temper ' and very bad
affections.

xx THE DEDICATION,
affections. They that have been in credit and
authority, have been frequently inclined to be
favourable to the men complained of; it has been
offered on their behalf, that their intentions were
good ; and that it was even the interefl of the
government to cover their principles, whatever
might be the confequences of them.
Thus thefe mifchiefs have been flill growing,
and no laws have hitherto reached them ; and,
poffibly, they are become incapable of a remedy;
unlefs your Majefly's great example of piety and
virtue fhall have fufficient influence to amend
them : no honeft man can fay it is not reafona-
ble, and even neceffary to watch them ; and
that, in compaflion to your fubjects, as well as
juflice to yourfelf. This Hiffory hath fhewn
your Majefly their fruits in the late times, by
which you fhall know them ftili ; for your Ma
jefly well remembers who has faid, that
Men do not gather grapes of thorns, or figs of
thijlles.
That God may give your Majelly a difcern-
ing fpirit, a wife and underftanding heart, to
judge aright of all things that belong to your
peace ; that he may enable you to fubdue your
enemies abroad by fuccefsful counfels and arms,
and to reduce your ill willers at home by pru
dent laws, adminiflered with the meeknefs of
wifdom ; that he would give you length of days
in one hand, and riches and honour in the other;
that you, in your days, may have the glory to
rellore

THE DEDICATION. xxi
reflore good nature (for which the Englifh nation
was formerly fo celebrated) and good manners,
as well as the fincere profeffion and univerfal
practice of the true religion, in your kingdoms ;
and that his almighty power may defend you
with his favourable kindnefs as with a fhield,
againft all your adverfaries of every kind, are the
zealous, conflant, and devout prayers of fo many
millions, that it were the higheft prefumption in
any one perfon, to fubfcribe a particular name
to fo univerfal a concern.

VOL. III. P. I.

THE
HISTORY OF THE
REBELLION, &c.

BOOK X.

Jer. xxx. 6.
Wherefore do I fee every man with his hands on his loins,
as a woman in travail, and all faces are turned into fale-
nefs ? Jer. xlvii. 6.
0 tboufword of the Lord, how long will it he ere thou he quiet?
put up thyf elf into thy fcahhard, refl, and be JIM.
Ezek. xxxiv. 2.
Woe he to the Jbepherds of Ifrael, that do feed themfelves ! Jhould
not the Jbepherds feed the flocks P

JL HE actions of the laft year were attended with fo
many difmal accidents and events, that there were no
feeds of hope left to fpring up in this enfuing ill year ;
for it was enough difcerned how little fuccefs the treaty
with the Scots would produce ; which yet the King did
not defire to put a period to, otherwife than by pofitive-
ly declaring, " that he would never confent to the al-
" teration of the Church-government," but was willing
vol- in. p. i. b enough

THE HISTORY Book X.
enough that they Ihould entertain any other hopes, and
was not himfelf without hope, that, by fatisfying the
ambition and interefl of particular men, he might miti
gate the rigour of the Prelbyterian faction ; and to that
purpofe Monfieur Montrevil was gone from London to
the Scottifh army, then before Newark, having taken
Oxford in his way, and fo given an account to the King
of his obfervations, and received from him fuch in
formation and inftruction as was neceffary for the work
in hand.
In the mean time no ways were left untried to draw
fuch a body of an army together, as might enable his
Majefly to make fome attempt upon the enemy ; and if
he could, by all poffible endeavours, have drawn out of
all his garriforis left, a force of five thoufand ihorfe and,
foot,, (which at that time feemed a thing, not to be
defpaired of), he did more delire to have loft his life, in
fome fignal attempt upon any part of the enemyte army,
than to have enjoyed any conditions which- he forefaw
he was ever like to obtain by treaty ; and he was not out
, of hope of a body of five thoufand foot to be landed in
Cornwall, which his letters from France confidently
promifed, and which had been fo much expected, and
depended upon by the Prince,' that it kept him from
tranfporting himfelf into Scilly, till Fairfax was marched
(as hath been faid before) within little more than twenty
miles of Pendennis. For Sir Dudley Wyat had been
fent exprefsly from the Lord Jermyn, to allure the
Prince, that fuch a body of five thoufand foot were ac
tually raifed under the command of Ruvignie, and ihould
be embarked for Pendennis within lefs than a month; and
the Lord Jermyn, in a poftfcript to that letter which he
writ to the Chancellor of the Exchequer by Sir Dudley
Wyat, wifhed him not to be too ftrict in the computa tion

OF THE REBELLION, &c.
tion of the month from the date of the letter, becaufe
there might be accidents of winds at that feafon; but he
defired him to be confident, that they fhould be all
landed within the expiration of fix weeks, and by that
¦meafure to conduct the refolutions, and to decline fight
ing upon that account. After all this, it is as true, that
there was never a man at this time levied or defigned
for that expedition, only the name of Ruvignie (becaufe
he was of the religion, and known to be a good officer)
had been mentioned, in fome loofe difcourfe by the
Cardinal, as one who would be very fit to command any
troops which might be fent into England for the relief
of the King ; which the other, according to his natural
credulity, thought to be warrant enough to give both
the King and the Prince that unreafonable expectation ;
the which and many other of that great lord's negocia-
tions and tranfactions, the fucceeding and long continu
ing misfortunes, kept from being ever after examined, or
confidered and reflected upon.
The Prince flayed in the ifle of Scilly from Wednef-
day the 4th of March till Thurfday the 1 6th of April, the
wind having continued fo contrary, that the Lords Capel
and Hopton came not to him from Cornwall till the Sa
turday before; at which time likewife arrived a trumpeter
from Sir Thomas Fairfax, with fuch a mefTage from the
Parliament to the Prince as might well be called a fum-
mons, rather than an invitation ; yet it was well it came
not to Pendennis, where it would have found a party
among the Prince's fervants. The next morning, being
Sunday, a fleet of about twenty-feven or twenty-eight
fail of fhips encompaffed the ifland ; but within three
or four hours, by a very notable tempeft, which con
tinued two days, they were difperfed. Upon this, and
a clear determination of the weaknefs of the place, if it
B a fhould

4 THE HISTORY BooxX.
fhould be attacked by any confiderable flrength, (which
both by the meffage and the attendants of it they had rea-
fon to apprehend), together with the extreme fcarcity of
provisions in that ifland, which had not been, in the
fix weeks the Prince flayed there, fupplied with victual
for two days out of Cornwall, neither had there been any
returns from France upon the Lord Colepepper's appli
cation to the Queen, which returns would every day
grow more difficult by the feafon of the year, his High
nefs inclined to remove to Jeffey; againfl which nothing
could be objected of weight, but the confideration of
the King's being at London (which was ftrongly re
ported fall) in a treaty ; and then, that his Highnefs's
remove, efpecially if by diftrefs of weather he fhould be
forced into France, might be prejudicial to the King;
and therefore it would be reafonable, firfl to expect' fome
advertifement from his Majefly in what condition he
""was. Hereupon his Highnefs produced in council this
enfuing letter from the King, which was writ fhortly
after the battle of Nafeby, and which he had concealed
till that morning from all the lords, and which truly, I
think, was the only fecret he had ever kept from the four
he had trufled. Hereford, the- %$d of June, 1 645 .
" Charles,
A ,ett(.r " My late misfortunes remember me to command
Ki^'wthe" y°u that wmch l hoPe y°u Aal1 neyer have occafion
Prince, « to obey ; it is this : if I fhould at any time be taken
written * . 'J
from Here- " pnloner by the rebels, I command you ("upon my
ford, June ,, .. ^y. v -it .
*3, 1645. " bleffing) never to yield, to any conditions, that are
" difhonourable, unfafe for your perfon, or derogatory
" to regal authority, upon any confideration s whatfoever,
" though it were for the faving of my life ; which in
« fuch

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 5
" fuch a cafe, I am mofl confident, is in greatefl fecu-
" rity by your conftant refolution, and not a whit the
" more in danger for their threatening, unlefs thereby
" you fhould yield to their defires. But let their refo-
" lutions be never fo barbarous, the faving of my life by
" complying with them would make me end my days
" with torture, and difquiet of mind, not giving you
" my bleffing, and curfing all the reft who are confent-
" ing to it. But your conftancy will make me die
" cheerfully,, praifing God for giving me fo gallant a
" fon, and heaping my bleffings on you ; which you
" may be confident (in fuch a cafe) will light on you.
¦" I charge you to keep this letter ftill fafe by you,
*' until you fhall have caufe to ufe it ; and then, arid
" not till then, to fhew it to all your Council ; it being
"my command to them, as well as you ; whom I pray
<e God to make as profperoufly glorious as any of the
" predeceffors ever were of
" Your loving father, Charles R"
After the reading this letter, and a confideration of
the probability that the rebels would make fome at
tempt upon his Highnefs there, and the impoffibility of
refilling fuch an attempt in the condition the ifland then
flood, it was by his Highnefs with great earneflnefs
propofed, and by the whole Council (except the Earl of
Berkfhire) Unanimoufly advifed, that the opportunity
ihould be then laid hold on, whilft the rebels' fhips
were fcattered; and that his Highnefs fhould embark
for Jerfey; which he did accordingly on Thurfday ; The PririCe
and on the next day, being the 17th of April, with ac0^
profperous wind landed at Jerfey ; from whence, the f™ sciiiy,
fame night, they fent an exprefs to the Queen, of the jerfey April
Prince's fafe arrival in that ifland ; and likewife letters 17.
» 3 to

6 THE HISTORY Book X.
to St. Maloes, and Havre de Grace, to advertife the
Lord Colepepper of the fame ; who received the in
formation very feafonably, lying then at Havre with two
frigates in expectation of a wind for Sciiiy, and with
command to the Prince from the Queen, immediately
to remove from thence. After the Prince had taken an
account of this ifland, both himfelf and all their lord-
fhips were of opinion, that it was a place of the greatefl
fecurity, benefit, and conveniency to repofe in, that
could have been defired, and wifhed for ; till upon a
clear information, and .obfervation of the King's condi
tion, and the flate of England, he fhould find a fit op
portunity to act; and the Prince himfelf feemed to have
the greatell averfion and refolution againft going into
France, except in cafe of danger of furprifal by the re
bels, that could be imagined. In few days Mr. Progers,
who had been difpatched before (prefently upon the
Lord Colepepper's coming) from Paris for Sciiiy, being
hindered by contrary winds till he received the news of
the Prince's being at Jerfey, came thither, and brought
this following letter from her Majefly to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer in cipher. Paris, the $th of April, 1646.
a letter " My Lord Colepepper muft witnefs for me that I
euTen to li have patiently, and at large, heard all that he could fay
cefio^ofthe " concerning the condition of Sciiiy, and all that has
Exchequer « been pr0pofed for rendering of the Prince of Wales's
concerning * L o
the Prince's " abode there fafe ; yet I muft confefs to you, that I am
torFmlce!I*"fo far from being fatisfied in that point, that I fhall
" not fleep in quiet until I fhall hear that the Prince of
" Wales fhall be removed from thence. It is confeffed,
" it is not fufficiently fortified, and is acceffible in divers
"places; and the manning the works will -require a
" thoufand

OF THE REBELLION, &c.
" thoufand men more than you have, or, for ought I
" fee, can procure ; neither can you be confident, that
" the lofs of Cornwall may not fuddenly have a
" dangerous influence upon that garrifon ; mofl of
" your foldiers being of that country. The power of
" the Parliament at fea is fo great, that you cannot rely
" upon the feafonable and fafe conveyance of fuch pro-
" portions of provifions, as fo great a garrifon will re-
" quire : I need not remember you of what importance
" to the King, and all his party, the fafety of the
" Prince's perfon is ; if he fhould fall into the rebels'
" hands, the whole would thereby become defperate ;
" therefore I muft importunately conjure you to intend
" this work, as the principal fervice you can do to the
" King, me, or the Prince. Colepepper will tell you
" how I have ftrained to affift you with prefent provi-
" fions, fhipping, and money, neceffary for the Prince's
" remove to Jerfey ; where, be confident of it, he fhall
" want nothing. Befides, for fatisfaction of others, I
" have moved the Queen Regent to give affurance,
" that if the Prince, in his way to Jerfey, fhould be ne-
" ceffitated, by contrary winds, or the danger of the
" Parliament fhipping, to touch in France, he fhould
" have all freedom and affiftance from hence, in his
" immediate paflage thither; which is granted with
" great cheerful nefs and civility, and will be fubfcribed
" under the hands of the French King and Queen, my
" brother, and Cardinal Mazarine : therefore I hope all
" fcruples are now fatisfied. Colepepper is haftening to
" you with good frigates ; but if you fhall find any
"danger before their arrival, I fhall rely upon your care
" not to omit any opportunity to prevent that danger,
" according to the refolution in council, which Cole-
" pepper hath acquainted me with ; for which I thank
b 4 " you.

THE HISTORY Book X.
u you. I need not tell you how acceptable this fervice
" will be to the King, who in every letter prefies me to
" write to you concerning my fon's fafety ; nor that I
" am, and always will be, mofl conftantly,
" Your afiured friend, Henriette Marie i?."
The Prince and Council were very glad at the receipt
of this letter, conceiving that they had now done all
that could be required at their hands ; though they were-
advertifed at their firfl landing there, that there was flill
an expectation of the Prince in France ; and - that he
would be fpeedily importuned from thence ; which they
could not believe : but as foon as the Lord Colepepper
came, they plainly difcerned that letter had baen written
upon advice to Sciiiy, and upon forefeeing that an im
mediate journey into France would not have been fub-
mitted. to ; and that the inftrument mentioned for his
Highnefs's quiet and uninterrupted paffage through
France to Jerfey, was only a colour, the fooner to have
invited the Prince to have landed there, if there had
been any accidents in his paffage; but that the refolu-
tion was, that he fhould not then have come to Jerfey,
as it was now, that he fhould quickly come from thence;
to which purpofe, fhortly after, came moft importunate
letters from the Queen ; and it feems, howfoever all the
late letters from the King to the Prince before his com
ing out of England, were for his repair into Denmark,
his Majefly, upon what reafons I know not, conceived
his Highnefs to be in France ; for after his coming to
Jerfey, this following letter was fent to him, by the
Lord Jermyn, in whofe cipher it was writ, and deci
phered by his lordfhip.

Oxford,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 9
Oxford, the 22d of March.
« Charles,
" Hoping that this will find you fafe with your mo- a letter
" ther, I think fit to write this fhort but neceffary letter K°ng t0°the
" to you : then know, that your being where you are,Prin<:e'
" fafe frpm the power of the rebels, is, under God, either
" my greateft fecurity, or my certain ruin. For your
" conftancy to religion, obedience to me, and to the
" rules of honour, will make thefe infolent men begin
" to hearken to reafon, when they fhall fee their injuf-
" tice not like to be crpwned with quiet : but, if you
" depart from thofe grounds for which I have all this
" time fought, then your leaving this kingdom will be
" (with too much probability) called fufficient proof for
" many of the flanders heretofore laid upon me: where-
" fore, once again, I command you upon my bleffing to
" be conftant to your religion, neither hearkening' to
" Roman fuperftitions, nor the feditious and fchifmati-
" cal doctrines of the Prefbyterians and Independents ;
" for, know that a perfecuted Church is not thereby
" lefs pure, though lefs fortunate. For all other things,
" I command you to be totally directed by your mo-
" ther, and (as fubordinate to her) by the remainder of
" that Council which I put to you, at your parting
" from hence : and fo God blefs you. " Charles R."
This letter, and the very paffionate cornmands from
the Queen, together with what was privately faid to his
Highnefs by the Lord Colepepper, who from his being
at Paris had changed his former opinions, and was
(though he expreffed it tenderly; finding a general
averfion) pofitive for. his going, wrought fo far on the
Prince, that he chtcovered an inclination to the journey; where-

. io THE HISTORY Book X.
whereupon the Council prefented at large to him, the
inconveniences and dangers that naturally might be
fuppofed would attend fuch a refolution : they remem
bered the carriage of the French fince the beginning of
this rebellion ; how it had been originally fomented, and
afterwards countenanced by them ; and that they had
never, in the leaft degree, aflifted the King; that there
was no evidence that, at that time, they were more in
clined to him than to the rebels ; that it would be ne-
ceffary they fhould make fome public declaration on
his Majefly's behalf, before the Heir apparent of the
The Lords Crown fhould put himfelf into their hands. There was
cofeCpepper nothing omitted that could be thought of, to render
to'dVffMde'that refolution at leaft to be of that importance -that it
fronffend1 ougnt to De throughly weighed and confidered, before
ingfpnhe executed ; and fo, in the end they prevailed with the
Prince into „ . .¦_. ... , , , ,
France. Prince (fince at that time it was not known where the
King was) to fend the Lords Capel and Colepepper
again to the Queen, to prefent the weightinefs of the
matter to her Majefly. One of their inftructions was as
follows.
Their in- " You fhall inform her Majefly, that we have, with
and arrival " all duty and fubmiffiou, confidered her letters to us
at Pans. cl concermng our fpeedy repair into the kingdom of
" France ; the which direction we conceive to be
" grounded upon her Majefly's apprehenfion of danger
" to our perfon by any refidence here ; the contrary
" whereof, we believe, her Majefly will be no fooner
" advertifed of, than fhe will hold us excufed for not
" giving that prefent obedience which we defire always
" to yield to the leaft intimation of her Majefly ; and
" therefore, you fhall humbly acquaint her Majefly,
" that we have great reafon to believe this ifland to be
" defenfible againft a greater force, than we fuppofe
" probable

OF THE REBELLION, &c. u
" probable to be brought againft it. That the inhabit-
" ants of the ifland exprefs as much cheerfulnefs, una-
" nimity, and refolution for the defence of our perfon,
" by their whole carriage, and particularly by a protef-
" tation voluntarily undertaken by them, as can be de-
" fired ; and that, if, contrary to expectation, the re-
" bels fhould take the ifland, we can from the caflle
" (a place in itfelf of very great flrength) with the leaft
" hazard remove ourfelf to France ; which in cafe of
" imminent danger we refolve to do. That our fecurity
" being thus ftated, we befeech her Majefly to confider,
" whether it be not abfolutely neceffary, before any
" thought of our remove from hence be entertained,
" that we have as clear an information as may be got,
" of the condition of our royal father, and the affections
" of England ; of the refolutions of the Scots in Eng-
" land, and the flrength of the Lord Mountrofe in
" Scotland ; of the affairs in Ireland, and the conclufion
" of the treaty there ; that fo, upon a full and mature
". profpect upon the whole, we may fo difpofe of our
" perfon as may be mofl for the benefit and advantage
" of our royal father ; or patiently attend fuch an altera-
" tion and conjuncture, as may adminifter a greater ad-
" vantage than is yet offered ; and whether our remove
" out of the dominions of our royal father (except upon
" fuch a neceffity, or apparent vifible conveniency)
" may not have an influence upon the affections of the
" three kingdoms to the difadvantage of his Majefly." ,
Within two days after the two lords were gone for
Paris, Sir Dudley Wyat arrived with the news of the *
King's being gone out of Oxford, before the break of
.day, only with two fervants, and to what place uncer
tain : it was believed by the Queen, as fhe faid in her
letter to the Prince, that he was gone for Ireland, or. to
the

la THE HISTORY Book X.
the Scots ; and therefore her Majefty renewed her com
mand for the Prince's immediate repair into France,;
whereas the chief reafon before was, that he would put
himfelf into the Scots' hands; and therefore it was necef-
fary that his Highnefs fhould be in France, to go in the
head of thofe forces which fhould be immediately fent
Out of that kingdom to affift his Majefty.
The two lords found the Queen much troubled, that
the Prince himfelf came not ; fhe declared herfelf " not
'* to be moved with any reafons that were, or could be;
" given for his flay ; and that her refolution was pofi-
tf tive and unalterable :" yet they prevailed with her, to
refpite any pofitive declaration till fhe might receive full
advertifement of the King's condition ; who was by this
time known to be in the Scottifh army.
It is remembered before, that the Prince, upon his ar
rival at Sciiiy, fent a gentleman to Ireland to the Mar
quis of Qrmond, as well that he might be punctually
informed of the ftate of that kingdom, (of which there
were feveral reports), as that he might receive ftom
thence a company or two of foot,, for the better guard
of that ifland; which he forefaw would be neceflary',
whether he fhould remain there or not. The gendeman
had a very quick paffage to Dublin, and came thither
very quickly after the peace was agreed upon with the
Irifh Roman Catholics, and found the Lord Digby
there; who, after his enterprife, and difbanding in Scot
land, had firfl tranfported himfelf into the ifle of Man,
and from thence into Ireland ; where he had been re
ceived, with great kindnefs and generality, by the Mar
quis of Ormond, as a man who had been in fo eminent
a poll in the King's council and affairs. He was a
perfon of fb rare a competition by nature and by art;
(for nature alone could never, have, reached to it), that he
was

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 13
was fo far from being ever difmayed upon any misfor- <•
tune, (and greater variety of misfortunes never befel any
man), that he quickly recollected himfelf fo vigoroufly,
that he did really believe his condition to be improved
by that ill accident ; and that he had an opportunity
thereby to gain a new flock of reputation and honour ;
and fo he no fooner heard of the Prince's being in the
ifle of Sciiiy, and of his condition, and the condition of
that place, than he prefently concluded, that the Prince's •
prefence in Ireland would fettle and compofe all. the
factions there ; reduce the kingdom to his Majefly's
fervice ; and oblige the Pope's Nuntio, who was an
enemy to the peace, to quit his ambitious defigns. The
Lord Lieutenant had fo good an opinion of the expedi
ent, that he could have been very well contented, that,
when his Highnefs had been forced to leave England, he
had rather chofen to have made Ireland than Sciiiy his
retreat ; but, being a wife man, and having many diffi
culties before him in view, and the apprehenfion- of
many contingencies which might increafe thofe diffi
culties, he would not take upon him to give advice in a
point of fo great importance ; but, forthwith, having a
couple of frigates, ready, he caufed an hundred men
with their officers to be prefently put on board, accord
ing to his Highnefs's defire ; and the Lord Digby'(who
always concluded, that that was fit to be done which his
firfl thoughts fuggefted to him, and never doubted the
execution of any thing which he once thought fit to be
attempted) put himfelf onboard thofe veflels; refolving,
that, upon the flrength of his own reafon,. he fhould be
able to perfuade the Prince, and the Council which at
tended him, forthwith to quit Sciiiy, and to repair to
Dublin ; which, he did not- doubt, if brought toi pafs in
that way, would have been grateful to the Lord Lieu
tenant. Biuv by the fudden remove of the Prince from
Sciiiy,

14 THE HISTORY Book X.
Sciiiy, the two frigates from Dublin miffed finding him
there ; and that lord, whofe order they were obliged to
The Lord °bferve, made all the hafte he could to Jerfey; where he
Digby ar- founcj tne Prince, with many other of his friends who
rives at Jer- J
fey from attended his Highnefs, the two lords being gone but the
day before to attend the Queen : he loft no time in in
forming his Highnefs of the happy flate and condition
of Ireland ; that the peace was concluded ; and an army
of twelve thoufand men ready to be tranfported into
¦England; of the great zeal and affection the Lord
Lieutenant had for his fervice ; and that if his Highnefs
would repair thither, he fhould find the whole kingdom
devoted to him ; and thereupon pofitively advifed him,
without farther deliberation, to put himfelf aboard thofe
frigates ; which were excellent failers, and fit for his fe-
cure tranfportation.
The Prince told him, " that it was a matter of greater
" importance, than was fit to be executed upon fo
" fhort deliberation ; that he was no fooner arrived at
" Jerfey, than he received letters from the Queen his
" mother, requiring him forthwith to come to Paris,
" where all things were provided for his reception ; that
" he had fent two of the lords of the Council to the
" Queen, to eXcufe him for not giving ready obedience
" to -her commands ; and to affure her that he was in a
" place of unqueftionable fecurity; in which he might
" fafely expect to hear from the King his father before he
" took any other refolution : that it would be very in-
." Congruous now to remove from thence, and to go into
" Ireland, before his meflenger's return from Paris ; in
" which time, he might reafonably hope to hear from
." the King himfelf; and fo wifhed him to have patience
" till the matter was more ripe for a determination."
This reafonable anfwer gave him no fatisfadlion ; he
commended the Prince's averfenefs from going into
France;

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 15
France; " which, he faid, was the mofl pernicious
« counfel that ever could be given ; that it was a thing
" the King his father abhorred, and never would con-
" fent to ; and that he would take upon himfelf to
" write to the Queen, and to give her fuch folid advice
" and reafons, that fhould infallibly convert her from
" that defire, and that fhould abundandy fatisfy her
" that his going into Ireland was abfolutely neceffary ;
" but that a little delay in the execution of it might
" deprive him of all the fruit which was to be expected
" from that journey ; and therefore renewed his advice
" and importunity, for lofing no more time, but imme-.
" diately to embark ;" which when he faw was not
like to prevail with his Highnefs, he repaired to one of
thofe of the Privy Council who attended the Prince,
with whom he had a particular friendfhip, and lamented
to him the lofs of fuch an occafion, which would inevi
tably reftore the King ; who would be equally ruined
if the Prince went into France ; of which he fpoke
with all the deteftation imaginable ; and faid, " he
" was fo far fatisfied in his confcience of the benefit
" that would redound from the one, and the ruin which
" would inevitably fall out by the other, that, he faid,
" if the perfon with whom he held this conference,
" would concur with him, he would carry the Prince
" into Ireland, even, without and againft his content."
The other perfon anfwered, " that it was not to be at-
" tempted without his confent ; nor could he imagine
" it poffible to bring it to pafs, if theyfhould both en-
" deavour it." He replied, " that he would invite the
" Prince on board the frigates to a collation ; and that
" he knew well he could fo commend the veflels to him,
" that his own curiofity would eafily invite him to a
" view of them; and that as foon as he was on board, "he

16 THE HISTORY Book X.
" he would caufe the fails to be hoifted up, and make no
" flay till he came into Ireland."
The Other was very angry with him for entertaining
-fuch imaginations ; and told him, " they neither agreed
" with his wifdom nor his dUty;" and left him in de-
fpair of his c0njun6cion, and, at the fame time, of being
able to compafs it. He had no fooner difcharged him
felf of this imagination, but in the inftant (as he had a
moft pregnant fancy) he entertained another with the
fame vigour ; and refolved, with all poffible expedition,
to find himfelf at Paris, not making the leaft question
but that he fhould convert the Queen from any farther
thought of fending for the Prince into France, and as
eafily obtain her COnfent and approbation for his repair
ing into Ireland ; and he made as little doubt, with the
Queen's help, and by his own dexterity, to prevail with
France to fend a good fupply of money by him into
Ireland; by which he fhould acquire a mofl univerfal
reputation, and be tht moft welcome man alive to the
Lord Lieutenant : and tranfpOrted with this happy au-
Thence he guration, he left Jerfey ; leaving at the fame time his
fiance, two fhips, and his foldiers, and half a dozen gentlemen
of quality, (who, upon his defire, and many promifes,
hadkept him company from Ireland), without one penny
Of money to fubfift on during his abferice.
His tranf. As foon as he came to Paris, and had feen the Queen,
therewith (wnom he found very well inclined to do all fhe could
the Queen for the relief of Ireland, but refolute to have the Prince
of England
andcardi- her fon immediately with her, notwithftanding all the
"ine. aza reafons preffed againft it by the lords of the King's
Council, who had been fent from Jerfey), he attended
the Cardinal ; who underftood him very well, and knew
his foible; and received him with all the ceremony,
and demonftration of refpect, he could poflibly exprefs ;
entered

OF THE REBELLION, Sec. 17.
entered upon the difcourfe of England ; celebrated the
part which he had acted upon that flage, in fo many
actions of courage, and fagacity, of the higheft prudence
and circumfpection, with an indefatigable induflry and
fidelity. He told him, " that France found too late
" their own error ; that they had been very well content
" to fee the King's great puiffance weakened by his do-
" meflic troubles, which they wifhed only fhould keep ,
" him from being able to hurt his neighbours ; but that
" they never had defired to fee him at the mercy of his
" Own rebels, which they faw now was like to be the
" cafe ; and they were therefore refolved to wed his in-
" tereft in fuch a way and manner, as the Queen of
" England fhould defire ;" in which he well knew how
much her Majefty would depend upon his lordfhip's
eounfel. The Cardinal faid, " it was abfolutely Heceffary, fince
" the Crown of France refolved to wed the King's inter-
" eft, that the perfon of the Prince of Wales fhould re-
" fide in France ; that the method he had thought of
" proceeding in was, that the Queen of England fhould
" make choice of fuch a perfon, whom fhe thought beft
" affected, and beft qualified for fuch an employment,
" whom the King of France would immediately fend as
" his extraordinary ambaffador to the King and to the
" Parliament ; that he fhould govern himfelf wholly by
" fuch inftructions as the Queen fhould give him ;
" which, he knew, would be his lordfhip's work to pre-
'* pare ; that all things fhould be made ready as foon as
" the Queen would nominate the ambaffador; and that,
" upon the arrival of the Prince of Wales in any part of
" France,; as foon as notice fhould be fent to the Court
" of.it, (for which due preparation fhould be made), the
" ambaffador fhould be in the fame manner difpatched
vol. in. p. i. c " for

THE HISTORY Book X.
" for England, with one only inftruction from France ;
" which fhould be, that he fhould demand a fpeedy
" anfwer from the Parliament, whether they would fa-
" tisfy the demands the French Court had made ?
" which if they fhould refufe to do, he fhould forth-
" with, in the King his mafter's name, declare war
" ag$nfl them, and immediately leave the kingdom,
e< and return home ; and then there fhould be quickly
" fuch an army ready, as was worthy for the Prince
" of Wales to venture his own perfon in ; and that
" he fhould have the honour to redeem and reftore his
" father." This difcourfe ended, the Lord Digby wanted not
language to extol the generality and the magnanimity
of the refolution, and to pay the Cardinal all his com
pliments in his own coin, and, from thence, to enter
upon the condition of Ireland ; in which the Cardinal
prefently interrupted him, and told him, " he knew well
"he was come from thence, and meant to return thi-
" ther, and likewife fhe carriage of the Nuncio. That
" the Marquis of Ormond was too brave a gentleman,
" and had merited too much of his mafter to be de-
" ferted, and France was refolved not to do its bufinefs
" by halves, but to give the King's affairs an entire re-
" lief in all places ; that he fhould carry a good fupply
" of money with him into Ireland, and that arms and
" ammunition fhould. be fpeedily fent after him, and"
" fuch direction to their agent there, as fhould draw off
" all the Irifh from the Nuncio, who had not entirely
" given themfelves up to the Spanifh interefl."
The noble perfon had that which he moft defired;
he was prefently converted, and undertook to the
Queen, that he would prefentiy convert all at Jerfey;
and that the' Prince fhould obey all her commands; and

OF THE REBELLION, &c. jQ
and entered into confultation with her upon the election
Of an ambaffador, and what inflructions fhould be given
him ; which he took upon himfelf to prepare. Monfieur
Bellievre was named by the Queen, whom the Cardinal
had defigned for that office. The Cardinal approved
the inflructions, and caufed fix thoufand pifloles to be
paid to him, who was to go to Ireland ; and though it
was a much lefs fum than he had promifed himfelf,
from the magnificent expreffions the Cardinal had ufed
to him, yet it provided well for his own occafions; fo he
left the Queen with his ufual profeffions, and confi
dence, and accompanied thofe lords to Jerfey, who were
to attend upon his Highnefs with her Majefly's orders
for the Prince's repair into France ; for the advance
ment whereof the Cardinal was fo felicitous, that he
Writ a letter to the old Prince of Condc, (which he knew
he would forthwith fend to the Queen ; as he did)^ in
which he faid, " that he had received very certain ad-
" vertifement-out of England, that there were fome
te perfons about the Prince of Wales in Jerfey, who had
" undertaken to deliver his Highnefs up into the hands
%i of the Parliament for twenty thoufand pifloles ;" and
this letter was forthwith fent by the Queen to overtake
the lords, that it might be fhewed to the Prince ; and
that they who attended upon him might difcern what
would be thought of them, if they diffuaded his High
nefs from giving a prefent obedience to his mother's
commands. - As foon as they came to Jerfey, the Lord Digby ufed
all the means he could to perfiiade his friend to concur
in his advice for the Prince's immediate repair into
France. He told him all that had paffed between the
Cardinal and him, hot leaving out any of the expref
fions of the high value his Eminence had of his particu-
-• c 2 lar

£o THE HISTORY . Book X.
lar perfon : " that an ambaffador was chofen by his ad-
" vice, and his inflructions drawn by him, from no part
" of which the ambaffador durft fwerve;" (and, which is
very wonderful, he did really believe for that time, that
he himfelf had nominated the ambaffador, and that his in
flructions would be exactly obfeived by him ; fo great
a power he had always over himfelf, that he could be
lieve any thing which was grateful to him;) " that a war
" would be prefently proclaimed upon their refufal to do
" what the ambaffador required, and that there wanted
" nothing to the expediting this great affair, but the
" Prince's repairing into France without farther delay ;
" there being no other queftion concerning that matter,
" than whether his Highnefs fhould flay in Jerfey ?
" where there could be no queftion of his fecurity,
" until he could receive exprefs direction from the
" King his father ; and therefore he conjured his friend
" to concur in that advice ; which would be very grate-
" ful to the Queen, and. be attended with much benefit
" to himfelf;" telling him " how kind her Majefly was
"to him, and. how confident fhe was of his fervice,
" and that if he fhould be of another opinion, it would
" not hinder the Prince from going ; who, he knew,
" was refolved to obey his mother;" and fo concluded his
difcourfe, with thofe arguments which he thought were
like to make moft impreffion on him ; and gave
him the inflructions by which the ambaffador was to
be guided.
His friend, who in trudi loved him very heartily,
though no man better knew his infirmities, told him,
"whatever the Prince would be difpOfed to do, he
" could not change his opinion in point of counfel,
"¦ until the King's pleafure might be known :" he put
him in mind, " how he had been before deceived at
" Oxford

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 21
" Oxford by the Conte de Harcourt, who was an am-
" baflador likewife, as we then thought, named by our-
" felves, and whofe inflructions he had likewife drawn ;
" and yet, he could not but well remember how foully
" that bufinefs had been managed, and how difobligingly
" he himfelf had been treated by* that ambaffador ; and
" therefore he could not but wonder, that the fame arti-
" fices fhould again prevail with him ; and that he could
" imagine that the inflructions he had drawn would be
" at all confidered, or purfued, farther than they might
" contribute to what the Cardinal for the prefent de-
" figned ; of the integrity whereof, they had no evi-
" dence, but had reafon enough to fufpect it."
The Lord Capel, and the Lord Colepepper, flayed at
Paris with the Queen full three weeks ; having only
prevailed with her to fufpend her prefent commands for
the Prince's remove from Jerfey, until fhe fhould have
clear intelligence where the King was, and how he was
treated, though fhe declared a pofitive refolution that
his Highnefs fhould come to Paris, }et the intelligence
be what it could be ; and, in the end, they were well
affined that his Majefty had put himfelf into the Scot-
tifh army as it lay before Newark ; and that, as foon as
he came thither, he- had caufed that garrifon to deliver
the town into the hands of the Scots; and that thereupon
the Scots marched prefently away to Newcaftle : that
they had preffed the King to do many things, which he
had abfolutely refufed to do ; and that thereupon they
had put very ftrict guards upon his Majefty, and
would not permit any man to repair to him, or to fpeak
with him ; fo that his Majefty looked upon himfelf as
a prifoner, and refolved to make another efcape from
them as foon as he could. Mr. Afhburnham, who at
tended upon him in his journey from Oxford as his fole
c 3 fervant.

2,2 THE HISTORY Book X.
fervant, was forbid to come any more near him ; and if
he had not put himfelf on board a veffel, then at New-
caftle, and bound for France, the Scots would have de
livered him up to the Parliament. Monfieur Montrevil,
the French envoy, pretended that they were fo incenfed
againft him for brifkly expoftulating with them for their
ill treatment of the King, that it was no longer fafe for
him to remain in their quarters, and more dangerous to
return to London ; and therefore, he had likewife pro
cured a Dutch fhip to land him in France, and was
come to Paris before the lords returned to Jerfey.
The Queen thought now fhe had more reafon to be
confirmed in her former refolution for the fpeedy re
move of the Prince, and it was pretended that he had
brought a letter from the King, which was deciphered
by the Lord Jermyn ; in which he faid> " that he did
" believe that the Prince could not be fafe any where
" but with the Queen ; and therefore wifhed, that if he
" were not there already, he fhould be fpeedily fent
" for ;" and Montrevil profeffed to have a meffage by
word of mouth to the fame purpofe : whereas Mr;
Afhburnham, who left the King but the day before
Montrevil, and was as entirely trufted by the King as
any man in England, brought no fuch meffage ; and
confeffed to the Lord Capel, " that he thought it very
" pernicious to the King that the Prince fhould come
" into France in that conjuncture, and before it was
" known how the Scots would deal with him ; and that
" the King's opinion of the convenience of his coming
^ into France, could proceed from nothing but the
" thought of his infecurity in Jerfey." The Lord Capel
offered to undertake a journey himfelf to Newcaftle;
and to receive the King's pofitive Commands, which he
was confident would be fubmitted to, and obeyed by all
the

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 23
the Council as well as by himfelf : but the Queen was-
pofitive, that, without any more delay, the Prince
fhould immediately repair to her ; and, to that purpofe,
fhe fent the Lord Jermyn (who was Governor of Jerfey)
together with the Lord Digby, the Lord Wentworth,
the Lord Wilmot, and other lords and gentlemen,
who, with the two lords who had been fent to her by
the Prince, fhould make hafle to Jerfey to fee her
commands executed. Whilft they are upon their jour-:
ney thither, it will be feafonable to enquire how the
King came to involve himfelf in that perplexity, out of
which he was never able afterwards to recover his liberty
and freedom.
Monfieur Montrevil was a perfon utterly unknown a farther
to me, nor had I ever intercourfe or correfpondence Monfieur
with himj fo that what I fhall fay of him cannot pro-i negotiation
ceed from affection or prejudice, nor if I fhall fay any
thing for his vindication from thofe reproaches which
he did, and does lie under, both with the Englifh and
Scottifh nation, countenanced enough by the difcoun-
tenance he received from the Cardinal after his, return,
when he was, after the firfl account he had given of his
negociation, reftrained from coming to the Court, and
forbid to remain in Paris, and lay under a formed, der
clared diflike till his death ; which with grief of mind
fhortly enfued. . But as it is no unufual hard-heartednefs
in. fuch chief minifters, to facrifice fuch inflruments,
how innocent foever, to their Own dark purpofes, fo
it is probable, that temporary cloud would foon have
vanifhed, and that it was only caft oyer him, that he
.might be thereby fecluded from the converfation of the
Englifh Court ; which muft have been reafonably very
inquifitive, and might thereby have difcovered fomewhat
which the other Court was carefully to conceal : I fay, if
p 4 what

with the
Scots.

24

THE HISTORY Book X.
what I here fet down of that tranfaction, fhall appear
fome vindication of that gentleman from thofe imputa
tions under which his memory remains blafted, it can
be imputed only to the love of truth, which ought, in
common honefty, to be preferved in hiflory as the very
foul of it, towards all perfons who come to be mentioned
in it; and fince I have in my hands all the original
letters which paffed from him to the King, and the
King's anfwers and directions thereupon, or fuch au
thentic copies thereof, as have been by myfelf examined
with the originals, I take it to be a duty incumbent on
me to clear him from any guilt with which his memory
lies unjuftly charged, and to make a candid interpreta
tion of thofe actions, which appear to have refulted
from ingenuity, and upright intentions, how unfuccefs'
ful foever.
He was then a young gentleman of parts very equal
to the trull, the Cardinal repofed in him, and, to the
employment he gave him ; and of a nature not- inclined
¦to be made ufe of in ordinary diffimulation and cozen
age. Whilfl he took his meafures only from the Scot-
tifh commiflioners at London, and from thofe- Prefby-
terians whom he had opportunity to converfe with there,
he did not give the King the leaft encouragement to
expect a conjunction, or any compliance from the one
or the other, upon any cheaper price or condition than
the whole alteration of the government of the Church
•by Bifhops, and an entire conformity to the Covenant ;
and he ufed all the arguments which occurred to him,
to perfuade his Majefty that all other .hopes of agree
ment with them were defperate ; and when he faw his
Majefty unmoveable in that particular, and refolute to
undergo the utmoft event of war, before he would
wound his peace of mind, and confcience, with fuch an
odious

OF THE REBELLION,, 8cc. 35
odious conceffion, he undertook that journey we men
tioned in the end of the laft year, to difcover whether
the fame rude and rigid fpirit, which governed thofe
commiffioners at Weftminfter, poffeffed alfo the chief
officers of the Scottifh army, and that committee of State
that always remained with the army.
The Scottifh army was then before Newark ; and, in
his paffage thither, he waited upon the King at Oxford ;
and was confirmed in what he had reafon before to be
confident of, that it was abfolutely impofiible ever to
prevail with his Majefty to give up the Church to the
moft impetuous demands they could make, or to the
greatell neceffity himfelf could be environed with ; but
as to any other conceffions which might fatisfy their
ambition or their profit, which were always powerful
and irrefiftible fpells upon that party, he had ample au
thority and commiffion to comply with the moft extra
vagant demands from perfons like to make good what
they undertook, except fuch propofitions as might be
mifchievous to the Marquis of Mountrofe ; whom the
King refolved never to defert, nor any who had joined
with and aflifled him ; all which, he defired to unite to
thofe who might now be perfuaded to ferve him. His
Majefty, for his better information, recommended him
to fome perfons who had then command in the Scottifh
army; of whofe affections and inclinations fo his fer-
vice, he had as much confidence, at leafi, as he ought
to have ; and of their credit, and courage, and interefl, a
greater than was due to them.
When Montrevil came to the army, and after he had
endeavoured to undeceive thofe who had been perfuao!ed
to believe, that a peremptory and obflinate infilling
upon the alteration of the Church-government (the ex
pectation and affurance whereof had indeed firft enabled them

a6. THE HISTORY Book X.
them to make that expedition) v/ould at laft prevail over
the King's fpirit, as it had done in Scotland, he found
thofe in whom the power, at leaft the command of the-
army was, much more moderate than he expected, and
the committee which prefided in the counfels, rather de
viling and projecting expedients how they might recede
from the rigour of their former demands, than peremp
tory to adhere to them, and willing he fhould believe
that they flayed for the coming of the Lord Chancellor.
out of Scotland, who was daily expected, before they
would declare their refolution ; not that they were, for
the prefent, without one. They were very much pleafed
that the King offered, and defired to come to them, and
remain in the army with them, if he might be fecured of a
good reception for himfelf, and for his fervants who fhould
attend him, and his friends who fhould refort to him; and
the principal officers of the army fpoke of that, as a thing
they fo much wifhed, that it could be in nobody's power
to hinder it, if there were any who would attempt it; and ,
they who had the greatefl power, in the conduct of the
moft fecret counfels, took pains to be thought to have
much franker refolutions in that particular, than they
thought yet feafonable to exprefs in direct undertakr
ings ; and employed thofe who were known to be moil
entirely trufted by them, and fome of thofe who had been
recommended to him by the King, to affure him that he
might confidently advife his Majefty to repair to the
army, upon the terms himfelf had propofed ; and that
they would fend a good body of their horle, to meet his
Majefty at any place he fhould appoint to conduct him in
fafety to them. Upon which encouragement Montrevil
prepared a paper to be figned by himfelf, and fent to
the King as his engagement; and fhewed it to thofe
iwho had been moft clear to him in their exprefflons of
duty

OF THE REBELLION, &o. 27
duty to the King ; which, being approved by them, he
fent by the other who had appeared to him to be trufted
by thofe who were in the higheft truft to be communi
cated to them, who had in a manner excufed themfelves
for being fo referved towards him, as being neceffary in
that conjuncture of their affairs, when there evidently
appeared to be the mofl hoftile jealoufy between the In
dependent army and them. When the paper was like-
wife returned to him with approbation after their peru-
fal, he fent it to the King ; which paper is here faith
fully tranflated out of the original.
" I do promife in the name of the King and Queen The papen
" Regent, (mymafter and miflrefs), and by virtue of the fenApX
«« powers that I have from their Majeflies, that if the'*£°^s
't Kin? of Great Britain fhall put himfelf into the Scot- lor the
0 r , Scots re-
" tifh army, he fhall be there received as their natural ceiving the
"Sovereign; and that he fhall be with them in all 1 a.
" freedom of his confcience and honour ; and that all
" fuch of his fubjects and fervants as fhall be there
" with him, fhall be fafely and honourably protected in
" their perfons ; and that the faid Scots fhall really and
" effectually join with the faid King of Great Britabj
" and alfo receive all fuch perfons as fhall come in unto
¦" him, and join with them for his Majefly's preferva-
" tion: and that they fhall protect all his Majefly's party
" to the utmoft of their power, as his Majefly will com-
" mand all thofe under his obedience to do the like
" to them ; and that they fhall employ their armies
" and forces, to aflift his Majefty in the procuring of a
'*' happy and well grounded peace, for the good of his
¦"•Majefty and his faid kingdoms, and in recovery of his
-" Majefly's juft rights. In witnefs whereof I have here-
" unto put my hand and feal this firft of April 1646.
" De Montrevil, Rfyidentpourfd Majejlie
¦ " tres Chritienne en Ecoffe"
Many

28 THE HISTORY Book X.
Many days had not paffed after the fending^ that ex-
prefs, when he found fuch chagrin, and tergiverfation, in
fome of thofe he had treated with, one man denying
what he had faid to himfelf, and another difclaiming the
having given fuch a man authority to fay that from him
which the other flill avowed he had done, that Montre
vil thought himfelf obliged, with all fpeed, to advertife
his Majefty of the foul change, and to difiuade him
from venturing his perfon in the power of fuch men :
but the exprefs who carried that letter was taken pri-
foner ; and though he made> his efcape, and preferred
his letter, he could not proceed in his journey ; and
was compelled to return to him who fent him ; and by
that time, he having informed the committee, what he
had done to vindicate himfelf from being made a pro*
perty by them to betray the King, and expreffed a deep
refentment of the injury done to the King his mafter,
and to himfelf, in their receding from what they had
promifed, they appeared again to be of another temper,
and very much to defire his Majefly's prefence in the
army ; and to that purpofe, they promifed, as an unani
mous refolution, " that they would fend a confiderable
" party of horfe to meet his Majefty at Burton upon
" Trent ; for that they could not advance farther with
" the whole party ; but that fome horfe fhould be fent
" to wait upon his Majefty at Bofworth, which is the
" middle way between Burton and Harborough, whither
" they hoped his own horfe would be able to convey
" him fecurely ;" they defired " the King to appoint
" the day, and they would not fail to be there." They
wifhed, " that when their troops fhould meet his Ma-
" jelly, he would tell them that he was going into Scot-
" land; upon which, they would find themfelves obliged
" to attend him into their army, without being able to
" difcover anything of a treaty; of which the Parlia-
" ment

OF THE REBELLION, 8cc. 29
" ment ought yet to receive no advertiferhent :" of all
which Montrevil gave the King a very full and plain
narration, together with what he had written before, by
his letter of the 15th of the fame April, to Secretary
Nicholas ; and, in the fame letter, he informed his
Majefty, " that they did not defire that any of thofe
" forces which had followed the King's party, fhould
" join with them, no nor fo much as thofe horfe that
" fhould have accompanied his Majefly, fhould remain
" in their army with him : that they had with much
" ado agreed, that the two Princes" (for his Majefty,
upon Prince Rupert's humble fubmiflion, was reconciled
to both his nephews) " might follow the King, with
" fuch other of his fervants as were not excepted from
" pardon ; and that they might flay with his Majefly
" until the Parliament of England fhould demand
" them ; in which cafe they fhould not refufe to de-
" liver them ; but that they would firft furnifh them
" with fome means of getting beyond feas."
The King had propofed, " that there might be a
" union between them and the Marquis of Mountrofe ;
" and that his forces might he joined with their army ;"
which they had faid, " they could not confent to, with
" reference to the perfon of Mountrofe ; who, after fo
" much blood fpilt by him of many of the greateft fa-
<* milies, they thought could not be fafe among them:"
whereupon the King had declared, that " he would
" fend him his extraordinary ambaffador into France ;'*
which they appeared not to contradict, but had now
changed their mind ; of which Montrevil likewife
gave an account in the fame letter : " that they could
';' not give their confent that the Marquis of Mountrofe
" fhould go ambaffador into France, but into any other
" place, he might ; and that they again, without limit.

«mg

£6 THE HISTORY Book X.
V ing 'the time, infifted upon fettling the Prefbyte^
" rian government ;" and he concluded his letter with
thefe words, " I will fay no more but this, that his Ma-
*' jefly and you know the Scots better than I do : I re-
" prefent thefe things nakedly to you, as I am obliged
" to do ; I have not taken upon me the boldnefs to
?' give any counfel to his Majefly ; yet if he hath any
" other refuge, or means to make better conditions, I
¦ ' think he ought not to accept of thefe ; but if he fees
" all things defperate every where elfe, and that he and
" his fervants cannot be fecure with his Parliament of
" England, I dare yet affure him, that though he and
¦" his fervants may not be here with all that fatisfaction
" perhaps which he might defire, yet he efpecially fhall
" be as fecure as poffible."
In another letter dated the next day after (the 16th
of April) to the fame Secretary, he hath thefe words;
•" I have orders from the deputies of Scotland to affure
" you, that they will not herein fail," (which related to
fending the horfe to meethis Majefly,) " as foon as they
"fhall know his day; and that the King fhall be re*-
" ceived into the army as hath been promifed; and
" that his confcience fhall not be forced." And in the
lafl letter, which his Majefty or the Secretary received
from him, and which was dated the aoth of April 1646,
there are thefe words : " They tell me that they will do
" more than can be exprefled; but let not his Majefty
'" hope for any more than I fend him word of; that he
'" may not be deceived ; and let him take his meafures
" aright; for certainly the enterprife is full of danger:"
•yet, in the fame letter, he fays, " the difpofition of the
"chiefs of the Scottifh army is fuch as the King, can
" defire ; they begin to draw off their troops towards
" Burton/ and the hindering his Majefty from falling " into

OF THE REBELLION, &c, 3t
" into the hands of the Englifh is of fo great impor-
" tance to them, that it cannot be believed but that they
" will do all that lies in their power to hinder it."
This was the proceeding of Monfieur Montrevil in
that whole tranfaction ; and if he were too fanguine
upon his firft converfation with the officers of the Scot
tifh army, and fome of the committee, and when he
figned that engagement upon the firfl of April, he made
hafte to retract that confidence, and was in all his dif-
patches afterwards phlegmatic enough ; and, after his
Majefty had put himfelf into their hands, he did honeft-
ly and ftoudy charge all the particular perfons with the
promifes and engagements they had given -to him, and
did all he could to make the Cardinal fenfible of the
indignity that was offered to that Crown in the violation
of thofe promifes and engagements; which was the rea
fon of his being commanded to return home, as foon as
the King came to Newcaftle ; left his too keen refent-
ment might irritate the Scots, and make it appear to
the Parliament how far France was engaged in that '
whole negociation ; which the Cardinal had no mind
fhould appear to the world : and there' can be no doubt,
but that the cautions and animadverfions which the
King received from Montrevil after his engagement,
would have diverted him from that enterprife, if his
Majefly had difcerned any other courfe to take that
had been preferable even to the hazard that he faw he
muft undergo with the Scots ; but he was clearly defli-
tute of any other refuge. Every day brought the news
of the lofs of fome garrifon ; and as Oxford was already
blocked up at a diflance, by thofe horfe which Fairfax
had fent out of theWefl to that purpofe, or to wait
upon the King, and follow him clofe, if he fhould re
move out of Oxford ; fo he had foon reduced Exeter, and

32

THE HISTORY . Book.X.
and fome other garrifons in Devonfhire. The Gover
nors then, when there was no vifible and apparent hope
of being relieved, thought that they might deliver up
their garrifons before they were preffed with the laft ex
tremities, that they might obtain the better conditions ;
and yet it was obferved that better and more honourable
conditions were not given to any, than to thofe who kept
the places they were trufled with, till they had not one
day's victual left ; of which we fhall obferve more here
after. By this means Fairfax was within three days of
Oxford before the King left it, or fully refolved what to
do. His Majefty had before fent to two eminent com
manders of name, who had blocked up the town at a
diftance, " that if they would pafs their words," (how
flender a fecurity foever, from fuch men who had broken
fo many oaths, for the fafety of the King,) " that they
" would immediately conduct him to the Parliament, he
A would have put himfelf into their hands ;" for he was
yet perfuaded to think fo well of the city of London,
fliat he would not have been unwilling to have found
himfelf there : but thofe officers would fubmit to no
fuch engagements ; and great care was taken to have
ftrict guards round about London, that he might not
get thither. What fhould the King do? There was
one thing moft formidable to him, which he was refolv
ed to avoid, that was, to be inclofed in Oxford, and fo
to be given up, or taken, when the town fhould be fur-
rendered, as a prifoner to the Independents' army; which
he was advertifed, from all hands, would treat him very
barbaroufly. In this perplexity, he chofe rather to commit himfelf
to the Scottiflh army ; which yet he did not truft fo far
as to give them notice of his journey, by fending for a
party

OF THE REBELLION, fee. 33
party of their horfe to meet him, as they had proffered ;
but early in the morning, upon the 27th day of April, The King
he went out of Oxford, attended only by John Afhburn- fori April"
ham, and a Divine, (one Hudfon), who underflood the*7' l6*6'
by-ways as well as the common, and was indeed a. very
fkilful guide. In this equipage he left Oxford on a "
Monday, leaving thofe of his Council in Oxford who
were privy to his going out, not informed whether he
would go to the Scottifh army, or get privately into.
London, and lie there concealed, till he might choofe
that which was beft ; and it was generally believed, that
he had not within himfelf at that time a fixed refolution
what he would do; which was the more credited becaufe
it was nine days after his leaving Oxford, before it was
known where the King was ; infomuch as Fairfax, who
came before it the fifth day after his Majefty was gone,
was fate down, and had made his circumvallation about
Oxford, before he knew that the King was in the Scot
tifh army ; but the King had wafted that time in feveral
places, whereof fome were gentlemen's houfes, (where he
was not unknown, though untaken notice of), purpofely
to be informed of the condition of the Marquis of
Mountrofe, and to find fome fecure paffage that he
might get to him ; which he did exceedingly defire ;
but in the end, went into the Scottifh army before Puts him-
Newark, and fent for Montrevil to come to him. scottimar-
It was very early in the morning when the King went NwafkT
to the General's lodging, and difcovered himfelf to him;
who either was, or feemed to be, exceedingly furprifed
and confounded at his Majefly's prefence ; and knew
not what to. fay ; but prefently gave notice of it to the
committee, who were no lefs perplexed. An exprefs was
prefently fent to the Parliament at Weftminfter, to in
form them of the unexpected news, as a thing the Scots
vol. ni. p. 1. ' d had

34 THE HISTORY Book X.
had not the leaft imagination of. The Parliament were
fo difordered with the intelligence, that at firft they re
folved to command their General to raife the fiege be
fore Oxford, and to march with all expedition to New
ark ; but the Scottifh commiffioners at London di
verted them from that, by affuring them, " that all
tl their orders would meet with an abfolute obedience in
" their army ;" fo they made a fhort difpatch to them,
in which it was evident that they believed the King had
gone to them by invitation, and not out of his own free
choice ; and implying, " that they fhould fhortly re-
" ceive farther direction from them ;" and in the mean
time, " that they fhould carefully watch that his M$-
" jefty did not difpofe himfelf to go fome whither elfe."
Their man- The great care in the army was, that there' might be
inghistMa-on,ly refpect and good manners fhewed towards the
jefiy. King, without any thing of affection or dependence ;
and therefore the General never afked the word of him,
or, any orders, nor, willingly, fuffered the officers of the
army to refort to, or to have any difcourfe with his
Majefty. Montrevil was ill looked upon, as the man
who had brought this inconvenience upon them with
out their confent ; but he was not frighted from, owning
and declaring what had paffed between them, what
they had promifed, and what they were engaged to do.
However, though the King liked not the treatment he
received, he was not without apprehenfion, that Fairfax
might be forthwith appointed to decline all other enter-
orders New- prifes, and to bring himfelf near the Scottifh army,
furrendber- tney. being to° ne*r together already ; and therefore he
uiorTthT forthwith gave order to the Lord Bellafis to furrender
scottifh ar. Newark, that the Scots might march northward : which
my marches - '-' '
northward they refolved to do; and he giving up that place}
King toe which he could have defended for fome months longer
Newcaftle. ,.
from

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 35
from that enemy, upon honourable conditions, that
army with great expedition marched towards New-
caftle; which the King was glad of, though their beha
viour to him was ftill the fame; and great ftrictnefs
ufed that he might not confer with any man who was
not well known to them, much lefs receive letters from
any. It was an obfervation in that time, that the firft pub-
lifhing of extraordinary news was from the pulpit ; and
by the preacher's text, and his manner of difcourfe upon
it, the auditors might judge, and commonly forefaw,
what was like to be next done in the Parliament or Coun
cil of State. The firft fermon that was preached before
the King, after the army rofe from Newark to march
northwards, was upon the 19th chapter of the, ad Book
of Samuel, the 41ft, 4ad, and 43d verfes.
41. And behold, all the men of Ifrael came to the King,
and/aid unto the King, Why have our. brethren the
men of Judah Jlolen thee away, and have brought
the King and his houfehold, and all David 's men
with him over Jordan f
42. And all the men of Judah anjwered the men of
Ifrael, Becaufe the King is near of kin to us : where
fore then be ye angry for this matter? have we
eaten at all of the King's cofl? or hath he given.
us any gift?
43. And the men of Ifrael anjkoered the men of Judah,
and faid, We have ten parts in the King, and we
have alfo more right in David than ye : why then
did ye defpife us that our advice Jhould not befirfi
¦ had in bringing back our King ? And the words-of
the men of Judah were fiercer than the words of the
men of Ifrael. » a Upon

36 THE HISTORY Book X.
Upon which words, the preacher gave men caufe to
believe, that now they had gotten their King, they re
folved to keep him, and to adhere to him. But his
Majefly came no fooner to Newcaftle, than both Mon-
where fieur Montrevil was reftrained from having any confer^
wa°6nre!vil ence with him, and Mr. Afhburnham was advifed « to
lEhL " fllift for nimfelf> or elfe that he fhould be delivered
" up to the Parliament;" and both the one and the
other were come to Paris when the Queen fent thofe
lords to haften the Prince's remove from Jerfey.
The Lord When thofe lords, with their great train, came to
othe7iordsd Jerfey, which was towards the end of June, they brought
Jerfe6 *' w*tn them a letter from the Queen to the Prince ; in
about the which fhe told him, " that fhe was now fully fatisfied;
end ofJune, '
from the " from the intelligence fhe had from Newcaftle and
bring the" " London, that he could not make any longer refidence
France."1'0 " in Jerfey without apparent danger of falling into the
" enemy's hands ; and that if he fhould continue there,
" all poflible attempts would be fuddenly made, as well
" by treachery as by force, to get his perfon into their
•' power ; and therefore her Majefty did pofitively re-
" quire him, to give immediate obedience to the King's
"commands, mentioned in the letter which he" had
f( lately fent by Sir Dudley Wyat," (which is fet out
before), " and reiterated in a letter which fhe had fince
" received from the King by Monfieur Montrevil."
Her Majefty faid, " that fhe had the greateft affurance
" from the Crown of France, that poffibly could be
" given, for his honourable reception, and full liberty to
" continue there, and to depart from thertce, at his
" pleafure ; and fhe engaged her own word, that when"
" ever his Council fhould find it fit for him to go out
" of France, fhe would never oppofe it ; and that dur-
" ing his refidence in that kingdom, all matters of im-
" portance

OF THE REBELLION, fee. 37
" portance which might concern himfelf, or relate to his
" Majefly's affairs, fhould be debated and refolved by
" himfelf and the Council, in fuch manner as they ought
" to have been, if he had continued in England, or in
" Jerfey :" and concluded, " that he fhould make all
" poflible hafte to her."
The lords, which arrived with this difpatch from her
Majefly, had no imagination that there would have
been any queftion of his Highnefs's compliance with the
Queen's command ; and therefore, as foon as they had
kiffed the Prince's hand, which was in the afternoon,
they defired that the Council might 1 efently be called ;
and when they came together, the Lords Jermyn, Dig-
by, and Wentworth, being likewife prefent, and fitting
in the Council, they defired the Prince " that his mo-
" ther's letter might be read ; and then, fince they con-
" ceived there could be no debate upon his Highnefs's
" yielding obedience to the command of the King and
" Queen, that they might only confider of the day
" when he might begin his journey, and of the order he
" would obferve in it." ,The lords of the Council repre
sented to the Prince, " that they were the only perfons Debates in
" that were accountable to the King, and to the king- coun"^0
" dom, for any refolution his Highnefs fhould take, and Agoing?
" for the confequence thereof; and that the other lords
• " who were prefent had no title to deliver their ad-
" vice, or to be prefent at the debate, they being in no
" degree refponfible for what his Highnefs fhould re-
" folve to doj and therefore defired that the whole mat-
" ter might be debated ; the flare of the King's prefent
" condition underflood as far as it might be ; and the
" reafons confidered which made it counfellable for his
" Highnefs to repair into France, and what might be
" faid againfl it; and the rather, becaufe it was veryno-
r> 3 " torious

38 THE HISTORY Book X.
" torious that the King had given no pofitive direction
" in the point, but upon a fuppofition that the Prince
" could not remain fecure in Jerfey ; which was like-
" wife the ground of the Queen's lafl command ; and
" which they believed had no foundation of reafon; and
" that his refidence there might be very unqueftionably
" fafe." This begot fome warmth and contradiction
between perfons ; infomuch as the Prince thought it
very neceffary to fufpend the debate till the next day,
to the end that by feveral and private conferences to
gether between the lords who came from Paris, and thofe
who were in Jerfey, they might convert, or confirm each
other in the fame opinions ; at leaft that the next de
bate might be free from paffion and unkindnefs ; and
fo the Council rofe, and the feveral lords betook them
felves to ufe the fame arguments, or fuch as they
thought more agreeable to the feveral' perfons, as the
Lord Digby had before done to his friend, and with the
fame fuccefs.
The Lord The next day when they were called together, the
Mvers hu ^ord Capel gave an account of .all that had paffed with
opinion the Queen from the time that the Lord Colepepper and
againft it. r ri
he came thither ; and " that the reafons they had car-
" ried from the Prince had fo far prevailed with the
" Queen, that her Majefty refolved to take no final re-
" folution till fhe received farther advertifement of the
" King's pleafure; and he did not think that the informa-
" tion fhe had received from Monfieur Montrevil had
" weight enough to produce the quick refolution it had
" done : that he thought it ftill moft abfolutely necef-
" fary, to receive the King's pofitive command before
" the Prince fhould remove out of his Majefly's own
" dominions ; there being no fhadow of caufe to fuf-
" pect his fecurity there : that he had then gffered to
"the

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 35
" the Queen, that he would himfelf make a journey to
" Newcaftle to receive his Majefly's commands ; and
" that he now made the fame offer to the Prince : and
" becaufe it did appear that his Majefty was very ftrict-
" ly guarded, and that perfons did not eafily find accefs
" to him, and that his own perfon might be feized upon
" in his journey thither, or his flay there, or his return
" back, and fo his Highnefs might be difappointed of
" the information he expected, and remain flill in the
" fame uncertainty as to a refolution, he did propofe,
" and confent to, as his opinion, that if lie did not re-
" turn again to Jerfey within the fpace of one month, the
" Prince fhould refolve to remove into France, if in the
" mean time fuch preparatories were made there, as he
" thought were neceffary, and were yet defective."
He faid, " he had been lately at Paris by the Prince's
*e command ; and had received many graces from the
" Queen, who had vouchfafed to impart all her own
" reafons for the Prince's remove, and the grounds for
" the confidence fhe had of the affections of France :
" but, that he did ftill wonder, if the Court of France
" had fo great a defire, as was pretended, that the
" Prince of Wales fhould repair thither, that in the
" two months time his Highnefs had been in Jerfey,
*( they had never fent a gentleman to fee him, and to
" invite him to come thither ; nor had thefe who came
" now from the Queen, brought fo much as a pafs for
" him to come into France : that he could not but ob-
" ferve, that all we had hitherto propofed to ourfelves
" from France had proved in no degree anfwerable to
" our expectations ; as the five thoufand foot, which
" we had expected in the Weft before the Prince came
" from thence ; and that we had more reafon to be jea-
" lous now than ever, fince it had been by the advice of
d 4 " France

40 THE HISTORY Book X.
" France, that the King had now put himfelf into the
" hands of the Scots ; and therefore we ought to be the
" more watchful in the difpofing the perfon of the
" Prince by their advice likewife." He concluded,
" that he could not give his advice, or confent, that the
" Prince fhould repair into France, till the King's pleafilre
" might be known, or fuch other circumflances might be
" provided in France, as had been hitherto neglected."
Theargu- The Lord Digby and the Lord Jermyn wondered
LoMD^by very much, " that there fhould be any doubt of the af-
andLord k fections of France, or that it fhould be believed that
Jermyn for
>'¦ " the Queen could be deceived, or not well enough in-
" formed in that particular :" they related .many parti
culars which had paffed between the Cardinal and them
in private conferences, and the great profeflions of af
fection he made to the King. They faid, "that the
" ambaffador who was now appointed to go thither
" was chofen by the Queen herfelf, and had no other
" inflructions but what fhe had given him ; and that
" he was not to flay there above a month ;. at the end'
" of which he was to denounce war againft the Parlia-
" ment, if they did not comply with fuch propofitions
" as he made ; and fo to return ; and then, that there
" fhould be an army of thirty thoufand men immedi-
" ately tranfported into England, with the Prince of
" Wales in the head of them ; that the ambaffador was
" already gone from Paris, but was not to embark till
" he fhould firfl receive advertifement that the Prince of
" Wales was landed in France ; for that France had no
" reafon to interefl themfelves fo far in the King's quar-
" rel, if the Prince of Wales fhould refufe to venture his
" perfon with them; or, it may be, engage againft them
" upon another interefl."
They therefore befought the Prince, and the lords,
" that

OF THE REBELLION, he. 41
" that they would confider well, whether he would dif-
" appoint his father and himfelf of fo great fruit as they
" were even ready to gather, and of which they could
" not be difappointed but by unfeafonable jealoufies of
" the integrity of France, and by delaying to give them
" fatisfaction in the remove of the Prince from Jerfey."
Thefe arguments, preffed with all the affurance ima
ginable, by perfons of that near truft and confidence
with the King, who were not like to be deceived them
felves, nor to have any purpofe to deceive the Prince,
wrought fb fa'r with his Highnefs, that he declared, " he
" would comply with the commands of the Queen, and
" forthwith remove into France ;" which being refolved, The Prince
, refolves to
he wifhed " there might be no more debate upon that go into
" point, but that they would all prepare to go with him,
" and that there might be as great an unity in their
'* counfels, as had hitherto always been."
This fo pofitive declaration of the Prince of his own
refolution made all farther arguments againft it not only
ufelefs but indecent ;" and therefore they replied not to
that point, yet every man of the Council, the Lord
Colepepper only excepted, befought his Highnefs, "that ah butons
" he would give them his pardon, if they did not far- riUiffent"
" ther wait upon him ; for they conceived their cdm-^dftayb0
" miffion to be now at an end; and that they could not
" affume any authority by it to themfelves, if they
" waited upon him into France ; nor expect that their
fc counfels there fhould be hearkened unto, when they
" were now rejected." And fo, after fome fharp replies
between the lords of different judgments, which made
the Council break up the fooner, they who refolved not
to go into France took their leaves of the Prince, a'nd
kiffed his hand ; his Highnefs then declaring, " that he
" would be gone the next day by five of the clock in
"the

4a THE HISTORY Book X.
tl the morning," though the crofs winds, and want of
fome provifions which were neceffary for the journey,
detained him there four or five days longer ; during
which time, the diflenting lords every day waited upon
him, and were received by him very gracioufly; his
Highnefs well knowing and exprefling to them a confi
dence in their affections, and that they would be fure to
wait upon him, whenever his occafions fhould be ready
for their fervice. But between them and ' the other
lords there grew by degrees fo great a ftrangenefs, that,
the lafl day, they did not fo much as fpeak to each
other ; they who came from the Queen taking it very
ill, that the others had prefumed to diffent from what
her Majefty had fo pofitively commanded. And though
they neither loved their perfons, nor cared for their
company, and without doubt, if they had gone into
France, would have made them quickly weary of theirs;
yet, in that conjuncture, they believed that the diffent
and feparation of all thofe perfons who were trufted by
the King with the perfon of the Prince, would blaft
their counfel, and weigh down the fingle pofitive deter
mination of the Queen herfelf.
On the other fide, the others did not think they were
treated in that manner as was due to perfons fo entrufted;
but that in truth many ill eonfequences would refult
from that fudden departure of the Prince out of thg
King's dominions, where his refidence might have been
fecure in refpect of the affairs of England ; where*
befides the garrifons of Sciiiy and Pendennis, (which
might always be relieved by fea), there remained ftill
within his Majefly's obedience, Oxford, Worcefter,
Wallingford, Ludlow, .and fome other places of lefs
' name ; which, upon any divifions among themfelves,
that were Jiaturally to be expected, might have turn ed

OF THE REBELLION, &e. 43
ed the fcale : nor did they know, of what ill confe-
quence it might be to the King, that in fuch a conjunc
ture the Prince fhould be removed, when it might be
more counfellable that he fhould appear in Scotland.
Moreover, Mr. Afhburnham's opinion, which he
had delivered to the Lord Capel, wrought very much
upon them ; for that a man fo entirely trufted by the
King, who had feen him as lately as any body, fhould
bring no directions from his Majefty to his fon, and
that he fhould believe, that it was fitter for the Prince to
flay in Jerfey than to remove into France, till his Ma
jefly's pleafure was better underftood, confirmed them in
the judgment they had delivered.
But there was another reafon that prevailed with thofe
who had been made privy to it, and which, out of duty
to the Queen, they thought not fit to publifh, or infift
upon ; it was the inflructions given to Bellievre, (and
which too much manifefted the irrefolution her Majefly
had), not to infift upon what they well knew the King
would never depart from ; for, though that ambaffador
was required to do all he could to perfuade the Prefby-
terians to join with the King's party, and not to infift
upon the deftruction of the Church; yet if he found
that could not be compaffed, he was to prefs, as the ad
vice of the King his mafter, his Majefty to part with
the Church, and to fatisfy the Prefbyterians in that
point, as the advice of the Queen his wife, and of his
own party ; which method was afterwards obferved and
purfued by Bellievre ; which thofe lords perfectly ab
horred ; and thought not fit ever to concur in, or to be
privy to thofe counfels that had begun, and were to carry
on that confufion.
Within a day or two after the Prince's departure from
Jerfey, the Earl of Berkfhire left it likewife, and went for

44 THE HISTORY BookX.
for England ; the Lords Capel, Hopton, and the Chan
cellor of the Exchequer, remained together in Jerfey to
expect the King's pleafure, and to attend a conjuncture
to appear again in his Majefly's fervice ; of all which
they found an opportunity to inform his Majefty, who
very well interpreted all that they had done according to
the fincerity of their hearts; yet did believe, that if they
had likewife waited upon the Prince into France, they
might have been able to have prevented or diverted
.thofe violent preflures, which were afterwards made upon
him from thence, and gave him more difquiet than he
fuffered from all the infolence of his enemies. .
In a word, if the King's fortune had been farther to
be conducted by any fixed rules of policy and difcretion,
and if the current towards his deftruction had not run
with fuch a torrent, as carried down all obftructions of
fobriety and wifdom, and made the confufion . inevita
ble, it is very probable that this fo fudden remove, of the
•Prince from Jerfey, with all the circumftances thereof,
¦might have been looked upon, and cenfured withfeve-
rify, as an action that fwerved from that prudence
which by the fundamental rules of policy. had been long
eftablifhed ; but by the fatal and prodigious calamities"
"which followed, all counfels of wife and unwife men
proving equally unfuccefsful, the memory of what had
paffed before grew to be the lefs thought upon and
confidered.
Tranfac Whilft thefe things were thus tranfacted in other
tions rclat- . _ . . ,
ingto the parts, the King remained yet in the Scottifh army; that
^coilini th ' people behaving themfelves in fuch a manner, that
¦*™y- mofl men believed they would never have parted with j
his Majefty till a full peace had been made. The Par-
.liament made many fharp inftances, " that the King
" might be delivered into their hands ; and that the
" Scottifh

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 45
" Scottifh army would return into their own country,
" having done what they were fent for, and the war
" being at an end." To which the Council of Scot
land feemed to anfwer with courage enough, and infifted
moft on thofe arguments of the King's legal rights,
which had been, in all his Majefly's declarations, urged
againft the Parliament's proceedings ; and which indeed
could never be anfwered ; and as much condemned
them, as the Parliament.
In the mean time, though the King received all out
ward refpect, he was in truth in the condition of a pri-
foner ; no fervant whom he could truft fuffered to come
to him ; and though many perfons of quality who had
ferved the King in the war, when they faw the refolute
anfwers made by the Scots, " that they neither would
" nor could compel their King to return to the Parlia-
" fnent, if his Majefly had no mind to do fo," repaired
to Newcaftle, where his Majefty was, yet none of them
were fuffered to fpeak to him ; nor could he receive
from, or fend any letter to the Queen or Prince; and
yet the Scots obferved all diftances, and performed all the
ceremonies as could have been expected if they had in
deed treated him as their King; and made as great profef
fion to him of their duty and good purpofes, "which they
"faid they would manifeft as foon as it fhould be fea-
" fonable ; and then his fervants and friends fhould re-
fC pair to him with all liberty, and be well received:"
and as they endeavoured to perfuade the King to expect
this from them, fo they prevailed with many officers of
that army, and fome of the nobility, to believe that they
meant well, but that it was not yet time to difcover their m. . .
. . The King
intentions. fends to the
Thus they prevailed with the King to fend his pofi- mS-oic
tive orders- to the Marquis of Mountrofe, who had in-^1^'
deeddid-

46 THE HISTORY BookX.
deed done wonders, to lay down his arms, and to leave
the kingdom ; till when, they pretended they could not
declare for his Majefty; and this was done with fo much
earneftnefs, and by a particular meffenger known and
trufted, that the Marquis obeyed, and tranfported him
felf into France.
They em- Then they employed their Alexander Henderfon, and
ploy Hen- fae[T other Clergy, to perfuade the King to confent to
the King the extirpation of Epifcopacy in England, as he had in
with hTm Scotland ; and it was and is ftill believed, that if his
chureh.go5. Majefty would have been induced to have fatisfied them
Temment. jn ^^ particular, they would either have had a party in
the Parliament at Weftminfter to have been fatisfied
therewith, or that they would thereupon have declared
for the King, and have prefently joined with the loyal
party in all places for his Majefly's defence. But the
King was too confcientious to buy his peace at fo pro
fane and facrilegious a price as was demanded, and. he
was fo much too hard for Mr. Henderfon in the argu
mentation, (as appears by the papers that paffed between
them, which were fhortly after communicated to the
world), that the old man himfelf was fo far convinced
and converted, that he had a very deep fenfe of the
mifchief he had himfelf been the author of, or too
much contributed to, and lamented it to his neareft
Mr. Hen- friends and confidents ; and died of grief, and heart-
ftortiy 'es broken, within a very fhort time after he departed from
his Majefty.
Whilft the King flayed at Newcaftle, Bellievre the
French ambaffador, who was fent from Paris after the
Prince arrived there, and by whom the Cardinal had
promifed to prefs the Parliament fo imperioufly, and
to denounce a war againft them if they refufed to yield
to what was reafonable towards an agreement with the
King,

after.

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4?
King, came to his Majefty, after he had fpent fome BeII!evre'»
time at London in all the low application to the Parlia- tions at
ment that can be imagined, without any mention of the and with
King with any tendernefs, as if his interefl were at all ter^rdf «
confidered by the King his mailer, and without anyNewcaftlev
confultation with thofe of his Majefly's party ; who were
then in London, and would have been very ready to
have advifed with him. But he'chofe rather to converfe
with the principal leaders of the Prefbyterian party in
the Parliament, and with the Scottifh eommiflioners ;
from whofe information he took all his meafures ; and
they affured him, " that nothing could be dene for the
" King, except he would give up the Church; extirpate
" Epifcopacy ; and grant all the lands belonging to ca-
" thedral churches to fuch ufes as the Parliament fhould
" advife;" fo that, when he came to the King, he preffed
him very earneftly to that condefcehfion.
But, befides the matter propofed, in which his Ma
jefty was immoveable, he had no efteem of any thing
the ambaffador faid to him, having too late difcovered
the little affection the Cardinal had for him, and which
he had too much relied upon. For, as hath been al
ready faid, by his advice, and Upon his undertaking and
affurance that his Majefty fhould be welt received in the
Scottifh army, and that they would hi firm to his inter
efl, his Majefly had ventured to put himfelf into their
hands ; and he was no foorter there, than all they with
whom Montrevil had treated, difaVowed their undertak
ing what the King had been informed of; and though the
envoy did avow, and juftify, what he had informed the
King, to the faces of the perfons who had given their en
gagements, the Cardinal chofe rather to recall and dis
countenance the minifter of that Crown, than to enter
into any expoftulation with the Parliament, or the Scots. The

48 THE HISTORY Book X.
The ambaffador, by an exprefs, quickly informed the
Cardinal that the King was too referved in giving the
Parliament fatisfaction ; and therefore wifhed, " that
" fomebody might be fent over, who was like to have
" fo much credit with his Majefty as to perfuade him
" to what was neceffary for his fervice." Upon which,
sir William the Queen, who was never advifed by thofe who either
Davenant 4 '
fent from underftood or valued his true intereft, confulted with
to the King, thofe about her; and fent Sir William Davenant, an
h°metoUgive honeft man, and a witty, but in all refpects inferior to
Chinch ^uc^ a tnu% witn a letter of credit to the King, (who
knew the perfon well enough under another character
than was like to give him much credit in the argument
in which he was inftructed), although her Majefly had
likewife other ways declared her opinion to his Majefty^
" that he fhould part with the Church for his peace and.
•" fecurity?" Sir William Davenant had, by the countenance of
the French ambaffador, eafy admiffion to the King;
who heard him patiently all he had to fay, and anfwered
him in that manner that made it evident he was not
pleafed with the advice. When he found his Majefly
unfatisfied, and that he was not like to confent to what
was fo earneftly defired by them by whofe advice he was
fent, who undervalued all thofe fcruples of confcience
which his Majefty himfelf was ftrongly poffeffed with,
he took upon himfelf the confidence to offer fome
reafons to the King to induce him to yield to what was
propofed ; and, among other things, faid, " it was the
" advice and opinion of all his friends ;" his Majefty
afking, " what friends ?" and he anfwering, " that it
" was the opinion of the Lord Jermyn," the King faid,
" that the Lord Jermyn did not.underftand any thing of
" the Church." The other faid, " the Lord Colepepper "was

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 49
" was of the fame mind." The King faid, Colepepper
had no religion : and afked, " whether the Chancellor
" of the Exchequer was of that mind ?" to which he
anfwered, " he did not know; for that he was not there,
" and had deferted the Prince :" and thereupon faid
fomewhat from the Queen of the difpleafure fhe had
conceived againft the Chancellor : to which the King
faid, " the Chancellor was an honeft man, and would
" never defert him, nor the Prince, nor the Church ;
" and that he was forry he was not with his fon ; but
" that his wife was miftaken." Davenant then offering
fome reafons of his own, in which he mentioned the
Church flightingly, as if it were not of importance
enough to weigh down the benefit that would attend the
conceffion, his Majefty was tranfported with fo much
indignation, that he gave him a fharper reprehenfion
than was ufual for him to give to any other man ; and
forbid him to prefume to come again into his prefence.
Whereupon the poor man, who had in truth very good
affections, was exceedingly dejected and afflicted ; and
returned into France, to give an account of his ill fuc
cefs to thofe who fent him.
As all men's expectations from the courage and ac
tivity of the French ambaffador in England were thus
fruftrated, by his mean and low carriage both towards
the Parliament and at Newcaftle, fo all the profeflions
which had been made of refpect and tendernefs towards
the Prince of Wales, when his perfon fhould once ap
pear in France, were as unworthily difappointed. The
Prince had been above two months with the Queen hisThePrince's
mother, before any notice was taken of his being in wiu-nhe'
France, by the leaft meffage fent from the Court to con- 1^'^0
gratulate his arrival there ; but that time was fpent in
debating the formalities of his reception ; how the King
vol. in. P. i. B fhould

50 THE HISTORY Book X.
fhould treat him ? and how he fhould behave himfelf
towards the King? whether he fhould take place of
Monfieur the King's brother ? and what kind of cere
monies fhould be obferved between the Prince of Wales
and his uncle the Duke of Orleans ? and many fuch
other particulars ; in all which they were refolved to give
the law themfelves ; and which had been fitter to have
been adjufted in Jerfey, before he put himfelf into their
power, than difputed afterwards in the Court of France ;
from which there could be then no appeal.
There can be no doubt but that the Cardinal, who
was the fole minifter of State, and directed all that was
to be done, and dictated all that was to be faid, did think
the prefence of the Prince there of the higheft import
ance to their affairs, and did all that was in his power,
to perfuade the Queen that it was as neceffary for the
affairs of the King her hufband, and of her Majefty :
but now that work was over, and the perfon of the
Prince brought into their power, without the leaft pub
lic act or ceremony to invite him thither, it was no lefs
his care that the Parliament in England, and the officers
of the army, whom he feared more than the Parliament,
fhould believe that the Prince came thither without their
wifh, and in truth againft their will ; that, the Crown of
France could not refufe to interpofe, and mediate, to
make up the difference between the Parliament and the
Scottifh nation, and that the kingdoms might be re-
ftored to peace ; but that when they had performed that
office of mediation, they had performed their function ;
and that they would no more prefume to take upon
them to judge between the Parliament and the Scots,
than they had done between the King and the Parlia
ment; and that fince the Prince had come to the Queen
his mother, from which they could not reafonably re-
"ftrain

OF THE REBELLION, &o. 51
ftrain him, it fhould not be attended with any prejudice
to the peace of England; nor fhould he there find any
means or affiftance to difturb it. And it was believed
by thofe who flood at no great diftance from affairs,
that the Cardinal then laid the foundation for that
friendfhip which was fhortly after built up between him
and Cromwell, by promifing, " that they fhould receive
" lefs inconvenience by the Prince's remaining in France,,
" than if he were in any other part of Europe." And
it can hardly be believed, with how little refpect they
treated him during the whole time of his flay there.
They were very careful that he might not be looked
upon as fupported by them either according to his dig
nity, or for the maintenance, of his family ; but a mean
addition to the penfion which the Queen had before, was
made to her Majefty, without any mention of the Prince
her fon ; who was wholly to depend upon her bounty,
without power to gratify and oblige any of his own fer
vants ; that they likewife might depend only upon the
Queen's goodnefs and favour, and fo behave themfelves
accordingly. When the Scots had fecured the peace and quiet of
their own country, by difbanding the forces under the
Marquis of Moulitrofe, and by his tranfporting himfelf
beyond the feas, and by putting to. death feveral perfons
of name who had followed the Marquis, and had been
taken prifoners, among whom Sir Robert Spotfwood was *
one, a worthy, honeft, loyal gentleman, and as wife a man
as that nation had at that time, (whom the King had
made Secretary of State of that kingdom, in the place
of the Earl of Lanrick, who was then in arms againft
him; which, it may be, was a principal caufe that the
other was put to death :) and when they had with fuch
folemnity and refolution made it plain arid evident, that
E a they

5*

THE HISTORY Book X.
they could not, without the moft barefaced violation Of
their faith and aljegiance, and of the fundamental prin
ciple of Chriftian religion, ever deliver up their native
King, who had put himfelf into their hands, into the
hands of the Parliament, againft his own will and con
fent : and when the Earl of Lowden had publickly de
clared to the two Houfes of Parliament in a conference,
" that an eternal infamy would lie upon them, and the
"whole nation, if they fhould deliver the perfon of the
" King ; the fecurmg of which was equally their dutyi
"as it was the Parliament's, and the difpofal of his per^
" fon in order to that fecurity did equally belong to
" them as to the Parliament;" however, they faid, "they-
" would ufe all the perfuafioh, and all the importunity
" they could with the King that his Majefty might
*' yield, and confent to the propoiitions the Parliament
" had fent to him."
The Parliament had, upon the firft notice of the
King's being arrived in the Scottifh army, fent a pofi
tive command to the committee of both kingdoms rel
fiding in the Scottifh army? that the perfon of the King
fhould be forthwith fent to Warwick-caftle ; but the
Scots, who apprehended they could not be long without
fuch an order, had, within two days after his Majefly's
coming to them, and after he had caufed Newark to be
delivered up,, with wonderful expedition marched to
wards Newcaftle ; and were arrived there before they re
ceived that order for fending his Majefly to Warwick;
which proceeding of theirs pleafed his Majefly very
well, among many other things which difpleafed him';
and perfuaded him, that though they would obferve
their own method, they would, in the end, do fomewhat
for his fervice.
Upon the receiving that order, they renewed their pro-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 53
profeffions to the Parliament of obferving punctually
all that had been agreed between them ; and befought
them, " that fince they had promifed the King, before
" he left Oxford, to fend propofitions to him, they
" would now do it; and faid, that if he refufed to com-
" piy with them, to which they fhould perfuade him,
" they knew what they were to do." Then they advifed
the King, and prevailed with him, to fend orders to the The King,
governor of Oxford to. make conditions, and to furrender scotVde.
that place (where his fon the Duke of York was, and all orderefor*
the Council) into the hands of Fairfax, who with his *be filr'5a"
<...¦' * der of Ox-
army then befieged them ; and likewife to publifh a ge-fotd and ail
neral order, (which they caufed to be printed), " tliat garrifons.
" all governors of any garrifons for his Majefty fhould
" immediately deliver them up to the Parliament upon
" fair and honourable conditions, fince his Majefty re-
" folved in all things to be advifed by his Parliament ;
" and till this was done, they faid, they could not de-
" clare themfelves in that manner for his Majefly's- fer-
" vice and intereft, as they refolved to do; for that they
" were, by their treaty and confederacy, to ferve the
" Parliament in fuch manner as they ihould direct, un-
" til the war fhould be ended ; but, that done, they had
" no more obligations to the Parliament ; and that,
" when his Majefty had no more forces on foot, nor
" garrifons which held out for him, it could not be de-
" nied but that the war was at an end ; and then they
" could fpeak and expoftulate with freedom." By which
arts, they prevailed with the King to fend, and publifh
fuch orders as aforefaid ; and which indeed, as the cafe
then flood, he could have received little benefit by not
publifhing. The Parliament was contented, as the more expedite
way, (though they were much offended at the prefump-
b 3 tion

5+ THE HISTORY Book X.
The Pariia- tion of the Scots in neglecting to fend the King to
the Scots' Warwick), to fend their propofitions to the King (which
fends pro- they knew his Majefty would never grant) by commif-
p°^°t"st£fefioners of both Houfes, who had no other authority or
King at pbwer, than "to demand a pofitive anfwer from the
Newcaftle, r . . r
about the " King in ten days, and then to return." Thefe propo-
ay'fitions were delivered about the end of July ; and con
tained fuch an eradication of the government of the
His Ma- Church and State, that the King told them, " he knew
jefty s an- * .
fwer. " not what anfwer to make to them, till he fhould be
" informed what power or authority they had left to
" him and his heirs, when he had given all that to them
" which they defired." He defired, " that he might be
" removed to fome of his own houfes, and that he might
" refide there till, upon a perfonal treaty with his Par-
" liament, fuch an agreement might be eftablifhed as
" the kingdom might enjoy peace and happinefs under
" it ; which, he was fure, it could never do by the con-
" ceflions they propofed."
The Scots, who were enough- convinced that his Ma
jefty could never be wrought upon to facrifice the
Church to their wild lufts and impiety, were as good as
their words to the Parliament, and ufed all the rude im
portunity and threats to his Majefty, to perfuade him
freely to confent to all : though they confeffed " that
" the propofitions were higher in many things than they
" approved of, yet they faw no other means for him to
" clofe with his Parliament, than by granting what they
" required."
The Scots The Chancellor of Scotland told him, " that the con-
enforce the ,, r ,, . .
Parliament iequence ol his anfwer to the propofitions was as great,
ry°the?r °nS " ^ tne ruin or prefervation of his crown or kingdoms:
chancellor. « tnat tne Parliament, after many bloody battles, had got
" the flrong holds and forts of the kingdom into their
" hands :

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 55
" hands : that they had his revenue, excife, affeffments,
" fequeftrations, and power to raife all the men and mo-
" ney of the kingdom : that they had gained victory
" over all, and that they had a ftrong army to maintain
"it; fo that they might do what they would with
" Church or State : that they defired neither him, nor
" any of hisN race, longer to reign over them ; and had
" fent thefe propofitions to his Majefty, without the
" granting whereof, the kingdom and his people could
" not be in fafety: that if he refufed to affent, he would
" lofe all his friends in Parliament, lofe the city, and lofe
" the country ; and that all England would join againft
" him as one man to procefs and depofe him, and to fet
" up another government; and fo, that both kingdoms,
" for either's fafety, would agree to fettle religion and
" peace without him, to the ruin of his Majefty and his
" pofterity :" and concluded, " that if he left England,
Mi he would not be admitted to come and reign in Scot-
« land." And it is very true that the General Affembly of the
Kirk, which was then fitting in Scotland, had petitioned
the confervators of the peace of the kingdom, " that if
" the King fhould refufe to give fatisfaction to his Par-
" liament, he might not be permitted to come into
" Scotland." This kind of argumentation did more pro
voke than perfuade the King ; he told them, with great
refolution and magnanimity, " that no condition they
" could reduce him to, could be half fo miferable and
" grievous to him, as that which they would perfuade
" him to reduce himfelf to ; and therefore, bid them
" proceed their own way ; and that though they had all
" forfaken him, God had not."
The Parliament had now received the anfwer they ex-
e 4 pected ;

iiit ii
a a

$6 THE HISTORY Book X.
ThePariia-'pected ; and, forthwith, required "the Scots to quit
^uire Ae " the kingdom, and to deliver the perfon of the King to
quifthe " fuch perfons as they fhould appoint to receive him ;"
anndg?o°de'- who fhould attend upon his Majefty from Newcaftle to
liver up the Holmby, a houfe of his at a fmall diftance from Norlh-
perfqn of J . j-rrr
the King, ampton, a town and country of very eminent difaffec-
tion to the King throughout the war ; and declared,
" that his Majefty fhould be treated, with refpect to the
" fafety and prefervation of his perfon, according to the
" Covenant: and that, after his coming to Holmby, he
fhould be attended by fuch as they fhould appoint ;
and that when the Scots were removed out of Eng-
" land, the Parliament would join with their brethren of
Scotland' again to perfuade the King to pafs the pro
pofitions; which if he refufed to do, the Houfe would
" do nothing that might break the union of the two
' " kingdoms, but would endeavour to preferve the
" fame." The Scots now begun again to talk fturdily, and de
nied " that the Parliament of England had power abfo-
" lutely to difpofe of the perfon of the King without
" their approbation ;" and the Parliament as loudly re
plied, "that they had nothing to do in England, but to
" obferve their orders ;" and added fuch threats to their
reafons, as might let them fee they had a great" con
tempt of their power, and would exact obedience from
them, if they refufed to yield it. But thefe difcourfes
were only kept up till they could adjuft all accounts be
tween them, and agree what price they fhould pay for
the delivery of his perfon, whom one fide was refolved
to have, and the other as refolved not to keep ; and fo
The Scots they agreed ; and, upon the payment of two hundred
hver'up the thoufand pounds in hand, and fecurity for as much
Kin£' more

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 57
more upon days agreed upon, the Scots delivered the
King up into fuch hands as the Parliament appointed to
receive him.
In this infamous manner that excellent Prince was, in.
the end of January, given up, by his Scottifh fubjects,
to thofe of his Englifh who were entrufted by the Par
liament to receive him ; which had appointed a com
mittee of Lords and Commons, to go to the place agreed
upon with a party of horfe and foot of the army, which
were fubject to the orders of that committee, and the
committee itfelf to go to Newcaftle to receive that town
as well ,as the King ; where, and to whom, his Majefty
was delivered.
They received him with the fame formality of refpectThe com-
J . J . L mittee ap-
as he had been treated with by the Scots, and with the pointed by
¦ fame ftrictnefs reflrained all refort of thofe to his Ma- ment^*"
jefty, who were of doubtful affections to them and their ^"ng at°
caufe. Servants were particularly appointed, and named ^^^
by the Parliament, to attend upon his perfon and fer-ofJanuarr-
n 1 • • 1 r Servants
vice, in all relations ; amongft which, in the firft place, appointed
they preferred thofe who had faithfully adhered to them lament to"
againft their mafter ; and, where fuch were wanting, Majefty.'5
• they found others who had manifefted their affection to
them. And, in this diflribution, the Prefbyterian party
in the Houfes did what they pleafed, and were thought
to govern all. The Independents craftily letting them
enjoy that confidence of their power and intereft, till
they had difmiffed their friends, the Scots, out of the
'kingdom; and permitting them to put men of their
:, principles abbut the perfon of the King, and to choofe
fuch a guard as they could confide in, to attend his Ma
jefly. Of the committee employed to govern and direct all,
Major General Brown was one, who had a great name and

58 TH.E HISTORY Book X.
and intereft in the city, and with all the Prefbyterian
party, and had done great fervice to the Parliament in
the war under the Earl of Effex, and was a diligent and
flout commander. In this manner, and widi this at-
TheKingistencjance his Majefty was brought to his own houfe at
brought to , i i l i i
Hoiraby. Holmby in Northamptonfhire ; a place he had taken
touch delight in : and there he was to flay till the Par
liament and the army (for the army now took upon
them to have a fhare, and to give their opinion in the
• fettlement that fhould be made) fhould determine what
fhould be farther done.
In the mean time, the committee paid all refpects to
his Majefty ; and he enjoyed thofe exercifes he mofl'
delighted in ; and feemed to have all liberty, but to
confer with perfons he moft defired, and to have fuch
fervants about him as he could truft. That which moft
difpleafed him, was, that they would not permit him to
have his own Chaplains ; but ordered Prefbyterian min-
ifters to attend for divine fervice ; and his Majefty, ut
terly refufing to be prefent at their devotions, was com
pelled at thofe hours to be his own chaplain in his bed
chamber; where he conftantly ufed the Common Prayer
The King by himfelf. His Majefty bore this conftraint fo heavily,
tain of his" that he writ a letter to the Houfe of Peers, in which he
Srefufed!' inclofed a lift of the names of thirteen of his Chaplains ;
any two of which he defired might have liberty to at
tend him for his devotion. To which, after many days
confideration, they returned this anfwer; "that all thofe
" Chaplains were difaffected to the eftablifhed govern-
" ment of the Church, and had not taken the Covenant;
" but that there were others who had, who, if his Ma-
" jefty pleafed, fhould be fent to him." After this an
fwer, his Majefty thought it to no purpofe to importune
them farther in that particular ; but, next to the having his

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 59
his own Chaplains, he would have been beft pleafed to
have been without any ; they who were fent by them
being men of mean parts, and of moft impertinent and
troublefome confidence and importunity.
Whilft thofe difputes continued between the Pariia- ^"u""
ment and the Scots concerning the King's perfon, thej™^^
army proceeded with great fuccefs in reducing thofe gar- ment.
rifons which ftill continued in his Majefly's obedience ;
whereof though fome furrendered more eafily, and with •
lefs refiftance than they might have made, fatisfying
themfelves with the King's general order, and that there
was no reafonable expectation of relief, and therefore
that it would not be amifs, by an early fubmiffion, to
obtain better conditions for themfelves ; yet others de
fended themfelves with notable obftinacy to the laft, to
the great damage of the enemy, and to the detaining the
army from uniting together ; without which they could
not purfue the great defigns they had. And this was
one of the reafons that made the treaty with the Scots
depend fo long, and that the Prefbyterians continued
their authority and credit fo long ; and we may obferve
again, that thofe garrifons which were maintained and
defended with the greateft courage and virtue, in the
end, obtained as good and as honourable conditions, as
any of thofe who furrendered upon the firft fummons.
This was the cafe of Ragland and Pendennis caftles ;
which endured the longeft lieges, and held out the laft
of any forts or caftles in England; being bravely de
fended by two perfons of very great age ; but were at
length delivered up within a day or two of each other.
Ragland was maintained, with extraordinary refolution
and courage, by the old Marquis of Worcefter againft
Fairfax himfelf, till it was reduced to the utmoft necef-
fity. Pendennis refufed all fummons ; admitting no
treaty,

6o THE HISTORY ¦ Book X.
treaty, till all their provifions were fo far confumed,.that
they had not victual left for four and twenty hours; and
then they , treated, and carried themfelves in the treaty
with fuch refolution and unconcernednefs, that the ene
my concluded they were in no ftraits; and fo gave them
the conditions they propofed ; which were as good as
any garrifon in England had accepted. The caftle was
defended by, the governor thereof, John Arundel of Tre-
jlce in Cornwall, an old gentleman of near fourfcore
years of age, and of one of the beft eftates and intereft
in that county; who, with the affiftance of his fon
Richard Arundel, (who was then a colonel in the army ;
a flout and diligent officer ; and was by the King after
his return made a baron, Lord Arundel of Trerice, in
memory of his father's fervice,, and his own eminent be-
, hayiour throughout the war), maintained and defended
the fame to the, lafl extremity.
There remained with him in that fervice many gen
tlemen, of the country, of great loyalty, amongll whom
: Sir Harry KUhgrew was one ; who, being an intimate
friend of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, refolved to
go to Jerfey ; and, as, foon as the caftle was furrendered,
took the firft opportunity of a veffel then in the har-
. bour of Falmouth,, to tranfport himfelf with fome ofhV
cers and foldiers to, St. Maloes in Brittany; from whence
he writ to the Chancellor in Jerfey, that he would pro
. cure a bark of that ifland , to go to St. Maloes to fetch
him thither; which, by the kindnefs of Sir George Car-
: teret, was. prefently fent, with a longing defire to receive
him into that ifland; the two Lords, Capel and Hopton,
, and the Governor, having an extraordinary affection for
. him, as well as the Chancellor. Within two days after,
upon view of the veffeLatfea, (which they well knew),
• they all made .hafte to ,the harbour to receive their
friend ;

OF THE' REBELLION, &c. Ci
friend; but, when they came thither, to their infinite re
gret, they found his body there in a coffin, he having
died at St. Maloes within a day after he had written his
letter. After the treaty was figned for delivering the caftle,
he had walked out to difcharge fome arms which were
in his chamber ; among which, a carabine that had been
long charged, in the fhooting off, broke ; and a fplinte?
of it ftruck him in the forehead ; which, though it drew
much blood, was not apprehended by him to be of any
danger ; fo that his friends could not perfuade him to
flay there till the wound was cured ; but, the blood be
ing flopped, and the chirurgeon having bound it up, he
profecuted his intended voyage ; and at his landing at
St. Maloes, he writ that letter ; believing his wound
would give him little trouble. But his letter was no
fooner gone than he fent for a chirurgeon ; who, open
ing the wound, found it was very deep and dangerous ;
and the next day he died, having defired that his dead
body might be fent to Jerfey ; where he was decently
buried. He was a very gallant gentleman, of a noble
extraction, and a fair revenue in land; of excellent parts
and courage : he had one only fon, who was killed be
fore him in a party that fell upon the enemy's quarters
near Bridgewater ; where he "behaved himfelf with re
markable courage, and was generally lamented.
Sir Harry was of the Houfe of Commons ; and
though he had no other relation to the Court than the
having many friends there, as wherever he was known
he was exceedingly beloved, he was moft zealous and
paflioriate in oppofing all the extravagant proceedings of
the Parliament. And when the Earl of Effex was chofen
"General, and the feveral members of the Houfe flood
up, and declared, what horfe they would raife and main tain,

6z THE HISTORY Book X.
tain, and that they would live and die with the Earl
their General, one faying he would raife ten horfes, and
another twenty, he flood up and faid, " He would pro-
" vide a good horfe, and a good buff coat, and a good
" pair of piftols, and then he doubted not but he fhould
" find a good caufe;" and fo went out of the Houfe, and
rode poft into Cornwall, where his eftate and intereft
lay ; and there joined with thofe gallant gentlemen his
friends, who firft received the Lord Hopton, and raifed
thofe forces which did fo many famous actions in the
Weft. He would never take any command in the army; but
they who had, confulted with no man more. He was
in all actions, and in thofe places where was moft dan
ger, having great courage and a pleafantnefs of humour
in danger that was very exemplary ; and they who did
not do their duty, took care not to be within his view ;
for he was a very fharp fpeaker, and cared not for an
gering thofe who deferved to be reprehended.' The
Arundels, Trelawnies, Slannings, Trevanions, and all the
fignal men of that county, irmnitely loved his fpirit and
fincerity ; and his credit and intereft had a great influ
ence upon all but thofe who did not love the King;
and to thofe he was very terrible; and exceedingly
hated by them ; and not loved by men of moderate
tempers ; for he thought all fuch prepared to rebel,
when a little fuccefs fhould encourage them ; and was
many times too much offended with men who wifhed
well, and whofe conftitutions and complexions would
not permit them to exprefs the fame franknefs, which
his nature and keennefs of fpirit could not fupprefs.
His lofs was much lamented by all good men.
From the time that the King was brought to Holm
by, and whilft he flayed there, he was afflicted with the
fame

'*;. OF THE REBELLION, &c. 63
fame preffures concerning the Church, which had dif-
quieted him at Newcaftle ; the Parliament not remitting
any of their infolencies in their demands : all which was
imputed to the Prefbyterians, who were thought to ex
ercife the whole power, and begun to give orders for the
leffening their great charge by difbanding fome troops
of their army, and fending others for Ireland ; which
they made no doubt fpeedily to reduce ; and declared,
" that they would then difband all armies, that the
" kingdom might be governed by the known laws."
This temper in the Houfes raifed another fpirit in the Difference!
army; which did neither like the Prefbyterian govern- tweenrtie
ment that they faw ready to be fettled in the Church, and'thTa"!
nor that the Parliament fhould fo abfolutely difpofe of m^
them, by whom they had gotten power to do all they
had done ; and Cromwell, who had the fole influence
upon the army, underhand, made them petition the
Houfes againft any thing that was done contrary to his
opinion. He himfelf, and his officers, took upon them Divers fefls
to preach and pray publickly to their troops, and ad-^"^'"
mitted few or no chaplains in the army, but fuch as bit
terly inveighed againft the Prefbyterian government, as
more tyrannical than Epifcopacy; and the common fol-
diers, as well as the officers, did not only pray and preach
among themfelves, but went up into the pulpits in all
churches, and preached to the people; who quickly be
came infpired with the fame fpirit ; women as well as
men taking upon them to pray and preach ; which made
as great a noife and confufion in all opinions concerning
religion, as there was in the civil government of the
State; fcarce any man being fuffered to be called in
queftion for delivering any opinion in religion, by fpeak-
ing or writing, how profane, heretical, or blafphemous foever

64 THE HISTORY Book X.
foever it was ; " which, they faid, was to reftrain the .
" Spirit." Liberty of confcience was now the common argument
and quarrel, whilft the Prefbyterian party proceeded with
equal bitternefs againft the feveral fects as enemies to all
godlinefs, as they had done, and ftill continued to do?
againft the Prelatical party ; and finding themfelves fu-.
perior in the two Houfes, little doubted, by their autho
rity and power there, to be able to reform the army, and
to new model it again ; which they would, no doubt,
have attempted, if it had not pleated God to have taken
The Earl of away the Earl of Effex fome months before this ; whq.
inleVthisdied without being fenfible of ficknefs, in a time when
year' he might have been able to have undone much of the
mifchief he had formerly wrought ; to which he had
great inclinations ; and had indignation enough for the.
indignities himfelf had received from the ungrateful Par-,
liament, and wonderful apprehenfion and deteftation of
i the ruin he faw like to befall the King and the kingdom.
And it is very probable, confidering the prefent temper
of the city at that time, and of the two Houfes, he
might, if he had lived, have given fome check to the
rage and fury that then prevailed. But God would not
fuffer a man, who, out of the pride and vanity of his
nature, rather than the wickednefs of his heart, had been
made an inftrument of fo much mifchief, to have any
jfhare in fo glorious a work: though his conftitu tion , and
temper might very well incline him to the lethargic inT
difpofition of which he died, yet it was loudly faid by
many of his friends, " that he was poifoned." ,
Sure -it is that Cromwell and his party (for he was
now declared head of the army, though Fairfax conti
nued General in name) were wonderfully exalted with his

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 6$
his death ; he being the only perfon whofe credit and
intereft they feared without any efteem of his perfon.
And now, that they might more fubftantially enter
into difpute and competition with the Parliament, and
go a fhare with them in fettling the kingdom, (as they
called it), the army erected a kind of Parliament among
themfelves. They had, from the time of the defeat of
the King's army, and when they had no more enemy to ¦
contend with in the field, and after they had purged
their army of all thofe inconvenient officers, of whofe .
entire fubmiflion, and obedience to all their dictates,
they had not confidence, fet afide, in effect, their Self- -
denying Ordinance, and got their principal officers of the .
army, and others of their friends, whofe principles they ,
well knew, to be elected members of the Houfe of.
Commons into their places who were dead, or who had
been expelled by them for adhering to the King. By .
this means, Fairfax himfelf, Ireton, Harrifon, and many
other of the Independents, officers and gentlemen, of
the feveral counties, who were tranfported with new,
fancies in religion, and were called by a new name,
Fanatics, fate in the Houfe of Commons ; notwithftand
ing all which, the Prefbyterians ftill carried it.
But about this time, that they might be upon a.
nearer level with the Parliament, the army made choice of
a number of fuch officers as they liked; which they called ,
the General's Council of Officers; who were to refemble
the Houfe of Peers ; and the common foldiers made choice Agitators,
of three or four of each regiment, moft corporals or fer- council of
jeants, few or none above the degree of an enfign, who were pointed by3"
called Agitators, and were to be as a Houfe of Commons thearmy-
to the Council of Officers. Thefe two reprefentatives.
met feverally, and confidered of all the acts and orders,
vol. in. p. i. f made

66 THE HISTORY Book X.
made by the Pariiamertt ' towards fettling the kingdomi,
and towards reforming, dividing, or difbanding of the
army : and, upon mutual meffages and conferences be
tween each other, they refolved in the firft place, and
Their firft declared, " that they would not be divided or difband-
ed, before their full arrears were paid, and before full
" provifion was made for liberty of confcience ; which,
" they faid, was the ground of the quarrel, and for
" which fo many of their friends' lives had been loft,
" and fo much of their, own blood had been fpilt ; and
" that hitherto there was fo litde fecurity provided in
" that point, that there was a greater perfecution now
" againft religious and godly men, than ever had been
" in the King's government, when the Bifhops were
" their judges."
They faid, "they did not look upon thernfelve's' as a
" band of Janizaries, hired and entertained only to-fight
" their battles ; but that they had voluntarily taken ufi
" arms for the liberty and defence of the nation of
"which they were a part; arid before they laid dowA
"" thofe arms, they would fee all thofe ends well pro-
" vided for, that the people might not hereafter undergo
" thofe grievances which they had formerly fuffered.
" They complained that fome members of the army
" had been fent for by the Parliament, and committed
" to prifon, which was againft their privilege ; fince all
" foldiers ought to be tried by a council of war, and not
"by any other judicatory ; and therefore they defired
" redrefs in thefe, and many other particulars of as in-
" grateful a nature ; and that fuch as were imprifoned
" and in aiftody, might be forthwith fet at liberty';
tcr without which they could not think themfelves juftly
" dealt with." And with this declaration and addrefs, they

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 67
they fent three or four of their own members to the which they
Houfe of Commons ; who delivered it at the bar with the Paru*.
wonderful confidence.
. The foldiers publifhed a vindication, as they called it,
of their proceedings and refolutions, and directed it to
their General ; in which they complained of a defign to
difband and new model the army ; " which, they faid,
".was -j a plot contrived by fome men who had lately
" rafted of fovereignty; and, being lifted up above the
f ordinary fphere of fervants, endeavoured to become
" matters, and were degenerated into tyrants." They
therefore declared, " that they would neither be employ -
" ed for the fervice of Ireland, nor fuffer themfelves to
" be difbanded, till their defires were granted, and the
" rights and liberties of the fubjects fhould be vindi-
" cated and maintained." This apology, or vindication,
being figned by many inferior officers, the ParUament
declared them to be enemies to the State ; and caufed
fome of them, who talked loudeft, to be imprifoned.
Upon which a new addrefs was made to their General ; And totheit
wherein they complained " how difdainfully they were Gen?ral-
" ufed by the Parliament, for whom they had ventured
" their lives, and loft their blood : that the privileges,
*l which were due to them as foldiers and as fubjects,
" were taken from them ; and when they complained of
" the injuries they received, they were abufed, beaten,
" and dragged into gaols."
Hereupon, the General was prevailed with to write a
letter to a member of Parliament, who fhewed it to the
Houfe ; in which he took notice of feveral petitions,
which were prepared in the city of London, and fome
other counties of the kingdom, againft the army ; and
" that it was looked upon as very flrange, that the of-
" ficers of the army might not be permitted to petition,
F 3 " when

68 THE HISTORY 'Book X.
" when fo many petitions were received againft them ;
" and that he much doubted that the army might
" draw to a rendezvous, and think of fome other ,way
" for their own vindication."
This manner of proceeding by the foldiers, but efpe->
daily the General teeming to be of their mincLA.troubjed
the Parliament; yet they refolved not to fuffer thejr,
counfels to be cenfured, or their actions controlled,, by
thofe who were retained by them, and who lived upon
their pay. And therefore, after many high expreffions
againft the prefumption of feveral .officers and, foldiers;
The Pariia- they declared, " that whofoever fhould refufe, being
Saratfon6" "commanded, to engage himfelf in the . ,ferx;ce .of
thereupon. „ Ireland, fhould be difbanded." The army was refolved
not to be fubdued in their firft fo declared refblijtipn,
and fell into a direct and high mutiny, and palled (or
the arrears ,„ of pay due to them; which they j|cnejf
where and how to levy for themfelves ; nor could they
be in any degree appeafed, till the declaration that , the
Afterward Parliament had made againft them was rafed out of the
their books, journal book of both Houfes, and a month's pay fent to
them ; nor were they fatisfied with all this, but talked
very loud, " that they knew how to make themfelves as
" confiderable, as the Parliament, and where to have
" their fervice better valued and rewarded;" which fo
frighted thofe at, Weflminfter, that they appointed a
a commit- committee of Lords and Commons, whereof fome^ were
eTb'P1th'elt~very acceptable to the, army, to go to them, , anil, to
two Houfes treat with a committee chofen of the officers, of the.
totreatwith ' ¦ , ' " . ,' . ' ,. j
a commit- army, upon the beft expedients that might be, applied
army. ' to the compofing thefe diftempers. Now the army
thought itfelf upon a level with the Parliamerit, when
they had a committee of the, pne .authorized, tp, teat with
a committee of the pther; -which likewife rraifed the
fpirits

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 69
fpirits of Fairfax, who had never thought of oppofing
or difobeying the Parliament; and difpofed him to
more concurrence with the impetuous humour of the
army, when he faw it was fo much complied with and
fubmitted to by all men.
Cromwell, hitherto, carried himfelf with that rare Cromwell's
,. -....._ - behaviour
diffimulation, (in which fure he was a very great mafter), at firft in
that he feemed exceedingly incenfed againft this info- tinies.mu*
lence of the foldiers ; was ftill in the Houfe of Com
mons when any fuch addreffes were made ;. and in
veighed bitterly againft the prefumption, and had been
the caufe of the commitment, of fome of the officers.
He propofed, " that the General might be fent down
" to the army ;" who, he faid, " would conjure down
" this mutinous fpirit quickly ;" and he was fo eafily
believed, that he himfelf was fent once or twice to com-
pofethe army ; where after he had flayed twdEbr three
days, he would again return to the Houfe, and complain
heavily" of the great licence that was got into the army ;
" that, for his own part, by the artifice of his enemies,
" and of thofe who defired that the nation1' fhould be
" again imbrued in blood, he was rendered fo odious
" unto them, that they had a purpofe to kill him, if,
" upon fome difcovery made to him, he had riot efcaped
" out of their hands." And in thefe, and the like dif-
courfes, when he fpake of the nation's being to be involved
in new troubles, he would weep bitterly, and appear the
moft afflicted man in the world with the fenfe of the cala
mities which were like to enfue. But, as many of the
wifer fort had long difcovered his wicked intentions, fo '
his hypOcrify could not longer be concealed. The
riioft active officers and agitators were known to be his
owii creatures, and fuch who neither did, nor would do,
any thing but by his direction. So that it was privately
p 3 refolved

THE HISTORY - Book X.
refolved by the principal perfons of the Houfe of Com
mons, that when he came the next day into the Houfe,
which he feldom omitted to do, they would fend him
to the Tower ; prefuming, that if they had once fevered
his perfon frorn the army, they fhould eafily reduce* it to.
its former temper and obedience. For they had not the
leaft jealoufy of the General Fairfax*' whom they knew
to be a perfect Prefbyterian in his judgment ; and that
Cromwell had the afcendant over him purely by his dif
fimulation, and pretence of confcience and fincerity.
There is no doubt Fairfax did not then, nor long after,
believe, that the other had thofe wicked defigns in his
heart againft the King, or the leaft imagination of dif-
obeying the Parliament. ¦,
This purpofe of feizing upon the perfon of Cromwell
could not be carried fo fecretly, but that he had notice
of it ; and the very next morning after he had fo much
lamented his defperate misfortune in having loft all re
putation]' arid credit, and authority in the army, and that
his life would be in danger if he were with it, when the
Houfe expected every minute his prefence, they were
informed that he was met out of the town by break of
day, with one. fervant only, on the way to the army ;
Where he had appointed a rendezvous of fome regiments
of the horfe, and from whence he writ a letter to the
Houfe of Commons, " that having the night before re-
" ceived a letter from fome officers of his own regiment,
" that the jealoufy the troops had conceived of him,
" and of his want of kindnefs towards them, was much
" abated, fo that they believed, if he would be quickly
" prefent with them, they would all in a fhort time by
" his advice be reclaimed, upon this he had made all
" the hafle he could ; and did find that the foldiers had
"been abufed by miiinformation ; and that he hoped "to

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 71
" to difcover the fountain from whence it fprung ; and
" in the mean time defired that the General, and the
" other officers in the Houfe, and fuch as remained about
" the town, might be prefently fent to their quarters ; and
a that he believed it would be very neceffary in or-
" der to the fuppreffion of the late cuflempers, and for
" the prevention of the like for the time to come, that
" there might be a general rendezvous of the army; of
" which the General would beft confider, when he came
" down ; which he wifhed might be haftened." It was
now to no purpofe to difcover what they had formerly
intended, or that they had any jealoufy of a perfon who
was out of their reach; and fo they expected a better
conjuncture ; and in few days after, the General and
the other officers left the town, and went to their quar
ters. ,. The fame morning that Cromwell left London, Cornet comet
Joyce, who was one of the agitators in the army, a tay- iponYtJeZed
lor, a fellow who had two or three years before ferved ^'0"^'
in a very inferior employment in Mr. Hollis's houfe, June3>
came with a fquadron of fifty horfe to Holmby, where
the King was, about the break of day ; and without any
interruption by the guard of horfe or foot which waited
there, came with two or three more, and Jcnpcked at the
King's chamber door, and faid " he muft prefently
" fpeak with the King." His -Majefty, furprifed with
the manner of it, rofe out of his bed ; and, half dreffed,
caufed the door to be opened, which he knew otherwife
would be quickly broken open ; they who waitcjdin the
chamber being perfons of whom he had little^nowledge,
and lefs confidence. As, foon as the door .was opened,
Joyce, and two or three, rmore, camp into^ , the, chamber,
with their hats off, and piftols in their hand?. Joyce told
the King, " that, he muft, go .with him." His Majefty
f 4 afkedj

jz THE HISTORY Book X.
afked, "whither?" he anfwered, " to the army." The
King1 afked hinv "where the army was?" he faid,
.'".they -would carry him to the place where it was."
His Majefty afked, " by what authority they came?"
Joyce anfwered, " by this ;" and fhewed him his piftol ;
and defired his Majefty, "that he would caufe himfelf
~.*f to be .dreffed, becaufe it was neceffary they fhould
" make-hafle." None of the other foldiers fpoke a
: word ; and Joyce, faving the bluntnefs and pofitivenefs
• of the few words he fpoke, behaved himfelf not rudely.
• The King faid, " he could not ftir before he fpoke
" with the committee to whom he had been deliveifed,
,„,,', r>" and who were trufted by the Parliament ;" and fo ap
pointed one of thofe who waited upon him, to call
them.; The committee had been as much furprifed- with
the noife as the King had been, and quickly came to
his > chamber, and afked Joyce, "whether he had qny
' i£*e orders from the Parliament?" he faid iVbii«< 'f From
" the General?" No. "What authority he came by?" to
which he made no other anfwer, than he had made to
the King, and held up his piftol, They faid, " they
" would write to the Parliament to know their pleafure;"
Joyce faid, " they might do fo, but the King muft pre-
" fently go with him." Colonel Brown had fent for
fome of the troops who were appointed for the King's
¦ guard, but they came not ; he fpoke then with the offi
cer who commanded thofe who were at that time upon
• the guard, and found that they would make no refin
ance : fo that after the King had made all the delays
, he conveniently could, without giving them caufe to
. believe that he was refolved not to have gone, which
<.had been to no purpofe, and after he had broken his
fail, he went into his coach, attended by the few fer
vants who were put -about him, and- went whither Cor net

OF THE REBELLION, fcc. 73
net Joyce would conduct him ; there being no part of
the army known to be within twenty miles of Holmby
at that time ; and that which adminiftered moft caufe of
apprehenfion, was, that thofe officers who were of the
guard, declared, " that the fquadron which - was com-
" manded by Joyce confifled not of foldiers ¦ of any
" one regiment, but were men of feveral troops, and
" feveral regiments, drawn together under him, who was
" not the proper officer ;" fo that the King did in truth
believe, that their purpofe was to carry him to fome
place where they might more conveniently murder him.
The committee quickly gave notice to the Parliament 'of The «)•
what had paffed, with all the circumftances ; and it was notice of it.
received with all imaginable confternation ; nor could
any body imagine what the purpofe and refolution was.
Nor were they at the more eafe, or in any degree The Gene-
pleafed with the account they received from the Gene- count of it
-ral himfelf; who by his letter informed ¦ them, " that j°am^tat"
" the foldiers at Holmby had brought the King from
" thence ; and that his Majefly lay the next night at
" Colonel Montague's houfe, and would be the next
" day at Newmarket : that the ground thereof was
" from an apprehenfion of fome flrength gathered to
*' force the King from thence ; whereupon he had fent
" Colonel Whaley's regiment to meet the King."' He
• protefted, " that his remove was without his confent^ or
" of the officers about him, or of the body of the army,
" and without their defire or privity : that he would
" take care for the fecurity of his Majefly's perfon from
" danger ;" and affured the Parliament, " that the
" whole army endeavoured peace, and were far from op-
" poling Prefbytery, or affecting Independency, or from
"any purpofe toi- maintain a licentious freedom in re-
" ligion, or the intereft of any particular party, but
" were

H

THE HISTORY Book X.

" were refolved to leave .the abfolute determination of aU
" to the Parliament."
It was upon the third of June that the King was
taken from Holmby by Cornet Joyce, well nigh a full
year after he had delivered himfelf to the Scots at New
ark ; in all which time, the army had been at leifure to
contrive all ways to free itfelf from the fervitude of the
Parliament, whilft the Prefbyterians believed, that, ; in
fpite of a few factious Independent officers, it was en
tirely at their devotion, and could never prove -difobe-
dient to their commands ; and thofe few wife men, who
difcerned, the foul defigns of thofe officers, and by what
degrees they ftole the hearts and affections of the fol
diers, had not credit enough to be believed by their own
party. The joint confidence of the unanimous affection
•of the city of London to all their purpofes, made 'them
defpife all oppofition; but now, when they faw the King .
taken out of their hands in this manner, and with thefe
circumftances, they found all their meafures broke by
which they had formed all their counfels. And as this
letter from the General adminiftered too much caufe of
jealoufy of what was to fucceed, fo a pofitive informa
tion about the fame time by many officers, confirmed
by a letter which the, Lord Mayor of London had re
ceived, that the whole army was upon its march, and
tomraSions would be in London the next day by noon, fo diffracted
at ^Veft-
minfter up- them, that they appeared befides themfelves: however,
"heTrmy's0 they voted, " that the Houfes fhould fit all the next
™lnfLo°n'-" day, being Sunday; and -that Mr. Marfhall fhould be
«ion. a there to pray fQr them: that the Committee of Safety
" fhould fit up all that night to confider what was to be
" done : that the lines of communication fhould be
" ftrongly guarded, and all the Trained Bands of Lon-
" don fhould be drawn together upon pain of death;" All

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 75
All fhops were fhut up, and fuch a general conjfufion
over all the town, and in the faces of all men, as if the
army had already entered the town. The Parliament
writ a letter to the General, defiring him, " that no part
" of the army might come within five and twenty miles
" of London ; and that the King's perfon might be de-
" livered to the former commiffioners, who had attended
" upon his Majefty at Holmby ; and that Colonel Rof-
" fiter, and his regiment, might be appointed for the
" guard of his perfon." The General returned for an
fwer, " that the army was come to St. Alban's before the
" defire of the Parliament came to fris hands ; but thatj
" in obedience to their commands, he would advance no
" farther ; and defired that a month's pay might pre-
" fently be fent for the army." In which they deferred
not to gratify them ; though as to the re- delivery of the
King to the former commiffioners, no pther anfwer was
returned, than " tha£ they might reft aflured, that( al|-
-" care fhould be taken for his Majefly's fecurity."
From that time both Cromwell and Ireton appeared
in the Council of Officers, which they had never before
done ; and their expoftulations with the Parliament be
gun to be more brifl? and contumacious than they had
been. The King found himfelf at Newmarket attended The King
by greater troops and fuperior officers ; fo- that he was Newmar-"
prefently freed from any fubjection to Mr. Joyce,; j^Jy.1*
which was no fmall fatisfaction to him ; and they wholowed *"*
were about him .appeared men of better breeding than by the ar*
the former, and paid his Majefty all the refpect imagin- my'
able, and feemed to defire to pleafe him in all things.
All reftraint was taken off frorrr perfons- reforting to him,.
and he faw everyday the faces 0f many who were grateful
to him; and he no-fooner defired that fome of his Chap-,
lains might have leave to attend upon him for his devo» tion,

76 THE HISTORY Book X.
tion, but it was yielded to, and they who were named by
him (who were Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Morley, Dr. Sandero
fon, and Dr. Hammond) were prefently fent, and gave
their attendance, and performed their function at the
ordinary hours, in their accuftomed formalities ; all per
fons, who had a mind to it, being fuffered to he prefent,
to his Majefly's infinite fatisfaction ; who begun to be
lieve that the army was not fo much his enemy as it was
reported to be ; and the army had fent an addrefs to
him full of proteftation of duty, and befought him
" that he would be content, for fome time, to refide
" among them, until the affairs of the kingdom were
" put into fuch a pofture as he might find all things-; to
" his own content and fecurity ; which they infinitely
" defired to fee as foon as might be ; and to that pur-
" pofe made daily inftances to the Parliament." In the
i-iis Majefty mean time his. Majefty fate ftill, or removed to fuch
removes ac- n ' • r i i r i
cording to places as were moft convenient for the march of the
themarches , • • n 1 u -j j r j
of the ar- army ; being in all places as well provided for and ac-
Biy" fcommodated, as he had ufed to be in any progress* ; fte
beft gentlemen of the feveral counties through which
he paffed, daily reforted to him, without diftinctioh';
he was attended by fome of his old trufty fervants1 in
the places neareft his perfon ; and that which gaveitim
moft encouragement to believe that they meant well,
was, that in the army's addrefs to the Parliament, they
defired " that care might be taken, for fettling the King's
" rights, according to the feveral profeffions they had
" made in their declarations ; and that the royal party
" might be treated with more candour, and lefs rigour;"
and many good officers' who had ferved his Majefty
faithfully, were civilly received by the officers of the
army, and lived quietly in their quarters ; which they
could not do any where elfe ; which raifed a great re
putation

'! OF THE REBELLION, &c. 77
putation to the army, throughout the kingdom, and as
much reproach upon the Parliament.
The Parliament at this time had recovered its fpirit,
when they faw the army did not march nearer , towards
them, and not only flopped at St. Alban'sy but was
drawn back to a farther diftance ; which perfuaded
them, that their General was difpleafed with the former
advance: and fo they proceeded with all paflion and vi
gour againft thofe principal officers, who, they knew,
contrived all thefe proceedings. They publifhed decla
rations to the kingdom, " that they defired to bring the
"King in honour to his Parliament; which was their
" bufinefs from the beginning, and that he was detained
'/iprifonerjagainft his will in the army; and that they
",hadt great reafon to apprehend the fafety of his per-
" fon." The army, on the other hand, , declared " that
" his Majefly was neither prifoner, nor detained againft
"i his will ; and appealed to his Majefty himfelf, and to
" all his friends, who had liberty to repair to him, whe-
" ther he had not more liberty, and was not treated with
" more refpett, fince he came into the army than he
" had been at Holmby, or during the time he remained
" in thofe places, and with that retinue that. the Parlia-
" ment had appointed ?" The city feemed very unani- Tranfac-
moufly devoted, to the Parliament, and. incenfed againft ri°ySupnon e
the army ; and feemed refolute, not only with their
Trained Bands and auxiliary regiments to affift and de
fend the Parliament, but appointed fome of the old of
ficers who had ferved under the Earl of Effex, and had
been difbanded under the new model, as Waller, Maf-
fey, and others, to lift new forces ; towards which there
was not like to be want of men out of their old forces,
and fuch of the King's as would be glad of the employ
ment. There was nothing they did really fear fo much, as

thofe occir
(ions.

78 THE HISTORY Book X.
a3 that the army would make a firm conjunction with
the King, and unite with his party, of which there was
fo much fhew; and many unfkilful men, who wifhed it,
bragged too much ; and therefore the Parliament fent a
committee to his Majefly, with an addrefs of another
ftyle than they had lately ufed, with many profeffions of
duty; and declaring, " that if he was not, in all refpects,
" treated as he ought to be, and as he defired, it was not
" their fault, who defired he might be at full liberty,
" and do what he would ;" hoping that the King would
have been induced to defire to come to London, and to
make complaint of the army's having taken him from
Holmby; by which they believed the King's party<would
be difabufed, and withdraw their hopes of any good*' from
the army ; and then, they thought, they fhould be hard
enough for them.
The King was in great doubt how to carry himfelf;
he thought himfelf fo barbaroufly ufed by the Prefby
terians, and had. fo ill an opinion of all the principal
.perfons who governed them, that he had no mind to put
himfelf into their hands. On the other fide, he was far
from being fatisfied with the army's good intentions to
wards him ; and though many of his friends were fuf
fered to refort to him, they found that their being long
about him, would not be acceptable ; and though the
officers and foldiers appeared, for the moft part, civil to
him, they were all at leaft as vigilant, as the former
guards had been ; fo that he could not, without great
difficulty, have got from them if he had defired it.
Fairfax had • been with him, and kiffed his hand, and
made fuch profeffions as he could well utter; which was
with no advantage in the delivery ; his authority was of
no ufe, becaufe he refigned himfelf entirely to Crom
well; who had been, and Ireton likewife, with the King,
without

OF THE REBELLION, &cv 79
without either of them offering to kifs his hand ; other-
wife, they behaved themfelves with good manners to
wards him. His Majefty ufed all the addrefs he could
towards them to draw fome promife from them ; but
they were fo referved, and flood fo much upon their
guard, and ufed fo few words, that nothing could be
concluded from what they faid : they excufed them
felves " for not feeing his Majefty often, upon the great
" jealoufies the Parliament had of them, towards whom
" they profeffed all fidelity." The perfons who reforted
to his Majefty, and brought advices from others who
durft not yet offer to come themfelves, brought feveral
opinions to him ; fome thinking the army would deal
fincerely with his Majefty, others expecting no better?
from them than they afterwards performed ^ fo that the
King well concluded that he would neither reject the
Parliament addreffes by any neglect, nor difoblige -the
army by appearing to have jealoufy of them, or a defire
to be out of their hands ; which he could hardly have
effected, if he had known a better place to have reforted
to. So he defired both parties " to haften their con-
" fultations, that the kingdom might enjoy peace and
" happinefs ; in which he fhould not be without a
" fffare; and he would pray to God to bring this to pafs
" as foon as was poffible."
The news of the King's being in the army, of his
freedom in the exercife of his religion, which he had
been fo long without, and that fome of his fervants, with
whom he was well pleafed, had liberty to attend upon
him, made every body abroad, as well as thofe at home,
hope well ; and the King himfelf writ to the Queen, as
if he thought his condition much better than it had
been among the Scots. Sir John Berkley, after his fur
render of Exeter, and the fpending his fix months al
lowed

So THE HISTORY Book X.
lowed by the articles to folicit his" affairs where he
would, had tranfported himfelf into France, and waited
upon the Queen at Paris, being ftill a menial fervant to
her Majefly, and having a friend in that Court that go
verned, and loved him better than any body elfe did.
As foon as the reports came thither of the King's being
with the army, he repeated many difcourfes he had held
with the officers of the army, whilft they treated with
him of the delivery of Exeter ; how he had told them*
" upon how flippery ground they flood ; that the Par-
" liament, when they had ferved their turn, would dif-
" mifs them with reproach, and give them very fmall
" rewards for the great fervice they had done for them- ;
" that they fhould do well, feafonably to think of a fafe
" retreat, which. could be no where but under the pro-
" tection of the King ; who by their courage was
" brought very low ; and if they raifed him again, he
" muft owe it all to them ; and his pofterity, as well as
" himfelf, and all his party, muft for ever acknowledge
" it ; by which they would raife their fortunes, as well
" as their fame, to the greateft degree men could aim
" at ;" which, he faid, made fuch an impreffion upon
this and that officer, whom he named, " that they told
" him at parting, that they fhould never forget what he-
" had faid to them; and that they already obferved that
" every day produced fomewhat that would put them in
" mind of it." In a word, " he had foretold all that
" was fince come to pafs, and he was moft confident,'
" that, if he were now with them, he fhould 'be weU
" come, and have credit enough to bring them to rea-
" fon, and to do the King great fervice ;" and offered,
without any delay, to make the journey. The Queen
believed all he faid ; and they who did not, were very
willing he fhould make the experiment; for he that
loved

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 81
loved him befl, was very willing to be without him ;
and fo receiving the Queen's letter of recommendation Sir John
of him to the King, who knew him very little, and that from the""
little not without fome prejudice, he left Paris, and made ^"""ng.
all poflible hafle into England. John Afhbumham,
who was driven from the King by the Scots after he
had conducted his Majefty to them, had tranfported
himfelf into France, and was at this time refiding in
Rouen ; having found, upon his addrefs to the Queen at
Paris upon his firft arrival, that his abode in fome other
place would not be ungrateful to her Majefty, and fo he
removed to Rouen ; where he had the fociety of many
who had ferved the King in the moft eminent qualifica
tions. When he heard where the King was, and thatMr- Afh-
there was not the fame reftraint that had been formerly, comes trom
he refolved to make an adventure to wait on him ; hav- theK^g!
ing no reafon to doubt but that his prefence would be
very acceptable to the King ; and though the other en
voy from Paris, and he, did not make their journey into
England together, nor had the leaft communication with
each other, being in truth of feveral parties and pur-
pofes, yet they arrived there, and at the army, near the
fame time.
Berkley firft applied himfelf to thofe fubordinate offi- sir John
cers with whom he had fome acquaintance at Exeter, mT. Am-"
and they informing their fuperiors of his arrival and ap- ^'^a'ons
plication, they were well pleafed that he was come.w|th,bm^
1 ' J ' . officers of
They were well acquainted with his talent, and knew his the army.
foible, that, by flattering and commending, they might
govern him ; and that there was no danger of any deep
defign from his contrivance ; and fo they permitted him
freely to attend the King, about whofe perfon he had
no title, or relation, which required any conflant waiting
upon him.
vol. iii. p. i. g Afhburnham

THE HISTORY Book X.
Afhburnham had, by fome friends, a recommenda
tion both to Cromwell and Ireton, who knew the credit
he had with the King, and that his Majefty would be
very well pleafed to have his attendance, and look upon
it as a teftimony of their refpect to him. They knew
likewife that he was an implacable enemy to the Scots,
and no friend to the other Prefbyterians, and though he
had fome ordinary craft in infinuating, he was of no
deep and piercing judgment- to difcover what was not
unwarily expofed, and a free fpeaker of what he ima
gined : fo they likewife left him at liberty to repair to
the King; and thefe two gentlemen came near about
the fame time to his Majefty, when the army was draw
ing together, with a purpofe, which was not yet pub
lished, of marching to London ; his Majefty being ftill
quartered in thofe places which were more 'proper for
that purpofe.
- They were both welcome to his Majefty, the one
bringing a fpecial recommendation from the Queen,
and, to make himfelf the more valuable, affuring his
Majefty, " that he was fent for by the officers of the
" army, as one they would truft, and that they had re-
" ceived him with open arms ; and, without any fcru-
" pie, gave him leave to wait upon him :" the other
needed no recommendation, the King's own inclinations
clifpofing him to be very gracious to him ; and fo his
Majefty wifhed them " to correfpond with each other,
" and to converfe with his feveral friends, who did not
" yet think fit to refort to him ; and to receive their
" advice ; to difcover as much as they could of fhe-in-
" tentions of both parties, and impart what was fit to
"'the King, till, upon a farther difcovery, his Majefty
" might better judge what to do." Thefe two were the
principal agents, (they conferring with all his Majefly's friends,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 83
friends, and, as often as they defired, with the officers of
the army), upon whofe information and advice his Ma
jefty principally depended, though they rarely conferred
together with the fame perfons, and never with any of
•the officers, who pretended not to truft one another
enough to fpeak with that freedom before each other,
•as they would to One of them ; and thei.r acquaintance
among the officers not being principally with the fame
-men, their informations and advices were often very dif
ferent, and more perplexed than informed his Majefty.
The very high contefts between the Parliament and The ffcr~
; , . ent defigns
the army, in which neither fide could be perfuaded to pf the par-
yield to the other, or abate any of their afperity, made army at this
many prudent men believe that both fides would, in the il^'to'the"
end, be willing to make the King the umpire ; which K,ns"
neither of them ever intended to do. The Parliament
thought that their name and authority, which had car
ried them through fo great undertakings, and reduced
•the whole kingdom to their obedience, could not be
• overpowered by their own army, raifed and paid by
themfelves, and to whofe dictates the people would ne
ver fubmit. They thought the King's prefence amongll
them gave them all their prefent reputation ; and were
not without apprehenfion that the ambition of fome of
the officers, and their malice to the Parliament, when
they faw that they could obtain their ends no other way,
might difpofe them to an entire conjunction with the
.King's party and intereft ; and then, all the penalties of
.treafon, rebellion, and' trefpaffes, muft be difcharged at
•their cofts; and therefore t-hey laboured, by aU the. pub
lic and private means they could, to perfuade the King
to own his being detained, prifoner by the army againft
his will, or to withdraw himfelf by fome way from them,
and repair to Whitehall ; and, in either of thofe cafes,
g % they

84 THE HISTORY Book X.
they did not doubt, firft, to divide the army, (for they
ftill believed the General faft to them), and by degrees
to bring them to reafon, and to be difbanded, as many
as were not neceffary for the fervice of Ireland ; and
then, having the King to themfelves, and all his party
being obnoxious to thofe penalties for their delinquency,
they fhould be well able, by gratifying fome of the
greateft perfons of the nobility with immunity and in
demnity, to fettle the government in fuch a manner, as
to be well recompenfed for all the adventures they had
made, and hazards they had run.
On the other hand, the army had no dread of the au
thority and power of the Parliament ; which they knew
had been fo far proftituted, that it had loft moft of its
reverence with the people. But it had great apprehen
fion, that, by its conjunction with the city, it might in
deed recover credit with the kingdom, and withhold
the pay of the army, and thereby make fome divifion
amongft them; and if the perfon of the King fhOuld be
likewife with them, and thereby his party fhould like-
wife join with them, they fhould be to begin their work
again, or to make their peace with thofe who were as
much provoked by them as the King himfelf had been.
And therefore they were fenfible that they enjoyed a
prefent benefit by the King's being with them, and by
their treating him with the outward refpect that was due
to his Majefly, and the civilities they made profeffion
of towards all his party, and the permiflion of his chap
lains, and other fervants, to refort to him ; and culti
vated all thefe artifices with great addrefs, fuppreffing or
difcountenancing the tyranny of the Prefbyterians in the
country committee-s, and all other places, where they
¦exercifed notable rigour againft all who had been of the
King's party, or not enough of theirs, (for neuters found no

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 85
no excufe for being of no party.) When they found it fit
to make any lufty declaration againft the Parliament,
and exclaim againft their tyrannical proceedings againft
the army, they always inferted fomewhat that might
look, like candour and tendernefs towards the King's
party, complained of " the affront and indignity done to
" the army by the Parliament's not obferving the arti-
" cles which had been made upon furrender of garri-
" fons, but proceeding againft thofe on whofe behalf
" thofe articles were made, with more feverity than was
" agreeable to juftice, and to the intention of the arti-
" cles ; whereby the honour and faith of the army fuf-
" fered, and was complained of; all which, they faid,
" they would have remedied." Whereupon many hoped
that they fhould be excufed from making any compo-
fitions, and entertained fuch other imaginations as pleafed
themfelves, and the other party well liked ; knowing
they could demolifh all thofe ftructures as foon as they
received no benefit by them themfelves.
The King had, during the time he flayed at Holmby,
writ to the Houfe of Peers, that his children might have
leave to come to him, and to refide for fome time with
him. From the time that Oxford had been furrendered,
upon which the Duke of York had fallen into their
hands, for they would by no means admit that he fhould
have liberty to go to fuch place as the King fhould di
rect, which was very earneftly preffed, and infifted on
by the lords of the Council there, as long as they could;
but appointed their committee to receive him' with all
refpect, and to bring him to London : from that time,
I fay, the Duke of York. was committed to the care of
the Earl of Northumberland, together with the Duke of
Gloucefter, and the Princefs,who had been by the King
left under the tuition of the Countefs of Dorfet, but
g 3 from

86 THE HISTORY Book X.
from the death of that Countefs the Parliament had pre-
fumed, that they might be fure to keep them in their
1 power, to put them into the cuftody of the Lady Vere,
an old lady much in' their favour, but not at all ambi
tious of that charge, though there was a competent al
lowance affigned for their fupport. They were now re
moved from her, and placed all together with the Earl
of Northumberland, who received and treated them, in
all refpects, as was fuitable to their birth, and his own
duty ; but could give them no more liberty to go
abroad, than he was, in his inflructions from the Parlia
ment, permitted to do ; and they had abfolutely refufed
to gratify the King in that particular; of which his Ma
jefty no fooner took notice to Fairfax, than he writ a
letter to the Parliament, " that the King much defired
" to have the fight and company of his children, and
" that if they might not be allowed to be longer with
" him, that at leaft they might dine with him;" and he
fent them word that, on fuch a day, " the King, who
" attended the motion of the army, and was quartered
" only where they pleafed, would dine at Maidenhead."
The King There his children met him, to his infinite content and
allowed to , ,
fee hischii-joy ; and he being to quarter and flay fome time at Ca-
Maiden- verfham, a houfe of the Lord Craven's, near Reading,,
Caverfham. nis children were likewife fuffered to go thither, and re
mained with him two days ; which was the greateft fa
tisfaction the King could receive ; and the receiving
whereof he imputed to the civility of the General, and
the good difpofition of the army ; which made fo much
the more impreffion upon him, in that he had never
made any one propofition in which he had been gra
tified, where the Prefbyterian fpirit had power to deny
it. In the Houfe of Commons, which was now the fcene of

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 87
of all the action that difpleafed and incenfed the army,
(for the Houfe of Peers was fhrunk into fo inconfidera-
ble a number, and their perfons not confiderable after
the death of the Earl of Effex, except thofe who were
affected to, or might be difpofed by, the army), they
were wholly guided by Hollis, and Stapleton, Lewis,
and Glyn, who had been very popular and notorious
from the beginning, and by Waller, and Maffey, and
Brown, who had ferved in commands in the army, and
performed at fome times very fignal fervice, and were
exceedingly beloved in the city, and two or three others
¦who followed their dictates, and were fubfervient to
their directions. Thefe were all men of parts, intereft,
and fignal courage, and did not only heartily abhor the
intentions which they difcerned the army to have, and
that it was wholly to be difpofed according to the de
figns of Cromwell, but had likewife declared animofities
againft the perfons of the moft active and powerful
officers ; as Hollis had one day, upon a very hot debate
in the Houfe, and fome rude expreffions which fell
from Ireton, perfuaded him to walk out of the Houfe
with him, and then told him, " that he fhould prefently
" go over the water and fight with him." Ireton reply
ing, "his confcience would not fuffer*him to fight a
" duel ;" Hollis, in choler, pulled him by the nofe ;
telling him, " if his confcience would keep him from
" giving men fatisfaction, it fhould keep him from pro- ,
" voking them." This affront to the third perfon of
the army, and to a man of the moft virulent, malicious,
and revengeful nature of all the pack, fo incenfed the
whole party, that they were refolved one way or other
to be rid of him, who had that power in the Houfe,
and that reputation abroad, that when he could not ab-
g 4 folutely

88 THE HISTORY Book X.
, : folutely control their defigns, he did fo obflruct them,
that they could not advance to any conclufion.
They reforted therefore to an expedient, which, they
had obferved, by the conduct of thofe very men againft
whom they meant to apply it, had brought to pafs all
that they defired ; and, in the Council of Officers, pre-
The army pared an impeachment of high treafon' in general terms
eievenC againft Mr. Hollis, and the -perfons mentioned before,
the^oure°fan{^ others, to the number of eleven members of the
of com- Houfe of Commons. This impeachment twelve offi-
mons. L
cers of the army, colonels, lieutenant colonels, majors,
and captains, prefented to the Houfe; and within few
days after, when they faw the fame members ftill in
veigh againft and arraign their proceedings, the General
and officers writ a letter to the Houfe, " that they
" would appoint fit perfons on their and the kingdom's
" behalf, to make good the charge againft thofe mem-
" bers whom they had accufed ; and that they defired,
" thai thofe members impeached might be forthwith
" fufpended from fitting in the Houfe ; fince it could
" not be thought fit that the fame perfons who had fo
" much injured and provoked the army, fhould fit
" judges of their own actions." This was an arrow that
the Houfe of Commons did not expect would have
been fhot out of that quiver ; and though they were
unfpeakably difmayed, and diffracted with this prefump-
tion, they anfwered pofitively, "that they neither would,
" nor could, fequefter thofe members from the Houfe,
'.' who had never faid or done any thing in the Houfe
" worthy of cenfure, till proof were made of fuch parti-'
" culars as might render them guilty." But the offi
cers of the army replied, " that they could proye them
" guilty of fuch practices in the Houfe, that it would "be

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 89
" bcjuft in the Houfe to fufpend them: that by the
" laws of the land, and the precedents of Parliament, the
" Lords had, upon the very prefentation of a general ac-
" cufation without being reduced in form, fequeftered
" from their Houfe and committed the Earl of Straf- ,
" ford, and the Archbifliop of Canterbury ; and there-
" fore they muft prefs, and infift upon the fufpending
" at leaft of thofe accufed members from being prefent
" in the Houfe, where they flood impeached ; and with-
" out this, they faid, the army would not be fatisfied."
However the Houfe of Commons feemed ftill refolute,
the accufed members themfelves, who beft knew their
temper, thought it fafer for them to retire, and by for
bearing to appear in the Houfe, to allay the heat of the
prefent conteft.
< Upon this fo palpable declenfion of fpirit in the
Houfe, the army feemed much quieter, and refolved to
fet other agents on their work, that they might not ap
pear too bufy and active in their own concernment.
It is very true that the city, upon whofe influence theThetemP«
J J l of the city
Parliament much depended, appeared now entirely and the
Prefbyterian ; the Court of Aldermen, and Common their militia
Council, confuted chiefly of men of that fpirit; theatthistimc'
militia of the city was committed to commiffioners
carefully and factioufly chofen of that party ; all thofe
of another temper having been put out of thofe trufts,
at or about the time that the King was delivered up by
the Scots, when the officers of the army were content
that the Prefbyterians fhould believe, that the whole
power of the kingdom was in them ; and that they
might fettle what government they pleafed : if there re
mained any perfons in any of thofe employments in the
city, it was by their diffimulation, and pretending to
have other affections ; moft of thofe who were notori ous

9#

THE HISTORY Book X.
ous to be of any other faction in religion, had been put
out ; and lived as neglected and difcountenanced men ;
who feemed rather to depend upon the clemency and
indulgence of the State, for their particular liberty in the
exercife of that religion they adhered to, than to have
any hope or ambition to be again admitted into any
fhare or part in the government: yet, after all this dif
fimulation, Cromwell and Ireton well knew, that the
multitude of inferior people were at their difpofal, and
would appear in any conjuncture they fhould think con
venient ; and that many aldermen and fubftantial citi
zens were quiet, and appeared not to contradict or op-
pofe the Prefbyterians, only by their directions ; and
would be ready upon their call. And now, when they
faw thofe leading men, who had governed the Parlia
ment, profecuted by the army, and that they forbore to
come to the Houfe, there flocked together great num
bers of the loweft and moft inferior people, to the Par
liament, with petitions of feveral natures, both with re
ference to religion and to the civil government; with
the noife and clamour whereof the Parliament was fo
offended and difturbed, that they made an ordinance,
" that it fhould be criminal to gather and folicit the
" fubfcriptions of hands to petitions." But this order fo
offended all parties, that they were compelled, within
two days, to revoke it, and to leave all men to their na
tural liberty. Whilft this confufion was in the city
and Parliament, the commiffioners, which had been fent
to the army to treat with the officers, had no better fuc
cefs; but returned with the pofitive and declared refolu
tion of the army, " that a declaration fhould be publifh-
" ed by the Parliament againft the coming in of foreign
" force :" for they apprehended, or rather were willing
that the people fhould apprehend, a new combination by
the

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 01
the Scots : " that the pay of the army fhould be put
" into a conftant courfe, and all perfons who had re- ,
" ceived money, fhould be called to an account : that
" the militia of London ihould be put into the hands of ,»
" perfons well affected, and thofe who had been for-
" merly trufted : that all perfons imprifoned for pre-
" tended mifdemeanours, by order of Parliament, or
" their committees, might be fet at liberty ; and, if
" upon trial they ihould be found innocent, that they
" might have good reparation." And they particularly
mentioned John Lilburn, Overton, and other Anabap- ;
tifts and Fanatics, who had been committed by the
Parliament for many feditious meetings, under pretence
of exercife of their religion, and many infolent action's
againft the government. Upon the report of thefe de
mands, the Parliament grew more enraged ; and voted,
" that the yielding to the army in thefe particulars
" would be againft their honour, and their intereft, and
" deftructive to their privileges ;" with many expref-
fioris againft their prefumption and infolence : yet,
when a new rabble of petitioners demanded, with loud
cries, moft of the fame things, they were willing to
compound with them ; and confented that the militia
of the city of London fhould be put into fuch hands as
the army fhould defire.
The militia of the city had been in the beginning of
May, fhortly after the King's being brought to Holmby,
fettled with the confent, and upon the defire, of the
Common Council, by ordinance of Parliament, in the
hands of commiffioners, who were generally of the
Prefbyterian party, they who were of other inclinations
being removed ; and, as is faid before, feemed not dif-
pleafed at their difgrace ; and now, when upon the de
clarations and demands of the army, feconded by clamor ous

92 THE HISTORY Book X.
ous petitions, they faw this ordinance reverfed, in July,
without fo much as confulting with the Common Coun
cil according to cuftom, the city was exceedingly
ftartled ; and faid, " that if the imperious command of
" the army could prevail with the Parliament to reverie
" fuch an ordinance as that of the militia, they had
" reafon to apprehend they might as well repeal the
" other ordinances for the fecurity of money, or for the
" purchafe of Bifhops' and Church lands, or whatfoeyer
" elfe that was the proper fecurity of the fubject." And
therefore they caufed a petition to be prepared in the
name of the city, to be prefented by the two Sheriffs,
and others deputed by the Common Council to that
purpofe. . But, before they were ready, many thou-,
fands, apprentices and young citizens, brought petitions
to the Parliament ; in which they faid, " that the com-
" mand of the militia of the city was the birth-right of
- " the city, and belonged to them by feveral charters
" which had been confirmed in Parliament ; for defence
(f whereof, they faid, they had ventured their lives as far
" and as frankly as the army had done ; and thereforej
" they defired that the ordinance of Parliament of the
" fourth of May, which had paffed with their confent,
a tumuitu. " might ftand inviolable." They firft prefented their
of a£pren!"Petmon t0 ^ Houfe of Peers, who immediately revoked
tjoes, and their iate ordinance of July, and confirmed their former
others, to J '
both pf May ; and fent it down to the Commons for their
ceming confent ; who durft not deny their concurrence, the ap-
theirmih- prentices behaving themfelves fo infolently, that they
would fcarce fuffer the door of the Houfe of Commons
, to be fhut ; and fome of them went into the Houfe.
And in this manner the ordinance was reverfed that
had been made at the defire of the army, and the other
of May ratified and confirmed ; which was no fooner done-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 93
done than the Parliament adjourned till Friday, that
they might have two or three days to confider how they
fhould behave themfelves, and prevent the like violences
hereafter. The army had quickly notice of thefe extra
ordinary proceedings, and the General writ a very fharp upon thisi
letter to the Parliament from Bedford ; in which he put ^f^lf
them in mind, " how civilly the army had complied ^^he' p"r-
" with their defire, by removing to a greater diftance, foment.
" upon prefumption that their own authority would
" have been able to have fecured them from any rude-
" nefs, and violence of the people ; which it was now
" evident it could not do, by the unparalleled violation
" of all their privileges, on the Monday before, by a
" multitude from the city, which had been encouraged
" by feveral common council men, and other citizens in
" authority ; which was an act fo prodigious and horrid
" as muft diffolve all government, if not feverely and
" exemplarily chaftized : that the army looked upon
" themfelves as accountable to the kingdom, if this un-
" heard of outrage, by which the peace and fettlement
" of the nation, and the relief of Ireland, had been
" fo notorioufly interrupted, fhould not be ftrictly
" examined, and juftice fpeedily done upon the of-
" fenders." Upon Friday, to which both Houfes had
adjourned, the members came together, in as full num
bers as they had ufed to meet, there being above one
hundred and forty of the Houfe of Commons ; but,
after they had fate fome time in expectation of their
Speaker, they were informed that he was gone out of
the town early that morning ; and they obferved that
Sir Henry Vane, and fome few other members who ufed ^J^,
to concur with him, were likewife abfent. The Houfe with other
' members of
of Peers found likewife that the Earl of Manchefter, the two
their Speaker, had withdrawn himfelf, together with the withdrew
Ead-tothe«»y.

94

THE HISTORY Book X.

Earl of Northumberland, and fome other lords; but the
major part ftill remained there, full of indignation
againft thofe who were abfent, and who they all con-
Both eluded were gone to the army. Hereupon both Houfes
Sofenew c^ofe new Speakers ; who accepted the office ; and the
Speakers! Commons prefently voted, " that the eleven members
Votes. « who flood impeached by the army, and had difcon-
" tinued coming to the Houfe, fhould prefently appear,
" and take their places." They made an ordinance of
Parliament, by which a committee of fafety was appoint
ed to join with the city militia, and had authority to
raife men for the defence of the Parliament; which they
appeared fo vigoroufly refolved on, that no man in the
Houfes, or in the city, feemed to intend any thing elfe.
The news of this routed up the army, and the General
prefently fent a good party of horfe into Windfpr, and
marched himfelf to Uxbridge, and appointed a general
rendezvous for the whole army upon Hounflow Heathy
within two days ; when and where there appeard twenty
thoufand foot and horfe, with a traia of artillery, and
all other provifions proportionable to fuch an army.
Rendez- As foon as the rendezvous was appointed at Hounflow
Irmy°afp-he Heath, at the fame time the King removed to Hamp-
poimedon ton Court ; which was prepared, and put into as eood
Hounflow . . .
Heath, and order for his reception, as could have been done in
movednfore"fhe beft time. The Houfes feemed for fome time to
CouttP.ton retain their fpirit and vigour, and the city talked of lift
ing men, and defending themfelves, and not fuffering
the army to approach nearer to them : but, when they
knew the day of the rendezvous, thofe in both Houfes
who had been too weak to carry any thing, and fo had
looked on whilft fuch votes were paffed as they liked
not and could, not oppofe, now when their friend the
army was fo near, recovered their fpirits, and talked very

OF THE REBELLION, &c. ,95
very loud ; and perfuaded the reft, " to think in time of
" making their peace with the army, that could not be
" withftood." And the city grew every day more ap
palled, irrefolute, and confounded, one man propofing
this, and another fomewhat contrary to that, like men
amazed and diftracted. When the army met upon BothSpeak
Hounflow Heath at their rendezvous, the Speakers of other mem.
both Houfes, who had privately before met with the in the army
¦chief officers of the army, appeared there with their ^"h""^
maces, and fuch other members as accompanied > them ;
complaining to the General, " that they had not free-
" dom at Weftminfter, but were in danger of their lives
" by the tumults ;" and appealed to the army for their
protection. This looked like a new act of Providence to vindicate
the army from all reproaches, and to juftify them in all
they had done, as abfolutely done for the prefervation of
the Parliament and kingdom. If this had been a retreat
of Sir Harry Vane and fome other difcontented men,
who were known to be Independents, and fanatics in
their opinions in religion, and of the army faction, who,
being no longer able to oppofe the wifdom of the Par
liament, had fled to their friends for protection from
juftice, they would have got no reputation, nor the army
been thought the better of for their company : but nei
ther of the Speakers were ever looked upon as inclined
to the army ; Lenthall was generally believed to have
no malice towards the King, and not to be without good
inclinations to the Church; and the Earl of Manchefter,
who was Speaker of the Houfe of Peers, was known to
have all the prejudice imaginable againft .Cromwell ; and
had formerly accufed him of want of duty to the Par
liament ; and the other hated him above all men, and
defired to have taken away his life. The Earl of Man
chefter

96 THE HISTORY BookX.
' chefter and the Earl of Warwick were the two pillars ot
the Prefbyterian party ; and that they two, with the Earl
of Northumberland, and fome other of the Lords, and
fome of the Commons, who had appeared to difapprove
all the proceedings of the army, fhould now join with
Sir Harry Vane, and appeal to the army for protection,
with that formality as if they had brought the whole
Parliament with them, and had been entirely driven and
forced away by the city, appeared to every ftander-by fo
flupendous a thing, that it is not to this day underftood
otherwife, than that they were refolved to have their par
ticular fhares in the treaty, which they believed the chief
officers of the army to have near concluded with the
King. For that they never intended to put the whole
power into the hands of the army, nor had any kindnefs
to, or confidence in, the officers thereof, was very app*-
rent by their carriage and behaviour after, as well as ben
fore ; and if they had continued together, confidering
how much the city was devoted to them, it is probable
that the army would not have ufed any force ; which
might have received a fatal repulfe ; but that fome good
compromife might have been made by the interpofition
of the King. But this fchifm carried all the reputation
and authority to the army, and left none in the Parlia
ment ; for though it prefently appeared, that the number
of thofe who left the Houfes was fmall in comparifon of
thofe who remained behind, and who proceeded with
the fame vigour in declaring againft the army, and the
city feemed as refolute in putting themfelves into. a
pofture, and preparing for their defence, all their works
and fortifications being ftill entire, fo that they might
have put the army to great trouble if they had fteadily
purfued their refolutions, (which they did not yet feem in
any degree to decline), yet this rent made all the accufed
members,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 9;
members, who were the men of parts and reputation to
conduct their counfels, to withdraw themfelves upon the
aftonifhment; fome concealing themfelves, till they had
opportunity to make their peace, and others withdrawing
and tranfporting themfelves beyond the feas ; whereof
Stapleton died at Calais as foon as he landed, and was
denied burial, upon imagination that he had died of the
plague : others remained a long time beyond the feas ;
and, though they long after returned, never were re
ceived into any truft in thofe times, nor in truth con
curred or acted in the public affairs, but retired to their
own eftates, and lived very privately.
The chief officers of the army received the two
Speakers, and the members who accompanied them, as
fo many angels fent from heaven for their good ; paid
them all the refpect imaginable, and profeffed all fub-
miflion to them, as to the Parliament of England ; and
declared, " that they would re-eftablifh them in their full
" power, or perifh in the attempt;" took very particular
care for their accommodations, before the General ; and
afligned a guard to wait upon them for their fecurity ;
acquainted them with all their confultations ; and would
not prefume to refolve any thing without their approba
tion ; and they had too much modefty to think they
could do amifs, who had profpered fo much in all their
undertakings. No time was loft in purfuing their refo
lution to eftablifh the Parliament again at Weftminfter;
and finding that the reft of the members continued ftill
to fit there with the fame formality, and that the city
did not abate any of their fpirit, they feemed to make a
halt, and to remain quiet, in expectation of a better
underftanding between them, upon the meffages they
every day fent to the Lord Mayor, and Aldermen, and
Common Council, (for of thofe at Weftminfter they
vol. xu. p.i. h took

THE HISTORY Book X.
took no notice), and quartered their army about Brent
ford, and Hounflow, Twickenham, and the adjacent vil
lages, without reftraining any provifions, which every
day according to cuftom were carried to London, or
doing the leaft action that might difoblige or difpleafe
the city ; the army being in truth under fo excellent
difcipline, that nobody could complain of any damage
fuftained by them, or any provocation by word or deed*
However, in this qalm, they fent over Colonel Rainf-
borough with a brigade of horfe and foot, and cannon,
at Hampton Court, to poffefs Southwark, and thofe
works which fecured that end of London- bridge ; which
he did with fo little noife, that in one night's march he
found himfelf mafter without any oppofition, not only
of the Borough of Southwark, but of all the works and
forts which were to defend it ; the foldiers within fluk
ing hands with thofe without, and refilling to obey their
officers which were to command them : fo that the city,
without knowing that any fuch thing was in agitation,
found in the morning that all that avenue to the town
was poffeffed by the enemy ; whom they were providing
to refill on the other fide, being as confident of this that
they had loft, as of any gate of the city.
This ftruck them dead ; and put an end to all their
confultation for defence ; and put other thoughts into-
their heads, how they might pacify thofe whom they
had fo much offended and provoked; and how they
might preferve their city from plunder, and the fury of
an enraged army. They who had ever been of the army
party, and of late had fhut themfelves up, and not dared
to walk the ftreets for fear of the people, came now con
fidently amongft them, and mingled in their councils ;
declared, " that the King and the army were now agreed
" in all particulars, and that both Houfes were now with
" the

OF THE REBELLION, &c. gd
" the army, and had prefented themfelves to the King ;
" fo that fo oppofe the army would be to oppofe the
" King and Parliament, and to incenfe them as much
" as the army." Upon fuch confident difcourfes and in-
finuations from thofe with whom they would not have
converfed, or given the leaft credit to, three days before,
or rather upon the confufion and general diffraction they
were in, they fent fix aldermen and fix commoners to the The city
General; who lamented and complained, "that the aldermen
" city fhould be fufpected, that had never acted any ^^
" thing againft the Parliament; and therefore, they de-fubmits'
" fired him to forbear doing any thing that might be
" the occafion of a new war." But the General little
confidered this meffage, and gave lefs countenance to
the meffengers; but continued his flow marches towards
the city : whereupon they fent an humble meflage to
him, " that fince they underftood that the reafon of his
" march fo near London was to reftore and fettle the
" members (the Lords and Commons) of Parliament to
" the liberty and privilege of fitting fecurely in their fe-
" veral Houfes, (to which the city would contribute all
" their power and fervice), they prayed him, with all
" fubmiflion, that he would be pleafed to fend fuch a
" guard of horfe and foot as he thought to be fufficient
" for that purpofe ; and that the ports and all paffages
" fhould be open to them ; and they fhould do any
" thing elfe that his Excellency would command." To
which he made no other anfwer but " that he would
" have all the forts of the weft fide of the city to be
" delivered immediately to him ;" thofe of the other
fide being already, as is faid, in the hands of Rainfbo-
rough and his other officers. The Common Council,
that fate day and night, upon the receipt of this mef
fage, without any paufe returned " that they would
Ha " humbly

ioo THE HISTORY Book X.
" humbly fubmit to his command ; and that now, un-
" der Almighty God, they did rely only upon his Ex- '
" cellency's honourable word for their protection and
" fecurity." And fo they caufed their militia to be
forthwith drawn off from the line, as well as out of the
forts, with all their cannon and ordnance ; and the Ge
neral appointed a better guard to both. At Hyde Park
the Mayor and Aldermen met him, and humbly congra
tulated his arrival ; and befought him " to excufe what
" they had, out of their good meaning and defire of
" peace, done amifs ;" and as a teftimony of their affec
tion and duty, the'JMayor, on the behalf of the city, pre
fented a great gold cup to the General ; which he ful-
lenly refufed to receive, and, with very little ceremony,
difmifled them.
The Gene- He himfelf waited upon the two Speakers, and con-
duas the ducted them, and their members, to the feveral Houfes,
ere°ando-" where the other members were then fitting: even in the
be" w their m^ant when the revolters,as they had called them, entered
HoTfe of *nto t^ie houfes, the old Speakers affumed their places
Parliament, again, and entered upon their bufinefs, as if there had
been no feparation. The firft thing they did, was call
ing in the General into both Houfes, and making him
a large acknowledgment in the name of each Houfe, of
the great favours he had done to them : they thanked
him " for the protection he had given to their perfons,
" and his vindication of the privileges of Parliament."
Then they voted " all that had been done by themfelves
" in going to the army, and in refiding there, and all
" that had been done by the army, to be well and. law-
" fully done ;" as, fome time after, they alfo voted,
" that all that had been done in the Houfes fince their
-" departure, was againft law, and privilege of Parlia-
" ment, invalid and void :" then they adjourned to the
next

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 101
next day, without queftioning or punifhing any member
who had acted there.
The army of horfe, foot, and cannon, marched the The army
next day through the city, (which, upon the defire of through the
the Parliament, undertook forthwith to fupply an hun- c^lnt"?
dred thoufand pounds for the, payment of the army), about ''•
without the leaft diforder, or doing the leaft damage to
any perfon, or giving any difrefpective word to any
man : by which they attained the reputation of being in
excellent difcipline, and that both officers and foldiers
were men of extraordinary temper and fobriety. So they
marched over London-bridge into Southwark, and to
thofe "quarters to which they were afligned; fome re
giments were quartered in Weftminfter, the Strand, and
Holborn, under pretence of being a guard to the Par
liament, but intended as a guard upon the city. The
General's head-quarters were at Chelfea, and the reft of
the army quartered between Hampton Court and Lon
don, that the King might be well looked to ; and the
Council of Officers, and Agitators, fate conflantly and
formally at Fulham and Putney, to provide that no
other fetdement fhould be made for the government of
the kingdom than what they fhould well approve.
Whilft thefe things were thus agitated between theTheKinsat
army and the Parliament and the city, the King enjoyed Court.
himfelf at Hampton Court, much more to his content
than he had of late ; the refpects of the chief officers of
the army feeming much greater than they had been ;
Cromwell himfelf came oftener to him, and had longer
conferences with him ; talked with more opennefs to
Mr. Afhburnham than he had done, and appeared more
cheerful. Perfons of all conditions repaired to his Ma
jefty of thofe who had ferved him ; with whom he con
ferred without refervation ; and the citizens flocked thi-
h 3 ther

I02 THE HISTORY Book X.
ther as they had ufed to do at the end of a progrefsj
when the King had been fome months abfent from Lon
don: but that which pleafed his Majefty moft, was, that
his children were permitted to come to him, in whom
he took great delight. They were all at the Earl of
t Northumberland's houfe, at Sion, from the time the
King came to Hampton Court, and had liberty to attend
his Majefty when he pleafed ; fo that fometimes he fent
for them to come to Hampton Court, and fometimes
he went to them to Sion ; which gave him great fatif-
faction.
The King's In this converfation, as if his Majefty had forefeen all
and conver- that befell him afterwards, and which at that time fure
his children he did not fufpect, he took great care to inftruct his
^"j^par. children how to behave themfelves, if the worft fhould
lament's befall him that the worft of his enemies did contrive or
power. wifh ; and " that they fhould preferve unfhaken their.
" affection and duty to the Prince their brother." The
Duke of York was then about fourteen years of age ;
and fo, capable of any information or inftruction the
King thought fit to give him. His Majefty told him,
" that he looked upon himfelf as in the hands and dif-
" pofal of the army, and that the Parliament had no
" more power to do him good or harm, than as the
" army fhould direct or permit ; and that he knew not,
" in all this time he had been with them, what he might
" promife himfelf from thofe officers of the army at
" whofe devotion it was : that he hoped well, yet with
" much doubt and fear; and therefore he gave him, this
" general direction and command, that if there appeared
" any fuch alteration in the affection of the army, that
" they reflrained him from the liberty he then enjoyed
" of feeing his children, or fuffered not his friends to re-
" forj; to him with that freedom that they enjoyed at,
" pre-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 103
" prefent, he might conclude they would fhortly ufe
" him worfe, and that he fhould not be long out of
" a prifon ; and therefore that from the time he dif-
" covered fuch an alteration, he fhould bethink him-
" felf how be might make an efcape out of their power,
" and tranfport himfelf beyond the feas." The place
he recommended to him was Holland ; where he pre-
fumed his fifter would receive him very kindly, and that
the Prince of Orange her hufband would be well pleafed
with it, though, poffibly, the States might reftrain him
from making thofe exprefflons of his affection his own
inclination prompted him to. He wifhed him to think
always of this, as a thing poffible to fall out, and fo fpake
frequently to him of it, and of the circumftances and
cautions which were neceffary to attend it.
The Princefs Elizabeth was not above a year or two
younger than the Duke, a lady of excellent parts, great
obfervation, and an early underftanding ; which the
King difcerned, by the account fhe gave him both of
things and perfons, upon the experience fhe had had of
both. His Majefty enjoined her, " upon the worft
" that could befall him, never to be difpofed of in mar-
" riage without the confent and approbation of the
" Queen her mother, and the Prince her brother ; and
" always to perform all duty and obedience to both
" thofe ; and to obey the Queen in all things, except in
"matter of religion; in which he commanded her,
" upon his blefling, never to hearken or confent to her ;
" but to continue firm in the religion fhe had been in-
" ftructed and educated in, what difcountenance and
" ruin foever might befall the poor Church, at that time
" Under fo fevere profe'cution."
The Duke of Gloucefter was very young, being at
that time not above feven years old, and fo might well
H4 be

104 THE HISTORY BookX.
be thought incapable of retaining that advice, and in
junction, which in truth ever after made fo deep im-
preffion in him. After he had given him all the advice
he thought convenient in the matter of religion, and
commanded him pofitively, " never to be perfuaded or
" threatened out of the religion of the Church, in which
" he hoped he would be well inftrudted, and for the
" purity and integrity whereof he bid him remember
"that he had his father's teftimony and . authority ;"
his Majefty told him, " that his infancy, and the tender-
" nefs of his years, might, perfuade fome men to hope
" and believe, that he might be made an inftrument,
" and property, to advance their wicked defigns ; and
" if they fhould take away his life, they might, poffibly,
" the better to attain their own ends, make him king ;
" that under him, whilft his age would not permit him
" to judge, and act for himfelf, they might remove
" many obflructions which lay in their way ; and form
" and unite their councils ; and then they would deftroy
" him too. But he commanded him, upon his bleffing,
" never to forget what he faid to him upon this occa-
" fion, nor to accept, or fuffer himfelf to be made king,
" whilft either of his elder brothers lived, in what part
" of the world foever they fhould be : that he fhould
" remember that the Prince his brother was to fucceed
" him by the laws of God and man ; and, if he fhould
" mifcarry, that the Duke of York was to fucceed in the
" fame right ; and therefore that he fhould be fure never
" to be made ufe of to interrupt or difturb either of
" their rights ; which would in the end turn to his own
" deftruction." And this difcourfe the King reiterated
to him, as often as he had liberty to fee him, with all
the earneftnefs and paffion he could exprefs ; which
was fo ..fixed in his memory that he never forgot it.
And

OF THE REBELLION, fcc. 105*
And many years after, when he' was fent out of England,
he made the full relation of all the particulars to me,
with that commotion of fpirit, that it appeared to be
deeply rooted in him ; and made ufe of one part of it
very feafonably afterwards, where there was more than
an ordinary attempt made to have perverted him in his
religion, and to perfuade him to become Roman Ca
tholic for the advancement of his fortune.
In this manner, and with thefe kind of reflections,
the King made ufe of the liberty he enjoyed ; and con
fidered as well, what remedies to apply to the worft that
could fall out, as to carefs the officers of the army in
order to the improvement of his condition ; of which he
was not yet in defpair ; the chief officers, and all the
heads of that party, looking upon it as their wifeft po
licy to cherifh the King's hopes by the liberty they
gave him, and by a very flowing courtefy towards all
who had been of his party ; whofe expectation, and
good word, and teftimony, they found did them much
good both in the city and the country.
At this time the Lord Capel, whom we left in Jerfey,
hearing of the difference between the Parliament and
the army, left his two friends there ; and made a journey to
Paris to the Prince, that he might receive his Highnefs's
approbation of his going for England; which he very wil
lingly gave ; well knowing that he would improve all op
portunities, with great diligence, for the King his father's
fervice: and then that lord tranfported himfelf into Zea
land, his friends having advifed him to be in thofe parts
before they endeavoured to procure a pafs for him ;
which they eafily did, as foon as he came thither ; and
fo he had liberty to remain at his own houfe in the
country, where he was exceedingly beloved, and hated
no where. And in this general and illimited indulr
gence,,

to6 THE HISTORY Book X.
The Lord gence, he took the opportunity to wait upon the King at
on Ae King Hampton Court ; and gave him a particular account of
ton^rt a11 mat paffed at Jerfey, before the Prince's remove
from Jerfey. from thence, and of the reafons which induced, thofe of
the Council to remain ftill there, and of many other
particulars, of which his Majefty had never before been
throughly informed, and which put it out Of any body's
power to do the Chancellor of the Exchequer any ill
offices: and from thence the King writ, with his own
hand, a very gracious and kind letter to the Chancellor
The fub- at Jerfey ; full of hope " that he fhould conclude fuch
King's'iet-6 " a treaty with the army and Parliament, that he fhould
cha'ncdfor " fhortly draw him, and fome other of his friends, to
of the Ex- H him." He thanked him "for undertaking the work
chequer. °
" he was upon ; and told him, he fhould expect fpee-
" dily to receive fome contribution from him towards
" it ;" and, within a very fhort time afterwards, he fent
to him his own memorials (or thofe which by his. com
mand had been kept, and were perufed, and corrected by
himfelf) of all that had paffed from the time he had left
his Majefly at Oxford, when he waited upon the Prince
into the Weft, to the very day that the King left Ox
ford to go to the Scots ; out of which memorials, as hath
been faid before, the moft important paffages, in the
years 1644, and 1645, are faithfully collected. To die
Lord Capel his Majefty imparted all his hopes and all
his fears ; and what great overtures the Scots had again
made to him; and "that he did really believe that it could
" not be long before there would be a war between the
" two nations ; in which the Scots promifed themfelves
" an univerfal concurrence from all the Prefbyterians in
*' England ; and that, in fuch a conjuncture, he. wifhed
" that his own party would put themfelves in arms,
" without which he could not expect great benefit by
"the

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 107
" the fuccefs of the other :" and therefore defired Capel
" to watch fuch a conjuncture, and draw his friends to-
" gether ;" which he promifed to do effectually ; and
did, very punctually, afterwards, to the lofs of his own
life. Then the King enjoined him "to write to the
" Chancellor of the Exchequer, that whenever the
" Queen, or Prince, fhould require him to come to
" them, he fhould not fail to yield obedience to their
" command ;" and himfelf writ to the Queen, " that
" whenever the feafon fhould be ripe for the Prince
" to engage himfelf in any action, fhe fhould not
" fail to fend for the Chancellor of the Exchequer
" to wait upon him in it." And many things were
then adjufted, upon the * forefight of future contin
gencies, which were afterwards thought fit to be exe
cuted. The Marquis of Ormond had, by fpecial command
and order from the King whilft he was with the Scots
at Newcaftle, delivered up the city of Dublin to the
Parliament, after the Irifh had fo infamoufly broken the
peace they had made with the King, and brought their
whole army before Dublin to befiege it ; by which he
was reduced to thofe ftraits, that he had no other
election than to deliver it to the Irifh, or to the Pariia-
ment ; of which his Majefty being informed, determin
ed, he fhould give it to the Parliament ; which he
did, with full conditions for all thofe who had ferved his
Majefty ; and fo tranfported himfelf into England, and,
from London, prefented himfelf to the King at Hamp-TheMar-
ton Court ; who received him with extraordinary grace, mondhke-
as a perfon who, had ferved him with great zeal and fi- ^^King
delity, and with the moft univerfal teftimony of alf»tH/?mP-
¦' . ¦'ton Court.
good men that any man could receive. He ufed lefs
application to the Parliament and army than other men,
relying

io8 THE HISTORY Book X.
relying upon the articles the Parliament had figned to
him ; by which he had liberty to flay fo many months
in England, and at the end thereof to tranfport himfelf
into the parts beyond the feas, if in the mean time he ¦
made no compofition with the Parliament: which he
never intended to do ; and though he knew well that
there were many jealous eyes upon him, he repaired
frequently to prefent his duty to the King ; who was
exceedingly pleafed to confer with him, and to find that
he was refolved to undertake any enterprife that might
advance his fervice ; which the King himfelf, and mofl
other men who wifhed well to it, did at that time believe
to be in no defperate condition. And no men were
fuller of profeffions of duty, and a refolution to run all
/nd Scot- hazards, than the Scottifh commiffioners; who, from
raffionTrs. the tmie ^eY had delivered up the King, refided at
London with their ufual confidence, and loudly com
plained of the prefumption of the army in feizing upon
the perfon of the King, infinuated themfelves to all
thofe who were thought to be moft conftant, and infepa-
rable from the intereft of the Crown, with paflionate un
dertaking that their whole nation would be united, to a
man, in any enterprife for his fervice. And now, from
the time his Majefty came to Hampton Court, they '
came to him with as much prefumption as if they had
carried him to Edinburgh ; which was the more noto
rious, and was thought to fignify the more, becaufe their
perfons were known to be moft odious to all the great
officers in the army, and to thofe who now governed in
the Parliament. Here the foundation of that engage
ment was- laid, which was endeavoured to be performed*
the next year enfuing, and which the Scots themfelves
then communicated to the Marquis of Ormond, the
Lord Capel, and other trufty perfons ; as if there was
nothing

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 109
nothing elfe intended in it than a full vindication of all
his Majefly's rights and intereft.
When the army had thus fubdued all oppofition, and
the Parliament and they feemed all of a piece, and the
refractory humours of the city feemed to be fupprefled,
and totally tamed, the army feemed lefs regardful of the The army
King than they had been ; the chief officers came rarely beSie& re-
to Hampton Court, nor had they the fame countenances fhe King!
towards Afhburnham, and Berkley, as they ufed to have;
they were not at leifure to fpeak with them, and when
they did, afked captious queftions, and gave anfwers
themfelves of no fignification. The Agitators, and Coun
cil of Officers, fent fome. propofitions to the King, as
ruinous to the Church and deftructive to the regal
power, as had been yet made by the Parliament ; and,
in fome refpects, much worfe, and more difhonourable ;
and faid, " if his Majefty would confent thereunto, they
" would apply themfelves to the Parliament, and do
" the beft they could to perfuade them to be of the
" fame opinion." But his Majefty rejected them with
more than ufual indignation, not without fome re
proaches upon the officers, for having deluded him, and
having prevailed in all their own defigns, by making the
world believe that they intended his Majefly's refloration
and fettlement, upon better conditions than the Parlia
ment was willing to admit. By this manner of refent-
ment, the army took itfelf to be difobliged, and ufed
another language in their difcourfe of the King than
they had, for fome months, done ; and fuch officers
.who had formerly ferved the King, and had been civilly
treated and fheltered in the quarters of the army, were
now driven from thence. They who had been kind to
them, withdrew themfelves from their acquaintance ;
and the fequeftrations of all the eftates of the Cavaliers, which

no THE HISTORY BookX.
which had been intermitted, were revived with as much
rigour as ever had been before practifed, and the de
clared Delinquents racked to as high compofitions ;
which if they refufed to make, their whole eftates were
taken from them, and their perfons expofed to' affronts,
and infecurity ; but this was imputed to the prevalence
of the Prefbyterian humour in the Parliament againft
the judgment of the army : and it is very true, that
though the Parliament was fo far fubdued, that it no
more found fault with what the army did, nor complain*
ed that it meddled in determining what fettlement
fhould be made in the government ; yet, in all their
own acts and proceedings, they profecuted a Pfefby-
terian fettlement as earneftly as they could. The Cove!-
nant was preffed in all places, and the Anabaptifls and
other fects, which begun to abound, were punifhed, re-
ftrained, and difcountenanced ; which the army liked
not, as a violation of the liberty of tender conferences;
which, they pretended, was as much the original of th£
quarrel, as any other grievance whatfoever.
TheUm- In this year, 1647, they had begun a vifitation of the
oxforVvi- Univerfity of Oxford ; which they finifhed not till the
fitedbythenext. year ; in which the Earl of Pembroke had been
Parliament. '
contented to be employed as Chancellor of the Univerfity,
who had taken an oath to defend the rights and privi
leges of the Univerfity : notwithftanding which, out of
the extreme weaknefs of his understanding, and the
miferable compliance of his nature, he fuffered himfelf
to be made a property in joining with Brent, Pryn, and
fome committee men, and Prefbyterian minifters, as
commiffioners for the Parliament to reform the difci-
pline and erroneous doctrine of that famous Univerfity,
by the rule of the Covenant ; which was the ftandard
of all men's learning, and ability to govern ; all perfons of

OF THE REBELLION, &c. m
of what quality foever being required to fubfcribe that
teft; which the whole body of the Univerfity was fo far The Oxford
from fubmitting to, that they met in their Convocation, agTinruhe
and, fo their eternal renown, (being at the fame time^'din'
under a ftrict and ftrong garrifon, put over them by the £°™°tc^is
Parliament ; the King in prifon ; and all their hopes time-
defperate), paffed a public act, and declaration againft
the Covenant, with fuch invincible arguments of the il
legality, wickednefs, and perjury contained in it, that no
man of the contrary opinion, nor the Affembly of the
Divines, (which then fate at Weftminfter, forming a
new catechifm, and fcheme of religion), ever ventured
to make any anfwer to it ; nor is it indeed to be an^
fwered, but muft remain to the world's end, as a monu
ment of the learning, courage, and loyalty, of that ex
cellent place, againft the higheft malice and tyranny
that was ever exercifed in or over any nation; and which
thofe famous commiffioners only anfwered by expelling
all thofe who refufed to fubmit to their jurifdiction, or
to take the Covenant ; which was, upon the matter, the
whole Univerfity; fcarce one governor and mafter of col
lege or hall, and an incredible fmall number of the feL-
lows, or fcholars, fubmitting to either : whereupon that
defolation being made, they placed in their rooms the
moft notorious factious Prefbyterians, in the government
of the feveral colleges or halls ; and fuch other of the
fame leaven in the fellowfhips, and fcholars' places, of
thofe whom they had expelled, without any regard to
the ftatutes of the feveral Founders, and the incapacities
of the perfons that were put in. The omnipotence of
an ordinance of Parliament confirmed all that was this
way done ; and there was no farther contending againft
it. It might reafonably be concluded that this wild and
barbarous

Iia THE HISTORY Book X.
barbarous depopulation would even extirpate all that
learning, religion, and loyalty, which had fo eminently
flourifhed there ; and that the fucceeding ill hufbandry,
and unfkilful cultivation, would have made it fruitful
only in ignorance, profanation, atheifm, and rebellion;
but, by God's wonderful bleffing, the goodnefs and
richnefs of that foil could not be made barren by all that
ftupidity and negligence. It choaked the weeds, and
would not fuffer the poifonous feeds, which were fown
with induflry enough, to fpring up ; but after feveral
tyrannical governments, mutually fucceeding each other,
and with the .fame malice and perverfenefs endeavouring
to extinguifh all good literature and allegiance, it yielded
a harveft of extraordinary good and found knowledge in
all parts of learning; and many who were wickedly intro
duced applied themfelves to the ftudy of good learning,
and the practice of virtue, and had inclination to that
duty and obedience they had never been taught ; fo that
when it pleafed God to bring King Charles the Second
back to his throne, he found that Univerfity (not to un
dervalue the other, which had nobly likewife rejected
the ill infufions which had been induftrioufly poured
into it) abounding in excellent learning, and devoted to
. duty and obedience, little inferior to what it was before
its defolation ; which was a lively in fiance of God's
mercy, and purpofe, for ever fo to provide for his
Church, that the gates of hell fhall never prevail againft
it ; which were never opened wider, nor with more ma
lice, than in that time.
Thefe violent proceedings in all places, blafted all the
King's hopes, and put an end to all the reft and quiet he
had for fome time enjoyed ; nor could he devife any re
medy. He was weary of depending upon the army, but
neither knew how to get from them, nor whither elfe to
refqrj

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 113
refort for help. The officers of thofe guards which were
affigned to attend his perfon, and who had behaved
themfelves with good manners, and duty towards him,
and very civilly towards thofe of his party who had
ufed to wait upon his Majefly, begun now to murmur
at fo great refort to him, and to ufe many, who came,
rudely ; and not to fuffer them to go into the room
where the King was ; or, which was worfe, put them out
when they were there ; and when his Majefly feemed to
take notice and be troubled at it, they appeared not to be
concerned, nor anfwered him with that duty they had
ufed to do. They affronted the Scottifh commiffioners
very notably, and would not fuffer them to fpeak with
the King ; which caufed an expoftulation from the Par
liament ; which removed the obftruction for the future,
but procured no fatisfaction for the injury they had
received, nor made the fame officers more civil to
wards their perfons. Afhburnham and Berkley received
many advertifements from fome officers with whom they
had moft converted, and who would have been glad that
the King might have been reftored by the army for the
preferments which they expected might fall to their
fhare, " that Cromwell and Ireton refolved never to
" truft the King, or to do any thing towards his reftora-
" tion ;" and they two fleered the whole body ; and
therefore it was advifed, "that fome way might be found
" to remove his Majefly out of their hands." Major
Huntington, one of the beft officers they had, and
Major to Cromwell's own regiment of horfe, upon
whom he relied in any enterprife of importance more
than upon any mam, had been employed by him to
the King, to fay thofe things from him which had given
the King the moft confidence, and was much more than
he had ever faid to Afhburnham ; and the Major did
. vol. in. p. 1. 1 really

ii4 THE HISTORY Book X.
really believe that he had meant all he faid, and the King
had a good opinion of the integrity of the Major, upon
the teftimony he had received from fome he knew had
no mind to deceive his Majefty ; and the man merited
the teftimony they gave him. He, when he obferved
Cromwell to grow colder in his exprefflons for the King
than he had formerly been, expoftulated with him in
very fharp terms, for " abufing him, and making him
" the inftrument to cozen the King ;" and, though the
other endeavoured to perfuade him that all fhould be .
well, he informed his Majefty of all he had obferved ;
and told him, " that Cromwell was a villain, and would
" deftroy him if he were not prevented;" and, in a fhort
time after, he gave up his commiflion, and would ferve
no longer in the army. Cromwell himfelf expoftulated
with Mr. Afhburnham, and complained " that the King
" could not be trufted ; and that he had no affection or
" confidence in the army, but was jealous of them, and
" of all the officers : that he had intrigues in the Parlia-
" ment, and treaties with the Prefbyterians of the city,
" to raife new troubles ; that he had a treaty concluded
" with the Scottifh commiffioners to engage the nation
" again in blood ; and therefore he would not be an-
" fwerable if any thing fell our amifs, and contrary to
" expectation ;" and that was the reafon, befides the
old animofity, that had drawn en the affront, which the
commiffioners had complained of. What that treaty
was, and what it produced, will be mentioned in a more
proper place.
The Level- There was at this time a new faction grown up in the
infamy1! army, which were either, by their own denomination, or
with their own confent, called Le-oellers ; who fpoke in-
folently and confidently againft the King and Parlia
ment, and the great officers of the army ; and profeffed as

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 115
as great malice againft all the lords, as againft the
King; and declared, "that all degrees of men fhould be
" levelled, and an equality fhould be eftablifhed, both
" in titles and eftates, throughout the kingdoms."
Whether the raifing this fpirit was a piece of Cromwell's
ordinary witchcraft, in order to fome of his defigns, ot
whether it grew amongft thofe tares which had been
fowed in that confufion, certain it is, it gave him real
trouble at laft, (which muft be fet down hereafter) ; but
the prefent ufe he made of it was, that, upon the licen
tious difcourfe of that kind, which fome foldiers upon
the guard ufually made, the guard upon the King's per
fon was doubled ; a reftraint put upon the great refort
of people who came to fee the King ; and all pretended
to be for his fecurity, and to prevent any violence that
might be attempted upon his life ; which they feemed
to apprehend, and deteft. In the mean time, they nei
ther hindered his Majefly from riding abroad to take
the air, nor from doing any thing he had a mind to, nor
reftrained thofe who waited upon him in his bedchamber,
nor his Chaplains from' performing their functions ;
though towards all thefe there was lefs civility exercifed
than had been; and the guards which waited neareft were
more rude, and made more noife at unfeafonable hours
than they had been accuftOmed to do ; the captain who
commanded them, Colonel Whaley, being a man of a '
rough and brutal temper, who had offered great violence
to his nature, when he appeared to exercife any civility
and good manners. The King, every day, received lit
tle billets or letters, fecretly conveyed to him without
any name, which adyertifed him of wicked defigns upon
his life, and fome of them advifed him to make an
efcape, and repair fecretly into the city, where he'fhould
be fafe; fome letters directing him to fuch an alderman's
houfe ; all which his Majefty looked- upon as artifice to
- - 12 lead

116 THE HISTORY Book X.
lead him into fome ftraits, from whence he fhould not
eafily explicate himfelf ; and yet ' many who repaired to
him brought the fame advice from men of unqueflion-
able fincerity, by what reafon foever they were fwayed.
The King found himfelf in great perplexity, from
what he difcerned, and obferved himfelf, as well as what
he heard from others ; but what ufe to make of the one
or the other, was very hard to refolve : he did really be
lieve that their malice was at the height, and that they
did defign his murder, but knew not which was a proba
ble way to prevent -it. The making an efcape, if it were
not contrived with wonderful fagacity, would expofe him
to be affaffinated, by pretended ignorance, and would be
charged upon himfelf; and if he could avoid their guards,
and get beyond them undifcoverefd, whither fhould he
go ? and what place would receive and defend him ?
The hope of the city feemed not to him to have a
foundation of reafon ; they had been too late fubdued to
recover courage for fuch an adventure; and the army now
was much more mafter of it than when they defponded,
There is reafon to believe that he did refolve to tranfport
himfelf beyond the feas, which had been no hard matter to
have brought to pafs ; but with whom he confulted for the
way of doing it, is not to this day difcovered ; they who
were inftrumental in his remove, pretending to know no-
TheKing thing of the refolution, or counfel. But, one morning, be-
from ing the eleventh of November, the King having, the night
Cowt?Nov. before, pretended fome indifpofition, and that he would
go to his reft, they who went into his chamber, found
that he was not there, nor had been in his bed that
night. There were two or three letter's found upon his
table, writ all with his own hand, one to the Parliament,
another to the General ; in which he declared cf the,rea-
" fon of his remove to be, an apprehenfion that fome
" defperate perfotfs had a defign to affaflinate him; and
" therefore

n.

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 117
"' therefore he had withdrawn himfelf with a purpofe of
" remaining concealed, until the Parliament had agreed
" upon fuch propofitions as fhould be fit for him to
" confent to ; and he would then appear, and willingly
" confent to any thing that fhould be for the peace and
" happinefs of the kingdom." There were difcovered
the treading of horfes at a back door of the garden into
which his Majefty had a paffage out of his chamber ;
and it is true that way he went, having appointed his
horfe to be there ready at an hour, and Sir John Berk
ley, Afhburnham, and Legg, to wait upon him, the
two laft being of his bedchamber. Afhburnham alone
feemed to know what they were to do, the other two
having received only orders to attend. When they were
free from the apprehenfion of the guards, and the horfe
quarters, they rode towards the fouth-weft, and towards
that part of Hampfhire which led to the New Foreft. '
The King afked Afhburnham, ¦ where the fhip lay ?
which made the other two conclude that the King re
folved to tranfport himfelf. After they had made fome
flay in that part next the fea, and Afhburnham had
been fome time abfent, he returned without any news of
the fhip ; with which the King feemed troubled. Upon
this difappointment, the King thought it beft, for avoid
ing all highways, to go to Titchfield, a noble feat of He comes
the Earl of Southampton's, (who was not there), but in--°™ampe.
habited by the old lady his mother with a fmall family, ftlirc-
which made the retreat the more Convenient : there his
Majefty alighted, and would fpeak with the lady; to
whom he made no fcruple of communicating himfelf,
well knowing her to be a lady of that honour and fpirit,
that fhe was fuperior to all kind of temptation. There
he refrefhed himfelf, and confulted with his three fer
vants, what he fhould next do, fince there was neither
1 3 fhip

nS THE HISTORY Book X.
fhip ready, nor could they prefume that they could re
main long there undifcovered.
In this debate, the Ifle of Wight came to be mentioned
(as they fay) by Afhburnham, as a place where his Ma
jefty might fecurely repofe himfelf, until he thought fit
to inform the Parliament where he was. Colonel Ham
mond was Governor there, an officer of the army, and
of neareft truft with Cromwell, having by his advice
been married to a daughter of John Hambden, whofe
memory he always adored ; yet, by fome fatal miftake,
this man was thought a perfon of honour and generality
The King enough to truft the King's perfon to, and Afhburnham
burnham and Berkley were fent to him" with orders, " firft to be
fe"y toecoi. " fure that the man would faithfully promife not to de-.
iri^he'meof " uver his Majefty up, though the Parliament or army
wight. "fhould require him; but to give him his liberty to
" fhift for himfelf, if he were not able to defend him :
" and except he would make that promife, they fhould
" not let him know where his Majefly was, but fhould
" return prefently to him." With this commiffion they
two croffed the water to the Ifle of Wight, the King in
the mean time repofing himfelf at Titchfield. The next
day they found Colonel Hammond, who was known to
them both, who had converfation with him in the army,
when the King was well treated there, (and their per
fons had been very civilly treated by moft of the offi
cers, who thought themfelves qualified fufficiently for
court preferments.) They told him, " that the King was
" withdrawn from the army ;" of which he feemed to.
have had no notice, and to be very much furprifed with
it. They then faid, " that the King had fo good an
" opinion of him, knowing him to be a gentleman, and
" for his relation to Dr. Hammond, (whofe nephew he.
" was), that he would truft his perfon with him, and
" would

OF THE REBELLION, &c. n9
" would from thence write to the Parliament, if he would
" promife that if his meffage had not that effect which
" he hoped it would have, h.e would leave him to him-
" felf to go whither he thought fit, and would not de-
" liver him to the Parliament, or army, if they fhould
" require it." His anfwer was, " that he would pay all
" the duty and fervice to his Majefty that was in his
" power ; and, if he pleafed to come thither, he would
"receive and entertain him as well as he could; but
" that he was an inferior officer, and muft obey his fu-
" periors in whatfoever they thought fit to command
" him :" with which when he faw they were not fatif-
fied, he afked, " where the King was ?" to which they
made no other anfwer, " but that they would acquaint
" his Majefty with his anfwer, and, if he were fatisfied
" with it, they would return to him again." He de
manded " that Mr. Afhburnham would flay with him,
" and that the other might go to the King ;" which
Mr. Afhburnham refufed to do.
After fome time fpent in debate, in which he made
many expreflions of his defire to do any fervice to his
.Majefty, they were contented that he fhould go with
them ; and Afhburnham faid, " he would conduct him
" to the place where the King was ;" and fo, he com- They bring
manding three or four feryants or foldiers to wait on toX'sing.
him, they went together to Titchfield ; and, the other
flaying below, Afhburnham went up to the King's
chamber. When he had acquainted him with all that
had paffed, and that Hammond was in the houfe, his
Majefly broke out in a paflionate exclamation, and
faid, " O Jack, thou haft undone me !" with which the
other falling into a great paflion of weeping, offered to
go down, and to kill Hammond : to which his Majefty
would not confent; and, after fome paufing and de-
I 4 liberation,

120 THE HISTORY Book X.
liberation, fent for him up, and endeavoured to perfuade
him to make the fame promife, which had before been
propofed : to which he made the fame anfwer he had
done, but with many profeflions of doing all the offices
he could for his Majefty ; and feemed to believe that
the army would do well for him. The King believed
that there was now no poffible way to get from him, he
having the command of the country, and could call in
Hammond what help he would; and fo went with him into the Ifle
Kin'gtoCa! of Wight, and was lodged at Carifbrook-caftle, at firft
caMe°k" ^h au demonftration of refpect and duty.
The au- It never appeared afterwards that the King was mali-
nionSof?his cioufly betrayed to this unhappy peregrination, by the
whole bufi- treachery anfj practice of thofe he trufted ; and his Ma
jefty himfelf never entertained the leaft jealoufy, or fuf-
picion of it : yet the whole defign appeared to be fo
weakly contrived, the not being fure of a fhip, if the re
folution were fixed for embarking, which was never
manifeft, the making choice of the Ifle of Wight, and
of Hammond to be trufted, fince nothing fell out which'
was nbt to be reafonably forefeen and expected, and the
bringing him to Titchfield, without the permiflion of
the King, if not directly contrary to it, feemed to be all
fo far from a rational defign and conduct, that moft
men did believe there was treafon in the contrivance, or
that his Majefty entrufted thofe who were grofsly im-
pofed upon and deceived by his greateft enemies. Legg
had had fo general a reputation of integrity, and fidelity
to his mafter, that he never fell under the leaft imputa
tion or reproach with any man : he was a very punctual
and fleady obferver of the orders he received, but no
contriver of them ; and though he had in truth a better
judgment and underftanding than either of the other two,
his modefty and diffidence of himfelf never fuffered him to

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 121
to contrive bold counfels. Berkley was lefs known
among thofe perfons of honour and quality who had
followed the King, being in a very private flation before
the war, and his poft in it being in the fartheft corner
of the kingdom, and not much fpoken of till the end of
it, when he was not beholden to reports ; ambition and
vanity were well known to be predominant in him, and
that he had great confidence in himfelf, and did not de-r
light to converfe with thofe who had not ; but he never
fell under any blemifh of difloyalty, and he took care
to publifh that this enterprife of the King's was fo to
tally without his privity, that he was required to attend
on horfeback at fuch an hour, and had not the leafiin-
timation of his Majefly's purpofe what he intended to
do. Another particular, which was acknowledged by
Hammond, did him much credit, that when Hammond
demanded that Afhburnham fhould remain with him
whilft the other went to the King, which Afhburnham
refufed to do, Berkley did offer himfelf to remain with
him whilft Afhburnham fhould attend his Majefty ; fo
that the whole weight of the prejudice and reproach was
call upon Afhburnham ; who was known to have fo
great an intereft in the affections of his Majefly, and fo
great an influence upon his counfels and refolutions,
that he could not be ignorant of any thing that moved
him. The not having a fhip ready, if it were intended, was
unexcufable ; and the putting the King into Ham
mond's hands without his leave, could never be wiped
out. There were fome who faid, that Afhburnham re
folved that the King fhould go to the Ifle of Wight,
before he left Hampton Court ; and the Lord Langdale
often faid, "that being in Mr. Afhburnham's chamber
" at that time, he had the curiofity, whilft the other
" went

iaa THE HISTORY BookX.
u went out of the room, to look upon a paper that lay
" upon the table ; in which was writ, that it would be
" beft for the King to withdraw from the army, where
" he was in fuch danger ; and that the Ifle of Wight
" would be a good retreat, where Colonel Hammond
" commanded ; who was a very honeft man." And this
was fome days before his Majefty removed. And then
it was obferved, that Hammond himfelf left the arrny
but two or three days before the King's remove, and
went to the Ifle of Wight at a feafon when there was no
vifible occafion to draw him thither, and when the
Agitators in the army were at highefl; and it was, looked
upon with the more wonder, becaufe Afhburnham was
not afterwards called in queftion for being inftmnaeiirt.
in the King's going away, but lived unqueftioned long
after in the fight of the Parliament, and in converfa
tion with fome of the officers of the army who>;had
moft deceived him; and, which was more cenfuredthw
all the reft, that after the murder of the King he com
pounded, as was reported, at an eafy rate, and lived at
cafe, and grew rich, for many years together without' in
terruption. ,.
On the other hand, he preferred his reputation and
credit with the moft eminent of the King's party ; and
, his remaining in England was upon the marriage of a
lady by whom he had a great fortune, and many conve
niences ; which would have been feized by his leaving
the kingdom ; and he did fend over to the King, and
had leave to flay there; and fometimes fupplied the
King with confiderable fums of money. Afterwards, lie
was committed to the Tower by Cromwell,, where he
remained till his death ; and the King was known to
have had, to the laft, a clear opinion of his affection
and integrity ; and when King Charles the Second re
turned,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. ^3
turned, moft of thofe of greateft reputation, as the Mar
quis of Hertford, and the Earl of Southampton, gave '
him a good teftimony ; yet then, the old difcourfes
were revived, and Major Huntington did affirm, " that
" Mr. Afhburnham did intend the King fhould go to
" the Ifle of Wight, before he left Hampton Court."
Many who did not believe him to be corrupted, did ftill
think that Cromwell and Ireton had overwitted him, and
perfuaded him, upon great promifes, that it fhould
prove for his Majefly's benefit, and that they fhould the
fooner do his bufinefs, that he fhould withdraw from
the army, and put himfelf into Hammond's hands ; for
if in truth tranfportation had been thought of, it is
hard to believe that a fhip would not have been pro
vided. Sir John Berkley, who, fhortly after the King's being
in the Ifle of Wight, had tranfported himfelf into.
France, and remained ftill with the Duke of York to
the time of King Charles the Second's return, and Mr.
Afhburnham, who continued in England, and fo the
more liable to reproach, had been fo folicitous to wipe
. off the afperfions which were caft upon them jointly,
that they had it jn care to preferve the reputation
of a joint innocence ; but whilft each endeavoured to
clear himfelf, he objected or imputed fomewhat to the
other, that made him liable to juft cenfure; and, in
this contention, their friends mentioned their feveral
difcourfes fo loudly, and fo paflionately for the credit
and reputation of him whom they loved beft, that they
contracted a very -avowed animofity againft each other ;
infomuch as it was generally believed upon the King's
return, that they would, with fome fiercenefa, have ex
poftulated with each other in that way which angry men
choofe to determine the right, or that both of them
would

124 THE HISTORY Book X.
would have defired the King to have caufed the whole
to be fo ftrictly examined, that the world might have
difcerned, where the faults or overfights had been, if no
worfe could have been charged upon them : but they
applied themfelves to neither of thofe expedients, and
lived only as men who took no delight in each other's
converfation, and who did not defire to cherifh any fa
miliarity together. And the King, who was fatisfied
that there had been no rreafonable contrivance, (from
which his father had abfolved them), did not think it fit,
upon fuch a fubject, to make ftrict inquifition into inad
vertencies, indifcretions, and prefumptions, which could
not have been punifhed proportionally.
It is true that they both writ apologies, or narrations
of all that had paffed in that affair, which they made
not public, but gave in writing to fuch of their friends
in whofe opinions they moft defired to be abfolved,
without any inclination that one fhould fee what the other
had writ ; in which, though there were feveral reflec
tions upon each other, and differences in occurrences of
lefs moment, there was nothing in either that- feemed to
doubt of the integrity of the other ; nor any clean rela
tion of any probable inducement that prevailed with the
King to undertake that journey. I have read both their
relations, and conferred with both of them at large, to
difcover in truth what the motives might be which led
to fo fatal an end ; and, if I were obliged to deliver my
own opinion, I fhould declare that neither of them were,
in any degree, corrupted in their loyalty or affection to
the King, or fuborned to gratify any perfons with a dif
fer vice to their mafter. They were both of them great
opiniators, yet irrefolute, and eafy to be fhaken by any
thing they had not thought of before ; and exceedingly
undervalued each other's underftanding ; but, as it
ufually

OF THE REBELLION, &c. jaj
ufually falls out in men of that kind of compofition
and talent, they were both difpofed to communicate
more freely with, and, confequendy, to be advifed by
new acquaintance, and men they had lately begun to
know, than old friends, and fuch whofe judgments they
could not but efteem ; who they had no mind fhould'
go fharers with them in the merit of any notable fer
vice which they thought themfelves able to bring to
pafs. Then, in the whole managery of the King's bufi
nefs, from the time that they came into the army, they
never converfed with the fame perfons ; but governed
themfelves by what they received from thofe whofe
correfpondence they had chofen. Afhburnham feemed
wholly to rely upon Cromwell and Ireton ; and rather
upon what they faid to others than to himfelf. For
befides outward civilities, which they both exercifed to
wards him more than to other men, they feldom held pri
vate difcourfe with him, perfuading him " that it was
" better for both their ends, in refpect of the jealoufy
" the Parliament had of them, that they fhould under-
" ftand each other's mind, as to the tranfadtion of ,any
" particulars, from third perfons mutually entrufted be-
" tween them, than from frequent confultations to-
" gether;" and Sir Edward Ford, who had married
Ireton's lifter, but had been himfelf an officer in the
King's army from the beginning of the war, and a gen^
tleman of good meaning, though not able to fathom
the referved and dark defigns of his brother in law, was
trufted to pafs between them, with fome other officers
of the army, who had given Afhburnham reafon to be
lieve that they had honeft purpofes.
Berkley had not found that refpect, from Cromwell
and Ireton, that he expected ; at. leaft difcerned it to be
greater towards Afhburnham, than it was to him; which he

ltd THE HISTORY ' Book X.
he thought evidence eftough of a defect of judgment in
them ; and therefore had applied himfelf to others, who
had not fo great- names, but greater interefh, as he
thought, in the foldiers. His chief confidence was in
Dr. Staines, who, though a Doctor in Phyfic, was
Quarter Mafter General of the army ; and one Watfon;
who was Scout Mafter General of the army ; both of
the Council of War, both in good credit with Cromwell,
and both notable fanatics, and profeffed enemies to the
Scots and the Prefbyterians, and, no doubt, were both
permitted and inftructed to carefs Sir John Berkley,
and, by admiring his wifdom and conduct, to oblige,
him to depend on theirs ; and diffimulation had fo
great and fupreme an influence on the hearts and fpirits
of all thofe who were trufted and employed by Crom
well, that no man was fafe in their company, but he who
refolved before, not to believe one word they faid. Thefe
two perfons knew well how to humour Sir John Berkley,
who believed them the more, becaufe they feemed very
much to blame Ireton's flubbornnefs towards the King,
and to fear that he often prevailed upon Cromwell againft
his own inclinations : they informed him of many par
ticulars which paffed in the Council of Officers, and
fometimes of advice from Cromwell, that was Clean con
trary to what the King received by Afhburnham as his
opinion, and which was found afterwards to be tru^
(as it may be the other was too), which exceedingly
confirmed Sir John in the good opinion he had of his
two friends. They were the firft who pofitively advef'
tifed the King by him, that Cromwell would never do him
fervice ; and the firft who feemed to apprehend that the
King's perfon was in danger, and that there was fome
fecret defign upon his life.
I do not believe that Sir Johrt Berkley knew any
¦ thing

OF THE REBELLION, &c. iZy
thing of the King's purpofe in his intended efcape, or
whither he refolved to go, or, indeed, more of it than
that he refolved at fuch an hour, and in fuch a place,
to take horfe, and was himfelf required to attend him ;
nor do I, in truth, think that the King himfelf^when
he took horfe, refolved whither to go. Some think he
meant to go into the city ; others, that he intended for
Jerfey; and that was the ground of the queftion to Mr.
Afhburnham, " where is the fhip ?" Certain it is that
the King never thought of going to the Ifle of Wight.
I am not fure that Mr. Afhburnham, who had not yet
given over all hope of the chief officers of the army,
and believed the alterations, which had fallen out, pro
ceeded from the barbarity of the Agitators, and the le
velling party, had not the Ifle of Wight in his view
from the beginning, that is, from the time his Majefty
thought it neceffary to make an efcape from the army.
It had been a difficult tafk to go about to difluade the
King from an apprehenfion of his own fafety, when it
was much more natural to fear an affaflination, than to
apprehend any thing that they did afterwards do. Mr.
Afhburnham had fo great a deteftation of the Scots>
that he expected no good from their fraternity, the
Prefbyterians of the city; and did really believe that if
his Majefty fhould put himfelf into their hands, as was
advifed by many, with a purpofe that he fhould be there
concealed, till fome favourable conjuncture fhould offer
itfelf, (for nobody imagined that, upon his arrival there,
the city would have declared for him, and have entered
into a conteft with that army which had fo lately fub-
dued them), the fecurity of fuch an efcape was not to
be relied on, and very earneftly diffuaded his mafter
from entertaining the thought of it ; and this opinion of
his

128 THE HISTORY - BookX.
his was univerfally known, and, as hath been faid be
fore, was an ingredient into the compofition of that ci
vility and kindnefs the officers of the army had for him.
They did, to him, frequently lament the levelling fpirit
that was gotten into the foldiers, which they forefaw
would in the future be as inconvenient and mifchievous
to themfelves, as it was, for the prefent, dangerous to
the perfon of the King ; which they feemed wonder-:
fully to apprehend, and protefted " that they knew not
" how to apply any remedy to it, whilft his Majefty was
" in the army ; but that they would quickly correct or
" fubdue it, if the King were at any diftance from
" them ;" and it is not impoffible, that, in fuch dif
courfes, fomebody who was trufted by them, if not one
of themfelves, might mention the Ifle of Wight as a
good place to retire to, and Colonel Hammond as a
man of good intentions ; the minutes of which difcourfe
Mr. Afhburnham might keep by him : for the Lord
Langdale's relation of fuch a paper, which he himfelf
faw, and read, cannot be thought by me to be a mere
fiction ; to which, befides that he was a perfon of un-
' blemifhed honour and veracity, he had not any tempta
tion : yet Mr. Afhburnham did conftantiy deny that he
ever faw any fuch paper, or had any thought of the Ifle
of Wight when the King left Hampton Court, and he
never gave caufe, in the fubfequent actions of his life,
to have his fidelity fufpected. And it is probable, that
Cromwell, who many years afterwards committed: him
to the Tower, and did hate him, and defired to have
taken his life, Would have been glad to have blafted his
reputation, by declaring that he had carried his mafter
to the Ifle of Wight, without his privity, upon his own
prefumption ; which, how well foever intended, muft hare

OF THE REBELLION, &c. I20,
have been looked upon by all men as fuch a tranfcen-
dent crime, as muft have deprived him of all compaflion
for the worft that could befall him.,
The fudden unexpected withdrawing of the King
made a great impreflion upon the minds of all men,
every man fancying that his Majefty would do that
which he wifhed he would do. The Prefbyterians ima
gined that he lay concealed in the city, (which they
unreafonably thought he might eafily do), and would
expect a proper conjuncture, upon a new rupture be
tween the Parliament and the army, and the many
factions in the army, which every day appeared, to dif
cover himfelf. The Cavaliers hoped, that he would tranf
port himfelf into the parts beyond the feas, and quietly
attend there thofe alterations at home, which might
probably in a fhort time invite his return. The army
was not without this apprehenfion, as imagining it the
worft that could fall out to their purpofes.
The Parhament, that is, that part of it that was de- The Pariia-
voted to the army, was moft frighted with the imagina- haviour
tion that the King was in the city, and would lurk there new'softhe
until fome confpiracy fhould be ripe, and all his party ^|"hsjsraw,
fhould be prefent in London to fecond it ; and therefore ing> an"?
a where he
they no fooner heard that he was gone from Hampton was.
Court, than they paffed an ordinance of both Houfes,
by which they declared, " that it fhould be confifcation
" of eftate, and lofs of life, to any man who prefumed to
" harbour and conceal the King's perfon in his houfe,
" without revealing, and making it known to the Parlia-
" ment :" which, no doubt, would have terrified them
all in fuch a manner, that if he had been in truth
amongft them, he would quickly have been difcovered,
and given up. They caufed fome of the moft notori
ous Prefbyterians' houfes to be fearched, as if they had
vol. in. p. i. k been

13°

THE HISTORY Book X.
been fure he had been there ; and fent pofts to all ports
of the kingdom, " that they might be fhut, and no per-
" fon be fuffered to embark, left the King, in difgUife,
" tranfport himfelf;" and a proclamation was iffued
out, " for the banifhing all perfons who had ever borne
" arms for the King, out of London, or any place within
" twenty miles of it ;" and all perfons of that kind,
who, upon flri-Cl fearch, were found, were apprehended,
and put into feveral prifons with all the circumftances of
feverity and rigour. But all thefe doubts were quickly
cleared, and within two days Cromwell informed the
Houfe of Commons, " that he had re§eived letters from
" Colonel Hammond, of all the manner of the King's
" coming to the Ifle of Wight, arid the company that
" came with him ; that he remained there in the caftle
" of Carifbrook, till the pleafure of the Parliament
" fhould be known." He affured them, " that Colonel
" Hammond was fo honeft a man, and fo much de-
" voted to their fervice, that they need have no jealoufy
*' that he might be corrupted by any body ;" and all
this relation he made with fo unufual a gaiety, that all
men concluded that the King was where he wifhed he
fhould be.
And now the Parliament maintained no farther con-
tefts with the army, but tamely fubmitted to whatfo-
ever they propofed ; the Prefbyterians in both Houfes,
and in the city, being in a terrible agony, that fome clofe
correfpondences they had held with the King during his
abode at Hampton Court, would be difcovered ; and
therefore would give no farther occafion of jealoufy
by any contradictions, leaving it to their Clergy to
keep the fire burning in the hearts of the people by
their pulpit-inflammations ; and they ftoutly difcharged
their truft.. But

OF THE REBELLION, &c. I3i
But Cromwell had more caufe to fear a fire in his
own quarters, and that he had raifed a fpirit in the
army which would not eafily be quieted again. The
Agitators, who were firft formed by him to oppofe die
Parliament, and to refift the deftructive doom of their
difbanding, and likewife to prevent any inconvenience,
or mifchief, that might refult from the drowfy, dull
Prefbyterian humour of Fairfax ; who wifhed nothing
that Cromwell did, and yet contributed to bring it all
to pafs : thefe Agitators had hitherto tranfcribed faith
fully all the copies he had given them, and offered fuch
advices to the Parliament, and infifled upon fuch ex-
poftulations- and demands, as were neceffary, whilft there
was either any purpofe to treat with the King, or any
reafon to flatter his party. But now the King was gone
from the army, and in fuch a place as the army could
have no recourfe to him, and that the Parliament was
become of fo foft a temper, that the party of the army
that was in it could make all neceffary impreffion upon
them, he defired to reftrain the Agitators from that li
berty which they had fo long enjoyed, and to keep
them within ftricter rules of obedience to their fuperiors,
and to hinder their future meetings, and confultations,
concerning the fettling the government of the kingdom;
which, he thought, ought now to be folely left to the
Parliament; whofe authority, for the prefent, he thought
beft to uphold, and by it to. eftablifh all that was to be,
done. But the Agitators would not be fa difmiffed
from State affairs, of which they had, fo pleafant a
relifh ; nor be at the mercy of the Parliament, which
they had fo much provoked ; and therefore, when they
were admitted no more to confultations. with their offi
cers, tfiey continued their meetings without them ; and
thought there was as great need to reform their officers,,

13a THE HISTORY Book X.
as any part of the Church or State. They entered into
new aflbciatioris, and made many propofitions to their
officers, and to the Parliament, to introduce an equality
into all conditions, and a parity among all men ; from
whence they had the appellation of Levellers ; which
appeared a great party. They did not only meet againft
the exprefs command of their officers, but drew very
confiderable parties of the army to rendezvous, without
the order or privity of their fuperiors ; and there per
fuaded them to enter into fuch engagements, as would
in a fhort time have diffolved the government of the
army, and abfolved them from a dependence upon their
general officers. The fuppreflion of this licence put
Cromwell to the expence of all his cunning, dexterity,
and courage ; fo that after he had cajoled the Parlia
ment, as if the prefervation of their authority had been
all he cared for and took to heart, and fent fome falfe
brothers to comply in the counfels of the confpirators';
by that means having notice of their rendezvous, he
was unexpectedly found with an ordinary guard at thofe
meetings ; and, with a marvellous vivacity, having afked
fome queflions of thofe whom he obferved moft active,.
and receiving infolent anfwers, he knocked two or three
of them in the head with his own hand, and then
Cromwell charged the reft with his troop ; and took fuch a num-
tumuitof ber of them as he thought fit; whereof he prefently
i«s. eve " caufed fome to be hanged, and fent others to London to
a more formal trial. By two or three fuch encounters,
for the obftinacy continued long, he totally fubdued that
fpirit in the army, though it continued and increafed very
much in the kingdom ; and if it had not been encoun
tered at that time with that rough and brifk temper of
Cromwell, it would prefently have produced all imagina
ble confufion in the Parliament, army, and kingdom. All

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 1^3
All oppofition being thus fuppreffed, and quieted,
and Cromwell needing no other affiftance to" the carry
ing on his defigns, than the prefent temper and inclina
tion of the Parliament, they fent a meffage to the King,
briefly propofing to him, "that he would forthwith grant The pari>a-
^ his royal affent to four Acts of Parliament ; which a meflageto
" they then fent to him." By one of them^ he was to pars fouf '°
confefs the war to have been raifed by him againft theAfts'
Parliament ; and fo- that he was guilty of all the blood
that had been fpilt. By another, he was totally to dif-
folve the government of the Church by Bifhops, and
to grant all the lands belonging to the Church to fuch
ufes as they propofed ; leaving the fettling a future go
vernment in the place thereof to farther time and coun
fels. By a third, he was to grant, and fettle the militia
in the manner and in the perfons propofed, referving not
fo much power in himfelf as any fubject was capable of.
In the laft place, he was in effect to facrifice all thofe,
who had ferved or adhered to him, to the mercy of the
Parliament. The perfons, who were fent with thefe four bills, had
liberty given to expect the King's, anfwer only four days,
and were then required to return to the Parliament.
With the commiffioners of Parliament there came like-
wife the commiffioners of Scotland, who, after the four
bills were delivered, and read to the King, the Very next
day, defired an audience ; and, with much formality and
confidence, delivered a declaration, and proteftation on
the behalf of the kingdom of Scotland againft thofe. bills
and propofitions. They faid, " they were fo prejudicial The «>m-
,. . . , , . , . „ miffioners
" to religion, the crown, and the union and intereft of of Scotland
" the kingdoms, and fo far different from the former Nation'0
" proceedings and engagements between the two king- *^™&
" doms, that they could not concur therein; and thera-
k 3 " fore,

i34 THE HISTORY Book X.
" fore, in the name of the whole kingdom of Scotland,
" did declare their diffent." The King had received
advertifement, that as foon as he ihould refufe to con
fent to the bills, he fhould prefently be made a clofe
prifoner, and all his fervants fhould be removed from
him ; upon which, and becaufe the commiflioners had no
power to treat with him, but were only to receive his
pofitive anfwer, he refolved that his anfwer fhould not
be known till it was delivered to the Parliament; and
that, in the mean time, he would endeavour to make
his efcape, before new orders could be fent from Weft
minfter : fo when the commiffioners came to receive
The King his anfwer, he gave it to them fealed. The Earl of
gives his . . ,
anfwer to Denbigh, who was the chief of the commiflioners, and
rnent^om- a perfon very ungracious to the King, told him, " that
miffioners. « though they had no authority to treat with him, or to do
" any thing but to receive his anfwer, yet they were not
" to be looked upon as common meffengers, and to carry
" back an anfwer that they had not feen :" and, upon
the matter, refufed to receive it ; and faid, "they would
" return without any, except they might fee what they
" carried." His Majefty conceived that their return without his
anfwer would be attended with the worft confequences ;
and therefore he told them, " that he had fome reafon
" for having offered to deliver it to them in that man-
" ner ; but if they would give him their words, that
" the communicating it to them fhould be attended with
" no prejudice to him, he would open it, and caufe it to
" be read;" which they readily Undertook, (as in truth
they knew no reafon to fufpect it), and thereupon he
opened it, and gave it one to read. The anfwer was,
" that his Majefty had always thought it a matter of
" great difficulty to comply in fuch a manner with all
" engaged

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 135
*f engaged interefts, that a firm and lafling peace might
" enfue ; in which opinion he was now confirmed, fince
" the commiflioners for Scotland do folemnly proteft
" againft the feveral bills and propofitions, which the
" two Houfes of Parliament had prefented to him for
" his affent ; fo that it was not poffible for him to
" give fuch an anfwer as might be the foundation of a
" hopeful peace." He gave them many unanfwerable
reafons, " why he could not pafs the four bills as they
" were offered to him ; which did not only diveft him
" of all fovereignty, and leave him without any poffibi-
" lity of recovering it to him or his fucceffors, but
" opened a door for all intolerable oppreffions upon his
" fubjects, he granting fuch an arbitrary and illimited
" power to the two Houfes." He told them, " that nei-
" ther the defire of being freed from that tedious and irk-
" fome condition of life, which he had fo long fuffered,
" nor the apprehenfion of any thing that might befall
" him, fhould ever prevail with him to confent to any
" one act, till the conditions of the whole peace fhould
" be concluded ; and then that he would be ready to give
" all juft and reafonable fatisfaction, in all particulars ;
" and for the adjufting of all this, he knew no way
" but a perfonal treaty, (and therefore very earneftly
" defired the two Houfes to confent to it), to be either
" at London, or any other place they would rather
" choofe." As foon as this anfwer, or to the fame ef
fect, was read, he delivered it to the commiffioners;
who no fooner received it than they kiffed his hand, and
departed for Weftminfter.
The commiffioners were no fooner gone than Ham- Vrekntw
mond caufed all the King's fervants, who till then had mono re-
. all liberty to be with him, to be immediately put out of k^s old
the caftle ; and forbid any of them to repair thither any le' ""

k 4 • more;

from about
him.

j36 THE HISTORY BookX.
more; and appointed a ftrong guard to reftrain any
body from going to the King, if they fhould endeavour
it. This exceedingly troubled and furprifed him, being
an abfolute difappointment of all the hope he had left.
He told Hammond, " that it was not fuitable to his en-
" gagemient, and that it did not become a man of ho-
" nour or honefty to treat him fo, who had fo freely put
" himfelf into his hands. He afked him, whether the
" commiffioners were acquainted with his purpofe to
" proceed in this manner ?" To which he anfwered,
" that they were not ; but that he had an order from
" the Parliament to do as he had done ; and that he
" faw plainly by his anfwer to the propofitions, that he
" acted by other counfels than flood with the good of
*( the kingdom."
This infolent and imperious proceeding- put the
ifland (which was generally inhabited by a people always
well affected to the Crown) into a high mutiny. They
faid, " they would not endure to fee their King fo ufed,
" and made a prifoner." There was at that time thefe
one Captain Burly, who was of a good family in the
ifland. He had been a captain of one of the King's
fhips, and was put out of his command when the fleet
rebelled againft the King ; and then he put himfelf into
the King's army, where he continued an officer of good
account to the end of the war, and was in one of the
King's armies General of the ordnance. When the war
was at an end, he repaired into his own country, the Ifle
of Wight ; where many of his family ftill lived in good
reputation. This gentleman chanced to be at Newport,
the chief town in the ifland, when the King was thus
treated, and when the people feemed generally to referit
• it with fo much indignation ; and was fo much tranf-
ported with the fame fury, being a man of more courage than

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 137
than of. prudence and circumfpection, that he caufed a Thereupon
drum to be prefently beaten, and put himfelf at the Bu?iy'ftirs
head of the people who flocked together, and cried pfc'n'the0*
" for God, the King, and the. people;" and faid, " he^;ybutis
" would lead them to the caftle, and refcue the King fuPPreffed»condemn-
" from his captivity." The attempt was prefently ed, and e*>
difcerned to be irrational and impoffible ; and by
the great diligence and activity of the King's fervants,
who had been put out of the caftle, the people were
quieted, and all men reforted to their own houfes ; but
the poor gendeman paid dear for his ill advifed and
precipitate loyalty. For Hammond caufed him pre
fently to be made .prifoner ; and the Parliament, with>
out delay, fent down a commiflion of Oyer and Termi
ner • in which an infamous Judge, Wild, whom they
had made Chief Baron of the Exchequer for fuch fer-
vices, prefided ; who caufed poor Burly to be, with aH
formality, indicted of high treafon for levying war
againft the King, and engaging the kingdom in a new
war ; of which the jury they had brought together,
found him guilty ; upon which their Judge condemned
him, and the honeft man was forthwith hanged, drawn,
and quartered, with all the circumftances of barbarity
and cruelty ; which ftruck a wonderful terror into all
men, this being the firft precedent of their having
brought any man to a formal legal trial by the law to
depriye him of his life, and make him guilty of high
treafon for adhering to the King ; and it made a deeper
. impreffion upon the hearts of all men, than all the cru
elties they had yet exercifed by their courts of war;
which, though they took away the lives of many inno
cent men, left their eftates to their wives and children :
but when they faw now, that they might be condemned of
high treafon before a fworn Judge of the law for ferving the

138 THE HISTORY Book X.
the King, by which their eftates would be likewife con-
fifcated, they thought they fhould be juftified if they
kept their hearts entire, without being involved by their
actions in a capital tranfgreflion.
How the Upon the receipt of the King's anfwer, there appeared
fwerisre- a new fpirit and temper in the Houfe of Commons;
theVpariia- hitherto, no man had mentioned the King's, perfon with-
cromweii'l out ^utY asi<^ refpe<t> and only lamented " that he was
fpeech of « miffed by evil and wicked counfellors ; who being re-
the King } . . . °
thereupon. " moved from him, he might by the advice of his Par-
" liament govern well enough." But now, upon the
refufal to pafs thefe bills, every man's mouth was open
ed againft him with the utmoft faucinefs and licence ;
each man ftriving to exceed the other in the impudence
and bitternefs of his invective. Cromwell declared,
" that the King was a man of great parts, and great un-
" derftanding," (faculties they had hitherto endeavoured
to have him thought to be without), " but that he, was '
" fo great a diffembler, and fo falfe a man, that he was
" not to be trufted." And thereupon repeated many
particulars, whilft he was in the army, that his Majefty
wifhed that fuch and fuch things might be done, which
being done to gratify him, he was difpleafed, and com
plained of it: " That whilft he profeffed with, all, fo-
" lemnity that he referred himfelf wholly to the Parlia-
" ment, and depended only upon their wifdom and
" counfel for the fettlement and compofing the diftrac-
" tions of the kingdom, he had, at the fame time, fe-
" cret treaties with the Scottifh commiflioners, how he
" might embroil the nation in a new war, and deftroy
" the Parliament." He concluded, " that they might
" no farther trouble themfelves with fending meffages
" to him, or farther propofitions, but that they might
" enter upon thofe counfels which were neceffary to-
" wards

OF THE REBELLION, &c.

139

" wards the fettlement of the kingdom, without having
" farther recourfe to the King." Thofe of his party fe-
conded this advice with new reproaches upon the perfon
of the King, charging him with fuch abominable ac
tions, as had been never heard of, and could be only
fuggefted from the malice of their own hearts ; whilft
men who had any modefty, and abhorred that way of
proceeding, flood amazed and confounded at the man
ner and prefumption of it, and without courage to give
any notable oppofition to their rage. So that, after fe
veral days fpent in paflionate debates to this purpofe,
they voted, " that they would make no more addreffes vote of no
" to the King, but proceed towards fettling the govern- J£°ffes to
" ment, and providing for the peace of the kingdom, ** K'n5»
" in fuch manner as they fhould judge beft for the be-
" nefit and liberty of the fubject :" and a committee was
appointed to prepare a declaration to inform and fatisfy
the people of this their refolution, and the grounds there
of, and to affure them, " that they had lawful authority
" to proceed in this manner." In the mean time, the
King, who had, from the time of his coming to the Ifle
of Wight, enjoyed the liberty of taking the air, and re-
frefhing himfelf throughout the ifland, and was attended
by fuch fervants as he had appointed, or fent for, to come
thither to him, to the time that he had refufed to pafs
thofe bills, from thenceforth was no more fuffered to go
out of the caftle beyond a little ill garden that belonged
to it. And now, after this vote of the Houfe of Com
mons, that there fhould be no more addreffes made to
him, all his fervants being removed, a few new men, for
the moft part, unknown to his Majefty, were deputed
to be about his perfon to perform all thofe offices
which they believed might be requifite, and of whofe ,
fidelity to themfelves they were as well affured, as that
they

140 THE HISTORY Book X.
they were without any reverence or affection for the
King. It is very true, that within few days after the King's
withdrawing from Hampton Court, and after it was
known that he was in the Ifle of Wight, there was a
a meeting meeting of the general officers of the army at Wind-
weii and for, where Cromwell and Ireton were prefent, to confult
at wind- -what fhould be now done with the King. For, though
thej^deiign" Cromwell was weary of the Agitators, and refolved to
deftra'afon. break their .meetings, and though the Parliament con
curred in all he defired, yet his entire confidence was in
the officers of the army; who. were they who fwayed
-the Parliament, and the army itfelf, to bring what he
intended to pafs. At this conference, the preliminaries
-whereof were always fadings and prayers, made at the
very council by Cromwell or IretQn, or fome other in-
fpired perfon, as moft of the officers were, it was re
folved, " that the King fhould be profecuted for his life
" as a criminal perfon :" of which his Majefty was ad-
vertifed.fpeedily by Watfon, Quarter Mafter General of
.the army; who was prefent; and had pretended, from
the firft coming of the King to the army, to have a de
fire to ferve him, and defired: to. be now thought to re
tain it ; but the refolution was a great fecret, of which
the Parliament had not the leaft intimation or jealoufy;
¦ but was, as it had been, to be cozened by degrees to do
what they, never intended. Nor was his Majefty eafily
perfuaded to give credit to the information; but though
he expected, and thought it very probable, that they
would murder him, he did not believe they would at
tempt it with that formality, or let the people know
their intentions. The great approach they made to
wards it, was, their declaration, " that they would make
" no more addreffes to the King," that by an inter
regnum

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 141
legnum they might feel the pulfe of the people, and
difcover how they would fubmit to another form of
government;5 and yet all writs, and procefs of juftice,
and all commiffions, ftill iffued in the King's name
without his confent or privity ; and little other change
or alteration, but that what was before done by the
King himfelf, and by his immediate order, was now
performed by the Parliament ; and, inftead of Acts of
Parliament, they made Ordinances of the two Houfes
to ferve all their occafions ; which found the fame obe
dience from the people.
This declaration of no more addreffes contained a The vote of
charge againft the King of whatfoever had been done dreffe°srfe-d*
amifs from the beginning of his government, or before, 4°"^^
not without a direct ihfinuation, as if " he had con-
" fpired with the Duke of Buckingham againft the
" life of his father ; the prejudice he had brought upon
" the Proteftant religion in foreign parts, by lending his
" fhips to the King of France, who employed them
" againft Rochelle:" they renewed the remembrance and
reproach of all thofe grievances which'had been men
tioned in their firft remonftrance of the flare of the
kingdom, and repeated all the calumnies which had
been contained in all their declarations before and after
the war ; which had been all fo fully anfwered by his
Majefty, that the world was convinced of their rebel
lion and treafon : they charged him with being " the
" caufe of all the blood that had been fpilt, by his hav-
" ing made a war upon his Parliament, and rejecting all"
" overtures of peace which had been made to him ; and
" in regard of all thefe things, they refolved to make no
" more addrefs to him, but, by their own authority, to
" provide for the peace and welfare of the kingdom."
This declaration found much oppofition in the Houfe of

143. THE HISTORY Book X.
Of Commons, in refpect of the particular reproaches
they had now caft upon the perfon of the King, which
they had heretofore, in their own publifhed declarations
to the people, charged upon. the evil counfellors, and
perfons about him ; and fome perfons had been fen-
tenced, and condemned, for thofe very crimes which
they now accufed his Majefty of. But there was much
more exception to their conclufion from thofe premifes,
that therefore they would addrefs themfelves no more
Mr. May. to him ; and John Maynard, a member of the Houfe,
gumen"* ana< a lawyer of great eminence, who had too much
aja.nft ;t. complied and concurred with their irregular and unjuft
proceedings, after he had with great vehemence op-
pofed and contradicted the moft odious parts of their
declaration, told them plainly, " that by this refolution
" of making no more addreffes to the King, they did,
" as far as in them lay, diffolve the Parliament ; and
" that, from the time of that determination, he knew
" not with what fecurity, in point of law, they could
" meet together, or any man join with them in their
" counfels : that it was of the effence of Parliament,
" that they fhould upon all occafions repair to the
" King ; and that his Majefly's refufal at any time to
" receive their petitions, or to admit their addreffes, had
" been always held the higheft breach of their privilege,
" becaufe it tended to their diffolution without diffolv-
" ing them ; and therefore if they fhould now, on their
" parts, determine that they would receive no more
" meffages from him, (which was likewife a part of
" their declaration), nor make any more addrefs to him,
" they did, upon the matter, declare that they were no
" longer a Parliament : and then, how could the people
" look upon them as fuch ?" This argumentation being
boldly preffed by a man of that learning and authority, who

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 143
who had very feldom not been believed, made a great
impreffion upon all men who had not proftituted them
felves to Cromwell and his party. But the other fide
meant not to maintain their refolution by difcourfes,
well knowing where their flrength lay; and fo ftill called
for the queftion ; which was carried by a plurality of
voices, as they forefaw it would ; very many perfons
who abhorred the determination, not having courage to
provoke the powerful men by owning their diffent ;
others fatisfying themfelves with the refolution to with
draw themfelves, and to bear no farther part in the
counfels ; which Maynard himfelf did, and came no
more to the Houfe in very many months, nor till there
feemed to be fuch an alteration in the minds of men,
that there would be a reverfal of that monftrous deter
mination ; and many others did the fame.
When ithis declaration was thus paffed the Com
mons, and by them fent to the Houfe of Peers for their
concurrence, the manner or the matter was of that im
portance as to need much debate; but, with as little
formality as was poflible, it had the concurrence of that
Houfe, and was immediately printed and publifhed,
and new orders fent to the Ifle of Wight, for the more
ftrict looking to and guarding the King, that he might
not efcape.
The publifhing this declaration wrought very differ
ent effects in the minds of the people, from what they
expected it would produce; and it appeared to be fo
publickly detefted, that many who had ferved the Par
liament in feveral unwarrantable employments and com-
miffions, from the beginning of the war, in the city and
in the country, withdrew themfelves from the fervice of
the Parliament ; and much inveighed againft it, for de
clining all the principles upon which they had engaged them.

144 THE HISTORY Book X.
them. Many private perfons took upon them to pub
lifh anfwers to that declaration, that, the King himfelf
being under fo ftrict a reftraint that he could make no
anfwer, the people might not be poifoned with the be
lief of it. And^ the feveral anfwers of this kind wrought
very much upon the people, who opened their mouths
very loud againft the Parliament and the army; and
the clamour was increafed by the increafe of taxes and
impofitions, which were raifed by new Ordinances of
Parliament upon the kingdom ; and though they were
fo entirely poffeffed of the whole kingdom, and the
forces and garrifons thereof, that they had no enemy to
fear or apprehend, yet they difbanded no part of their
army; and notwithftanding they raifed incredible turns
of money, upon the fale of the Church and the Crown
lands ; for which they found purchafers enough amongft
their own party in the city, army, and country, and
upon compofition with Delinquents, and the fale of their
lands who refufed, or could not be admitted, to com
pound, (which few refufed to do who could be ad
mitted, in regard that their eftates were all under fe-
queftration, and the rents thereof paid to the Parlia
ment, fo that till they compounded they had nothing
to fupport themfelves, whereby they were driven into ex^
treme wants and neceffities, and were compelled to make
their compofitions, at how unreafonable rates foever,
that they might thereby be enabled to fell fome part,
to preferve the reft, and their houfes from being puljed
down, and their woods from being wafted or fpoiled) ;
notwithftanding all thefe vaft receipts, which they ever
pretended fhould eafe the people of their burden, and
fhould fuffice to pay the army their expences at fea and
Istnd, their debts were fo great, that they: raifed the pub-
lie taxes ; and, befides all cufloms and excife, they
levied

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 145
levied a monthly contribution of above a hundred thou
fand pounds by a land tax throughout the kingdom ;
which was more than had been ever done before, and it
being at a timcwhen they had no enemy who contended
with them, was an evidence that it would have no end,
and that the army was ftill to be kept up, to make good
the refolution they had taken, to have no more to do
with the King ; and that made the refolution generally
the more odious. All this grew the more infupporta-
ble, by reafon that, upon the publifhing this laft mon-
ftrous declaration, moft of thofe perfons of. condition,
who, as hath been faid before, had been feduced to do
them fervice throughout the kingdom, declined to ap
pear longer in fo deteftable an employment ; and now a
more inferior fort of the common people fucceeded in
thofe employments, who thereby exercifed fo great info-
lence over thofe who were in quality above them, and
who always had a power over them, that it was very
grievous ; and for this, let the circumftances be what
they would," no redrefs could be ever obtained, all diftinc-
tion of quality being renounced. They who were not •'
above the condition of Ordinary inferior Conftables, fix
or feven years before, were now the juftices of peace,
and fequeftrators, and commiffioners ; who executed
the commands of the Parliament, in all the counties of
the kingdom, with fuch rigour and tyranny, as was na
tural for fuch perfons to ufe over and towards thofe
upon whom they had formerly looked at fuch a dif
tance. But let their fufferings be never fo great, and
the murmur and difcontent never fo general, there was
no fhadow of hope by which they might difcern any
poffible' relief : fo that they who had ftruggled as long-
as they were able, fubmitted patiently to the yoke,- with
the more fatisfaction, in that they faw many of thofe
vol. in. p.i. l who

146 THE HISTORY Book X.
who had, been the principal contrivers of all the mif
chiefs to fatisfy their own ambition, and that they might
govern others, reduced to almoft as ill a condition as
themfelves, at leaft to as little power, and authority,
and fecurity ; whilft the whole government of the na
tion remained, upon the matter, wholly in their hands
who in the beginning of the Parliament were fcarce ever
heard of, or their names known but in the places where
they inhabited.
The King being in this melancholic neglected con
dition, and the kingdom poffefled by the new rulers,
without control, in the new method of government,
where every thing was done, and fubmitted to, which
they propounded, they yet found that there was no
foundation laid for their peace, and future fecurity; that
befides the general difcontent of the nation, which for
the prefent they did not fear, they were to expect
new troubles from Ireland, and from Scotland; which
would, in the progrefs, have an influence upon, Eng
land.
The affairs In Ireland, (which they had- totally neglected from
# Ireland. ^g tjme Q£ ^ differences and contefts between the
Parliament and the army, and from the King's being in
the army), though they were poffefled of Dublin, and,
upon the matter, of the whole province of Munfter,,by
the activity of the Lord Inchiquin, and the Lord Brog-
hill; yet the Irifh rebels had very great forces, which
covered all the other parts of the kingdom. But they
had no kind of fears of the Irifh, whom they van-
quifhed as often as they faw, and never declined, fight
ing upon any inequality of numbers: they had an apprf>
henfion of another enemy. The Marquis of Qrrnond
had often attended the King at Hampton, Court, and
;had great refort to him, whilft he flayed in London, by
. •: all

OF THE REBELLION, &o. 147
all thofe who had ferved the King, and not lefs by thofe
who were known to be.unfatisfied with the proceedings
both of the Parliament and the army; and by the
Scottifh commiflioners, who had frequently private
meetings with him; infomuch as the officers of the
army, who gave the firft motion to all extravagant acts
of power, had refolved to have apprehended and im-
prifoned him, as a man worthy of their fear, though
they had nothing to charge him with ; and by his arti
cles, he had liberty to flay fix months where he would
in England, (which time was little more than half ex
pired), and then he might tranfport himfelf into what
part he defired beyond the feas. The Marquis had no
tice of this their purpofe ; and having conferred with
his Majefty as much as was neceffary, upon a reafonable
forefight of what was like to fall out, fhortly after, or
about the time 'that the King left Hampton Court, he
in difguife, and without being attended by more than The Mar-
one fervant, rid into Suffex; and, in an obfcure and un-mondtranr.
guarded port or harbour, put himfelf on board a fhallop, fe^'outoV
which fafely tranfported him into Normandy; from f^f^ce.
whence he waited upon the Queen, and the Prince of
Wales, at Paris ; to whom he could not but be very
welcome; At the fame time, there were commiflioners arrived
from Ireland from the confederate Roman Catholics ;
who, after they had driven the King's authority from
them, quickly found they needed it for their own pre-
fervation. The factions grew fo great amongft' the Irifh
themfelves, and the Pope's Nuncio exercifed his autho
rity with fo great tyranny and infolence, that all were
weary of him ; and found that the Parliament, as foon
as they fhould fend more forces over, would eafily, by
reafon of their divifions, reduce them into great ftraits
L a and

THE HISTORY Book X.
and neceffities. They therefore fent commiffioners to
the Queen and Prince to defire, " that, by their favour,'
" they might have the King's authority again among
" them ;" to which they promifed, for the future, a
ready obedience, with many acknowledgments of their
former mifcarriage and ill behaviour. It is very true
that the Marquis of Antrim, who was one of the com
miffioners, and was always infeparable from the higheft
ambition, (though without any qualifications for any
great truft), had entertained the hope, that by the Queen's
favour, who had too good an opinion of him, the go
vernment of Ireland fhould be committed to him, and
his conduct; .which none of the' other commiffioners
thought of, nor had their eyes fixed on any man but
the Marquis of Ormond, in whom the King's autho
rity was vefted; for he remained ftill Lieutenant of
Ireland by the King's commiffion ; and they had reafon
to believe that all the Englifh Proteftants, who had for
merly lived under his government, (without a conjunc
tion with whom, they well forefaw the Irifh would not
be able to defend or preferve themfelves), would return
to the fame obedience, as foon as he fhould return to
receive it. . The Queen: and the Prince thought not of
trufting any other in that moft hazardous and difficult
employment, and fo referred the commiffioners to make
all their overtures and propofitions to him; who knew
well enough, what they would not do if they could, and
what they could not do if they had a mind to it ; and
how devoted foever he was to the King's fervice, nothing
propofed' or undertaken by them, could have been the
leaft inducement to him to engage himfelf, and' to de
pend upon their fidelity. But there were three things,
which with the great and entire zeal 'for' the King's fer
vice, to which he had dedicated himfelf, made him be
lieve

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 149
lieve that he might with fome fuccefs appear again in
that kingdom, in this conjuncture ; and that his fo do
ing might have a good effect upon the temper of
England towards the mending his Majefly's condition
there. Firft, the Cardinal Mazarine (who then abfolutelyThcreafons J that moved
governed France) feemed very earneftly to advife it, and theMarquis
promifed to fupply him with a good fum of money, and \j!o\v£™
ftore of arms and ammunition to carry with him ; land'
which he knew very well how to difpofe of there. Se
condly, he was privy to the Scottifh engagement, and
to a refolution of many perfons of great honour in
England, to appear in arms at the fame time ; which
was defigned for the fummer following ; whereby the
Parliament, and army, which were like to have new di-,
vifions amongft themfelves, would not be able to fend
any confiderable fupplies into Ireland ; without which,
their power there was not like to be formidable. Third
ly, which was a greater encouragement than the other
two, he had, during his abode in England, held a clofe
correfpondence with the Lord Inchiquin, Prefident of
the province of Munfter in Ireland, who had the full
power of command of all the Englifh army there ;
which was a better body of men than the Parliament
had in any other part of that kingdom. That lord
was weary of his mailers, and did not think the fer
vice he had done the Parliament (which indeed had
been very great, and without which it is very proba
ble that whole kingdom had been united, to his Ma
jefly's fervice) well requited ; and did really and hear
tily abhor the proceedings of the Parliament, and army,
towards the King ; and did therefore refolve to redeem
what he had formerly done amifs, with expofing all he
l 3 had

150 THE HISTORY Book X.
had for his Majefly's refloration ; and had frankly pro-,
mifed the Marquis to receive him into Munfter, as the
King's Lieutenant of that kingdom; and that that whole
province, and army, fhould pay him all obedience ; and
that againft the time he fhould be fure of his prefence,
he would make a ceffation with the Irifh in order to
a firm conjunction of that whole kingdom for the
King. After the Marquis came into France, he re
ceived ftill letters from that lord to haften his journey
thither. Thefe were the motives which difpofed the Marquis
to Comply with the Queen's and the Prince's command
to prepare himfelf for that expedition ; and fo he con
certed all things with the Irifh commiflioners ; who re
turned into their country, with promifes to difpofe
their General Affembly to confent to thofe conditions as
might not bring a greater prejudice to the King, than
any conjunction with them could be of advantage.
The Parliament had too many fpies and agents at
Paris, not to be informed of whatfoever was whifpered
there ; but whether they undervalued any conjunction
with the Irifh, (for of the Lord Inchiquin they had no
fufpicion), or were confident of the Cardinal's kindnefs,
that he would not advance any defign againft them,
they were not fo apprehenfive of trouble from Ireland as
they were of their brethren from Scotland ; where they
heard of great preparations, and of a purpofe to call a
Parliament, and to raife an army ; which, they believed,
would find too many friends in England, the Prefbyte
rian party holding up their heads again, both in the Par
liament, and the city. Befides, they knew that fome
perfons of quality and intereft, who had ferved the King
in good command in the late war, were gone into Scot land,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. i^t
land, and well received there; which, they thought,
would draw the King's party together upon the firft ap
pearance. After the King had been fo infamoufly delivered up
to the Parliament by the Scots at Newcaftle, and as foon
as the army had poffefled themfelves of him, that nation
was in terrible apprehenfion that the officers of the
army would have made their peace, and eftablifhed
their own greatnefs by refloring the King to his juft
rights, of which they had fo foully deprived him ; and
then the confcience of their guilt made them prefume,
what their lot muft be ; and therefore, the fame com
miffioners who had been joined with the committee of
Parliament in all the tranfactions, made hafle to Weft
minfter again to their old feats, to keep their intereft ;
which was great in all the Prefbyterian party, both of
Parliament and city ; for there remained ftill the fame
profeffion of maintaining the ftrict union between the
two kingdoms, and that all tranfactions fhould be by
joint counfels. And as foon as the King appeared with
fome fhew of liberty, and his own fervants had leave to
attend him, no men appeared with more confidence
than the Scottifh commiflioners ; the Earl of Lowden,
the Earl of Lautherdale, and the reft; as if they had
been the men who had contrived his refloration: no
men in fo frequent whifpers with the King ; and they
found fome way to get themfelves fo much believed by
the Queen, with whom they held a diligent correfpon
dence, that her Majefty very earneftly perfuaded the
King " to truft them, as the only perfons who had
" power and credit to do him fervice, and to redeem
" him from the captivity he was in." Duke Hamilton,
who had been fent prifoner by the King to the caftle of
Pendennis, and had been delivered from thence by the
l 4 army,

152 THE HISTORY Book X.
army, when that place- was taken in the end of the war,
had enjoyed his liberty at London, and in his own houfe
at Chelfea, as long as he thought fit, that is, near as
long as the King was with the Scottifh army and at
Newcaftle ; and fome time before his Majefly was de
livered up to the Parliament commiflioners, he went
Duke Ha- into Scotland to; his own houfe at Hamilton ; looked
rnilton goes . .
into scot, upon by that nation as one who had unjuftly fuffered
under the King's jealoufy and difpleafure, and who re
mained ftill very faithful to him; and during the time
that he remained in and about London, he found means
to converfe with many of the King's party, and made
great profeflions that he would do the King a very fignal
fervice, which he defired them to affure his Majefly of;
and feemed exceedingly troubled and afhamed at his
countrymen's giving up the King. His having no
•fhare in that infamy made him the more trufted in
England, and to be received with the more refpect in
Scotland by all thofe who abhorred that tranfaction.
The commiffioners who attended his Majefty made
^great apologies for what had been done, imputingit wholly
to the " malice and power of the Marquis -of Argyle, and
"to his credit and ^authority in the council and in the
" army-, fo that nothing cbuld be done which was defired
>"by honefl men ; but that now' Duke Hamilton was
" amongft them, who they knew was moft devoted to his
" Majefty, they fhould be able to overpower Argyle ;
" and the proceedings of the army and the Parliament
" were fo foul, and fo contrary to their public faith,
" that they were confident that all Scotland would rife
" as one man for his Majefly's defence and vindication ;
. " and they were well affured, there would fuch a party
" in England of thofe who were faithful to his Majefty,
" appear at the fame time, that there would be little
" queftion

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 153
"queftion of being able, between them, to be" hard
" enough for that part of the army that would oppofe
" them ;" which his Majefty knew well was refolved by
many perfons ,of honour, who afterwards performed what
they had promifed.
When the commiffioners had, by thefe infinuations,
gained new credit with the King, and had undertaken,
that their invading England with an army equal to the
undertaking, fhould be the foundation upon which all
other hopes were to depend, (for no attempt in England
could be reafonable before fuch an invafion, which was
likewife to be haftened, that it might be at the fame time
when the Marquis of Ormond fhould appear in Ireland),
they begun to propofe to him many conditions, which The com-
would be neceffary for his Majefly to engage himfelf to of'sco""6
perform towards that nation; without which it would t^f treaty
not be eafy to induce it into fo unanimous a confent !?!th the
J King at
and engagement, as was neceffary for fuch an enterprife. Hampton
They required, as a thing without which nothing was
to be -undertaken, " that the Prince of Wales fhould be
." prefent with them, and march in the head of their
" army ; and defired that advertifement, and order,
" might be fent to that purpofe to the Queen and the
" Prince at Paris ; that fo his Highnefs might be ready
" for the voyage, as foon as they fhould be prepared to
" receive him." The King would by no means confent
that the Prince fhould go into Scotland, being too well
acquainted with the manners and fidelity of that party
there; but he was contented, that when they fhould
have entered England with their army, then the Prince
of Wales fhould put himfelf in the head of them.
They demanded, " that fuch a number of Scotchmen
" fhould be always in the Court-, of the Bedchamber, " and

154 THE HISTORY BookX.
" and all other places about the perfons of the King,
" and Prince, and Duke of York : that Berwick and
" Carlifle fhould be put into the hands of the Scots ;"
and fome other conceflions with reference to the
northern counties ; which trenched fo far upon the ho
nour and intereft of the Englifh, that his Majefty ut
terly refufed to confent to it ; and fo the agreement was
not concluded when the King left Hampton Court.
But, as foon as he was at the Ifle of Wight, the Scottifh
commiffioners repaired to him, at the fame time with
thofe who were fent to him from the Parliament for his
royal affent to thofe four bills fpoken of before ; then,
in that feafon of defpair, they prevailed with him to fign
Which t«a- the propofitions he had formerly refufed ; and, having
¦newed-, and great apprehenfion, from the jealoufies they knew the
^t the Me of army had of them, that they fhould be feized upon, and
* 'sht' fearched in, their return to London, they made up their
precious contract in lead ; and buried it in a garden in
the Ifle of Wight ; from whence they eafily found
means afterwards to receive it. So conflant were thofe
men to their principles, and fo wary to be fure to be no
lofers by returning to their allegiance ; to which neither
confcience nor honour did invite or difpofe them. So
after a flay of fome months at London to adjuft all
accounts, and receive the remainder of thofe monies
they had fo dearly earned, or fo much of it as they had
hope would be paid, they returned to Scotland, with the
hatred and contempt of the army, and the Parliament,
that was then governed by it ; but with the veneration
of the Prefbyterian party, which ftill had faith in them,
and exceedingly depended upon their future negocia
tion; which was now incumbent upon them: and, in
order thereunto, a faft intercourfe and correfpondence was

OF THE REBELLION, &cc. 155
¦was fettled, as well by conftant letters, as by frequent
emiffaries of their Clergy, or other perfons, whofe devo
tion to their combination was unqueftionable.
It can never be enough wondered at that the Scottifh
Prefbyterians, being a watchful and crafty people, the
principal of whom were as unreftrained by confcience as
any of the officers of the army were, and only intended
their particular advantage and ambition, fhould yet hope
to carry on their intereft by fuch conditions and limita
tions, as all wife men faw muft abfolutely ruin and
deftroy it. They knew well enough the fpirit of their
own people, and that though it would be no hard matter
to draw a numerous army enough together, yet that be
ing together it would be able to do very little towards
any vigorous attempt ; and therefore their chief depen
dence was upon the affiftance they fhould find ready to
join with them in England. It is true, they did believe
the body of the Prefbyterians in England to be much
more confiderable than in truth it was ; yet they did, or
might have known, that the moft confiderable perfons
who in the conteft with the other faction were content
to be thought Prefbyterians, were fo only as they
thought it might* reftore the King ; which they more
impatiently defired, than any alteration in the govern
ment of the Church ; and that they did heartily intend
a conjunction with all the royal party, upon whofe inter
eft, conduct, and courage, they did more rely than upon
the power of the Scots ; who did publickly profefs that
all the King's friends fhould be moft welcome, and re
ceived by them : nor did they truft any one Prefbyte
rian in England with the knowledge of the particulars
contained in the agreement with the King ; but con
cealed it between the three perfons who tranfacted it ;
and if it had been known, Cromwell might as eafily have

156 THE HISTORY Book X.
have overrun the country before their army invaded
England, as he did afterwards ; nor would one English
man have joined with them; Befides the infamous cir
cumftances by which they extorted conceffions from
the King, which would have rendered any contract
odious, (it being made in thofe four days, which were
all that were affigned both to the Englifh and Scottifh
commiffioners, fo that his Majefly had not only no time
to advife with others, but could not advife with himfelf
upon fo many monftrous particulars as were demanded
of him by both kingdoms; which if he could have done,
he would no more then have fubmitted to them, than
he did afterwards upon long deliberation, and when his
life appeared to be in more manifeft danger by his re-
fufal), the particulars themfelves were thejmoft fcandal
ous, and derogatory to the honour and intereft of the
Englifh nation ; and would have been abominated, if
known and underftood, by all men, with all poffible in
dignation.
The rub- After they had made his Majefty give a good tefti-
ftanceofthemony of their League and Covenant, in the preface of
, treaty fign- J . , . . ,
edthes6th their agreement, and " that the intentions of thofe who
1647. ' " had entered into it were real for the prefervation of
" his Majefly's perfon and authority, according to their
" allegiance, and no ways to diminifh his juft power
" and greatnefs," they obliged him " as foon as he could,
" with freedom, honour, and fafety, be prefent in a free
" Parliament, to confirm the faid League and Covenant
" by Act of Parliament in both kingdoms, for the fe-
" curity of all who had taken, Or fhould take it." It is
true, they admitted a provifo, " that none who was un-
" willing, fhould be conftrained to take it." They like-
wife obliged his Majefty " to confirm by Act ofPar-
¦' liament in England, Prefbyterian . government; the
" Directory

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 157
" Directory for worfhip ; and the Affembly of Divines
" at Weftminfter, for three years ; fo that his Majefty,
" and his houfehold, fhould not be hindered from ufing
" that form of divine fervice he had formerly practifed;
" and that during thofe three years there fhould be a
" confultation with the Affembly of Divines, to which
" twenty of the King's nomination fhould be added,
" and fome from the Church of Scodand ; and there-
" upon it fhould be determined by his Majefty, and
" the two Houfes of Parliament, what form of govern-
" ment fhould be eftablifhed after the expiration of
" thofe years, as fhould be moft agreeable to the word of
" God : that an effectual courfe fhould be taken by Act
" of Parliament, and all other ways needful or expedient,
" for the fuppreffing the opinions and practices of Anti-
" Trinitarians, Arians, Socinians, Anti-Scripturifts, Ana-
" baptifts, Antinomians, Arminians, Familifts, Brown-
" ifts, Separatifts, Independents, Libertines, and Seekers,
" and, generally, for the fuppreffing all blafphemy,herefy,
" fchifm,andall fuch fcandalous doctrines and practices as
" are contrary to the light of nature, and to the known
" principles of Chriftianity, whether concerning faith,
" worfhip, or converfation, or the power of godlinefs, or
" which may be deflructive to order and government,
" or to the peace of the church or kingdom." The
King promifed,. " that in the next feffion of Parliament,
" after the kingdom of Scotland fhould declare for his
" Majefly, in purfuance of this agreement, he fhould
" in perfon, or by commiffion, confirm the League and
" Covenant in that kingdom ; and concerning all the
" Acts paffed in the laft Parliament of that kingdom,"
his Majefty declared, " that he fhould then likewife be
" content to give affurance by Act of Parliament, that
'" neither he, nor his fucceflbrs, fhould. quarrel, call in
" queftion,

i58 THE HISTORY BookX.
" queftion, or command the contrary of any of them, nor
" queftion any for giving obedience to the fame." Then
they made a long recital of " the agreement the Pariia-
" ment of England had made, when the Scots army re-
" turned to Scotland, that the army under Fairfax fhould
" be difbanded ; and of that army's fubmitting there-
" unto; of their taking the King from Holmby, and
" keeping him prifoner till he fled from them to the Ifle
" of Wight ; and fince that time both his Majefly, and
" the commiflioners for the kingdom of Scodand, had
" very earneftly defired that the King might come to
" London, in fafety, honour, and freedom, for a perfonal
" treaty with the two Houfes and the commiffioners
" of the Parliament of Scotland ; which, diey faid,
" had been granted, but that the army had, in violent
" manner, forced away divers members of the Parlia-
" ment from the difcharge of their truft, and poffeffed
" themfelves of the city of London, and all the flrengths
" and garrifons of the kingdoms : and that by the
" flrength and influence of that army, and their ad-
" herents, propofitions and bills had been fent to the
" King without the advice and confent of the kingdom
" of Scotland, contrary to the treaties which are between
" the two kingdoms, and deftructive to religion, his
" Majefly's juft rights, the privileges of Parliament, and
" liberty of the fubject ; from which propofitions and
" bills the Scottifh commiffioners had diffented, and pro-
" tefted againft, in the name of the kingdom of Scotland."
After this preamble and recital, they faid, " that for-
" afmuch as his Majefty is willing to give fatisfacfron
" concerning the fettling religion, and other matters in
" difference, as is expreffed in this agreement, the king-
" dom of Scotland doth oblige and engage itfelf, firft>
" in a peaceable way and manner to endeavour that the
" King

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 2-9
" King may come to London in fafety, honour, and
" freedom, for a perfonal treaty with the Houfes of Par-
" liament and the commiffioners of Scotland, upon fuch
" propofitions as fhould be mutually agreed on between
" the kingdoms, and fuch propofitions as his Majefty
" fhould think fit to make ; and for this end all armies
" fhould be difbanded : and in cafe that this fhould not
" be granted, that declarations fhould be emitted by the
" kingdom of Scotland in purfuance of this agreement,
" againft the unjuft proceedings of the two Houfes of
" Parliament towards his Majefty and the kingdom of
" Scotland ; in which they would affert the right that
" belonged to the Crown, in the power of the militia,
" the Great Seal, bellowing of honours and offices of
" truft, choice of the privy counfellors, and the right of
" the King's negative voice in Parliament : and that the
" Queen's Majefty, the Prince, and the reft of the royal
" iflile, ought to remain where his Majefty fhall think
" fit in either of his kingdoms, with fafety, honour, and
" freedom : that, upon the iffuing out this declaration,
" an army fhould be fent out of Scotland into England,
" for the prefervation and eftablifhment of religion; for
" defence of his Majefly's perfon and authority, and
" reftoring him to his government, to the juft rights of
" the Crown, and his full revenues ; for defence of the
" privileges of Parliament, and liberties of the fubject ;
*' for making a firm union between the kingdoms under
" his Majefty, and his pofterity, and fetding a lafting
" peace." In purfuance whereof, the kingdom of Scot
land was to endeavour " that there might be a, free and
" full Parliament in England, and that his Majefty may
*' be with them in honour, fafety, and freedom ; and
" that a fpeedy period be fet to the prefent Parliament.
" And they undertook, that the army which they
" would

i.6a THE HISTORY Book X.
" would raife fhould be upon its march, before the
"meflage and declaration fhould be delivered to the
" Houfes." It was farther agreed, " that all fuch in
" the kingdoms of England and Ireland, as would join
" with the kingdom of Scotland in purfuance of this
" agreement, fhould be protected by his Majefly in their
" perfons and eftates ;, and that all his Majefly's fub-
" jects in England or Ireland who would join with him,
" in purfuance of this agreement, might come to the
" Scottifh army, and join with them, or elfe put them-
" felves into other bodies in England or Wales, for
" profecution of the fame ends, as the King's Majefty
" fhould judge moft convenient, and under fuch com-
" manders, or generals of the Englifh nation, as his
" Majefty fhould think fit : and that all fuch fhould be
" protected by the kingdom of Scotland, and their
" army, in their perfons and eftates ; and where any
" injury or wrong is done unto them, they would be
" careful to fee them fully repaired, as far as it fhould
" be in their power to do; and likewife when any injury
" or wrong is done to thofe who join with the kingdom
" of Scotland, his Majefty fhall be careful of their full
" reparation." They obliged his Majefty to promife " that neither
" himfelf, nor any by his authority or knowledge, fhould
" make or admit of any ceffation, pacification, or agree-
" ment whatfoever for peace, nor of any treaty, propo- '
" fitions, bills, -or any other ways for that end, with the
" Houfes of Parliament, or any army or party in England,
" or Ireland, without the advice and Confent of the
" kingdom of Scotland'; and; reciprocally, that neither
" the kingdom of Scotland, nor any having their autho-
" rity, fhould make or admit of any of thefe any man-
" ner of way, with any whatfoever, without his Ma-
» jefty's

OF THE REBELLION, See. 161
"jelly's advice or confent : and that, upon the fettle-
" ment of a peace, there fhould be an act of oblivion to
" be agreed on by his- Majefty, and both his Parliaments
" of both kingdoms : that his Majefty, the Prince, or
" both, fhould come into Scotland upon the invitation
" of that kingdom, and their declaration, that they
" fhould be in honour, freedom, and fafety, when pofli-
" bly they could come with fafety and convenience ; and
" that the King fhould contribute his utmoft endeavour,
" both at home and abroad, for affifting the kingdom
" of Scotland for carrying on this war by fea and land,
" and for their fupplies by monies, arms, ammunition,
" and all other things requifite, as alfo for guarding the
" coafts of Scotland with fhips, and protecting all their
" merchants in the free exercife of their trade and com-
" merce with other nations ; and likewife that his Ma-
" jefty was willing, and did authorize the Scottifh army
" to poffefs themfelves of Berwick, Carlifle, Newcaftle
" upon Tyne, with the caftle of Tinmouth, and the
" town of Hardepool : thofe places to be for retreat,
" and magazines ; and that, when the peace of the
" kingdom fhould be fettled, the kingdom of Scotland
" fhould remove their forces, and deliver back again
" thofe towns and caftles."
And as if all this had not been recompence enough
for the wonderful fervice they were like to perform, they "
obliged the King to promife, and undertake to pay, the
remainder of that brotherly affiftance which was yet un
paid upon the large treaty after their firft invafion of
England, and likewife two hundred thoufand pounds,
which remained ftill due upon the laft treaty made with
the Houfes pf Parliament for retorn of the Scottifh
army, when they had delivered up the King ; and alfo,
" that payment fhould be made to the kingdom of
vol, in. P. i. m " Scotland,

Ida THE HISTORY Book X-
" Scotland, for the charge and expence of their army
" in this future war, with due recompence for the loffes
" which they fhould fuftain therein ; and that due fa-
" tisfaction, according to the treaty on that behalf be-
" twixt-the two kingdoms, fhould be made to the Scot-
" tifh army in Ireland, out of the lands of the kingdom;
" or otherwife : and that the King, according to the in-
" tention of his father, fhould endeavour a compktd
" union of the two kingdoms, fo as they may be one
" under his Majefty, and his pofterity; or if that cannot
" fpeedily be effected, that all liberties and privileges;
" concerning commerce, traffic, manufactures, peculiar
" to the fubjects of either nation, fhall be common to
" the fubjects of both kingdoms without diftinction ;
" and that there be a communication, and mutual ca-
" pacity, of all other liberties of the fubjects in the
" two kingdoms : that a competent number of fhips
" fhould be yearly affigned, and appointed out of his
" Majefly's navy, which fhould attend the coafts of
" Scotland, for a guard, and freedom of trade of that
" nation ; and that his Majefty fhould declare that his
" fucceffors, as well as himfelf, are obliged to the per-
" formance of the articles and conditions of this agree-
" ment; but that his Majefty fhall not be obliged to the
" performance of the aforefaid articles, until the kingdom
" of Scodand fhall declare for him in purfuance of this
" agreement ; and that the whole articles and conditiotu
" aforefaid fhall be finifhed, perfected, and performed;
" before the return of the Scottifh army ; and that
" when they return into Scotland, at the fame timej
" fimul etfemel, all armies fhould be difbanded in Eng*
" land." And for a compliment, and to give a relifh
to all the reft, the King engaged himfelf " to employ
" thofe of the Scottifh nation equally with the EngKfn
 "in

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 163
" in all foreign employments, and negociations ; and
" that a third part of all the offices and places about the
" King, Queen, and Prince, fhould be conferred upon
" fome perfons of that nation ; and that the King and
" Prince, or one of them, will frequently refide in Scotr
" land, that the fubjects of that kingdom may be
" known to them." This treaty and agreement being
thus prefented to the King by the Scottifh commif
fioners in the caftle of Carifbrook, his Majefty was pre
vailed with to fign the fame the a6th day of December,
1647; and to oblige himfelf, "in the word of a King,
" to perform his part of the faid articles ;" and the Earl
of Lowden, Chancellor of Scodand, and the Earl of
Lautherdale, and the Earl of Lanrick, being entrufted
as commiffioners from that kingdom, figned it likewife
at the fame time; and engaged themfelves "upon
" their honour, faith, and confcience, and all that is
" dear to honeft men, to endeavour to the utmofl of
" their power, that the kingdom of Scotland fhould enr
" gage to perform what was on its part to be performed;
" which they were confident the kingdom of Scotland
" would do, and they themfelves would hazard their
" lives and fortunes in purfuance thereof."
No man who reads this treaty (which very few men
have ever done) can wonder that fuch an engagement
met with the fate that attended it ; which contained fo
many monftrous conceffions, that, except* the whole
kingdom of England had been likewife imprifoned in
Carifbrook caftle with the King, it could not be ima
gined that it was poffible to be performed ; and the
three perfons who were parties to it were too wife to
believe that it could be punctually obferved ; which
they ufed as the beft argument, and which only pre
vailed with the King, " that the treaty was only made
m 2 '-to

164 THE HISTORY Book X.
" to enable them to engage the kingdom of Scotland to
" raife an army, and to unite it in his Majefly's fervice ;
' c which lefs than thofe conceffions would never induce
" them to do ; but when that army fhould be entered into
" England, and fo many other armies fhould be on foot
" of his Englifh fubjects for the vindication of his in-
" tereft, there would be nobody to exact all thofe parti-
" culars ; but every body would fubmit to what his
" Majefty fhould think fit to be done;" which, though
it had been urged more than once before to induce the
King to confent to other inconveniences, which they
Would never after releafe to him, did prevail with him
at this time. And, to confirm him in the belief of
it, they were contented that it fhould be inferfed under
the fame treaty, as it was, " that his Majefty did de-
" clare, that by the claufe of confirming Prefbyte-
*' rian government by Act of Parliament, he is neither
" obliged to defire the fettling Prefbyterian government,
" nor to prefent any bills to that effect; and that he
" likewife underftands that no perfon whatfoever fhall
" fuffer in his eftate, nor undergo any corporal punifn-
" ment, for not fubmitting to Prefbyterian government;
" his Majefty underftanding that this indemnity fhould
".not extend to thofe who are mentioned in the article
" againft toleration :" and to this the three earls like-
wife fubfcribed their hands, " as witneffes only, as they
" faid, that his Majefty had made that declaration in their
" prefence, not as affenters ;" fo wary they were of ad-
miniftering jealoufy to their mailers, or of being thought
to be lefs rigid in fo fundamental a point, as they knew
that would be thought to be.
The au- There was a wonderful difference, throughout their
ment of the whole proceedings, between the heads of thofe who were
condua'of thought to fway the Prefbyterian counfels, and thofe
- " who

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 165
who governed the Independents, though they were foe two
equally maflers of diffimulation, and had equally malice inde- '
and wickednefs in their intentions, though not of the Englifh and
fame kind, and were equally unreftrained by any fcru- j^an'scws.
pies or motions of confcience, the Independents always
doing that, which, how ill and unjuflifiable foever, con
tributed ftill to the end they aimed at, and to the con-
clufion they meant to bring to pafs ; whereas the Pref
byterians, for the moft part, did fomewhat that reafona-
bly muft deftroy their own end, and crofs that which
they firft and principally defigned ; and there were two
reafons that might naturally produce this ill fuccefs to
the latter, at leaft hindered the even progrefs and cur
rent which favoured the other. Firft, their councils
were moft diftracted and divided, being made up of
many men, whofe humours and natures muft be ob
ferved, and complied with, and whofe concurrence was
neceffary to the carrying on the fame defigns, though
their inclinations did not concur in them ; whereas the
other party was entirely led and governed by two or
three, to whom they refigned, implicitly, the conduct
of their intereft ; who advanced, when they faw it fea-
fonable, and flood ftill, or retired, or even declined the
way they beft liked, when they faw any inconvenient
jealoufy awakened by the progrefs they had made.
In the fecond place, the Prefbyterians, by whom I
mean the Scots, formed all their counfels by the incli
nations and affections of the people ; and firft con
fidered how they might corrupt, and feduce, and difpofe
them to fecond their purpofes ; and how far they might
depend upon their concurrence and afliftance, before
they refolved to make any attempt; and this made
them in fuch a degree fubmit to their fenfelefs and
wretched Clergy; whofe infectious breath corrupted and
m 3 go-

166 THE HISTORY BookX.
governed the people^ and whofe authority was prevalent
upon their own wives, and in their domeftic affairs; and
yet they never communicated to them more than the
outfi.de of their defigns : whereas, on the other fide,
Cromwell, and the few others with whom he confulted,
firft confidered what was abfolutely neceffary to their
main and determined end ; and then, whether it were
right or wrong, to make all other means fubfervient to
it ; to cozen and deceive men, as long as they could in-
• duce them to contribute to what they defired, upon mo
tives how foreign foever ; and when they would keep
company with them no longer, or farther ferve their
purpofes, to compel them by force to fubmit to what
they fhould not be able, to oppofe ; and fo the one re
folved, only to do what they believed the people would
like and approve ; and the other, that the people fhouldlike
and approve what they had refolved. And this difference
in the meafures they took, was the true caufe of fo dif
ferent fuccefs in all they undertook. Machiavel, in this,
was in the right, though he got an ill name by it with
thofe who take what he fays from the report of other
men, or do not enough confider themfelves what he
fays, and his method in fpeaking : (he was as great an
enemy to tyranny and injuftice in any government, as
any man then was, or now is ; and fays) " that a man
" were better be a dog than be fubject to thofe paffions
" and appetites, which poffefs all unjuft, and ambitious,
" and tyrannical perfons ;" but he confeffes, "that they
" who arefo tranfported, and have entertained fuch wick-
" ed defigns as are void of all confcience, muft not think
** to profecute- them by the rules of confcience, which
" was laid afide, or fubdued, before they entered upon
" them ; they muft make no fcruple of doing all thofe
" impious things which are neceffary to compafs and fup-
« port

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 167
" port the impiety to which they have devoted themfelves;
" and therefore he commends Caefar Borgia for not be-
" ing ftartled with breach of faith, perjuries, and mur-
" ders, for the removal of thofe men who he was fure
" would crofs and enervate the whole enterprife he had
" refolved, and addicted himfelf to ; and blames thofe
" ufurpers, who had made themfelves tyrants, for hop-
" ing to fupport a government by juftice, which they
" had affumed unjuftly, and which having wickedly at-
" tempted, they manifeftly loft by not being wicked
" enough." The common old adage, "that he who hath
" drawn his fword againft his Prince, ought to throw away
" the fcabbard, never to think of fheathing it again,"
will ftill hold good ; and they who enter upon unwar
rantable enterprifes,muft purfue many unwarrantable ways
to preferve themfelves from the penalty of the firft guilt.
Cromwell, though the greateft diffembler living, always
made his hypocrify of Angular ufe and benefit to him ;
and never did any thing, how ungracious or imprudent
foever it feemed to be, but what was neceffary to the de
fign ; even his roughnefs and unpolifhednefs, which, in
the beginning of the Parliament, he affected contrary to
the fmoothnefs and complacency, which his coufin,
and bofom friend, Mr. Hambden, practifed towards all
men, was neceffary ; and his firft public declaration, in
the beginning of the war, to his troop when it was firft
muftered, " that he would not deceive or cozen them by
" the perplexed and involved exprefiions in his Commif-
" fion, to fight for King and Parliament;" and therefore
told them, " that if the King chanced to be in the body
" of the enemy that he was to charge, he would as foon
" difcharge his piftol upon him, as any other private
" perfon ; and if their confcience would not permit
"them to do the like, he advifed them not to lift them-
m 4 " felves

r.6S THE HISTORY Book X.
" felves in his troop, or under his command" which
was generally looked upon as imprudent and malicious,
and might, by the profeffions the Parliament then made,
have proved dangerous to him ; yet ferved his turn, and
fevered from others, and united among themfelves, all
the furious and incenfed men againft the government,
whether ecclefiaftical or civil, to look upon him as a
man for their turn, upon whom they might depend, as
one who would go through his work that he undertook.
And his ftrict and unfociable humour in not keeping
company with the other officers of the army in their
jollities and exceffes, to which moft of the fuperior of
ficers under the Earl of Effex were inclined, and by
which he often made himfelf ridiculous or contempti
ble, drew all thofe of the like four or referved natures
to his fociety and converfation, and gave him opportu
nity to form their underftandings, inclinations, and refo-
lutions, to his own model. By this he grew to have a
wonderful intereft in the common foldiers, out of which,
as his authority increafed, he made all his officers, well
inftructed how to live in the fame manner with their
foldiers, that they might be able to apply them to their
own purpofes : whilft he looked upon the Prefbyterian
humour as the beft incentive to rebellion, no man more a
Prefbyterian ; he fung all pfalms with them to their
tunes, and loved the longeft fermons as much as they ;
but when he difcovered that they would prefcribe fome
limits and bounds to their rebellion, that it was not
well breathed, and would expire as foon as fome few
particulars were granted to them in religion, which he
cared not for ; and then that the government muft run
ftill in the fame channel ; it concerned him to make it
believed " that the State had been more delinquent than
" the Church, and that the people fuffered more by, the
« civil

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 169
" civil than by the ecclefiaftical power ; and therefore
" that the change of one would give them little eafe, if
" there were not as great an" alteration in the other, and if
" the whole government in both were not reformed and
" altered;" which though it made him generally odious
at firft, and irreconciled many of his old friends to him ;
yet it made thofe who remained, more cordial and firm :
he could better compute his own ftrength, and upon whom
he might depend. This difcovery made him contrive
the new model of the army ; which was the moft un
popular act, and difobliged all thofe who firft contrived
the rebellion, and who were the very foul of it ; and
yet, if he had not brought that to pafs, and changed a
general, who, though not very fharp-fighted, would
never be governed, nor applied to any thing he did not
like, for another who had no eyes, and fo would be will
ing to be led, all his defigns muft have come to nothing,
and he remained a private colonel of horfe, not con
fiderable enough to be in any figure upon an advan
tageous compofition.
After all the fucceffes of his new model, he faw his
army was balanced by that of the Scots, who took
themfelves to have equal merit with the other, and was
thought to have contributed no lefs towards the fuppref-
ffon of the King, than that under Fairfax had done;
and after all the victories, and reduction of the King to
that lownefs, defired ftill a compofition, and to fubmit
again to the fubjection of the King : nor was it yet
time for him to own or communicate his refolution to
the contrary, left even many of thofe who wifhed the
extirpation of monarchy, might be ftartled at the diffi
culty of the enterprife, and with the power that was like
to oppofe them. He was therefore firft to incenfe the
people againft the Scottifh nation, " as being a merce- " nary

170 THE HISTORY Book X.
" nary aid, entertained at a vaft charge to the kingdom,
" that was only to be paid their wages, and to be dif-
" miffed, without having the honour to judge with
" them upon what conditions the King fhould be re-
" ceived, and reftored ; the accomplifhing whereof
" ought to be the particular glory of the Parliament
" without a rival, and that the King might owe the
"benefit wholly to them." And this was as popular an
argument as he could embark himfelf in, the whole
kingdom in general having at that time a great detefta-
tion of the Scots; and they who moft defired the King's
leftoration wifhed that he might have as little obliga
tion to them as was poffible, and that they might have
as little credit afterwards with him. With this univer
fal applaufe, he compelled the Scottifh army to depart
the kingdom, with that circumftance as muft ever after
render them odious and infamous. There now feemed
nothing more dangerous and deftructive to the power
and intereft of the Englifh army, in fo general a difcon-
tent throughout the kingdom, than a divifion, and mu
tiny within itfelf ; that the common foldiers fhould
erect an authority diftinct from their officers, by which
they would choofe to govern againft their fuperior com
manders, at leaft without them, and to fancy that they
had an intereft of their own fevered from theirs, for
the prefervation whereof they were to truft none but
themfelves ; which had fcarce ever been heard of before
in any army, and was looked upon as a prefage of the
ruin of the whole, and of thofe who had adhered to
them ; yet, if he had not raifed this feditious fpirit in
the army, he could not have prevented the difbanding
fome part of it, and fending another part of it into
Ireland, before the Scots left Newcaftle ; nor have been
able to have taken the King from Holmby into the
hands'

OF THE REBELLION, &c. ^t
hands of the army, after the Scots were gone. And af
ter all his hypocrify towards the King and his party, by
which he prevented many inconveniences which might
have befallen him, he could never have been rid of him
again fo unreproachfully, as by his changing his own
countenance, and giving caufe to the King to fufpect
the fafety of his perfon, and thereupon to make his
efcape from the army ; by which his Majefty quickly
became a prifoner, and fo was deprived of any refort,
from whence many mifchiefs might have proceeded to
have difturbed his counfels. How conftantly he pur-
fued this method in his fubfequent actions, will be ob
ferved in its place.
Contrary to this the Prefbyterian Scots proceeded, in
all their actions after their firft invafion in the year
1640, and always interwove fome conditions in their
counfels and tranfactions, which did not only prove,
but, in the inftant, might have been difcerned to be,
diametrically oppofite to their public intereft, and to
their particular defigns. It is very true, that their firft
invafion, faving their breach of allegiance, might have
fome excufe from their intereft. They were a poor
people, and though many particular men of that nation
had received great bounties, and were exceedingly en
riched in the Court of England by King James and the
prefent King, yet thofe particular men, who had been
and then were in the Court, were, for the moft part,
perfons of little intereft in Scodand ; nor was that king
dom at all enriched by the conjunction with this ; and
they thought themfelves expofed to fome late preflures,
which were new to them, and which their preachers told
them " were againft confcience, and an invafion of their
" religion;" from which they had vindicated themfelves
fo rudely and unwarrantably, that they might well ex
pect

1 7»

THE HISTORY Book X.
pect to be called to an account hereafter, if thofe per
fons, whom they had moft provoked, retained their in
tereft ftill with the King, and in his councils ; from
whom they were promifed to be fecured, and to be well
paid for their .pains, if they would, by marching into
England with an army, give their friends their counte
nance to own their own grievances, and fo to procure
relief and fecurity for both kingdoms. In this enter
prife, the fuccefs crowned their work ; they were
thought a wife and a refolute nation ; and after an un
bloody war of above a year, they returned into their
country laden with fpoils and great riches ; and were
liberally rewarded, as well for going out, as for coming
into England. But from their return from this expe
dition, their whole true intereft conflfted in, and de
pended upon, an entire adhering to the King, and vin
dicating his honour and intereft from all affaults ; and
their being fuborned afterwards (when the King was in
a hopeful way to have reduced his Englifh rebels to
their obedience, by the ftrength and power of his arms)
to make a fecond invafion of the kingdom, was a weak
and childifh engagement, directly oppofite to their in
tereft, except they had at the fame time a refolution to
have changed their own government, and for ever to
have renounced fubjection to monarchy, (which was never
in their purpofe to do), or to withdraw it from. the pre
fent King. Again, when his Majefty had trufted them fo
far (which they had never reafon to expect) as to put his
royal perfon into their hands, and thereby given them
an opportunity to redeem themfelves in the eyes of the
world, and to undo fome part of the mifchief they had
done, it was furely their intereft to have joined cordially
with him, and firmly to have united themfelves to his
party in vindication of the law, and the government
eftablifhed ;

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 173
eftablifhed ; and if they had not had the courage at
that time to have looked the Englifh army in the face,
as apparently they had not, it had been their intereft to
have retired with the King in the head of their army
into Scotland ; and, leaving good garrifons in New
caftle, Berwick, and Carlifle, all which were in their
poffeffion, to have expected a revolution in England
from the divifions amongft themfelves, and from fome
conjunction with a ftrong body of the King's Englifh
party, which would quickly have found themfelves to
gether ; but the delivery of the King up, befides the
infamy of it, was, in view, deftructive to all that could
be thought their intereft.
After all this, when they found themfelves cozened
and deceived in all the meafures they had taken, and
laughed at and defpifed by thofe who had deceived
them, to have a new opportunity to ferve the King, and
then to infift upon fuch conditions as muft make it im-
poflible for them to ferve him effectually, was fuch a de
gree of weaknefs, and a depraved understanding, that they
can never be looked upon as men who knew what their
intereft was, or what was neceffary to advance their own
defigns. And yet we fhall be obliged to obferve how
incorrigibly they adhered to this obflinate and Howard
method, in all the tranfactions they afterwards had with
the King ; all which turned, as it could not but do, to
their own ruin, and the deftruction of that idol they
adored, and paid their devotion to. But it is time to
return to our difcourfe, from whence this tedious digref-
fion hath mifled us.
All defigns and negociations, abroad and at home, The King's
being in this ftate and condition, the King remained ^,1^" of
under a ftrict and difconfolate imprifonment, no manwjshtat
.... . . thls time.
being fuffered to fpeak with him, and all diligence ufed to

174 THE HISTORY Book X.
to intercept all letters which might pafs to or from him ;
yet he found means fometimes, by the affection and fi
delity of fome inhabitants of the ifland, to receive im
portant advertifements from his friends ; and to write to
and receive letters from the Queen ; and fo he informed
her of the Scottifh tranfaction, and of all the other
hopes he had ; and feemed to have fome eafe ; and
looked upon it as a good omen, that in that defperate
lownefs of his fortune, and notwithftanding all the care
that was taken that none fhould be about him but men
of inhuman tempers and natures, void of all reverence
towards God and man, his Majefly's gracious difppfi-
tion and generous affability ftill wrought upon fome
foldier, or other perfon placed about him, to undertake
and perform fome offices of truft, in conveying papers
to and from him. So great a force and influence had
natural duty; or fome defperate men had fo much craft,
and forecaft, to lay out a little application that might
bring advantage to them in fuch a change as they nei
ther looked for, nor defired. But many, who did undertake
to perform thofe offices, did not make good what they
promifed ; which made it plain, they were permitted to
get credit, that they might the more ufefully betray. ,
The prefent In the Parliament, there was no oppofition or contra-
of "he p°ar- diction in any thing relating to the public ; but in all
lamem. th0fe tranfactions which , concerned particular perfons,
with reference to rewards, preferments, or matter of pro
fit, men were confidered according to the party they were
of ; every day thofe received benefit who had appeared
moft to adhere to the army ; the notorious Prefbyte
rians were removed from places of profit and autho
rity, which vexed them, and well prepared and dif
pofed them to be ready for revenge. But the pulpit-
ikirmifhes were higher than ever ; the Prefbyterians, in
thofe

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 175
thofe fields, lofing nothing of their courage, having a
notorious power in the city, notwithftanding the emula
tion of the Independents, who were more learned and
rational ; who, though they had not fo great congregar
tions of the common people, yet infected, and were
followed by, the moft fubftantial and wealthy citizens,
and by others of better condition. To thefe men Crom<-
well and moft of the officers of the army adhered, with
bitternefs againft the other. But the divinity of the
time was not to be judged by the preaching, and con
gregations in churches, which were now thought not to
be the fit and proper places for devotion and religious af-
femblies, where the Bifhops had exercifed fuch illimited
tyranny, and which had been polluted by their original
confecrations. Liberty of confcience was now become
the great charter; and men who were infpired, preached
and prayed when and where they would. Cromwell
himfelf was the greateft preacher; and moft of the
officers of the army, and many common foldiers,
fhewed their gifts that way. Anabaptifts grew very nu
merous, with whom the Independents concurred fo far
as to join with them for the utter abolifhing of tythes,
as of Judaical inftitution; which was now the patrimony
of the Prefbyterians, and therefore profecuted by one
party, and defended by the other, with equal paffion and
animofity. If any honeft man could have been at fo
much eafe as to have beheld the profpect with delight,
never was fuch a fcene of confufion, as at this time had
fpread itfelf over the face of the whole kingdom.
During all this time, the Prince remained at Paris ThePrince's
under the government of his mother, exercifed with at Paris™
that ftrictnefs, that though his Highnefs was above the
age of feventeen years, it was not defired that he fhould
meddle in any bufinefs, or be. fenfible of the unhappy
condition

176 THE HISTORY BookX.
condition the royal family was in. The affignation
which was made by the Court of France for the better
fupport of the Prince, was annexed to the monthly al
lowance given to the Queen, and received by her, and
diftributed as fhe thought fit ; fuch clothes and other
neceflaries provided for his Highnefs as were thought
convenient ; her Majefty defiring to have it thought
that the Prince lived entirely upon her, and that k
would not confift with the dignity of the Prince of
Wales to be a penfioner to the King of France. Hereby
none of his Highnefs's fervants had any pretence to afk
money, but they were to be contented with what fhould
be allowed to them ; which was difpenfed. with a very
fparing hand ; nor was the Prince himfelf ever mafter of
ten pifloles to difpofe as he defired. The .Lord Jermyn
was the Queen's chief officer, and governed all her receipts,
and he loved plenty fo well, that he would not be with
out it, whatever others fuffered. All who had any rela
tion to the Prince, were to implore his aid ; and the
Prince himfelf could obtain nothing but by him; which
made moft perfons of honour of the Englifh nation who
were driven into banifhment, as many of the nobility
and chief gentry of the kingdom then were, choofe rather
to make their refidence in' any other place, as Caen,
Rouen, and the like, than in Paris, where the Prince
was, and could do fo little : nor was this economy well
liked even in France, nor the Prince himfelf fo much
refpected as he would have been if he had lived more
like himfelf, and appeared more concerned in his own
bufinefs. When the Marquis of Ormond came thither, he was
received very gracioufly by the Queen, and confulted
with in all things, being the perfon moft depended upon
to begin to give a turn, to their fortune, recommended to
them

OF THE REBELLION, &c, j7j
them by the King, and of the moft univerfal reputation
of any fubject the King had. He preffed a fpeedy dif-
patch, that he might purfue his defigns in Ireland ;
where he longed to be, whilft the affairs of that king->
dom were no more taken to heart by the Parliament,
who had yet fent no fupplies thither. He informed
the Queen, and the Lord Jermyn, of the neceffity of
haftening that work, which they underftood well enough
by the Irifh commiffioners ; who had been there, and
had been fent back with a million of promifes, a coin
that Court always abounded with, and made moft of its
payments in.
When the Queen, who was as zealous for the difpatch
as was poffible, preffed the Queen Regent, and the Car
dinal, upon it, fhe received in words all the fatisfaction
imaginable, and affurance that all things fhould be fpee-
dily provided ; and when the Marquis fpoke firft with
the Cardinal upon the fubject, he found him well dif
pofed ; making fuch ample promifes for a very good
fum of money, and fuch a proportion of arms and am
munition, as could be wifhed. So that he thought he
had no more to do, but to appoint the place for his em
barkation, that thofe provifions might be fent thither
to meet him ; and that he fhould be ready to tranfport
himfelf within a very fhort time ; of which he gave no
tice to thofe who expected him in Ireland, and prepared
all his own accommodations accordingly. But he was
very much difappointed in his expectation ; the Car
dinal was not fo confident of the recovery of the King's
affairs as to difoblige the Parliament by contributing
towards it : fo that affair advanced very flowly.
Having now, contrary to the order formerly obferved
by me, crowded in all the particular paffages and im
portant tranfactions of two whole years into this book,
vol. in. p. i. n that

178 THE HISTORY, &c. Book X.
that I might not interrupt or difcontinue the relation of
the myfterious proceedings of the army, their great hy-
pocrify, and diffimulation, practifed towards the King
and his party, and then their pulling off their mafk, and
appearing in their natural drefs of inhumanity and fa-
vagenefs, with the vile artifices of the Scottifh commif
fioners to draw the King into their hands, and then their
low and bafe compliance, and grofs folly, in delivering
him up, and laftly their abfurd and merchandly traf
ficking with him for the price of returning to their alle
giance, when there was no other way of preferring
themfelves, and their nation from being deftroyed, the
many woful tragedies of the next year, which filled the
world with amazement and horror, muft be the fubject
of the difcourfe, in the next book.

THE END OP THE TENTH BOOK.

THE
HISTORY OF THE
REBELLION, &c

BOOK XI.

Deut. xxix. 24.
Even all nations fb all fay, Wherefore hatb the Lord done
thus unto this land? what meaneth the heat of this great
anger ?
Lam. ii. 7.
The Lord hath cafl off bis altar ; be hath abhorred his fanclu-
ary ; he bath given up into the hand of the enemy the walls of
his palaces ; they have made a noife in the houfe of the Lord as
in the day of a folemn feafl.

iF a univerfal difcontent and murmuring of the three The temper
nations, and almoft as general a deteftation both of Par- tfon^'thrs
liament and army, and a moft paffionate defire that all1'"16,
their follies and madnefs might be forgotten in reftoring
the King to all they had taken from him, and in fettling
that bleffed government they had deprived themfelves
of, could have contributed to his Majefly's recovery,
never people were better difpofed to erect and repair
again the building they had fo malicioufly thrown and
n a pulled

iSo THE HISTORY BookXI.
pulled down. In England there was a general difcon-
tent amongft all forts of men ; many officers and foldiers
who had ferved the Parliament from the beginning of
the war, and given too great teftimonies of their courage
and fidelity to their party, and had been difbanded upon
the new model, looked upon the prefent army with
hatred, as thofe who reaped the harveft and reward of
their labours, and fpake of them and againft them in all
places accordingly: the nobility and gentry who had
advanced the credit and reputation of the Parliament by
concurring with it againft the King, found themfelves
totally neglected, and the moft inferior people preferred
to all places of truft and profit : the Prefbyterian min-
ifters talked very loud ; their party appeared to be
very numerous, and the expectation of an attempt from
Scodand, and the importunity and clamour from Ireland,
for fupplies of men and money againft the Irifh, who
grew powerful, raifed the courage of all difcontented per
fons to meet and confer together, and all to inveigh againft
the army, and the officers who corrupted "it. The Par
liament bore no reproach fo concernedly, as that of " the
The affairs " want of fupplies to Ireland, and that, having fo great an
duri^the " army without an enemy, they would not fpare any part
lord LHVi a 0f jt to preferve that kingdom." This argument made a
being there. r o o
new warmth in the Houfe of Commons, they who had
been filent, and given over infifting upon the infolence
and prefumption of the army, which had prevailed, and
crufhed them, took now new fpirit, and preffed the relief
of Ireland with great earneftnefs, and in order thereunto
made great inquifition into the expences of the money;
and how fuch vaft fums received had been difburfed ;
which was a large field, and led them to many men's
doors upon whom they were willing to be revenged.
There was a defign this way to get the Prefbyterians again

OF THE REBELLION, &c. i8t
again into power, and that they might get the Com
mand of an army for the fubduing the rebels in Ireland.
Cromwell had, for the quieting the clamours from
thence, got the Lord Lifle, eldeft fon to the Earl of
Leicefter, to be fent under the title of Lord Lieutenant of
that kingdom thither, with a commiffion for a limited
time. He had landed in Munfter, either out of the jea
loufy they had of the Lord Inchiquin, or becaufe the beft
part of their army of Englifh were under his command
in that province. But that expedition gave the Englifh
no relief, nor weakened the power or ftrength of the
Irifh, but rather increafed their reputation by the faction
and bitternefs that was between the Lieutenant and the
Prefident, who writ letters of complaint one againft the
other to the Parliament, where they had both their
parties which adhered to them. So that, the time of
his commiffion being expired, and the contrary party
not fuffering it to be renewed, the Lord Lifle returned
again into England, leaving the Lord Inchiquin, whom
he meant to have deflroyed, in the entire poffeflion of
the command, and in greater reputation than he was
before. And, in truth, he had preferved both with
Wonderful dexterity, expecting every day the arrival of
the Marquis of Ormond, and every day informing the
Parliament of the ill condition he was in, and preffing
for a fupply of men and money, when he knew they-
would fend neither.
Upon the return of the Lord Lifle the Prefbyterians Waller no-
renewed their defign, and caufed Sir William Waller to General
be named for Deputy or Lieutenant of Ireland, the ra- oppo^y
ther (over and above his merit, and the experience theyCr1omweUi
\ ' l J who pro-
had had of his fervice) becaufe he could quickly draw po,«i Lam-
together thofe officers and foldiers which had ferved
under him, and were now difbanded, and would willingly
n 3 again

18a THE HISTORY Book XI.
again engage under their old General. At the firft,
Cromwell did not oppofe this motion, but confented to
it, being very willing to be rid both of Waller, and all
the officers who were willing to go with him, who he
knew were not his friends, and watched an opportunity
to be even with him. But when he faw Waller infift
upon great fupplies to carry with him, as he had reafon
to do, and when he confidered of what confequence it
might be to him and all his defigns, if a well formed and
difciplined army fhould be under the power of Waller,
and, fuch officers, he changed his mind-; and firft fet
his inftruments to crofs fuch a fupply of men and
money, as he had propofed ; " the one, as more than
" neceffary for the fervice ; and the other, as more than
" they could fpare from their other occafions :" and
when this check was put to Waller's engagement, he
caufed Lambert to be propofed for that expedition, a
man who was then faft to the fame intereft he em
braced, and who had gotten a great name in the army.
He formalized fo long upon this, that Ireland remained
ftill unfupplied, and their affairs there feemed to be in a
very ill condition.
The Scots made fo much noife of their purpofes, even
before their commiffioners left London, and gave fuch
conftant advertifements of the impatience of their coun
trymen to be in arms for the King, though they made
no hafle in providing for fuch an expedition, that both
the Prefbyterians, who were their chief correfpondents,
and the royal party, bethought themfelves how they
might be ready; the one, that they might redeem them
felves from their former guilt, and the other, that they
might not only have a good part in freeing the King
from his imprifonment, but be able to preferve him in
liberty from any Prefbyterian impofitions, which they ftill

/ /

OF THE REBELLION, &c. j.83
ftill apprehended the Scots might endeavouF to oppofe,
though they had no fufpicion of the engagement lately
mentioned at the Ifle of Wight.
The Earl of Holland, who had done twice very no- The Earl of
torioufly amifs, and had been, fince his return from prepares to
Oxford, notably defpifed by all perfons of credit in the b'Te'or 'he
Parhament and the army, had a mind to redeem his ^^s and
former faults by a new and thorough engagement. He
had much credit by defcent and by alliance with the
Prefbyterian party, and was privy to the undertakings of
Scotland, and had conftant intelligence Of the advance
that was made there. His brother, the Earl of War
wick, had undergone fome mortification with the reft,
and had not that authority in the naval affairs as he had
ufed to have, though he was the High Admiral of
England by Ordinance of Parliament, and had done
them extraordinary fervices. He did not reftrain or
endeavour to fupprefs the Earl of Holland's difcontents,
but inflamed them, and promifed to join with him, as
many others of that gang of men did ; refolving that
the Scots fhould not do all that work, but that they
would have a fhare in the merit. The Duke of Buck
ingham, and his brother, the Lord Francis Villiers, were
newly returned from travel, and though both very young,-
were ftrong and active men, and being, in refpect of
their infancy, unengaged in the late war, and fo unhurt
by it, and coming now to the poffeflion of large eftates,
which they thought they were obliged to venture for
the Crown upon the firft opportunity, they fell eafily
into the friendfhip of the Earl of Holland, and were
ready to embark themfelves in his adventure. The Earl
had made tender of his refolutions to his old miftrefs
the Queen at Paris, who was always difpofed to truft
him, and the Lord Jermyn and he renewed their
N 4 former

184 THE HISTORY Book XI.
former friendfhip, the wantith whereof had hevef been
extinguifhed.
So a commiffion was fent from the Prince to the Earl
to be General of an army, that was to be raifed for the
redemption of the Kirig from prifon, and to reftorfc the
Parliament to its freedom. The Earl of Peterborough,
and John Mordaunt his brother, the family of the Earl
of Northampton, and all the officers who had fejved
the King in the war, With which the city of London and
all parts of the kingdom abounded, applied themfelves tct
the Earl of Holland, and received commiffionsfrom hirn
for feveral commands.
This engagement was fo well known, and fo generally
- fpoken of, that they concluded that the Parliament
durft not take notice of it, Or wifhed wfell to it. And
there is no queftion, never undertaking of that nature
was carried on with fo little refervation; there was feaite
a county in England, in which there was not fome aflb-
ciation entered into to appear in arms for the King.
They who had the principal Command in Wales un
der the Parliament, fent to Paris to declare, " that;
" if they might have fupply of arms and ammunition;
" and a reafonable furri for the payment of their gaffi-
" fons, they would declare for the King, having the
" chief places of thofe parts in their cuftody." The
Lord Jermyn encouraged all thofe overtures with moft
pofitive undertaking, that they fhould be fupplied with
all they expected, within fo many days after they
fhould declare ; which they depended upon, and he,
according to his cuftom, never thought of after; by
which the fervice mifcarried, and many gallant men were
loft. Crotowell, to whom all thefe machinations were
known, chofe rather to run the hazard of all that faeft a
loofe

an
ion

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 185
loofe combination could produce, than, by feizing upon
perfons, to engage the Parliament in examinations, and
in parties ; the inconvenience whereof he apprehended
more ; finding already that the Prefbyterian party had
fo great an influence upon the General, that he declared
to him, " he would not march againft the Scots," whom
he had a good mind to have vifited before their coun
fels and refolutions were formed ; and Cromwell had
reafon to believe, that Fairfax would be firm to the
fame mind, even after they fhould have invaded the
kingdom. All things being in this forwardnefs in England, it is The Scott*
fit to enquire how the Scots Complied with their obliga- So^or
tidns, and what expedition they ufed in raifing their fo^En^
army. After the commiflioners' return from London, land
upon the King's being made prifoner in the Ifle of
Wight, it was long before the Marquis of Argyle could
be prevailed with to confent that a Parliament fhould be
called. He had made a faft friendfhip with Cromwell
and Vane ; and knew that in this hew ftipulation with
the King, the Hamiltottian faction was the great under
taker, and meant to have all the honour of whatfoever
fhould follow. And yet the Duke upon his return to
Scotland lived at firft very privately at his own houfe ;
feldom went abroad to any meeting ; and to thofe who
came to him, and to whom that refolution would be
grateful, he ufed to fpeak darkly, and as a man that
thought more of revenge upon thofe who had impri-
fbned him* than of affifting the Crown to recover the
authority it had loft. Argyle, whofe power was over
that violent party of the Clergy which would not de
part from the moft rigid claufe in the Covenant, and
were without any reverence for the King or his govern
ment, difcerned that he fhould never be able to hinder the

i8(5 THE HISTORY BookXI.
fhe calling of a Parliament, which the people generally
called for, and that he fhould fooner obtain his end by
puzzling their proceedings, and obftructing their deter
minations, after they fhould be affembled, than by ob-
ftinately oppofing their coming. together. So fummons
were iffued for the convention of a Parliament ; and
they who appeared moft concerned for the King, and to
fet him at liberty from his imprifonment, (which was all.
they pretended), were the Earl of Lanrick, brother tp;
Duke Hamilton, and then reftored to his office of Se
cretary of Scodand, who had been imprifoned at Ox
ford, and made his efcape from thence ; and the Earl
of Lautherdale, who had been with the forwardeft from;
the beginning of the rebellion, when he was fcarce of
age, and profecuted it to the end with moft eminent
fiercenefs and animofity.
Thecharac- They were both men of great parts and induflry,
ricktnd"1" though they loved pleafures too ; both proud and am-
Lauther- , bitious ; the former, much the civiller and better bred,,
date. 7
of the better nature, and better judgment, and an open-
nefs and clearnefs more to be trufted and relied upon
than moft men of that party : the latter, infolejit, impe
rious, flattering, and diffembling, fitter for intrigues
and contrivances by the want of the ingenuity which.
the other had, and by the experience and practice he!
had in the committee of both kingdoms in their darkeft
defigns. The former was a man of honour and courage;
the latter had courage enough not to fail where it was
abfolutely neceffary, and no impediment of honour to
reftrain him from doing any thing that might gratify:
any of his paffions.
Thefe two were the chief managers and contrivers to
carry on this affair; for though the Chancellor, the
Earl of Lowden, had been a commiflioner in England^ „
and

OF THE REBELLION, &c. rfj
and as privy to the treaty with the King, and had made as
many profeffions and proteflations of duty to him as
they, and indeed was willing to perform them, yet he
was fo obnoxious for his loofe and vicious life, which
was notorious, that he durft not provoke Argyle or the
Clergy by diffenting from them. They ufed all the
intereft and fkill they had, to get fuch elections in the
boroughs of members for the Parliament as might comply
with them ; and the people generally were exceedingly
offended, and alhamed of the infamous delivery up of
the King to the Englifh, to which they imputed all
the danger that threatened them, and the reproach
and infamy that lay upon their country; and fo had
great prejudice to all men who were thought to be the
caufe of it.
At the opening of the Parliament, they did all they The Pariia-
could to inflame the people againft the army in Eng- scmial!";"1
land; which, they faid, " had forced the Parliament ;jn(jb*£r
" there to break the treaty between the two kingdoms tions-
" in their ill ufage of the King, who was imprifoned by
" the army, nor was it in the power of the Parliament
" to fet him at liberty : that they had now, upon the
*( matter, abfolutely depofed him, by not fuffering him
" to perform the office of a King, nor permitting any of
" his fubjects to repair to him ; ki which the kingdom
" of Scodand was concerned, in that being independent
" upon England, and the Parliament of England, they
" were by them deprived of their King, and could not
" be admitted to fpeak with him, nor his Majefty to fend
<c to them ; which was fuch a prefumption, and vio-
" lation of the law of nations, and fuch a perfidious
il breach and contempt of the folemn League and Co-
" venant, and of the treaty between the two kingdoms,
" that they were bound by all the obligations human " and

188 THE HISTORY Book XI.
«' and divine to be fenfible of it, and to redeem their
¦tf King's liberty, and their own honour, with the hazard
" of their lives and fortunes and all that was dear to
" them : and therefore they defired that they might
" enter upon thofe counfels, which might fooneft get an
" army together, which fhould no fooner enter England,
" but it would find a conjunction from that whole
" kingdom, except only the army ; and that it would
" then quickly appear that the Parliaments of both
" kingdoms defired the fame thing, and to live happily
u under the government of the fame King."
This difcourfe, urged and feconded by many of the
principal men, was entertained by the reft with fo gene
ral a reception, that Argyle found it would be to no
purpofe directly to contradict or oppofe it. He faw the
election of the knights and burgefles had fucceeded ac
cording to the wifhes of the other lords, and that they
would concur with whatfoever was propofed ; and he
found likewife that they had wrought upon the greateft
part of their Clergy; who believed all they faid to them.
He did not therefore oppofe any thing propofed by
them, but only defired, " that they would very well
" weigh the manner of their proceeding in an affair of
" fo great concernment, which was like to terminate in
" a bloody war between the two kingdoms ; which had
" hitherto proceeded as brethren, and had both reaped
" great benefit and advantage from the conjunction :
" and he hoped there was no purpofe to fliake any of
" thofe foundations which had been laid in the years
" by-gone, which fupported that government, and
?' made that kingdom happy; which if diflblved, all
" the mifchief and tyranny they had formerly felt and
" undergone, would break in upon them with a torrent
*' that fhould deftroy them." Every body declared, " that

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 189
" that there was no purpofe to fwerve, in the leaft dc-
" gree, from what was eftablifhed for the government
" in either kingdom, by their folemn League and Co^
" venant, which they had in perfect veneration, and
" looked upon it as an obligation upon them to do all
" that had been propofed ;" upon which Argyle acqui-
efced as fatisfied, not d6ubting but that, in the profecu-*
tion of their counfels, he fhould find opportunity enough
to obftruct the quick progrefs, and to interrupt the con-
clufion, and execution.
The lords who had been in England, and frequented sir u.
Hampton Court, whilft the King was there, to make and sir p.
themfelves the more gracious, had treated all the King's ana others,
party with all manner of careffes, and more particularly byTheScoK,
had much applied themfelves to thofe gentlemen of the ^ '™tted
North who had moft eminentiy ferved the King, and 'and . whi-
who had good fortunes there to fupport their intereft. went.
Of this kind there were two very notable men, Sir Mar-
maduke Langdale, and Sir Philip Mufgrave ; both men
of large and plentiful eftates, the one in Yonkfhire, the
other in Cumberland and Weftmoreland *, who having '
been in the time of peace eminent in their country in
the offices of juftices of peace, and deputy lieutenants.,
had, in the beginning of the war, engaged themfelves in <
commands in the King's army with .great reputation of
flout, diligent, and active officers; and continued to the
end, and had not after applied themfelves to make any
compofition, but expected a new opportonity to appear
with their fwords in their hands. They were both
looked upon by the Parliament, and the chief officers of
the army, with great jealoufy, as men worthy to be
feared, and who could never be induced to comply
with them. The Scottifh lords had not been fcrupu-
lous to let thefe two gentlemen know what they in tended, and

iqo THE HISTORY Book XI.
and ei that they made no queftion but they fhould en-
" gage their whole kingdom and nation to enter into 5
" prefent war with England on the King's behalf; and
" therefore defired them, by the intereft and influence
*' they had upon the northern counties, to difpofe them
" to a conjunction with them." And becaufe they
knew that .they two were too notorious to ftay with any
fecurity about London, much lefs in their own country,
they invited them into Scotland, where they affured
them, " they fhould not only be fafe, but very welcome;
" and fhould be witneffes of their proceedings, and have
" parts of their own to act in, as foon as the feafon
" fhould be ripe."
Thefe gentlemen, though they had been hitherto
unhurt, and, whilft the army made thofe profeffions to
wards the King, had been much courted by the chief
officers thereof, and had been quartered with them as
friends, knew well, now the mafk was off, that if they
did not immediately apply themfelves to make their com-
pofitions, they fhould be apprehended, and imprifoned.
And therefore, being perfuaded that the Scots would
engage for the King, they accepted their invitation,
and told them, " they fhould quickly find them in Scot-
" land after their own return." Accordingly, after
having fecretly fpent fome time in their own countries,
and directed their friends to be in a readinefs when
they fhould be called upon, and in the mean time
fettled a way how to correfpond together, they went
into Scotland to thofe who had invited them, and were
received by them with civility enough. They owned
fuch a warinefs, in refpect of the jealoufies amongft
themfelves, and the ill arts of Argyle, that they defired
them " for fome time to withdraw to fome place,"
(which they recommended to them), " and there to re-
" main

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 191
rt main in fecret, and under feigned names, until the
" calling of the Parliament ; at which time they might
" come to Edinburgh, and appear in their own likenefs
" with all freedom." So after having remained in that
private manner, where they were well treated for fome
months, when the Parliament was affembled at Edin
burgh, they returned thither; and were very well looked
upon by all that knew them ; which made them be
have themfelves with the more freedom and confidence
in their converfation, the forementioned lords telling
them all they meant to do, and what arts they were
to ufe till they could get their army up, towards
which they believed they had mattered the greateft dif
ficulties. Though the Scottifh commiffioners had withdrawn
from London, fhortly after they had protefted loudly
againft the proceedings of the Parliament, both in im-
prifoning the King, and in refufing to give them leave
to repair to him, or to receive from him any directions
or orders concerning the government of that kingdom,
and thought it high time to provide for their own fecu
rity by quitting their ftation at London, where they re
ceived every day affronts, and their perfons were expofed
to contempt ; yet there were no fooner preparations to- commir-
wards a Parliament in Scotland, than commiflioners were ftomThe6"'
fent from the Lords and Commons at Weftminfter to ™ *?c°outfcs
refide at Edinburgh, as if they hoped to over-vote themland-
there too ; and it was evident quickly that' they were not
without a ftrong or at leaft an active party there.
They were received with the fame fhew of refpect, and
the fame care was taken for their accommodation, as
had been when they firft came for contriving of the
Covenant; not only the Marquis of Argyle, and his
party, very diligently vifited them, and performed all
., . offices

19a THE HISTORY Book XI.
offices of refpect towards them, but even the Hamilto-
nian faction, .and they who were moft folicitous to raife
the war, attended them as officioufly as others, and
made the fame profeffions to preferve the peace and
amity between the two nations.
That rigid party of the Clergy which fo adored the Co
venant in the ftrict eft fenfe of the letter, that they did not
defire to have any more dependence upon the King, buf
in effect to lay him afide, and to fettle the government
without him, as their brethren in England had refolved
to do, were never from them, and willingly received
fuch prefents and penfions from the Englifh commif
fioners, as they were prepared and provided to offer to
them ; and much money was given to make them faft
friends. By this means nothing was refolved, or pro
pofed in the moft fecret councils, that was not forthwith
imparted, and made known to them ; and they behaved
themfelves as haughtily and imperioufly, as if they had
their army at hand to fecond them. They took notice
of the refort of fo many Englifh to Edinburgh, and that
there were many amongft them who had been in arms
againft the Parliament, and demanded, " that they
" might either be banifhed that kingdom, or delivered
" to them to be fent to the Parliament."
They were fo clamorous in this argument, and found
fo much countenance to their clamour, that they who
had invited the Englifh thither, had not the courage to
own them ; but advifed them underhand, (e to abfent
" themfelves from the town, till that ftorm fhould be
" over." And even Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and Sir
Philip Mufgrave, whom, over and above all the dif
courfes held with them at London., the Scottifh lords
had fent to confer with as they paffed through the
northern, parts homewards, .and had then conferred with
them

OF THE REBELLION, &c. j93
them, and defired them " to prepare all things with
" their friends for the furprifal of Berwick and Carlifle,
" when the feafon fhould be ripe, and that they would
" haflen their journey into Scotland, that they might
" be out of danger of imprifonment ;" even thefe men
were defired, " either to withdraw again from Edin-
" burgh, or to keep their chambers there, and not to be
" feen abroad, until their army fhould be raifed, and
" fuch a General made choice of as would take care of
" their protection." And they did not conceal from
them, that they made no doubt but that Duke Hamil
ton fhould be that General ; who often conferred with
them in private, and always affured them, " that what-
" ever was, in that place and feafon, difcourfed of the
" Covenant, which was very neceffary to bring their
" defigns to pafs, he fhould be no fooner invefted in the
" command his friends defigned for him, than he would
" manifeft his refolution to join with the King's party,
'* upon the true intereft of the Crown, without which
" he would hope for little fuccefs iii England :" and he
defired them, " though they faw little appearance yet of
"¦ raifing an army, which would be as foon finifhed as
" begun, by the method they were accuftomed to ufe,
" that they would write very earneftly to their friends in
" England to begin, as foon as might be, to execute the
" defigns they had laid, in as many parts of the king-
" dom as they could upon confidence that they fhould
,f receive relief before they could be oppreffed." To
the fame purpofe they writ to the Queen, and defired
" that the Prince might be in a readinefs to be with
" them againft the time their army ihould be ready to
*' march ; which, they affured her, fhould be by the be-
" ginning of May." All which feveral advertifements,
being communicated in England, found a people too
vol. m. p. i. o , ready

194 THE HISTORY BookXi.
ready to give credit to what was promifed, arid to begin
the work fooner than they ought to have done; and yet
they were haftened by fuch accidents, as, in truth, made
their appearance even neceffary.
The King, whilft he was at Hampton Court, when
he forefaw that the army would not comply with him,
as he once believed, and refolved to get themfelves out
of their hands, had, as is mentioned before, directed the
Duke of York, who was of years to be trufted with the
fecret, " that, when a fit opportunity fhould be offered,
" he fhould make his efcape into the parts beyond the
" feas, and follow the directions of his mother :" and
about this time, when fo much action was expected,
which probably might produce many alterations, his
Majefty, in all places, found fome way to advertife the
Duke, " that it would be a very proper feafon^for him
" to make his efcape." The perfon who was entrufted
to contrive it was Colonel Bamfield, a man of an active
and infinuating nature, and dexterous enough in bringing
any thing to pafs that he had the managing of himfelf.
He had now no relation to the King's fervice ; he had
ferved the King in the late war as a colonel of foot, and
had not behaved himfelf fo well in it, as to draw any
fufpicio.n upon himfelf from the other party, and was in
truth much more converfant with the Prefbyterian party
than with the King's. So that his repair often to the
place where the Duke of York and the other children
were, drew nothing of fufpicion upon him.
The efcape The Duke and his brother and fifter were then kept
of York be- at St. James's, where they had the liberty of the garden
from it. and park to walk and exercife themfelves in, and lords,
James's. an(j \&&xt$} an(i other perfons of condition, . were not
reftrained from reforting thither to vifit them. In this
manner Bamfield had been fometimes there ; and after he
had

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 195
had informed the Duke what he was to do, and found one
or two more to be trufted between them, that he might
not become fufpected by being obferved to fpeak too
often with him, he provided a fmall veffel to be ready
about the cuftom houfe, and to have its pafs for Hol
land, and then advertifed the Duke to be ready in the
clofe of an evening, when playing, as he ufed to do,
with the other children, in a room from whence there
was a pair of flairs to the garden, he might, untaken
notice of, get thither ; from whence there was a door
into the park ; where Bamfield would meet him. And
this was fo well adjufted, that the Duke came at the
hour to the place ; where the other met him, and led
him prefently where a coach was ready, and fo carried
him into a private houfe ; where he only flayed whilft
he put on women's apparel, that was provided for him ;
and prefently, with Colonel Bamfield only, went into a
pair of oars that was ready ; fo he paffed the bridge,
and went on board the veffel that was ready to receive
him; which immediately hoifted fail, and arrived fafe in
Holland, without any man of the fhip having the leaft
imagination what freight they carried.
The Duke, as foon as he Was on fhore^ and in a lodg
ing, refolving no longer to ufe his woman's habit,
flayed there till he advertifed his After, the Princefs
Royal of Orange, of his arrival ; who quickly took care
to provide all fuch things as were neceffary for his re
move to the Hague ; from whence the Queen was in
formed, and fo knew as foon almoft where he was, as fhe
did of his" efcape from London. The Prince was not
yet ready for his remove, nor was it refolved which way
he fhould go ; fo that it was thought beft that the
Duke fhould, for the prefent, ftay at the Hague with
his After, till farther refolutions might be taken; and
o 2 though

196 THE HISTORY Book XI.
though the fervice which Bamfield had performed, was
very well efteemed, yet they thought the making him
a Groom of his Bedchamber, would be an ample recom-
pence, and that it was neceffary to put a perfon of a better
quality about his Highnefs, who might have a fuperior
command over the other fervants;' and becaufe the
Lord Byron, who had been made Governor of the Duke
of York by the King, was then in England, fecretly a^
tending the conjuncture to appear in arms in a quarter
sir John affigned to him, Sir John Berkley was fent by the
ma'dc'Li Queen to wait upon the Duke, as Governor in the ab-
Govemor's ^ence °^ tne Lord Byron, which Bamfield looked-upon
intheab- as a degradation, and bringing the man he hated of all
fence of the ° 1 1 •
Lord Byron, men living, to have the command over him.
The Lord Capel, who was in the moft fecret part of
all thefe intrigues in England, being entirely trufted by
thofe who would not truft any of the Prefbyteriansj nor,
communicate their purpofes to them, had written to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, who remained ftill in
Jerfey, the hopes he had of a good conjuncture, and his
own refolution to embark himfelf in that attempt, as
foon as it fhould be ripe ; and had fignified the King's
command to him, " that as foon as the Chancellor
" fhould be required to wait upon the Prince, he fhould
" without delay obey the fummons :" and the King
had likewife writ to the Queen very pofitively, " that
" when it fliould be neceffary for the Prince to remove
" out of France, the Chancellor fhould have notice of
" it, and be required to give his attendance upon the per-
" fon of his Royal Highnefs, in the condition he had
" formerly done." About the beginning of May, in
the year 1648, the Lord Capel, who had always cor-
refponded with the Chancellor, and informed him of
the ftate of affairs, and all that concerned himfelf, writ' to

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 197
to him, " that all things were now fo ripe, that he be-
" lieved the Prince would not find it fit to remain
" longer in France ; and thereupon conjured him that
" he would be ready, if he ffiould be fent for, as he
" was confident he would be, to attend upon his High-
" nefs ;" which, he faid, all the King's friends expected
he fhould do ; and which he was refolved to do as foon
as the Prince fhould be out of France, though he fhould
receive no order or invitation fo to do.
About the middle of May, the Queen, according toTheChan-
his Majefly's command, fent to the Chancellor of the Exchequer6
Exchequer to Jerfey, commanding, "that he would [^Prince
" wait upon the Prince in the Louvre at Paris," upon afromJerfey-
day that was paft before the letter came to his hands.
But he no fooner received the fummons, than he betook
himfelf to the journey, and to tranfport himfelf into
Normandy ; where, after he was landed, he made what
hafte he could to Caen, fuppofing he fhould there find
Secretary Nicholas, who had given him notice, " that
" he had received the fame command." When he
came to Caen, .he found the Secretary's lady there, but
himfelf was gone to Rouen, to the Lord Cottington, and
intended to ftay there till the other fhould arrive, and
to confult together there upon their farther journey. The
old Earl of Briftol, who had lived likewife at Caen, was
gone with the Secretary to Rouen, having likewife received
the fame fummons with the others to attend the Prince at
the Louvre. . The Chancellor haftened to Rouen, where
he found the Lord Cottington, who had ftill the tide and
precedency of Lord High Treafurer of England, the
Earl of Briftol, and Secretary Nicholas, who were all
his very good friends, and very glad of his arrival.
They had received advertifement, the day before, "" that
" the Prince, with all his fmall train, was paffed by to^
03 " wards

198 THE HISTORY Book XI.
" wards Calais ;" and direction was fent, " that the
" Chancellor, whom they fuppofed to be on the way;
" and the reft, fhould ftay at Rouen, till they fhould
" receive new orders from Calais, where his Royal
" Highnefs would take new meafures what he was to
" do." So they flayed together at Rouen, where there
were at the fame time very many Englifh of quality in
their own condition, who were driven out of England,
as well as they, for their fidelity to the King, and had
brought fomewhat with them for their fupport abroad,
till they might upon fome good change return to their
own country. In the mean time they lived very de
cently together in that city; where they were well
efleemed. The way between Rouen and Calais was fo
dangerous without a very ftrong convoy, that no day
paffed without robberies and murders, fo that they were
glad of their order not to ftir from thence, till they
fhould receive a very particular direction from the
The Prince Prince ; and within few days they received advice, « that
Holland " the Prince had, as foon as he came to Calais, puthim-
rom a ais. „ ^ Qn |joar(j a ^-p faat he found there bound for
" Holland, whence they were to hear from him, how
" they fhould difpofe of themfelves," Whereupon they
all refolved to remove from Rouen to Dieppe, from
whence they might embark themfelves for Holland if
they faw caufe ; the ways by land, in regard that both
the French and the Spanifh armies were in the field, beT
ing very dangerous.
The revolt The Prince's remove from Paris on fuch a fudden,
the^eeuo proceeded from an accident in England that was very ex-
fromKRainr- traordinary, and looked like a call from heaven. The
borough. Parliament about this time had prepared, according to
cuftom, a good fleet of ten or a dozen fhips for the
fummer guard, aad appointed Rainfborough to be Ad
miral

OF THE REBELLION, &c. I99
rniral thereof; who had been bred at fea, and was the
fon of an eminent commander at fea, lately dead ; but
he himfelf, from the time of the new model, had been
an officer of foot in the army, and was a colonel of
fpeeial note and account, and of Cromwell's chief confi-,
dents. This offended the Earl of Warwick much, and
difpofed him t© that inclination to concur with his bro
ther lately mentioned. Captain Batten likewife was as
much unfatisfied, who had acted a great part in the firft
alienating the fleet and the affections of the feamen from
the King, and had ever been their Vice- Admiral after
wards, and one of the perfons upon whom they principally
relied at fea. Rainfborough, as long as he remained in
the navy, had heen under his command, and both the
Earl and Batten well knew that this man was now made
Admiral of this fleet, becaufe they, being Prefbyterians,
fhould have no credit or influence upon it; which
made them folicitous enough that the feamen fhould
not be well pleafed with the alteration; and they looked
upon Rainfborough as a man that had forfaken them, and
preferred the land before the fea fervice. The feamen are in
a manner a nation by themfelves, a humorous, brave, and
fturdy people ; fierce, and refolute in whatfoever they
are inclined to, fomewhat unfteady and inconftant in
purfuing it, and jealous of thofe to-morrow by whom
they are governed to-day. Thefe men, obferving the
general difcontent of the people, and that, however the
Parliament was obeyed by the power of the army, both
army and Parliament were grown very odious to the
nation, and hearing fo much difcourfe of an army from
Scotland ready to enter into the kingdom, concluded
that the King would be reftored; and then remember
ing that the revolt of the fleet was the preamble to the
tofs of his Majefty's authority every where elfe, and a
o 4 great

loo THE HISTORY Book XI.
great caufe of all his misfortunes, thought it would be a
glorious thing to them, if they couldtead the way to his
Majefty's reftoration by their declaring for him. This
..was an agitation among the common feamen, without
communicating it to any officer of the quality of mafter
of a fhip. This inclination was much improved in
them by a general difpofition in Kent to an infurrection
for the King, and by fome gentlemen's coming- on
board the mips, according to the cuftom of that coun
try ; who fomented the good - difpofition in the feamen
by all the ways they could.
Commoti- At this very time there appeared generally throughout
forVhe en Kent the fame indigefted affection to the King, and in-
King- clination to ferve him, as was among the feamen, and
was conducted with much lefs- order and caution, nei
ther the one nor the other having been defigned by
thofe who took care of the King's affairs, and who de
figned thofe infurrections which happened in other parts
of the kingdom. They knew nothing, that, is, contri
buted nothing to this good difpofition in the feamen,
though they were not without fome hope, that, upon aU
other revolutions, fomewhat might likewife fall out at
fea to the advantage of the King's affairs. They had fome
expectation indeed from Kent, where they knew, the
people were generally well affected, and depended upon
two or three gentlemen of that country, who had been
officers in the King's army, and refolved to bring in
fome troops of horfe, when bccafion fhould be ripe;
but it was refolved and intended that the Scottifh army
fhould be entered the kingdom, by which the Parlia
ment army would be upon their march towards them,
-before they would have any appearance of force in
the parts near London ; and then they believed that
both country and. city would rife together. And fo
thofe

OF THE REBELLION, &c. ,QI
thofe gentlemen of Kent, who were privy to any defign,
lay privately in London to avoid all cabals in their
country ; fo that what now fell out there, was by mere
chance and accident, that could never be forefeen, or
prevented. There happened to be at fome jovial meeting in Kent
about that time, one Mr. L'Eftrange, a younger brother
of a good family in Norfolk, who had been always of
the King's party, and for attempting fomewhat in his
own country for his Majefty's fervice, had been taken
prifoner by the Parliament, and by a Court of War con
demned to die, but being kept in prifon till the end of
the war, was then fet at liberty, as one in whom there
was no more danger. But he retained his old affections,
and more remembered the cruel ufage he had received,
than that they had not proceeded as cruelly with him as
they might have done. He had a great friendfhip with
a young gentleman, Mr. Hales, who lived in Kent, and
was married to a lady of a noble birth and fortune, he
being heir to one of the greateft fortunes of that coun
try, but was to expect the inheritance from the favour
of an old fevere grandfather, who for the prefent kept
the young couple from running into any excefs ; the
mother of the lady being of as four and ftrict a nature
as the grandfather, and both of them fo much of the
Parliament party, that they were not willing any part of
their eftates fhould be hazarded for the King. At the
houfe of this Mr. Hales, Mr. L'Eftrange was, when, by
the communication which that part of Kent always hath
with the fhips which lie in the Downs, the report firft
did arife that the fleet Would prefently declare for the
King, and thofe feamen who came on fhore talked as if
the city of London would join with them. This drew
many gentlemen- of the country who wifhed well, to
vifit

aoa THE HISTORY Book XI.
vifit the fhips, and they returned more confirmed of the
truth of what they had heard. Good-fellowfliip was a
vice fpread every where, and this young great heir, who
had been always bred among his neighbours, affected
that which they were beft pleafed with, and fo his houfe
was a rendezvous for thofe who delighted in that exer
cife, and who every day brought him the news o£ the
good inclinations in the fleet for the King ; and all
men's mouths, were full of the general hatred the whofe
kingdom had againft the Parliament as well as tho
army. Mr. L'Eftrange was a man of a good wit, and
a fancy very luxuriant, and of an enterprifing nature.
He obferved, by the good company that came to the
houfe, that the affections of all that large and populous
Country were for the King, He begun to tell Mr.
Hates, " that though his grandfather did in his heart
« with the King well, yet his carriage had been, fuch
" in his conjunction with the Parliament, that* he had
** more need of the King's favour than of his grand*
e' father's to be heir to that great eftate; and that cej-.
*c tainly nothing could be more acceptable to his grandfa?
** ther, or mpre glorious to him, than to be the inftrument
* of both ;" and therefore advifed him " to put himfelf
»e into the head of his own Country, which would be
*' willing to be led- by him. ; that when the Scots, were
** entered into the northern parts, and all the kingdom
*' fhould he in arms, he might, with the body of his
<e countiymen, march towards Londoa ; which would
,f induce both fefae city and: the Parliament to join with
" him, whereby he fhould have great fhare in the hor
*f nour of reftoring the King."
The company that frequented the houfe thought the
difcourfe very reafonable, and -faw that the iffue muft be
very honourable : the young lady of the houfe was full Of

OF THE REBELLION, &c. ao3
of zeal for the King, and was willing her hufband fhould
be the inftrument of his delivery : the young gendeman
himfelf had not been enough converfant in the affairs of
the world to apprehend the danger or hazard of the at
tempt, and fo referred himfelf and the whole bufinefs to
be governed and conducted by Mr. L'Eftrange, whom
they all believed by his difcourfe to be an able foldier.
He writ fome letters to particular gendemen, who he
was informed would receive them willingly, and figned
warrants to the conftables of hundreds with his own
name, which had been never heard of in the country, re
quiring, " in his Majefty's name, all perfons to appear,
" at a time and place appointed, to advife together, aad
<( to lay hold on fuch opportunities, as fhould be offered
" for relieving the King and delivering him out of pri-
" fon." There was an incredible appearance of the
country at the place appointed, where Mr. L'Eftrange
appeared with Mr. Hales, and thofe perfons which had
been ufed to their company. Mr. L'Eftrange fpoke to
them in a ftyle very much his own ; and being not
very clear to be underftood, the more prevailed over
them. He fpake like a man in authority, inveighed
againft " the tyranny of the army, which had fubdued
" the, Parliament, againft their barbarous imprifonment
" of the King, and againft a confpiracy they had to
" murder him." He added, " that the affections of
" that noble country were well known to his Majefty>
" and that he had therefore appointed the fleet that was
" in the Downs to join with them ; and that he doubted
ci not but they would together be too ftrong for his
c.( enemies, who were like to have enough to do to defend
<< themfelves in many other places ; and that his Majefty
v. was willing they fhould have a gentleman of their own
« country, well known to them, to be their General;" and
named

204 THE HISTORY Book XI.
named Mr. Hales; who was prefent. There was not one
man who fo much as afked for any letter or commiflion,
or other authority from the King; but all of them, very
frankly and unanimoufly, declared " they would be
" ready to join, and march as their General Hales
" fhould direct ;" and fo another day and place was ap
pointed for another appearance, and lifting and forming
their regiments ; and in the mean time Mr. L'Eftrange
fet out fuch declarations and engagements, as he thought
moft like to prevail with the people, and required, " that
" they fhould be read in all churches ;" which was
done accordingly. The next appearance was greater
than the former ; and with the fame forwardnefs, many
coming armed both horfe and foot, and fhewing a mar
vellous alacrity to the engagement. Their General
then gave out his commiffions for feveral regiments, and
a new day was appointed for their rendezvous, when all
fhould come armed, and keep together in a body, until
it fhould be fit to march to London.
It was known that the fleet was gone out of the
Downs, but it was as well known that it had abfolutely re
nounced the fervice of the Parliament, and rejected all
their officers. It was eafy to perfuade the people, that
they were gone upon fome important enterprife, and
would fpeedily return ; and it was infinuated, " that it
** was gone to the Ifle of Wight to releafe the King,
" who would return with it into Kent ;" which made
them haften their preparations.
At the time when the King made the Earl of North
umberland Admiral, he declared, and it was inferred in
his commiflion, " that he fhould enjoy that office dur-
" ing the minority of the Duke of York ;" and the
Duke having made his efcape at this time, when there
was this commotion amongft the feamen, it was po fooner
known

OF THE REBELLION, &c 20$
known that his Highnefs was in Holland, but the fea
men talked aloud, " that they would go to their Ad-
*' miral ;" and the gentlemen of Kent flirting them up
and inflaming them to that refolution, and the feamen
again prefling the gentlemen to haften their rifing in
arms, that they might affift and fecond each other, they
both declared themfelves fooner than they ought to have
done, and before they were prepared for an enterprife of
that importance.
The Parliament -was well informed of the diftemper
amongft the feamen, and had therefore forborne putting
the half of the provifions aboard the fhips, which, for
the greateft part, lay ready in the Downs, wanting only
half the victual they were to have for the fummer fer
vice. But thofe officers which were on board, finding
they had no authority, and that the feamen mocked
and laughed at them, fent every day to inform the Par
liament, what mutinous humour the whole fleet was in,
Whereupon they fent Rainfborough and fome other
officers thither ; prefuming that the prefence of the
Admiral would quickly quiet all. He, being a man of
a rough imperious nature, as foon as he came on board
his fhip, begun to make a ftrict enquiry into the former
diforders and mutinous behaviour, upon which all the
men of his fhip retired into their old fortrefs of one and
all, and prefently laid hold on him, and put him, andRainfco.
fuch other officers of the fhip as they liked not, into^f1^*
the boat, and fent them on fhore. Which was no°f^srepb^
fooner known to the reft of the fhips, but they followed thereamen.
their example, and ufed their officers in the fame
manner. After they had for fome days been feafted
and careffed by the people of Kent, fome of the gentle
men putting themfelves on board to join with them,
and in order to aflift them towards providing fuch ne-
ceffaries

ao6 THE HISTORY Book XI.
Ceflaries as were wanting, they went out of the Downs,
The revolt- and ftood for Holland, that they might find their 'Ad-
wentoverto miral ; and let fall their anchors before the Brill. What
Holland. was ^ong ky faQ gentlemen of Kent on fhore, and the
fuccefs thereof, will be related hereafter.
This fo very feafonable revolt of the fleet, in a con
juncture when fo many advantages were expected, was
looked upon as a fure omen of the deliverance of the
King. And the report that the fhips were before Ca
lais, as if they had expected fomebody there, which
was true, for fome time, was the reafon that it was
thought fit that the Prince (who had hitherto thought
of nothing but being fent for by the Scots, and how to
find himfelf with them) fhould make all poffible hafte
to Calais. This was the caufe of that his fudden mo
tion, which was yet retarded for want of money, and all
other things neceffary for his journey. The Cardinal
fhewed no manner of favouring all thefe appearances of
advantage to the King; he gave lefs countenance to
Scotland, than he had ever done when it was in rebellion
againft the King ; and, notwithftanding all bis promifes
with reference to Ireland, the Marquis of Ormond remain
ed ftill at Paris, without obtaining armsor money in any
proportion, (both which had been promifed fo liberally).
The Mar- and was, after all importunities, compelled to tranfport
mondgoe's himfelf into Ireland (where he was fo importunately
^n°fe int0 called for) without any manner of fupplies, which were
Ireland, expected. And now, when the remove of the Prince
was fo behoveful, the Cardinal utterly refufed to fur-
nifh him with any money ; all which difcountenanceJ
were fhortly after remembered to Cromwell, as high
merit.. The Prince's remove was by every body thought fo
neceffary, that the Lord Jermyn, as was pretended, found

OF THE REBELLION, 8cc. aoy
found means to borrow fo much money as was neceffary
for the journey ; which the King. paid long after with
full intereft. Dr. Goffe, a man well known in that
time, as the chief agent and confident of my Lord
Jermyn, was prefently fent into Holland, to difpofe the
feamen to be willing to receive the Lord Jermyn to
command the fleet. So folicitous that nobleman was to
be in the head of any action that was like to profper,
how unfit foever he was for it ; having neither induftry,
nor knowledge of any thing of the fea, and being lefs
beloved by the feamen than any man that could be
named. The Prince made what hafte he could to
Calais, attended by Prince Rupert, the Lord Hopton,
and the Lord Colepepper, and fome other gentlemen,
beAdes his own domeftics ; and finding one of the
Englifh frigates before Calais, and underftanding that
the Duke of York was gone from the Hague to Helvoet-
fluys, and had put himfelf on board the fleet there, his
Highnefs prefentiy embarked, and made the more hafte
left his brother fhould be in action before him, and wasThePrim*
received at the fleet with all thofe acclamations anda/'hejket.
noifes of joy, which that people are accuftomedto; they
having expreffed as much fome days before, at the ar
rival of the Duke of York.
As foon as it was known in Holland that the Prince
of Wales was arrived, the Prince of Orange, with his
wife the Princefs Royal, Came prefently thither to enter
tain his Highnefs the beft that place would permit, but
efpecially to rejoice together, having not feen each
other from the time they were children. The Prince Faaionsia
found the fleet in faction and diforder, and great pains fleet.""
had been taken to corrupt them. Sir John Berkley's
coming to the Hague to affume the government of the
Duke .of York, had not been acceptable to his Royal
Highnefs;

ao8 THE HISTORY Book XI.
Highnefs ; who was perfuaded by Colonel Bamfield,
that he had been unfaithful, as well as unfortunate, in
his attendance upon the King to the- Ifle of Wight.
The Colonel himfelf was fo incenfed with it, that he
ufed all the fkill and infinuation he had, to leffen his
Highnefs's reverence to the Queen, and to difpute her
commands. Then taking the opportunity of the fleet's
being come to Helvoetfluys, he went thither, and hav
ing, as is faid before, a wonderful addrefs to the difpof-
ing men to mutiny, and to work upon common men,
which the fleet confifted of, there being no officers, for
the moft part, above the quality of a boatfwain or
matter's mate, he perfuaded them " to declare for tho
" Duke of York, without any refpect to the King or
" Prince ; and when his Highnefs fhould be on board,
" that they fhould not meddle in the quarrel between
" the King and the Parliament, but entirely join with
"the Prefbyterian party, and the city of London;
" which by this means would bring the Parliament to
" reafon:" and he prepared his friends the feamen when
the Duke fhould come to them, that they would ex
cept againft Sir John Berkley, and caufe him to be dif-
miffed ; and then he believed he fhould be able to go-
vern both his Highnefs and the fleet.
At the fame time Dr. Goffe,. who was a dexterous man
too, and could comply withall men in all the actsof good*
fellowfhip, had. gotten acquaintance with others of the
feamen, and made them jealous of Bamfield's activity;
and endeavoured to perfuade them, " that they fhould
" all petition the Prince," (who, he knew, would be,
' fhortly with them), " that the Lord Jermyn might be
" made their Admiral ; who would be able to fupply
" them with money, and whatfoever elfe they wanted ;
" that there was no hope of money but from France, " and

OF THE REBELLION, Sec. 209
" and that the Lord Jermyn had all- the power and credit
" there, and might have what money he defired ;" and
by thefe agitations, the infant loyalty of the feamen be
gun to be diftracted.
At the fame time the Lord Willoughby of Parham,
who had always adhered to the Prefbyterians, and was
of great efteem amongft them, though he was not
tainted with their principles, had left the Parliament, and
fecretly tranfported himfelf into Holland ; and was ar
rived at Rotterdam, when Bamfield returned from the
fleet, and went to wait upon the Duke of York at the
Hague. Bamfield delivered fuch a meffage from the
fleet as he thought would haften the Duke's journey
thither ; and told him, " the feamen made great en-
" quiry after the Lord Willoughby, and much longed
" to have him with them ;" infinuating to the Duke,
" that he had much contributed to that good difpofition
" in the feamen, and was privy to their revolt, and had
" promifed fpeedily to come to them, and that it
" would be the moft acceptable thing his Highnefs.
" could do to carry him with him to the fleet, and
" make him his Vice-Admiral." The Duke made all
imaginable hafte to Helvoetfluys, and immediately
went on board the Admiral; where he was received
with the ufual marks of joy and acclamation. He de
clared the Lord Willoughby his Vice- Admiral, and
appointed fome other officers in the feveral fhips, and
feemed very defirous to be out at fea. In the mean
time Bamfield continued his activity ; and the Doctor,
finding he had little hope to raife his patron to the
height he propofed, did all he could to hinder the
operation of Bamfield, and took all the ways he could
that the Prince might be advertifed of it, and thereupon
haften his own journey ; which did likewife contribute
vol. 111. p.i. p to

aib THE HISTORY . Book XI.
to the hafte his Highnefs made. He arrived at Helvoet-
fluys very feafonably to prevent many inconveniences,
which would have inevitably fallen out ; and the fea
men, upon his Highnefs's appearance, returned again
into their old cheerful humour ; which the Prince knew
would be beft preferved by action ; and therefore ex
ceedingly defired to be at fea, where he was fure he
muft be fuperior to any force the Parliament could iii
a fhort time put out. But the fleet already wanted
many provifions, of which beer was the chief; which,
by the countenance and affiftance of the Prince of
Orange, was in a fhort time procured in a reafonable
proportion ; arid then the Prince fet fail firft for Yar-
The prince mouth Road, then for the Downs ; having ferit his
the Downs brother, the Duke of York, with all his farriily to the
fleet! thc Hague, to remain there. l
Though the Duke was exceedingly troubled to leave
the fleet, which he had been perfuaded to look uridh as
his province, yet he could not but acknowledge,, that
right reafon would not permit they ftioiild both be
ventured at one time on board the fleet; and, the
Prince determining to engage his own perfon, he fub-
fnitted to the determination ; and was Well content to
remain with his filter. The Prince did hot think fit to
remove the Lord Willoughby (who, he knew, was
much relied upon by the Prefbyterian party) from the
charge the Duke had given him; though he was hot
much known to the feamen. But Captain Batten com
ing at the fame time when his Highnefs did to the
fleet, and bringing the Conftant Warwick, one of the
beft frigates the Parliament had built, with Jordan, and
two or three feamen of good command, his Highnefs
knighted^ him, and made him Rear- Admiral of the
fleet ; believing, that he could nbt do a more popular and

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 2it
and acceptable thing to the feamen, than by putting
the fame man, who had commanded them fo many
years, over them again at this time ; whofe experience
and government would fupply the defects and want of
fkill of the Vice- Admiral, who was very willing to be
advifed by him. But the Prince fhortly after found he
was miftaken in that expedient, and that the feamen
(who defired to ferve the King upon the clear princi
ples of obedience and loyalty) did not in any degree
affect Batten, becaufe he had failed in both, and was
now of a party towards which they had no veneration.
The truth is, the Prince came prepared and difpofed
from the Queen, to depend wholly upon the Prefbyte
rian party, which, befides the power of the Scottifh
army, which was every day expected to invade England,
was thought to be poffefled of all the ftrength of the
city of London ; and the Lord Colepepper, and Mr.
Long, the Prince's Secretary, were trufted by the Glueen
to keep the Prince fteady and faft to that dependence ;
and his Highnefs was enjoined to be entirely advifed by
them ; though all the other lords about him were of
another mind, and the Prince himfelf not inclined that
way. Dr. Steward, the Dean of the King's chapel,
whom his Majefty had recommended to his fon to in-
ftruct him in all matters relating to the Church, and
Dr. Earles, and the reft of his Chaplains, waited dili
gently upon him to prevent thofe infufions. But, by
thofe two, the benefit of this . fleet was principally con
fidered, as a happy means to put the Prince on fhore,
that he might be jn the head of the Scottifh army ;
and no doubt if that army had been . then entered
into England, as it was very fhortly after, the Prince
would have been directed, with the fleet, (i to have foL
p % "lowed

Thames.

414 THE HISTORY Book XI.
" lowed all the advice which fhould have been fent
« from the Scots."
In the mean time it was thought moft counfellable,
after the Prince had failed fome days about the coaft,
that the kingdom might generally know that his High
nefs was there, that they fhould all go into the river of
Thence Thames, and lie ftill there ; by which they expected
'river of two great advantages ; firft, that the city would be
thereby engaged to declare itfelf, when they faw all
their trade obftructed ; and that their fhips homewards
bound, of which, at that feafon of the year, they ex
pected many, muft fall into the Prince's hands ; and
then, that the prefence of the Prince in the river would
hinder the Parliament from getting feamen ; and from
fetting out that fleet which they were preparing to re
duce the other, under the command of the Earl of
Warwick ; whom they thought fit, in this exigent,
again to employ ; and who, by accepting the charge,
thought he fhould be in a better pofture to choofe
his party, in any other alteration that fhould happen at
land. When the Parliament firft heard of the commotion
in Kent, and faw the warrants which were fent out and
figned by L'Eftrange, whom nobody knew, (and the
gentlemen of Kent who fate in the Parliament, affured
them, " that there was no fuch gentleman in that
" county ;" and Sir Edward Hales, who likewife was
prefent there, told them, " he was very confident that
" his grandfon could not be embarked in fuch' an af-
" fair"), they neglected it, and thought it a defign "to
amufe them. But when they heard that the meetings
were continued, and faw the declarations which were
publifhed, and were well affured that young Hales ap-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 213
peared with them as their General, they thought the
matter worth their care; and therefore appointed their Ge
neral, " to fend two or three troops of horfe into Kent to
" fupprefs that feditious infurrection;" Sir Edward Hales
now excufing himfelf with revilings, threats, and detefta-
tion of his grandfon ; who, he protefted, fhould never
be his heir.
The Earl of Holland, who had a commiffion to be
General, and the reft who were engaged, were not yet
ready, the Scots being not yet entered ; nor did they
underftand any thing of the bufinefs of Kent ; however
when they were affured that they were drawn into a
body, and were fo ftrong that the officers who com
manded the troops which had been fent to fupprefs
them, had fent to the Parliament word, " that they
" durfl not advance, for that the enemy was much
" ftronger than they, and increafed daily; and that they
"had fent a letter to the city of London inviting them
" to join with them ;" the Earl of Holland I fay, and
the others with him, thought it fit to fend them all the
countenance and encouragement they could; and there
upon difpatched thofe officers who had been defigned
for the troops of that county, when the feafon fhould
be ripe, and who had hitherto lurked privately in Lon
don to avoid fufpicion. They . were defired to call
their friends together, as foon as was poffible, to join
with their neighbours ; and were told, " that they.
" fhould very fhordy receive a General from the King :"
for they did not think Mr. Hales equal to the work,
who found his power and credit to grow lefs, the greater
the appearance grew to be ; and they begun to enquire
for the King's commiffion. The Earl of Holland had
formed his party of many officers who had ferved both
the Kirig and the Parliament;, all which were in .the city;
v 3 and

ai4 THE HISTORY Book XI.
and he had riot yet a mind to call them together, but to
expect the appearance of their northern friends, and there
fore confulting with the reft, and finding the Earl of
Norwich, who had been fome months in England under
a pafs from the Parliament, (upon pretence of making
his compofition, from which he had never been ex
cluded), willing to engage himfelf in the conduct of
thofe in Kent, where he was well known and beloved,
his affection and zeal for the King's fervice being not to
be doubted, they refolved that he fhould go thither;
and there being many blank commiffions ready to be
difpofed as the fervice fhould require, they filled one
with his name, by which the command of all Kent was
committed to him, " with power to lead them any
" whither as the good of the King's- fervice fhould
" make requifite." And with this commiflion he made
hafte into Kent, and found at Maidftohe a better body
of horfe and foot armed than could have been expected;
enough in number to have met any army that was like
to be brought againft them. They all received him
with wonderful acclamations, and vowed obedience to
him. Mr. Hales, upon the news of another General to
be fent thither, and upon the ftorms of threats and ragft
which fell upon him from his grandfather, on the one
fide, and on his wife by her mother on the other fide,
and upon the confcience that he was not equal to the
charge, though his affection was not in the leaft de
clined, found means to tranfport himfelf, and wife, to
gether with his friend Mr. L'Eftrange, who had loft his
• Credit with the people, into Holland; refolving, as foon
as he had put his wife out of the reach of her mother,
to return himfelf, and to venture his perfon in the fer
vice which he could not conduct ; which he did
quickly after very heartily endeavour to do. The

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 215
The importunities from Scotland with the Prefbyte
rians their correfpondents, the fame of Sir Marmaduke
Langdale's being well received at Edinburgh, and that
many Englifh officers and foldiers daily flocked thither,
but efpecially the promifes from Paris of fupplies of
arms, ammunition, and money, as foon as they could
expect it, fet all the other wheels going in England
which had been preparing all the winter. There was in
South Wales Colonel Laughorn, Colonel Powell, and
Colonel Poyer, who commanded thofe parts under the
Parliament, which they had ferved from the beginning :
the firft of them a gentleman of a good extraction, and
a fair fortune in land in thofe counties, who had been
bred a page under the Earl of Effex, when he had a
Command in the Low Countries, and continued his der
pendance upon him afterwards, and was much in his fa
vour, and by that relation was firft engaged in the re
bellion, as many other gentlemen had been, without
wifhing ill to the King : the fecond was a gentleman
too, but a foldier of fortune : the third, had from a low
trade raifed himfelf in the war to the reputation of a
very diligent and flout officer, and was at this time
trufted by die Parliament with the government of the
town and caftle of Pembroke. Thefe three communi
cated their difcontents to each other, and all thought
themfelves ill requited by the Parliament for the fervice
they had done, and that other men, efpecially Colonel
Mitton, were preferred before them ; and refolved to
take the opportunity of the Scots coming in, to declare
for the King upon the Prefbyterian account. But
Laughorn, who was not infected with any of thofe
freaks, and doubted not to reduce the other two, when
it fhould be time, to fober refolutions, would not engage
till he firft fent a confident to Paris to inform the Prince
p 4 of

ai6 THE HISTORY BookXI.
of what he had determined, and of what their wants
confifted, which if not relieved, they fhould not be
able to purfue their purpofe, defiririg to receive orders
for the time of" their declaring, and affurance that they
fhould in time receive thofe fupplies they ftood in need
of. And the Lord Jermyn fent him a promife under
his hand, " that he fhould not fail of receiving all the
" things he had defired, before he could be preffed by
" the enemy ;" and therefore conjured him, and his
friends, " forthwith to declare for the King ; which he
" affured them would be of lingular benefit and ad-
" vantage to his Majefty's fervice ; fince, upon the
" firft notice of their having declared, the Scottifh army
" would be ready to march into England." Hereupon
they prefently declared, before they were provided to
keep the field for want of ammunition and money, and
when Pembroke was not fupplied with provifions for
above two months ; and were never thought of after.
The Lord Byron had been fent from Paris, upon the
importunities from Scotland, to get as many to declare
in England in feveral places, as might diffract the
army, and keep it from an entire engagement againft
them ; to difpofe his old friends about Chefter and
North Wales to appear as foon as might be: and he
prefently, with the help of Colonel Robinfori, poffeffed
himfelf of the ifland of Anglefey, and difpofed all North
Wales to be ready to declare as foon as the Scots fhould
enter the kingdom. But that which was of moft im
portance, and feemed already to have brought the war
even into the heart of England, was that fome gentle
men, who had formerly ferved the King in the garrifon
of Newark, and in the northern army, under Sir Mar-
maduke Langdale, had (by a defign confulted with
him before his going into Scotland, and upon orders re
ceived

OF THE REBELLION, &c. -217
ceived from him fince, when he believed the Scots
would be in a fhort -time ready to begin their march)
furprifed the ftrong caftle of Pontefract in Yorkfhire,
(which had a garrifon in it for the Parliament), and
grew prefently fo numerous, by the refort of officers and
foldiers from the adjacent counties, that they grew
formidable to all thofe parts, and made the communi
cation between London and York infec'ure, except it
was with ftrong troops. Upon which argument of the
furprife of Pontefract, we fhall enlarge hereafter, before
we fpeak of the tragic conclufion of this enterprife. All
affairs were in this motion in England, before there
was any appearance of an army in Scotland, which they
had promifed fhould be ready to march by the beginning
of May.
Indeed as to the raifing an army in Scotland, the dif
ficulties were well nigh over, nor did they ever look upon
that as a thing that would trouble them, but who fhould
command, and be General of this army, was the matter
upon which the fuccefs of all they propofed would de
pend ; and if they could not procure Duke Hamil
ton to be made choice of for that fervice, they would
promife themfelves no good iffue of the undertaking.
It was a hard thing to remove the old General Lefley,
who had been hitherto in the head of their army in all
their profperous fucceffes ; but he was in the confidence
of Argyle, which was objection enough againft him, if
there were no other ; and the man was grown old, and
appeared, in the actions of the laft expedition into
England,' very unequal to the command. And there
fore fome expedient was to be found to be rid of him ;
and they found, it no hard matter to prevail with him to
decline the command, upon pretence of his age and
infirmities, when in truth he had no mind to venture his

ZiB THE HISTORY Book XI.
his honour againft the Englifh, except affifted by Eng
lifh, which had been his good fortune in all the actions
of moment he had performed iri this war ; and when he
had been deftitute of that help, he had always received
fome affront. When by this means there was a new
General to be named, Duke Hamilton was propofed, as
a fit man to be employed to redeem the honour of the
nation. He had formerly difcharged the office of Ge
neral under the King of Sweden, where Lefley, that had
now declined the employment, was Major General un
der him ; and therefore could not be thought to be
without ample experience of war.
Whilft this was depending, Argyle took notice of Sir
Marmaduke Langdale's and Sir Philip Mufgrave?s be
ing in the town, and of fome difcourfes which they had
ufed, or fome other Englifh officers iri their company,
and defired, " that, if they were to have any command
" in the army, they might prefently take the Covenant;
" and that there might be a general declaration, that
" there fhould be neither officer nor foldier received
" into their army, before he had firft taken the Cove-
" nant: and that, after they were entered into the king-
" dom of England, they fhould make no conjunction
" with any forces, or perfons, who had not done, or
" fhould refufe to do the fame." This propofal found
no oppofition ; they who were moft forward to raife the
army for the delivery of the King, being as violent as
any to advance that declaration. And though Duke
Hamilton and his brother of Lanrick did as well disap
prove it in their own judgments, as they didforefee, out
of the long experience they had of England, what pre
judice it would bring upon them there, yet they had not
the courage in any degree to fpeak againft it ; and the
ChanceUpr of Scotland and the Earl of Lautherdale were

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 2I^
were as paffionate for the advancement of it, as Argyle
himfelf ; and feemed to think that thofe two gendemen
either had already taken, or would be willing to take it.
It can hardly be believed, that, after fo long know
ledge of England, and their obfervation of whom the
King's party did confift, after their fo often conferences
with the King without prevailing upon him, in any der
gree, either to preferve himfelf in Newcaftle from being
delivered up to the Parliament, or in their laft agitation
with him, when he yielded to fo many unreafonable
particulars to gratify them, to confent to or promife,
" that any man fhould be compelled to take the Co-
" venant ;" that they fhould ftill adhere to that fatal
combination againft the Church, which they could
never hope to bring to pafs, except they intended only
to change die hand, and to keep the King under as
ftrict a reftraint, when they fhould get him into their
hands, as he was under the domination of the Parlia
ment and army : yet they were fo infatuated with this
refolution, that they difcovered their apprehenfion of
the King's party, and defigned no lefs to opprefs them
than the Independents and Anabaptifts ; and upon the
news of the revolt of the fleet from the Parliament to
the King, the infurrection in Kent, and other places,
and the general inclinations throughout the kingdom
for the King, they flackened their preparations, that
they might defer their march, to the end that all that
ftrength might be oppreffed and reduced, that fo they
might be abfolute mafters after they had prevailed over
the army. And at laft, when they could defer their
march no longer, upon the importunate preffure of their
friends in London, they fent the Earl of Lautherdale
with thofe infofent inftructions, which will be mentioned
anon, and pofitively required the Prince immediately to

aao THE HISTORY Book XI.
fo repair to them ; declaring, " that if his perfon fhould
" not be forthwith in their army, they would return
" again into Scotland without making any attempt;"
and the knowing this refolution, was the reafon that the
Queen was fo pofitive in her inftructions, notwithftand
ing the appearance of any other advantage to the King
in England.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Philip Mufgrave
no fooner heard of this declaration, than they Went to
thofe lords, and expoftulated very fharply with them,
for " having broken their faiths, and betrayed them
" into their country ; where they were looked upon as
" enemies." They were anfwered, " that they muft
" give over their defign to redeem the King, or yield to
" this determination, which their Parliament was fo
" firm and united in ; and would never depart from."
And therefore they entreated them with all imaginable
importunity, that they would take the Covenant ; feme
of them defiring to confer with them upon it, and un
dertaking to fatisfy them, that the Covenant did not
include thofe things in it, which they thought it did.
But when they faw thofe gentlemen would not be pre
vailed with, but that on the contrary they refolved pre
fently to leave the country ; and told them, " they
" would undeceive thofe honeft people in England,
" who were too much inclined to truft them ; and that
" they fhould find that they had a harder work in hand
" than they imagined ;" the Scottifh lords knew well
enough of what importance their prefence was to be to
them, for their very entrance into England ; and there
upon defired them, " that they would have a little
" patience, and again abfent themfelves from Edin-
" burgh, till the heat of this difpute was over, and till
'" the army fhould be ready to march ;" and Duke Ha
milton,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 321
milton, who had a marvellous infinuation to get himfelf
believed, affured them in confidence, " that as foon as
" he fhould find himfelf in the head of his army, and
" upon their march, there fhould be no more talk of
" covenants, but that all the King's friends fhould be
" welcome, and without diflinction." So they left
Edinburgh again, and went to their old quarters ;
where they had not flayed long, before the Duke fent
for them to come to him in private ; and, after a very
cheerful reception, he told them, " he was now ready ;
" and that their friends in England called fo importu-
" nately for them, that he was refolved to march in very
" few days ; which he thought neceffary to communi-
" cate to them, not only for the friendfhip he had for
" them ; which would always keep him without referve
" towards them ; but becaufe he muft depend upon
" them two to furprife the towns of Berwick and
" Carlifle, againft the time he fhould be able to march
" thither ; for he intended to march between thofe two
" places." The work was not hard to be performed by them,
they having, from, their firft entrance into Scotland, ad-
jufted with their friends who inhabited near thofe places,
to be ready for that enterprife when they fhould be
called upon ; which they then believed would have
been much fooner ; fo that they were willing to under-
, take it, and demanded commiffions from the Duke for
the doing thereof; which he excufed himfelf for not
giving, under pretence of " the fecrecy that was necef-
" fary ; in refpect whereof he would not truft his own
" Secretary ; and likewife, as a thing unneceffary for
. " the work ; fince it was their own reputation and in-
" tereft, and their being known to have been always
: " trufted by the King, by which they could bring it to
" pafs,

ii-2 THE HISTORY BookXI.
" pafs, and not his commiffion ; for which thofe towns
" would have no reverence." Befides, he told them,
" that the Marquis of Argyle had ftill protefted againft
" their beginning the war by any act of hoftility againft
" the Englifh, in forcing any of the towns ; which was
" not neceffary in order to the King's deliverance ; but
" -that an army might march to the place where the
" King was, to the end that thofe meffengers who were
" fent by the State to fpeak with the King, might have
•" liberty to fpeak with his Majefty ; which was a right
"of the Kingdom, arid the demanding it could be
"no breach of the pacification between the two king-
" doms." This argument, they knew, was not reafonable enough
to fway the Duke. But they forefaw two other reafons,
which did prevail with him not to give thofe commif-
fions they defired, which otherwife might have been
'given with the fame fecrecy that the bufinefs was to be
acted with ; the one, the order againft giving any com
miflion to any man before he had taken the Covenant :
and how much authority foever the Duke might rtake
upon him to difpenfe with that order after he fhould rbe
in England, it might not be convenient that he fhould
affume it whilft 'he remained yet at Edinbuighn the
other was, that, when they h&d done it without his
commiffion, he might, upon his -march, or as foon as
he came thither, difpoffefs them of the government,
and put Scotchmen into their places ; the lafl of which
he did not diffemble to them ; but confeffed, "that,
" though the Council of Scotland would not attempt
"the taking of thofe towns, yet when they fhould be
" taken, they would expect the government thereof
" fhould be in their hands, and depend upon them,
,<( without which they fhould not be able to fend. him
<( thpfc

OF THE REBELLION, &c. aa3
ft thofe continual fupplies which he expected from
" them." And there being then a recruit of five or fix
thoufand, which Sir George Monroe had near raifed in
the North, and from Ireland, who were to begin their
march after him, as foon as he fhould be out of Scot>
land, the two gentlemen had no purpofe of remaining
in thofe governments, well knowing that their prefence
would be of importance to the army, at leaft whilft they
flayed in the northern counties ; yet they knew well, it was
for the fervice that thofe towns fhould remain in the hands
of the Englifh, without which few of the gentlemen of
thofe parts would declare themfelves, how well affected
foever they were ; which when they had offered to the
Duke, they left it to him, and accepted the employ^
ment he preffed them to undertake, and parted to put
the fame in execution in both places at one time, all
things being concerted between them to that purpofe.
Sir Martoaduke Langdale had feveral officers, and
foldiers, laid privately on the Scottifh fide to wait his
commands, and more on the Englifh ; there being two
or three good families within two or three miles of Ber
wick, who were well affected and ready to appear when
they fhould be required ; in expectation whereof they
had harboured many men. Some of them Sir Marma-
duke appointed fo meet him, on the Scottifh fide,
at a place about a mile diftant from Berwick, the night
before he intended the furprife, and the reft to be in
the town by the:rifirig of the fun ; fome about the mar
ket place, and fome upon the bridge, by which he muft
enter. The next morning, being market day, when
great droves of little horfes, laden with facks of corn,
always reforted to the town, Sir Marmaduke Langdale,
with about a hundred horfe, and fome few foot, which
walked with the market people, prefently after fun
riling, was upon the bridge, before there was any appre
henfion ;

224 THE HISTORY Book XI.
henfiori ; and finding his friends there whom he ex
pected, he caufed the bridge prefently to be drawn up,
and guarded by his foot, and fent others to the other
parts. Himfelf with moft of his troops went into the
market place, where he found his country friends ready
sirM. to do all he would command. There was fo general a
Jbrprifes6 confternation feized upon the whole town, there being
andsirP n0 omer garrifon but town's-men, that after they had
Mufgrave feized upon the Mayor, who was the Governor, all
Carlifle . _ . _ .
foon after, things were in a fhort time fo quiet, that they opened
their ports again, that the market might not be inter
rupted. Sir Philip Mufgrave, with as little oppofition,
poffefled himfelf of Carlifle ; where he had a greater in
tereft ; and the people were generally better affected to
the King, and more difinclined to the Scots than thofe
of Berwick ufed to be ; and they both haflened adver
tifement to the Duke of what they had done.
It will be much wondered at, that after Cromwell
plainly forefaw they fhould have a war with Scotland,
and had conftant intelligence from thence of the ad
vances they made, he did not take care to put garrifons
into thofe two important places, the very ftrength of
which could for fome time have withftood all the
power which Scotland could have brought againft them.
But the fame reafon which' had been current at Edin
burgh to this very time, had prevailed at Weftminfter.
It was fpecially provided for by the Act of Pacification
between the two kingdoms, when the Parliaments of
both kingdoms combined againft the King, " that there
" fhould be no more garrifons kept on either fide in
" Berwick or Carlifle;" where they were then difbanded,
and fome of their fortifications flighted ; which could
eafily have been repaired ; and, without repairing, could
have kept out an enemy for fome time. And the Par
liament would not now permit any men to be fent thi
ther,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. a2$
ther, that the Scots might not pretend that the war
was begun by them ; but left Berwick to the govern
ment of the mayor and the citizens; who could have de
fended themfelves againft the Scots if they had expected
them. But the truth is, Cromwell had fo perfect a
contempt of the whole ftrength of that nation, that he
never cared what advantage ground they had upon any
field, or what place they ever poffefled.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Philip Mufgrave
were no fooner poffefled of Berwick and Carlifle, than
all the gentlemen, officers, and foldiers thereabouts,
who had formerly ferved the King, reforted and flocked
to them well armed, appointed, and provided for the
war ; fo that they had not only very fufficiertt garrifons
to keep thofe places, but troops enough of horfe to free
the adjacent counties from thofe forces, and committees,
and other perfons, who were either publickly engaged
in, or well known privately to wifh well to the Parlia
ment. It was upon the a8th of April that Sir Marmaduke
Langdale poffefled himfelf of Berwick ; and foon after
Sir Philip Mufgrave furprifed Carlifle, about eight of the
clock at night, many gentlemen of the neighbours being
in and about the town, expecting his arrival; fo .that the
citizens were in confufion, and made little refiftance.
It is very true, they had both given urider their hands to
Duke Hamilton, that they would deliver up the towns
to him when he fhould require them ; he having affured
them, " that the King had promifed, under his hand,
" that thofe two towns fhould be delivered into the pof-
" feffion of the Scots;" which it muft needs be fuppofed
that they fhould firft take from ihe Parliament, in
whofe poffeffion they were both when the King figned
the engagement at Carifbrook caftle. And the Duke
had not only refufed to give them any men, or other
vol. in. p. i. a affiftance

226 THE HISTORY Book XI.
affiftance towards the taking them, but, as hath been
faid, would not grant them his commiffion to perform
it ; pretending, " that he durft not do it, becaufe they
" were bound not to begin the war :" only he, and the
other lords of his fraternity, promifed " to fend five
" hundred mufkets, and ten barrels of powder to each
" garrifon; and that their whole army fhould march into
" England within twenty days ; and that, if they were
" fooner in diftrefs, they fhould be fure to be relieved."
But after he heard that both places were poffeffed by
them, he deferred not to fend a governor and garrifon to
receive Berwick ; to whom Sir Marmaduke Langdale
delivered it according to his promife ; and was required
" to march with all the Englifh to the parts adjacent to
" Carlifle, and there to increafe his troops to what num-
" ber he could, with what expedition was poffible ;"
which he performed fo effectually, that, in very few
days, he had a rendezvous upon a heath within five
miles of Carlifle, where he muftered above three thou
fand foot well armed, and feven hundred horfe not
fo well armed; all which were raifed in Cumber
land and Weftmoreland, over and above the garrifon
of Carlifle ; which yet remained under Sir Philip Muf
grave ; and, within two days, five hundred horfe, very
well appointed, came out of Yorkfhire', the bifhopric of
Durham, and the neighbour parts ; fo that Sir Marma- ,
duke Langdale refolved prefendy to march into Lanca-
fhire, to reduce thofe who were for the Parliament there;
which he could eafily have done, the Lord Byron being
ready upon the borders of Chefhire to have joined with
him. But this quick advance and progrefs towards an
army, was not well looked upon at Edinburgh ; and an
exprefs was difpatched with pofitive orders to Sir Mar
maduke Langdale " not to engage or fight with the
" enemy,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 227
" enemy, upon what advantage foever, until the Scot-
" tifh army fhould come up." And wherever that ex-
prefs fhould overtake Sir Marmaduke, he was imme
diately to retire with his forces near Carlifle ; which he
obeyed as foon as he received the order, and when he
might have marched againft Lambert ; who was fent
before with a lefs ftrength than Sir Marmaduke com
manded, and which in all probability would have been
defeated. But, as if this had not been difcouragement enough,
within one or two days after that exprefs, letters were
fent from the Council in Scotland, by which Sir Mar
maduke Langdale was very feverely reprehended, " for
" receiving Papifls into his army, and not owning the
" Covenant in the declarations which he hadpublifhed;"
and told, " that he fhould receive no affiftance from
" them, except the Covenant was embraced by all his
" army." This ftruck at the root of all their hopes ;
and was fo contrary to all the engagements they had
received from the Scottifh lords, both by words and
letters, " that they fhould never be troubled with any
" fuch motions, after they were once upon Englifh
" ground; and that then they fhould proceed upon thofe
" grounds as were like to bring in moft men to their af-
" fiftance ;" that Sir Marmaduke prevailed with Sir
Philip Mufgrave to make a journey forthwith to Edin
burgh, to expoftulate upon the whole matter, and de
clare their firm refolution to the lords there.
Sir Philip Mufgrave, that it might appear that they
did not exclude any who had taken the Covenant, and
were willing to join with them, carried a lift with him of
the names of many officers in their troops who had
been compelled to take the Covenant before they could
be admitted to compofition, or procure the fequeftra-
« 2 tions

228 THE HISTORY Book XI.
tions-to be taken from their eftates, and of fome others
who had taken it for quietnefs fake in the places where
they lived ; with which the Scots were in fome de
gree mitigated, but feemed to retain ftill their rigour,
that it fhould be fubmitted to by the whole army.
Lambert In the mean time Lambert, having gotten a ftrong
^i"nftthem.D0^y °f horfe and foot, advanced upon Sir Marmaduke
Langdale ; who, being enjoined not to fight, was forced
to retire to Carlifle, and fuffer himfelf to be, upon the
matter, blocked up on one fide, whilft he fent letter
upon letter to the Duke " to haften his march, or to
" fend fome troops to his afliftance, and liberty to fight
f* the enemy."
The Earl of The Earl of. Norwich had found the affembly at
M0aMftoneatMaidftone very numerous, but likewife very diforderly,
Kentfhe anc* without government, nor eafy to be reduced under
forces. any command. They had been long enough together
to enter into jealoufies of one another, and from thence
into factions, and were of feveral opinions what they
were to do. And though they all pretended an entire
fubmiffion and obedience to the Earl of Norwich as
their General, yet no man forbore to deliver his opinion
of things and perfons, nor to enquire by what means
they had firft been drawn together ; which implied that
many men wifhed they had been to begin again. The
Earl was a man fitter to have drawn fuch a body to
gether by his frolic and pleafant humour, which recon
ciled people of all conftitutions wonderfully to him,,
than to form and conduct them towards any enterprife.
He had always lived in the Court in fuch a ftation of
bufinefs as raifed him very few enemies ; and his plea-,
fant and jovial nature, which was every where accepta
ble, made him many friends, at leaft made many delight
in his company. So that by the great favour he had with the>

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 229
the King and Queen, and the little prejudice he ftood in
with any body elfe, he was very like, if the fatal diforder
of the time had not blafted his hopes, to have grown
mafter cf a very fair fortune ; which was all that he
propofed to himfelf. But he had no experience or
knowledge of the war, nor knew how to exercife the of
fice he had taken upon him of General, but was very
willing to pleafe every man, and comply with every
body's humour ; which was quickly difcovered ; and fo
men withdrew the reverence they were prepared to have
paid him, and grew more obflinate in their own opi
nions what was to be done ; and the indifpofition in-
ereafed, when they heard that Fairfax himfelf was ap
pointed to march towards them. They who beft un
derftood the affair, and how to apply the ftrength they
had to the beft advantage, advifed, " that they might
" retire beyond Rochefter, and by breaking down the
" bridge there, and fortifying another pafs or two,
" which was eafy to be done, they might keep the
" enemy from entering into the eaft of Kent" (which
was the largeft and beft part of that rich and populous
county) " longer than they would be able to continue
" the attempt, for fear of being inclofed by an
" enemy at their back, if the city of London, or thofe
" of Effex, who were moft fpoken of, had a mind to
" declare for the King ; and by this means they might
" be fure of a correfpondence with the fleet;" of the re
turn whereof in a fhort time they were moft confident ;
and the more, becaufe fome gentlemen of their own
body were on board the fleet in fome authority, who,
they knew, would haften their return all they could.
Many were the more perfuaded that the fleet was
gone to the Ifle of Wight for the refcue of the King,
becaufe thofe gentlemen were gone in it. And without
q 3 doubt

230 THE HISTORY BookXI.
doubt that advice was the moft reafonable, and if it had
been purfued might have kept the enemy at a bay for
fome time. But other men lefs reafonable were of
another mind : they did not believe " that Fairfax
" could have leifure to look after them ; they were con-
" fident that the Parliament had fo many enemies to look
" after, thofe in Wales growing ftrong, and having
" beaten the party that had been fent againft them ; and
" the officers in the North, who had feized upon Ponte-
" fract caftle in Yorkfhire, and had drawn in a ftrong
" garrifon from the parts adjacent, had a body of horfe,
" that infefled all thofe parts ; and the Scots were upon
' s their march for England ; and therefore they con-.
" eluded that Fairfax could not be at leifure to vifit
" them : the retiring would be an argument of fear,
" which would difhearten their friends at London, and
" all thofe of that part of Kent, which muft be deferted
" upon their retreat, would defert them, as foon as that
" refolution fhould be known ;" and therefore they de
fired, " that they might all march towards Blackheath ;
" which would raife the fpirits of their friends, and
" many would refort every day to them out of London
" and the parts adjacent ; all which were eminently well
" affected."
The Kent-. The noife for this was the greater, and the Earl of
marches Norwich himfelf was thereby fwayed to be of that opi-
Biack-S ni°n ; and fo they refolved to advance, and a fhort day
heath. was appointed for a general rendezvous upon Black-
heath ; and orders were fent out accordingly.
The difturbance in fo many places made the refolu
tion of the General now to be known, which had been
hitherto carefully concealed, " that Fairfax himfelf was
" not willing to march againft the Scots ;" which was not
now counfellable for him to do. Cromwell was very
willing

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 231
willing to take that province to himfelf, and had always
fo great a contempt of the Scots, that he was willing to
march with a much leffer number than he well knew
the Scottifh army to confift of; and being informed
which way the Scots refolved to enter the kingdom,
and that they were even ready to march, he advanced Cromwell
to meet them, as foon as they fhould be entered, with agaulft the
thofe troops which he had made choice of, having firft Scots:
fuppreffed the rifings in South Wales by taking of
Pembroke caftle, and making prifoners therein Laug
horn, Powel, and Poyer, the heads of that infurrection,
and not troubling himfelf with Pontefract caftle, which he
thought would not be of great confequence, if the Scots
were fubdued.
Fairfax, with a numerous part of the army, remained
in and about London to fupprefs the infurrection in
Kent, and watch any other which fhould fall out in
the city or thereabouts ; of which they had more appre
henfion dian of all the power of Scotland. And fo
when the Parliament was advertifed by their troops
which were firfl fent, that they were too weak to advance
farther, and heard that the Earl of Norwich was declared
General of the Kentifh troops, and was marching in the
head of them towards Blackheath, Fairfax drew all his Fairfax:
army together, and his cannon, and marched over Kentifh
London-bridge to meet the men of Kent at Black- mcn-
heath, and to flop their march to London. The Earl
was now advanced fo far, and Fairfax advanced too faft
to put the former counfel in practice, of breaking down
the bridges, and keeping the paffes ; and they who had
oppofed that counfel, and were fo forward to advance,-
thought they were now too far. The countrymen
were weary of being all night in the field, though it was
the warmefl feafon of the year, and many withdrew
a 4 themfelves

t$z THE HISTORY Book XI.
themfelves every day ; fo that they who remained had
no reafon to believe themfelves equal to the power
that marched towards them, and yet there were more
left than could hope to preferve themfelves by flying,
and by concealment. And therefore, as Fairfax ad
vanced, the Kentifh forces drew back ; made feveral
flands ; but, being hard preffed, they divided, fome
retiring to Rochefter, others to Maidflone. Thofe at
Maidftone had a fharp encounter with the General's
whole ftrength, and fought very bravely, but were at
kft defeated. In the mean time the Earl of Norwich,
and divers other officers who were with the party at
Rochefter, quitting that place, marched back towards
London, in hope ftill of the city's joining with them.
But that failing, and apprehending Fairfax would be
The Earl of foon in their rear, the Earl and thofe who remained,
a^dfome and defigned to run the utmoft hazard, refolved to pafs
forces, themfelves and their horfes by fuch boats as they had
tranfport • . . .
themfelves ready about Giieenwich, and down the river, over into
and fix in ' Effex, where they knew they had many friends, and
!'r' where Fairfax and his army could not vifit them in
fome days. "So they made a fhift to tranfport them
felves to the number of near a thoufand men, horfe and
foot; whereof many were officers and foldiers who
had ferved the King, and young gentlemen grown 'up
in loyal families, who had been too young, to appear
before. They found many perfons in Effex ready to join
with them, who came fooner together than they in
tended, upon the alarm of Kent ; and who had pur-
pofed to have paffed over into Kent to have joined
with and affifted thofe who had fo frankly appeared for
the King, if they had not been prevented by their un
expected coming to them. There was the brave Lord
Capel,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. • 233
Capel, Sir William Compton, Sir Charles Lucas, Sir
George Lifle, all excellent officers. There was Sir
Bernard Gafcoign, and many other gentlemen, and of
ficers of name, who had drawn together many foldiers.
To thefe joined Colonel Farr ; who had ferved the
Parliament, and was a known creature and confident
of the Earl of Warwick's, and had at that time the
command of Languard Point, a fort of importance
upon the fea ; fo that when they were all come to
gether, with thofe who came from Kent, they made
a body of above three thoufand horfe and foot, with of
ficers enough to have formed and commanded a very
good army.
They well knew Fairfax would quickly vifit them,
and therefore they chofe to poft themfelves in Colchef
ter, a great and populous town, which though unforti
fied, they caft up fuch works before the avenues, that
they did not much fear to be forced by an affault ; and
refolved to expect a conjunction with other of their
friends ; and were in great hopes that the Scottifh army,
which they heard was upon its march, would be with
them before they could be diftreffed.
They had fcarce put themfelves and the town, which
was not glad of their company, into any order, before
Fairfax came upon them ; who made no ftay in Kent,
after he heard what was become of the Earl of Nor
wich and his friends ; but left two or three troops of
horfe to fettle that county, with the afliftance of their
committees, who had been driven from thence, and re
turning now victorious, knew well enough how to deal
with thofe who had revolted from them. When he Fairfax be
came firft before Colchefter, and faw it without any for- iegest ein
tifications, he thought prefently to have entered the
town with his army ; but he found fo rude refiftance, that

234 THE HISTORY Book XI.
that by the advice of Ireton, who was left by Cromwell
to watch the General as well as the army, he refolved to
encompafs it with his troops, and without hazarding the
lofs of men to block them up, till famine fhould reduce
them ; and difpofed his army accordingly ; which
quickly flopped up all paffages by which either men
or provifions fhould get into the town ; though by
many brave tallies from within, their quarters were often
beaten up, and many valiant men were loft on both
fides. The fleet, after it had, with all imaginable cheerful-
nefs, fubmitted to the command of the Prince, was not
fo active as it was expected it fhould be ; and was very
Taaionsin much the worfe for the factions and divifions which
the Prince's .
fleet. were amongft thofe who attended upon the Prince;
who, according to their feveral humours, endeavoured
to work upon the feamen ; a people capable of any im-
preflion, but not very retentive of it. Prince Rupert,
to whom the Prince was very kind, did not, upon many
old contefts in the late war, love the Lord Colepepper,
who was not of a temper that cared to court him : and
there was one, who had the greateft influence on Prince
Rupert, Herbert the Attorney General, that of all men
living was moft difpofed to make difcord and difagreement
between men ; all his faculties being refolved into a fpirit
of contradicting, difputing, and wrangling upon any thing
that was propofed. He having no title or pretence to
interpofe in councils^ and yet there being no fecret in
the debates there, found it eafy to infufe into Prince Ru
pert, who totally reflgned himfelf to his advice, fuch
arguments as might difturb any refolution : and there
were fo many who were angry that they were not ad
mitted into the Council, as the Lords Piercy, Wilmot,
and Wentworth, that it was no hard matter to get any
thing

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 235
thing difliked that was refolved there. They had all
that admiffion and countenance from the Prince, that
they had as much confidence to fpeak to and before
him, as any where elfe. Prince Rupert had a great
mind that fomewhat fhould be attempted upon the
coaft, which might have caufed fome fea-towns, and the
parts adjacent, to have declared for the King; which
feemed not a defign that would bear a reafonable dif
courfe. But action was a very grateful word to the
feamen, and they who oppofed any thing that tended
toward it, were looked upon with great jealoufy and
prejudice. But the Prince was obliged, as hath been
faid, by his inftructions at Paris, not to engage himfelf
in any thing that might divert him from being ready at
the minute when the Scots fhould call for his prefence ;
and they expected the firft intimation of that from
London ; from whence they had the affurance already,
that Duke Hamilton was entered into the kingdom with
an army of above thirty thoufand men ; which was
then generally thought true, though they fell far fhort
of the number.
When the Prince came with the fleet into the fea
from Helvoetfluys, he met a fhip of London bound for
Rotterdam, and laden with cloth by the company of
Merchant Adventurers, who did not think that the fleet
could have been fo foon ready for fea. This fhip
was taken, and, the decks being fealed up, was kept
under guard with the fleet; which, at their entrance it entersth*
into the river of Thames, took many other fhips Thames;
of great value outward bound, and intercepted alljjjaips?'
veffels homeward bound, and amongft thofe an Eaft
India fhip richly laden, and the more welcome becaufe
the fhip itfelf was a very ftrong fhip, and would make
an excellent man of war, and the captain thereof was a
feaman

236 THE HISTORY Book XI.
feaman of courage and experience, and was very well
inclined to ferve the King : and, without doubt, if all
the fhips which were then taken, had been fent into
fome fecure ports, the value of the goods would have
mounted to fo great a fum, as might have counter
vailed a very great expence at fea and land. But as it
would have been very difficult to have found fuch a fe
cure port, where that treafure might have been depo-
fited, fo it was not fuitable to thofe meafures which had
been taken, and were ftill purfued, for his Royal High
nefs's proceedings. The city of London was to be
courted by all the artifices imaginable, and that was fo
alarmed by the fleet's being in the river, and by the
feizure of fo many of their fhips, efpecially the cloth fhip,
that there was a general confternation amongft the peo
ple: and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen applied them
felves to the Parliament, for leave to fend down fome
agents to the fleet to procure a releafe of that fhip; and
if that could not be brought to pafs, that they might
buy it at as good rate as they could get it. Which was
the introducing fuch a commerce and correfpondence
between the fleet and the city, in fuch a conjuncture of
jealoufy, that moft men believed the Parliament would
never have hearkened to it ; and concluded, from the
granting it, that there was another fort of treafure in-
clofed in that fhip, than what belonged to the Mer
chant Adventurers ; and that many of thofe who granted
that indulgence to fhe city, had more money on
board that veffel than the cloth was worth, though
the value thereof amounted to no lefs than forty thoufand
pounds.
c°r!erefen Upon this liberty granted by the Parliament, a com*
tothePrincemittee was fent from the city with a petition to the
cu™with a Prince of Wales, " that he would reftore the fhip which
Petition- « belonged

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 237
" belonged to his father's good fubjects." With thefe
men came letters from fome of thofe who were well
known to be very folicitous at that time for the ad
vancement of the King's fervice, and privy to the
treaty with the Scots, and whatever was intended by the
Earl of Holland : the Countefs of Carlifle, who was
trufted by all that people, and had gotten again confi
dence with the Queen, trufted Mr. Lowe, who was
employed by the city in this negociation, to fay many
things to the Prince of the good inclinations of the
city, and how neceffary it was not to irritate it. And
he brought other letters and teftimonies to give him
credit, as a man trufted by all who intended to ferve
the King, who had with wonderful addrefs got him to be
one of thofe employed by the city, that he might, under
that fecurity, give fuch animadverfions to the Prince,
and to his Council, as was neceffary. He was a man
intelligent enough of the fpirit and humour of the city,
and very converfant with the nobility and gentry about
the town ; and though he was trufted by the Prefbyte
rian party, as a man entirely addicted to them, he took
pains to infinuate himfelf into many of the King's
party, which did believe him fit to be trufted in any
thing that might concern them. But he was a man of
fo voluble a tongue, and fo everlafting a talker, and fo
undertaking and vain, that no fober man could be im-
pofed upon by him.
Upon the receipt of this petition, the Prince writ a The Prince
long letter to the city, and inclofed in it a declaration, ^"'cfty?
for the publifhing of both which in print care was
taken, the fubflance of which was, " the great affection
" he bore to the city, and the profperity thereof;" the
whole being in fuch a ftyle, as might beft pleafe the
Prefbyterians, with lefs care than fhould have been ufed to

338 THE HISTORY BookXI.
to preferve the zeal of the King's party ; and defiring,
" that they would join with him for the delivery of the
" King his father out of prifon, and to make a good
" understanding between his Majefty and the Parlia-
" ment, which his Highnefs defired with all imaginable
" concernment." The citizens quickly found, that there
was no hope to have their fhip releafed without a good
fum of money, which the Prince told them "was ab-
" folutely neceffary for the payment of the feamen, and
" he would receive it as a loan from them, and repay it
" when a peace fhould be made." So fome of them
returned to London, and the reft remained with the
fleet, coming and going for a month, and driving many
bargains for other fhips. By this means the Prince re
ceived advertifement of the Scots continuing their
march, and that thofe [who were inclofed in Colchefter
were in a very good condition, and willing to expect
relief; which they would be fure to receive in due
time, the Earl of Holland being ready to declare as
foon as their preffures fhould require it. After near a
month's negociation, there was about twelve thoufand
pounds paid to the Prince, and thereupon that cloth
fhip was delivered to the merchants, with a general
opinion, as hath been faid, that there was fomewhat elfe
befides cloth in the body of it ; for which there was
not any fearch fuffered to be made.
Whilft the Prince lay in the Downs, there was an
enterprife neceffary to be made on fhore, which did not
fucceed to wifh. Upon the firft revolt of the fleet from
the Parliament, and before it fet fail for Holland, it
had taken one or two of thofe blockhoufes, or caftles,
which are neareft the Downs ; and had left feme, fea
men in them, with fufficient provifions to defend them
felves till the fleet fhould return. The Printe found thefe

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 239
thefe blockhoufes befieged, and received intelligence
out of them, that their provifions were fo near fpent,
that they could not hold out above fo many days.
The ftrength that lay before them confifted more in horfe
than foot ; and at high tide the boats might go fo near,
that there feemed little difficulty of putting in relief, or
to compel the befiegers to rife : and the feamen, having
nothing elfe to do, offered to undertake the fervice for
the redemption of their fellows; many land officers being
likewife on board, and fome foot foldiers, the Prince fent
fome of thofe with the feamen to undertake the bufinefs ;
but it had no good iffue ; the tide was too far fpent be
fore it begun ; whereby they had more ground to march
between their landing and the caftle than they imagined,
and the horfe charged them with fuch refolution, that
many of the men were killed, and more taken prifoners,
and the reft forced to their boats with more diforder
than became them. And fome other attempts being after
wards made with no better fuccefs, the blockhoufes at laft
came into the hands of the enemy ; which though of
little inconvenience to the Prince, thofe forts being of very
fmall importance to do any prejudice, yet there was fome
difreputation in it ; and it difcredited the defigns, which
had not yet appeared very profperous in any place ; and
any accefs of good fortune raifed the fpirits of the Par
liament's party, who eafily were perfuaded to think it
greater than it was, in a time when they lay under fome
mortification. By this time another fleet was prepared by the Par- The Pariia-
liament of more and better fhips than had revolted, pares a fleet
and the command thereof given to the Earl of War-S*dthe
wick; who very frankly accepted it ; and was already ^m'muanndder
on board, and with the tide was come within fight °f°ff$^arl
the Prince; and there dropped anchor. So that both wick.
fleets

240 THE HISTORY Book XI.
fleets lay within that diftance of each other, that there
was now nothing thought of but a battle ; to which
there feemed all alacrity in the Prince's fleet; and, it
may be, the more upon the intelligence that the other
was not well manned, and that many were put on
board who had more affection for the King ; which
they would manifeft when they came within diftance :
but whether that fancy was from imagination or intelli
gence, it feemed to have no foundation in truth.
The Earl of Warwick and his fleet appeared refolute
and prepared enough for an engagement : yet it was
well known, that the Earl was privy to the engagement
of his brother the Earl of Holland, and had promifed to
join with him. And therefore it was thought fit,
The Prince that the Prince fhould write to the Earl to fummon, or
Eariof war! invite him to return to his allegiance. This was fent by
anfwer!1'3 Harry Seymour, who quickly returned with an anfwer
from the Earl, which, in terms of duty enough, humbly
befought his Highnefs " to put himfelf into the hands
" of the Parliament ; and that the fleet with him might
" fubmit to their obedience; upon which they fhould be
" pardoned for their revolt."
Though this might well have fatisfied concerning the
Earl's inclination, yet the Prince was prevailed with that
Mr. Crofts might give the Earl a vifit; who, having more
acquaintance with him, having married his aunt, might
be able to get a private audience of the Earl ; which
Seymour endeavoured, but could not obtain. But Crofts
returned as the other did ; and now there wanted only
a wind to bring them together, which coming fair for
the Prince, he refolved to attack them. All anchors
were weighed, and preparations made to advance to the
aflault, the whole fleet being under fail towards the
other; which feemed equally refolved and difpofed, though

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 241
though the wind, which drove the Prince upon them,
compelled them a little to retire, where the river was
fomewhat narrower. In an inftant the wind ceafed,
and there was a calm ; fo that the Prince could not ad
vance ; and fome doubts arofe, upon the narrowing of
the river, as if fome of his fhips might want water in
the engagement. In this deliberation the wind rofe
again, but from another quarter, which was directly in
the Prince's face ; and would not fuffer him to move
towards the enemy, but drove him back, and would
carry him out of the river. Hereupon were new con
fultations ; great want of provifions was difcovered to
be in the fleet, infomuch as that they ihould not be
able to ftay at fea above ten days, and many fhips
would want fooner, and therefore fince the Earl of
Warwick, as the wind ftood, could not be compelled to
fight, and they were in danger to be diftreffed for pro
vifions, it was thought moft counfellable to put to fea ;
where they could more commodioufly engage in a bat-
tle? if the Earl of Warwick would advance ; and if he
did not, there was great reafon to hope, that the Prince
might meet with thofe fhips which were coming from
Portfmouth to join with the Earl, and which might
eafily be furprifed or taken by the Prince's fleet ; which
was much fuperior to them in ftrength.
At this time the Earl of Lautherdale arrived in a fhip
from Scotland ; and having left Duke Hamilton upon
his march towards Berwick, he was fent to demand
the performance of the treaty, and that the Prince would
immediately repair to that army. This confirmed theThe Prtace
Prince in the purpofe of putting out to fea, fince it was went to fea
abfolutely neceflary to carry the fleet firft into Holland, Hoiiand,af.
before it could tranfport him into the northern parts, attempted
So the whole fleet went to fea, and continued, their ^0/ ,hB
vol. m. p. 1. R courfe Warw"*-

242 THE HISTORY Book XL
courfe for Holland, with hope ftill to meet With thofe
fhips which were coming from Portfmouth. And meet
with them they did in the night; which the Prince
knew not till the morning; when one put the fault
upon another ; and it was now neceffary to make all
poffible hafte to Holland; fince by the conjunction with
thefe fhips, befides all other advantages, the Earl of
The Earl of "Warwick was now become fuperior in the number, as
follows him well as the ftrength and goodnefs of his fhips; which
HrTnana. appeared by his coming before Helvoetfluys, within
few days after the Prince's arrival there*
Duke Ha- It was near the middle of July, when Duke Ha->
ters Eng- milton entered into England with his army, when he
thedmiddie came to Carlifle, and immediately took that govern-
ofJuly* ment from Sir Philip Mufgrave, and drew out all the
Englifh garrifon, and put Scots in their place. And
the Duke's after fome few days ftay there, the Englifh and Scottifh
forces met at a rendezvous, in the way to that part of
Cumberland where Lambert then quartered: and if they
had continued their march, as they ought to have done,
it is very probable they had broken that body of Lam
bert's. But the Duke would quarter that night two
miles fhort ; and Lambert, in the fame night, marched
from thence in great diforder and confufion to the edge
of Yorkfhire. The Duke relied many days, that all his
forces might come up, which came frowly out of Scot
land. As foon as they Were come up, he marched to.
Kendal ; where he refted again feveral days ; the reafort
whereof nobody could imagine. It was fufpeeted it was
that thofe forces which were up in feveral parts of the
kingdom, for the King, might undergo fome defeat,
that they might not be fo united, as to control of ob^
ftruct the Prefbyterian defign. For after that army was
entered into Englaind, it moved, as hath been faid, by
fuch

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 243
fuch very flow marches, and fo negligently, and with fo
little apprehenfion of an enemy, and it was quartered at
fo great a diftance, that the head quarter was very often
twenty miles diftant from fome part of the army ; the
Duke himfelf performing no part of the office of a
General, but taking his eafe, and being wholly governed
by the Lieutenant General of the army, and two or three
other officers.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale marched, with his body of sir m.
Englifh, confuting of near four thoufand foot, and day^eroH*
feven or eight hundred horfe, always a day before thehim*
army ; by which they intended to have timely advertife
ment of the enemy's motion, and likewife meant that he
fhould bear the firfl brunt of them, defiring to weaken
him by all the ways they could. They had not marched
many days, it being now near the middle of Auguft,
when Sir Marmaduke Langdale advertifed the Duke,
by an exprefs, " that he had received unqueftionable
" intelligence that Cromwell was within two or three
" days march, and refolved to engage his army as foon
" as poffibly he could, and that he would not be di-
" verted from it, by the people's gathering together at
" any diftance from him, in what poilure foever ;" and
therefore defired his Grace, " that he would keep his
" army clofe together; for they could not be far afundet
" with any fecurity ;" and declared, " that he himfelf
" would reft, and wait the advance of the enemy, and
*' then retire back as he fhould find it neceffary.''
The Duke, notwithftanding this advertifement, re
formed not the Order of his marcii in any degree, but
was perfuaded, " that the enemy could not be fo near ;
" and that, if Cromwell was advanced to fuch a diftance,
".it was only with fuch a party, as he would not pre-
" fume to engage with their whole army." In this
r 3 confidence,

S44 THE HISTORY Book XI.
confidence, he marched as he had done before. Sir
|ir m- Marmaduke fent him every day advice that confirmed
gives him the former, " and that his horfe had encountered feme
oftheEng-"of the enemy, and that their whole body was at
army. ec Jlan(j . fo^ ^j. jt wag true^ Jt wag nQt a j^QfJy equa]
" in number to their army, yet all that Cromwell ex-
" pected was to join battle with him." All this gained
not credit, till Sir Marmaduke himfelf, making his re
treat with very fharp fkirmifhes, in which many men
fell on both fides, was purfued into the head quarters of
the Duke ; whither he likewife brought with him fome
prifoners, who averred, that the whole body of the army
was within five or fix miles, and marched as fail as they
were able.
The Duke was confounded with the intelligence, and
knew not what to do : the army was not together ; and
ftiat part that was about him, was without any order,
and made no fhew of any purpofe to fight. In this
amazement, the Duke flayed himfelf with fome officers
at Prefton ; and caufed his foot to be drawn over a
bridge, that they might march towards Wiggan, a town
in Lancafhire, where he fhould, as he thought, find
fome regiments, and where they might make fome
ftand till the reft fhould come up. In the mean time
Sir Marmaduke Langdale returned to his troops, the
Duke having promifed to fend him fome troops to
affift, and that fome foot fhould be fent fo keep a lane,
that would flank -his men upon his retreat. Sir Mar
maduke retired before the enemy, and drew up his
troops into the clofes near Prefton. The enemy fol
lowed him clofe, and preffed him very hard ; notwith
ftanding which he maintained the difpute for above fix
hours with great courage, and with very great lofs to
the enemy in officers, and common foldiers ; infomuch as

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 24«
as they feemed to retire, at leaft to make a ftand. And
in all this time the Scots fent him no afliftance, but
concluded that it was not Cromwell's whole army that
a'ffaulted him, but only fome party, which he would
himfelf be well enough able to difengage himfelf from.
And Sir Marmaduke Langdale told me often after
wards, " that he verily believed, if one thoufand foot
" had then been fent to him, he fhould have gained the
" day :" and Cromwell himfelf acknowledged, that he
never faw foot fight fo defperately as they did.
The Scots continued their march over the bridge, Sir M-
without taking care to fecure the lane, which he had fights, and
recommended to them; by which Cromwell's horfe and^'uke
came upon his flank, whilft he was equally preffed in"„™dlt011
the van. So that his excellent body of foot being
oroken, Sir Marmaduke, and fuch of his horfe as kept
together, were driven into the town ; where the Duke
remained yet with fome officers ; who all retreated over
a ford to the foot, who were in equal diforder. For as:
foon as the Englifh forces were broken, the Scots were
prefently beaten from the bridge, and forced to a very dis
orderly march. However, the Duke had ftill a great part
of his own army together ; with which he continued to
march two or three days to Wiggan ; thence to Warring
ton ; where Baily capitulated, and delivered up all the
foot; thence to Nantwich, and at laft to Uxeter ¦, and in all
that time many of the Scottifh noblemen forfook him, and
rendered themfelves prifoners to the gentlemen of the
country ; and Cromwell's troops under Lambert preffed
fo hard upon the rear, that they killed, and took as
many prifoners' as they pleafed, without hazarding their
own men. The Duke was fcarce got into Uxeter,
when his troops, which made no refiftance, were beaten
in upon him, and fo clofe purfued by Cromwell's hOrfe
r 3 under

2,46 THE HISTORY Book XI.
under Lambert, that himfelf and all the principal of
ficers (fome few excepted, who, lying concealed, or
by the benefit of the fwiftnefs of their horfes, made
The Duke their efcape) were taken prifoners: the Duke neither
behaving himfelf like a General, nor with that cou
rage which he was before never thought to want ; but
making all fubmiffions, and all excufes to thofe who
took him.
Thus his whole army was routed, and defeated ;
more killed out of contempt, than that they deferved it
by any oppofition ; the reft taken prifoners, all their
cannon and baggage taken, and their colours ; only
fome of their horfe, which had been quartered moft
backward, made hafte to carry news to their country of
the ill fuccefs of their arms. They who did not take
the way for Scotland, were for the mofl part taken by
the activity of the country, or the horfe that purfiied
them ; whereof Sir Marmaduke Langdale, after he had
made his . way with fome of his officers and foldiers,;
who ftood with him till they found it fafeft to difperfe
themfelves, had the ill fortune to be difcovered; and
sir m. was fo taken prifoner, and fent to the caftle of Notting-
takendale ham. All this great victory was got by Cromwell with
an army amounting to a third part of the Scots in num
ber, if they had been all together ; and it was not di-
minifhed half a hundred in obtaining this victory, after
the Englifh forces under Langdale had been defeated. ,
It may be proper now to mention, that the Lord
Cottington, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had
many mifadventures ; which detained them from attend
ing upon the Prince in the fleet. As foon as they heard
tiat his Highnefs had put himfelf on board a fhip at Calais
to find the fleet in Holland, they embarked at Dieppe,
in a French man of war that was bound for Dunkirk ;
where

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 247
where when they arrived, they found a gentleman, a
fervant of the Prince's, who informed them, *' that the
" Prince was with the whole fleet in the Downs, and
" that he had fent him with a letter to the Marfhal
" Ranzaw, who was Governor of Dunkirk, to borrow a
" frigate of him ;" which he had there, and had by
fome civil meflage offered to lend to his Highnefs ; and
the Marfhal, who received them with great civility, af-r .
fured them that the frigate fhould be ready the next
day, and, if they pleafed to make ufe of it, fhould carry
them to the Prince.
They looked upon it as a good opportunity, which
would deliver them much fooner at the fleet, than they
had before expected to be; and fo, without weighing
the dangers which might accompany it, and might very
naturally have been forefeen, they embraced the occar
fion j there being no hazard which they apprehended at
fea, but that they might be taken by the Parliament
fhips ; which, by the Prince's being with his fleet in
the Downs, and fo being mafter at fea, was hardly pof
fible. So they unwarily put themfelves into that fri
gate, and fet fail in the evening from Dunkirk ; pre
fuming that they fhould, the next morning, find them
felves in the Downs with the Prince., ¦ But there was fo
dead a calm that night, that they made very little way ;
and, the next morning, they found that they were
chafed by fix or feven frigates of Oftend, In fhort,
they were taken prifoners, and plundered of all they
had, (which amounted to good value in jewels and
money), and were carried into Oftend, where, though
they were prefendy at liberty, they were compelled to
ftay many days, not without fome hope, raifed by the
civility of the Spanifh governor, and the Lords of the
Admiralty there, who very liberally promifed an entire
b 4 reftitution

»+*¦ THE HISTORY Book XI.
reftitution of all that they had loft. But that being
without any effect, that brutifh people, the free-booters,
being fubject to no government, they found means to
give notice to the Prince of all that happened, and that
they would attend his command at Flushing ; whither
they eafily went. Within few days after, the Prince,
out of the Downs, fent a frigate for them to Fluffing ;.
where they embarked feveral times, and were at fea the
whole night, and in the morning driven back by high
winds, fometimes into Flufhing, fometimes to Rame
kins ; and fo were compelled to go to Middleborough,
and after a month's ftay in thofe places, and many at
tempts to get to fea-, they received order from the
Prince to attend him in Holland, whither he had re
folved to go, as foon as the Earl of Lautherdale arrived
from Scotland in the fleet, and had delivered his- impe
rious invitation for the Prince's immediate repair to
the Scottifh army ; which was then entered info ling-1
land. By this means they came not to the Prince, till
The Prince the next day after he came to the Hague, having left
the Hague, the fleet before Goree and near Helvoetfluys.
The Prince was received by the States with all out
ward refpect, and treated by them for four or five days
at their charge ; his Royal Highnefs every night lodg
ing in the palace, which belonged to the States too,
where the Prince of Orange and the Princefs lay, and
where both his Royal Highnefs and the Duke of York
had very good apartments ; the Prince and Duke, after"
two or three daysj always eating with the Princefs
Royal, the Prince of Orange himfelf keeping his Own
table open, according to cuftom, for the refort of fuch
of the States^ or officers of the army, or other' noble
perfons, who- frequently repaired thither.
The Prince of Wales?s Court was full of faction; and
animofity

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 649
animofity againft each other, fo that the new comers Divifions
were not only very well received by the Prince, butp,!-"",!^6
very welcome to every body, who being angry with the ^r"'*
other counfellors there, believed that matters would be
better carried now they were come. They had not
been an hour in the Hague, when Herbert the Attorney
General came to them, and congratulated their arrival,
arid told them " how much they had been wanted, and
" how much Prince Rupert longed for their company."
And within a very fhort time after, Prince Rupert him
felf came to bid them welcome, with all poffible grace,
and profeffion of great kindnefs and efteem for them.
They both inveighed bitterly againft the whole ad-
miniftration of the fleet, in which moft part of the
Court, which had been prefent, and who agreed in no
thing elfe, concurred with them.
The whole clamour was againft the Lord Colepepper,
and Sir Robert Long the Prince's Secretary, who, by
the Queen's injunction, was wholly fubfervient to the
Lord Colepepper. They accufed them of corruption;
not only with reference to the cloth fhip, but to the*
releafe of very many other fhips, which they had dif-
charged upon no other reafon, but as it would be &
very popular thing, and make the Prince grateful to
the city of London. Though there was much dif
courfe of money brought to both their cabins by Mti
Lowe, yet there was never any proof made of any cor
ruption in the Lord Colepepper, who- was not indeed to
be wrought upon that way ; but, having fome . infir
mities, and a multitude of enemies, he was never ab
folved from any thing of which any man accufed him ;
and the other was fo notorioufly inclined to that way of
hufbandry, that he was always thought guilty of more
than- he was charged with. It was true enough that
great

*5P THE HISTORY Book XI.
great riches were parted with, and had been releafed for
little or no money ; which being now exceedingly
wanted, made it eaflly believed that fuch unthrifty
counfel could not have been given, except by thofe
who were well rewarded for it ; which ftill fell upon
thofe two.
There was a general murmur that the fleet had lain
fo long idle at the mouth of the river, when it had
been propofed that it might go to the Ifle of Wight,
where they might, in the conftemation the whole king'
dom was then in, probably have been able to have re
leafed the King ; Carifbrook being near the fea, a caftle
not ftrong in itfelf, the ifland well affected, and at that
time under no fuch power as could fubdue them. And
why fuch an attempt, which, if unfuccefsful, could
have been attended with no damage confiderable, was
not made, was never fully anfwered.
They were very angry with Batten, and would have
it treachery in him, that the two fleets did not fight
with each other, when they were fo near engaging in
the river ; which, they faid, they might well have
done before the wind changed, if he had not diffuaded
the Prince ; and in this the clamour of the feamen
joined with them- But it was but clamour, for moft
difpaflionate men gave him a good teftimony in that
affair, and that he behaved himfelf like a fkilful officer,
and was very forward to fight whilft there was reafon to
effect it. The other reproach upon him, of palling
by the fhips which came from Portfmouth, in the
night, was not fo well anfwered : for it was known,
though he faid that they were paffed by, and out of reach
before he was informed of them, that he had notice
time enough to have engaged them, and did decline it;
which might reafonably enough have been done, out of

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 351
of apprehenfion, befides the inconvenience of a night
engagement, that the noife of the conflict might have
called the Earl of Warwick out of the river to their af-
fiflance, before they could have mattered them ; there
being two or three of the beft fhips of the royal navy,
which would have made a very notable refiftance.
But this being never urged by himfelf, and what
would have been too much for him to have taken
upon himfelf, it was imputed to his cowardice, of
which the feamen, as well as the courtiers, accufed
him ; though, as was generally thought, without rea
fon, and only with prejudice to the man for what he
had done before, and becaufe he was a man of a regular
and orderly courfe of life, and command, and of very
few words, and lefs paflion than at that time raifed men
to reputation in that province. There was only one
man in the Council of whom nobody fpoke ill, nor
laid any thing to his charge ; and that was the Lord
Hopton. But there was then fuch a combination, by
the countenance of Prince Rupert, with all the other
lords of the Court, and the Attorney General, upon
former grudges, to undervalue him, that they had drawn
the Prince himfelf to have a lefs efteem of him than his
Angular virtue, and fidelity, and his unqueflionable
courage, and induftry (all which his enemies could not
deny that he excelled in) did deferve.
This ftate the Court was in, when the two lately
mentioned counfellors came ; who quickly difcerned,
by the unfteady humours and ftrong paffions all men
were poffefled with, that they fhould not preferve the
reputation they feemed to have with every body for
the prefent, any long time, and forefaw that neceffity
would prefently break in upon them like an armed man,
that would djfturb and diffract all their counfels. And
there

a5a THE HISTORY Book XI.
there was, even at the inftant in which they arrived at
the Hague, the fatal advertifement of that defeat of the
Scottifh army, which muft break all their meafures, and
render the condition of the Prince, and of the whole
kingdom, very deplorable, and leave that of the King
his father in the utmoft defpair.
The rumour of this defeat came to the Hague the
¦next day after fhe Prince came thither, but not fo parti
cularly that the extent of it was known, or the tragical
effects yet throughly underftood. And his Highnefs
appointing' his Council to meet together the next
morning after the" Lord Cottington1 and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer came thither, he informed them of
the Lord Lautherdale's meffage to him from the Par
liament of Scotland, and that he very earneftly preffed
him, even fince the news of the defeat, that he would1
forthwith repair to their army ; and his Highnefs
thought fit, that the Earl fhould give an account of his
commiffion at the Board ; whereupon he was fent for1
in ; and, that all refpect might be fheWed to the
Parliament of Scotland, he had a chair allowed him to1
fit upon.
The letter He firft read his commiflion from the Parliament1/
liament of arid then the letter which the Parliament had writ to
thTprmce'.'the Prince ; in which, having at large magnified the
great affection of the Parliament, " that out of their
'* native and conftaht affecti6n ahd duty to their
t( King, and finding that, contrary to the duty of fiib-
" jects, his Majefty was imprifoned by the traitorous1
" and rebellious army in England, they had raifed an
" army in that kingdom, that; fince their advice, coun-
" fel, and intreaty in an amicable way, could not pre-
" vail, might by force redeem his Majefty's perfon
« from that captivity ; which they held' themfelves1 " obliged

OF THE REBELLION, &o. »$$
" obliged by their folemn League and Covenant to en-
" deavour to do, with the hazard of their lives and for-
" tunes : that this army was already entered into Eng-
" land, under the command of James Puke Hamil-
" ton, whom, in refpect of his known and eminent fi-
" dehty to his Majefty, they had made General thereof;
" and having now done all that was in their power to
" do for the prefent, and haying taken due care for the
" feafonable fupply and recruit of that army, they now
" fent to his Highnefs, that he would with all poffible
" fpeed, according to the promife which the King his
" father had made, tranfport his royal perfop, that he
" might himfelf be in the head of that army to obtain
" the liberty of his father ;" and they defired him,
" that for the circumftances of his journey he would be
" advifed by the Earl of Lautherdale, to whom they had
" given full inflructions ;" and they befought his High
nefs " to give credit to him in all things,"
The Earl likewife fhewed his inftructions, by which
none of the Prince's Chaplains were to he admitted to
attend him, and great care to be taken, that none but
godly men fhould be fuffered to be about the perfon of
his Highnefs ; and particularly that neither Prince Ru
pert, nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor fome
pther perfons fhould be admitted to go with the Prince.
And after all thefe things were read and enlarged uppn,
he preffed the Prince, with all imaginable inftance, and
without taking notice of any thing that was befallen
their army in England, of which he could not but have
had particular relation, that he would lofe no time from
entering upon his journey ; and all this with as infofent
and fupercilious behaviour, as if their army had beea
triumphant. When he had faid all he meant to fay, he fate ftill, as

aj4 THE HISTORY BookXI.
as if he expected to hear what the Prince or any body
elfe would fay to what he prtipofed. It was then
Deiibera- moved, "that, if he had no more to fay, he would
PrincT*sthe'" withdraw, to the end that the Council might debate
abou/u. "the matter, before they gave their advice to the.
" Prince." He took this motion very ill, and faid " he
" was a privy COunfellor to the King in Scotland, and
" being likewife a commiflioner from the Parliament,
" he ought not to be excluded from any debate that
" concerned the affair upon which he was employed."
This he urged in fo imperious and offenfive a manner,
that drew on much fharpnefs ; and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, who knew him very well fince the
treaty at Uxbridge, where they had often differed in
matters of the higheft importance, treated him with
the fame liberty they had then been accuflomed to.
He told him, " he meant not to fay any thing in that
" debate, when he fhould be withdrawn, that he defired
" fhould be concealed from him, or unheard by him ;
" and that he was ready to fay, that in his judgment,
" all he had propofed was very unreafonable ; but he
" would not that the dignity of the Board fhould be
" proflituted to his demand, nor that he fhould be
" prefent there at any debate." The Earl replied, "that he
" was fent by the Parliament and kingdom of Scotland,
" to the Prince of Wales, and that he didproteft againft .
" having any thing he propofed to be treated, and de-
" bated by, or before the Englifh Board ; nor did he
" confider what Was or fhould be faid, by any man
" but the Prince himfelf." The Prince told him, " it
" was neceffary that he himfelf fhould hear, and know
" what the opinion of the Council fhould be ; and that
" it was as unreafonable that he fhould be prefent;"
and thereupon commanded him to withdraw; whkh he

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 155
he prefently fubmitted to with indecency enough. The
Prince then told them, " that there were fome perfons
" come to the town, the laft night, who came out of
" England after the news of the victory over the Scots
" came to London, with all the circumftances thereof ;
" and of the Duke's being taken prifoner ;" and that
the Prince of Orange had told him, " that the States
" had received intelligence of it from their ambaffador
" Newport, who refided in London." Upon the whole
matter, the Prince refolved " to meet again the next
" morning to confult farther what he was to do, and
" that probably, in the mean time, the intelligence
" would be more perfect, and unqueftionable, and they
" fhould fee whether Lautherdale would take any notice
"of it,"
But the night made nO alteration in him ; he ap
peared the next morning with the fame confidence*
and the fame importunity for the Prince to remove^
and begin his journey; He was afkedj " whether he
" had received no information of fome ill fortune, that
" had befallen that army, which might fo change the*
,( cafe fince he left Scotland, that what might then
" have been fit, wduld be now unfit and uncounfella-
" ble ?" The Earl faid, " he knew well what the news
" was from England ; and whatever he hoped, that he
" was not confident it was not true: however he hoped,
" that would not change the Prince's purpofe, but
" that it would more concern him to purfue the refolu^
" tion he was formerly obliged to ; that if any misfor-
" tune had befallen that army, the Prince had the more
" reafon to endeavour to repair it ; which could be
" done no other way, than by his making all poffible
" hafte into Scodand ; which remained ftill a kingdom
*' entire, wholly devoted to his fervice ; and that, by
" the

t$6 THE HISTORY BookXI.
f4jthe benefit of his prefence, might quickly draw to-
" gether another army, towards which there was a good
*' beginning already by the prefervation of that body
*' under Monroe : that if his Highnefs ihould decline
" this only probable way to preferve himfelf, and to
ff recover his other two kingdoms, it would be thought
" he had little zeal for the liberty of his father, and as
^ little for his own intereft, and for the prefervation of
*' the Crown : he therefore befought his Highnefs,
r< that he would caufe fome of his fhips to be forth-
" with made ready, and would therein immediately
"tranfport himfelf into Scodand; whereby the- late
*' wound would, in a fhort time, be healed; which
<< would otherwife prove incurable."
But Scodand was fo well known, and the power of
Argyle, (which muft be now greater than ever by the
total defeat of the contrary party), that his propofjtion
wa$ by all difpafffonate men thought to be very extra*
vagant, and not to be hearkened to : and the news
from London, that Cromwell was marched into Scot
land wjth his whole army, confirmed every hpngft roan
jn that opinion. And within few days the Ead of
Jjautherdale feemed rather to think of going thither
hirnfelfj where his own concernments were in great
danger, than of preffing the Prince to fo hazardaus a
voyage ; and after a few weeks more flay at the Hague,
upon the intelligence from his friends in Scotland, hpw
The Eari of affairs went there, he returned thither in the fanieiWp
daie'reVumsthat taurfpcrted him from thence, with as much rage
Jand.Scot~ ^nc* mahee againft the Council about the Prince, aa
againft Cromwell himfelf.
ThP defeat of the Scottifh army at Prefton, though
it was not at firft believed to be an entire victory over
their whole body, there being dpubje that number that was

OF THE REBELLION, &c. a'57
was not there or that marched from thence, broke or
difappointed moft of the defigns which were on foot for
raifing men, in thofe northern counties, for the King's
fervice, to have joined and united under Sir Marma
duke Langdale. Sir Thomas Tildefly, a gentleman' of
a fair eftate, who had ferved the King from the be
ginning of the war with good courage, was then with a
body of Englifh, with which he had befieged the caftle
of Lancafter, and was upon the point of reducing it,
when the news of Prefton arrived. It was then ne
ceflary to quit that defign ; and hearing that Major
General Monroe, who, fhortly after the Duke marched
out of Scotland, followed him with a recruit of above
fix thoufand horfe and foot, was come to the fkirts of
Lancafhire, he retired thither to him, having gathered sir Tho.
up many of Sir Marmaduke Langdale's men, who hadre'tireS ylo
been broken at Prefton, and fome others who had beenMonroe'
newly levied. Sir Thomas Tildefly moved Monroe,
" that his forces, and fome regiments of Scots,, who
" yet remained about Kendal, might join with the
" Englifh under his command, and march together
" towards Prefton, and follow Cromwell in the rear, as
" he purfued the Scots :" which they might very well
have done, being a body, when in conjunction, of above
eight thoufand men ; which was equal in number to
the army under Cromwell. But the Major General
would not confent to the motion, but retired to the
farther part of Weftmoreland ; and the Englifh fol
lowed them, in the rear; prefuming, that though they
would not be perfuaded to advance after Cromwell,
yet that they would choofe fome other more convenient
poft to make a ftand in, if the enemy followed them ;
and then that they would be glad to join with them :
to which he was preffed again the next day, but con-
. vol. in. p. 1. $ tinued ^

2$£ THE HISTORY BookXI,
tinued ftill faft in his fulleri refolution, without declar
ing what he meant to do ; and retired through Cum
berland, where he had left a fad remembrance of his
having paffed that way a few days before, having then
raifed vaft fums of money upon the poor people,
and now in his retreat plundered almoft all they had
left. The Englifh marched into the bifhoprick of Durham,
to join with iiich new levies as were then raifing there ;
and their number being increafed by the addition of
thofe troops which were under the command of Sir
Monroe Henry Bellingham, they met again Major General
tered Ing- Monroe in Northumberland, and defired him, " that
Hamilton's " they might unite together againft the common
ueaB to-" " enemy, who equally defired the deftruction of them
™dfScot""both." But he refolutely refufed, and told them
plainly, " that he would march directly into Scotland,
" and expect orders there ;" which he did with all pof
fible expedition.
sir Philip Sir Philip Mufgrave believed that he and his foot
to CMMe. might be welcome to Carlifle; and went thither; and
fent Sir Henry Bellingham, Sir Robert Strickland, and
Colonel Chater, to the Earl of Lanrick, and offered
that they fhould carry their troops into Scotland to
join with him; who he knew well would ftand in need of
help. But he durft not accept their motion, faying,
" if he fhould, Argyle would from thence take an ex-
" cufe to invite Cromwell ;" who they heard was then
upon his march towards Berwick, to bring his army into
Scotland : upon which Sir Henry Bellingham returned
with the party he commanded into Cumberland, paying
for all they had through that part of Scotland it was
neceflary for them to pafs through.
Sir Philip Mufgrave had no better fuccefs with Sir
William

the Parlia
ment.

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 259
William Levingfton, the Governor of Carlifle ; for
though he received him very civilly, and entered into a
treaty with him, (for he knew well enough that he was
not able to victual or defend the place without the
afliftance of the Englifh, and therefore defired the
affiftance of Sir Philip in both), yet when articles were
agreed upon, and figned by Sir Philip Mufgrave, the
Governor fell back, and refufed to engage himfelf " not
" to deliver up the garrifon without the confent of
" Sir Philip Mufgrave ;" who was contented that none
of his men fhould come within the walls, until it
fhould be moft apparent, that they could no longer
keep the field.
Within a fhort time after, orders were fent out of Berwick
Scodand for the delivery of Berwick and Carlifle to delivered to
the Parliament ; in which orders there was not the leaft
mention of making conditions for the Englifh. Sir
Philip Mufgrave had yet Appleby caftle in his own pof
feffion, having taken, it after he had delivered Carlifle
to Duke Hamilton, and after he was marched from
thence. By this good accident, upon the delivery of
it up, which could not long have made any defence, he
made conditions for himfelf, and one hundred and
fifty officers, many of them gentlemen of quality, who
lived again to venture, and fome to lofe, their lives for
the King : after which, he foon tranfported himfelf into
Holland. Cromwell refolved to lofe no advantage he had got,
but as foon as he had perfected his defeat of Duke
Hamilton, by gathering up as many prifoners as he
could of the difperfed troops, he marched directly
towards Scotland, to pull up the roots there, frorty
which any farther trouble might fpring hereafter ;
though he was very earneftly called upon from York-
;s a fhire

land.

260 THE HISTORY B00K XL
fhire to reduce thofe at Poittefract caftle ; which grew
very troublefome to all their neighbours ; and, not
fatisfied with drawing contributions from all the parts
adjacent, they made excurfions into places at a great
diftance, and took divers fubftantial men prifoners,
and carried them to the caftle ; where they remained
till they redeemed themfelves by great ranfoms. How
ever, he would not defer his northern march ; but be
lieving that he fhould be in a fhort time capable to
take vengeance upon thofe affronts, he fatisfied himfelf
in fending Colonel Rainfborough, with fome troops of
horfe and foot, to reftrain their adventures, and to keep
Cromwell them blocked up,; and himfelf, with the reft of his
into Scot- army, continued their march for Scotland, it being about
the end of Auguft, or beginning of September, before
the harveft of that country was yet ripe ; and fo capa
ble of being deftroyed.
It was generally believed, that the Marquis of Argyle
earneftly invited him to this progrefs ; for the defeat of
the Scottifh army in England had not yet enough
made him mafter of JScotland. There was ftill a com
mittee of Parliament fitting at Edinburgh, in which,
and in the Council, the Earl of Lanrick fwayed without
a rival ; and the troops which had been raifed under
Monroe for the recruit of the Duke's army, were ftill
together, and at the Earl's devotion ; fo,that the Mar
quis was ftill upon his good behaviour. If he did not
invite Cromwell, he was very glad of his coming ; and
made all poffible hafte to bid him welcome upon his
entering into the kingdom. They made great fhews of
being mutually glad to fee each other, being linked to
gether by many promifes, and profeffions, and by an
entire conjunction in guilt.
There -was no act of hoftility committed; Cromwelldeclaring,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 261
declaring, ", that he came with his army to preferve the
" godly party, and to free the kingdom from a force,
" which it was under, of malignant men, who had
" forced the nation to break the friendfhip with their
" brethren of England, who had been fo faithful to
" them: that it having pleafed God to defeat that army
" under Duke Hamilton, who endeavoured to engage
" the two nations in each other's blood, he was come
" thither to prevent any farther mifchief, and to re-
" move thofe from authority who had ufed their power
" fo ill ; and that he hoped he fhould, in very few
" days, return with an affurance of the brotherly affec-
" tion of that kingdom to the Parliament of England;
" which did not defire in any degree to invade their
" liberties, or infringe their privileges." He was con- is received
ducted to Edinburgh by the Marquis of Argyle, where "ufgll"
he was received with all folemnity, and the refpect due to
the deliverer of their country, and his army quartered
about, and fupplied with all provifions the country could
yield. The Earl of Lanrick, and all the Hamiltonian fac
tion, (that is, all who had a mind to continue of it), were
withdrawn, and out of reach ; and they who remained
at Edinburgh were refolved to obey Argyle ; who they
faw could protect them. There were then enough
left of the committee of Parliament to take care of the
fafety and good of the kingdom, without putting Crom
well to help them by the power of the Englifh ; which
would have been a great difcredit to their government.
Whilft he remained their gueft, (whom they enter
tained magnificently), Argyle thought himfelf able, by
the laws of Scotland, to reform all that was amifs, and
preferve the government upon the true foundation.
So the committee of Parliament fent to Monroe an
s 3 order

aSa, THE HISTORY Book XI.
The com- order and command to difband his troops; which
the Srottiih when he feemed refolved' not to do, he quickly dif-
orderaMonn.cerne^ tnat Cromwell muft be arbitrator; and there-
roe to dif- Upon he obferved the,.- 'orders of the committee very
punctually : fo that there was no power in Scodand
that could oppofe the command of Argyle ; the com
mittee of Parliament, the Council, all the magiftrates of
Edinburgh, were at his devotion ; and whoever Were
not fo, were either in prifon, or fled. The pulpits were
full of invectives againft the finfulnefs of the late en
gagement, and folemn fafts enjoined by the Affembly
to implore God's pardon and forgivertefs for that
heinous tranfgreffion ; the Chancellor Lowden giving
the good example, by making his recantation and
humble fubmiflion with many tears. Cromwell had
reafon to believe that it would henceforward prove as
peaceable a kingdom as he could wifh; and having
thus concerted all things with his bofom friend Argyle,
(who refolved, as foon as he was withdrawn a diftance
from Edinburgh, that he and his army might not be
thought to have an influence upon the councils, to call
the Parliament to confirm all he fhould think fit to do),'
cromweii }je returned for England ; where he thought his pre-
returns for .
England, fence was like to be wanted.
The committee of Parliament at Edinburgh (who
had authority to convene the Parliament when the
major part of them fhould pleafe ; care, being taken in
the nomination of them, that they were fuch as were
thought moft like to purfue the way they were en
tered into) fent out their fummons to call the Parlia-
TheScot- fnent. They who appeared, were of another mind
ment being from what they had been formerly, and with the fame
demnDukepaffion and zeal with which they had entered into the
"gTge-ons engagement, they now declared it unlawful and un-
ment. godly J

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 263
godly ; and the Affembly joining with them, they ex
communicated all who had the moft eminent parts in
the promoting it ; and made them incapable of bearing
any office in the State, or of fitting in Council, or in
Parliament ; fubjecting thofe who had finned in a lefs
degree, to fuch penalties as would for ever make them
fubject to their government. By thefe judgments,
amongft others, the Earl of Lanrick was deprived of
being Secretary of State, and that office was conferred
upon the Earl of Lothian; who, in the beginning of
the rebellion, had been employed by the confpirators
into France, and coming afterwards into England was
imprifoned thereupon, and being after fet at liberty
continued amongft thofe who, upon all occafions,
carried the rebellion higheft, and fhewed the moft im
placable malice to the perfon of the King. And by
this time Argyle was become fo much more mafter of
Scotland than Cromwell was of England, that he
had not fo much as the fhadow of a Parliament to
contend, or to comply with, or a neceffity to exercife
his known great talent of diffimulation, all men doing
as he enjoined them, without afking the reafon of his
direction. To return to the ftate of the King's affairs in Eng
land : when the Earl of Norwich and the Lord Capel
with the Kentifh and Effex troops were inclofed in
Colchefter, their friends could not reafonably hope
that the Scottifh army, which had fo long deferred
their march into England, contrary to their promife,
would, though they were now come in, march faft
enough to relieve Colchefter before they fhould be
reduced by famine. The Earl of Holland thought itTheEariof
neceffary, fince many who were in Colchefter had en-rifeS.gIoeSto
gaged themfelves upon his promifes and authority, now K!nsft°n-
s 4 to

a64 THE HISTORY Book XL
to begin his enterprife; to which the youth and warmth
of the Duke of Buckingham, who was General of the
horfe, the Lord Francis Villiers his brother, and divers
other young noblemen, fpurred him on. And he
might have the better opinion of his intereft and party,
in that his purpofe of rifing, and putting himfelf into
arms for the relief of Colchefter, was fo far from being
a fecret, that it was the common difcourfe of the
town. There was a great appearance every morning,
at his lodging, of thofe officers who were known to
have ferved the King; his commiffions fhewed in
many hands ; no queftion being more commonly afked,
than " when doth my Lord Holland go out ?" and
the anfwer was, ? ' fuch and fuch a day ;" and the hour,
he did take horfe, when he was accompanied by an
hundred horfe from his houfe, was publickly talked of
two or three days before.
His firft rendezvous was at Kingfton upon Thames ;
where he flayed two nights, and one whole day, ex
pecting a grgat refort to him, not only of officers, but
of common men, who had promifed, and lifted them
felves under feveral officers ; and he imputed the fe
curity he had enjoyed fo long, notwithftanding his
purpofe was fo generally known, to the apprehenfion
both the Parliament and the army had of the affertioas
of the city to join with him; and he believed, that he
fhould not only remain fecure at Kingfton, as long as
he fhould think fit to ftay there, but that fome entire
regiments of the city would march out with him for the
relief of Colchefter.
During the fhort ftay he made at Kingfton, fome
officers and foldiers, both of horfe and foot, came.
thither, and many perfons of honour and quality, in
their coaches, came to vifit him and his company from
London ;

OF THE REBELLION, Sec. 26$
London ; and returned thither again to provide what
was ftill wanting, and refolved to be with him foon
enough. The principal officer the Earl relied upon
(though he had better) was Dalbeer a Dutchman, of
name and reputation, and good experience in war ;
who had ferved the Parliament as Commiffary Gene
ral of the horfe under the Earl of Effex, and having
been left out in the new model, was amongft thofe difcon-
tented officers who looked for an opportunity to be re
venged of the army ; which they defpifed for their ill
breeding, and much preaching. Thus Dalbeer was
glad to depend upon the Earl of Holland, who thought
himfelf likewife happy in fuch an officer. The keeping
good guards, and fending out parties towards the
Kentifh parts, where it was known fome troops, re
mained fince the lafl commotion there, was committed
to his care. But he difcharged it fo ill, or his orders
were fo ill obferved, that the fecond or third morning
after their coming to Kingfton, fome of the Parliament's
foot, with two or three troops of Colonel Rich's horfe, '
fell upon a party of the Earl's about Nonfuch ; and
beat, and purfued them into Kingfton, before thofe is routed
within had notice to be ready to receive them; thetherc'
Earl and moft of the reft making too much hafte out
of town, and never offering to charge thofe troops.
In this confufion the Lord Francis Villiers, a youth of
rare beauty and comelinefs of perfon, endeavouring to
make refiflance, was unfortunately killed, with one or
two more but of little note. Moft of the foot made a
fhift to conceal themfelves, and fome officers, until
they found means to retire to their clofe manfions in
London. The Earl with near an hundred horfe (the
reft wifely taking the way to London, where they were
never enquired after) wandered without purpofe or
defign,,

266 THE HISTORY Book XI,
defign, and was, two or three days after, befet in an
Efcapesto inn at St. Neots in Huntingtonfhire, by thofe few
where hc'is horfe who purfued him, being joined with fome troops
of Colonel Scroop's; where the Earl delivered himfelf
prifoner to the officer without refiftance : yet at the
fame time Dalbeer and Kenelm Digby, the eldeft fon of
Sir Kenelm, were killed upon the place ; whether
out of former grudges, or that they offered to defend
themfelves, was not known; and the Duke of Bucking
ham efcaped, and happily found a way into London ;
where he lay concealed, till he had an opportunity to
fecure himfelf by being tranfported into Holland;
where the Prince was ; who received him with great
grace and kindnefs. The Earl of Holland remained
prifoner in the place where he was taken, till by order
from the Parliament he was fent to Warwick caftle,
where he was kept prifoner with great ftrictnefs.
The total defeat of the Scottifh army lately men
tioned fucceeded this, and when thofe noble perfons
within Colchefter were advertifed of both, they knew
well that there was no poffibility of relief, nor could they
fubfift longer to expect it, being preffed with want of
all kind of victual, and having eaten near all their
horfes. They fent therefore to Fairfax, to treat about
the delivery of the town upon reafonable conditions;
but he refufed to treat, or give any conditions, if they
would not render to mercy all the officers and gentle*
men ; the common foldiers he was contented to dif-
mifs. A day or two was fpent in deliberation. They
within propofed " to make a brifk fally ; and tiiereby
** to fhift for themfelves, as many as could." But
they had tqo few horfe, and the few that were left unb
eaten were too weak for that enterprife. Then, " that
<< they fhould open a port, and every man die with
« their

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 267
<c their arms in their hands ;" but that way they could
only be fure of being killed, without much hurting
their adverfaries, who had ways enough fecurely to af-
fault them. Hereupon, they were in the end obliged
to deliver themfelves up prifoners at mercy ; and were, Colchefter
all the officers and gentlemen, led into the public
hall of the town ; where they were locked up, and a
ftrong guard fet upon them. They were required pre
fendy to fend a lift of all their names to the General ;
which they did ; and, within a fhort time after, a
guard was fent to bring Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir
George Lifle, and Sir Bernard Gafcoigne to the Gene
ral, being fate with his Council of War. They were
carried in, and in a very fhort difcourfe told, " that
" after fo long and fo obflinate a defence until they
*' found it neceffary to deliver themfelves up to mercy,
" it was neceflary, for the example of others, and that
" the peace of the kingdom might be no more dif-
" turbed in that manner, that fome military juftice
" fhould be executed ; and therefore, that Council
" had determined they three fhould be prefently fhot
(c to death ;" for which they were advifed to prepare
themfelves ; and without confidering, or hearing what
they had a mind to fay for themfelves, they were led
into a yard there by ; where they found three files of
mufqueteers ready for their difpatch.
Sir Bernard Gafcoigne was a gentleman of Florence ; t
and had ferved the King in the war, and afterwards re
mained in London till the unhappy adventure of Col
chefter, and then accompanied his friends thither ; and
had only Englifh enough to make himfelf underftood,
that he defired a pen and ink and paper, that he might
write a letter to his Prince the Great Duke, that his
Highnefs might know in what manner he loft his life, to

26& THE HISTORY Book XI,
to the end his heirs might poffefs his eftate. The ofl>
cer that attended the execution thought fit to acquaint
the General and Council, without which he durft not
aUow him pen and ink, which he thought he might
reafonably demand : when they were informed of it,
they thought it a matter worthy fome confideration ;
they had chofen him out of the lift for his quality, con
ceiving him to be an Englifh gentleman, and preferred
him for being a knight,- that they might facrifice three
of -that rank,
This delay brought the news of this bloody refolu*
tion. to the prifoners in the town; who were infinitely
afflicted with it ; and the Lord Capel prevailed with
an officer, or foldier, of their guard, to carry a letter,
figned by the chief perfons and officers, and in the
name of the reft, to the General ; in which they took
notice of that judgment, and defired him " either to for-
" bear the execution of it, or that they might all;
" who were equally guilty with thofe three, undergo
" the fame fentence with them." The letter was de
livered, but had- no other effect than the fending to
the officer to difpatch his order, referving the Italian
sir Charles to the laft. Sir Charles Lucas was their firft work ;
sir George who fell dead ; upon which Sir George Lifle ran to
death. °tt0 him, embraced him, and kiffed him; and then ftood.
up, and looked thofe who were to execute him in the
face ; and thinking they ftood at too great a diftance,
fpake to them to come nearer ; to which one "of them
faid, " I'll warrant you, fir, we'll hit you :" he anfwered
fmiling, " Friends,. I have been nearer you, when you
" have miffed me." Thereupon, they all fired upon
him, and did their work home, fo that he fell down
dead of many wounds without fpeaking- word. Sir
Bernard Gafcoigne had his doublet off, and expected the

OF THE REBELLION, &d. 46g
the next turn ; but the officer told him " he had order
" to carry him back to his friends ;" which at that
time was very indifferent to him. The Council of
War had confidered, that if they fhould in this manner
have taken the life of a foreigner, who feemed to be a
perfon of quality, their friends or children who fhould
vifit Italy might pay dear for many generations ; and
therefore they commanded the officer, " when the other
" two fhould be dead, to carry him back again to the
" other prifoners."
The two who were thus murdered were men of Their cha-
great name and efteem in the war; the one being held raGeri!*
as good a commander of horfe, and the other of foot,
as the nation had ; but of very different tempers and
humours. Lucas was the younger brother of the Lord
Lucas, and his heir both to the honour and eftate, and
had a prefent fortune of his own. He had been bred
in the Low Countries under the Prince of Orange, and
always amongft the horfe. He had little converfation
in that Court, where great civility was practifed, and
learned. He was very brave in his perfon, and in a
day of battle a gallant man to look upon, and follow ;
but at all other times and places, of a nature fcarce to
be lived with, of no good underftanding, of a rough
and proud humour, and very morofe converfation ; yet
they all defired to accompany him in his death. Lifle
was a gentleman who had had the fame- education with
the other, and at the fame time an officer of foot ; had
all the courage of the other, and led his men to a
battle with fuch an alacrity, that no man was ever
better followed ; his foldiers never forfaking him; and
the party which he commanded, never left any thing
undone which he led them upon. But then, to his
fiercenefs of courage he had the fofteft and moft gentle
nature

*y& THE HISTORY Book XI.
nature imaginable ; was kind to all, and beloved of all,
and without a capacity to have an enemy.
The manner of taking the lives of thefe worthy men
was new, and without example, and concluded by moft
men to be very barbarous ; and was generally imputed
to Ireton, who fwayed the General, and was upon all oc
cafions of an unmerciful and bloody nature. As foon
as this bloody facrifice was ended, Fairfax, with the
chief officers, went to the town-houfe to vifit the
prifoners ; and the General (who was an ill orator on
the moft plaufible occafion) applied with his civility to
the Earl of Norwich, and the Lord Capel ; and, feem-
ing in fome degree to excufe the having done that,
which he faid u the military juftice required," he told
them, "that all the lives of the reft were fafe; and
" that they fhould be well treated, and difpofed of as
" the Parliament fhould direct." The Lord Capel
had not fo foon digefted this fo late barbarous proceed
ing, as to receive the vifit of thofe who caufed it, with
fuch a return as his condition might have prompted to
him ; but faid, " that they fhould do well to finifh their
" work, and execute the fame rigour to the reft;" upon
which there were two or three fuch fharp and bitter replies
between him and Ireton, that coft him his life in few
months after. When the General had given notice to
the Parliament of his proceedings, he received order to
fend the Earl of Norwich and the Lord Capel to
Windfor caftle ; where they had afterwards the fb-
ciety of Duke Hamilton, to lament each other's mif-
fortunes; and after fome time they two were fent to
the Tower.
Though the city had undergone fo many fevere
mortifications, that it might very well have been dif-
couraged from entering into any more .dangerous en-;
gagements,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 271
gagements, at leaft all other people might have been
terrified from depending again upon fuch engage
ments, yet the prefent fright was no fooner over than The beha-
they recovered new fpirits for new undertakings ; and city at this
feemed always to have obferved fomewhat in the lafttltne"
mifcarriage which might be hereafter prevented, and no
more obftrutt their future proceedings ; and many in the
Parliament, as well as in the city, who were controlled
and difpirited by the prefence of the army, when that
was at a diftance appeared refolute, and brifk in any
contradiction and oppofition of their counfels. So that
Cromwell had no fooner begun his march towards the
North, and Fairfax his into Kent, but the Common
Council delivered a petition to the Parliament, " that They ****'
\ _ tion for a
" they would entertain a perfonal treaty with the King, ?wfdnai
" that the kingdom might be reftored again to a happy *
" peace ; which could be hoped for no other way."
This was the firft prefumption that had been offered,
fince their vote of no more addreffes to be made to the
King ; which had been near half a year before ; and
this feemed to be made with fo univerfal a concurrence
of the city, that the Parliament durft not give a pofi
tive refufal to it. And in truth the major part thereof
did really defire the fame thing; which made Sir Harry /
Vane, and that party in the Parliament to which the
army adhered, or rather which adhered to the army,
to contrive fome fpecious way to defer and delay it
by feeming to confent to it, rather than to oppofe the
motion. And therefore they appointed a committee A commit-
t ICC Of ir HI-i
of the Houfe of Commons, to meet with fuch a com- liament
mittee of the Common Council, as they fhould make-them about
choice of, to confer together of the ways and means to"'
provide for the King's fafety and fecurity during the
time of the treaty: which committee being met to
gether,

373- THE HISTORY Book XL
gether, that of the Houfe of Commons perplexed the
other with many queftioris, " what they meant by
" thofe exprefflons, they ufed in their petition," (and
had been the common exprefflons, long ufed both by
the King and the Parliament, in all applications which
had concerned a treaty), " that his Majefty might
" treat with honour, freedom, and fafety ? what they
" intended by thofe words ? and whether the city
" would be at the charge in maintaining thofe guards,
" which were to be kept for the fecurity of the King
" during fuch treaty; and if the King fhould in that
" treaty refufe to give the Parliament fatisfaction, how-
" his perfon fhould be difpofed of?" and many fuch
queftioris, to which they well knew that the committee
itfelf could make no anfwer, but that there muft be
another Common Council called, to which they muft
repair for directions. And by this means, and ad-
miniftering new queftions at every meeting, much time
was fpent, and the delays they wifhed could not be
avoided. So that notwithftanding all the city's earneft-
nefs that the treaty might be prefently entered upon, it
was delayed till the infurrection in Kent, and the de
figns of the Earl of Holland (to both which they had
promifed another kind of affiftance) were both difap-
pointed, and expired. However, the Prince was ftill
in the Downs with his fleet, and the gentlemen in Cok
chefter defended themfelves refolutely, and the Scottifh
army was entered the kingdom, all which kept up their
courage ; infomuch as, after all the delays, the Parlia-
The Pariia- merit confented, and declared, " that they would enter
Sires for a " into a perfonai treaty with the King for the fettling
perfonai a the peace of the kingdom ; but that the treaty
" fhould be in the Ifle of Wight, where his Majefty
" ihould enjoy honour, freedom, and fafety." The

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 273
The city had offered before to the committee upon
fome of the queftions which had been adminiflered
to them, " that if the treaty might be in London,
" they would be at the charge of maintaining thofe
" guards which fhould be neceflary for the fafety and
" fecurity of the King ;" and therefore they were very
much troubled, that the treaty fhould be now in the
Ifle of Wight, upon which they could have no influ
ence ; yet they thought not fit to make any new in-
ftances for change of the place, left the Parliament
might recede from their vote, that there fhould be a
treaty entered upon. So they only renewed their im
portunity, that all expedition might be ufed; arid^.in
fpite of all delays, in the beginning of Auguft a com^ a commit.
mittee was fent from both Houfes to the King to Ca- Houfes fent
rifbrook caftle, where he had been clofe fhut upf°r*edt^"rf
about half a year, without being fuffered to fpeak withPofe in.thc
J ' ° l beginning
any but fuch who were appointed by them to. attend, °f Auguft.
and watch him.
The meffage the committee delivered was, " thatThef"D-
" the Houfes did defire a treaty with his Majefly, in their md-
" what place of the Ifle of Wight he would appoint, ^^°
" upon the propofitions tendered to him at Hampton
" Court, and fuch other propofitions, as they fhould
" caufe to be prefented to him ; and that his Majefly
" fhould enjoy honour, freedom, and fafety to his perT
" fon." The meffengers, who were one of the Houfe
of Peers and two Commoners, were to return within
ten days, nobody being very ftrict in the limitation of
time to a day, becaufe the treaty was fo much the
' longer kept off, which they hoped ftill would by fome
accident be prevented.
The King received them very gracioufly, and told
them, " they could not believe that any man could c!eT
vol. 111. P. 1. t " fire

474 THE HISTORY Book XI.
" fire a peace more heartily than himfelf, becaufe no
" man fuffered fo mUch by the want of it: that, though
" he was without any man to confult with, and with-
" out a fecretary to write what he fhould dictate, yet
" they fhould not be put to ftay long for an anfwer ;"
which he gave them within two or three days, all
written in his own hand ; in which, after he had la
mented his prefent condition, and the extreme reftraint
The King's he was under, he faid, " he did very cheerfully em-
anfwer. . . . . ,
" brace their motion, and accepted a treaty they pro-
" mifed fhould be with honour, freedom, and fafety ;
" which he hoped they did really intend fhould be
" performed ; for that, in the condition he was in,
" he was fo totally ignorant and uninformed of the
" prefent ftate of all his dominions, that a blind man
" was as fit to judge of colours, as he was to treat con-
" cerning the peace of the kingdom, except they would
" firft revoke their votes, and orders, by which all
" men were prohibited and forbid to come, write, or
" fpeak to him. For the place, he could have wifhed,
" for the expedition that would have refulted from
" thence, that it might have been in or near London,
" to the end that the Parliament's refolution and deter-
1 mination might have been fooner known upon any
' emergent occafion that might have grown in the
<f treaty, than it could be at fuch a diftance : however,
" fince they had refolved that it fhould be in the Ifle
" of Wight, he would not except againft it, but named
" the town of Newport for the place of the treaty."
He faid, " though he defired all expedition might be
" ufed towards the beginning and ending the treaty,
" yet he fhould not think himfelf in any freedom to
" treat, except, before the treaty begun, all fuch per-
" fons might have liberty' to repair to him, whofe ad-
" vice

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 275
" vice and affiftance he fhould ftand in need of in
" the treaty." He fent a lift of the names of thofe
his fervants which he defired might be admitted to
come to him, and attend upon him ; whereof the Duke
of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earls of
Southampton and Lindfey, were the chief; all four
gentlemen of his Bedchamber, and of his Privy Coun
cil. He named likewife all the other- fervants, whofe
attendance he defired in their feveral offices. He fent
a lift of the names of feveral Bifhops, and of fuch of his
Chaplains, as he defired to confer with, and of many
common Lawyers, and fome Civilians, whofe advice he
might have occafion to ufe, and defired, " that he
" might be in the fame ftate of freedom, as he en-
" joyed whilft he had been at Hampton Court."
By the time that the commiffioners returned from
the Ifle of Wight, and delivered this anfwer to the
Parliament, news was brought of the defeat of the
Scottifh army, and Cromwell had written to his friends,
" what a perpetual ignominy it would be to the Parlia-
" ment, that nobody abroad or at home would ever
" give credit to them, if they fhould recede from their
" former vote and declaration of no farther addreffes
" to the King, and conjured them to continue firm in
" that refolution." But they had gone too far now to
recede, and fince the firft motion and petition from the
Common Council for a treaty, very many members,
who had oppofed the vote and declaration of no more
addreffes, and from the time that had paffed, had forborne
ever to be prefent in the Parliament, upon the firft men
tion of a treaty, flocked again to the Houfe, and advanced
that overture ; fo that they were much fuperior in num
ber to thofe who endeavoured firft to obftruct and
delay, and now hoped abfolutely to fruftrate all that had
t a been

276 THE HISTORY Book XI.
been propofed towards a treaty. And the great vic
tory which had been obtained againft the Scots, and
which they concluded muft fpeedily reduce Colchefter,
and put a quick period to all other attempts againft the
Parliament, made them more earneft and folicitous for a
treaty; which was all the hope left to prevent that
confufion they difcerned was the purpofe of the army
to bring upon the kingdom : and fo with the more
vigour they preffed " that fatisfaction might be given
" to the King, in all that he had propofed in his an-
" fwer ;" and, notwithftanding all oppofition, it was
The vote ofdeclared, " that the vote for no more addreffes fliould
no more ad
dreffes re- "ftand repealed: that the treaty fhould be at New-
the treaty" " port ; and that his Majefty fhould be there in the
Newport. " fame freedom in which he was at Hampton Court ;
" that the inftructions to Colonel Hammond, by which
" the King had been in that manner reflrained, and all
" perfons forbid from going to him, fhould be recalled ;
" that all thofe perfons who were named by the King,
" fhould have free liberty to repair to him, and to re-
" main with him without being queflioned, or troubled."
And having proceeded thus- far, they nominated five
lords and ten commoners to be the commiffioners who
fhould treat with the King, and who were enjoined to
prepare all things to be in readinefs for the treaty with
all poffible expedition ; but Sir Harry Vane, being one
of thofe commiflioners, ufed all his arts to obftruct and
delay it, in hope that Cromwell would difpatch his
affairs in Scotland time enough to return, and to ufe
more effectual and powerful arguments againft it, than
he was furnifhed withal.
All thefe occurrences were very well known to Crom
well, and were the motives which perfuaded him to be
lieve, that his prefence at the Parliament was fo necef fary

OF THE REBELLION, &eu 277
fary to fupprefs the Prefbyterians, who ceafed not to
vex him at any diftance, that he would not be prevailed
with to ftay and finifh that only work of difficulty that
remained to be done, which was the reducing Pontefract
caftle ; but left Lambert to make an end of it, and to
revenge the death of Rainfborough, who had loft his
life by that garrifon, with fome circumftances which de-
ferve to be remembered ; as in truth all that adventure
in the taking and defending that place, fhould be pre-
ferved by a very particular relation, for the honour of
all the perfons who were engaged in it.
When the firft war had been brought to an end by An account
the reduction of all places, and perfons, which had held^gofPon-
for the King, and all men's hopes had been rendered \fe'^ ^
defperate, by the imprifonment of his Majefty in theKins-
Ifle of Wight, thofe officers and gentlemen who had
ferved, whilft there was any fervice, betook themfelves
generally to the habitations they had in the feveral
counties ; where they lived quietly and privately, under the
infolence of thofe neighbours who had formerly, by the
inferiority of their conditions, fubmitted to them. When
the Parliament had finifhed the war, they reduced and
flighted moft of the inland garrifons, the maintenance
whereof was very chargeable: yet by the intereft of
fome perfon who commanded it, or out of the confider
ation of the ftrength and importance of the place, they
kept ftill a garrifon in Pontefract caftle, a noble royalty
and palace belonging to the Crown, and then part of the
Queen's jointure. The fituation in itfelf was very
ftrong ; no part whereof was commanded by any other
ground: the houfe very large, with all offices fuita-
ble to a princely feat, and though built very near the
top of a hill, fo that it. had the profpect of a great
part of the Weft Riding of Yorkfhire, and of Lincoln-
t 3 fhire,

278 THE HISTORY Book XI.
fhire, and Nottinghamfhire, yet it was plentifully
fupplied with water. Colonel CottereU, the Governor
of this caftle, exercifed a very fevere jurifdiction over
his neighbours of thofe parts ; which were inhabited by
many gentlemen, and foldiers, who had ferved the King1
throughout the war, and who were known to retain their
old affections, though they lived quietly under the pre
fent government. Upon the leaft jealoufy or humour,
thefe men were frequently fent for, reproached, and
fometimes imprifoned by the Governor in this garrifon ;
which did not render them the more devoted to him.
When there appeared fome hopes that the Scots would
raife an army for the relief and releafe of the King, Sir
Marmaduke Langdale, in his way for Scotland, had
vifited and conferred with fome of his old friends and
countrymen, who now lived quietly within fome dif
tance of Pontefract, who informed him of that garri
fon, the place whereof was well known to him. And
he acquainting them with the affurance he had of the
refolution of the principal perfons of the kingdom of
Scotland, and that they had invited him to join with
them, in order to which he was then going thither, they
agreed, " that, when it fhould appear that an army was
" raifed in Scotland upon that account, which muft draw
" down the Parliament's army into the other northern
" counties, and that there fhould be rifings in other
" parts of the kingdom," (which the general indifpofi-
tion and difcontent, befides fome particular defigns,
made like to fall out), " that then thofe gentlemen
" ffiould endeavour the furprife of that caftle, and
" after they had made themfelves ftrong in it, and
" furnifhed it with provifions to endure fome reftraint,
" they fhould draw as good a body to them as thofe
" countries would yield :" and having thus adjufted that

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 279
that defign, they fettled fuch a way of correfpondence
with Sir Marmaduke, that they frequently gave him an
account, and received his directions for their proceeding.
In this difpofition they continued quiet, as they had al
ways been; and the Governor of the caftle lived towards
them with lefs jealoufy, and more humanity, than he
had been accuftomed to.
There was one Colonel Morrice, who, being a very
young man, had, in the beginning of the war, been an
officer in fome regiments of the King's ; and, out of
the folly and impatience of his youth, had quitted that
fervice, and engaged himfelf in the Parliament army
with fome circumftances not very commendable ; and
by the cleamefs of his courage, and pleafantnefs of his
humour, made himfelf not only very acceptable, but
was preferred to the command of a colonel, and per
formed many notable fervices for them, being a flout
and bold undertaker in attempts of the greateft danger ;
wherein he had ufually fuccefs. After the new mo
delling of the army, and the introducing of a ftricter
difcipline, his life of great licence kept not his reputa
tion with the new officers ; and being a free fpeaker
and cenfurer of their affected behaviour,, they left him
out in their compounding their new army, but with
many profeffions of kindnefs, and refpect to his emi
nent courage, which they would find fome occafion to
employ, and reward. He was a gentleman of a com
petent eftate in thofe parts in Yorkfhire; and as he
had grown elder, he had heartily detefted himfelf for
having quitted the King's fervice, and had refolved to
take fome feafonable opportunity to wipe off that ble-
mifh by a fervice that would redeem him ; and fo was
not troubled to be fet afide by the new General, but
betook himfelf to his eftate ; enjoyed his old humour,
t 4 which

286 THE HISTORY Book Xf.
which was cheerful and pleafant ; and made himfelf
mofl acceptable to thofe who were moft trufted by the
Parliament ; who thought that they had difmiffed
one of the beft officers they had, and were forry for
it. He now, as a country gentleman, frequented the fairs
and markets, and converfed with equal freedom with
all his neighbours, of what party foever they had been,
and renewed the friendfhip he had formerly held with
fome of thofe gentlemen who had ferved the King.
But no friendfhip was fo dear to him, as that of the
Governor of Pontefract caftle, who loved him above all
men, and delighted fo much in his company, that he
got him to be with him fometimes a week and more at
a time in the .caftle, when they always lay together in
one bed. He declared to one of thofe gentlemen, who
were united together to make that attempt, " that he
" would furprife that caftle, whenever they fhould think
i( the feafon ripe for it ;" and that gentieman, who
knew him very well, believed him fo entirely, that he
told his companions, " that they fhould not trouble
" themfelves with contriving the means to furprife
" the place ; which, by trufting too many, would be
" liable to difcovery ; but that he would take that
" charge upon himfelf, by a way they need not en-
" quire into ; which he affured them fhould not fail :"
and they all very willingly acquiefced in his undertak
ing ; to which they knew well he was not inclined
without good grounds. Morrice was more frequently
with the Governor, who never thought himfelf well with
out him ; and always told him " he muft have a great
" care of his garrifon, that he had none but faithful men
" in the caftle ; for that he was confident there were
" fome men who lived not far off, and who many times
" came

OF THE REBELLION, &c.' 28x
u came to vifit him, had fome defign upon the place ;"
and would then in confidence name many perfons
to him, fome whereof were thofe very men with whom
he communicated, and others were men of another
temper, and were moft devoted to the Parliament, all
his particular friends and companions ; " but that he
" fhould not be troubled ; for he had a falfe brother
" amongft them, from whom he was fure to have
" feafonable advertifement ;" and promifed him, " that
" he would, within few hours notice, bring him at
" any time forty or fifty good men into the caftle to
" reinforce his garrifon, when there fhould be occa-
" lion ;" and he would fhew him the lift of fuch men,
as would be always ready, and would fometimes bring
fome of thofe men with him, and tell the Governor
before them, " that thofe were in the lift he had
" given him of the honeft fellows, who would flick
*' to him when there fhould be need ;" and others
would accidentally tell the Governor, " that they had
" lifted themfelves with Colonel Morrice to come to
" the caftle, whenever he fhould call or fend to them."
And all thefe men thus lifted, were fellows very noto
rious for the bitternefs and malice which they had al
ways againft the King, not one of which he ever in
tended to make ufe of.
He made himfelf very familiar with all the foldiers
in the caftle, and ufed to play and drink with them ;
and, when he lay there, would often rife in the night,
and vifit the guards ; and by that means would fome
times make the Governor difmifs and difcharge a
foldier whom he did not like, under pretence, " that
" he found him always afleep," or fome other fault
which was not to be examined; and then he would
commend fome other to him as very fit to be trufted and

a8a ' THE HISTORY Book XI.
and relied upon ; and by this means he had very
much power in the garrifon. The Governor received
feveral letters from his friends in the Parliament, and
in the country, " that he fhould take care of Colonel
" Morrice, who refolved to betray him ;" and in
formed him, " that he had been in fuch and fuch com-
" pany of men, who were generally efteemed moft
" malignant, and had great intrigues with them ;"
all which was well known to the Governor ; for the
other was never in any of that company, though with
all the fhew of fecrecy, in the night, or in places re
mote from any houfe, but he always told the Governor
of it, and of many particular paffages in thofe meetings;
fo that when thefe letters came to him, he fhewed
them ftill to the other ; and then both of them laughed
at the intelligence; after which Morrice frequendy
called for his horfe, and went home to his houfe, telling
his friend, " that though he had, he knew, no miftruft
" of his friendfhip, and knew him too well to think
" him capable of fuch bafenefs, yet he ought not for
" his own fake be thought to flight the information;
" which would make his friends the lefs careful of him :
" that they had reafon to give him warning of thofe
" meetings, which, if he had not known himfelf, had
" been very worthy of his fufpicion ; therefore he
" would forbear coming to the caftle again, till this
" jealoufy of his friends fhould be over ; who would
" know of this, and be fatisfied with it :" and no
power of the Governor could prevail with him, at fuch
times, to ftay ; but he would be gone, and flay away
till he was, after fome time, fent for again with great im
portunity, the Governor defiring his counfel and affift-
ance as much as his company.
It fell out, as it ufually doth in affairs of that nature, when

OF THE REBELLION, &c. $83
when many men are engaged, that there is an impa
tience to execute what is projected before the time be
throughly ripe. The bufinefs of the fleet, and in
Kent, and other places, and the daily alarms from Scot
land, as if that army had been entering the kingdom,
made the gentlemen who were engaged for this enter
prife imagine that they deferred it too long, and that
though they had received no orders from Sir Marma
duke Langdale, which they were to expect, yet they
had been fent, and mifcarried. Hereupon they called
upon the gentleman who had undertaken, and he upon
Morrice, for the execution of the defign. The time
agreed upon was fuch a night, when the furprifers were
to be ready upon fuch a part of the wall, and to have
ladders to mount in two places, where two foldiers were to
be appointed for fentinels who were privy to the at
tempt. Morrice was in the caftle, and in bed with the
Governor, and, according to his cuftom, rofe about the
hour he thought all would be ready. They without
made the fign agreed upon, and were anfwered by one
of the fentinels from the wall ; upon which they run
to both places where they were to mount their ladders.
By fome accident, the other fentinel who was defigned
was not upon the other part of the wall ; but when the
ladder was mounted there, the fentinel called out ; and
finding that there were men under the wall, run to
wards the court of guard to call for help ; which gave
an alarm to the garrifon : fo that, for that time, the
defign was difappointed. But, fhortly after, Morrice
and fome of the fame gendemen furprifed the caftle,
under the difguife of countrymen coming in with carts
of provifion ; and prefently feized on and maftered the
main guard, and made way for their friends, horfe
and foot, to enter. Then two or three of them went to

284 THE HISTORY Book XI.
to the Governor's chamber, whom they found in his
bed, and told him " the caftle was furprifed, and him-
" felf a prifoner." He betook himfelf to his arms for
his defence, but quickly found that his friend had be
trayed it, and the other gentlemen appearing, of whom
he had been before warned, his defence was to no pur
pofe, yet he received fome wounds. Morrice after
wards comforted him with affurance " of good ufage,
" and that he would procure his pardon from the
" King for his rebellion."
They put the garrifon in good order, and fo many
came to them from Yorkfhire, Nottingham, and Lin
coln, that they could not in a fhort time be reftrained,
and had leifure to fetch in all forts of provifions for
their fupport, and to make and renew fuch fortifica
tions as might be neceffary for their defence. From
Nottingham there came Sir John Digby, Sir Hugh
Cartwright, and a fon and nephew of his, who had
been good officers in the army, with many foldiers
who had been under their command ; many other gen
tlemen of the three counties were prefent, and deferve
to have their names recorded, fince it was an action
throughout of great courage and conduct.
Cromwell's marching towards the Scots with the
neglect of thefe men after their firft appearance, and
•only appointing fome county troops to inclofe them
from increafing their ftrength, gave them great oppor
tunity to grow; fo that driving thofe troops to a greater
diftance, they drew contribution from all the parts
about them, and made incurfions much farther, and
rendered themfelves fo terrible, that, as was faid before,
after the Scots' defeat, thofe of Yorkfhire fent very
•earneftly to Cromwell, " that he would make it the
" bufinefs of his army to reduce Pontefract." But he,
refolving

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 285
refolving upon his Scottifh expedition, thought it
enough to fend Rainfborough to perform that fervice,
with a regiment of horfe, and one or two of foot, be
longing to the army; which, with a conjunction of
the country forces under the fame command, he doubted
not would be fufficient to perform a greater work.
As foon as the caftle had been reduced, they who
were poffefled of it were very willing to be under the
command of Morrice ; who declared he would not ac
cept the charge, nor be Governor of the place, know
ing well what jealoufies he might be liable to, at leaft
upon any change of fortune, but under the direction
of Sir John Digby ; who was Colonel General of thofe
parts, and was a man rather cordial in the fervice,
than equal to the command ; which made him refer all
things ftill to the counfel and conduct of thofe offi
cers who were under him ; by whofe activity, as much
was done as could be expected from fuch a knot of re
folute perfons.
The total defeat of the Scottifh army being now Part of the
generally known, and that their friends in all other Attempt
places were defeated, they in the caftle well knew what borough.""
they were prefently to expect, and that they fhould be
fhortly fhut up from making farther excurfions. They
heard that Rainfborough was upon his march towards
them, and had already fent fome troops to be quar
tered near them, himfelf yet keeping his head quarters
at Doncafter, ten miles from the caftle. They refolved,
whilft they yet enjoyed this liberty, to make a noble
attempt. They had been informed, that Sir Marma
duke Langdale, (whom they ftill called their General),
after the overthrow of the Scottifh army, had been
taken prifoner, and remained in Nottingham caftle,
under a moft ftrict cuftody, as a man the Parliament declared,

286 THE HISTORY BookXI.
declared, " they would make an example of their juftice."
A party of about twenty horfe, but picked and choice
men, went out of the caftle, in the beginning of the
night, with a refolution to take Rainfborough prifoner,
and thereby to ranfom their General. They were all
good guides, and underftood the ways, private and
public, very exactly ; and went fo far, that about the
break of day or a little after, in the end of Auguft, they
put themfelves into the common road that led from
York ; by which ways the guards expected no enemy;
and fo flightly afked them " whence they came ?" who
negligently anfwered ; and afked again, " where their
" General was ?" faying, " they had a letter for him
" from Cromwell." They fent one to fhew them
where the General was ; which they knew well enough ;
and that he lay at the beft inn of the town. And
when the gate of the inn was opened to them, three
of them only entered into the inn, the other rode to
the other end of the town to the bridge, over which
they were to pafs towards Pontefract ; where they
expected and did find a guard of horfe and foot,
with whom they entertained themfelves in difcourfe,
faying, " that they flayed for their officer, who went
" only in to fpeak with the General ;" and called for
fome drink. The guards making no queftion of their
being friends, fent for drink, and talked negligently
with them of news ; and, it being broad day, fome of
the . horfe alighted, and the foot went to the court of
guard, conceiving that morning's work to be over.
They who went into the inn, where nobody was awake
but the fellow who opened the gate, afked in which
chamber the General (for fo all the foldiers called
Rainfborough) lay ; arid the fellow fhewing them from
below the chamber door, two of them went up, and the
other

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 487
other flayed below, and held the horfes, and talked"
with the foldier who had walked with them from the
guard. The two who went up, opened the chamber
door, found Rainfborough in his bed, but awaked with
the litde noife they had made. They told him in fhort,
" that he was their prifoner, and that it was in his
" power to choofe whether he would be prefently
" killed," (for which work he faw they were very well'
prepared), " or quietly, without making refiftance, or
" delay, to put on his clothes and be mounted upon a
" horfe, that was ready below for him, and accompany
" them to Pontefract." The prefent danger awakened
him out of the amazement he was in, fo that he told
them he would wait upon them, and made the hafte
that was neceffary to put on his clothes. One of them
took his fword, and fo they led him down flairs. He
that held the horfes, had fent the foldier away to thofe
who were gone before, to fpeak to them to get fome
drink, and any thing elfe that could be made ready in
the houfe, againft they came. When Rainfborough
came into the ftreet, which he expected to find full of
horfe, and faw only one man, who held the others'
horfes, and prefently mounted that he might be bound
behind him, he begun to ftruggle, and to cry out.
Whereupon, when they faw no hope of carrying him
away, they immediately run him through with their
fwords, and, leaving him dead upon the ground, they
got upon their horfes, and rode towards their fellows,
before any in the inn could be ready to follow them.
When thofe at'the bridge few their companions com
ing, which was their fign, being well prepared, and
knowing what they were to do, they turned upon the
guard, and made them fly in diffraction ; fo that the
way was clear and free ; and though they miffed carry ing

288 THE HISTORY BookXI.
' ing home the prize for which they had' made fo lufty
an adventure, they joined together, and marched, with
the expedition that was neceffary, a fhorter way than
they had come, to their garrifon ; leaving the town and
foldiers behind in fuch a confternation, that, not being
able to receive any information from their General,
whom they found dead upon the ground without any
body in view, they thought the Devil had been there ;
and could not recollect themfelves, which way they
were to purfue an enemy they had not feen. The
gallant party came fafe home without the leaft damage
to horfe or man, hoping to make fome other attempt
more fuccefsfully, by which they might redeem Sir
Marmaduke Langdale. There was not an officer in
the army whom Cromwell would not as willingly have
loft as this man ; who was bold and barbarous to his
wifh, and fit to be entrufted in the moft defperate in
tereft, and was the man whom that party always in
tended to commit the maritime affairs to, when it
fhould be time to difmifs the Earl of Warwick; he
having been bred in that element, and knowing the
duty of it very well, though he had that misfortune
fpoken of in the beginning of the fummer.
And now to finifh this bufinefs of Pontefract alto-
gether, which lafted near to the end of this year, when
Lambert came to this charge, (inftructed by Cromwell
to take full vengeance for the lofs of Rainfborough, to
whofe ghoft he defigned an ample facrifice), and kept
what body of men he thought fit for that purpofe, he
reduced them in a fhort time within their own circuit,
making good works round about the caftle, that they
might at laft yield to hunger, if nothing elfe would
reclaim them. Nor did they quietly fuffer themfelves
to be cooped up without bold and frequent fallies, in
which

OF THE REBELLION, he. 289
which many of the befiegers, as well as the others, loft
their lives. They difcovered many of the country
who held correfpondence with, and gave intelligence
to the caftle, whom they apprehended, whereof there
were two divines, and fome women of note, friends and
allies to the befieged. After frequent mortifications of
this kind, and no human hope of relief, they were con
tent to offer to treat for the delivery of the caftle, if
they might have honourable conditions ; if not, they
fent word, " that they had provifions yet for a good
" time ; that they durft die,- and would fell their lives
" at as dear a price as they could." Lambert anfwered,
that he knew " they were gallant men, and that he de-
" fired to preferve as many of them, as was in his
" power to do ; but he muft require fix of them to be
" given up to him, whofe lives he could not fave ;
" which he was forry for, fince they were brave men ;
" but his hands were bound." The fix excepted by
him were Colonel Morrice, and five more whofe names he
found to have been amongft thofe who were in the party
that had deftroyed Rainfborough ; which was an enter
prife no brave enemy would have revenged in that
manner: nor did Lambert defire it, but Cromwell had
enjoined it him : all the reft he " was content to re-
" leafe, that they might return to their houfes, and
" apply themfelves to the Parliament for their compo-
" fitions, towards which he would do them all the
" good offices he could." They from within acknow
ledged "his civility in that particular, and would be
" glad to embrace it, but they would never be guilty of
" fo bafe a thing, as to deliver up any of their com-
" panions;" and therefore they defired "they might have
" fix days allowed them, that thofe fix might do the
" beft they could to deliver themfelves ; in which it
vol. in. p.i. v fhould

290 THE 'HISTORY BookXI.
" mould be lawful for the reft to aflift them ;" to
which Lambert generoufly cbnfented, " fo that the
" reft would furrender at the end of that time ;" which
was 'agreed to. Upon the , firft day the garrifon 'ap
peared twice or thrice^ as if they 'were refolved 'to make
a fally, but retired every time without chargirfg ; but
the fecond day they made a very ftrong arid bfifk fally
upon another place than where they had appeared the
day betdre, and beat the enemy frorn their poll, with
the lofs of men On both fides ; and though the 'party
of "the caftle was beaten back, two ' of the fix (whereof
Mdfrice was One) made their efcape, the other four be
ing forced to retire with the reft. Arid all \vas quiet
for two whole days ; but in the beginning of the rifgfit
of the "fourth day, they made another atfefhpt fo prbf-
peroufly, that two of the other four likewife efca'ped i
and the next day they made great fhews of joy, and
Tent Lambert wbrd, " that their fix friends Were gone,"
(though there were two ftill remaining^) "arid therefore
" they would be ready the next day to furrender."
The Other two thought it to no purpofe to riiake
another "attempt, but devifed another vsfay to fecure
themfelves, with a lefs dangerous affiftahce "from their
friefids, who had loft forrie of 'their own lives in the
two forrher Tallies toTave theirs. The buildings of the
caftle we're very large 'and fpacious, arid there were great
'fibre of wafte ftones from fome walls,'whichfwere fallen
down. They found a convenierit place, which was
like to be leaft vifited, where they walled rip their two
friends in fuch a maririer that they had air to fuftain
fherii, and victual enough to Teed them a month, in
which time they hoped they might be able to efcape.
Pontefraa Arid this being done, at the hour appointed they opened
toeuemb«htheir P6m> *& after Lambert had caufed Vffri&'inqui- 'fidon

OF THE (REBELLION, &c. 29.1
fition to be made for thofe fix, none of which fre did
believe had in truth efcaped, and was fatisfied .that none
of them were amongft thofe who were come out, fie
received the reft very civilly, and obferved ,his pro
mife made to them very punctually, and did not feem
forry that the fix gallant men (as he called them) were
efcaped. And now they heard, which very much relieved their
broken Tpirits, that Sir Marmaduke Langdale had made
^an efcape out of the caftle of Nottingham ; who
fhortly after tranfported himfelf beyond the Teas.
-Lambert prefently took care fo to , difmantle the caftle,
•that. there fhould be no more ufe of it, for a, garrifon,
-leaving thevaft ruins ftill ftanding; and then drew offajl
tiis troops 1 to new quarters; To that, .within ten days
•after the Turrender, ,the two, who were left walled up,
¦-threw down their inclofure, and fecurely provided for
themfelves. Sir John iDighy lived many .years after
•. the King's return, and was often with his Majefly.
Poor Morrice was afterwards taken in . Lancashire, and
1 happened to be put. to death in the fame, place where
he had . committed a fault .againft the, King, .and where
hejfirft performed a /great; fervice to the; Parliament.
uln this defperate condition, that . is before defcribed, The condi-
i flood the ^King's affairs when , the ; Prince was at the p° "« and
;Hague,. his. fleet already mutinying for. pay, , his own y^^
family factious, and in neceffity, and that of his brother I"'as^and
J .-, the factions
-therDuke of York (full of intrigues and defigns, be- among their,
tween the reftlefs unquiet fpirit of Bamfield, and the
ambitious, and as unquiet humour of Sir, John Berkley.
The Council, which was .not numerous, (for thei Prince
jhad not authority to add any to thofe who were his
. father's counfellors),. wanted, not unity in itfelf, fo much
as fubmiffion .and refpect from others, whiqh had been
u a loft

l9z THE HISTORY Book XI.
loft to thofe who were in the fleet, and the prejudice to
thofe ftill remained, and fo abated much of the reverence
which moft men were willing to pay to the two who
Came laft. And the great animofity which Prince
Rupert had againft the Lord Colepepper infinitely
difturbed the counfels, and perplexed the Lord Cot
tington, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who
had credit enough with the other two. But Colepepper
had fome paflions and infirmities, which no friends
could reftrain ; and though Prince Rupert was very
well inclined to the Chancellor, and would in many
things be advifed by him, yet his prejudice to Cole
pepper was fo rooted in him, and that prejudice fo in-
duftrioufly cultivated by Herbert the Attorney Gene
ral, who had the abfolute afcendant over that Prince,
and who did perfectly hate all the world that would not
be governed by him, that every meeting in council was
full of bitternefs and fharpnefs between them.
One day the Council met (as it ufed to do when
they did not attend the Prince of Wales at his lodgings)
at the Lord Treafurer's lodging, (he and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer being in one houfe), about giving di
rection for the fale of fome goods which had been taken
at fea, for the raifing of money toward the payment of
the fleet* In fuch fervices merchants, and odier proper
perfons, were always neceflary to be trufted. Prince
Rupert propofed, " that one Sir Robert Walfh" (a
perfon too well known to be trufted) " might be em-
" ployed in that affair :" it was to fell a fhip of fugar.
No man who was prefent would ever have confented
that he fhould have been employed; but the Lord
Colepepper fpoke againft him with fome warmth, fo
that it might be thought to reflect a little upon Prince
Rupert, who had propofed him. Upon which/ he afk- ing

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 2q3
ing " what exceptions there were to Sir Robert Walfh,
" why he might not be fit for it," Colepepper anfwered
with fome quicknefs, " that he was a known cheat ;"
which, though notorioufly true, the Prince feemed to
take very ill ; and faid, " he was his friend, and a gen-
" tleman ; and if he fhould come to hear of what had
" been faid, he knew not how the Lord Colepepper
" could avoid fighting with him." Colepepper, whofe
courage no man doubted, prefendy replied, " that he
" would not fight with Walfh, but he would fight
" with his Highnefs ;" to which the Prince anfwered
very quietly, " that it was well ;" and the Council rofe
in great perplexity.
Prince Rupert went out of the houfe, and the Chan
cellor led the Lord Colepepper into the garden, hoping
that he fhould fo far have prevailed with him, as to
have made him fenfible of the excefs he had com
mitted, and to have perfuaded him prefently to repair
to the Prince, and to afk his pardon, that no more
notice might be taken of it. But he was yet too warm
to conceive he had committed any fault, but feemed to
think only of making good what he had fo imprudently
faid. Prince Rupert quickly informed his confident
the Attorney General of all that had paffed ; who
was the unfitteft man living to be trufted with fuch a,
fecret, having always about him ftore of oil to throw
upon fuch fire. He foon found means to make it
known to the Prince, who prefently fent for the Chan
cellor of the Exchequer to be informed of the whole
matter; and when he underftood it, was exceedingly
troubled, and required him " to let Colepepper know,
" that he ought to make a fubmiflion to Prince Ru-
" pert ; without which worfe would fall out."
He went firft to Prince Rupert, that he might pacify
v 3 him

294

THE HISTORY Book XI.
him till he could convince the other of his fault ; and
he fo far prevailed with his Highnefs, who would have
been more choleric if he had had lefs right of his
fide, that he was willing to receive a fubmiffion ; and
promifed, " that the other fhould receive no affront in
" the mean time." But he found more difficulty on
the other fide, the Lord Colepepper, continuing ftill in
rage, thought the provocation was fo great, that he
ought to be excufed for the reply, and that the Prince
ought to acknowledge the one as well as he the other.
But after fome days recollection, finding nobody with
whom he converfed of his mind, and underftanding how
much the Prince was difpleafed, and that he expected
he fhould afk Prince Rupert pardon, and withal re
flecting upon the place he was in, where he Could ex
pect no fecurity from his quality and function, he
refolved to do what he ought to have done at firft ; and
fo he went with the Chancellor to Prince Rupert's lodg
ing; where he behaved himfelf very Well; and the Prince
received him with all the grace could be expected ;
fo that fo ill a bufinefs feemed to be as well concluded
as the nature of it would admit. But the worft was to
come : the Attorney General had done all he could to
diffuade that Prince from accepting fo fmall and fo
private a fatisfaction ; but, not prevailing, he inflamed
Sir Robert Walfh, who had been informed of all that
had paffed at the Council concerning himfelf, to take
his own revenge ; in which many men thought, that
he was affured Prince Rupert would not be offended.
And the next morning after his Highnefs had received.
fatisfaction, as the Lord Colepepper was walking to the
Council without a fword, Walfh, coming to him,
feemed quietly to expoftulate with him, for hawing 'men
tioned him fo unkindly. To the which iht other an
fwered,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 295
fwered, " that he would give him fatisfaction in any
" way he would require ; though he ought not to be
" called in queftion for any thing he had faid in that
" place-" Qn a fudden, whilft they were in this calm.
difcourfe, Walfh ftrack him with all his force one blow
in the face with his fift ; and- then ftepped back, and
drew his fwqrd ; but feeing the other had none, walked,
away ; and the Lord Colepepper, with his nofe and face
all bloody, went back to his chamber, from whence ho
could not go abroad in many days by the effect and
disfiguring of the blow. This outrage was committed
abput ten of the clock in the morning, in the fight of
the town ; which troubled the Prince exceedingly ;
who immediately fent to the States to demand juftice ;
and they, according to their method and flow proceed
ings in matters which they do not take to heart, caufed
Walfh to be fummpned, and after fo many days, for
want of appearance, he was by the found of a bell pub
lickly banifhed from the Hague ; and fo he made his
refidence in Amflerdam, or what other place he pleafed.
And this was the reparation the States gave the Prince
for fo ruffianly a tranfgreffion ; and both the be-s
ginning and the end of this unhappy bufinefs expofed
the Prince himfelf, as well as his Council, to more dif-<
advantage, and lefs reverence, than ought to have been
paid to either.
The irqprpvidence that had been ufed in the fleet, The m con-
befides its unactivity, by the difmiffing fo many great prince's
prizes, was now too apparent, when there was neither Hoiuud.
money to pay the feamen, who were not modeft in re
quiring it, nor to new victual the fhips, which was as
important ; fince it was eafy to be forefeen, that they
cpujd npt remain long in the ftation where they Were
for the prefent, and the extreme licence which all men
u 4 took

396 THE HISTORY Book XL
took to cenfure and reproach that improvidence, dif-
turbed all counfels, and made converfation itfelf very
uneafy. Nor was it poffible to fupprefs that licence ;
every man believing that his particular neceffities, with
which all men abounded, might eafily have been re
lieved, and provided for, if it had not been for that ill
hufbandry ; which they therefore called treachery and
corruption. It cannot be denied but there was To great
a treafure taken, which turned to no account, and fo
much more might have been taken, if the feveral fhips
had been applied to that end, that , a full provifion
might have been made, both for the fupport of the fleet,
and fupply of the Prince, and of all who depended
upon him for a good time, if the fame had been well
managed ; and could have been depofited in fome fe:
cure place, till all might have been fold at good markets.
And nobody was fatisfied with the reafons which were
given for the difcharging and difmiffing fo many fhips
to gratify the city of London, and the Prefbyterian
party throughout the kingdom. For, befides that the
Value of what was fo given away and loft, was generally
believed to be worth more than all they would have
done, if they had been able, thofe bounties were not the
natural motives which were to be applied to that people;
whofe affections had been long dead, and could be re
vived by nothing but their fharp fufferings, and their
infupportable loffes ; the obftruction and deftruction
of their trade, and the feizing upon their eftates, being,
at that time, thought by many the moft proper appli
cation to the city of London, and the beft arguments
to make them in love with peace, and to extort it
from them in whofe power it was to give it. And if
the fleet had applied itfelf to that, and vifited all thofe
maritime parts which were in counties well affected, and
where

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 297
where fome places had declared for the King, (as Scar^
borough in Yorkfhire did), if it had not been poffible to
have fet the King at liberty in the Ifle of Wight, or to
have relieved Colchefter, (both which many men be^
.lieved, how unfkilfully foever, to be practicable), it
wpuld have fpent the time much more advantageoufly
and honourably than it did.
But let the ill confequence be never fo great, if it had
proceeded from any corruption, it would probably have
been difcovered by the examination and inquifition that
was made ; and therefore it may be well concluded that
there was none. And the truth is, the Queen was fo
fully poffefled of the purpofe and the power of the Scots
to do the King's bufinefs, before the infurrections in the
feveral parts in England, and the revolt of the fleet ap
peared, that fhe did not enough weigh the good ufe that
might have been made of thofe when they did happen,
but kept her mind then fo fixed upon Scotland, as the
fole foundation of the King's hopes, that fhe looked
upon the benefit of the fleet's returning to their alle
giance, only as an opportunity offered by Providence
to tranfport the Prince with fecurity thither. And her
inflructions to thofe fhe trufted about the Prince were
fo pofitive, " that they fhould not give confent to any
" thing that might divert or delay that expedition," that,
if the Earl of Lautherdale had been arrived when the
Prince came to the fleet, it would have beeri immedi
ately engaged to have tranfported the Prince into Scot
land, what other conveniences foever, preferable to
that, had offered themfelves. And the very next day
after that lord's coming to the Prince in the Downs,
his injunctions and behaviour were fo imperious for the
Prince's prefent departure, that nothing but a direct
mutiny among the feamen prevented it. His Highnefs's own

29a THE HISTORY Book XL
own fhip was under fail for Holland, that he might
from thence have profecuted, his other voyage: nor
would he at that time have taken Holland in his way,
if there had been any quantity of provifion in the ffee^
for fuch a peregrination. This expedition for Sept-
land was the more grievous to all men, becaufe it was
evident that the Prince himfelf was much more in
clined to h^ve purfued other oecafipns which were of
fered, and only refigned himfelf implicidy to the plea-:
fure of his. mother.
The prefent ill condition of the fleet, and the un-
fteady humour of the common feamen was the more
The Earl of notorious, and unfeafonable, hy the Earl of Warwick's
within"? coming with another fleet from the Parliament upon
fleonCthTes the coaft of Holland, within few days after the Prince
coaft of came to the Hague, and anchoring within view of the
Holland. , n » i • ¦ 1111 i ,
King s fleet. And it is probable he would have made
fome hoftile attempt upon it, well knowing that many
officers and feamen were on fhore, if the States had not,
in the very inftant, fent fome of their fhips of war to
preferve the peace in their port. However, according
to the infolence of his mafters, and of moft of thofe em
ployed by them, the Earl fent a fummons of a ftrange
nature to the King's fhips, in which he took notice,
" that a fleet of fhips, which were part of the navy
" royal of the kingdom of England, was then riding at
" anchor off HelvOetfluys, and bearing a ftandard : "that
"he did therefore, by the Parliament's authority, by
" which he was conffituted Lprd High Admiral of
" England, require the Admiral, or commander in
" chief of that fleet, to take down the ftandard ; and
" the captains, and mariners belonging to the fhips, to
" render .themfelves and the fhips to him, as High
" Admiral of England, and for the ufe of the King
"and

OF THE REBELLION, fee. ^g
",and Parliament: and he did, by the like authority,
" offer an indemnity to all thofe who fhould fubmit to
" him." After which fummons, though received by the Lord
Willoughby, who remained on board the fleet in the
command of Vice-Admiral, with that indignation that
was due to it, and though it made no impreflion upon
the officers, nor vifibly, at that time, upon the common
men, yet, during the time the Earl continued in fo near
a neighbourhood, he did find means by private infinua-
tions, and by fending many of his feamen on fhore at
Helvoetfluys, (where they entered into converfation
with their old companions), fo to work upon and cor
rupt many of the feamen, that it afterwards appeared
many were debauched ; fome whereof went on board
his fhips, others flayed to do more mifchief. But that
ill neighbourhood continued not long; for the feafon
of the year, and the winds which ufually rage on that
coaft in the month of September, removed him from
that ftation, and carried him back to the Downs to at-
tend new orders.
All thefe' difturbances were attended with a worfe,
which fell out at the fame time, and that was the fick
nefs of the Prince ; who, after fome days indifpofition,
appeared to have the fmall pox; which almoft diftracted Tfhwp.rince
,all who were about him, who knew how much de- has the
pended upon his precious life : and therefore the con- ma p
fternation was very univerfal whilft that was thought in
danger. But, by the goodnefs and mercy of God, he
recovered in few days the peril of that diftemper ; and,
within a month, was reftored to fo perfect health, that
he was able to take an account himfelf of his melan
cholic and perplexed affairs.
There were two points which were chiefly to be con
fidered,

300

THE HISTORY Book XI.
fidered, and provided for by the Prince ; neither of
which would bear delay for the confultation and refolu
tion ; the firft, how to make provifion to pay and vic
tual the fleet, and to compofe the mutinous fpirits of
the feamen ; who paid no reverence to their officers, in
fomuch as, in the fhort ftay which the Earl of Warwick
had made before Helvoetfluys, as hath been faid, many of
the feamen had gone over to him, and the Conftant
Warwick, a frigate of the beft account, had either vo
luntarily left the Prince's flee^, or fuffered itfelf wil
lingly to be taken, and carried away with the reft into
England. The other was, what he fhould do with the
fleet, when it was both paid and victualled.
Towards the firft, there were fome fhips brought in
with the fleet, laden with feveral merchandize of value,
that, if they could be fold for the true worth, would
amount to a fum fufficient to pay the feamen their
wages, and to put in provifions enough to ferve four
months ; and there were many merchants from London,
who were defirous to buy their own goods, which had
been taken from them ; and others had commiflions.
from thence to buy the reft. But then they all knew,
that they could not be carried to any other market, but
muft be fold in the place where they were ; and there
fore they were refolved to have very good pennyworths.
And there were many debts claimed, which the Prince had
promifed, whilft he was in the river, fhould be paid out of
the firft money that fhould be raifed upon the fale of fuch
andfuch fhips : particularly, the Prince believed that the
Countefs of Carlifle, who had committed faults enough to
the King and Queen, had pawned her necklace of pearls
for fifteen hundred pounds, which fhe had totally difburfed
in fupplying officers, and making other provifions for
the expedition of the Earl of Holland, (whiclj fum of
fifteen

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 301.
•fifteen hundred pounds the Prince had promifed the
Lord Piercy her brother, who was a very importunate
folicitor), fhould be paid upon the fale of a fhip that
was laden with fugar, and was then conceived to be
worth above fix or feven thoufand pounds. Others had.
the like engagements upon other fhips : fo that when
money was to be raifed upon the fale of merchandize,
they who had fuch engagements, would be themfelves
intrufted, or nominate thofe who fhould be, to make
the bargain with purchafers, to the end that they might.
be fure to receive what they claimed, out of the firft
monies that fhould be raifed. By this means, double
the value was delivered, to fatisfy a debt that was not
above the half.
But that which was worfe than all this, the Prince of
Orange advertifed the Prince, that fome queftions had
been ftarted in the States, " what they fhould do, if
" the Parliament of England (which had now a very
" dreadful name) fhould fend over to them to demand
• " the reftitution of thofe merchants' good, which had
" been unjuftly taken in the Downs, and in the river of
" Thames, and had been brought into their ports, and
" were offered to fale there, againft the obligation of
" that amity which had been obferved between the two
" nations, during the late war? What anfwer they fhould
" be able to make, or how they could refufe to permit
"the owners of thofe goods to make their arrefts,
" and to fue in their Admiralty for the fame ? Which
" firft procefs would flop the prefent fale of whatever
" others pretended a title to, till the right fhould be de-
. " termined." The Prince of Orange faid, " that fuch
" queftions ufed not to be ftarted there without de-
" fign;" and therefore advifed the Prince " to lofe no
" time -in making complete fales of all that was to be
« fold ;

3<n THE HISTORY Book XI.
*l Told ; to the end that they who were engaged -in the
" purchafe, might likewife be engaged in the -defence
" of it." -Upon this ground, as well as the others which
have been mentioned, hafty "bargains were 'made with all
'who defired to huy, and who would not buy except they
"were fure to be good -gainers by all the bargains which
'they made. Nor- could this be 'prevented by the cau
tion or wifdom of any who were upon the place, withno
more authority lthan ;they had. Mr. Long, who .was
Secretary to the ;Prinee, chad been poffefled of the office
of receiving and paying all monies, whilft the iPrinoe
was in the fleet, and fo could not well be removed tfrom
it when he cameinto Holland: -though he was thought
to love money too well, yet nobody who loved it lefs,
would at that'time have fubmitted to ¦ the employment,
1 which eXpdfed him to the importunity and infolenceof
¦all neeeffitous perfons, when he could fatisfy none; yet
tie liked it welhwith all its prejudice; and difadvantage.
As Toon as the money was raifed, it was Tent tothe
-fteetto pay the feamen ; ^nd the Prince-made a joufney
to the fleet to fee,-and-4ieep up 'the -fpirits of the fea
men, who -were yery mutinous, not without theiiifufions
of Tome -who did not defire they fhould; be too well
-pleafed with their officers. TheiLord Willoughbyftayea'
on board purely out ¦ of duty to the ;?King, though he
liked neither the place he had,-nor the people over whom
he was to Command,' who had yet more refpect1 forihim
'than for any body elfe. Sir William Baitteni likewife
remained with them, not knowing-well 'how to 'refufe it,,
though he had too much reafon- to be;weaFy of iris pro
vince, the feamen having contracted an implacable jjea-
Toufy and malice againft him, more than* theyiwere na
turally inclined to. And the truth is,- though there was
not arty evidence that- he-had any foul practices^ heJhad an

OF THE REBELLION, fee. 303
an impatient defire to make his peace, and to live jn his
own country, as afterwards he did with the leave of the
King ; againft whom he never after took ernployment.
The other point to be refolved was yet more difficult,
" what fhould be done with the fleet, and who fhould
"command it?" and though the advertifement the
Prince of Orange -had given his 'Royal Highnefs, of the
queftion ftarted iri -the States, concerned only the -mer
chants' fhips, which were made prize, yet it was very
eafy to difcerri the logic of that queftion would 'extend
as Well, and be applied to thofe of the royal navy, as to
rilerchants' fhips. And it Was evident enough, that the
United Provinces Would not take upon them to "deter
mine whether they were in truth the fhips of the King,
or of the Parliament. And itwas bnly the differences
which were yet kept up in the Houfes, which kept them
from being united in that demand. So that the Prince
knew that nothing was rhore neceffary than tlrat they
fhould be gbne: out of the ports Of thofe Provinces, and
that the -States Wifhed it exceedingly.
Whilft Bamfield was about the perfon of the Duke
of York, he had infufed into him a rriarvellous defire to
be poffeffed ~of the government of the fleet: but the
Duke was convinced with much ado, that it was neither
fafe for his -Highnefs, nor for'his father's fervice, that
he fhould be embarked in it : arid Bamfield, by anefpe-
cial command from the King, who had difcovered more
of his foul 'practices than could be known to the PrinCe,
"was not fuffered to come 'any more hear the perfon of
the Duke. :So'he returned into England ; where fre'was
never called in queftion Tor ftealing the Duke away.
"From this time the Duke, who was not yet above fifteen
years of 'age, was fo far from defiring to be with the
fleet> that, 'when there was'oncea proposition, -upon bc-
cafion

304 THE HISTORY Book XL
cafion of a fudden mutiny amongft the feamen, " that
" he fhould go to Helvoetfluys, to appear amongft
" them," who profeffed great duty to his Highnefs, he
was fo offended at it that he would not hear of it ; and
he had ftill fome fervant about him who took pains to
perfuade him, " that the Council had inclined the Prince
" to that defignation, out of ill will to his Highnefs, and
" that the fhips might deliver him up to the Parlia-
" ment." So unpleafant and uncomfortable a province
had thofe perfons, who, being of the King's Council,
ferved both with great fidelity; every body who was
unfatisfied (and nobody was fatisfied) afperfing them, or
fome of them (for their prejudice was not equal to them
all) in fuch a manner as touched the honour of the reft,
and moft reflected upon the King's own honour and
fervice. Prince Rupert had a long defire to have that com
mand of the fleet put into his hands ; and that defire,
though carried with all fecrecy, had been the caufe of fo
many intrigues, either to inflame the feamen, or to che-
rifh their froward inclinations, and increafe the prejudice
they had to Batten. The Attorney mentioned this- to
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, fhortly after his com
ing to the Hague, as a thing, he thought, that Prince
might be induced to accept out of his zeal to the King's
fervice, if he were invited to it; and thereupon was
willing to debate, to what perfon the government of the
fleet could be committed, when it fhould fet fail from
that port, and whither it fhould go. The Chancellor
made no other anfwer to him, than " that it was like to
" be a charge of much danger and hazard; that he muft
" not believe that any body would propofe the under-
" taking it to Prince Rupert, or that the Prince would
" command him to undertake it; and that he thought "it

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 305
" it neceffary, that it fhould be firft refolved what the
" fleet fhould do, and whither it fhould go, before a
" commander fhould be appointed over it."
When the Marquis of Ormond had waited fo many The affairs
months at Paris for the performance of thofe gaudy qUis of oV
promifes which the Cardinal had made, after he faw in™^™'1
what manner the Prince of Wales himfelf was treated by [""£^J
him, and that he would not fuffer the leaft affiftance to
be applied to the affairs of England, in a conjuncture
when very little would probably have done the work,
upon the revolt of the fleet, upon fo powerful infur-
rections in England, and poffeffing fo many places of
importance on the King's behalf, and when the whole
kingdom of Scotland feemed fo united for his Majefty's
fervice, and an army of thirty thoufand men were faid
to be even ready to march; I fay, after he difcerned
that the Cardinal was fo far from giving any counte
nance or warmth to their blooming hopes, that he left
nothing undone towards the deftroying them, but the
imprifoning the Prince ; he concluded that it was in
vain for him to expect any relief for Ireland. And
therefore he refolved, though he had neither men, nor
money, nor arms, nor ammunition, all which had been
very liberally promifed to tranfport with him, he would
yet tranfport his own perfon, to what evident danger
foever he was to expofe it. Upon the full affurance the
Cardinal had given him of very fubftantial aid, he had
affured the Lord Inchiquin, " that he would be prefent
" with him with notable fupply of money, arms, and
" ammunition, and good officers, and fome common
"¦ men," (which were all in readinefs, if the money had
been paid to entertain them), and had likewife fent to
many, who had formerly ferved the King, and lived now
quietly in the enemy's quarters, upon the articles which
vol. m. p. 1. x had

306 THE HISTORY Book XL
had been formerly granted the Marquis of Ormond,
" that they fhouid expect his fpeedy arrival."
And though he had, from time to time, fent adver-
tifements of the delays and obftructions he met with in
the French Court, fo that he did almoft defpair of any
affiftance from it, yet the Lord Inchiquin had advanced
, too far to retire ; and the Lord Lifle, who had been fuf-
ficiendy provoked, and contemned by him, was gone
into England with full malice, and fuch information
(which was not hard for him to be furnifhed with) as
would put Cromwell and the army into fuch fury, that
his friends in the Parliament, who had hitherto fuftained
his credit, would be very hardly able to fupport him
longer. So that, as he was to expect a ftorm from
thence, fo he had a very fharp war to maintain againft
the Irifh, led and commanded by the Pope's Nuncio ;
which war had been always carried on in Munfter with
wonderful animofity, and with fome circumftances of
bloodinefs, efpecially againft priefts, .and others of the
Roman clergy, that it was very hard to hope that thofe
peoplewould live well together. And indeed the Irifh
Were near rooted out of the province of Munfter, though
they were powerful enough and ftrong in all the other
provinces. Hereupon the Lord Inchiquin, with all pof
fible earneftnefs, writ to the Lord of Ormond, " that,
" though without any other affiftance, he would tranf-
" port his own perfon :" by whofe countenance and au
thority he prefumed the Irifh might be divided, and
brought to reafon ; and defired him, " in the mean
" time, to fend to fuch of the Irifh as had dependence
" upon him, and who, he knew, in their hearts did not
" with well to the Nuncio, that they would fecredy cor-
" refpond with him, and difpofe their friends and de-
" pendents to concur in what might advance the King's
• " fervice ;

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 307
" fervice ; to which they did not know that he was in-
" clined, but looked upon him, as the fame malicious
" and irreconcileable enemy to them, as he had always
" appeared to be to their religion, more than to their
" perfons." From the time that the Irifh entered into that bloody An account
and foolifh rebellion, they had very different affections, fairs oftfie
intentions, and defigns, which were every day improved 1^^°"'
in the carrying on the war. That part of them which
inhabited the Pale, fo called from a circuit of ground
contained in it, was originally of Englifh extraction,
fince the firft plantation by the Englifh many ages paft.
And though they were degenerated into the manners
and barbarous cuftoms of the Irifh, and were as flupidly k
tranfported with the higheft fuperftition of the Romifh
religion, yet they had always fleadily adhered to the
Crown, and performed the duty of good fubjects during
all thofe rebellions which the whole reign of Queen Eli
zabeth was feldom without. And of that temper moft
of the province of Lemfter was : Munfter was the moft
planted with Englifh of all the provinces of Ireland, and
though there were many noblemen of that province
who were of the oldeft Irifh extractions, and of thofe
families which had been kings of Munfter, yet many of
them had intermarried with the beft Englifh families,
and fo were better bred and more civilized than the reft
of the o^ Irifh, and lived regularly in obedience to the
governtoent, and by connivance enjoyed the exercife of •
their religion, in which they were very zealous,, with
freedom and liberty enough.
The feat of the old Irifh, who retained the rites,
cuftoms, manners, and ignorance of their anceftors,
without any kind of reformation in either, was the pro
vince of Ulfter ; not the better cultivated by the neigh-
x % bourhood

308 THE HISTORY Book XI.
bourhood of the Scots, who were planted upon them in
great numbers, with circumftances of great rigour. Here
- the rebellion was firft contrived, cherifhed, and entered
upon with that horrid barbarity, by the O'Neiles, the
Macguyres, and the Macmahoons ; and though it quick
ly fpread itfelf, and was entertained in the other pro
vinces, (many perfons of honour and quality engaging
themfelves by degrees in it for their own fecurity, as
they pretended, to preferve themfelves from the undif-
tinguifhing feverity of the Lords Juftices, who de
nounced the war againft all Irifh equally, if not againft
• all Roman Catholics ; which kind of mixture and con
fufion was carefully declined in all the orders and di
rections fent to them out of England, but fo unfkilfully
purfued by the Juftices and Council there, that as they
found themfelves without any employment or truft, to
which they had cheerfully offered their fervice, they
concluded, that the Englifh Irifh were as much in the
jealoufy of the State as the other, and fo refolved to pre
vent the danger by as unwarrantable courfes as the reft
had done), yet, I fay, they were no fooner entered into
the war, which was fo generally embraced, but there ap
peared a very great difference in the temper and pur-
pofes of thofe who profecuted it. They of the more
. moderate party, and whofe main end was to obtain
liberty for the exercife of their religion, without any
thought of declining their fubjection to the King, or of
invading his prerogative, put themfelves under the com
mand of General Prefton : the other, of the fiercer and
more favage party, and who never meant to return to
their obedience of the Crown of England, and looked
, upon all the eftates which had ever been in the poffef
fion of any of their anceftors, though forfeited by their
treafon and rebellion, as juftly due to them, and ravifh- ed

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 309
ed from them by the tyranny of the Crown, marched
under the conduct of Owen Roe O'Neile ; both gene- The cha.
rals of the Irifh nation ; the one defcended of Englifh prefton ani
extraction through many defcents; the other purely theire'chUf
Irifh, and of the family of Tyrone; both bred in theSenerals-
wars of Flanders, and both eminent commanders there,
and of perpetual jealoufy of each other: the one of the
more frank and open nature ; the other darker, lefs po
lite, and the wifer man ; but both of them then in the
head of more numerous armies apart, than all the King's
power could bring into the field againft either, of them. .
This difparity in the temper and humour of thofe
people firft difpofed thofe of the moft moderate to de
fire a peace fhortly after the rebellion was begun, and
produced the ceffation that was firft. entered into, and
the peace, which did not foon enough enfue upon it ;
and which, upon the matter, did provide only for the
exercife of the Roman Catholic religion ; but <i\d that
in fo immoderate and extravagant a manner, as made it
obnoxious to all the Proteftants of the King's domi
nions. Owen Roe O'Neile refufed to fubmit to the condi
tions and articles of that peace, though tranfacted and
confirmed by their Catholic Council at Kilkenny, which
was the reprefentative the Irifh nation had chofen for
the conduct of all the counfels for peace and war, and
to which they all avowed, and had hitherto paid, an en
tire obedience. The Pope's Nuncio, who about that
time came from Rome, and tranfported himfelf into that
kingdom, applied himfelf to Owen O'Neile, and took
that party into his protection ; and fo wrought upon
their clergy, generally, that he broke that peace, and
profecuted thofe who had made it, with thofe circum
ftances which have been before remembered, and which
x 3 ne-

3to THE HISTORY BookXI.
neceffitated the Lord Lieutenant to quit the kingdom,
and to leave the city of Dublin in the hands of the
Parliament; the Lord Inchiquin having likewife 'refufed
to confent, and fubmit to that peace, and continued to
make the war fharply and fuccefsfully againft the Irifh
in the province of Munfter ; whereof he was prefident.
The Pope's But the Nuncio was no fooner invefted in the fupreme
commands command of that nation both by fea and land, as over
a people fubject to the Pope, and of a dominion be
longing to him, than, being a man of a fantaftical hu
mour, and of an imperious and proud nature, he be
haved himfelf fo infolently towards all, (and, having
brought no affiftance to them but the Pope's bulls, en
deavoured by new exactions to enrich himfelf),. that
even the men of Ulfter were weary of him ; and they
who had been the inftruments of the former peace were
not wanting to foment thofe jealoufies and difcontents,
which had produced that application to the Queen and
Prince at St. Germains, and the refolution of fending
the Marquis of Ormond thither again, both which have
been related before. And the Marquis now having
given the Lord Mufkerry (who had married his fifter,
and was the moft powerful perfon and of the greateft
intereft in Munfter of all the Irifh) and other of his
friends notice that the Lord Inchiquin would ferve the
King, and therefore required them to hold fecret corre
fpondence with him, and to concur with him in what
he fhould defire for the advancement of his fervice, they
found means to hold fuch intercourfe with him, that,
before the Marquis of Ormond arrived there, againft all
the oppofition the Nuncio could make, a ceflation of
arms was concluded between the confederate Catholics
and the Lord Inchiquin; and the Nuncio was driven
into Waterford ; and, upon the matter, befieged there by

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 311
by the Catholic Irifh ; and the Marquis arriving at the The Mar.
fame time at Kinfale, and being received by the Lord mond ar-
Inchiquin with all imaginable duty as the King's Lieu- K^fe",
tenant, the forlorn and contemned Nuncio found it ne- p"p*e
ceffary to tranfport himfelf into Italy, leaving the king- Nuncio
dom of Ireland under an excommunication, and inter- land.
diet, as an apoftate nation ; and all the province of
Munfter (in which there are many excellent ports) be
came immediately and entirely Under the King's obe
dience. . All which being well known to the Prince and
the Council, it was eafily concluded, " that it was the
" beft, if not the only place the fleet could repair to ;"
though the danger in conducting it thither was vifible
enough ; and therefore they were glad that Prince Ru
pert had made that advance towards the command of
it, and well fatisfied with the warinefs of the anfwer the
Chancellor of the Exchequer gave to the Attorney
Herbert.
• There was in truth nobody in view to whom the
charge of the fleet could be committed but Prince Ru
pert : for it was well known that the Lord Willoughby,
befides his being without much experience of the fea,
was weary of it, and would by no means continue there;
and the feamen were too much broke loofe from all kind
of order, to be reduced by a commander of an ordinary
rank. It was as true, that Prince Rupert, at that time,
was generally very ungracious in England, having the ¦
misfortune not to be much beloved by the King's party,
and hated by the Parliament. This was an exception
that was forefeen* there was no other choice of a place
to which the fleet, muft be carried, but Munfter; and
the paffage thither could not but be full of danger, in
refpect that the Parliament was without queftion mafter
of the fea, (although the ifland of Sciiiy being then
x 4 under

312 THE HISTORY Book XI.
under the King's authority, and Sir John Greenvil being
the governor thereof, made that paffage fomething the
more fecure), therefore this purpofe was to be concealed
as the laft fecret ; there being great danger that the fea
men would rather carry all the fhips back again to the
Parliament, than into Ireland ; againft which people they
had made a war at fea with circumftances very barba
rous, for they had feldom given any quarter, but the
Irifh, as well merchants and paffengers, as mariners,
which fell into their hands, as hath been faid before,
were bound back to back, and thrown into the fea ; fo
that they could have no inclination to go into a country
whofe people had been handled fo cruelly by them.
Here again appeared another objection againft the
perfon of Prince Rupert, who would never endure to be
fubject to the command of the Lord Lieutenant of that
kingdom : and yet it feemed moft reafonable that the
fhips, whilft they flayed there, might be employed to
wards the reducing of the other parts, which were in rebel
lion: befides that there was caufe to fear, that the Prince
would not live with that amity towards the Marquis of
Ormond, as was neceffary for the public fervice. Not
withftanding all this, when the little ftratagem of having
Prince Rupert defired to take the command of the fleet
prince Ru- upon him did not fucceed, Prince Rupert himfelf made
tekesUtheer the propofition to the Prince to take the command of it
ofthTnd uPon him> and fo caTry ll whither his Royal Highnefs
Prince's WOuld be pleafed to direct. And then, the whole mat
ter being debated, neceffity made that to be counfellable,
againft which very many reafonable objections might be
made. So it was refolved that Prince Rupert fliould be
Admiral of that fleet, and that it fhould fail for Ireland.
And the charge and expedition appeared to be the more
hopeful by the prefence of good officers, who had long
com-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 313
commanded in the royal navy: Sir Thomas Kettleby,
whom the Prince made captain of his own fhip the An
telope; Sir John Mennes, who had the command of
the Swallow, a fhip of which he had been captain many
years before ; and Colonel Richard Fielding, who was
made captain of the Conftant Reformation ; all worthy
and faithful men to the King's fervice, of long expe
rience in the fervice at fea, and well known and loved by
the feamen. With thefe officers, and fome other gentle
men, who were willing to Tpend their time in that fer
vice, Prince Rupert went to Helvoetfluys, where the
fhips lay, and feemed to be received by the fleet with
great joy. They all beftirred themfelves in their feveral
places to get the fhips ready for fea, and all thofe pro
vifions which were neceflary, in making whereof there
had not diligence enough been ufed.
When they took a ftrict furveyof the fhips, the car
penters were all of opinion, " that the Convertine, a
" fhip of the fecond rank, that carried feventy guns,
" was too old and decayed to be now fet out in a winter
" voyage, and in fo rough feas, and that when a great
" deal of money fhould be laid out to mend her, fhe
" would not be ferviceable or fafe." And it did appear,
that when the officers of the navy had fitted her out at
the beginning of the fummer, they had declared, " that,
" when fhe came in again, fhe would not be fit for more
" ufe, but muft be laid upon the flocks." Whereupon
the fhip was brought into Helvoetfluys, upon the next
fpring tide, and examined by the beft Dutch carpenters
and furveyors; and all being of the fame mind, inform
ation was fent by Prince Rupert to the Prince of the
whole, who thereupon gave direction for the fale of the
ordnance, and whatfoever elfe would yield money : all
which was applied to the victualling and fetting out the

314 THE HISTORY Book XI.
the reft, without which no means could have been found
to have done it ; fo much ill hufbandry had been ufed,
and fo much direct cheating in the managing all the
money that had been raifed upon the prizes.
Prince Rupert remained all the time at Helvoetfluys,
till all was ready to fet fail, and had, with notable vigour
and fuccefs, fuppreffed two or three mutinies, in one of
which he had been compelled to throw two or three
feamen overboard by the ftrength of his own arms. All
fubordinate officers were appointed, commiffioners for
the fale of all prize goods, and fhips that fhould be
taken, treafurers and paymafters for iffuing and paying
and receiving all monies ; and an eftablifhment for the
whole too regular and ftrict to be obferved : and though
all perfons employed were well known, and approved by
Prince Rupert, and moft of them nominated by himfelf,
yet he thought it fit after to change that conftitution,
and by degrees brought the whole receipts and iflues
under his own management, and fole government. When
all was ready he came to the Hague, to take leave of
the Prince, and returned, and about the beginning of
fre'and'in01 December he fet fail for Ireland, met with good prizes
December, j^ the way, and arrived fafely at Kinfale : nor had he
been long gone out of Holland, when the Prince had a
fhrewd evidence how unfecure a long abode would have
been there, by fome Parliament fhips coming into that
road, and fending their men on fhore, who at noon-day
burnt the Convertine within the very town of Helvoet
fluys, nor did the States make any expoftulation, or do
any juftice for the affront offered to themfelves, and
their government.
In this calamitous ftate of affairs there feemed to be
no hope left, but that by treaty the King might yet be
reftored to fuch a condition, that there, might be thofe roots

OF THE REBELLION, Scc.x 315
roots left in the Crown, from whence its former power
and prerogative might fprout out hereafter, and flourifh.
The commiffioners for the treaty arrived in the Ifle of The com-
Wight upon the fifteenth day of September, whilft arrive inthe
Cromwell yet remained in his northern progrefs, and his-w°^[t
army divided- into feveral parts for the finifhing his con-SePt# 'S*
queft ; which was the reafon that all they who wifhed
ill to the treaty, and that it might prove ineffectual, had
ufed and interpofed all the delays they could, that he
might return before' it begun, as they who wifhed it
might fucceed well, were as folicitous, that it might be
concluded before that time ; which made them the lefs
to infift upon many particulars both in the propofitions
and the inflructions, which they hoped might be more
capable of remedies in the treaty than before it.
They flayed three days in the ifland before the treaty
begun, which was time little enough to prepare the
houfe for the King's reception at Newport, and adjuft-
ing many circumftances of the treaty. In that time
they waited feveral times on the King, with great fhew
of outward duty and refpect ; and though none of them
durft adventure to fee the King in private, they com
municated freely with fome of thofe lords, and others,
who, with the Parliament's leave, were come to attend
the King during the time of the treaty. And fo they
found means to advertife his Majefty of many particu
lars, which they thought neceffary for him to know ;
which made different impreflions upon him, as the in
formation proceeded from perfons better or worfe af
fected to him. And many of thofe who had liberty to
atterid, were competent confiderers of the truth of what
they faid.
The truth is, there were amongft the commiflioners
inariy who had been carried with the violence of the
ftream,

3i<5 THE HISTORY BookXI.
ftream, and would be glad of thofe conceffions which
the King would very cheerfully have granted ; an act of
indemnity and oblivion being what they were principally
concerned in. And of all the reft, who were more paf
fionate for the militia, and againft the Church, there
was no man, except Sir Harry Vane, who did not defire
that a peace might be eftablifhed by that treaty. For
as all the other lords defired, in their own natures and
affections, no more than that their tranfgreflions might
never more be called to remembrance ; fo the Lord Say
himfelf (who was as proud of his quality, and of being
1 diftinguifhed from other men by his title, as any man
alive) well forefaw what would become of his peerage, if
the treaty proved ineffectual, and the army fhould make
their own model of the government they would fubmit
to, (as undoubtedly they refolved fhortly to do), and
therefore he did all he could to work upon the King to
yield to what was propofed to him, and, afterwards, upon
the Parliament, to be content with what his Majefty had
yielded. But the advice they all gave, of what inclina*
tions or affections foever they were, was the fame, " that
" his Majefty fhould, forthwith, and without delaying
" it to the expiration of the term affigned by the Par-
" liament for the treaty," (which was forty days), "yield
" to the full demands which were made in the propofi-
" tions." Their only argument was, " that, if he did
" not, or not do it quickly, the army would proceed
*' their own way, and had enough declared, that they
" would depofe the King, change the government, and
¦*' fettle a republic by their own rules and invention."
And this advertifement was as well believed by thofe of
the King's own party, as by the commiffioners them
felves. Before the treaty begun, the commiflioners made it
known

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 31;
known to the King, " that they could not admit that
" any perfon fhould be prefent in the room where the
" treaty fhould be in debate : that they were commif-
" fioners fent from the Parliament to treat with his Ma-
" jefty, and with him alone ; and that they might not
" permit any particular and private perfons to oppofe
¦" or confer with them upon the demands of the Parlia-
" ment." So that albeit the Parliament had given leave
to the feveral Bifhops, and other Divines, and to many
Lawyers of eminency, to wait on his Majefty, upon his
defire, that they might inftruct and inform him in all
difficult cafes which related to religion or the law of the
land, they were like to be of little ufe to him now they
were come, if they might not be prefent at the debate,
and offer fuch advice to his Majefty, as upon emergent
.occafions he fhould ftand in need of, or require from
them. At laft they were contented, and his Majefly
was obliged to be contented too, that they might ftand
behind a curtain, and hear all that was faid, and when
any fuch difficulty occurred as would require confulta-
tion, his Majefty might retire to his chamber, and call
thofe to him, with whom he would advife, to attend
him, and might then return again into the room for the
treaty, and declare his own refolution. This was the un
equal and unreafonable preliminary and condition, to
which the King was compelled to fubmit before the
treaty could begin.
They who had not feen the King in a year's time
(for it was little lefs. from the time that he had left
Hampton Court) found his countenance extremely al
tered. From the time that his own fervants had been
taken from him, he would never fuffer his hair to be
cut, nor cared to have any new clothes; fo that his afpect
and appearance was very different from what it had Ufed to

3iS THE HISTORY Book XI.
to be: otherwife, his health was good, and he was much
more cheerful in his difcourfes towards all men than
could have been imagined, after fuch mortiflcationofall
kinds. He was not at all dejected in his fpirits, but
carried himfelf with the fame majefty he had ufed to do.
' His hair was all gray, which, making all others very fad,
made it thought that he had forrow in his countenance,
which appeared only by that fhadow.
Upon Monday the 18th of September, the treaty
begun, and the commiflioners prefented their com
miffion to his Majefty, to treat with him perfonally,
upon the propofitions prefented formerly at Hampton
Court, concerning the kingdom of England and Ireland
only, and upon fuch propofitions as fhould be offered
either by his Majefty, or the two Houfes of Parliament,
according to their inftructions, &c. Though the King
knew very well, that Cromwell had fo totally fubdued
" Scotland, that he had not left any man there in the
leaft authority or power, who did fo much as pretend
to wifh well to him, and that, in truth, Cromwell had
as much the command there as Argyle himfelf had,
who was but his creature, yet, either to recover their
broken fpirits, or to manifeft his own royal compaflion
for them, he told the commiffioners, " that, when the
" propofitions had been delivered to him at Hampton
" Court, the Scottifh intereft was fo involved in them,
" that it could be hardly feparable from that of Eng-
" land : that it concerned him, as King of both king-
" doms, to be juft and equal between both; and that
" though they had no authority to treat for any thing
« but what related to England, yet he, who was to pro-
" vide for the public peace, (which could hardly be pro-
" videdtor, except the Scots were comprehended in
" this treaty), did defire, that they would fend to the
"two

OF THE REBELLION, &c» 319
*' two Houfes of Parliarrient, to give a pafs for one of
" his fervants to go into Scotland, to invite the Council
" there to fend fomebody authorized by that kingdom,
" who might treat with the commiffioners of Parlia-
" liament :" and to that purpofe his Majefty delivered
them a paper in writing to be fent by them to the Par
liament, telling them at the fame time, " that it was
" never his defire or meaning, that they fhould meddle
" in the government of England, but only fhould treat
" concerning the peace, to the end that that might be
" durable." But the commiffioners alleged, that " it
" was not in their power to receive and tranfmit that, or
" any other paper, to the Parliament, that referred to
" that kingdom ; and they befought him to give them
" leave, as an evidence of their duty, to inform him of
" what ill confequence the tranfmiffion of that paper at
" that time might be to the treaty itfelf." Whereupon
he declined fending it by a meflenger of his own for the
prefent, (which he intended to have done), being unwil
ling to give any occafion of difpute or jealoufy fo early,
artd believing that after he fhould have gotten a good
underftanding with the two Houfes, in what was of im
mediate concernment to England, he fliould more ef
fectually tranfmit that, or any other paper, for the more *
eafy compofing the affairs of Scotland.
Then they prefented their firft propofition to his Ma- The firft
jefty; "that he would revoke all declarations, andw°ok?ns
" commiffions granted heretofore by him againft the^JJ^.81'
"Parliament." Whereupon his Majefty defired, «that£arations»
" he might fee all the propofitions, they had to make to
"him, together; that he might the better confider
" what fatisfaction he could give them upon the whole:"
which they would not yield to without much importu
nity, and at laft . delivered them With reluctancy, as &
thing

320 THE HISTORY Book XL
thing they were not fure they ought to do. And
though their commiffion referred to inftructions, and
his Majefly defired that he might have a view of thofe,
they peremptorily refufed to let him have a fight of
them ; and only told him, " that they were directed
" by their inftructions, firft to treat upon the propoli-
" tion they had already prefented to him, concerning
" the revocation of the declarations, &c. and in the
" next place, of the Church, then of the militia, and
" fourthly of Ireland, and afterwards of the reft of the
*' propofitions in order;" and they declared likewife that,
" by their inftructions, they were not to enter upon any
" new propofitions, before they fhould have received
" his Majefty's final anfwer to what was firft pro-
« pofed."Hereupon the King demanded of them, "whether they\
" had power and authority to recede from any particular
" contained in their propofitions, or to confent to any
" alterations, if his Majefty fhould give them good reafon
" fo to do ?" To which they anfwered very magifterially,
" that they were ready to debate, to fhew how reafona-
" ble their defires were, and that there could be no
" reafon why they fhould alter or recede from them ;
" but if his Majefty did fatisfy them, they fhould do
" therein as they were warranted by their inftructions."
Thefe limitations and reftrictions in a matter of that
importance, which contained a new frame of govern
ment, and an alteration of all civil and ecclefiaftical
conftitutions, almoft damped and ftifled all the hope his
Majefty had entertained of good from this treaty.
However, he refolved to try if confenting to the fubftan-
tial part of any propofition would give them fatisfac
tion ; and fo, without taking notice of the preamble of
that propofition, which they had delivered to him, he
declared

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 321
declared in writing, which he delivered to them, " that Hjs Majef-
'¦' he was willing to grant the body of their propofition, to it.
" that was to recall all declarations, &c." But they im
mediately returned another paper to him, in which they
faid, " his Majefty had left unanfwered the moft effen-
" tial part of their propofition," repeating the words in
the preamble, which' recited," that the two Houfes of
" Parliament had been neceffitated to enter into a war
" in their juft and lawful defence ; and that the king-
" dom of England had entered into a folemn league
" and covenant to profecute the fame ;" and fo juftify-
ing all that had been done, &c. To all which they very
vehemently preffed " his Majefty's approbation and con-
" fent, as the moft neceflary foundation of a lafting
" peace, and the indifpenfable expectation of the two
" Houfes and of the whole kingdom ; and that the two
" Houfes, and the kingdom, could not decline this par-
" ticular demand, without which they could not believe
" themfelves to be in any fecurity ; fince, by the letter
" of the law, they who had adhered to the Parliament,
" might feem guilty of raifing war againft the King,
" and fo to be guilty of high treafon by the ftatute of
" the 25th year of King Edward the Third: whereas by
" the conftruction and equity thereof they were juftified ;
(i and therefore that the confenting to this preamble was
" fo effential, that without it the Parliament would be
" thought guilty ; which they hoped his Majefty did
<c not defire it fhould." And that this might make the
deeper imprefiion upon him, the Lord Say, in the de
bate of it, twice repeated, with more paffion than was
natural to his conftitution, " that he did tremble to
" think how fad the confequenee would be, if what they
" now preffed fhould be denied." And others faid, that
" it was no more than his Majefty had heretofore granted
vol. 111. p. 1. y " in

32a THE HISTORY Book XI.
" in the Act of Indemnity that he had paffed in Scot>.
"land; and if he fhould now refufe to do it in England,
" there would be a fpeedy end put to the treaty, without
" entering upon any of the other propofitions." • The
King was fo much perplexed and offended with this
haughty way of reafoning, that he told thofe with whom
he confulted, and writ the fame to the Prince his fon,
" that the long reftraint he had endured in the caftle of
" Carifbrook, was not a greater evidence of the capti-
" vity of his perfon, nor was he more fenfible of it, than
" this was of the captivity of his mind, by his being
" forced to decline thofe anfwers and arguments which
" were proper to the fupport of his caufe, and which
" muft have brought blufhes over the faces of the com-
" miffioners, and to frame others more feafonable and fit
" to be offered to men in that condition from him who
" was to receive, and not give conditions.".
Dirpute However, this propofition was of fo horrid and mon-
the°pream-ftrous a nature, fo contrary to the known truth, and fo
bie of it. deftructive to juftice and government, that it feemed to
naturalize rebellion, and to make it current in the king
dom to all pofterity, that his Majefty could not forbear
to tell them, " that no act of Parliament could make
" that to be true, which was notorioufly known to be
" falfe ; that this treaty muft be the foundation of the
" future peace and fecurity, and what was herein pnv
" vided for both could never be called in queftion ; that
" he was moft willing, that it fhould be made very pena\
" to every man to reproach another for any thing he
" had done during the late troubles, upon what provo-
" cation foever." He put them in mind, " that it was
" well known to fome of them, that the Act of Indem-
" nity in Scotland was paffed when his Majefty was not
" there, nor any commifiioner appointed by him ; that

OF THE REBELLION, &<?.: 3i3
" it was prepared and drawn by his Attorney General
" of that kingdom, who was then of the party that was
" againft his Majefty ; and therefore it was no wonder
" that he called thofe of his own fide, loyal fubjects,
" and good Chriftians, in the preamble of that Act ;
" which was never feen by his Majefty, though it was
" confirmed indeed, with the other Acts which had
" paffed in that diforderly time, by his Majefty upon
" the conclufion of the peace, and their return to their
" obedience ; and that, when that fhould be die cafe
" here, he would give them all the appellations they
" fhould defire, and as unqueftionable fecurity as they
" could wifh." To all which they made no other reply,
and that unaniriioufly, " but that they could not believe
" themfelves fecure, if that preamble was not entirely
" confented to."
This refractory obflinate adherence of the commif
fioners to their own will, without any fhadow of reafon,
prevailed nothing upon the King ; infomuch as he was
inclined to run the hazard of the prefent diffolution of
the treaty, and to undergo all the inconveniences and
mifchiefs which probably might attend it, rather than to
facrifice his honour, and the juftice of his caufe, to
their infofent demand, until he had entered into a ferious
deliberation with thofe perfons who were about him, of
whofe affections to him he had all affurance, and of the
great abilities and underftanding of moft of them he had
a very juft efteem. They all reprefented to him, from
the conference they had with fuch of the commiffioners,
who, they were confident, fpoke to them as they thought
and believed, " that if there were no expedient found
" out to give more fatisfaction upon this firft propofi-
" tion, than his Majefly had yet offered, as foon as the
" commiffioners fhould give account of it to the two
X a " Houfes,

3H

THE HISTORY Book XI.
" Houfes, they would be prefently recalled ; and the
" treaty be at an end : and then it would be univerfally
" declared and believed, how untrue foever the affertion
" was, that the King refufed to fecure the Parliament,
" and all who had adhered to them, from a profecution
" by law; upon which they thought it to no purpofe to
" proceed farther in the treaty : whereas if his Majefty
" had condefcended to them in that particular, which
" concerned the lives and fortunes of their whole party
" in the kingdom, they would have given him fuch fa-
" tisfaction in all other particulars, as a full and happy
" peace muft have enfued."
Then the lawyers informed him, " that his giving
" way to a recital in a new law, which was not a decla-
" ratory law of what the law was formerly iri being,
" concerning the bufinefs in queftion, and only in a pre-
" amble to a law for recalling declarations, &c. did not
" make their actions lawful, if they were not fo before ;
" nor did it take away from thofe who had adhered to
" him, any defence or benefit the former laws had given
" to them ; nor would his party be in a worfe condition
" than they had always been : for his Majefty had al-
" ways offered, in all his declarations, that they who fol-
" lowed him, and who were by them called Delinquents,
" fhould, at all times, fubmit to a trial by the laws of
" the land, and if they fhould be found guilty of any
" crime, they fhould not be protected by him. And it
" was evident, by their not profecuting any one, fince
" they were fallen into their hands, in any legal way,
" that they do not think their tranfgreffions can be pu-
" nifhed by law."
Upon thefe reafons, and the joint advice and impor
tunity of all about him, as well the divines as the law
yers, the King firft delivered a paper in writing to the
com-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 32$
commiflioners, in which he declared, " that nothing that
" fhould be put in writing concerning any propofition,
" or part of any propofition, fhould be binding, preju-
" dicial, or made ufe of, if the treaty fhould break off
" without effect :" and the commiffioners prefented an
other paper in writing, in which they fully confented to
that declaration, in the very terms of the faid declara
tion. Thereupon the King confented to pafs the firft The King
propofition, with the preamble to it, albeit, he faid, " that it.
" he well forefaw the afperfions it would expofe him to ;
" yet he hoped his good fubjects would confefs that it
" was but a part of the price he had paid for their be-
" nefit, and the peace of his dominions."
The firft propofition being thus confented to as they The fecond'
could wifh, they delivered their fecond concerning Reli- concerning
gion and the Church; which comprehended " the utter fnejfh°"
" abolifhing epifcopacy, and all jurifdiction exercifed church.
" by archbifhops, bifhops, deans and chapters, and
" alienating their lands, which fhould be fold to the ufe
" and benefit of the commonwealth ; the Covenant ;
" which was prefented to his Majefty to take himfelf,
" and to impofe upon all others : the Common-Prayer
" and public Liturgy of the Church to be abolifhed,
ei and taken away; and that the reformation of Religion,
" according to the Covenant, in fuch manner as both
" Houfes had, or fhould agree, after confultation with
"divines, fhould be fettled by Act of Parliament :"
which, the King told them, " exceeded the implicit
" faith of the Church of Rome ; which rather obliges
" her profelytes to what fhe does hold, than to what fhe
" fhall." It required " the eftablifhing the Prefbyterian
" government, the Directory, the Articles of Chriftian
" Religion," (a body whereof they prefented), "the fup-
" preffing innovations in churches ; for the better ad-
y 3 " vanceraent

326 THE HISTORY Book XL
" vancement of preaching, the obfervation of the Lord's
" day ; a Bill againft Pluralities and Non-refidency ;
" feveral Acts againft Papifts ; and the taking and im-
" pofing the Covenant."
This pregnant propofition, containing fo many mon-
ftrous particulars, fufficiently warned his Majefty, how
impoffible it would be to give them fatisfaction in all ;
and therefore having, by confenting to the entire firfl
propofition, put it out of their power to break off the
treaty, and to tell the people, " that the King, at the
" entrance into it, had denied to give them any fecurity
" for their lives and fortunes," he thought it now fit to
The King offer to the commiffioners a propofition of his own, that
pofition of both the Parliament, and the people, might clearly dif-
which the cern how much of his own right and dignity he would
fioners' re- facrifice for their peace ; and which, he thought, might
fufc to fend prevent the defigns of thofe who might endeavour, upon
Houfes. one fingle propofition, or part of a propofition, to break
the treaty.
His own propofition contained, in very few words,
but three particulars : i . " That he might enjoy his
" liberty : 2. That his revenue might be reftored to
" him : 3. That an act of oblivion might pafs:" which, .
he very well knew, would be moft grateful to thofe who
feemed to value it leaft, as it would exempt his own
friends from any illegal and unjuft vexations.
The commiffioners abfolutely refufed to fend it to
.the Houfes, though they had no authority to anfwer it
themfelves. They faid, " it rather contained an anfwer
" to all their propofitions, than was a fingle propofition
" of his own ; and that the fole end of making it was
" to cajole the people ;" which, the King told them,
" better became him to do than any body elfe." But
* -when they peremptorily refufed to tranfmit it to the
Houfes,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 327
*
Houfes, the Kirig fent an exprefs of his own to deliver The King
it ; which being done, after fome days deliberation, the meffengers
Houfes return no other anfwer to the King, " than thatj^jj ?swn;
" his propofition was not fatisfactory." In the mean ™ej? ""-
time the commiflioners preffed for his anfwer to the firft
part of their propofition, for the abolifhing of bifhops.
It would be very tedious and unneceffary to fet down at
large the difpute, and arguments which were ufed on both
fides upon this fubject. The commiffioners, who would
not fuffer any of the King's fervants to be fo much as pre
fent when any thing of the treaty was agitated, thought
fit now to let loofe their own clergy upon the King ;
who was much better verfed in the argument than they
were. That which they urged moft, was the common alle- Their mini-
1 1 -n i n -in- ftersdifpute
gations, " that bifhop and prefbyter in the Scripture with the
" language fignified one and the fame thing : that, if thTfifhops!
" the Apoftles exercifed a larger jurifdiction, it had been
" granted to them as Apoftles, and concerned not their
" fucceffors, to whom no fuch authority had been grant-
" ed, nor any fuperiority over other prefbyters, who
" were of the fame function with them." Then they
inveighed vehemently againft " lords bifhops ; their
" pride, and luftre ;" and they all behaved theinfelves
with that rudenefs, as if they meant to be no longer fub
ject to a king, no more than to a bifhop. And two of
them very plainly and fiercely told the King, " that if
" he did not confent to the utter abolifhing of epifeo-
" pacy, he would be damned ;" with which his Majefty
was not moved. The men, Jenkins and Spurftow, lived
after the return of King Charles the Second, and, ac-:
cording to the modefty of that race of people, came to
kifs his Majefty's hand, and continued the fame zeal in
all feditious attempts.
y 4 The

32S THE HISTORY Book XI.
o
The King preffed them with thofe texts of Scripture
which have been conftantly urged by thofe who main
tain the jus divinum of bifhops, the authority of the Fa
thers, and the government of all Chriftian churches for
fifteen hundred years, and particularly of the Church of
England, before and fince the Reformation, by conftant
and uniform practice and ufage ; which could not but
be by themfelves acknowledged to have been by bifhops.
, The commiffioners relieved their ill mannered clergy,
and urged, " that whatfoever was not of divine inftitu-
" tion might very lawfully be altered ; for if it had its
" original from men, it might by men be changed, or
" reverfed : that epifcopacy as it was eftablifhed in the
" Church by the laws of England, was not that epifco-
" pacy that was mentioned or prefcribed in Scripture ;
" and therefore the laws which fupported it might be
" juftly taken away ; which, they faid, was the reafon
" that had induced many men who were not enemies to
" epifcopacy, to take the Covenant; which obliged them
" to take the prefent hierarchy away."
In a word they urged " the practice of other reformed
" churches, and that his Majefty infilling upon the
" prefervation of epifcopacy, as effentially neceflary, was
" to reproach and condemn them." To which he an*
fwered, " that both Calvin and Beza, and moft learned
" men of the reformed churches, had approved and
" commended the epifcopal government in England ;
" and many of them had bewailed themfelves, that they
" were not permitted to retain that government."
Befides all their arguments in public, which his Ma
jefty with wonderful acutenefs fully anfwered, and deli
vered his anfwers in writing to them, (which none of
them ever after undertook to reply unto), they found
means in private to advertife the King, that is, fuch of
them

OF THE REBELLION, Stc. 329
them Who were known to wifh well to him, " that they
" were of his Majefty's judgment with reference to the
" government, which they hoped might yet be pre-
" ferved, but not by the method his Majefty purfued :
" that all the reafonable hope of preferving the Crown,
" was in dividing the Parliament from the army ; which
" could be only done by his giving fatisfaction in what '
" was demanded with reference to the Church ; which
" would unite the Parliament in itfelf, fome few perfons
" excepted, and the city to the Parliament ; where the
" Prefbyterians were moft powerful ; and this being
" done, the Parliament would immediately have power
" to reform their army, and to difband thofe who
" would not be reformed : that then the King would be
" removed to London, to perfect that by his own pre-
" fence in Parliament, which fhould be prepared by this
" treaty ; and then the wording thofe bills, and the
" formality of pafling them, would give opportunity for
" many alterations ; which, being now attempted, would
" deftroy all, and reconcile the Parliament to the army ;
" which would deftroy the King : but then, what the
" King urged as matter of confcience in himfelf would
" find refpect, reverence, and concurrence." No doubt
they, who did make thefe infinuations, did in truth be
lieve themfelves ; and did think, as well as wifh, that
the fequel would be fuch as they foretold. But that
which had more authority with the King, and which
nobody about him could put him in mind of, becaufe
none of them had been privy to it, was the remem
brance of what he had promifed concerning the Church
to the Scots, in the engagement at the Ifle of Wight;
which he could not but conclude was well known to
many of the Prefbyterians in England : and he thought,
that whatever he had promifed to do then, upon the
bar©'

330 "* THE HISTORY Book XL
bare hope and probability of raifing an army, he might
reafonably now offer when that army was deftroyed, and
The King's no hope left of raifing another. And thereupon he did,
on this with much reluctancy, offer the fame he had then pro-
point* mifed to do ; which was, " to fufpend epifcopacy for
" three years, , and then upon confultation with divines,
" amongft which he would nominate twenty to be pre-
" fent, and to confult with them, fuch a government of
** the Church as fhould be agreed upon might be efta-
" blifhed : that he would not force any man to take the
" Covenant, and would have the privilege of his own
" chapel to ufe the Common -Prayer, and obferve the
" fame worfhip he had ufed to do; and that all perfons,
" who defired it, might have liberty to take the Cove-
" nant, and to ufe the Directory : in fine, he confented
" to all that he had offered in that engagement with re-
" ference to the government of the Church ;" and like-
wife, " that money fhould be raifed upon the fale of the
" church lands, and only the old rent fhould be re-
" ferved to the juft owners and their fucceffors." Thefe,
with fome other conceffions of lefs importance, which
related to other branches of the fame propofition, magna
inter fufpiria, he delivered to the commiffioners as his
final anfwer ; which the major part of them did then
believe would have preferved his Majefty from farther
importunity and vexation in that particular.
The third The next propofition was concerning the militia;
xopceming which was their darling; and diftinguifhed the Scots
the militia. frotTl the Englifh Prefbyterians ; the former never de-
firing to invade that unqueftionable prerogative of the
Crown ; the latter being in truth' as fond of it (and as
refractory without it) as of Prefbytery itfelf; and in
that particular concurred even with Cromwell, and made
little doubt of fubduing him by it in a fhort time. In
this

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 331
this demand they exercifed their ufual modefty, and, to
abridge the fubftance of it in few words, they required
" a power to keep up the prefent army, and to raife what
" other armies they pleafed for the future ; which gave
" them authority over the perfons of all fubjects, of
" what degree or quality foever. Secondly, a power to
<c raife money for the ufe and maintenance of thofe
" forces, in fuch a manner, and by fuch ways and means,
" as they fhould think fit." And hereby they had had
the difpofal of the eftates and fortunes of all men with
out reftraint or limitation. Thirdly, " all forces by
" land and fea to be managed and difpofed as they
" fhould think fit, and not otherwife." All this modeft
power and authority " muft be granted to the Lords and
" Commons for twenty years." And, as if this had
not been enough, they required farther, " that in all
" cafes, when the Lords and Commons fhall declare the
" fafety of the kingdom to be concerned, unlefs the
" King give his royal affent to fuch a Bill as fhall be
" tendered to him for raifing money, the Bill fhall have
" the force of an Act of Parliament, as if he had given
" his royal affent."
There were other particulars included, of power to
the city of London over the militia, and for the Tower
of London, of no importance to the King, if he once
difpofed, and granted the other as was required, nor
need he take care to whom the reft belonged. Here the
King was to confider whether he would wholly grant it,
or wholly deny it, or whether he might reafonably hope
fo to limit it, that they might have authority enough to
pleafe them, and he referve fome to himfelf for his own
fecurity. The King had thought with himfelf, upon
revolving all expedients, which he had too long warning
to ruminate upon, to propofe " that the inhabitants of
" every

332 THE HISTORY Book XI.
" every county fhould be the ftanding militia of the
" kingdom, to be drawn out of the counties upon any
" occafions which fhould occur ;" which would prevent
all exceffive taxes and impofitions, when they were to
be paid by themfelves. But he quickly difcerned that
fuch a propofition would be prefently called a confpiracy
againft the army, and fo put an end to all other expe
dients. Then he thought of limiting the extravagant
power in fuch a manner, that it might not appear fo
monftrous to all intents and purpofes whatfoever ; and
The King's therefore propofed, " that none fhould be compelled to
" ferve in the war againft their wills, but in cafe of an
" invafion by foreign enemies : that the power concern -
" ing the land forces fhould be exercifed to no other
" purpofes, than for the fuppreffing of forces which
" might at any time be raifed without the authority and
" confent of the Lords and Commons, and for the keep-
" ing up and maintaining the forts and garrifons, and
" the prefent army, fo long as it fhould be thought fit
, "by both Houfes of Parliament : that what monies
" fhould at any time be thought neceffary to be raifed,
" fhould be raifed by general and equal taxes, and im-
". pofitions ; and laftly, that all patents and commiffions
" to the purpofes aforefaid might be made in the King's
" name, by warrant fignified by the Lords and Com-
" mons, or fuch other fignification as they fhould di-
" rect and authorize."
Thefe limitations were fent to the Parliament, who,
according to the method they had affumed, foon voted
I "hisjJ°padr " that the meffage was unfatisfactory." Hereupon, that
liament un- he might at leaft leave fome monument and record of
y' his care and tendernefs of his people, (for, after his ex
torted conceffions to the fo great prejudice of the
Church, he never confidered what might be dangerous ¦ fo

OF THE REBELLION, &o. 333
to his own perfon), he delivered his confent to the pro
pofition itfelf to the commiflioners, with a preamble to
this purpofe ; " that whereas their propofitipn concern- The King
„ . , .... , _ . , confcntsto
" ing the militia required a far larger power over the it with a
" perfons and eftates of his fubjects, than had been everpream e'
" hitherto warranted by the laws and ftatutes of the
" kingdom, yet in regard the prefent diffractions might
" require more, and trufting in his two Houfes of Par-
" liament, that they would make no farther ufe of the
" power therein mentioned, after the prefent diftempers
" fhould be fettled, than fhould be agreeable to the
" legal exercife thereof in times paft, and for the pur-
" pofes particularly mentioned in their propofition, and
" to give fatisfaction to his two Houfes of Parliament
" that he intends a full fecurity to them, and to exprefs
" his real defires to fettle the peace of the kingdom, his
" Majefty doth confent to the propofition concerning
" the militia as it was defired." This the commiffioners
did by no means like, nor would acquiefce in, and al
leged, " that as the conceffion muft be the fubject of
" an Act of Parliament, fo this preamble muft be a part
" of it, and would adminifter occafion of difference and
" difpute upon the interpretation of it ; which being fo
" clearly forefeen, ought, not to be admitted in any Act
" of Parliament, much lefs in fuch a one as is to be the
" principal foundation of a lafling peace of the king-
" dorii." After much vexation of this kind, and im
portunity of friends, as well as of enemies, and being al
moft as weary of denying as of granting, he fuffered the At laft -con-
preamble to be left out, and his confent to be delivered without the
without it. preamble*
It may be well wondered at, that, after having fo far
complied with thefe three pfopofitioris, there fhould be
any paufe or hefitation in the debate of the reft. For in

334 THE HISTORY Book XL
in that concerning the Church, and the other concern
ing the militia, both the Church and the militia of
Ireland followed the fate of England, and were in effect
comprehended in the fame propofitions: fo that there
remained nothing more with reference to that kingdom,
The fourth a Dut declaring the peace that was made there with the
propofition ° *
concerning " Irifh, to be void ;" which they preffed with the
fame paffion, as if they had obtained nothing; although
his Majefty referred the carrying on the war to them,
and told them, " that he knew nothing of the peace,
" which had been made during his imprifonment, when
" he could receive no advertifement of what was doing,
" or done ; and therefore he was content that it fhould
" be broken, and the war be carried on in fuch a man-
" ner as fhould pleafe them;" which was all one to their
ends and purpofes, as what they defired. But this did
by no means pleafe them. If the peace were not de
clared to be actually void, they could not fo eafily take
that vengeance of the Marquis of Ormond as they re
folved to do. Yet after all thefe general conceffions,
which fo much concerned himfelf, and the public, and
when the neceffity that had obliged him to that unwilling
compliance, might well have excufed him for fatisfying
them in all the reft of their demands, when they preffed
his confent to what only concerned private and particu
lar perfons, as the revoking all honours and grants of
qffices which he had conferred upon thofe who had
ferved him faithfully, and to except many of them
from pardon, and leave them to the unmerciful cenfure
of the two Houfes, both for their lives and fortunes ; to
fubmit others to pay, for their delinquency in obey
ing , and ferving him, a full moiety of all they were
worth ; to deprive others of their practice in their
feveral profeffions, and functions, (which expofed all
the

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 335
the lawyers*1 and divines, who had been faithful to
him, to utter ruin), it cannot be expreffed with what Some oth«
' l particulars
grief and trouble of mind he received thofe impor- the King at
tunities ; and, without doubt, he would at that timeat:
with much more willingnefs have died, than fubmitted
to it; but the argument, "that he had done fo much,"
was now preffed upon him, (by his friends, and thofe
who were to receive as much prejudice as any by his
doing it), " that he fhould do more ; and fince he had
" condefcended to many things which gave himfelf no
" fatisfaction, he would give fo full fatisfaction to the
" Parliament, that he might receive that benefit, and
" the kingdom that peace and fecurity he defired."
Many advertifements came from his friends in Lon
don, and from other places, " that it was high time that
" the treaty were at an end, and that the Parliament
" had all his Majefty's anfwers before them, to deter-
" mine what they would do upon them, before the
" army drew nearer London, which, infallibly, it would
" fhortly do, as foon as thofe in the North had finifhed
" their work." It was now near the end of October,
and the appointed time for the conclufion of the treaty
was the fourth of November ; and fo after all importu
nities, as well of thofe who were to fuffer, as of thofe
who were to triumph in their fufferings, his Majefty's
confent was procured to moft that was demanded in the But con-
reft of the propofitions; the King, and all men, con-,femsatlaft'
ceiving the treaty to be at an end.
The King had, about the middle of October, again
delivered his own propofition for his liberty, his re
venue, and an act of oblivion, to. the commiffioners;™
' ... The com-
which they received. And though, at the beginning of the miffipners
treaty, they had refufed to tranfmit it to the Houfes, the King's
yet now, after To many conceffions, they thought, fit to^o/™^
fend Pariiame"5-

M$ THE HISTORY Book XI,
•
fend it; and did fo as foon as they received it.*But no an
fwer was returned. Hereupon, when the treaty was within
two days of expiring, his Majefty demanded of them,
" whether they had received any inftructions to treat
" upon, or to give an anfwer to his own propofition, which
" he had delivered to them fo long fince ? or whether
" they had received any order to prolong the treaty ?" To
which they anfwered, " they had not as to either."
And when he afked them the fame queftion, the very
laft hour of the limited time, they made the fame an
fwer. So that the whole forty days affigned for the
treaty were expired, before they vouchfafed to return
any anfwer to the fingle propofition the King had made
to them. However they told him, " they had re-
" ceived new command to make frefh inftance to his
They re- " Majefty, that he would forthwith publifh a declara-
ciaratioh^f " tion againft the Marquis of Ormond ; who had very.
againfttfie " lately declared, that he had authority to make a peace
Marquis of « ^th ine Irifh rebels ; and was then treating with
" them to that purpofe." To which his Majefty an-
HisMajef. fwered, " that it was not reafonable to prefs him to
'"publifh any declaration againft the Marquis;- fince
" that if the treaty fhould end happily, the defires of the
" two Houfes were fatisfied by the conceffions he had
" already made ;" and fo adhered to his firft anfwer.
And conceiving the treaty to be clofed, he defired the
commiffioners, " that fince he had departed from fo
" much of his own right to give his two Houfes fatisfac-
" tion, they would be a means that he might be preffed
" no farther ; fince the few things he had not fatisfied
" them in had fo near relation to his confcience, that,
li with the peace of that, he could not yield farther ;
" and defired them to ufe the fame eloquence, and
" abilities, by which they had prevailed with him, in
" reprefenting

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 337
" reprefenting to the two Houfes the fad condition of
" the kingdom, if it were not preferved by this treaty."
And fo concluded with many gracious expreffions for
their perfonai civilities, and other kind expreffions ;
which made impreflion upon all of them who had any
bowels. 1
All this being paft, and the King believing and ex
pecting that the commiflioners would take their leave of
him the next morning, they came the fame night to in-'
form him, " that they had then received new orders The Pariia-
• n. n • r • • 1 i • ment en-
" and inftructions for the continuing and enlarging theiargesthe
" treaty for fourteen days longer ;" for which his Ma- teen day""
jefly was nothing glad; nor did they in the Houfes lonser"
who wifhed well to him defire that prolongation. For
it was eafily difcerned, that it was moved and profe
cuted only by them who did not intend that the treaty
itfelf fhould have any good effect ; which they were
not yet ready and prepared enough to prevent, the
army not having yet finifhed what they were to do in
all places ; and was confented to unfkilfully, by thofe
who thought the continuance of the treaty was the beft
fign that both fides defired peace : and it quickly appear
ed, by the new inftances they made, that delay was their
only bufinefs. The commiflioners, with new importunity The com-
and bitternefs, begun Upon their new inftructions " that'rene'w"^
" the King would immediately publifh the declaration ^™nor_
"againft the Marquis of Ormond," without any other mond-
reafons than thofe which he had anfwered before. His
Majefty anfwered, "there was no other difference be- hw Majef-
" tween them but in point of time, whether prefently, tys a,lfwer-
" or at the conclufion of the peace: upon the peace, they
" had the fubftance of their defire already granted ; and
"if there were no peace, they had reafon to believe
" that no declaration he fhould make would be believed
vol. in. *>. 1. z " or

338 THE HISTORY Book XL
" or obeyed ;" and fo adhered to what he had anfwered
formerly.
They urge Then they declared, " that the Parliament was not fa-
aboutrthe " tisfied with his conceffions with reference to the
church, h church ; that the Prefbyterian government could be
" exercifed with little profit, or comfort, if it fhould
" appear to be fo fhort-lived as to continue but for
" three years ; and that they muft therefore prefs the
" utter extirpating the function of bifhops." Then, the
perfect and entire alienation of their lands was infifted
on; whereas by the King's conceffions the old rent was
ftill referved to them. They faid, " the Parliament did
" not intend to force, but only to rectify his confcience;"
and, to that end, they added more reafons to convince
him in the feveral points. They repeated their old dif-
tinction between the Scripture-bifhop, and the bifhop
by law. For the abfolute alienation of their lands,
they urged many precedents of what had been done in
former times upon convenience, or neceffity, not fo vi
fible and manifeft as appeared at prefent; and con
cluded with their ufual threat, " that the confequence
" of his denial would be the continuance of the public
*¦' difturbances."
The King's To all which his Majefty anfwered, " that, for the
»n wer. (( prefbyterian government, they might remember that
" their own firft order for the fettling it, was only for
" three years ; which they then thought a competent
" time for a probationary law, that contained fuch an
e alteration in the State ; and therefore they ought to
" think the fame now: and that it might be longer lived
r< than three years, if it would in that time bear the
" teft and examination of it ; and that nothing could
" be a greater honour to that difcipline, than its being
" able to bear that teft- and examination." He faid,
". he

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 339
" he was well pleafed with their expreffion, that they
" did not intend to force his confcience ; yet the man-
" ner of preffing him looked very like it, after he had
" fo folemnly declared that it was againft his confcience;
" that he did concur with them in their diftinction of
" bifhops, and if they would preferve the Scripture-
" bifhop, he would take away the bifhop by law." He
confeffed, " that neceffity might juftify or excufe many
" things, but it could never warrant him to deprive the
" Church of God of an order inftituted for continual
" ufe, and for eftablifhing a fucceffion of lawful minifters
" in the Church." For the point of facrilege, he faid,
" the concurrent opinion of all divines was a much
¦" better information to his confcience, what is facrilege,
" than any precedents or law of the land could be."
Upon the whole matter, he adhered to his former am.
fwer in all the particulars, and concluded, " that he
" could with more comfort caft himfelf upon God's
" goodnefs to fupport him in, and defend him from, all
¦ " afflictions, how great foever, that might befall him,
" than deprive himfelf of the inward tranquillity of his
" mind, for any politic confideration that might feem to
" be a means to reftore him."
It muft not be forgotten, that the laft day, when the
treaty was to end, they delivered to the King the votes
which the two Houfes had paffed concerning and upon
his own meffage, (which had lain fo long in their hands
unanfwered), which were in effect, 1 . " That from and af- The Parlia.
" ter fuch time as the agreements upon this treaty fhould ment's
01 j votes upon
" be ratified by Acts of Parliament, all his houfes, the Kins's
J . former pro-
" manors, and lands, with the growing rents and profits pofition,
" thereof, and all other legal reyenue of the Crown
" fhould be reftored to him, liable to the maintenance
z z " of

340 THE HISTORY Book XL
" of thofe ancient forts, and caftles, and fuch other legal
" charges as they were formerly charged withal, or li-
" able to. a. That he fhould be then likewife refettled
" in a condition of honour, freedom, and fafety, agree-
" able to the laws of the land. 3. That an act of in-
" demnity fhould be then paffed with fuch exceptions
" and limitations as fhould be agreed upon, with this
" addition, that it fhould be declared by Act of Parli&-
" ment, that nothing contained in his Majefty's propo-
" fitions fhould be underftood or made ufe of to abro-
" gate, weaken, or in any degree to impair any agree-
" ment in this treaty, or any law, grant, or commiffion
' " agreed upon by his Majefty and the two Houfes of
" Parliament, in purfuance thereof;" in all which his
Majefty acquiefced.
The time limited for the prolongation of the treaty
was to end upon the one and twentieth of November,
and the commiffioners believed it fo abfolutely con^
eluded, that they took their leave of the King, and early
the next morning went to Cowes harbour to embark
themfelves. But the tide not ferving to tranfport them
out of the ifland, that night a meffenger arrived with
Another directions to them to continue the treaty till the five and
tion of the twentieth ; which was four days more. So, the three
Nov^ss. and twentieth, they returned and acquainted his Ma
jefty with it.
The decia- At tne fame time, the thundering declaration of the
ration of army was publifhed ; which declared the full refolution
"to change the whole frame of the government, and
" that they would be contented with no lefs an altera-'
" tion ;" which, as it was an argument to the King to
endeavour all he could to unite the two Houfes, that
they might be able to bear that fhock, fo it wa3 ex
pected

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 341
pected that it would have been no lefs an argument to
have prevailed with them to adhere to the King, fince
dieir intereft was no lefs threatened than his.
The frefh inftances the commiflioners made wereTn<;,com- mimoners
upon feveral votes which had paffed the two Houfes new propo-
againft Delinquents ; and a new propofition concerning againft De-
thofe who had engaged themfelves againft the Pariia- f^ Tan.
ment fince the laft January, and particularly againft l0^T'antf
the Marquis of Ormond. They propofed, " that there Pccial,y the
({ fhould be feven perfons, the Lord Newcaftle, and fixormond.
" others," (who were named), "who fhould be excepted
" from pardon, and their eftates forfeited : that the
" Delinquents, in the feveral claffes mentioned in their
" propofition,. fhould pay for their compofition, fome a
" moiety, others a third part of their eftates, and other
" rates, as they were fet down ; and that all who had
" been engaged in the land or fea fervice fince January
" 1647, fhould pay a full year's value of their whole
" eftates more than the other Delinquents ; and that
'¦' none who had been againft the Parliament fhould
" prefume to come within either of the Courts belong-
" ing to the King, Queen, or Prince, or be capable
" of any office or preferment, or of ferving in Parlia-
" ment, for the fpace of three years ; and that all
" clergymen who had been againft the Parliament
" fhould be deprived of all their preferments, places,
" and promotions ; which fhould be all void as if they
" were naturally dead." To thefe the King anfwered, The King's
that, " to the excepting the feven perfons named from
" pardon, and the forfeiture of their eftates, his anfwer
" was, that, if they were proceeded againft according to
" the ancient eftablifhed laws, arid could not juftify
" and defend themfelves, he would not interppfe on
" their behalf ; but he could not, in juftice or honour,
z 3 " join

31a THE HISTORY Book XI.
"join himfelf in any act for taking away the life or
" eftate of any that had adhered to him. For the rates
" which were to be paid for compofition, he referred it
" to the two Houfes of Parliament, and to the perfons
" themfelves, who would be contented to pay it ; and
" he did hope and defire, that they might be moderately
" dealt with." And for the clergymen, whofe prefer
ments he well knew were already difpofed of, and in
the hands of another kind of clergy, who had deferved
fo well of the Parliament, that it would not be in his'
power to difpoffefs them, his Majefty defired, " that
" they might be allowed a third part of what was- taken
" from them, till fuch time that they, or the prefent in-
" cumbents, fhould be better provided for." As. to the
Marquis of Ormond, againft whom they preffed what
they had before done with extraordinary animofity, the
King anfwered, " that fince what he had faid before"
(and which would bring all to pafs that they defired)'
" did not give them fatisfaction, he had written a letter,"
(which he delivered to them, to be fent, and read to
them), " in which he directed him to defift ; and faid,
" if he refufed to fubmit to his command, he would
" then publifh fuch a declaration againft his power and
" his proceedings, as they defired."
Another -A-na< now tne fecond limitation of time for the treaty
proionga. was at an encj# gut tnat night came another vote ;
tion ot the . o »
treaty for a which continued it for a day longer, with a command
in tney pre- to the commiffioners to return on Thurfday morning;
p'ropofi? which was fhe eight and twentieth of November : and
nons more, j^gr-gupon they prefented two propofitions to his Ma
jefty, which were to be difpatched that day.
one con- The two propofitions they fent for one day's work
s'cotiand. were5 tne ftttj concerning Scotland; the other, con
cerning the Church; which they did not think they had

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 343
had yet deftroyed enough. For Scotland, they de
manded " the King's confent, to confirm by Act of
" Parliament fuch agreements as fliould be made by
" both Houfes with that kingdom, in the fecurity of
" fuch thereof who had affifted or adhered to thofe of
" the Parliament of England, and for the fettling and
" preferving a happy and durable peace between the
" two nations, and for the mutual defence of each
" other." The King put them in mind, " that at the To that the
" beginning of the treaty they had informed him, that fwer.
" their commiffion was only to treat concerning England
" and Ireland; and that they had no authority to meddle
" in any thing that related to Scotland ; and that they
" had thereupon refufed to receive a paper from him,
" which was to preferve the intereft of that kingdom ;
" and demanded of them, whether their commiflion
"was enlarged;" which they confeffed " was not;
" and that they had prefented that paper only in obe-
" dience to the order they had received." So that the
King eafily underftood that the end was only that they
might have occafion to publifh, " that the King had
" rejected whatfoever was tendered to him on the be-
" half of the kingdom of Scotland." To prevent
which, he anfwered, " that as he would join in any
" agreement, to be confirmed by Act of Parliament,
" for the fettling and preferving a happy and dura-
" ble peace between the two nations, and for their
u mutual defence of each other under him as King of
" both ; fo he would fecure all who had been formerly
" engaged with them : but for any new engagement, or
" confederacy, which they would make hereafter, he
" would firft know what it was, and be advifed with in
" the making it, before he would promife to confirm
" it." The other bufinefs with reference to the Church .
z 4 gave

344

THE HISTORY

Book XL

The King's
Anal an
fwer.

gave him much more trouble. The commiffioners
preffed him " to confider the exigence of time, and
' that there was not a whole day left to determine the
' fate of the kingdom ; and that nothing could unite
' the counfels of thofe who wifhed and defired peace,
' and to live happily under his fubjection and obedi-
' ence, againft the bold attempts of the army, which
' had enough declared and manifefted what their in-
' tention was, but fatisfying the Houfes fully in what
' they demanded in that particular." His own Coun
cil, and the Divines, befought him " to confider the
' fafety of his own perfon, even for the Church's and his
' people's fakes, who had fome hope ftill left whilft he
' fhould be preferved, which could not but be attended
' with many bleflings : whereas, if he were deftroyed,
' there was fcarce a poffibility to preferve them : that
' the moral and unavoidable neceffity that lay upon
' him, obliged him to do any thing that was not fin ;
' and that, upon the moft prudential thoughts which
' occurred to them, the order which he, with fo much
' piety and zeal, endeavoured to preferve, was much
' more like to be deftroyed by his not complying, than
' by his fufpending it till his Majefty and his two
e Houfes fhould agree upon a future government ;
' which, they faid, much differed from an abolition of
' it." Hereupon he gave them his final anfwer, " that after
' fuch condefcenfions, and weighed refolutions'" in the
' bufinefs of the Church, he had expected not to be
farther preffed therein; it being his judgment, and
his confcience." He faid, " hq could not, as he was
' then informed, abolifh epifcopacy out of the Church;
' yet, becaufe he apprehended how fatal new diftrac-
' tions might be to the kingdom, and that he believed "his

OF THE REBELLION, 8cc. 345
** his two Houfes would yield to truth, if it were made
" manifeft to them, as he had always declared that he
" would comply with their demands, if he were con-
" vinced in his confcience, he did therefore again defire
" a confultation with divines, in the manner he had be-
" fore propofed, and would in the mean time fufpend
" the epifcopal power, as well in point of ordination of
" minifters, as of jurifdiction, till he and the two
" Houfes fliould agree what government fhould be
" eftablifhed for the future. For bifhops' lands, he
" could not confent to the abfolute alienation of them
" from the Church, but would confent that leafes for
" lives, or years, not exceeding ninety-nine, fhould be
" made for the fatisfaction of purchafers or contractors;"
little differing from the anfwer he had formerly given
to this laft particular : and in all the reft he adhered
to his former anfwers. And the commiflioners, hav
ing received this his final anfwer, took their leaves,
and the next morning begun their journey towards
London. The King had begun a letter to the Prince his fon
before the firft forty days were expired, and continued
it, as the treaty was lengthened, even to the hour it was
concluded, and finifhed it the nine and twentieth of
November, after the commiffioners were departed, and
with it fent a very exact copy of all the papers which
had paffed in the treaty, in the order in which they
were paffed, fairly engroffed by one of the clerks who
attended. But the letter itfelf was all in his own hand, The fum ot
and contained above fix fheets of paper; in which he *t^'t"shsis
made a very particular relation of all the motives and fon coa~ t
J r . . cerning the
reafons which had prevailed with him, or over him, to whole tiea-
make thofe conceffions ; . out of which moft of this re
lation is extracted. Ajid it is almoft evident, that the
major

346 THE HISTORY Book Xf.
major part of both Houfes of Parliament was, at that
time, fo far from defiring the execution of all thofe
conceffions, that, if they had been able to have refifted
the wild fury of the army, they would have been them
felves fuitors to have declined the greateft part of them.
That which feemed to afflict him moft, next what re
ferred to the Church and Religion, and which, he faid,
" had a large fhare in his confcientious confiderations,"
was the hard meafure his friends were fubjected to ; for
whofe intereft he did verily believe he fhould better
provide in the execution of the treaty,* than he had
been able to do in the preliminaries. For, he faid,
" he could "not but think, that all who were willing
" that he fhould continue their King, and to live under
" his government,- would be far from defiring in the
" conclufion to leave fo foul a brand upon his party,
" of which they would all defire to be accounted for
" the time to come. However, he hoped that all his
" friends would confider, not what he had fubmitted
" to, but how much he had endeavoured to relieve
" them from ;" and conjured the Prince his fon, " that
" the lefs he had been able himfelf to do for them, the
" more, if God bleffed him, he fhould acknowledge
" and fupply." He faid, " he would willingly forget in
" how high degree fome fubjects had been difloyal, but
" never had Prince a teftimony in others of more loyalty
" than he had had ; and however that God, for their
" and his punifhment, had not bleffed fome of their en-
" deavours, yet, he faid, more mifguided perfons were
" at laft reduced to their loyalty, than could in any
" ftory be exampled ; and that, by that, fubjects might
" learn how dangerous the neglect of feafonable duty
" is ; and that men cannot eafily fix when they pleafe
" what they have unneceffarily fhaken." The conclu fion

' OF THE REBELLION, &c. 347
fion of the letter, as it was dated, the five and twentieth
of November, (what was added to it after, till the nine
and twentieth, was but the additional paffages upon the
enlargement of time), defer ves to be preferved in letters
of gold, and gives the beft character of that excellent
Prince ; and was in thefe words.
" By what hath been faid, you fee how long we hayeTh£con-
" laboured in the fearch of peace : do not you be dif- thatietterin
" heartened to tread in the fame fteps. Ufe all worthy own words.
" ways to reftore yourfelf to your right, but prefer the
" way of peace : fhew the greatnefs of your mind, if
" God blefs you, (and let us comfort you with that
" which is our own comfort, that though affliction may
" make us pafs under the cenfures of men, yet we look
" upon it fo, as if it procure not, by God's mercy, to us
" a deliverance, it will to you a bleffing), rather to
" conquer your enemies by pardoning, than punifhing.
" If you faw how unmanly and unchriftian the impla-
" cable difpofition is in our ill-willers, you would avoid
" that fpirit. Cenfure us not for having parted with fo
" much of our own right ; the price was great, but the
" commodity was fecurity to us, peace to our people :
" and we were confident, another Parliament would re-
" member how ufeful a King's power is to a people's
" liberty ; of how much thereof we divefted ourfelf,
" that we and they might meet once again in a due
" parliamentary way, to agree the bounds of Prince and
" people. And in this give belief to our experience,
" never to affect more greatnefs or prerogative, than ^
" that which is really and intrinfically for the good
" of fubjects, not the fatisfaction of favourites. If you
" thus ufe it, you will never want means to be a father
" to all, and a bountiful Prince to any you would be
" extraordinary

348 THE HISTORY Book XI.
"extraordiriary gracious to. You may perceive all
" men entluft their treafure where it returns them inter-
" eft ; and if Princes, like the fea, receive, and repay all
" the frefh ftreams the river entrufts with them, they
" will not grudge, but pride themfelves to make them
" up an ocean. Thefe confiderations may make you as
" great a Prince, as your father is now a low one ; and
" your State may be fo much the more eftablifhed, as
" mine hath been fhaken. For our fubjects have
" learned (we dare fay) that victories over their Princes
" are but triumphs over themfelves ; and fo will be
" more unwilling to hearken to changes hereafter. The
" Englifh nation are a fober people, however at prefent
" infatuated. " We know not but this may be the, laft time we
" may fpeak to you, or the world, publickly : we are
" fenfible into what hands we are fallen ; and yet, we blefs
" God, we have thofe inward refrefhments the malice
" of our enemies cannot perturb. We have learned
" to bufy ourfelf by retiring into ourfelf ; and there-
" fore can the better digeft what befalls us ; not doubt-
" ing but God's providence will reftrain our enemies'
" power, and turn their fiercenefs to his praife.
" To conclude, if God gives you fuccefs, ufe it
" humbly and far from revenge. If he reftore you to
" your right upon hard conditions, whatever you pro-
" mife, keep. Thefe men, who have forced laws, which
" they were bound to preferve, will find their triumphs
" full of troubles. Do not think any thing in ' this
" world worth the obtaining by foul and unjuft means.
" You are the fon of our love, and as we direct you
" to weigh what we here recommend to you, fo we
" affure you, we do not more affectionately pray for
" you, (to whom we are a natural parent), than we do,
" that

OF THE REBELLION, Sec.
" that the ancient glory and renown of this nation be
" not buried in irreligion and fanatic humour ; and
" that all our fubjects (to whom we are a politic pa-
" rent) may have fuch fober thoughts, as to feek their
" peace in the orthodox profeffion of the Chriftian re-
" ligion, as was eftablifhed fince the reformation in this
" kingdom, and not in new revelations ; and that the
" ancient laws, with the interpretation according to the
" known practice, may once again be a hedge about
" them : that you may in due time govern, and they
" be governed, as in the fear of God ; which is the
" prayer of " Your very loving father, C. R"
Newport, i$lh Nov. 1648.
Whilft the treaty lafted, it was believed that his Ma
jefty might have made his efcape; which moft men who
wifhed him well thought in all refpects ought to have
been attempted ; and before the treaty, he himfelf was
inclined to it, thinking any liberty preferable to the
reftraint he had endured. But he did receive fome
difcouragement from purfuing that purpofe, which both
diverted him from it, and gave him great trouble of
mind. It cannot be imagined how wonderfully fearful
fome perfons in France were that he fhould have made
his efcape, and the dread they had of his coming thi
ther ; which, without doubt, was not from want of
tendernefs of his fafety, but from the apprehenfion they
had, that the little refpect they would have fhewed him
there, would have been a greater mortification to him
than all that he could fuffer by the clofefl imprifonment.
And fure there was, at that time, no court in Chriflen-
dom fo honourably or generoufly conflituted, that it
would have been glad to have feen him ; and it might be

349

350 THE HISTORY Book XI.
be fome reafon that they who wifhed him very well did
not wifh his efcape, becaufe they believed imprifon
ment was the worft his worft enemies intended towards
him; fince they might that way more reafonably found
and fettle their republican government; which men
could not fo prudently propofe to bring to pafs by a
murder; which, in the inftant, gave the juft tide to
another who was at liberty to claim his right, and to
difpute it : I fay, before the treaty, and after the votes
and declarations of no more addreffes, when his treat
ment was fo barbarous, his Majefty had propofed to
himfelf to make an efcape, and was very near the per
fecting it. He had none about him but fuch perfons
who were placed by thofe who wifhed worft to his fafe
ty; and therefore chofe fuch inftruments as they thought
to be of their own principles. Amongft thofe there
was a young man, one Ofborne, by extraction a gentle
man ; who was recommended by . the Lord Wharton
(one who deferved not to be fufpected by Cromwell
himfelf) to Colonel Hammond, to be placed in fome
neaf attendance about the King ; and he, from the re
commendation, never doubting the fitnefs of the man,
immediately appointed him to wait as Gentleman Ufher;
which gave him opportunity to be almoft always in the
prefence of the King. This young man, after fome
months' attendance, was wrought upon by the dignity of
the King's carriage, and the great affability he ufed to
wards thofe who were always about him, to have a ten-
dernefs and loyal fenfe of his fufferings ; and did really
defire to do him any fervice that might be acceptable.
By his office of Gentleman Ufher he1 ufually held the
King's gloves when he was at meat, and firft took that
opportunity to put a little billet, in which he expreffed
his devotion, into one of the fingers of his glove. The
King

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 3$t
King was not forward to be credulous of the profeffions
of a perfon he knew fo little, and who, he knew, would
not be fuffered to be about him, if he were thought to
have thofe inclinations. However, after longer obferva-
tion, and fometimes fpeaking to him whilft he was walk
ing amongft, others in the garden allowed for that pur
pofe, his Majefty begun to believe that there was fince-
rity in him ; and fo frequently put fome memorial into
fingers of his glove, and by the fame expedient received
advertifement from him.
There was in the garrifon one Rolph, a captain of a
foot company, whom Cromwell placed there as a prime
confident, a fellow of a low extraction, and very ordi
nary parts ; who, from a common foldier, had been
trufted in all the intrigues of the army, and was one of
the agitators infpired by Cromwell to put any thing into
the foldiers' minds, upon whom he had a wonderful in
fluence, and could not contain himfelf from fpeaking
malicioufly and wickedly againft the King, when diffi
mulation was at the higheft amongft the great officers.
This man grew into great familiarity with Ofborne, and
knowing from what perfon he came recommended to
that truft, could not doubt but that he was well inclined
to any thing that might advance him ; and fo, accord
ing to his cuftom of reviling the King, he wifhed " he
(( were out of the world ; for they fhould never make
" any fettlement whilft he was alive. He faid, he was
" fure the army wifhed him dead, and that Hammond
fi had received many letters from the army to take him
" away by poifon, or any other way; but he faw it
'? would never be done in that place ; and therefore, if
** he would join with him, they would get him from
(i thence ; and then the work would eafily be done."
Ofborne afked him, " how it could be poffible to re-
" move

35*

THE HISTORY Book XL

" move him from thence, without Hammond's or the
" King's own confent ?" Rolph anfwered, " that the
" King might be decoyed from thence> as he was from
" Hampton Court, by fome fetters from his friends, of
" fome danger that threatened him, upon which he
"would be willing to make an efcape ; and then he
" might eafily be difpatched." Ofborne fhortly found
an opportunity to inform the King of all this.
An attempt The King bid him " continue his familiarity with
Kin •£ " Rolph, and to promife to join with him in contriving;
efcape. a how \j[s Majefty fhould make an efcape ;" and he
hoped thereby to make Rolph's villainy the means of
getting away. He recommended one of the common
foldiers to Ofborne, " who, he faid, he thought, might"
" be trufted ;" and wifhed him " to truft one Doucet ;"
whom the King had known before, and who was then
placed to wait upon him at his back flairs, and was in
deed an honeft man ; for it was impoffible for him to
make an efcape, without the privity of fuch perfons, who''
might provide for him, when he was got out of the
caftle, as well as help him from thence. Ofborne told
Rolph, " he was confident he fhould in the end per-
" fuade the King to attempt an efcape, though he yet
" feemed jealous and apprehenfive of being difcovered,'
" and taken again." Doucet concurred very willingly
in it, and the foldier who was chofen by the King
proved likewife very honeft, and wrought upori one of'
two of his companions who ufed to ftand fentinels at the'
place where the King intended to get out. All things'
were provided ; and the King had a file and faw ; with
which he had, with wonderful trouble, fawed an irori
bar in the window, by which he could be able to get
out ; and being in this readinefs, the night was ap
pointed, and Ofborne at the place where he was to re
ceive

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 353
ceive the King. But one of the foldiers informed Rolph
of more particulars than Ofborne had done; by which he
concluded that he was falfe, and directed the foldier to
proceed, and ftand fentinel in the fame place to which
he had been affigned ; and he, and fome others trufted
by him, were armed, and ftood very near with their
piftols. At midnight the King came to the window,
refolving to go out ; but as he was putting himfelf out,
he difcerned more perfons to ftand thereabout than ufed
to do, and thereupon fufpected that there was fome dif-
covery made ; and fo fhut the window, and retired to
his bed. And this was all the ground of a4iferWrfe,
which then flew abroad, as if the King had got half out
at the window, and could neither draw his body after,
nor get his head back, and fo was competed to call out
for help ; which was a mere fiction,.
Rolph acquainted Hammond with what the King had
defigned ; who prefendy went into his chamber, and
found the King in his bed, but the bar of the window.
cut in two, and taken out ; by which he concluded his
information to be true; and prefently feized upon Dou
cet, but could not apprehend Ofoorne ; who was either
fled out of the ifland, or concealed in it that he could
not be found. Rolph -could .not forbear to infult upon
Boucefc in prifon, and foornfully afked him, " why his
u King cajne not forth when he was at the window ?"
and feid* " he was ready with a good piftol charged to
w haye .received him." When .Ofborne had got into a
place pf prefent fafety, he writ a letter to his patron the
Lord Wharton, informing him of the whole matter ;
and defired him, " to acquaint the Houfe of Peers of
" the defign upon the King's life, and ithat he would he ofborne ac-
" ready to appear and juftifythe confpiracy." Tbat^^g
Lord, .after he had -kejpt the letter fome time, fent it tQjg™^
voj>. -in. p. i. A a Ham-

354 THE HISTORY Book XI.
Hammond, as the fitteft perfon to examine the truth of
the relation. Ofborne was not difcouraged with all this;
but fent two letters to the Speakers of both Houfes, and
inclofed the letter he had formerly writ to the Lord
Wharton. In the Houfe of Commons the information
was flighted, and laid aflde; but it made more impreffion
upon the Houfe of Peers ; who fent, with more than or
dinary earneftnefs, to the Commons, " that Rolph might
" be fent for, and a fafe-guard for forty days to Ofborne
" to appear, and profecute."
Rolph brought with him a large teftimonial from
Hammond of " his integrity, and of the riiany good
" fervices he had done to the State." Ofborne appeared
likewife at the Lords' bar, and made good upon oath all
that is before fet down,' and undertook to produce other
evidence. The Houfe of Commons had no mind to
have it examined farther ; but the clamour of the people
was fo great, that, after many delays, they voted " that
" it fhould be tried at the general affizes at Winchefter."
And thither they fent their well-tried Serjeant Wild, to
be the fole Judge of that circuit: before whom the.
major part of the fame jury that had found Captain
Burley guilty was impannelled for the trial of Rolph.
Ofborne, and Doucet, who upon bail had liberty to be
there, appeared to make good the indictment; and,
upon their oaths, declared all that Rolph had faid to
them, as is fet down before. The prifoner, if he may
be called a prifoner who was under no reftraint, had two
lawyers affigned to be of council with him, contrary to
the law and cuftom in thofe cafes : but he needed not
to have had any council but the Judge himfelf; who
told the jury, " that it was a bufinefs of great importance
" that was before them ; and therefore that they fhould
" take heed what they' did in it : that there was a time
" indeed

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 3$$
"indeed when intentions' and words were treafon, but
" God forbid it fhould be fo now : how did any body
" know but that thofe two men, Ofborne and Doucet,
" would have made away the King, and that Rolph
'.' charged his piftol to preferve him ? or, perhaps they
" would have carried him away to have engaged them
" in a fecond war." He told them, " they were mif-
" taken who did believe the King in prifon ; the Parlia-
" ment did only keep him fafe to fave the fhedding of
" more blood." Upon thefe good directions, the grand
jury found an ignoramus upon the bill ; and this was
fome little time before the treaty.
When the commiffioners, who had treated with the The com.
King at the Ifle of Wight, were returned to the Pariia- reporter1
ment, their report took up many days in the Houfe of tort^Par.
Commons, where the refolution was firft to be taken ; lia-ment-
which commonly was final, the Lords rarely prefuming
to contradict what the others thought fit to determine.
The queftion upon the whole was, " whether the anfwer a long and
" that the King had made to their propofitions was fa- bateupok
" tisfactory ?" which was debated with all the virulence"'
and acrimony towards each other, that can fall from men
fo poffefled as both fides were.
Young Sir Harry Vane had begun the debate with Sir w™y
the higheft infolence and provocation; telling them, fpeech con-
"that they fhould that day know and difcover, whocernmsit'
" were their friends, and who were their foes ; or, that
li he might fpeak more plainly, who were the King's
"party in the Houfe, and who were for the people ;"
and fo proceeded with his ufual grave bitternefs againft
the perfon of the King, and the government that had'
been too long fettled ; put them in mind, " that they
" had been diverted from their old fettled refolution and
" declaration, that they would make no more addreffes
a a a "to

356 THE HISTORY Book XL
" to the King ; after which the kingdom had been go-
" verned iri great peaCe, and begun to tafte the fweet of
" that republican govemmerit which they intended and
" begun to eftablifh, when, by a combination between
" the city Of London and an ill affected party in Scot-
" land, with fome fmall contemptible infurrections in
u England, all which were -fomented by the city, the
" Houfes had, by darriour and noife, been induced and
" compelled to reverfe their former votes and refolution,
" and enter into a perforial treaty with the King ; with
" whom they had not beeri able to prevail, notwith-
" ftanding the low condition he was in, to -give them
" any fecurity ; but he had ftill referved a pOWer in
'** himfelf, or at leaft to his pofterity, to exercife as ty-
" ranriical a government as he had done : that all the
" infurrections, which had fo terrified them, were 'now
¦ " totally fubdued ; and the principal authors arid 4bet-
" tors of therri in their cuftody, arid ready to be brought
" to juftice, if they pleafed to direct, *nd -appoint At:
" that their enernies in Scotland were reduced, &nd ¥hat
" kingdom entirely devoted to a firm and good cone-
" fporidence with their brethren, the Parliametft of -E'ng-
" land ; fo that there was nothing wanting, but their
" own confent and refolutiori, to make themfelves the
" happieft nation and people in the world ; and to 'thit
" purpofe defired, that they might, without any Triofe
" lofs of time, return to their former refolutibri of mak-
" ing no mOre addreffes to the King ; but proceed to
" the fettling the government without him, and to the
" Tevere punifhment of thofe who had difturbed their
te peace and quiet, in fuch an exemplary manner, as
" might terrify all other rneriTor the future from 1friak-
" ing the like bold attetnpts: which, he told them, 'they
" might fee Would be moft grateful to theit army,-whi'ch "had

OF THE REBELLION, Sec. $51
'¦< )iad merited fo much from them by the remonftrance
'f they had fo lately publifhed."
This difcourfe appeared to be exceedingly difliked, by
that kind of murmur which ufually fhews hovy the Houfe
ftands inclined, and by which men make their judgr
ments there, of the fuccefs that is like to be. And his
preface, and entrance into the dpbate, were taken notice
of with equal fharpnefs ; and, " his prefumption in tak-
*¦' ing upon himfelf to divide the Houfe, and to cenfurg
" their affections to the public, as their fenfe and judg-
" ment fhould agree, or difagree, with his own." One
faid, " that fince he had, without example, taken fo
" much Upon him, he was not to take it ill, if the con-
" trary was aflumed by other men ; and that it was as
{ * lawful for another man, who faid he was no gainer by
*' the troubles, to make another divifion of the Houfe,
* ' and to fay, that they fhould find in the debate of that
" day that there were fome who were defirous of peace ;
" and that they were all lofers, or, at leaft, no gainers
" by the war ; and that others were againft peace ; and
" that they by the war had gained large revenues, and
" great fums of money, and much wealth ; and there-
" fore his motion was, that the gainers might contri-
ff bute to the lofers, if they would not confent that the
" one might enjoy what was left, and the other poffefs
" what they had got, by a peace that might he happy
" for both."
Whilft this was debating in the Houfe, which con
tinued feveral days, fix officers, from the head quar
ters at Windfbr, whither the army had been brought
before, or at the tkne when the treaty ended at the Ifle
of Wight, brought their large remonftrance to the
Houfe ; in which they defired, li that there might be no
" farther proceedings upon the treaty ; but that they
a a 3 " would

358 THE HISTORY Book XL
" would return to their former determination of no
" farther addreffes, and make what hafte they could in
" fettling the government : that the bargaining propofi-
" tion on the behalf of Delinquents, which was only
" upon a contract with the King, and not in any judi-
" cial way, might be laid afide, and that public juftice
" might be done upon the principal actors in the late
" troubles, and that others, upon a true fubmiflion,
" might find mercy : that a peremptory day might be
" fet, when the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York
" fhould be required to appear ; which if they fhould
" not do, they fhould ftand exiled as traitors ; and if
" they fhould appear, yet they fhould be bound to
" make fome fatisfaction : that an end might be put to
" this Parliament, and a new reprefentative chofen of
" the people, for the governing and preferving the
" whole body of the nation. That no King might be
" hereafter admitted but upon election of the people,
" and as upon truft for the people, who fhould be like-
" wife limited and reftrained by the reprefentative;" with
many other impracticable particulars, which troubled
the Parliament the lefs for their incoherence, and impof-
fibility to be reduced into practice.
The King But that which troubled moft, and indeed which
cariibrook awakened them to the moft difmal apprehenfions, was,
earned*"* that they were advertifed, that the King was taken away
from Carifbrook caftle by an officer of the army, and
carried to Hurft caftle, not far from the other, but
fituated on the main land, and in fo vile and uriwhole-
fome an air, that the common guards there ufed to be
frequently changed for the prefervation of their health.
Colonel Hammond had, before the expiration of the
treaty, writ many letters to the Parliament, to be dif-
charged from that government, and from the care of the
King's

Hurft caf
tle.

OF THE REBELLION, Sec. 359
King's perfon; and the officers of the army feemed
wonderfully offended with him for making the demand ;
and he got himfelf looked upon as under a cloud. But
the treaty was no fooner ended, (and before the com
miffioners begun their report to the Houfes), but he
was difcharged of the truft of the perfon of the King,
and another colonel fent to take the perfon of the King,
and to carry him to Hurft caftle.
This news being brought when they were in the heat
of the debate upon the King's anfwer, they gave over
that conteft, and immediately voted, " that the feizing Vote of the
" Upon the King's perfon, and carrying him prifoner to commons
" Hurft caftle, was without their advice and confent,:" thereupon'
which vote had little contradiction, becaufe no man
would own the advice. Then they caufed a letter to be .
written to the General, Cf that the orders and inftructions
" to Colonel Ewre" (the officer who had feized the King)
" were contrary to their refolutions, and inftructions to
" Colonel Hammond ; and therefore, that it was the
" pleafure of the Houfe, that he fhould recall thofe
" orders ; and that Colonel Hammond, fhould. again re-
" fume the care of the King's perfon." But the Gene
ral, without taking any notice of their complaint, or of
their command, demanded the payment of the arrears
due to the army ; arid told them, " that, unlefs there
" were prefent money fent to that purpofe, he fhould
" be forced to remove the army, and to draw them
" nearer to London." And at the fame time a new
declaration was fent to the Houfe from the army, in
purfuance of their late remonftrance ; which the Houfe
refufed to take into confideration ; and fome fturdy
members moved, " that the army might be declared
" traitors, if they prefumed to march nearer London
f than they were at prefent ; and that an impeachment
Aa4 "of

360 THE HISTORY Book XL
" of high treafdft might be drawn up againft the pririci-
Smarche's " Pal officers of it." Hereupon, the General marches
for London, directly for London, and quarters at Whitehall ; the
-other officers, with their troops, in Durham Houfe, the
Mews, Covent Garden, Weftminfter, and St. James's ;
and for the prefent neceffity, that no inconvenience
might fall out, they fent to the city without delay to
fupply forty thoufand pounds, to be immediately iffued
out to fatisfy the- army; Notwithftanding all which
monftrous proceeding, the Houfe of Commons retained
its courage, and were refolute " to aflert the treaty ; and
" that the King's anfwers were fatisfactory ; or if they
"cWere not fully fatisfactory, that the Houfe might
" and ought to accept thereof, and proceed to the fet-
" tlement of peace in Church and State, father than
" to reject them as unfatisfactory, and thereby continue
" the kingdom in war and diffraction."
They who Vehemently preffed this conclufion, and
WOuld be thought to be for the King, to make themfelves
popular, took upon them to make all the invectives both
againft the King, and all the time of his government,
that his bittereft enemies could do, only that they might
fheW how much the conceffions he had now granted had
provided remedies for all thofe evils, and made all the
foundation of their future hope of happinefs and peace to
be in the no-power they had left him in : fo that if he
Ihould have a mind to continue the diffractions to
morrow, he would find nobody ready ever to join with
him, having at this time facrificed all his friends to the
mercy of their mortal enemies. In conclufion, and
when they had profecuted the debate moft part of the
night, till almoft five of the clock in the morning, on
Monday night, they had firft put the queftion, " whe-
" ther the queftion fhould be put ?" and carried it by a
hundred

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 361
hundred and forty voices againft one hundred and four :
the main queftion, " That the anfwer of the King to vote "that
*' the propofitions of both Houfes was a ground for the « answer8 s
" Houfes to proceed upon for the fettlement of the peace « ground
" of the kingdom," was fo clearly voted, that the Houfe " f°race ,.
was not divided ; and, that there might be no afters
claps, they appointed a committee " to confer with the
" General, for the better procuring a good intelligence
" and correfpondence between the army and the Par-
". liament ;" and then they adjourned the Houfe to
Wednefday morning, it being then near the morning of
Tuefday. *
The committee that was appointed to confer with
the General waited that afternoon upon him in his
lodging at Whitehall, that they might be able to give
fome account to the Houfe the next morning. But
they were forced to attend full three hours, before they
could be admitted to his prefence ; and then he told
them fullenly and fupercilioufly, " that the way to cor-
" refpond with the army, was to comply with their re-
" monftrance :" and the next morning there was a
guard of mufqueteers placed at the entry into and
door of the Houfe, and the officers thereof having a lift
in their hands of the names of thofe who fhould be
reftrained from going into the Houfe, all thofe were
flopped, one by one, as they came, and fent into theManyot
Court of Wards, where they were kept together for Jhe ""*

bers enter-

many hours, under a guard, to the number of near one ^"etor*£
hundred. Notwithftanding which, there were fo manyed upon .by
of the fame opinion got into the Houfe, through the
inadvertency of the guard, or becaufe they meant only
to fequefter the moft notorious and refractory perfons,
that the debate, upon refuming the fame queftion, con
tinued very long; feveral members who J obferved the
force

362 THE HISTORY Book XI.
force at the entrance of the Houfe, and faw their com
panions not fuffered to come in, complained loudly of
the violence and breach of privilege, and demanded
remedy ; but in vain ; the Houfe would take no notice
There- of it. In the conclufion, after a very long debate, the
members major part of thofe who were prefent in the Houfe
comrare to voted the negative to what had been fettled in the
former former debate, and " that the anfwer the King had
votes. . , °
" given to their propofitions was not fatisfactory."
Thofe gentlemen who for fome hours had been
reftrained in the Court of Wards were afterwards led in
triumph through Weftminfter-hall, (except fome few,
who were fuffered for affection, or by negligence, to go
away), by a ftrong guard, to that place under the Ex
chequer which is commonly called Hell ; where they
might eat and drink, at their own charge, what they
pleafed. And here they were kept in one room, till
after twelve of the clock in the night ; after which hour,
in refpect of the extreme cold weather, and the age of
many of the members, they were carried to feveral inns;
where they were fuffered to lodge as prifoners, and re
mained under that confinement for two or three days.
In which time, they publifhed a proteftation in print
againft the proceedings of the Houfe of Commons, de
claring " the force and violence that had been ufed
" againft them :" and then the Houfe, with the remain
ing members, having determined what they thought fit,
moft of the other were at liberty to do what they
pleafed. Nobody owned this act of violence in the ex-
clufion of fo many members : there was no order made
for it by the Houfe. Fairfax the General knew no
thing of it, and the guards themfelves being afked
" what authority they had," gave no other anfwer " but
"that they had orders."' But afterwards there was a
full .

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 363
full and clear order of the Houfe, without taking notice Vote, "that
" thofe
of any exclufion, " that none of them who had not " whowere
" been prefent that day when the negative vote pre- « the'nega-
f •' vailed fhould fit any more in the Houfe, before they " ^mcit
" had firft fubfcribed the fame vote, as agreeable to their " notmore
" judgments ; which if they fubfcribed, they were as " Houfe."
" well qualified members as before." Many of thefe
excluded members, out of confcience or indignation,
forbore coming any more to the Houfe for many
years ; fome, not before the Revolution ; others, fooner
or later, returned to their old feats, that they might not
be idle when fo much bufinefs was to be done.
Then the Houfe renewed their old votes of no moreVoteofno more- ad-
addreffes, and annulled and made void all thofe which dreffes re
introduced the treaty: and, that they might find no"e
more fuch contradiction hereafter, they committed to
feveral prifons Major General Brown, (though he was
then Sheriff of London), Sir John Clotworthy, Sir Wil
liam Waller, Major General Maffey, and Commiffary
General Copley, who were the moft active members in
the Houfe of the Prefbyterian party, and who had all as
malicioufly advanced the fervice of the Parliament in
their feveral flations againft the King as any men of
their rank in the kingdom, and much more than any
officer of the prefent army had then credit to do : of
thefe, Maffey made his efcape, and tranfported himfelf
into 'Holland ; and there, according to the natural mo-
defty of that feet, prefented himfelf to the Prince, with
as much confidence (and as a fufferer for the King his
father) as if he had defended Colchefter.
The proteftation that the fecluded members had The pn>tef-
r r >i-ii • tationofthe
publifhed and caufed to be printed, with the narrative fecluded
of the violence that had been exercifed upon them, and"1'
their declaring all acts to be void which from that time had

364 THE HISTORY Book XI.
had been done in the Houfe of Commons, made a great
noife over the kingdom, and no lefs incenfed thofe who
remained and fate in the Houfe, than it did the officers
of the army ; and therefore, to leffen the credit of it,
the Houfe likewife made a declaration againft that pro-
Voted teftation ; and declared it " to be falfe, fcandalous, and
againft by (( fe(jitiOUS} an(j tending to the deftruction of the vifible
Houfes. a anfj fundamental government of the kingdom;" and
to this wonderful declaration they obtained the concur
rence of the fmall Houfe of Peers, and jointly ordained,
" that that proteftation fhould be fuppreffed, and that
" no man fhould prefume to fell, or buy, or to read the
" fame."
votes of the When they had in this manner maftered all contra-
Commons. diction and oppofition, they begun more directly to con^
fult what they were to do, as well as what they were not
to do, and to eftablifh fome affirmative condufions, as
they had done negatives. They were told, " that it was
" high time to fettle fome form of government, under
" which the nation was to live : there had been much
" treafure and blood fpent to recover the liberty of the
" people, which would be to no purpofe if there were
" not provifion made for their fecure enjoying it ; and
" there would be always the fame attempts made, which
" had been of late, to difturb and to deftroy the public
" peace, if there were not fuch exemplary penalties in-
*' flicted, as might terrify all men, of what condition
" foever, from entering upon fuch defperate undertak-
" ings." They refolved to gratify the army, by taking
a view of a paper formerly digeftedby them as a model
for a new government, which was called the Agreement
of the People, and for contriving and publifhing whereof,
one of the Agitators had been, by Cromwell's directions,
the year before, fhot to death, when he found the Par
liament

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 365
HametttWaS fo much offended with it. They declared
how, as the moft popular thing they could do to pleafe
both the people and the army, " that they would put
" an end to the Parliament on the laft day of April
*' next ; and that there fhould be a reprefentative of the
" nation, co'nfifting of three hundred perfons chofen by
" me people ; of which, for the term of feven years, no
" perfon who had adhered to the King, or who ihould
" oppofe this agreement, or not fubfcribe thereunto,
" fhould be capable of being chofen to be one, or to
" have a voice in the election ; and that, before that
" time, and before the diffolution of the prefent Barlia-
" ment, it Would be neceffary to bring thofe fignal De-
" -linquents, who had lately difturbed the quiet and
" peace of the kingdom, and put it to fo great an ex-
" pence Of blood and treafure, to exemplary punifh-
" merit." -And it was with .great impudence -very vehe
mently urged, *' that they ought to begin with him
" who had been the caufe of all the miferies, and mif-
" Chiefs, which had befallen the kingdom, and whom
" they had already divefted of -all power and authority
" to govern them for the future ; and they had had
" near two years' experience, that the nation might be
" very happily governed without any -recourieto -him :
" that they had already declared, 48nd the Houfe of
" Peers had concurred with them, that the King frad
" been the caufe of all the blood wfcidh had been
"4pilt; and therefore, -that it was ftt that fiach a man
" of blood fhould be brought to juftice, that be might
" undergo *he penalty that was due to his tyranny and
" murders: that the people expected this at their hands;
"and that having the principal malefactorin their power,
'" he might not efcape -the =punifh merit dial was due to
¦-« him."
How

$66 THE HISTORY, Book XL
How new and monftrbus foever this language and
difcourfe was to all Englifh, ears, they found a major
part ftill to concur with them : fo that they appointed a
a commit- committee for the prefent " to prepare a charge of high
edebyPthenm"- treafon againft die King, which fhould contain the
a°chargere " feveral crimes and mifdemeanors of his reign; which
againft the a being made, they would confider of the beft way and
" manner of proceeding, that he might be brought to
" juftice." This manner of proceeding in England was fo un
heard of, that it was very hard for any body to propofe
any way to oppofe it that might carry with it any hope
of fuccefs. However, the pain the Prince was in would
not fuffer him to reft without making fome effort. He
knew too well how far the States, of Holland were from.
wifhing that fuccefs and honour to the Crown of
England, as it had deferved from them, and how much
they had always favoured the rebellion ; that his own
prefence was in no degree acceptable or grateful to them ;
and that they were deviling all ways how they might be
rid of him: yet he believed the way they were now
upon in England would be fo univerfally odious to all
ChriflianSj that no body of men would appear to 'favour
The Prince it. His Highnefs therefore fent to the States General,
defuesthe to defire them " to give him an audience. the next day ;
fercede0'""" anc^ t^at ne would come to the place where they
withthetwo« fate;" which he did, being met by. the whole body at
the bottom of the flairs, and conducted into the room
where they fate.
The Prince was attended by four or five of his Coun
cil ; and when he had faid a little to the States of com
pliment, he referred them to a paper which Sir William.
Bofwell, the King's Refident there, was to deliver to
them. The paper defcribed the ill condition the. Kirig his

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 367
his father was in ; and the threats and menaces which
his enemies ufed to proceed againft him in fuch a man
ner as muft be abominated by all Chriftians, and which
would bring the greateft reproach and obloquy upon
the Proteftant religion, that ever Chriftianity had un
dergone : arid therefore defired them, " that they would
" interpofe their credit, and authority, in fuch a manner
" as they thought fit, with the two Houfes at Weft-
" minfter, that, inftead of fuch an unlawful and wicked
" profecution, they would enter into terms of accommo-
" dation with his royal father; for the obfervation where-
" of his Royal Highnefs would become bound."
The States affured his Highnefs, '.' that they were The" »n-
" very much afflicted at the condition of the King, and
" would be glad any interpofition of theirs might be
" able to relieve him ; that they would ferioufly con-
" fider in what manner they might ferve him." And,
that day, they refolved to fend an extraordinary ambaf
fador into England, who fhould repair to the Prince
of Wales, and receive his inftructions to what friends
of the King's he fhould refort, and confult with; who,
being upon the place, might beft inform him to whom
to apply himfelf. And they made choice of Paw, the
penfioner of Holland, for their ambaffador; who im
mediately attended the Prince with the offer of his fer
vice, and many profeffions of his defire that his journey
might produce fome good effect.
The Council that -was about the Prince had looked
upon Paw as a man that had always favoured the rebel
lion in England, and as much obftructed all civilities
from the States towards the King, as was poffible for
him to do; and therefore they were very forry that he
was made choice of for ambaffador in fuch a fatal con
juncture. But the Prince of Orange affured the Prince, " that

368 THEHISTORY Book XL
«* that he had ufed all his credit to compafs that elec-
" tion ; that he was the wifeft man of their body ; and
" that neither he, nor any of the reft, who had cherifhed
" the Englifh rebellion more than he, ever defired it
" fhould profper to that degree it had done, as to ea-
" danger the changing the government ;" and there
fore wifhed " there might not appear any diftruft of
" him, but that the Prince would treat him wiftt con-
" fidence, and fome of the Council would confer with
" him with freedom, upon any particulars which k would
"be neceffary for him to be inftructed ira." But the
wifdom of angels was not fuffkient to give any effectual
advice for fuch a negociation, fince the States could not
be brought fo much to intereft themfelves, as to ufe any
menaces to the Parhament as if they would emhark
themfelves in the quarrel. So that the Council could
only wifh, " that the ambaffador would confer with
" fuch of the King's friends who were then at London,
" and whofe relation had been moft eminent towards his
" Majefty ; and receive advice from them, how he
" might moft hopefully prevail over particular men, and
They fend " thereby with the Parliament." And fo itiifi amabaffii-
fadoHnto dor departed for England, within lefs than a week after
England, j^ was nominated for the employment.
At the fame time, the Queen of England, being
ftruck to the heart with amazement and confufion upon
The Queen the report of what the Parliament intended, font a paper
tobedeH-rt° the agent who was employed there by the Cardinal
Pariitment6*0 keeP a g0Qd correfpondeiace ; which fhe obliged him
but it was to deliver to the Parliament. The paper contained a
very paffionate lamentation of the fad condition the
Kingiher hufband was in; defiring "that they avould
" grant her a pafs to come over to him, offering to ufe
" all the credit fhe had with trim, that he might give
"them

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 369
" them fatisfaction. However, if they would not give
" her leave to perform any of thofe offices towards the
" public, that fhe might be permitted to perform the
" duty fhe owed him, and to be near him in the utter -
" moft extremity." Neither of thefe addreffes did more
than exprefs the zeal of thofe who procured them to be
made : the ambaffador Paw could neither get leave to
fee the King, (which he was to endeavour to do, that
he might from himfelf be inffructed beft what to do),
nor be admitted to an audience by the Parliament, till
after the tragedy was acted : and the Queen's paper was
delivered, and never confidered in order to return any
anfwer to it.
When the committee had prepared fuch a charge, The charge
which they called "an impeachment of high treafon King aP.
" againft Charles Stewart, King of England," digefted FhTcom-
into feveral articles, which contained all thofe calum-mon"'
nies they had formerly heaped up in that declaration
of no more addreffes to be made to him, with fome ad
ditional reproaches, it was read in the Houfe ; and, after
it was approved there, they fent it to the Houfe of Peers
for their concurrence. That Houfe had very little to do
from the time that Cromwell returned from Scotland,
and were few in number, and ufed to adjourn for two or
three days together for want of bufinefs ; fo that it was
believed, that they who had done fo many extravagant
things, rather than they would diffent from the Houfe
of Commons, would likewife concur with them in this,
rather than fever from them when they were fo tri
umphant. But, contrary to this expectation, when this
impeachment was brought up to the Peers, it was fo ill
received, that there was not one perfon who concurred
with them ; which, confidering the men and what moft
of them had done, might feem very ftrange. And
vol, in. p. 1. b b when

370 THE HISTORY Book XL
Rejeaedbywheri they had, with fome warmth, rejected it, they ad-
who ad- ' journed for a week ; prefuming they fhould thereby at
»°week! f°r leaft giye f°me interruption to that career which the
Houfe of Commons was upon, and, in that time, fome
expedient might be found to reconcile the proceedings
in both Houfes. But they were as much deceived in
this; the Houfe of Commons was very well pleafed
with it, and thought they had given them eafe, which
they could not fo well have contrived for themfelves.
So they proceeded in their own method, and when, the
day came to which the Lords had adjourned their
The door of Houfe, they found their doors all locked, and fattened
theirHouft . , .. i , , ,, ... .
locked up with padlocks, that there fhould then be no more entrance
dayto c for them ; nor did any Of them ever after fit in that
hadCahd-hey Houfe as Peers above twice or thrice at moft, till Crorh-
joumed. weH} ]ong after3 erideavoUred in vain to have erected a
HoUfe of Peers of his own creation ; in which fome of
them then very willingly took their places.
The charge and accufation, upon which they refolved
to proceed againft the Kingj being thus fettled and
agreed upon, they begun to confider in what manner
and form to proceed, that there might be fome appear
ance of juftice. Nothing could be found in the com
mon or ftatute law, which could direct or warrant them;
nor could the precedent Of depofing Richard the Se
cond (the fole precedent of that kind) be applied to
their purpofe : for, how foul foever the circumftances
precedent had been, he had made a refignation of his
royalty before the Lords in Parliament ; fo that his de-
pofition proceeded from himfelf, and with his own
confent, and would not agree in any particular with
the cafe in queftion. They were therefore to make a
new form to warrant their proceedings : and a hew
form they did erect, never before heard of. They con-
 ' ftituted

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 3yx
ftituted and erected a court that fhould be called " the The com-
" High Court of Juftice, to confift of fo many judges, m""™"
" who fhould have authority to try the King, whether "'f^c0eurt
" he were guilty of what he was accufed of, or no; and,
" in order thereunto, to examine fuch witneffes as fhould
" be produced :" the number of the judges named was
about an hundred and fifty, whereof the major part
might proceed.
They could not have found fuch a number yet
amongft themfelves, after fo many barbarities and im
pieties, upon whom they might depend in this laft tra
gical act. And therefore they laid this for a ground ;
that if they fhould make only their own members to be
judges in this cafe, they might appear in the eyes of the
people to be too much parties, as having from the be
ginning maintained a war, though defenfive, as they pre
tended, againft the King, and fo not fo fit to be fhe
only judges who were in the fault : on the other hand,
if they fhould name none of themfelves, it might be in
terpreted that they looked upon it as too dangerous a
province to engage themfelves in> and therefore they
had put it off to others ; which would difcourage others
from undertaking it. Wherefore they refolved, that the
judges fhould be nominated promifcUoufly, as well of
members of the Houfe, as of fuch other of their good
and godly men in the kingdom. Whofoever would not
be one himfelf when named, as there were yet many
amongft them, who, out of confcience, or of fear,
utterly protefted againft it, fhould take upon him to
name another rftan; which fure he could not but
think was equally unlawful : fo that few. took upon
them to nominate others, who would reject the province
themfelves. All the chief officers of the army were named, and
b b 2 divers

37a . THE HISTORY Book XI*
divers accepted the office ; and fuch aldermen and citi
zens of London, as had been moft violent againft peace;
• and fome few country gentlemen, whofe zeal had been
taken notice of for the caufe, and who were like to take
fuch a preferment as a teftimony of the Parliament's
confidence in them, and would thereupon embrace it.
When fuch a number of men were nominated as were
thought in all refpects to be equal to the work, they
were to make choice of a fpeakef, or prolocutor, who
fhould be called Lord Prefident of that High Court, who
muft manage and govern all the proceedings there, afk
the witneffes all proper queftions, and anfwer what the
Bradfhaw prifoner fhould propofe. And to that office one Brad,"
Prefident. fhaw was chofen, a lawyer of Gray's Inn, not much
known in Weftminfter-hall, though of good practice
in his chamber, and much employed by the factious.
He was a gentleman of an ancient family in Chefhire
and Lancafhire, but of a fortune of his own making.
He was not without parts, and of great infolence and
ambition. When he was firft nominated, he feemed
much furprifed, and- very refolute to refufe it; which he
did in fuch a manner, and fo much enlarging upon his
own want of abilities to undergo fo important a charge,
that it was very evident he had expected to be put
to that apology. And when he was preffed with
more importunity than could have been ufed by chance,
he required " time to confider of it ;" and faid, " he
" would then give his final anfwer ;" which he did the
next day ; and with great humility accepted the office,
which he adminiftered with all the pride, impudence,
and fupercilioufnefs imaginable. He was prefently in-
Lawyefs vefted in great ftate, and many officers and a guard af-
officers ap- figned for the fecurity of his perfon, and the Dean's
houfe at Weftminfter given to him for ever for his re
fidence

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 373
fidence and habitation, and a good fum of money, about
five thoufand pounds, was appointed to be prefently
paid to him, to put himfelf in fuch an equipage and
way of living, as the dignity of the office which he held
would require. And now, the Lord Prefident of the
High Court of Juftice feemed to be the greateft ma-
giftrate in England. And though it was not thought
feafonable to- make any fuch declaration, yet fome
of thofe whofe opinions grew quickly into ordinances,
upon feveral occafions, declared, " that they believed
" that office was not to be looked upon as neceffary
" pro hac vice only, but for continuance ; and that he
" who executed it deferved to have an ample and a
<' liberal eftate conferred upon him for ever :" which
fudden . mutation and exaltation of fortune could not
but make a great impreffion upon a vulgar fpirit, ac-
cuftomed to no exceffes, and acquainted only with a
very moderate fortune. All this being done, they made
choice of fome lawyers (till that time very obfcure, and
men fcarce known or heard of in their profeffion) to
perform the offices of Attorney General, and Solicitor
General for the State, to profecute the prifoner at his
trial, and to manage the evidence againft him. Other
officers, of all kinds, were appointed to attend, and
perform the feveral offices of their new court ; which
was ordered to be erected in Weftminfter- hall.
The King was now fent for from Hurft caftle, and The King
was received by Colonel Harrifon with a ftrong party Hurftcaft™
of horfe ; by whom he was to be conducted to Windfor^oynHarri_
caftle. Harrifon was the fon of a butcher near Nant- The cha.
wich in Chefhire, and had been bred up in the place of ™f"iC°^
a clerk under a lawyer of good account in thofe parts ;
which kind of education introduces men into the lan
guage and practice of bufinefs, and, if it be not refifted
b b 3 by

374 THE HISTORY Book XI.
by the great ingenuity of the perfon, inclines young
men to more pride than any other kind of breeding ;
and difpofes them to be pragmatical and mfolent, though
they have the fkiU to conceal it from their mafters,
except they find them (as they are too often) inclined to
cherifh it. When the rebellion firft began, this .man
quitted his mafter, (who had relation to the King's fer
vice, and difcharged his duty faithfully), and put him
felf into the Parliament army ; where, having firft ob
tained the office of a cornet, he got up, by diligence and
fobriety, to the ftate of a captain, without any fignal
notice taken of him till the new model of the army ;
when Cromwell, who, poffibly, had knowledge of him
before, found him of a fpirit and difpofition fit for his
fervice, much given to prayer and to preaching, and,
otherwife, of an underftanding capable to be trufted in
any bufinefs ; to which his clerkfhip contributed very
much.: and then he was preferred very faft ; fo that, by
the time the King was brought to the army, he had
been a colonel of horfe, and looked upon as inferior to
few, after Cromwell and Ireton, in the Council of Officers
and in the government of the Agitators ; and there were
few men with whom Cromwell more communicated, or
upon whom he more depended for the conduct of any
thing committed to him. He received the King with
outward refpect, kept himfelf bare ; but attended him
with great ftrictnefs ; and was not to be approached by
any addrefs ; anfweririg queftions in fhort and few words,
and, when importuned, with rudenefs. He manifefled an
apprehenfion that the King had fome thought of
making an efcape, and did all things in order to prevent
it. Being to lodge at Windfor, and fo to pafs by Bag-
fhot, the King expreffed a defire to fee his little park at
Bagfhot, and fo to dine at the Lodge there, a place
where

OF THE REBELLION, &c. tf$
where he had ufed to take much pleafure ; and did not
diffemble the knowing that the Lord Newburgh, who
had lately married the Lady Aubigney, lived there ; and
faid, " he would fend a fervant to let that lady know
" that he would dine with her, that fhe might provide
" a dinner for him." Harrifon well knew the affection
of that lord and lady, and was very unwilling he fhould
make any ftay there ; but finding the King fo fixt upon
it, that he would not be otherwife removed from it than
by abfolutely refufing him to go thither, he chofe to
confent, and that his Majefty fhould fend a fervant ;
which he did the night before he intended to dine
there. Both lord and lady were of known duty and affection
to the King ; the lady, after her hufband the Lord Au
bigney had been killed at Edgehill, having fo far incenfed
the Parliament, that fhe had endured a long imprifon
ment, under a fufpicion that fhe had been privy to the
defign which had been difcovered by Mr. Waller, upon '
which Tomkins and Challoner had been put to death,
and had likewife herfelf been put to death, if fhe had not
¦made her efcape to Oxford. After the war was ended,
fhe had, with the King's approbation, married the Lord
Newburgh ; who had the fame affections. They had,
from the time of the King's being at Hampton Court,
concerted with his Majefly upon fuch means, that, in
the ffricteft reftraint he was under, they found a way
to write to, and to hear from him. And moft of the
letters which paffed between the King and the Queen
,paffed through their hands ; who had likewife a cipher
with the King, by which they gave him notice of any
thing they judged of importance for him to know.
They had given him notice that he would be fent for
from Hurft caftle, arid advifed him " to find fome way
b b 4 " that

376 THE HISTORY Book XI.
" that he might dine at the Lodge at Bagfhot ; and that
" he fhould take occafion, if he could, to lame the
" horfe he rode upon, or to find fuch fault with his
" going, that he might take another horfe out of the
" Lord Newburgh's ftables to continue the reft of his
" journey upon." That lord much delighted in horfes,
and had, at that time, in his ftables one of the fleeteft
that was in England ; and the purpofe was, to mount the
King upon that horfe, that, when he found a fit oppor
tunity, he might, upon the fudden, fet fpurs to him ;
and, if he could get out of the company that encom-
paffed him, he might, poflibly, by the fwiftnefs of his
horfe, and his own fkill in the moft obfcure ways of that
foreft, convey himfelf to another place in their view ;
and fo, three or four good horfes were laid in feveral
places. And this was the reafon that the King had fo
earneftly infilled upon dining at Bagfhot ; which being
in his way, and his cuftom being always to dine, they
could not reafonably deny him that liberty.
Before the King came thither, Harrifon had fent
fome horfe with an officer to fearch the houfe, and all
t about the park, that he might be fure that no company
lurked, which might make fome attempt. And the
King, all the morning, found fault with the going of his
horfe ; and faid, " he would change it, and procure a
The King a better." When his Maiefty came to the Lodge, he
dines at the ..... J. J . .° ,
Lord New- found his dinner ready, but was quickly informed,
where was " that the horfe fo much depended upon was, the day
oS?" before> by the blow of another horfe, fo lamed, that
efcaKe"but " he cov^& not be °f rife to the purpofe he was defigned
in vain. « for." And though that lord had other good horfes,
¦which in fuch an exigent might be made ufe of, yet the
King had obferved fo great difficulty to be in the
attempt all his journey, when he was encompaffed always

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 377
always in the middle of a hundred horfe, the officers
all exceedingly well horfed, and every man, officer, and
foldier, having a piftol ready fpanned in one hand, that
he refolved not to purfue that defign. And Harrifon
had already told him, " that he had provided a better
" horfe for him :" and it was believed he would never
have permitted him to have made ufe of one of the
Lord Newburgh's. So that after having fpent three or
four hours there with very much fatisfaction to himfelf,
though he was not fuffered to be in any room without
the company of fix or feven foldiers, who fuffered little
to be fpoken, except it was fo loud that they could hear
it too, he took a fad farewell of them, appearing to have
little hope ever to fee them again. The Lord Newburgh
rode fome miles in the foreft to wait upon the King,
till he was required by Harrifon to return. His Ma
jefty lodged that night at his caftle of Windfor, and was
foon after carried to St. James's. In this journey, Har- The King
rifon obferving that the King had always an apprehen- st?James°s.
fion that there was a purpofe to murder him, and had
once let fall fome words of " the odioufnefs and wicked-
" nefs of fuch an affaffination and murder, which
" could never be fafe to the perfon who undertook
" it ;" he told him plainly, " that he needed not to eri-
" tertain any fuch imagination or apprehenfion ; that
" the Parliament had too much honour and juftice to
" cherifh fo foul an intention ;" and affured him, " that
" whatever the Parliament refolved to do would be very
" public, and in a way of juftice ; to which the world
" fhould be witnefs ; and would never endure a thought
" of fecret violence :" which his Majefty could not per
fuade himfelf to believe; nor did imagine that they durft
ever produce him in the fight of the people, under any
form whatfoever of a public trial. It

378 THE HISTORY Book XI.
The feveral It hath been acknowledged fince by fome officers,
tions"Ua and odiers who were prefent at the confultations, that
afteTthi"d ^rom tbe t*me °^ tbe King's being at Hampton Court,
time, and after the army had maftered both the Parliament
among the . J ... ,
officers, and the city, and were weary of having the King with
with the them, and knew not well how to be rid of him, there
KinS! were many fecret confults what to do with him. And
it was generally concluded, " they fhould never be able
" to fettle their new form of government, whilft he
" lived :" and after he was become a prifoner in the Ifle
of Wight, they were more folicitous for a refolution
and determination in that particular : and after the vote
of no more addreffes, the moft violent party thought
" they could do nothing in order to their own ends, till
" he fhould be firfl dead ; and therefore, one way or
" other, that was to be compaffed in the firft place."
Some were for " an actual depofing him ; which could
" not but be eafily brought to pafs, fince the Parliament
" would vote any thing they fhould be directed :" others
were for "the taking away his life by poifon; which
" would make leaft noife ;" or, " if that could not be
" fo eafily contrived, by aflaffination ; for which there
" were hands enough ready to be employed." There
was a third fort, as violent as either of the other, who
preffed " to have him brought to a public trial as a
" malefactor; which," they faid, "would be moft for
" the honour of the Parliament, and would teach all
" Kings to know, that they were accountable and pu-
" nifhable for the wickednefs of their lives."
Many of the officers were of the firft opinion, " as a
" thing they had precedents for ; and that he being
" once depofed, they could better fettle the government
" than if he were dead; for his fon could pretend no
" right whilft he was alive ; whereas, if the father were
" dead,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 379
" dead, he would prefently call himfelf King, and others
" would call him fo too ; and, it may be, other Kings
" and Princes would own him for fuch. If he were
" kept alive in a clofe prifon, he might afterwards be
" made ufe of, or removed upon any appearance of a
" revolution." There were as many officers of the fecond judgment
" that he fhould be prefently difpatched." They faid,
" it appeared by the experience they had, that whilft he
" was alive, (for a more ftrict imprifonment than he had
" undergone, he could never be confined to), there '
" would be always plots and defigns to fet him at
" liberty ; and he would have parties throughout the
" kingdom ; and, in a fhort time, a faction in their
" moft fecret councils, and it may be in the army itfelf;
" and, where his liberty would yield fo great a price, it
" would be too great a truft to repofe in any man, that
" he would long refift the temptation. Whereas, if he
" were eonfeffedly dead, all thofe fears would be over ;
" efpecially if they proceeded with that circumfpection
" and feverity towards all his party, as in prudence they
" ought to do." This party might probably have carried
it, if Hammond could have been wrought upon to have
concurred ; but he had yet too much confcience to ex-
pofe himfelf to that infamy ; and without his privity or
connivance it could not be done.
The third party, which were all the levellers and
agitators of the army, in the head of which Ireton and l
Harrifon were, would not endure either of the other
ways ; and faid, " they could as eafily bring him to
"juftice in the fight of the fun, as depofe him; fince
" the authority of the Parliament could do one as well
" as the other : that their precedent of depofing had
" no reputation with the people ; but was looked upon " as

380 THE HISTORY BookXI.
" as the effect of fome potent faction, which always op-
" preffed the people more after, than they had been be-
" fore. Befides, thofe depofings had always been at-
" tended with affaffinations and murders, which were
" the more odious and detefted, becaufe nobody owned
" and avowed the bloody actions they had done. But
" if he were brought to a public trial, for the notorious
" ill things he had done, and for his mifgovernment,
" upon the complaint and profecution of the people,
" the fuperiority of the people would be hereby vindi-
" cated and made manifeft ; and they fhould receive the
" benefit, and be for ever free from thofe oppreflions
" which he had impofed upon them, and for which he
" ought to pay fo dear ; and fuch an exemplary pro-
" ceeding and execution as this, where every circum-
" fiance fhould be clear and notorious, would be the beft
" foundation and fecurity of the government they in-
" tended to eftablifh ; and no man would be ambitious
" to fucceed him, and be a King in his place, when he
" faw in what manner he muft be accountable to the
Concluded " people." This argumentation, or the ftrength and
"ubiteki1'1" °bftinacy of that party, carried it : and, hereupon, all
f'ed. that formality of proceeding, which afterwards was exer
cifed, was refolved upon and confented to.
Whether the incredibility or monftroufnefs of fuch a
kind of proceeding wrought upon the minds of men, or
whether the principal actors took pains, by their in-
ftnuations, to have it fo believed, it fell out however that
they among them who wifhed the King beft, and flood
neareft to the ftage where thefe parts were acted, did
not believe that there were thofe horrid intentions that
fhortly after appeared. The preachers, who had founded
the trumpets loudeft to, and throughout the war,
preached now as furioufly againft all wicked attempts and

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 381
and violence againft the perfon of the King, and foolifhly
urged the obligation of the Covenant (by which they had
involved him in all the danger he was in) for the fecurity
of his perfon.
As foon as the Prince heard of the King's being car
ried by Harrifon to Windfor, and from thence to St.
James's, though he had lately fent a fervant on purpofe
to fee his Majefty, and to bring him an account of the
ftate he was in, which fervant was not permitted to fee
him, he fent now another with a letter to Fairfax and The Prince
the Council of War, (for he knew the Parliament had ,*" ,0^"."
no authority), in which he told them, " that he had no^™^6
" other means to be informed of the health and con-War:
" dition of the King his royal father, but by the com-
" mon prints, and gerieral intelligences that arrived in
" thofe parts : he had reafon by thofe to believe, that,
" after the expiration of the treaty in the Ifle of Wight,
" (where he hoped the foundation for a happy peace
" had been laid), his Majefty had been carried to Hurft
" caftle ; and fince, by fome officers of the army, to
" Windfor, not without purpofe of a more violent pro-
" fecution ; the rumour whereof, though of fo mon-
" ftrous and incredible a nature, had called upon his
" piety to make this addrefs to them ; who had at this
" time the power to choofe, whether they would raife
" lafting monuments to themfelves of loyalty and piety,
" by reftoring their Sovereign to his juft rights, and
" their country to peace and happinefs, a glory which
" had been feldom abfolutely vouchfafed to fo fmall a
" number of men, or to make themfelves the authors of
"endlefs rnifery to the kingdom, by contributing or
" confenting to an act which all Chriftians, into how
" different opinions foever divided, muft abhor as the
" moft inconfiftent with the elements of any religion, " and

382 THE HISTORY Book XI.
" and deftructive to the fecurity and being of any kind
" of government : he did therefore earneftly defire and
" conjure them, fadly to confider the vaft and prodigious
" difproportion in that election ; and then," he faid,
" he could not doubt but that they would choofe to do
" that which is moft juft, fafe, and honourable for
" them to do ; make themfelves the bleft inftruments to
" preferve, defend, and reftore their King ; to whom
" only their allegiance was due ; by which every one
" of them might juftly promife themfelves peace of
" confcience, the Angular good will and favour of his
" Majefty, the ample thanks and acknowledgment of
" all good men, and the particular and unalterable affec-
" tion of the Prince himfelf." This letter was, with
much ado, delivered into the hands of Fairfax himfelf;
but the meffenger could never be admitted to fpeak
which was with him ; nor was there more known, than that it was
counSuf read in the Council of War, and laid afide.
Wd'afide* ^rom tne ^mQ °f ^e King's being come to St.
James's, when he was delivered into the hands and
cuftody of Colonel Tomlinfon, a colonel of foot, though
the officer feemed to be a man of a better breeding, and
of a nature more civil than Harrifon, and pretended to
pay much refpect and duty to the King in his outward
The ufage demeanour, yet his Majefty, after a fhort time, was
"[g^14"16 treated with more rudenefs and barbarity than he had
James's, ever been before. They were fo jealous of their own
guards, left they fhould be wrought upon by the influ
ence of this innocent Prince, or by the remorfe of their
own confcience upon the exercife of fo much barbarity,
that they caufed the guards to be ftill changed ; and the
fame men were never fuffered twice to perform the fame
, monftrous duty.
When he was firft brought to Weftminfter-hafl, which

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 383
which was upon the twentieth of January, before their He is
High Court of Juftice, he looked upon them, and fate ^[^
down, without any manifeftation of trouble, never ^er"hall»
7 J ' Jan. 20.
ftirring his hat ; all the impudent judges fitting covered,
and fixing their eyes upon him, without the leaft fhew
of refpect. The odious libel, which they called aThefumof
charge and impeachment, was then read by the clerk ; hls charse-
which, in effect, contained, " that he had been admitted
" King of England, and trufted with a limited power to
" govern according to law ; and, by his oath and office,
" was obliged to ufe the power committed to him for
" the good and benefit of the people: but that he had,
" out of a wicked defign to erect to himfelf an illimited
*f and tyrannical power, and to overthrow the rights;'and '
" liberties of the people, traitoroufly levied war againft
" the prefent Parliament, and the people therein repre-
<c fented." And then it mentioned his firft appearance
at York with a guard, then his being at Beverly, then
his fetting up his ftandard at Nottingham, the day of
the month and the year in which the battle had been
at Edgehill, and all the other feveral battles which had
been fought in his prefence ; " in which," it faid, " he had
" caufed and procured many thoufands of the free-born
" people of the nation to be flain : that after all his
" forces had been defeated, and himfelf become a pri-
" foner, he had, in that very year, caufed many infur-
" rections to be made in England, and given a c'ommif-
" fion to the Prince his fon to raife a new war againft
" the Parliament ; whereby many who were in their
" fervice, and trufted by them, had revolted, broken
" their truft, and betook themfelves to the fervice of the
" Prince againft the Parliament and the people : that he
" had been the author and contriver of the unnatural,
" cruel, and bloody wars ; and was therein guilty of all
"the

384 THE HISTORY Book XL
" the treafons, murders, rapines, burnings, and fpoils, de-
" folations, damage, and mifchief to the nation, which
" had been committed in the faid war, or been occa-
" fioned thereby ; and that he was therefore impeached
" for the faid treafons and crimes, on the behalf of the
" people of England, as a tyrant, traitor, and murderer,
" and a public implacable enemy to the commonwealth
" of England." And it was prayed, " that he might be
" put to anfwer to all the particulars, to the end that
** fuch an examination, trial, and judgment, might
" be had thereupon, as fhould be agreeable to juftice."
What Which being read, their prefident Bradfhaw, after he
siftfeda,hof nad infofently reprehended the King " for not having
his trial. " fhewed more refpect to that high tribunal," told him,
" that the Parliament of England had appointed that
" court to try him for the feveral treafons, and mif-
" demeanours, which he had committed againft the
" kingdom during the evil adminiftration of his govern-
" ment ; and that, upon the examination thereof, juftice
" might be done." And, after a great faucinefs and
impudence of talk, he a/ked the King, " what anfwer he
" had to make to that impeachment."
The King, without any alteration in his countenance
by all that infofent provocation, told them, " he would
" firft know of them, by what authority they prefumed
" by force to bring him before them, and who gave them
" power to judge of his actions, for which he was ac-
" countable to none but God ; though they had been
" always fuch as he need not be afhamed to own them
" before all the world." He told them, "that he was their
" King, they his fubjects ; who owed him duty and
" obedience : that no Parliament had authority to call
" him before them ; but that they were not the Parlia-
" ment, nor had any authority from the Parliament to fit
"in

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 385
" in that manner : that of all the perfons who fate there,
" and took upon them to judge him, except thofe per-
" fons who being officers of the army he could not but
" know whilft he was forced to be amongft them, there
" were only two faces which he had ever feen before, or
" whofe names were known to him." And, after urg
ing " their duty, that was due to him, and his fupe~
" riority over them," by fuch lively reafons, and argu
ments, as were not capable of any anfwer, he concluded,
" that he would not fo much betray himfelf, and his
" royal dignity, as to anfwer any thing they objected
" againft him, which were to acknowledge their author-
" ity ; though he believed that every one of themfelves,
" as well as the fpectators, did, in their own confciences,
*' abfolve him from all the material things which were
" objected againft him."
Bradfhaw advifed him, in a very arrogant manner,
" not to deceive himfelf with an opinion that any thing
" he had faid would do him any good : that the Parlia-
" ment knew their own authority, and would not fuffer
" it to be called in queftion or debated :" therefore re
quired him, " to think better of it, againft he fhould be
" next brought thither, and that he would anfwer di-
" rectly to his charge ; otherwife, he could not be fo
" ignorant, as not to know what judgment the law
te~ pronounced againft thofe who ftood mute, and ob-
" flinately refufed to plead." So the guard carried his
Majefty back to St. James's; where they treated him as
before. There was an accident happeried that firft day, which Difturb-
may be fit to be remembered. When all thofe who ^J^
were commiffioners had taken their places, and the KingpidyFair-
r ' P fax the.Ge-
was brought in, the firft ceremony was, to read their nerai's
commiffion ; which was the Ordinance of Parliament
vol. in. p. 1. c c for

3&6 THE HISTORY Book XL
for the trial ; and then the judges were all called, every
man anfwering to his name as he Was called, and the
Prefident being firft called and making anfwer,' the next
who was called being the General, Lord Fairfax, and no
anfwer being made, the officer called him the fecond
time, when there was a Voice heard that faid, " he had
" more wit than to be there ;" which put the court into
fome diforder, and fomebody afking, who it was, there
was no other anfwer but a little murmuring. But, pre
fently, when the impeachment was read, and that ex-
preffion ufed, of " all the good people of England,"
the fame voice in a louder tone anfwered, " No, nor
" the hundredth part of them :" Upon which, one of
the officers bid the foldiers give fire into that box whence
thofe prefumptuous words were uttered. But it was
quickly difcerned that it was the General's wife, the
' Lady Fairfax, who had uttered both thofe fharp fay-
ings ; who was prefently perfuaded or forced to leave
the place, to prevent any new diforder. She was of a
very noble extractioni, one of the daughters and heirs of
< Horace Lord Vere of Tilbury ; who, having been bred
in Holland, had not that reverence for the Church of
England, as fhe ought to have had, and fo had Unhap
pily concurred in her hufband's entering into rebellion,
never imagining what mifery it would bring upon the
kingdom ; and now abhorred the Work in hand as much
as any body could do, and did all fhe could to hinder
her hufband from acting any part in it. Nor did he.
ever fit in that bloody court, though he was throughout
overwitted by Cromwell, and made a property to bring
that to pafs which could very hardly have been other-
wife effected.
As there was in many perfons prefent at that woful
fpecftacle a real duty and compaffion for the King, fo
there

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 387
there was in others fo barbarous and brutal a behaviour
towards him, that they called him tyrant and mur
derer ; and one fpit in his face ; which his Majefty,
without expreffing any trouble, wiped off with his hand
kerchief. The two men who were only known to the King be- SirH. mm.
fore the troubles, were Sir Harry Mildmay, Mafter of^john
the King's Jewel- houfe, who had been bred up in the1?11"'"3
C3 ¦ » r the only
Court, being younger brother of a good family in Effex, 'w° perfons
and who had been profecuted with fo great favours and knew be-
bounties by King James, and by his Majefty, that he officers of
was raifed by them to a great eftate, and preferred to the army'
that office in his houfe, which is the beft under thofe
which entitle the officers to be of the Privy Council.
No man more obfequious to the Court than he, whilft
it flourifhed ; a great flatterer of all perfons in author- .
ity, and a fpy in all places for them. From the begin
ning of the Parliament, he concurred with thofe who
were moft violent againft the Court, and moft like to
prevail againft it ; and being thereupon branded with
ingratitude, as that brand commonly makes men moft
impudent, he continued his defperate pace with them,
till he became one of the murderers of his mafter. The
other was Sir John Danvers, the younger brother and
heir of the Earl of Danby, who was a gentleman of the
Privy Chamber to the King, and being neglected by
his brother, and having, by a vain expence in his way
of living, ' contracted a vaft debt, which he knew not
how to pay, and being a proud, formal, weak man,
between being feduced and a feducer, became fo far in
volved in their counfels, that he fuffered himfelf to be
applied to their worft offices, taking it to be a high ho
nour to fit upon the fame bench with Cromwell, who
employed and contemned him at once: nor did that
c c a ¦ party

388

THE HISTORY Book XL

party of mifcreants look upon any two men in the
kingdom with that fcorn and deteftation, as they did
upon Danvers and Mildmay.
Afummary The feveral unheard of infolences which this excel-
the rel °o" lent Prince was forced to fubmit to, at the other times
trial Kjne'S ne was brought before that odious judicatory, his ma-
jeftic behaviour, and refolute infifting upon his own
dignity, and defending it by manifeft authorities in the
law, as well as by the cleareft deductions from reafon,
the pronouncing that horrible fentence upon the moft
innocent perfon in the world, the execution of that fen
tence by the moft execrable murder that was ever com
mitted fince that of our bleffed Saviour, and the cir
cumftances thereof; the application and interpofition
that was ufed by fome noble perfons to prevent that
woful murder, and the hypocrify with which that inter
pofition was eluded, the faint-like behaviour of that
bleffed martyr, and his Chriftian courage and patience
at his death, are all particulars fo well known, and have
been fo much enlarged upon in a treatife peculiarly writ
to that purpofe, that the farther mentioning it in- this
place would but afflict and grieve the reader, and make
the relation itfelf odious as well as needlefs ; and there
fore no more fhall be faid here of that deplorable tra
gedy, fo much to the difhonour of the nation, and the
religion profeffed by. it, though undefervedly.
His cha- But it will not be unneceflary to add a fhort cha-
rafter .
racter of his perfon, that pofterity may know the in-
eftimable lofs which the nation then underwent, in be
ing deprived of a Prince, whofe example would have
had a greater influence upon the manners and piety of
the nation, than the moft ftrict laws can have. To
fpeak firft of his private qualifications as a man, before
the mention of his princely and royal virtues ; he was, if

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 389
if ever any, the moft worthy of the title of an hOneft
man; fo great a lover of juftice, that no temptation His juftice
could difpofe him to a wrongful action, except it wasan mercy'
fo difguifed to him that he believed it to be juft. He
had a tendernefs and compaffion of nature, which re- '
ftrained him from ever doing a hard-hearted thing : and
therefore he was fo apt to grant pardon to malefactors,
that the Judges of the land reprefented to him the
damage and infecurity to the public, that flowed from
fuch his indulgence. And then he reflrained himfelf
from pardoning either murders, or highway robberies,
and quickly difcerned the fruits of his feverity by a
wonderful reformation of thofe enormities. He wasnisdevo-
very punctual and regular in his devotions ; he was ligjon" re"
never known to enter upon his recreations or fports,
though never fo early in the morning, before he had
been at public prayers ; fo that on hunting days his
chaplains were bound to a very early attendance. He
was likewife very ftrict in obferving the hours of his
private cabinet devotions ; and was fo fevere an exactor
of gravity and reverence in all mention of religion, that
he could never endure any light or profane word, with
what fharpnefs of wit foever it was covered: and though
he was well pleafed and delighted with reading verfes
made upon any occafion, no man durft bring before
him any thing that was profane or unclean. That kind
of wit had never any countenance then. He was fo His conju-
great an example of conjugal affection, that they whoga c aftlty"
did not iriritate him in that particular durft not brag of
their liberty : and he did not only permit, but direct
his bifhops to profecute thofe fcandalous vices, in the
eCclefiaftical courts, againft perfons of eminence, and
near relation to his fervice.
His kingly virtues had fome mixture and allay, that
c c 3 hin-

390 THE HISTORY Book XI.
hindered them from fhining in full luftre, and from
producing thofe fruits they fhould have been attended
Hfe was notwith. He was not in his nature very bountiful, though
tifui. he gave very much. This appeared more after the
Duke of Buckingham's death, after which thofe fhowers
fell very rarely ; and he paufed too long in giving,
which made thofe, to whom he gave, lefs fenfible of the
He kept benefit. He kept ftate to the full, which made his
Court. Court very orderly ; no man prefuming to be feen in a
place where he had no pretence to be. He faw and ob
ferved men long, before he received them about his per
fon ; and did not love ftrangers, nor very confident
Patient in men. He was a patient hearer of caufes ; which he fre-
caufesf quently accuftomed himfelf to at the Council Board ;
and judged very well, and was dexterous in the mediat
ing part : fo that he often put an end to caufes by per-
fuafion, which the flubbornnefs of men's humours made
dilatory in courts of juftice.
Feariefs, He was very fearlefs in his perfon ; but, in his riper
prifing"" years, not very enterprifing. • He had an excellent un-
Not confi- derftanding, but was not confident enough of it ; which
ntjuds-S made him oftentimes change his own opinion for a
worfe, and follow the advice of men that did not judge
fo well as himfelf. This made him more irrefolute
than the conjuncture of his affairs would admit : if he
had been of a rougher and more imperious nature, he
would have found more refpect and duty. And his
not applying fome fevere cures to approaching evils
proceeded from the lenity of his nature, and the tender-
nefs of his confcience, which, in all cafes of blood, made
him choofe the fofter way, and not hearken to fevere
counfels, how reafonably foever urged. This only re-
flrained him from purfuing his advantage in the firft
Scottifh expedition, when, humanly fpeaking, he might have

Ownment

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 391
have reduced that nation to the moft entire obedience
that could have been wifhed. But no man can fay he had
then many who advifed him to it, but the contrary, by
a wonderful indifpofition all his Council had to the war,
or any other fatigue. He was always a great lover of Lover of
the Scottifh nation, having not only been born there, tifn nation.
but educated by that people, and befieged by them al
ways, having few Englifh about him till he was king ;
and the major number of his fervants being ftill of that
nation, who he thought could never fail him. And
among thefe, no man had fuch an afcendant over
him, by the humbleft infinuations, as Duke Hamilton '
had. As he excelled in all other virtues, fo in temperance Abhorred
he was fo ftrict, that he abhorred all debauchery to thatery."
degree, that, at a great feftival folemnity, where he
once was, when very many of the nobility of the Eng
lifh and Scots were entertained, being told by one who
withdrew from thence, what vaft draughts of wine they
drank, and " that there was one Earl, who had drank
" moft of the reft down, andwas not himfelf moved or
" altered," the King faid, " that he deferved to be
" hanged ;" and that Earl coming fhortly after into
the room where his Majefty was, in fome gaiety, to
ffiew how unhurt he was from that battle, the King fent
one to bid him withdraw from his Majefty's prefence;;
nor did he in fome days after appear before him.
So many miraculous circumftances contributed to
his ruin, that men might well think that heaven and
earth confpired it. Though he was, from the firft de-
clenfion of his power, fo much betrayed by his own
fervants, that there were very few who remained faithful
to him, yet that treachery proceeded not always from
any treafonable purpofe to do him any harm, but from
c c 4 par-

392 THE HISTORY Book XL
particular and perfonai animofities againft other men.
And, afterwards, the terror all men were under of the
Parliament, and the guilt they were confcious of them
felves, made them watch all opportunities to make
themfelves gracious to thofe who could do them good ;
and fo they became fpies upori their mafter, and from
one piece of kriavery were hardened and confirmed to
undertake another ; till at laft they had no hope of pre
fervation but by the deftruction of their mafter. And
after all this, when a man might reafonably believe that
lefs than a univerfal defection of three nations could
not have reduced a great King to fo ugly a fate, it is
moft certain, that, in that very hour when he was thus
Beloved by wickedly murdered in the fight of the fun, he had as
irTgenerai great a fhare in the hearts and affections of his fubjects
was mur- m general> was as much beloved,, efteemed, and longed
dered. for by ^ne' people in general of the three nations, as any
The fum of of his predeceffors had ever been. To conclude, he
rafter*" was ^e worthieft gentleman, the beft mafter, the beft
friend, the beft hufband, the beft father, and the beft
Chriftian, that the age in which' he lived produced. And
if he were not the greateft king, if he were without fome
parts and qualities which have made fome kings great
and happy, no other prince was ever unhappy who
was poffeffed of half his virtues and endowments, and fo
much without any kind of vice.
This unparalleled murder and parricide was commit
ted upon the thirtieth of January, in the year, according
to the account ufed in England, 1 648, in the forty and
ninth year of his age, and when he had fuch excellent
health, and fo great vigour of body, that when his mur
derers caufed him to be opened, (which they did, and
were fome of them prefent at it with great curiofity,) they
confeffed and declared, " that no man had ever all his
" vital

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 393
" vital parts fo perfect and unhurt : and that he feemed
" to be of fo admirable a compofition and conftitution,
" that he would probably have lived as long as nature
" could fubfift." His body was immediately carried His funeral.
into a room at Whitehall ; where he was expofed
for many days to the public view, that all men might
know that he was not alive. And he was then em
balmed, and put into a coffin, and fo carried. to St.
James's ; where he likewife remained feveral days.
They who were qualified to order his funeral declared,
" that he ffiould be buried at Windfor in a decent
" manner, provided that the whole expence ffiould not
" exceed five hundred pounds." The Duke of Rich
mond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earls of South
ampton and Lindfey, who had- been of his bedcham
ber, and always very faithful to him, defired thofe who
governed, " that they might have leave to perform the
" laft duty to their dead mafter, and to wait upon him
¦" to his grave ;" which, after fome paufes, they were
permitted to do, with this, " that they fhould not at-
" tend the corpfe out of the town ; fince they refolved
" it fhould be privately carried to Windfor without
" pomp or noife, and then they fhould have timely
" notice; that, if they pleafed, they might be at his in-
" terment." And accordingly it was committed to four
-of thofe fervants, who had been by them appointed to
wait upon him during his imprifonment, that they
fhould convey the body to Windfor ; which they did.
And it was, that night, placed in that chamber which
had ufually been his bedchamber : the next morning,
.it was carried into the great hall ; where it remained till
the lords came ; who arrived there in the afternoon,
and immediately went to Colonel Whitchcot, the Go
vernor of the caftle, and fhewed the order they had
from

394

THE HISTORY Book XL
from the Parliament to be prefent at the burial ; which
he admitted : but when they defired that his Majefty
might be buried according to the form of the Common
Prayer Book, the Bifhop of London being prefent with
them to officiate, he pofitively and roughly refufed to
confent to it ; and faid, " it was not lawful ; that the
" Common Prayer Book was put down, and he would
" not fuffer it to be ufed in that garrifon where he
" commanded ;" nor could all the reafons, perfuafions,
and entreaties, prevail with him to fuffer it. Then they
went into the church, to make choice of a place for
burial. But when they entered into it, which they had
been fo well acquainted with, they found it fo altered
and transformed, all infcriptions, and thofe land-marks
pulled down, by which all men knew every particular
place in that church, and fuch a difmal mutation over
the whole, that they knew not where they were : nor
was there one old officer that had belonged to it, or
knew where our princes had ufed to be interred. At
laft there was a fellow of the town who undertook to
tell them the place, where, he faid, " there was a vault,
" in which King Harry the Eighth and Queen Jane
" Seymour were interred." As near that place as could
conveniently be, they caufed the grave to be made.
There the King's body was laid without any words, or
other ceremonies than the tears and fighs of the few be
holders. Upon the coffin was a plate of filver fixed
with thefe words only, King Charles 1648. When the
coffin was put in, the black velvet pall that had covered
it was thrown over it, and then the earth thrown in ;
which the Governor flayed to fee perfectly done, and
then took the keys of the church.
I have been the longer and the more particular in
this relation, that I may from thence take occafion to
men-

• OF THE REBELLION, &c. 395
mention what fell out long after, and which adminifter-
ed a fubject of much difcourfe ; in which, according to
the feveral humours and fancies of men, they who were
in neareft credit and truft about the King underwent
many very fevere cenfures and reproaches, not without
reflection upon the King himfelf. Upon the return of
King Charles the Second with fo much congratulation,
and univerfal joy of the people, above ten years after
the murder of his father, it was generally expected that
the body fhould be removed from that obfcure burial,
and, with fuch ceremony as fhould be thought fit,
ffiould be folemnly depofited with his royal anceftors in
King Harry the Seventh's Chapel in the collegiate
church of Weftminfter. And the King himfelf in
tended nothing more, and fpoke often of it, as if it
were only deferred till fome circumftances and ceremo
nies in the doing it might be adjufted. But, by de
grees, the difcourfe of it was diminifhed, as if it were to
tally laid afide upon fome reafons of ftate, the ground
. whereof feveral men gueffed at according to their fan
cies, and thereupon caft thofe reproaches upon the
ftatefmen as they thought reafonable, when the reafons
' which were fuggefted by their own imaginations did
not fatisfy their underftanding, For the fatisfaction
and information of all men, I choofe in this place to
explain that matter ; which, it may be, is not known to
many; and at that time was not, for many reafons,
thought fit to be publifhed. The Duke of Richmond
was dead before the King returned ; the Marquis of
Hertford died in a fhort time after, and was feldom out
of his lodging after his Majefty came to Whitehall:
the Earl of Southampton and the Earl of Lindfey went
to Windfor, and took with them fuch of their own fer
vants as had attended them in that fervice, and as many
others

39S THE HISTORY Book XI.
others as they remembered had been then prefent, and
were ftill alive ; who all amounted to a fmall number ;
there being, at the time of the interment, great ftrict-
nefs ufed in admitting any to be prefent whofe names
were not included in the order which the lords had
brought. In a word, the confufion they had at that
time obferved to be in that church, and the fmall alter
ations which were begun to be made towards decency,
fo totally perplexed their memories, that they could not
fatisfy themfelves in what place or part of the church
the royal body was interred : yet, where any concurred
upon this or that place, they caufed the ground to be
opened at a good diftance, and, upon fuch enquiries,
found no caufe to believe that they were near the
place : and, upon their giving this account to the King,
the thought of that remove was laid afide ; and the
reafon communicated to very few, for the better dif-
countenancing farther enquiry.
Though this wicked and abominable action had to a
degree fatisfied their malice, it had not enough pro
vided for their ambition or fecurity. They had no
fooner freed themfelves from one, than another King
was grown up in his place. And befides the old royal
party, which continued ftill vigorous, notwithftanding
their lofs of fo much blood, and (which weakens almoft
as much) of fo great eftates, they did apprehend that
there were in the vaft number of the guilty (who qui
etly looked on upon the removal of the old, whom they
had fo grievoufly offended) who would yet be very
willing to fubmit, and be obedient to the new King ;
who was like to find more friends abroad, as well as at
home, than his father had done. And therefore they
made hafte to prevent this threatening evil, by publi fil
ing a proclamation, " that no perfon whatfoever fhould " pre-

OF THE REBELLION, &c.

397

" prefume to declare Charles Stuart, fon of the late Prociama-
" Charles, commonly called the Prince of Wales, or P'°oda?m?
" any other perfon, to be King, or Chief Magiftrate of st*a«h,rleg
," England, or Ireland, or of any dominions belonging Kins-
" thereunto, by colour of inheritance, fucceffion, elec-
" tion, or any other claim whatfoever ; and that who-
" ever, contrary to this Act, prefume to proclaim, &c.
" fhould be deemed and adjudged a traitor, and fuffer
" accordingly." In the next place, that their infant republic might be
nurfed, cherifhed, and brought up by thofe only who
had gotten and brought it forth, they refolved to take
away and abolifh the Houfe of Peers, and voted, " thatTheCom-
" they would make no farther addreffes to the Houfe of lift the
" Lords, nor receive any more from them : that the p^rs! °
" Houfe of Peers, in Parliament, was ufelefs and dan-
" gerous ; and that an Act fhould be brought in for
" abolifhing it : that the privilege of the Peers, of being
" freed from arrefls, fhould be declared null and void ;"
all which was done within few days. However, they
declared, " that the Peers fhould have the privilege
" to be elected knights, or burgeffes ;" of which gra
cious conceffion fome of them took the benefit foon
after, and fate, upon their election into vacant places,
in the Houfe of Commons.
There remained yet another provifion to be made
againft their own ambition ; for it was well known, that
there were yet amongft them many who were not
equally fond of a commonwealth ; and therefore they
declared, "that it had been found by experience, thatvoteagainft
'¦' the office of a King in this nation, or to have the kingfhip! °
" power thereof in any fingle perfon, was unneceffary,
" burdenfome, and dangerous to the liberty, and fafety,,
" and public intereft of the nation ; and therefore that " it

398 THE HISTORY Book XL
" it fhould be utterly abolifhed ; and to that purpofe
"an Act fhould be forthwith prepared:" which was
likewife done, and paffed. And by this triple cord they
believed their republic would be ftrongly compacted,
and fufficiently provided for.
They make Their new Great Seal was by this time ready ;
fieair rea whereon was engraven, on one fide, the arms of Eng
land and Ireland, with this infcription, The Great Seal
of England; and on the other fide the portraiture of
the Houfe of Commons fitting, circumfcribed, In the
firfl year of freedom by God's bleffing reftored, 1 648.
The cuftody of this Great Seal was committed to three
lawyers, whereof one had fate among the King's Judges,
and the others had contributed too much to their fer
vice. All things being now in this good order, they
fent for their Judges, to agree upon the formality and
circumftances of proceedings. For it was declared by
the Parliament, " that they were fully refolved to main-
" tain and uphold the fundamental laws of the nation,
" in order to the prefervation of the lives, property,
" and liberty of the people, notwithftanding all the al-
" terations made in the government for the good of the
" people :" and the writs were no more to run in the
, King's name, as they had always done, but the name,
ftyle, and teft, to be CuJtodes libertatis AngJia, authori-
tate P-drliamenti. If it were not a tiling fo notorioufly
.known, it could not be believed, that of twelve Judges,
whereof ten were of their own making, and the other
two had quietly fubmitted, from the beginning of the
six of their war, to the authority that governed, fix laid down their
site up?5** places, and could not give themfelves leave to accept
commiffions from the new eftablifhed power. So agu-
-ifh and fantaftical a thing is the confcience of men who
-have once departed from the rule of confcience, in hope to

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 399
to be permitted to adhere to it again upon a lefs preff
ing occafion.
It will be requifite, at leaft it may not be unfit, to How fome
reft and make a paufe in this place, to take a view, with ing Princes
what countenance the Kings and Princes of Chriften- K°ngis c
dom had their eyes fixed Upon this fad and bloody murder*
fpectaele ; how they looked upon that iffue of blood,
at which their own feemed to be fo prodigally poured
out; with what confternation their hearts laboured to
fee the impious hands of the loweft and bafeft fubjects
bathing in the bowels and reeking blood of their Sove
reign ; a brother King, the anointed of the Lord, dif-
membered as a malefactor ; what combination and
union was entered into, to take vengeance upon thofe
monfters, and to vindicate the royal blood thus wicked
ly fpilt. Alas ! there was , fcarce a murmur amongft
any of them at it ; but, as if they had been all called
upon in the language of the Prophet Ifaiah, Go, ye
fwift mejfengers, to a nation fcattered and peeled, to a
people terrible from the beginning hitherto, to a nation
meted out, and trodden down, whofe lands the rivers
have fpoiled, they made hafte, and fent over, that they
might get ffiares in the fpoils of a murdered monarch.
Cardinal Mazarine, who, in the infancy of the French
King, managed that fceptre, had long adored the con
duct of Cromwell, and fought his friendfhip by a lower
and viler application than was fuitable to the purple of
a Cardinal, ferit now to be admitted as a merchant to
traffic in the purchafe of the rich goods and jewels of
the rifled Crown, of which he purchafed the rich beds,
hangings, and carpets, which furnifhed his palace at *
Paris. The King of Spain had, from the beginning of
the rebellion, kept Don1 Alonzo de Cardinas, who had
been his ambaffador to the King, refiding ftill at Lon don,

40O THE HISTORY Book XL
don, and he had, upon feveral occafions, many au
diences from the Parliament, and feveral treaties on
foot ; and as foon as this difmal murder was over, that
ambaffador, who had always a great malignity towards
the King, bought as many pictures,, and other precious
goods appertaining to the Crown, as, being fent in fhips
to the Corunna in Spain, were carried from thence to
Madrid upon eighteen mules. Chriftina, Queen of
Sweden, purchafed the choice of all the medals, and
jewels, and fome pictures of a great price, and received
the Parliament's agent with great joy and pomp, and
made an alliance with them. The Archduke Leopold,
who was Governor of Flanders, difburfed a great fum
of money for many of the beft pictures, which adorned
the feveral palaces of the King ; which were all brought
to 'him to Bruffels, and from thence carried by him into
Germany. In this manner did the neighbour Princes
! join to affift Cromwell with very great fums of money,
whereby he was enabled to profecute and finifh his ,
wicked victory over what yet remained unconquered,
and to extinguifh monarchy in this renowned kingdom;
whilft they enriched and adorned themfelves with the
ruins and fpoils of the furviving heir, without applying
any part thereof to his relief, in the greateft neceffities
which ever King was fubject to. And that which is
ftranger than all this, (fince moft men, by recovering
their fortunes, ufe to recover moft of what they were
before robbed of, many who joined in the robbery pre
tending that they took care to preferve it for the true
owner), not one of all thefe Princes ever reftored any of
their unlawful purchafes to the King, after his bleffed
reftoration. Whilft thefe perfidious wretches had their hands ftill
reeking in the precious blood of their Sovereign, they
were

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 401
were put upon a new piece of butchery, as neceffary to
the eftablifhment of their new tyranny. The King
was no fooner dead, but they declared, as hath been
faid, " that from this time England fhould be go-
" verned as a commonwealth by the Parliament ;" that
is, by that handfull of men, who by their wifdom and
power had wrought this wonderful alteration. And be
caufe the number of thofe appeared very fmall, and the
number of thofe they had excluded was as vifible, they
made an order and declaration, " that as many of the
" members who had been excluded, as would under
" their hands approve all that had been done during
" the time they were excluded, fhould retorn to their
" feats in the Houfe without any prejudice for the fu-
" ture." Hereupon divers went again into the Houfe,
fatisfying themfelves that they were not guilty of the
innocent royal blood' that had been fpit ; and fo their,
number increafed. They had made a new Great Seal,
as hath been faid, and called the commiffioners, who
were entrufted with the keeping thereof, the Keepers of
the Liberties of England. And the Court of King's
Bench they called the Upper Bench, and appointed cer
tain perfons to confider of fiich alterations as wererne-
ceflary to be made in the laws of England, in regard of
fo important a mutation. That they might have fome
obligation of obedience from their fubjects for the fth
ture, who had broken all the former oaths which they
had taken, a new oath was prepared and eftablifhed,
which they called an Engagement ; the form whereof An oath
was, that every man fhould fwear, " that he would be called the.
" true and faithful to the government eftablifhed with- mem?6"
" out King or Houfe of Peers :" and whofoever refufed
to take that Engagement fhould be incapable of holding
any place or office in Church or State. The neceffity
vol.. III. p. 1. d d of

40a THE HISTORY Book XI.
of taking which oath did not only exclude all of the royal
party, but freed them from very many who had offices
in Church and State, who, being of the Prefbyterian
party, durft not facrifice their beloved Covenant to this
new Engagement. And fo they filled many confidera
ble places, both in the one and the other, with men
throughly prepared for their fervice. But before they
could model and finiffi all this, and whilft it was pre
paring, they had, in feveral parts of the kingdom,
terrified the people with blood-fpectacles, in the exe
cuting many of the perfons who had been taken. And,
that all hopes and pretences might be taken away from
their fubjects, the Peers of England, that they ffiould
hereafter have any thing to do in declaring what the
a new fundamental laws of the land were, a new High Court of
o/juftice"' Juftice was appointed to fit for the trial of Duke Ha-
feveraind milton, the Earl of Holland, the Earl of Norwich, the
1 thernbefore-k°r(* Capel, and another gentleman, one Sir John
Owen, (who, having been heretofore a colonel in the
King's army, had in a late infurrection in Wales killed
the High Sheriff,) that they ¦ might fee there ffiould
hereafter be no more diftinction of quality in trials for
life, but that the greateft lord and the commoners
fhould undergo the fame judicatory, and form of trial.
Nor could it be thought unreafonable, that all the
creations of the Crown ffiould be determined by that
jurifdiction to which the Crown itfelf had been fub
ject ed.
Duke Ha- Duke Hamilton could not well be thought other
milton firft . .. to
tried. than a prifoner of war, and fo not liable to a trial for
his life. He had attempted to make an efcape ; in
which he had fo well fucceeded, that he was out of his
enemies' hands full three days ; but being impatient to
be at a greater diftance from them, he was apprehended as

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 403
as he was taking horfe in Southwark ; and carried pri
foner into the Tower ; from whence he was brought,
with the others, before that High Court of Juftice.
He infifted upon " the right and privilege of the king-
" dom of Scotland ; that it had not the leaft de-
" pendence upon the kingdom of England, but was en-
" tirely governed by its own laws : that he, being a
"fubject of that kingdom, was bound to obey the
."commands thereof; and the Parliament of that king-
" dom having thought it neceffary to. raife an army for
" the relief of their King, and conftituted him General
" of that army, it was not lawful for him to refufe the
" command thereof; and whatever misfortune he had
" undergone with it, he could not be underftood to be
" liable to any punifhment but what a prifoner of war
" was bound to undergo." He was told, " that the
" rights and laws of the kingdom of Scotland were not
" called in queftion, nor could be violated by their
" proceedings againft him, who was a fubject of Eng-
" land ; againft which he was charged with rebellion
" and treafon : that they did not proceed againft him
" as Duke Hamilton of Scotland, but as Earl of Cam-
" bridge in England, and they would judge him as
" fuch." The Earl of Holland was not at that time in Then the
a good difpofition of health, and fo anfwered little, as a Holland.
man that would rather receive his life by their favour,
than from the ftrength of his defence. The Earl ofThe Ear of
Norwich behaved himfelf with great fubmiffion to the
Court, and with all thofe addreffes as were moft like to
reconcile his judges to him, and to prevail over their
affections : fpoke of " his being bred up in the Court
" from his cradle, in the time of Queen Elizabeth ; of
%" his having been a fervant to King James all his
d d 2 " reign ;

404 THE HISTORY Book XL

cc

reign ; of his dependence upon Prince Harry ; aftef-
" wards upon the late King ; of the obligations he had
" to. the Crown, and of his endeavours to ferve it ;"
and concluded as a man that would be beholding to
them, if they would give him leave to live.
The Lord The Lord Capel appeared undaunted, and utterly
Cape' refufed to fubmit to their jurifdiclion ; "that in the
" condition and capacity of a foldier and a prifoner of
" war, he faid, the lawyers and gownmen had nothing
" to do with him, and therefore he would not anfwer
" to any thing which they had faid againft him ;" (Steel
having treated him with great rudenefs and infolence ;)
but infifted upon " the law of nations, which exempted
" all prifoners, though fubmitting to mercy, from
" death, if it was not inflicted within fo many days :
" which were long fince expired." He urged " the
" declaration which Fairfax the General had made to
" him, and the reft of the prifoners, after the death of
" Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lifle; that no other
" of their lives fhould be in danger, which he had wit-
" neffes ready to prove, if they might be admitted ;"
and concluded, " that, if he had committed any offence
" worthy of death, he might be tried by his peers :
" which was his right by the laws of the land ; the be-
" nefit whereof he required." Ireton, who was prefent,
and fate, as .one of his judges, denied " that the General
" had made any fuch promife, and if he had, that the
" Parliament's authority could not be reftrained there-
" by ;" and put him in mind of his carriage at that
time, and how much he neglected then the General's
civility. The other infifted ftill on the promife ; and
urged " that the General might be fent for and ex-
" amined ;" which they knew not how to deny ; but, in
regard

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4o5
regard of his indifpofition of health, they faid they
would fend to him, whilft they proceeded againft Sir
John Owen, who was the other prifoner.
He anfwered them without any application, " that sir John
" he was a plain gentleman of Wales, who had been
" always taught to bbey the King ; that he had ferved
" him honeftly during the war, and finding afterwards
" that many honeft men endeavoured to raife forces,
tf whereby they might get him out of prifon, he did the
" like ; and the High Sheriff endeavoured to oppofe
" him, and fo chanced to be killed ; which he might
" have avoided, if he had flayed at home :" and con
cluded like a man that did not much care what they
refolved concerning him.
Whether the queftion was well ftated to Fairfax, or
what was elfe faid to him to diffuade him from owning
his declaration and promife, he boggled fo much in his
anfwer, that they would be of opinion, " that he had
" not made fuch direct and pofitive promife ; and that
" the fame was never tranfmitted to the Parliament ;
" which it ought to have been ; and that, at moft, it
" could but exempt thofe prifoners from being tried
" before a court, or council of war, and could not be
" underftood as an obligation upon the Parliament, not
" to give direction to fuch a legal proceeding againft
" them, as they fhould find neceflary for the peace
" and fafety of the kingdom." The prefident Bradfhaw
told the Lord Capel, with many infofent expreffions,
" that he was tried before fuch judges as the Parliament
" thought fit to affign him ; and who had judged a
" better man than himfelf." So the fentence of death ah five
was pronounced againft all five of them, " that they demned.
" fhould lofe their heads ;" upon which Sir John Owen
made a low reverence, and gave them humble thanks ;
d d 3 and

4.06 THE HISTORY BookXI.
and being afked by a ftander by, " what he meant?" he
faid aloud, " it was a very great honour to a poor gen-
" tleman of Wales to lofe his head with fuch noble
" lords ;" arid fwore a great oath, " that he was afraid
" they would have hanged him."
The prifoners were all carried to St. James's ; where
they were to remain till their execution two days after ;
which time their friends and relations had to endea
vour to preferve their lives by the power and authority
of the Parliament ; where there were fo many fitting
who had not fate in judgment upon them, and who
were of feveral affections, and liable to feveral temp
tations, that there might be a reafonable hope to refcue
them from the cruel and unjuft judgment. Their
wives, and children, arid friends, left no way untried to
prevail-; offered and gave money to fome who were
willing to receive it, and made promifes accordingly.
But they who had the greateft credit, and moft power
to terrify others who fhould difpleafe them, were in
exorable ; yet dealt fo much more honeftly than the
reft, that they declared to the ladies, who folicited for
their hufbands and their fathers, " that they would not
" endeavour to do them fervice." Ireton, above all men,
continued his infolent and dogged humour, and told
them, " if he had credit, they ffiould all die." Others,
who gave better words, had no better meaning than he.
All their petitions were read in order, being penned
in fuch flyles as the friends, who folicited for them,
were advifed. Duke - Hamilton's petition being read,
many, upon the motives of juftice, and as they ima
gined his death might be the occafion of new troubles
between the two nations, fince Scotland could not but
refent it, would have been willing he fhould live. But
he had fewer friends to his perfon than any of the reft ;
and

OF THE REBELLION, &c.
and Cromwell knew well that his being out of the way
would not be unacceptable to them upon whom • the
peace of that kingdom depended : fo that when his
petition was read, it was rejected by very much the ma
jor part of voices. The confideration of the Earl of
Holland took up a long debate : the intereft and inter-
pofition of the Earl of Warwick, his brother, was ap- '
plied ; and every Prefbyterian, to a man, was folicitous
to preferve him. They urged " his merit towards the
" Parliament in the beginning of the troubles ; how
" much he had fuffered in the Court for his affection
" to them : his age and infirmities, which would not
" fuffer him long to enjoy that life they fhould give
" him : and the confideration of his wife, and children, •
" which were numerous." But thefe arguments ftirred
up others to inveigh againft his backflidings with the
more bitternefs, and to undervalue the fervices he had
ever done ; to tax his vanities, and his breach of faith.
When the queftion was put concerning him, they who
were for the negative exceeded the number of the other
by three or four votes ; Cromwell having more than an
ordinary animofity againft him, for his behaviour iri
the beginning of the fummer, and for fome words of
neglect and contempt he had let fall concerning him
felf. The Earl of Norwich came next upon the ftage ;
who, having always lived a cheerful and jovial life, *
without contracting many enemies, had many there
who wifhed him well, and few who had animofity
againft him : fo that when the queftion was put con
cerning him, the houfe was equally divided, the votes
which rejected his petition, and thofe which would
preferve his life, were equal : fo that his life or death
depended upon the fingle vote of the Speaker; who
told the Houfe, " that he had received many obfiga-
d d 4 " tions

407

408 THE HISTORY Book XL
" tions from that lord ; and that once when he had
" been like to have incurred the King's difpleafure, by
" fome mifinfortoation, which would have been very
" penal to him, the Lord Goring" (under which ftyle
he was treated, the additional of Norwich not being
allowed by them upon their old rule) "had "by his
" credit preferved him, and removed the prejudice that
" was againft him ; and therefore he was obliged in
" gratitude to give his vote for the faving him." By
this good fortune he came to be preferved ; whether
the ground of it were true or no, or whether the
Speaker made it only as an excufe for faving any man's
life who was put to afk it in that place.
The Lord Capel, fhortly after he was brought pri
foner to the Tower from Windfor Caftle, had by a
wonderful adventure, having a cord and all things ne
ceflary conveyed to him, let himfelf down out of the
window of his chamber in the night, over the wall of
the Tower ; and had been directed through what part
of the ditch he might be beft able to wade. Whether
he found the right place, or whether there was no fafer
place, he found the water and the mud fo deep, that,
if he had not been by the head taller than other men, he
muft have perifhed, fince the water came up to his
chin. The way was fo long to the other fide, and the
fatigue of drawing himfelf out of fo much mud fo in
tolerable, that his fpirits were near fpent, and he was
once ready to call out for help, as thinking it better to be
carried back again to the prifon, than to be found in fuch
a place, from whence he could not extricate himfelf,
and where he was ready to expire. But it pleafed God,
that he got at laft to the other fide ; where his friends
expected him, and carried him to a chamber in the
temple ; where he remained two or three nights fecure from

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 409
from any difcovery, notwithftanding the diligence that
could not but be ufed to recover a man they defigned
to ufe no better. After two or three days, a friend
whom he trufted much, and who deferved to be trufted,
Conceiving that he might be more fecure in a place to
which there was lefs refort, and where there were fo many
harboured who were every day fought after, had provided
a lodging for him in a private houfe in Lambeth Marffi ;
and calling upon him in an evening, when it was dark,
to go thither, they chofe rather to take any boat they
found ready at the Temple ftairs, than to truft one of
that people with the fecret ; and it was fo late that
there was one only boat left there. In that the Lord
Capel (as well difguifed as he thought neceffary) and
his friend put themfelves, and bid the waterman row
them to Lambeth. Whether, in their paffage thither,
the other gentleman called him my Lord, as was con
fidently reported, or whether the waterman had any
jealoufy by obferving what he thought was a difguife,
when they were landed, the wicked waterman, undif-
cerned, followed them, till he faw into what houfe they
went; and then went to an officer, and demanded,
" what he would give him to bring him to the place
" where the Lord Capel lay ?" And the officer pro-
mifing to give him ten pounds, he led him prefently to
the houfe, where that excellent perfon was feized upon,
and the next day carried to the Tower.
When the petition, that his wife had delivered, was
read, many gendemen fpoke on his behalf; and men
tioned the great virtues which were in him ; and " that
" he had never deceived them, or pretended to be of
" their party ; but always refolutely declared himfelf
" for the King :" and Cromwell, who had known him
very well, fpoke fo much good of him, and profeffed to

4io

THE HISTORY Book XI.
to have fo much kindnefs and refpect for him, that all
men thought he was now fafe, when he concluded,
" that his affection to the public fo much weighed
" down his private friendfhip, that he could not but tell
" them, that the queftion was now, whether they would
" preferve the moft bitter and the moft implacable enemy
" they had : that he knew the Lord Capel very well,
" and knew that he would be the laft man in England
" that would forfake the royal intereft ; that he had
" great courage, induftry, and generofity ; that he had
" many friends who would always adhere to him ; and
" that as long as he lived, what condition foever he
" was in, he would be a thorn in their fides ; and
" therefore, for the good of the commonwealth, he
" fhould give his vote againft the petition." Ireton's
hatred was immortal ; he fpake of him, and againft
him, as of a man of whom he was heartily afraid. Very
many were fwayed by the argument that had been
urged againft Duke Hamilton, " that God was not
" pleafed that he fhould efcape, becaufe he had put him
" into their hands again, when he was at liberty," Andfo,
after a long debate, though there was not a man who
had not a value for him, and very few who had a par
ticular malice or prejudice towards him, the queftion
being put, the negative was more by three or four
voices : fo that of the four Lords, three were without
the mercy of that unmerciful people. There being no
other petition prefented, Ireton told them, " there had
" been great endeavours and folicitation ufed to fave all
" thofe lords ; but that there was a commoner, ano-
" ther condemned perfon, for whom no one man had
" fpoke a word, nor had he himfelf fo much as pe-
" titioned them; and therefore he defired, that Sir
" John Owen might be preferved by the mere motive "and

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 411
*' and goodnefs of the Houfe itfelf; " which found little
oppofition ; whether they were fatiated with blood, or
that they were willing, by this inftance, that the no
bility ffiould fee that a commoner ffiould be preferred
before them.
A fcaffold was erected before Weftminfter Hall, and
all the prifoners condemned were brought from St.
James's, (as well the two who were reprieved, as the
three who were to fuffer,) upon the ninth of March,
that was at the end of the year 1648, a little more
than a month after the murder of the King, to Sir 1
Thomas Cotton's houfe, at the upper end of Weft
minfter Hall ; where they were fuffered to repofe
themfelves about the fpace of an hour, and then were
led fucceffively through the Hall to the fcaffold, DukeDukeHa-
Hamilton being firft ; who feemed yet to have fome headed
hope of a reprieve, and made fome ftay in the Hall,
till the Earl of Denbigh came to him ; and, after a
fhort whifper, in which he found there was no hope,
he afcended the fcaffold. He complained much of
" the injuftice that was done him ; and that he was
" put to death for obeying the laws of his country ;
" which if he had not done, he muft have been put to
" death there." He acknowledged the obligations he
had to the King, and feemed not forry for the grati
tude he had expreffed, how dear foever it coft him.
His natural darknefs, and refervation in his difcourfe,
made him to be thought a wife man, and his having
been in command under the King of Sweden, and his
continual difcourfes of battles, and fortifications, made
him be thought a great foldier. And both thefe mif-
takes were the eaufe that made him be looked upon as a
worfe and a more dangerous man, than in truth he
deferved to be. The

41a THE HISTORY Book XI.
The Earl of The Earl ot Holland was brought next, who, by his
the fame l°ng ficknefs, was fo fpent, that his fpirits ferved not
-ay' to entertain the people with long difcourfe. He fpoke
of " his religion, as a matter unqueftionable, by the
' " education he had had in the religious family of which
" he was a branch :" which was thought a ftfange dif
courfe for a dying man, who, though a fon, knew
enough of the iniquity of his father's houfe, which
ffiould rather have been buried in filence, than, by fuch
an unfeafonable teftimony, have been revived in the
memory and difcourfe of men. He took more care to
be thought a good friend to Parliaments, than a good
fervant to his. mafter, and was thought to fay too little
of his having failed fo much in his duty to him, which
moft good men believed to be the fource from whence
his prefent calamity fprung. He was a very well bred
man, and a fine gentleman in good times; but too
much defired to enjoy eafe and plenty, when the King
could have neither; and did think poverty the moft
infupportable evil that could befall any man in this
world. He was then fo weak that he could not have
lived long ; and when his head was cut off, very little
blood followed.
The Lord The Lord • Capel was then called ; who walked
through Weftminfter Hall, faluting fuch of his friends
and acquaintance as he faw there, with a very ferene
countenance, accompanied with his friend Dr. Morley ;
who had been with him from the time of his fentence ;
but, at the foot of the fcaffold, the foldiers flopping
the Doctor, his Lordfhip took his leave of him ; and, em
bracing him, thanked him ; and faid, he ffiould go no
farther, having fome apprehenfion that he might re
ceive fome affront by that rude people after his death ;
the chaplains who attended the two other lords being men

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4I3
men of the time, and the Doctor being well known to
be moft contrary.
As foon as his Lordfhip had afcended the fcaffold, he
looked very vigorouffy about, and afked, " whether the
" other lords had fpoken to the people with their hats
" on ?" and being told, that " they were bare ;" he '
gave his hat to his fervant, and then with a clear
and a ftrong voice he faid, " that he was brought
*c thither to die for doing that which he could not re-
" pent of: that he had been born and bred under the
" government of a King whom he was bound in con-
" fcience to obey ; under laws, to which he had been
" always obedient ; and in the bofom of a Church,
" which he thought the beft in the world : that he had
" never violated his faith to either of thofe, and was
" now condemned to die againft all the laws of the
" land ; to which fentence he did fubmit."
He enlarged himfelf in commending " the great
" virtue and piety of the King, whom they had put to
" death ; who was fo juft and fo merciful a Prince;" and
prayed to God, " to forgive the nation that innocent
" blood." Then he recommended to them the prefent
King; " who," he told them, " was their true and their
" lawful Sovereign ; and was worthy to be fo : that he
" had the honour to have been fome years near his
" perfon, and therefore he could not but know him
" well ;" and affured them, " that he was a Prince of
" great underftanding, of an excellent nature, of great
" courage, an entire lover of juftice, and of exemplary
" piety : that he was not to be ffiaken in his religion ;
" and had all thofe princely virtues, which could make
" a nation happy :" and therefore advifed them <( to
" fubmit to his government, as the only means to pre-
" ferve themfelves, their pofterity, and the Proteftant
« religion."

414 THE HISTORY Book XL
" religion." And having, with great vehemence, re
commended it to them, after fome prayers very devoutiy
pronounced upon his knees, he fubmitted himfelf, with
an unparalleled chriftian courage, to the fatal ftroke,
which deprived the nation of the nobleft champion
it had.
The Lord He was a man in whom the malice of his enemies
character, could difcover very few faults, and whom his friends
could not wifh better accomplifhed ; whom Cromwell's
own character well defcribed; and who indeed would
never have been contented to have lived under that
government. His memory all men loved and reve
renced, though few followed his example. He had al
ways lived in a ftate of great plenty and general efti-
mation, having a very noble fortune of his own by de-
fcent, and a fair addition to it by his marriage with an
excellent wife, a lady of very worthy extraction, of
great virtue and beauty, by whom he had a numerous
iffue of both fexes, in which he took great joy and
comfort: fo that no man was more happy in all his
domeftic affairs ; and he was fo much the more happy,
in that he thought himfelf moft bleffed in them.
And yet the King's honour was no fooner violated,
and his juft power invaded, than he threw all thofe
bleffings behind him ; and having no other obligations
to the Crown, than thofe which his own honour and
confcience fuggefted to him, he frankly engaged his
_ perfon and his fortune from the beginning of the trou
bles, as many others did, in all actions and enterprifes
of the greateft hazard and danger; and continued to
the end, without ever making one falfe ftep, as few
others did, though he had once, by the iniquity of a
faction, that then prevailed, an indignity put upon him
that might have excufed him for fome remiffion of
his

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 415
his former warmth. But It made no other impreffion
upon him, than to be quiet and contented, whilft they
would let him alone, and, with the fame cheerfulnefs,
to obey the firft fummons when he was called out ;
which was quickly after. In a word, he was a man,
that whoever fhall, after him, deferve beft of the Eng- «
liffi nation, he can never think himfelf undervalued,
when he fhall hear, that his courage, virtue, and fi
delity, is laid in the balance with, and compared to, that
of the Lord Capel.
So ended the year one thoufand fix hundred forty The con-
eight ; a year of reproach and infamy above all years charaaer"
which had paffed before it ; a year of the higheft diffi- °f '^ year
mulation and hypocrify, of the deepeft villainy and
moft bloody treafons, that any nation was ever curfed
with, or under : a year, in which the memory of all the
tranfactions ought to be rafed out of all records, left,
by the fuccefs of it, atheifm, infidelity, and rebellion,
fhould be propagated in the world : a year, of which
we may fay, as the hifforiari faid of the time of Do-
mitian, Shut vetus atas vidit, quid idtimum in libertate
ejfet, ita nos quid in fervitute ; or, as the fame writer
fays of a time not altogether fo wicked, is habitus ani-
morum fuit, ut pefjimum f acinus auderent pauci, plures
vellent, omnes paterentur.

THE END OF THE ELEVENTH BOOK.

'',-«;.'-6«i4-; 5-

THE
HISTORY OF THE
REBELLION, &c.

BOOK XII.

a Chron. xxviii. 10.
And now ye purpofe to keep under the children of Judah and
Jerufalem for bondmen and bondwomen unto you : but are
there not with you, even with you, fms againft the Lord
your God?
Isaiah xxix. 10.
For the Lord hath poured out upon you the fpirit of deepfleep,
and hath clofed your eyes : the prophets and your rulers, the
feers hath he covered.

WhIL ST thefe tragedies were acting in England, The ^
and ordinances formed, as hath been faid, to make it£;"£saptofl"
penal in the higheft degree for any man to affume the *e Hague.
title of King, or to acknowledge any man to be fo, the
King himfelf remained in a very difconfolate condition
at the Hague. Though he had known the defperate
ftate his father was long in, yet the barbarous ftroke
fo furprifed him, that he was in all the confufion ima-
vol. iii. p. i. e e ginable,

4i8 THE HISTORY Book XIL
ginable, and all about him were almoft bereft of their
underftanding. The truth is, it can hardly be con
ceived, with what a confternation this terrible news was
received by all, even by the common people of that
country. There was a woman at the Hague, of the
middling rank, who, being with child, with the horror
of the mention of it fell into travel, and in it died.
There could not be more evidence of a general detefta-
tion, than there was, amongft all men of what quality
foever. Within two or three days, which they gave
The states to fa King's recollection, the States prefented them-
condole ° ' *
with him. felves in a body to his Majefty, to condole with him
for the murder of his father, in terms of great forrow,
fave that there was not bitternefs enough againft the
^ rebels and murderers. The States of Holland, apart,
performed the fame civility towards his Majefty ; and
the body of the Clergy, in a Latin oration, delivered
by the chief, preacher of the Hague, lamented the
misfortune, in terms of as much afperity, and deteft-
ation of the actors, as unworthy the name of Chriftians,
as could be expreffed.
The defperatenefs of the King's- condition could
not excufe his finking under the burthen of his grief:
but thofe who were about him befought him to refume
fo much courage as was neceffary for his prefent ftate.
The new He thereupon caufed thofe of his father's Council who
tom.' had attended him to be fworn of his Privy Council,
adding only Mr. Long his fecretary : who, before, was
not of the Council. All which was done before he
heard from the Queen his mother ; who, notwithftandr
ing the great agony fhe was in, which without doubt
was as great a paffion of forrow as ffie was able to
Queen's fuftain, wrote to the King, " that he could not do
fagewVim. " better, than to repair into France as foon as was
" poffible,

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 419
u poffible, and, in the mean time, defired him not to
" fwear any perfons to be of his Council, till fhe
" could fpeak with him." Whether it was, that fhe
did not think thofe perfons to be enough at her de
votion ; or that fhe would have them receive that ho
nour upon her recommendation.
The King himfelf had no mind to go into France,
where he thought he had not been treated with excefs'
of courtefy ; and he refolved to perform all filial re
fpect towards the Queen his mother, without fuch a
condefcenfion and refignation of himfelf, as fhe. ex-'
pected; and, to avoid all eclairciflements upon that fub
ject, he heartily defired that any other courfe might
be found more counfellable than that he ffiould go into
France. He himfelf lived with and upon the Prince
of Orange ; who fupplied him with all things neceffary
for his own perfon, for his mourning, and the like ;
but towards any other fupport for himfelf and his fa
mily, his Majefty had not enough to maintain them
one day : and there were very few of them who could
maintain themfelves in the moft private way ; and it
was vifible enough, that they fhould not be long able
to refide in the Hague ; where there was, at that very
time, an agent for the Parliament, Strickland ; who
had been there fome years, but pretended then to refide
there with his wife, (who was born in Holland of Eng
lifh parents), and without any public character, though
he was ftill under the fame credentials. And their ad-
vertifements from London affured them, that the 'Par
liament had nominated one, who was prefently to be
fent as their ambaffador, or envoy to the States, to give
them an account of their affairs, and to invite them to
enter into an alliance with them. So that it was time
to think of fome other retreat for the King ; and none
e e a appeared

420 THE HISTORY Book XII.
appeared then fo feaforiable in their view, as Ireland ;
The King from whence they heard, " that Prince Rupert was
going into " arrived fafely at Kinfale with the fleet : that the Lord
The "ffairs " Inchiquin had made a ceflation with the Irifh, before -
!h«e.i™» " the Lord Lieutenant came thither ; and the Irifh-
that time. " had deferred the Pope's Nuncio, who was driven
" away, and had embarked himfelf for France : that
" the Marquis of Ormond was received by the Lord
" Inchiquin with all the obedience imaginable, by-
" which he became entirely poffefled of the whole -
" province of Munfter ; and that the confederate Ro-
" man Catholics had invited him to Kilkenny ; where-
" he had made a full peace with them : fo that they
" were preparing an army to march under his com-
" mand againft Dublin." This news made them hope,
that every day would improve it fo much, that it
would befit for the King to tranfport his own perfon
thither in the fpring.
In this conjuncture there arrived a gentleman, one'
Sir Jofeph Douglafs, with a letter from the Privy
Council of Scotland, by which they fent his Majefty
The King word, that they had proclaimed him King of Scotland ;
Fn°scotmetl an(* *-ent n™ t^ie proclamation ; and wiffied " that he
land: and " would prepare himfelf to repair into that: his king-
fion«rs " dom ; in order to which they would fpeedily fend
fcmwhim.'" another invitation to him." And that invitation ar
rived at the fame time with fome commiffioners de
puted by the Council, and three or four preachers fent
from the commiffioners of the Kirk. The procla
mation indeed declared, " for that as much as the late
" King was, contrary to the diffent and proteftation of
" that kingdom, removed by a violent death, that, by
"the Lord's bleffing, there was left unto them a
^-righteous heir, and lawful fucceffor, Charles &c;
" who

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4ar
" who was become their true and lawful King ;" but
upon condition of " his good behaviour, and ftrict ob-
" fervation of the Covenant, and his entertaining no
" other perfons about him but fuch as were godly men,
" and faithful to that obligation." A proclamation fo
ffrangely worded, that, though it called him their King,
manifefted enough to him, that he was to be fubject to
their determinations, in all the parts of his government.
And the commiffioners, both laity and clergy, fpoke
no other language ; and faving that they bowed their
bodies, and made low reverences, they appeared more
like ambaffadors from a free ftate to an equal ally,
than like fubjects fent to their own Sovereign. At the Lanrick,
fame time, though not in the fame fhip, arrived like- Hamilton,
wife from Scotland the Earl of Lanrick, and Earl of*herna™"
Lautherdale ; the former not knowing, till he came^™^
into Holland, that he was Duke Hamilton by the
flaughter of his elder brother. But they two were fo
far from having any authority from their country, that
they were fled from thence as profcribed perfons and
malefactors. The Earl of Lautherdale, after his de
parture from the Hague, in that difcontent that is men
tioned before, bent his courfe for Scotland. But be
fore he came thither, he was informed, that the ftate
of all things had been reverfed, and the Engagement
declared unlawful, and to what penalties himfelf was
liable, if he ffiould be taken. Whereupon, without fuf-
fering his fhip to go into any port, he found means to
fend on fhore to fome friends, and fo to concert all
things, that, without being difcovered, the Earl of Lan
rick, and fome other perfons, liable to danger if .they
were found, put themfelves on board the fame ffiip,
and arrived in Holland about that time when the other
mefl'engers from the State and from the Kirk came from
e e 3 Scotland,

42i THE HISTORY .BookXIL
iScotlarid, and when the news came of the execution of
Duke Hamilton.
Whereupon the new Duke kept his chamber for
fome days, without fo much as waiting on the King ;
who fent a gracious meflage to him to condole for the
lofs of his brother ; and all the lords, and other perfons
of quality about the King, riiade their vifits to him
rafter of" w^^ au* civility. This Duke was not inferior in wif-
this Duke dom, and. parts of uriderftanding, to the wifeft man of
that nation, and was very much efteemed by thofe who
did not like the complying and infinuating nature of
his brother. He was a man of great honour, courage,
and fincerity in his nature, arid, which was a rare virtue
in the men of that time, was ftill the fame man he
pretended to be ; and had very much to fay in his own
defence for the errors he had run into ; which he ac
knowledged always with great ingenuity, and abhorred
the whole proceedings of his countrymen ; and, at this
time, brought a heart and affection clearer and lefs
clogged with fcruples and refervations for the King's
fervice, than any other of them did.
The con- Though Cromwell, at his being in Scotland, had
Scotland left Argyle in full poffeffion of the government there,
about this ancj j^ reduced and difbanded all thofe who were in.
arms againft him, and promifed him all neceffary affift^
ance to fubdue thofe who fhould rife againft him in,
that kingdom for the future, and thereby compelled
the Committee of Eftates to convene and fummon the
Parliament to affemble, which they had authority to
do ; and fo, he had fuppreffed the party of Hamilton,
driven the Earl of Lanrick to hide himfelf in fome ob~.
fcure place, and condemned the Engagement as un-r
lawful and finful, and all the perfons who advanced and
promoted it, as deferters of the Covenant, and fo to
ftand

time.

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 423
ftand excommunicated, and not to be capable of ferving
in Parliament, or in the Council of Eftate ; fo that he
was fure to find no oppofition in whatfoever he pro- -
pofed ; yet, after the Parliament had ferved him fo far,
when they heard that the Parliament in England was
broken, and their freedom and privileges were taken
from them by the infolence and power of the army,
(which they perfectly hated and detefted, and all thofe
fects and libertinifm they heard were introduced in
religion contrary to their Covenant, which Cromwell
himfelf had promifed fhould be ftrictly obferved,) they
begun to examine, what the obligations were which
were incumbent upon them even' by the Covenant it
felf. The delivery of the King's perfon into the hands
of the Parliament at Newcaftle had been, in the inftant
it was done, the moft unpopular and ungracious act to
the whole nation of Scotland, that it had been ever
guilty of, and to the army they had then on foot, which
took itfelf to be deeply wounded by the infamy of it,
and was therefore quickly difoanded by the cunning of
Argyle: and the univerfal indignation againft that
action was the principal incitement to that general en
gagement with Duke Hamilton, that the honour of
the nation might in fome degree be repaired, or re
deemed. It was a grofs overfight in the Hamiltonian
party, and difcerned then to be fo by the Earl of Lan
rick, that, upon that popular advantage, in which he
would have found an univerfal concurrence, Argyle
himfelf and all his faction had not been totally fup
preffed, for the redemption of the honour of their
country. But that Duke's politics did not lie that way ;
and, fo he might return to his old poft of favour in
England, of which he made little doubt, he was not
e e 4 willing

424 THE HISTORY Book XII.
willing to give a new beginning to thofe bloody en-
terprifes in Scotland, which, he knew well, ufed not
to be fhort-lived in that climate after once begun, but
had always frefh facrifices of blood to perpetuate the
memory of them.
Commif- They had no fooner heard of the erection of a High
been fent Court of Juftice, and of a purpofe of trying the King
Parhament for his life, than, notwithftanding all the artifices Ar-
beforetthedgyle could ufe> they were a11 in a flame. As well the.
^'£."f Affembly of the Kirk, as the Parliament, renewed the
to the Par- fenfe they always had of reproach in the delivery of his
liament of J " J r t ¦
England, perfon, of which the prefent danger he was in was the
confequence. And the Marquis of Argyle had had too
deep a fhare in that wickednefs, to endure the fhock
of a new difpute, and inquifition upon that fubject;
and therefore gave not the leaft oppofition to their paf-
fion ; but feemed equally concerned in the honour of
the nation, to profecute an high expoftulation with
thofe of England, for the breach of faith, and the pro
mifes, which had been made for the fafety and pre
fervation of the King's perfon, at the time he was de
livered up ; and therefore propofed " that commiC-
" fioners ffiould be forthwith fent to the Parliament at
" London, to require the performance of what they
'¦' had promifed, and to enter their diffent and proteft-
" ation againft all their proceedings againft their King,
" in the name of the kingdom of Scotland." And the
Earl of Lothian, and two others, who were known to be
moft zealous for the Covenant, and moft enraged and
incenfed againft the proceedings of the army^ were
made choice of, and prefently fent away, that they
might make all poffible hafte to Weftminfter, and
were, immediately upon their arrival, to demand per-
miffion

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 425
million to wait upon the King, wherever he fhould
be, and to receive from him fuch farther directions, as
he ffiould judge neceffary for his fervice.
Thus far Argyle could not oppofe; and therefore
was as zealous as any man to advance it ; knowing that
the particular inftructions muft be prepared by a lefs
number of men, and not fubjected to the examination
and perufal of fo many. And in thofe, he was fure to
prevent any inconvenient powers to be granted to the
commiffioners, with whom he had credit enough, hav
ing made the Earl of Lothian Secretary of State, in
the place of the Earl of Lanrick, and the other two
being (however folicitous for the due obfervation of the
Covenant, as he himfelf likewife pretended to be)
known to be moft averfe from the Hamiltonian party.
Their private inftructions were, " that they fhould not, Their pri.
l • i i • 1 r vate m"
" in their enlargements and aggravations upon the fub- ftraaions j
" ject of their meffage, feem to take notice, or to im- ^s
" ply, that any violence had been ufed againft the party"
" Parliament, or any member of it: that they fhould
" be fo fhort in their expoftulations, that they gave no
" occafion of offence : that nothing ffiould fall from
" them juftifying the King's proceedings, nor in ap-
" probation of the late engagement, or which might
" import a breach, or give,, or be ground of a new war :
il they fhould urge, that the Parliament would delay
" to meddle with the King's perfon, according to their
:" feveral promifes and declarations at Newcaftle and
.« a.t Holmby : that if they fhould proceed to fentence
" againft the King, then they were to enter their dif-
" fent, and proteft, that this kingdom may be free from.
" the miferies which will inevitably follow, without of-
" feting in their reafons, that Princes are exempted
" from trial and juftice : that none in the Parliament of
" Scodand

426 THE HISTORY Book XIL
" Scotland hath or had any hand in the proceedings
" againft the King, or members of Parliament in Eng-
" land. If they proceed, then to ffiew the calamities
" that will follow, and how grievous it muft be to the
" kingdom of Scotland, confidering his being de-
" livered up at Newcaftle : that if the papers which
" were entitled, The Agreement of the People, appeared
" to be countenanced, and ffiould import any thing
" concerning the proceffing of the Prince, or changing
" the fundamental government of the kingdom, they
" fhould enter their diffent : that they, ffiould alter
" thofe their inftructions, and manage their truft
" therein, according to the advice they fhould receive
" from their friends there : that they fhould profecute
" their inflructions concerning the Covenant, and
" againft any toleration : that they fhould fhew, that
" the King's laft conceffions were unfatisfactory to
" thofe propofitions which they had made in point of
" religion." Thefe were their private inftructions ; and who
thofe friends at London were, by whofe advice they
were to alter their inftructions, or manage their truft
therein, can be underftood of no other men but Crom
well, and young Sir Harry Vane ; with whom Argyle
held clofe correfpondence. The commiffioners ob
ferved their inftructions very faithfully, and, after the
King had been twice brought before the High Court
upon the of Juftice, they gave in their very calm proteftation ;
the'lfeVter1 'n which they put them in mind, " that they had,
their pro- a near three weeks before, reprefented to them what en-
teftation ' r
and diffent. " deavours had been ufed for taking away the King's
" life, and for the change of the fundamental gbvern-
" ment of the kingdom, and introducing a finful and
" ungodly toleration in matters of religion ; and that
" therein

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4^
" therein they had expreffed their thoughts, and fears
" of the dangerous confequences, that might follow
" thereupon' ; and that they had alfo earneftly preffed,
" that there might be no farther proceeding againft his
" Majefty's perfon, which would certainly continue the
" great diffractions of the kingdom, and involve them
" in many evils, troubles, and confufions ; but that,
" by the free counfels of both Houfes of Parliament
" of England, and with the advice and confent of the
" Parliament of Scotland, fuch courfe might be taken
" in relation to the King, as might be for the good and
" happinefs of both kingdoms ; both having an un-
" queftionable and undeniable right in his perfon, as
*f King of both ; which duly confidered, they had rea-
" fon to hope, that it would have given a flop to all
" farther proceedings againft his Majefty's perfon. But
*e now underftanding that after the imprifonment and
*' exclufion of divers members of the Houfe of Com-
" mons, and without and againft the confent of the
" Houfe of Peers, by a fingle act Of their own, and
" theirs alone, power was given to certain perfons of
"" their own members, of the army, and fome others,
" to proceed againft his Majefty's perfon, in order
*' whereunto he had been brought before that extraor-
" dinary new Court ; they did therefore "in the name
" of the Parliament of Scotland, for their vindication
" from falfe afperfions and calumriies, declare, that
" though they were not fatisfied with his Majefty's late
'f conceffions, in the treaty at Newport in the Ifle of
a Wight, efpecially in the matters of religion, and were
" refolved not to crave his reftoration to his govern-
" ment, before fatisfaction ffiould be given by him to
" that kingdom ; yet they did all unanimoufly with
« one voice, not one member excepted, difclaim the
" leaft

428 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" leaft knowledge of, or occafion to, the late proceed-
" ings of the army here againft the King ; and did
" fincerely profefs that it would be a great grief to their
" hearts, and lie heavy upon their fpirits, if they ffiould
" fee the trufting his Majefty's perfon to the two
" Houfes of the Parliament of England to be made ufe
"¦ of to his ruin, contrary to the declared intentions of
" the kingdom of Scotland, and folemn profeffions of
" the kingdom of England: and to the end that it
" might be manifeft to the world, how much they did
" abominate and deteft fo horrid a defign againft his
" Majefty's perfon, they did, in the name of the Par-
" liament and kingdom of Scotland, declare their dif-
" fent from the faid proceedings, and the taking away
" of his Majefty's life ; protefting, that as they were
" altogether free from the fame, fo they might be free
" from all the miferies, evil confequences, and cala-
" mities, that might follow thereupon to the diftracted
" kingdoms." Whoever confiders the warinefs in the wording and
timing this proteftation, the beft end whereof could be
no other than the keeping the King always in prifon,
and fo governing without him in both kingdoms,
(which was thought to have been the purpofe and
agreement of Cromwell and Argyle when they parted),
muft conclude that both the commiffioners, and they
who fent them, laboured and confidered more, what
they were to fay in. the future, than what they were to
do to prevent the prefent mifchief they feemed to ap
prehend. And the Parliament beft knew their temper,
when they deferred taking notice of their proteftation,
till after they had executed their execrable villainy ;
and then they fent them an anfwer that might fuit with
all their palates. They faid, "they had heretofore " told

- OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4a9
" told them, what power this nation had in the funda-ThePar-
" mentals of government: that if Scotland had not^™™4,.
" the fame power and liberty, as they went not about m'"m^r
"to confine them, fo they would not be limited byfendtheir
. . ... , anfwer
" them, but leaving them to act in theirs as they to it,
" ffiould fee caufe, they refolved to maintain their own
"liberties as God ffiould enable them. And as they
" were very far from impofing upon them, fo they
" ffiould not willingly fuffer impofitions from them,
" whilft God gave them ftrength or lives to oppofe
" them." They faid, " the anfwer they made to their
" firft and fecond letter was, that after a long and fe-
" rious deliberation of their own intrinfical power, and
" truft, (derived to them by the providence of God,
" through the delegation of the people,) and upon the
" like confiderations of what themfelves and the whole
" nation had fuffered from the mifgovernment and ty-
" ranny of that King, both in peace, and by the wars,
" and confidering, how fruitlefs and full of danger and
" prejudice the many addreffes to him for peace had
" been, and being confcious how much they had pro-
" voked and tempted God, by the neglect of the im-
" partial execution of juftice, in relation to the inno-
" cent blood fpilt and mifchief done in the late wars,
" they had proceeded in fuch a courfe of juftice againft
" that man of blood, as they doubted not the juft God
" (who is no refpecter of perfons) did approve and
" would countenance with his bleffings upon the na-
" tion ; and though perhaps they might meet with
" many difficulties before their liberties and peace were
"'fettled, yet they hoped they fhould be preferved from
" confufion, by the good will of him who dwelt in the
" buffi, which burned, and was not confumed ; and
" that the courfe they had taken with the late King, " and

43°

THE HISTORY ^ Book XIL

" and meant to follow towards others the capital erte-
" mies of their peace, was, they hoped, that; which
" would be for the good and happinefs of both na-
ec tions ; of which if that of Scotland would think to
" make ufe, and vindicate their own liberty and free-
" dom, (which lay before them, if they gave them not
" away,) they would be ready to give them all neigh-
" hourly and friendly affiftance in the eftablifhing
" thereof; and defired them to take it into their moft
" ferious confideration, before they efpoufed that quar-
" rel, which could bring them no other advantage than
" the entailing upon them, and their pofterities, a laft-
" ing war, with all the miferies which attended it, and
" flavery under a tyrant and his iffue.'-'
It cannot be denied, but that Scotland had by this
a fair invitation to have made themfelves a poor re
public, under the fhelter and protection of the other,
that was already become terrible. But the commif
fioners,. who well knew how unfuitable fuch a change
would be to the conftitution of their government, and
that they might be welcome to their own country, whi-
The com- ther they were now to repair, made a reply to this an-
Kpiy"" and fwer with more courage than they had yet expreffed ;
fone'^'but f°r which, notwithftanding their qualification, they
afterwards were imprifoned by the Parliament ; and, upon new
inftance from Scotland, fet at liberty afterwards.
The Mar- Matters being reduced to this ftate, the Marquis of
gyie clogs" Argyle could not hinder the new King's being acknow-
procfaim-1 fedged and proclaimed King, nor from being invited
Kmfwith nome 5 which fince he could not obftruct, it would be
aciaufefor his mafter-piece to clog the proclamation itfelf with
the Cove- . . . ° .1
nant. fuch conditions as might terrify the new King from
accepting the invitation ; and therefore he caufed this
claufe to be inferted in the body of the proclamation itftlf,

OF THE REBELLION, &c 431
itfelf, " becaufe his Majefty is bound, by the law of
" God and the fundamental laws of this kingdom, to
" rule in righteoufnefs and equity to the honour of
" God, and the good of religion, and the wealth of the
" people ; it is hereby declared, that before he be ad-
" mitted to the exercife of his royal power, he fhall
" give fatisfaction to this kingdom in thofe things
" which concern the fecurity of religion, the unity be-
" twixt the kingdoms, and the good and peace of this
" kingdom, according to the national Covenant and fo-
" lemn League and Covenant; for which end, they were
" refolved, with all poffible expedition, to make their
" humble and earneft addrefs to his Majefly."
This was the proclamation that Sir Jofeph Douglafs
brought to the Hague, and the fubject upon which the
commiffioners were to invite his Majefty to go for Scot
land, whofe inftructions were very fuitable to the pro
clamation: and at the fame time when the commif
fioners came from thence, Middleton, and fome other Middleton
. . . affembles
officers, who had been in their laft army, hearing that fome troops
the Prince was proclaimed King, thought it was fea- land.
fonable to put themfelves into a pofture to ferve him
upon his arrival ; and fo affembled fome of thofe troops
which had formerly ferved under them in the north
of Scotland ; whereupon David Lefley was appointed
forthwith, with a party of horfe and foot, againft thofe
royalifts, whom they knew -to be real affertors of his
caufe, without any other intereft or defign than of their
performing their duties, as loyal fubjects ought to do :
and the Kirk at the fame time declared, " that, before
" the King ffiould be received, albeit they had declared
" his right by fucceffion, he fhould firft fign the Co-
" venant, fubmit to the Kirk's, cenfure,. renounce the
" fins of his father's houfe, and the iniquity of his mo,
" ther,"

433 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" ther," with other things of the like nature. All which;
information arrived at the fame time with the commif
fioners, that they who were about the King might not
be too much exalted with their matter's being declared
King of one of his three kingdoms. And it was very ma-
nifeft, by all that paffed then and afterwards, that the
Marquis of Argyle meant only to fatisfy the people, in
declaring that they had a King, without which they
could not be fatisfied, but that fuch conditions fhould
be put upon him, as he knew he would not fubmit to ;
and fo he fhould be able, with the concurrence of the
Kirk, to govern the kingdom, till, by Cromwell's affift
ance and advice, he might reverfe that little approach
he had made towards monarchy by proclaiming a
King.
Faaions in It was a great misfortune to the King, and which al-
courtwfth ways attends Courts which labour under great wants and
ScotfandV0 neceffities, that, whilft the greateft union imaginable
amongft the few friends he had was neceffary, and of
too little power to buoy him up from the diftreffes which
overwhelmed him, there was yet fo great a faction and
animofity amongft them, that deftroyed any the mofl
probable defign that could offer itfelf; as it now fell
out with reference to Scotland, which, if united, might
yet be able to give reputation at leaft, if not a vigorous
affiftance to the King's intereft.
The Mar- The Marquis of Mountrofe, who hath been mentioned
Mountrofe Defore5 had been obliged by the late King to lay down
France'" *"s arms ; and after he had performed fuch wonderful
actions in Scotland, and left that kingdom upon his
Majefty's firft coming into the Scottifh army to New
caftle, had firft arrived in France, and had not fuch a
reception from the Queen of England, and thofe who
were in credit with her, as he thought the notable fer-
vices

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 433
vices he had performed for the King had merited. The
truth is, he was fomewhat elated with the great actions
he had done ; which, upon his firft coming to Paris, he
caufed to be publifhed in a full relation in Latin, de
dicated to the Prince of Wales ; in which, as his own
perfon, courage, and conduct, was well extolled, fo the
reputation of all the reft of that nation (upon whofe
affections the Queen at that time depended) was ex
ceedingly undervalued and deprefled ; which obliged
the Queen and the Prince to look lefs gracioufly upon
him ; which he could not bear without expreffing much
difturbance at it. He was then a man of ' eclat, had
many fervants, and more officers, who had ferved under
him, and came away with him, all whom he expected
the Queen fhould enable him to maintain with fome
luftre, by a liberal affignation of monies. On the other
hand, the Queen was in ftraits enough, and never '
open-handed, and ufed to pay the beft fervices with
receiving them gracioufly, and looking kindly upon
thofe who did them. And her graces were ftill more
towards thofe who were like to do fervices, than to thofe
who had done them. So that, after a long attendance,
and fome overtures made by him to Cardinal Mazarine,
to raife an army for the fervice of that King, which he
did not think were received with that regard his great
name deferved, the Marquis left France," and made a
journey into Germany to the Emperor's Court, defiring Thence
to fee armies, till he could come to command them ; Germany.]
and was returned to Bruffels, about the time that the
Prince came back into Holland with the fleet ; and lay
there very privately, and as \ incognito, for fome time, till
he heard: of the murder of the late King. Then he
fent to the King with the tender of his fervice, and to
know, " if his Majefty thought his attendance upon
vol. in. P. I. F f " him

434 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" him fnight bring any prejudice to his Majefty ; and
" if fo, that he would fend over the Chancellor of the
" Exchequer to Sevenbergh, a town in Flanders, where
" he was at prefent to expect him, and had matters to
" communicate to him of much importance to his Ma-
" jefty's fervice." Whether he did this out of modefty,
arid that he might firft know his Majefty's pleafure, or
out of fome vanity, that he might feem to come to the
King, after the coldnefs he had met at Paris, by a kind
of treaty, the King commanded the Chancellor pre
fently to go to him ; and, " if he could, without exaf-
" perating him," (which he had no mind to do), wifhed,
" he might be perfuaded rather for fome time to fuf-
" pend his coming to the Hague, than prefently to ap-
" pear there ;" which was an injunction very difagree-
able to the Chancellor ; who in his judgment believed
his Majefty ffiould bid him very welcome, and prefer
him before any other of that nation in his efteem.
The fudden violent froft, which fhut up all the rivers
in lefs than four and twenty hours, kept them at that time
from meeting ; but, within a fhort time after, and upon
The Chan- another meffage from him, they met at a village three
the Exche-or four miles off the Hague; whither the Marquis was
confe^with c°me. The Chancellor had never feen him from the
vi'ih^e near t'me ^e had left Oxford, when he feemed to have very
the iiague. much modefty, and deference to the opinion and judg
ment of other men. But he had, fince that time, done
fo many fignal actions, won fo many battles, and in
truth made fo great a noife in the world, that there ap
peared no lefs alteration to be in his humour and dif
courfe, than there had been in his fortune. He feemed
rather to have defired that interview, that he might
the better know what advice to give the King, and how
to make a party that would be faft to him, than out of
any

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 435
any doubt that his prefence would not be acceptable to
his Majefty. There was yet no news from Scotland
fince the murder of the King, and he feemed to think
of nothing but that the King would prefently fend him
thither with fome forces, to prepare the way for himfelf
to follow after. They fpent that night together in con
ference, and the next morning the Chancellor prevailed
with him, with great difficulty, that he would ftay in
that place, which did not abound with all things de
firable, or fomewhere elfe, until he might give him no
tice, what the King's fenfe fhould be of the matters
difcourfed between them ; infilling principally, " that,
" if his going into Scotland fhould be thought prefently
"to be neceffary, it would then be as neceffary, that he
" ffiould not be taken notice of publicly to have been
" with the King:" with which reafon he feemed fatisfied;
and promifed " not to come to the Hague, till he ffiould
" firft receive advice from the Chancellor." But when he
heard of the commiffioners being come from Scotland, and
of the other lords? arrival there, he would no longer defer
his journey thither, but came to the Hague well attended The Mar-
by fervants and officers, and prefented himfelf to the to[De°mes
King; who received him with a very good countenance. Hasue-
There were at this time in the Hague the commif
fioners who came from the Council and the Kirk to
invite the King into Scodand, or rather to let him
kriow upon what terms he might come thither, Duke
Hamilton, the Earl of Lautherdale, and others of the
nobility of that faction, who were now as odious, and
as much perfecuted by that party, which then go
verned Scodand, and which in that manner invited the
King, as any men were who had ferved the King from the
beginning. There was alfo the Marquis of Mountrofe,
with more of the nobility, as the Earls of Seaford, and
f f 2 Kinoul,

436 THE HISTORY Book XII.
Kinoul, and others, who adhered to Mountrofe, and
believed his clear fpirit to be moft like to advance the
The par- King's fervice. Of thefe three parties, it might rea-
scotsnow fonably have been hoped that the two laft, being
Hague. equally perfecuted by the power that governed, fhould
have been eafily united to have fuppreffed the other.
But it was a bufinefs too hard for the King to bring
to pafs ; and he could as eafily have perfuaded the
Parliament to reject Cromwell, as the lords of the En
gagement, and thofe who had joined with Duke Ha
milton, to be reconciled to Mountrofe : fo that when
the King hoped to have drawn all the Scottifh nobility
together, to have confulted what anfwer he fhould give
to the meffages he had received from the Council and
the Kirk, with which they themfelves were enough
offended, thofe lords of the Engagement did not only
refufe to meet with the Lord Mountrofe, but, as foon
as he came into the room where they were, though his
Majefly himfelf was prefent, they immediately with
drew, and left the room ; and had the confidence to
defire the King, " that the Marquis of Mountrofe"
(whom they called James Graham) " might be for-
" bidden to come into his Majefty's prefence, or Court,
" becaufe he ftood excommunicated by the Kirk of
" Scotland, and degraded and forfeited by the judi-
" catory of that kingdom." This propofition and de
mand they made confidently in writing under their
hands, and abounded fo much in this fenfe, that a
learned and worthy Scottiffi divine, Dr. Wifhart, who
was then chaplain to a Scottifh regiment in the fervice
of the States, being appointed to preach before the
King on trjie Sunday following, they formally befought
the King, " that he would not fuffer him to preach be-
" fore him, nor to come into his prefence, becaufe he
" ftood

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 437
" ftood excommunicated by the Kirk of Scotland, for
" having refufed to take the Covenant ;" though it was
known, that the true caufe of the difpleafure they had
againft that Divine was, that they knew he was the au
thor of the excellent relation of the Lord Mountrofe's
actions in Scotland. This carriage and behaviour of
thofe lords appeared ridiculous to all fober men, that
any men fhould have the prefumption to accufe thofe
who had ferved the King with that fidelity, and were
only branded by thofe rebellious judicatories for having
performed their duties of allegiance, and to demand
that the King himfelf ffiould condemn them for having
ferved his father : which made thofe of his Majefty's
Council full of indignation at their infolence, and his
Majefty himfelf declared his being offended, by ufing
the Marquis of Mountrofe with the more countenance1,
and hearing the Doctor preach with the more attention.
But from this very abfurd behaviour, befides his Ma
jefty's defire being fruftrated, of receiving the joint ad
vice of the nobility of that kingdom in an affair that fo
much concerned himfelf and them ; and befides the
difpleafure, and diftance, that it caufed between them
and the King's Council, (who thought the Scottiffi
lords might as reafonably move the King, that they
might be removed, who lay under the fame brand and
reproaches in England for adhering to the CroWn, as
the other did in Scotland), the King had reafon to be
troubled with another apprehenfion, which was, that
the Marquis of Mountrofe (who could not be ignorarit-
of any thing which the other perfons faid or did)
would, out of juft indignatiori, take revenge upori
thofe perfons whom he contemned too much ; and fo
that the peace of the country, where his Majefty was
but a gueft, would be violated by his fubjects, as it
f f 3 were

438 THE HISTORY Book XII.
were in his own fight ; which would make his abfence
from thence the more defirable.
He, to whom this unreafonable animofity was moft
imputed, and who indeed was the great fomenter and
profecutor of it, was the Earl of Lautherdale ; whofe
fiery fpirit was not capable of any moderation. One
of the Council conferring one day with him upon a
fubject that could not put him into paffion, and fo
being in a very fair converfation, defired him, " to in-
" form him, what foul offence the Marquis of Mount-
" rofe had ever committed, that fhould hinder thofe to
" make a conjunction with him, who, in refpect of the
" rebels, were in as defperate a condition as himfelf,
" and who could not more defire the King's reftitution
Earl of " than he did." The Earl told him calmly enough,
Lauther- .. .. .
dale's dif- " that he could not imagine or conceive the barba-
againft " rities and inhumanities Mountrofe was guilty of, in
Mountrofe. ie fa time fe made a war in Scotland ; that he never
gave quarter to any man, but purfued all the advan
tages he ever got, with the utmoft outrage and
" cruelty : that he had in one battle killed fifteen hun-
fC dred of one family, of the Campbels, of the blood
" and name of Argyle, and that he had utterly rooted
" out feveral names and entire noble families," The
other told him, " that it was the nature and condition
" of that war, that quarter was given on neither fide ;
"that thofe prifoners which were taken by the Scots,
" as once they did take fome perfons of honour of his
" party, were afterwards in cold blood hanged reproach-
" fully, which was much worfe than if they had been
" killed in the field ;" and afked him, " if Mountrofe
" had ever caufed any man to die in cold blood, or
" after the battle was ended ; fince what was done in
" it flagrante, was more to be imputed to the fiercenefs " of

a

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 439
¦" of his foldiers, than to his want of humanity." The
Earl confefled, " that he did not know he was guilty
" of any thing but what was done in the field ;" but
concluded with more paffion, " that his behaviour
" there was fo favage, that Scotland would never for-
" give him." And in other company, where the fame
fubject was debated, he fwore with great paffion, " that
" though he wifhed nothing more in this world than to
"fee the King reftored, he had much rather that he
" ffiould never be reftored, than that James Graham
" ffiould be permitted to come into the Court :" of
which declaration of his the King was informed by
William Legg and Sir William Armorer, who were
both prefent at the Hague, and in the company, when
he faid it.
There was at that time in the Hague the Lord New
burgh, who, after, the murder of the late King, was
compelled, together with his wife, the Lady Aubigney, *
to fly out of 'England, ' Cromwell every day making
difcoveries of correfpondences which had been between
the King and them. And thereupon they made an
efcape from thence, and came to the Hague. That
lord having been too young to have had a part in the
former war, had been then fent, by his Majefty's di
rection, to be bred in France ; from whence he re
turned not till his Majefty was in the hands of the
Scottifh army ; and from that time he performed all
the offices of fidelity and duty to the King, that a
generous' and worthy perfon could find any opportunity
for : with which his Majefty was abundantly fatisfied
and pleafed : and he now tranfported himfelf and his
wife into Holland,- that he might leave her there, and
himfelf attend the King in any expedition.
This lady was a woman of a very great wit, and moft
p f 4 trufted

440 THE HISTORY Book XII.
1 trufted and converfant in thofe intrigues, which at that
time could be beft managed and carried on by ladies,
who with lefs jealoufy could be feen in all Companies :
and fo fhe had not been a ftranger to the moft fecret
tranfactions with the Scots, and had much converfation
with the Lord Lanrick, during the time the King was at
Hampton Court, and whilft he flayed afterwards in
London, when the King was imprifoned in the Ifle of
Wight ; and being now both in the Hague, they had
much converfation together. She had likewife had long
acquaintance and friendfhip with one of the Council,
who, the knew, had been as much trufted as any by the
father, and was believed to have credit with the prefent
King. She lamented thofe divifions amongft the Scots,
which every body fpoke of, and every body knew the
diforder they produced in the King's councils; and
faid, " fhe defired nothing more, than that there were
" a good understanding between Duke Hamilton and
" him ; which," fhe faid, " fhe was fure would eafily
" be, if they two had but once a frank conference to-
" gether." The other, who indeed had an efteem for
the Duke, feemed very defirous of it : and fhe there
upon told him, that " the Duke had expreffed to her,
" that he would be willing to embrace the oce-afion :"
and it was fo concerted, that within a day or two they
met as by chance at her lodgings. And fhe fo dex-
teroufly introduced them to a civility towards each other,
and to exprefs their inclinations to a mutual freedomj
that after an hour's general converfation there, to which
ffie left them, and went herfelf abroad, they parted with
fair profeffions of future good will ; and the other pro
mifed to vifit the Duke the next morning early, that
they might have the more time without being inter
rupted'; and he was with him accordingly, and found him

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 441
¦ hirri in his bed. They continued together near two
hours, the Duke having commanded his fervant to tell
any who came to vifit him, that he was afleep. The conference
other fpoke of " the proclamation, and the manner of j^f^J
" inviting the King into Scotland, and of the ffrange milton and
" fpirit that poffeffed thofe who governed there, and Privy
"perfuaded them to imagine it poffible, that the King concerning
" could ever be prevailed with to take the Covenant, or ^Scotland.
" that it could be of advantage to him to do fo ; fince
" it could not but much alienate the affections of all
" that party in England that had ferved his father,
" upon whom he ought chiefly to depend for his re-
" ftoration to the government of that kingdom." Then
he fpoke of " the differences and jealoufies which were
" between . thofe of that nation who had an equal defire
" to ferve the King, and feemed to be equally profe-
" cured by the party that now prevailed, which had
" excluded both ;" and wifhed " that fome expedient
"might be found out to unite all thofe; and parti-
" cularly that his Grace and the Marquis of Mount-
" rofe might be reconciled ; towards which, he faid, he
" was fure that the Marquis had great inclination, and
" had always efteemed him a man of honour ; which
" appeared by the book which was publifhed, where he
" was always worthily mentioned, though he had not
" dealt fo well with many others."
When the Duke had heard him with very civil at
tention, he told him as to the firft part, " concerning
" the proclamation, and the manner of inviting the
" King to come to them, he was not to make any
" other judgment by it, than only of the perfon of the
" Marquis of Argyle ; who; with the affiftance of fome
" few minifters, and others his creatures, did at prefent
" govern : that Argyle well knew there was an abfolute
" neceffity,

44a THE HISTORY BookXIL
" neceffity, in refpect of the whole people, to prsdaim
" the King after the murder of his father ; and there-
*/ fore, he could find no other way to keep him from
lf coming -thither, but . by dogging the proclamation
"and meffage • with -thoferunworthy expreffions, which
; <c might deter :him from putting himfelf into their
ei hands ; which Argyle did not wifh he fhould do,
Ff. becaufe in his abfence he was fure he fhould govern
" all, being well, agreed with Cromwell how the go-
*'. vernment- fhould be carried ; and fo the King might
.f be kept out, Cromwell would fupport him againft all
" other parties ; but that they both knew well enough,
"" that,tf his Majefty were once there, the whole nation
" would ftick to him and obey him." He confeffed,
*" that, there was generally fo great a fuperftition for
" the Covenant, that whofoever ffiould fpeak againft it
" for the prefent, would lofe all credit, though he did
." acknowledge it had done much mifchief, and would
" do more whilft it ffiould be infifted upqn ; but," he
faid, " that muft be a work of time, and an effect of
" the King's government : which would find it ne-
" ceffary, in many other refpects, to leffen the power
" of the minifters ; which being leffened, the reverence
" of the Covenant would quickly fall too ; and till then
" he, and all men, muft have patience. For the fe-
" cond," he faid, " he wifhed heartily that there could
" be a union of all parties which defired the King's re-
" ftoration, and that the animofity againft the Marquis
"of Mountrofe might be extinguifhed. For his own
" part, that he had only one quarrel againft him, which
" was that, by his unjuft calumnies and profecution, he
" had driven him into rebellion ; which nothing elfe
<c could have done. And for that he always afked God
*' forgivenefs from his heart, and defired nothing more
"than

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 443
" than to repair his fault by lofing his life for the King;
" and would, with all his heart, join to-morrow with
*' the Marquis of Mountrofe, in carrying on the King's
"ifervice,; though he did believe/, in that conjuncture,
" the animofity againft the Marquis was fo great, that, if
" he fhould declare fuch an inclination, all his own
" friends would fall from him, and abhor him." He
faid, " his own condition was very hard ; for that' having
" been always bred up in the Church of England, for
" which he had a great reverence, he was forced to com-
" ply with the Covenant ; which he perfectly detefted,
" and looked upon it as the ruin of his nation ; and
" would be as glad as any man of a good opportunity
" to declare againft it. But," faid he, " I dare not fay
" this ; and if I did, I fhould have no power or credit
" to ferve the King. There is," faid he, " a very wor-
" thy gentleman, who lodges in this houfe, the Earl of
" Lautherdale, my friend and my kinfman ; who, upon
" my confcience, loves me heartily ; and yet I dare fay
" nothing of this to him, either againft the Covenant,
" or for the Marquis of Mountrofe : and, if I fliould,
" I believe he would rather choofe to kill me, than to
" join with me : fo much "he is tranfported with preju-
" dice in both thefe particulars, and fo incapable to hear
" reafon upon either of thofe arguments, though, in all
" other things, few men have a better underftanding, or
" can difcourfe more reafonably."
. .1. Whilft they continued in all poffible freedom in this
conference, the Earl of Lautherdale, who it feems was
informed of the other's being there, came in his night
gown into the chamber, and fo broke off the difcourfe.
The other, after fitting fome time in general converfa
tion, departed. And there continued afterwards all civi
lity between the Duke and him. But as himfelf told the

444 THE HISTORY Book XII.
1 the Lady Aubigney, who fhortly after died there, " he
" could not, wjthout giving jealoufy to his friend Lau-
" therdale, which he had no mind to do, fpend fo much
" time with the other in private as he could have been
" willing to have done :" and the death of that lady
feffened the opportunities. .
In this unfteady and irrefolute condition of the King's
Council, it was very manifeft, that, how long foever his
Majefty fhould defer the refolution, to what place he
would remove, he fliould not be able to flay long in the
place where he was. The States, efpecially thofe of
Holland, let fall fomewhat every day in their councils
and confultations, " that the King's refiding in the Hague
" would be very inconvenient to them ;" and it was the
great intereft of the Prince of Orange, not without
much dexterity, that kept the States from fending a
meffage directly to his Majefty, to defire him, " that he
" would depart from that country, as foon as he could."
And there happened an accident at this time, which'
made the refolution neceffary, and would inevitably
have drawn on that meffage, which had yet been kept
back. It was touched before, that there was a purpofe at
London, to fend over an envoy from thence into Hol
land, to prepare the way for a farther good intelligence
and negociation, which might end in a firm peace, and
a reciprocal alliance between the two republics. To
that purpofe one Doriflaus, a Doctor in the Civil Law,
was named ; who, being born in Delpht in Holland,
had been bred at Leyden, and afterwards lived long in
London, having been received into Greffiam College as
a Profeffor in one of thofe chairs which are endowed for
public lectures in that fociety, and had been, from the
beginning of the troubles, in the exercife of the Judge
Advocate's

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 445
Advocate's office in the Earl of Effex's army. In this
conjuncture this man arrived at the Hague, and took his
lodging in a houfe where ftrangers ufed to repair, and
were accommodated till they provided otherwife for their
better accommodation. Whilft he was at fupper, the fame Dorifiaus,
evening that he came to the town, in company of many ^KrYm-
others who ufed to eat there, half a dozen gendemen ^"t 'the'1"
entered the room with their fwords drawn, and requiredHasueby
iri 1 o ¦ f°me Scot-
thole who were at the table " not to ftir ; for that there tim men.
" was no harm intended to any but the agent who came
" from the rebels in England, who had newly murdered
" their King." And one of them, who knew Dorifiaus,
pulled him from the table, and killed him at his feet :
and thereupon they all put up their fwords, and walked
leifurely out of the houfe, leaving thofe who were in the
room, in much amazement and confternation. Though
all who were engaged in the enterprife went quietly
away, and fo out of the town, infomuch as no one of
them was ever apprehended, or called in queftion, yet
they kept not their own counfel fo well, (believing they
had done a very heroic act), but that it was generally
known they were all Scottifh men, and moft of them
fervants or dependants upon the Marquis of Mount
rofe, The King was exceedingly troubled and perplexed
with this accident, which he could not forefee, and eafily
difcerned that it would be applied to his prejudice ; and
that the States could not but highly refent it, in many
refpects ; that the man who was killed was in truth
their own fubject, and employed to them, as a public
minifter, by thofe with whom they had no mind to have
any quarrel. Upon all which his Majefly concluded,
that his prefence there would quickly appear more unac
ceptable than ever: befides, that there had been the
fame

44$ THE HISTORY Book XII.
fame night fome quarrels and fighting in the ftreets,
between fome fervants of the King and fome gentlemen
of the town ; in which a fon of one of the States was
dangeroufly hurt, though he recovered afterwards.
It cannot be denied but that the States proceeded
upon thefe diforders, to which they had not been accuf-
tomed, with great gravity, and more than ordinarjrre-
fpect to the King. They were highly offended with
what was paft, and fenfible what expoftulations and cla
mour for juftice they muft expect,' and fuftain from
England, and what reproaches they muft undergo for
fufrering all thofe who had been guilty of fuch a crime,
to efcape the minifters of juftice ; which could not but
be imputed to them, as a great fcandal to their govern
ment : yet they proceeded very flowly in their inquifi-
tion, and with fuch formalities as were ufual, (and which
could bring no prejudice to the offenders ; who were
either gone out of their dominions, or concealed them
felves in other towns, where the fame formalities were to
be ufed, if they were difcovered), and without fo much
reflection upon the King, as if they believed that the
guilty perfons had any relation to his fervice : yet they
took notice of " the multitude of ffrangers which were
" in the town, and how impoffible it would be for them
" to preferve the peace and good government thereof,
" if fuch refort were not reftrained," They aggravated
exceedingly " the indignity that had been offered to the
" State itfelf, in the attempt that had been made upon a
" perfon under their protection, and for whofe fafety the
" public faith was, upon the matter, engaged ;" with
infinuation enough, " that it would be fit for the King
" to remove from thence." Of all which his Majefty
receiving advertifement, he thought it better himfelf to
give them notice of his purpofe to leave them, than to
expect

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 447
expect a plain injunction from them to do fo. He found
this the more neceffary to be done, fince from the time
that the Scottiffi commiffioners were come thither, they
had taken great pains to infufe into the opinions of that
people, "that they ! were fent from the -i kingdom of
" Scotland, that was entirely and unanimoufly at his
" Majefty's difpofal, to invite him to repair thither,-, and
" to take poffeffion of his government there, where there
" was already an army preparing to affift him towards
" the recovery of his other dominions ; but that there
" was a party of evil counfellors about his Majefty, who
" diffuaded him from accepting that their invitation,
" except they would be content to change the govern-
" ment of their Church, and to eftabliffi epifcopacy
" there again." And by thefe infinuations they per
fuaded many of the States to believe, that the defence
of Bifhops, for whom they had no regard, was the fole
difference between the King and them, which kept the
King from going into Scotland : fo that the King was
not without fome apprehenfion, that, by that miftake and
falfe information, the States might give him advice to
accept the Scots' invitation. And therefore he fent to
the States of Holland, " that he had a defire to fay
" fomewhat to them, if they would affign him an audi-
" ence the next day ;" which they readily did.
The King was received in the fame manner he had The King
been formerly, and being conducted into the room of ^"ej^
council, after a fhort compliment, he delivered a paper "^^"^
to them, which he defired might be read, and that hethem,arae-
. , r mortal.
might receive their advice thereupon as foon as they
pleafed. The memorial contained, in the firft place,
his Majefty's acknowledgment of the civilities he had
received there, and his defire " that by them the States
" General" (who were not at that time affembled) " might

448.

THE HISTORY

Book XII.

might be informed of fuch his Majefty's fenfe of their
kindnefs, ; efpecially in the full and high deteftation
they had expreffed of the impious and unparalleled
murder of his royal father of bleffed memory, their
faft and unffiaken ally, by which the forms and rules
of all kind of government were no lefs violated and
diffblved, than that of monarchy : that he came to
inform them that he did intend, in a fhort time, fo to
difpofe of his perfon, as might with God's bleffing
moft probably advance his affairs; and that for the
better doing thereof, and that he might in fo impor
tant an affair receive their particular advice, he ffiould
impart to them the true ftate and condition of his
feveral dominions. That he needed not inform them
of the deplorable condition of his kingdom of England,
where the hearts and affections of his loyal fubjects
were fo depreffed and kept under by the power and
cruelty of thofe who had murdered their late Sovereign,
and who every day gave freffi and bloody inftances of
their tyranny, to fright 'men from their allegiance,
that for the prefent no man could believe that mifer-
able kingdom could be fit for his Majefty to truft his
perfon in : that in Scotland, it is very true, that his
Majefty is proclaimed King, but with fuch limita
tions and reftrictions againft his exercife of his royal
power, that in truth they had only given him the
name, and denied him the authority : that above
five parts of fix of the nobility and chief gentry of
that kingdom were likewife excluded from their juft
right, and from any part in the adminiftration of the
public affairs; fo that that kingdom feemed not fuffi-
ciently prepared for his Majefty's reception ; but that
he hoped, and doubted not, that there would be in a
fhort time a perfect union and right underftanding " between

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 449
" between all his fubjects of that his kingdom, and a
" due fubmiffion and obedience from them all to his
" Majefty, for that he was refolved (and had never had
^ the leaft purpofe to the contrary) to preferve and
" maintain the government of Church and State in that
" kingdom, as it is eftablifhed by the laws thereof, with-
" out any violation or alteration on his part : fo that
<c there could be no difference between him and his fub-
*.' jects of that kingdom, except they ffiould endeavour,
".and prefs his Majefty to alter the laws and government
<e. Of his other kingdoms ; which as it would be very
" unreafonable to defire, fo it is not in his power to do
" if he ffiould confent, and join with his fubjects of
" Scotland to that purpofe : which made him confident,
" that, when they had throughly weighed and confider-
ec ed what was good for themfelves, as well as for him,
<c they would acquiefce with enjoying the laws and prU
" vileges of that kingdom, without defiring to infringe
" or impofe upon thofe of their brethren and neigh -
" bours." And his Majefty defired the States, " that if
" any perfons had endeavoured to make any impreffions
" upon them, that he hath or ever had other intentions
" or defires, with reference to his fubjects of Scotland,
tc than what himfelf now expreffed to them to have,
" that they would give no credit to them ; and affured
" them, that they fhould always find him conftant to
" thofe refolutions, and efpecially, that all ways and
« means which might lead to the advancement and pro
pagation of the Proteftant religion ffiould be fo.hear-
" tily embraced by him, that the world ffiould have
" caufe to believe him to be worthy of his title of De
" fender of the -Faith, which he valued as his greateft
"attribute." '''"¦¦•;"*'
This being the true prefent condition of his two king- -C";\
, ¦ r&m HI', p. 1. Gg doms

450 ' THE HISTORY Book XIL
doriis of England and Scotland, and it being neceffary
for his Majefty, to give life to the afflicted ftate of his
affairs by his own perfonai activity and vigour, he told
them, " there remained only, that he ffiould impart to
" them the like ftate of his other kingdom of Ireland ;
" which had likewife fent to him, and defired him to re-
" pair thither with great importunity : that the Marquis
" of Ormond, his lieutenant there, had concluded a peace
" with the Roman Catholics ; and that thereby his
" Majefty was entirely poffeffed of three parts of four
" of that his large and fruitful kingdom, and of the
" command of good armies, and of many good fhips to
" be joined to his own fleet ; and that he had reafon to
" hope and to believe that Dublin itfelf, and the few
" other places, which had fubmitted to the rebellious.
" power in England, either already were, upon the know-
" ledge of that odious parricide, returned to their allegi-
" ance, or would fpeedily be reduced ; of which he ex-
" pected every day to receive advertifement ; which if
" it ffiould fall out, yet he forefaw many objections
<c might be made againft his going thither, not only in
" regard of the difficulty and danger of his paffage,
'-' but of the jealoufies which would arife upon the large
" conceffions which were made unto the Roman Catho-
" lies of that kingdom ; which could not be avoided."
And haying thus given them a clear information of the
ftate of his three kingdoms, his Majefty concluded with
his defire, " that the States would give him their advice
" as freely, to which of them he ffiould repair ; and
" that they would give him all neceffary affiftance that
" he might profecute their counfel."
Many men feared, that the King would have brought
great prejudice to himfelf by this communication, and,
upon the matter, obliged himfelf to follow their advice; which

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 451
which they apprehended would be contrary to his own
judgment. For nothing was more commonly difcourfed
among the Dutch, and by many of the States them
felves, than " that the King ought, without delay, to
" throw himfelf into the arms of Scotland, and to gra-
" tify them in all they defired : that Bifhops were not
" worth the contending for ; and that the fuppbrting
" them had been the ruin of his father, and would be
" his, if he continued in the fame obftinacy." But the
King had reafon to believe that they would not fo much
concern themfelves in his broken affairs, as to give him
advice what to do : and it was neceffary for him to get
a little more time, upon fome occurrences which would
every day happen, before he took a pofitive refolution
which way to freer : for though, in his own opinion,
Ireland was the place to which he was to repair, yet he
knew that, notwithftanding the peace that was made,
there were feveral parties ftill in arms there, befides thofe
who adhered to the Parliament, who refufed to fubmit to
that peace. Though the general Council at Kilkenny
{which had been always looked upon as the reprefenta
tive of the confederate Catholics of that kingdom, and
to which they had always fubmitted) had fully confented
to the treaty of peace with the Lord Lieutenant, yet
Owen O'Neile, who had the command of all the Irifh
in Ulfter,' and who was looked upon as the beft general
they had,' totally refufed to fubmit to it, and pofitively
protefted againft it, as not having provided for their in
tereft ; and that Council was not forry for his fepa-
ration, there being little lefs ariimofity between thofe of
Ulfter and the other Irifh, than was between them both
and the Englifh : and they knew that O'Neile more in*.
fifted upon recompence in lands and preferments, than
upon any provifion that concerned religion itfelf. Then
g g a the

45a THE HISTORY Book XII.
the Scots in Ulfter, who were very numerous, arid under
good difcipline, and well provided with arms and am
munition, would not fubmit to the commands of the
Lord Lieutenant ; but were refolved to. follow the ex
ample of their countrymen, and to fee the King admit
ted and received, as well as proclaimed, before they
would fubmit to his authority : which made the Marquis
of Ormond the lefs troubled at the obftinacy of O'Neile,
(though he had ufed all the means he had to draw him
in), fince he prefumed the Scots and he would mor
tify each other, during the time that he ffiould fpend in
making himfelf ftrong enough to fupprefs them both :
for the Scots who would not join with the Marquis
were very vigorous in profecuting the war againft
O'Neile, and the Irifh of Ulfter. Thefe divifions, fac*
tions, and confufions in Ireland, made the King the
more folicitous that his Council fhould be unanimous
for his .going thither, at leaft that the Scots, how viru+
lent foever againft each other, ffiould all concur in their
advice, " that it was not yet feafonable for him to go for
" Scotland ;" which made him labour fo much to bring
the Hamiltonians, and thofe who followed Mbu&trofej
whom he believed both to be of that opinion, to meet
together, and to own it jointly to the King in council t
but it is faid before how impoffible it was to obtain that
conjunction. When the King found that it was not poffible to bring
the lords of the Scottifh nation together to confer upon
thp affairs of that kingdom, he thought to have drawn
them feverally, that is, thofe of the Engagement by
themfelves, and the Marqui6 of Mountrofe with his
friends by themfelves, to have given him their advice, in
the prefence of hisvCouncil, that fo, upon debate thereof
between them, his Majefty might the more maturely have
determined

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 453
determined what he was to do. The Marquis of Mount
rofe expreffed a great willingnefs to give his Majefly
fatisfaction this or any other way, being willing to de
liver his opinion concerning things, Or perfons, before
any body, and in any place. But the lords of the
Engagement pofitively refufed to deliver their opinion,
but to the King himfelf, and not in the prefence of his
Council ; which, they faid, " would be to confefs a kind
" of fubordirtatioh of the kingdom of Scotland, which
" was independent on the Council of England ;" and
Duke Hamilton told the eounfellorj with whom he had
before fo freely coftverfed, and whd expoftulated with
him upon it, " that it was the only ground of the heavy
" judgtnent in Parliament againft the Earl of Traquair,
" that, having beeri the King's comrhiffioner in Scot-
" land, he gave account to the King of tranfactions,
" and of the affairs of that kingdom, at the Council
" Table in England ; whereof he was likewife a merri-
'-' ber ; fo jealous that kingdom was, and ftill is, of their
" native privileges ;" and therefore defired, " that he
" might not be preffed to do what had beert fo penal to
^ another in his Own fight."
The King fatisfied himfelf with having all their Opi-
nioris delivered to himfelf, fubfcribed under all their
hands, which every one confented to : though moft of
them would have been glad that the King would have
gone into Scotland, upon what condefcenfions foever ;
becarife they all believed his prefence would eafily turn
all, and that they fhould be quickly reftored to their
eftates, which they cared moft for; yet nobody pre
fumed to give that advice, or feemed to think it feafon-
at>fe. So that the King refumed the former debate of
going directly for Ireland, and direction was given for
providing fhips, and all other things neceffary for that
g g 3 voyage.

454 THE HISTORY Book XII.
voyage. There remained only one doubt, whether his
Majefty ffiould take France in his way, that he might
fee his mother, who by letters and meffages preffed him
very earneftly fo to do ; or whether he ffiould embark
in Holland directly for Ireland ; which would be lefs
lofs of time, and might be done early in the fpring, be
fore the Parliament's fleet ffiould put out to fea.
They who did not wifh that the Queen ffiould exer
cife any power over the King, or have too much credit
with him, were againft his going into France, as " an
" occafion of fpending more time than his affairs would
" permit, and an Obligation to make a greater expence
" than he had, or knew where to have, means to defray:"
and they thought it an argument of moment, " that,
" from the time of the murder of his father, the King
" had never received letter of condolement from France,
" nor the leaft invitation to go thither." On the other
fide, they who wifhed and hoped that the Queen would
have fuch an influence upon the Kirtg that his Council
fhould have lefs credit with him, defired very much that
' his Majefty would make France his way. The Scots
defired it very much, believing they ffiould find her Ma-'
jefty very propitious to their counfels, and inclined to
truft their undertakings ; and they were very fure that
Mountrofe would never go to Paris, or have credit with
the Queen.
The Prince of Orange, and the Princefs Royal his
wife, had a great defire to gratify the Queen, and that
the King ffiould fee her in the way ; and propofed,
" that his Majefty might appoint a place, where the
" Queen and he might meet, without going to Paris ;
" and, after three or four days flay together, his Majefty
" might haften his journey to fome convenient port,
" from whence he might embark for Ireland by a fhorter
" paffage

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 455
" paffage than from Holland ; and the Prince of Orange
" would appoint two fhips of war, to attend his Majefty
" in that French port, before he ffiould get thither."
His Majefty inclined this way, without pofitively refolv-
ing upon it ; yet directed "¦ that his own goods of bulk,
" and his inferior fervants, fhould be prefently embark-
" ed to take the directeft paffage to Ireland ;" and or
dered " that the reft, who were to wait upon his perfon.,
" ffiould likewife fend their goods and baggage, and
" fuch fervants who were not abfolutely neceffary for
" their prefent fervice, upon the fame fhips for Ireland ;"
declaring, " that, if he made France his way, he would
" make all poffible hafte, and go with as light a train as
" he could." Hereupon two fhips were fhortly after
provided, and many perfons (and great ftore of baggage)
embarked for Ireland, and arrived there in fafety ; but
moft of the perfons, and all the goods, mifcarried in
their return, when they knew that the King was not to
come thither, upon the accidents that afterwards fell out
there. This refolution being taken, the Lord Cottington,
who had a juft excufe from his age, being then feventy-
five years old, to wifh to be in fome repofe, confidered
with himfelf how to become difentangled from the
fatigue of thofe voyages and journeys, which he faw the
King would be obliged to make. In Holland he had no
mind to ftay, having never loved that people, nor been
loved by them ; and he thought the climate itfelf was
very pernicious to his health, by reafon of the gout,
which frequently vifi ted him. France was as ungrate
ful to him, where he had not been kindly treated, and
was looked upon as one who had been always addicted
to Spain, and no friend to the Crown of France; fo that
he was. willing to find a, good occafion to fpend the re-.
g g 4 mainder

456 THE HISTORY Book XII.
maihder of his age where he had fpent fo much of his
youth, in Spain, and where he believed that he might
be able to do the King more fervice than any other way.
And there was newly come to the Hague an Englifh
gentleman, who had been an officer in the King's army,
and was in Madrid when the news came thither of the
murder of the King: and he related many particulars
of the paffion and indignation of that Court, upon that
occafion, againft the rebels ; that " the King, and all
" the Court, put themfelves into folemn mourning ;"
(and he repeated fome expreffions which the King and
Don Lewis de Haro had made of tendernefs and com-
paffion for our King) ; and that " the King of Spain
" fpoke of fending an ambaffador to his Majefty."
Thefe relations, and any thing of that kind, how
weakly foever founded, were very willingly heard. And
Conference from hence the Lord Cottington took occafion to confer
theWLoerd whh the Chancellor of the Exchequer (with whom he
andthe'011 ^e^ a ^"^ friendfhip, they living and keeping houfe
Chancellor together) of " the ill condition the King was in, and that
chequer " he ought to think, what Prince's kindnefs was like to
the Ki'ng'sf " be of moft ufe and benefit to his Majefty, and from
embaflyan " whom he might hope to receive a fum of money ; if
into Spain, a not as much as might ferve for a martial expedition,
" yet fuch an annual exhibition as might ferve for his
" fupport : that he had already experience of France,
" and knew w811 the intelligence that the Cardinal had
" at that very time with Cromwell : but he did verily
" believe, that if the King of Spain were dexteroufly
" treated with, and not more afked of him than could
" confift with his affairs to fpare, a good yearly fupport
xc bright be procured there, and the expectation of it
" might be worth the King's fendirig an ambaffadot
"thither." He faid^ "he was more of. that opinion
 " fince

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 457
" fince the King had taken the refolution of going for
?' Ireland ; where the King of Spain's credit might be
" of great benefit to him : that Owen O'Neile, and the
<e old Irifh of Ulfter, were ftill in arms againft the
" King ; and would not fubmit to the conditions which
" the general Council of the confederate Catholics had
" confented to with the Marquis of Ormond : that
" O'Neile had been bred in Spain, and had a regiment
" in Flanders, and fo muft have ah abfolute dependence
" upon his Catholic Majefty, for whom all the old Irifh
" had ever had a particular devotion; and if it were only
" to difpofe him and that people to the King's obedience,
" and to accept thofe conditions which might cohveni-
" ently be given to them, it were well worth fuch a jour-
" ney ; and the King of Spain would never refufe to
" gratify the King to the utmoft that could be defired
" in that particular." The Chancellor thought this dif
courfe not unreafonable, arid afked him, " who would be
" fit to be fent thither?" not imagining that he had any
thought of going thither himfelf. He anfwered, " that,
" if the King would be advifed by him, he fhould fend
" them two thither, and he did believe they ffiould do
u him very good fervice."
The Chancellor was weary of the company he was in,
and the bufinefs, which, having no profpect but towards
defpair, was yet rendered more grievous by the continual
contentions and animofities between perfons. He knew
he was not in the Queen's favour at all, and ffiould find
no refpect in that Court. However, he was very fcru-
pulous, that the King might not fufpect that he Was
weary of his attendance, or that any body elfe might
believe that he withdrew himfelf from waiting longer
upon fo defperate a fortune. In the end, he told the
Lord Cottington, " that he would only be paffive in the
" point,

45?

THE HISTORY Book XII.

(t point, and refer it entirely to him, if he thought fit to
" difpofe the King to like it ; and if the King approved
" it fo much as to take notice of it to the Chancellor j
" and commend it as a thing he thought for his fervice^
" he would fubmit to his command."
The Lord Cottingtoris heart was much fet upon this
employment, and he managed fo warily with the King,
and prefented the whole fcheme to him fo dexteroufly,
that his Majefty was much pleafed with it ; and fhortly
The King after declared his refolution publicly, " to fend the Lord
thokZa " Cottington, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, his
t0befr's " ambaffadors extraordinary into Spain;" and com-
dors. manded them " to prepare their own commiffion and
" inftructions ; and to begin their journey as foon as
" was poffible,"
Before the King could begin his own journey for
France, and fo to Ireland, his Majefty thought it necef.
fary, upon the whole profpect of his affairs with refer-;
ence to all places, to put his bufinefs into as good a
method as he could, and to difpofe of that number of;
officers, and foldiers, and other perfons, who had pre
fented themfelves to be applied to his fervice, or to leave
them to take the beft courfe they could for their own
fubfiftence. Of thefe, many were fent into Ireland
with the fhips which carried the King's goods, with
recommendation to the Marquis of Ormond, " to put
" them uito his army till the King came thhher." Since
the Scots were no better difpofed to ferve, or receive the
King for the prefent, his Majefty was refolved to give
the Marquis of Mountrofe all the encouragement he
defired to vifit them, and to incline them to a better
temper. s
There was then at the Hague Cornificius Wolfelte,
• ambaffador extraordinary from the King of Denmark to
the

OF THE REBELLION, &o. 459
the States General ; who came with a great train and
great ftate, and was himfelf a man of vanity and often-
tation, and took pains to be thought fo great a man by
his own intereft, that he did not enough extol the power
of his mafter; which proved his ruin after his return. He
had left Denmark before the news came thither of the
murder of the King, and fo he had no credentials for
his Majefty, by reafon whereof he could not receive any
public formal audience ; but defired " the King's leave
" that he might, as by accident, be admitted to fpeak
" to him at the Queen of Bohemia's Court ;" where his
Majefty ufed to be every day ; and there the ambaffa
dor often fpoke to him. The Marquis of Mountrofe
had found means to endear himfelf much to this am
baffador, who gave him encouragement to hope for a
very good reception in Denmark, if the King would
fend him thither, and that he might obtain arms- and
ammunition there for Scodand. The ambaffador told
him, " that, if the King would write a letter to him
" to that purpofe, he would prefently fupply him
" with fome money and arms, in affurance that his maf-
" ter would very well approve of what he ffiould do."
The Marquis of Mountrofe well knew that the King
was not able to fupply him with the leaft proportion of
money to begin his journey; and therefore he had only
propofed, " that the King would give him letters, in the
" form he prefcribed, to feveral Princes in Germany,
" whofe affections he pretended to know ;" which let
ters he fent by feveral officers, who were to bring the
foldiers or arms they ffiould obtain, to a rendezvous he
appointed near Hamburg ; and refolved himfelf to go
into Sweden and Denmark, in hope to get fupplies in
both thofe places, both from the Crowns, and by the
contribution

THE HISTORY ' Book XII.
Contribution of many Scottiffi officers, who had com*
mand and eftates iri thofe countries ; and to have credent
rials, by virtue of which he might appear ambaffadof
extraordinary front the King, if he ffiould find it expe-^
dient; though he did intend rather to negOciate his
bufinefs in private, and without any public character.
All this was refolved before his confidence, at leaft his
familiarity, with the ambaffador was grown lefs. But,
upori the encouragement he had from hito, he moved
the King " for his letter to the ambaffador, to affift the
f' Marquis of Mountrofe with his advice, and with his'
" intereft iri Denmark, and in any other Court, to the
" end that he might obtain the loan of monies, arms^
" and ammunition, and whatever elfe was neceflary to
" enable the Marquis to profecute his intended defcent
" into Scotland." The King, glad that he did not pfefs
for ready money, which he was not able to fupply him
with, gave him fuch letters as he defired to all perfons,
and particularly to the ambaffador himfelf, who, having
order from his mafter to prefent the King with a fum of
money for his prefent occafions, never informed the King
thereof, but advifed Mountrofe to procure fuch a letter
from his Majefty to him ; which being done, the Mar
quis received that money from him, and likewife fome
arms ; with which he begun his unfortunate enterprife ;
The Mar- and profecuted his journey to Hamburg ; where he ex->.
Mountrofe pected to meet his German troops, which he believed
Hamburg, *he officers he had fent thither with the King's letters
would be well able to raife, with the affiftance of thofe
Princes to whom they had been fent. But he was car
ried on by a ftronger affurance he had received from
fome prophecies, and predictions, to which he was na
turally given, " that he ffiould by his valour recover
" Scotland

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 4$!
" Scotland for the Kirig, and from theftCe condu& an
" army that ffiould fettle his Majefty in all his other do^
*f minions.'' There had been yet nothing done by the King with
reference to England fince the murder of his father; nor
did there appear any thing, of any kind, to be attempted
as yet there : there was fo terrible a confternation, that
ftill poffeffed the fpirits of that people, that though
men's affections were greater, and more general for the
King, out of the horror and deteftation they had of the
late parricide, yet the owning it was too penal for their
broken courage ; nor was it believed poffible for any
man to contribute any thing, at prefent, for their deli-.
verance. However, moft men were of opinion, i( that
M it was neceffary for the King to publifh fome declara-
" tion, that he might not feem utterly to give over his
" claim there; and to keep up the fpirits of his friend.9.',
And many from England, who in the midft of their
defpair would give fome counfel, advifed, " that there
" might be fomewhat publifhed by the King thai?
" might give fome check to the general fubmitting to
" the Engagement, which was fo univerfally preffed?
" there." The King being every day advertifed, how
much this was defired and expected, arid the. Scottiffi
lords -being of the fame opinion, hoping that fomewhat
might be inferted in it that might favour the Prefbyte
rians, his Majefty propofed at the Council, " that there
" might he fome draught prepared of a proclamation,'
" or declaration, only with reference to the kingdom of*
" England ;n and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, -t^ c-han-
" o ' r 1 cellorofthe
who had been moft converfant in instruments of that na-'Exchequer
ture, was appointed to make one ready ; though he had^ make a
declared, " that he did not know what fuch a dedara--*^'*l°*
(f tion could contain, and therefore, that, he thought.il>Ensland- "not

46a THE HISTORY Book XII.
" not feafonable to publifh any." The Prince of
Orange was prefent at that Council, and, whether from
his own opinion, or from the fuggeftion of the Scottifh
lords, who were much favoured by him, he wifhed,
" that, in regard of the great differences which were in
" England about matters of religion, the King would
" offer, in this declaration, to refer all matters in contro-
tl verfy concerhing religion to a national fynod ; in
" which there fhould be admitted fome foreign divines
" from the Proteftant churches ;" which, he thought,
would be a popular claufe, and might be acceptable
abroad as well as at home : and the King believed no
objection could be made againft it ; and fo thought fit
fuch a claufe ffiould be inferted.
Within a fhort time after the Council was parted, the
Prince of Orange fent for the Lord Cottington, and told
him, " he was not enough acquainted with the Chancel-
" lor of the Exchequer, but defired him to entreat him
" not to be too ffiarp in this declaration, the end where-
" of Was to unite and reconcile different humours ; and
" that he found many had a great apprehenfion, that
" the fharpnefs of his ftyle would irritate them much
" more." The Chancellor knew well enough that this
came from the Lord Lautherdale, and he wiffied heartily
that the charge might be committed to any body
elfe, protefting, " that he was never lefs difpofed in his
" 0wn conceptions and reflections to undertake any
" fuch tafk in his life ; and that he could not imagine
" how it was poffible for the King to publifh a declara-
" tion at ihat time, (his firft declaration,) without much
" fharpnefs againft the murderers of his father;" which
nobody could fpeak againft ; nor could he be excufed
from the work impofed upon him : and the Prince of
Orange affured him, " it was not that kind of fharpnefs " which

OF THE REBELLION, fee. 463
" which he wiffied fhould be declined :" and though
he feemed not willing farther to explain himfelf, it was
evident that he wiffied that there might not be any
fharpnefs againft the Prefbyterians, for which there was
at that time no occafion.
There was one particular, which, without a" full and
diftinct inftruction, the Chancellor could not prefume
to exprefs. The great end of this declaration was to
confirm the affection of as many as was poffible for the
King, and, confequently, as few were to be made defpe^
rate as might confift with the King's honour, and necef
fary juftice ; fo that how far that claufe, which was ef-
fential to a declaration upon this fubject, concerning
the indemnity of perfons, ffiould extend, was the quef
tion. And in this there was difference of opinions ; the
moft prevalent was, " that no perfons ffiould be except-
" ed from pardon, but only fuch who had an immediate
" hand in the execrable murder of the King, by being
" his judges, and pronouncing that fentence, and they
" who performed the execution." Others faid, they ,
" knew that fome were in the lift of the judges, and
" named by the Parliament, who found excufes to be
" abfent ;" and others, that " fome who were not
" named, more contrived and contributed' to that
" odious proceeding, than many of the actors in it."
But the refolution was, that the former ffiould be only
comprehended. When the declaration was - prepared, and read at the
Board, there was a deep filence, no man fpeaking to
any part of it. But another day was appointed for a
fecond reading it, againft which time every man might
be better prepared to fpeak to it: and in the mean
time the Prince of Orange, in regard he was not a perfect
mafter of the Englifh tongue, defired he might have a
copy

THE HISTORY BookXII.
Copy of it, that he might the better underftand it. And
the Chancellor of the Exchequer defired, " that not only
" the Prince of Orange might have a copy, but that his
" Majefty would likewife have one, and, after he fhould
" have perufed it himfelf, he would ffiew it to any
" other, who he thought was fit to advife with ;" there
being many lords and other perfons of quality about
him, who were not of the Council : and he moved,
" that he might have liberty himfelf to communicate it
" to fome who were like to make a judgment, how far
" any thing of that nature was like to be acceptable,
" and agreeable to the minds of the people j" and
named Herbert the Attorney General, and Dr. Steward,
who was Dean of the chapel ; and his opinion, in all
things relating to the Church, the King had been ad
vifed by his father to fubmit to. All which was apr
proved by the King ; and, for that reafon, a farther day
Different was appointed for the fecond reading. The iffue was^
"ring's" that, except two or three of the Council, who were of
Council one an(j the fame opinion of the whole, there were not
when itwas two perfons who were admitted to the perufal of it,
who did not take fome exception to it, though fcarce two
made the fame exception. •>
Doctor Steward, though a man of a very good un-
derftanding, was fo exceedingly grieved at the claufe of
admitting foreign divines into a fynod that was to con
fult upon the Church of England, that he could not be
fatisfied by any arguments that could be given of " the'
" impoffibility of any effect, or that the Parliament
" would accept the overture ; and that there could be
" no danger if it did, becaufe the number of thofe fo-
" reign divines muft be ftill limited by the King ;" ' but
came one morning to the Chancellor, with whom he
had a friendfhip, and protefted " he had not flept that
;; " night

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 465
" night, out of the agony and trouble, that he, who he
" knew loved the Church fo well, ffiould confent to a
" claufe fo much againft the honour of it ;" and went
from him to the King, to befeech him never to approve it.
Some were of opinion, "that there were too few excepted
" from pardon; by which the King would not have con-
" fifcations enough to fatisfy and reward his party:" and
others thought, " that there were too many excepted ;
" and that it was not prudent to make fo many men
e ' defperate ; but that it would be fufficient to except
" Cromwell, and Bradfhaw, and three or four more of
" thofe whofe malice was rnofl notorious ; the whole
" number not to exceed fix."
The Scots did not value the claufe for foreign di
vines, who, they knew, could perfuade little in an Eng
lifh fynod; but they were implacably offended, that
the King mentioned the government of the Church
of England, and the Book of Common-Prayer, with fo
much reverence and devotion ; which was the fharpnefs
they moft feared of the Chancellor's ftyle, when they
thought now the Covenant to be neceflary to be infifted
upon more than. ever. So that, when the declaration
was read at the Board the fecond time, moft men being
moved with the difcourfes, arid fears which were ex-
preffed abroad of fome ill effects it might produce, it
was more faintly debated, and men feemed not to think
that the publiffiing any, at this time, was of fo much
importance, as they formerly had conceived it to be.
By all which men may judge, how hard a thing it was
for the King to refolve, and act. with that fteadinefs and
refolution, which the moft unprofperous condition doth
more require than the ftate that is lefs perplexed and en
tangled. Thus the declaration flept without farther pro- upon
pofition to publifh any. waylaid
vol. 111. p.i. h h A!laf,de-

466 THE HISTORY Book XII.
All things being now as much provided for as they
were like to be, the two ambaffadors for Spain were very
folicitous to begin their journey, the King being at laft
refolved not to give his mother the trouble of making a
journey to meet him, but to go himfelf directly to St.
Germain's, where her Majefty was. The Prince of
Orange, to advance that refolution, had promifed to
fupply the King with twenty thoufand pounds ; which
was too great a loan for him to make, who had already
great debts upon him, though it was very little for the
enabling the King to difcharge the debts he and his fa
mily had contracted at the Hague, and to make his
journey. Out of this fum the Lord Cottington and
the Chancellor were to receive fo much as was defign
ed to defray their journey to Paris : what was necef
fary for the difcharge of their embaffy, or for making
their journey from Paris, was not yet provided. The
King had fome hope, that the Duke of Lorrain would
lend him fome money ; which he defigned for this fer^
vice ; which made it neceffary that they ffiould imme
diately refort to Bruffels, to finiffi that negociation, and
from thence to profecute their journey.
In the foliciting their firft difpatch at the Hague,
they made a difcovery that feemed very ftrange to
them, though afterwards it was a truth that was very
notorious. Their journey having been put off fome
days, only for the receipt of that fmall fum, which was
to be paid them out of the money to be lent by the
Prince of Orange, and Hemflet, the Prince's chief offi
cer in fuch affairs of money, having been fome days at
Amfterdam to negociate that loan, and no money being
returned, they believed that there was fome affected de
lay ; and fo went to the Prince of Orange, who had ad
vifed, and was well pleafed with that embaffy, to know when

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 467
when that money would be ready for the King, that he
might likewife refolve upon the time for his own journey.
The Prince told them, he believed, " that they, who
" knew London fo well, and had heard fo much dif-
" courfe of the wealth of Holland, would wonder very
" much that he ffiould have been endeavouring above ten
" days to borrow twenty thoufand pounds ; and that the
" richeft men in Amfterdam had promifed him to fup-
" ply him with it, and that one half of it was not yet pro-
" vided." He faid, "it was not that there was any queftion
" of his credit, which was very good; and that the fecu-
" rityhe gave was as good as anybody defired, and upon
" which he could have double the fum in lefs time, if he
" would receive it in paper, which was the courfe of that
" country; where bargains being made for one hundred
" thoufand pounds to be paid within ten days, it was
" never known that twenty thoufand pounds was paid
" together in one town ; but by bills upon Rotterdam,
" Harlem, the Hague, and Antwerp, and other places,
" which was as convenient, or more, to all parties ; and
" he did verily believe, that though Amfterdam could
" pay a million within a month, upon any good occa-
" fion, yet they would be troubled to bring twenty thou-
" fand pounds together into any one room ; and that
" was the true reafon, that the money was not yet
" brought to the Hague; which it ffiould be within few
" days ;" as it was accordingly.
The ambaffadors took their leave of the King at theTheambaf-
Hague before the middle of May, and had a yacht from sVTn begin
the Prince of Orange, that attended them at Rotterdam, *£r jour"
and tranfported them with great convenience to Antwerp,
where the Chancellor's wife and his family were arrived
ten days before, and were fettled in a good and conveni
ent houfe ; where the Lord Cottington and he both
h h 2 lodged

468 THE HISTORY Book XII.
lodged whilft they ftayed in that city. There they met
the Lord Jermyn in his way towards the King, to haften
the King's journey into France,. upon the Queen's great
importunity. He was very glad they were both come
away from the King, and believed he ffiould more eafily
prevail with his Majefty in all things, as indeed he did.
After two or three days ftay at Antwerp, they went to
Bruflels to deliver their credentials both to the Arch
duke and the Duke of Lorrain, and to vifit the Spaniffi
minifters, and, upon their landing at Bruflels, they took
it for a good omen, that they were affured, " that Le
" Brune, who had been one of the plenipotentiaries at
" the treaty of Munfter, on the behalf of the King of
" Spain, was then in that town with credentials to vifit
" the King, and to condole with him." They had an
audience, the next day, of the Archduke: they per
formed the compliments to him from the King, and in
formed him of their embaffy into Spain, and defired his
recommendation, and good offices in that Court ; which
he, according to his flow and formal way of fpeaking,
confented to : and they had no more to do with him,
but received the vifi'ts from the officers, in his name,
according to the ftyle of that Court. Their main bufi-
They -vifit nefs was with the Duke of Lorrain, to procure money
the Duke of . . . . r *
Lorrain at for their journey into Spain.
The Duke was a prince that lived in a different man
ner from all other fovereign princes in the world : from
the time, that he had been driven out of his country by
France, he had retired to Bruflels with his army, which
he kept up very ftrong, and ferved the King of Spain
with it againft the French, upon fuch terms and condi
tions as were made, and renewed every year between
them ; by which he received great fums of money
yearly from the Spaniard, and was fure very rich in
money.

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 469
money. He always commanded apart in the field, his
officers received no orders but from himfelf: he always
agreed at the council of war what he ffiould do, and
his army was in truth the beft part of the Spaniffi forces.
In the town of Bruflels he lived without any order, me
thod, or ftate of a Prince, except towards the Spaniards
in his treaties, and being prefent in their councils, where
he always kept his full dignity : otherwife, he lived in a
jolly familiarity with the bourgeois and their wives, and
feafted with them, but fcarce kept a court, or any num
ber of fervants, or retinue. The houfe wherein he
lived was a very ordinary one, and not furnifhed ; nor
was he often there, or eafy to be found ; fo that the
ambaffadors could not eafily fend to him for an audi
ence. He received them in a lower room with great
courtefy and familiarity ; and vifited them at their own
lodging. He was a man of great wit, and prefence of
mind, and, if he had not affected extravagancies, no
man knew better how to act the prince. He loved his
money very much ; yet the Lord Cottington's dexterity
and addrefs prevailed with him to lend the King two
thoufand pifloles ; which was all that was in their view
for defraying their embaffy. But they hoped they
ffiould procure fome fupply in Spain, out of which their
own neceffary expences muft be provided for.
There were two Spaniards, by whom all the councils
there were governed and conducted, and which the
Archduke himfelf could not control ; the Conde of
Pignoranda (who was newly come from Munfter, being
the other plenipotentiary there; and ftayed only at Bruf-
fels, in expectation of renewing the treaty again with
France ; but, whilft he ftayed there, was in the higheft
truft of all the affairs) and the Conde of Fuenfaldagna,
who was the governor of the arms, and commanded
HI13 the

470 THE HISTORY Book XII.
the army next under the Archduke ; which was a fub-
ordination very little inferior to the being General.
They were both very able and expert men in bufinefs,
and if they were not very wife men, that nation had
none. The former was a man of the robe, of a great
wit, and much experience, proud, and, if he had not
been a little too pedantic, might very well be looked
upon as a very extraordinary man, and was much im
proved by the excellent temper of Le Brune, (the other
plenipotentiary,) who was indeed a wife man, and by
feeming to defer in all things to Pignoranda, governed
him. The Conde of Fuenfaldagna was of a much bet
ter temper, more induftry, and more infinuation than
Spaniards ufe to have: his greateft talent lay to civil
bufinefs ; yet he was the beft general of that time to all
other offices and purpofes, than what were neceffary in
the hour of battle, when he was not fo prefent and com-
pofed as at all other feafons.
Both thefe received the ambaffadors with the ufual
civilities, and returned their vifits to their own lodging,
but feemed not pleafed with their journey to Madrid,
and fpoke much of the neceffities that Crown was in,
and its difability to affift the King ; which the ambaf
fadors imputed to the influence Don Alonzo de Cardi-
nas had upon them both ; who remained ftill under the
fame character in England he had done for many years
before. The fame civilities were performed between
Le Brune and them ; who treated them with much
more freedom, and encouraged them to hope well from
their negociation in Spain ; acquainted them with his own
inftructions, " to. give the King all affurance of the af-
" fection of his Catholic Majefly, and of his readinefs
" to do any thing for him that was in his power." He
faid, " he only deferred his journey, becaufe he heard
« that

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 471
" that the King intended to fpend fome time at Breda ;
" and he had rather attend him there, than at the
."Hague."
When the ambaffadors had difpatched all their bufi
nefs at Bruflels, and received the money from the Duke
of Lorrain, they returned to Antwerp ; where they were
to negociate for the return of their monies to Madrid ;
which required very much warinefs, the bills from thence
finding now more difficulties at Madrid, than they had
done in former times.
By the letters my Lord Jermyn brought, and the im
portunity he ufed, the King refolved to begin his jour
ney fooner than he thought to have done, that is,
fooner than he thought he ffiould have been able, all
provifions being to begin to be made both for his jour
ney into France, and from thence into Ireland, after the
money was received that fhould pay for them. But the
Queen's impatience was fo great to fee his Majefty, that
the Prince of Orange, and the Princefs Royal his wife,
were as impatient to give her that fatisfaction. Though
her Majefty could not juftly diflike any refolution the
King had taken, nor could imagine whither he ffiould
go but into Ireland, ffie was exceedingly difpleafed that
any refolution at all had been taken before ffie was con
fulted. She was angry that the counfellors were chofen
without her directions, and looked upon all that had
been done, as done in order to exclude her from med
dling in the affairs ; all which ffie imputed principally
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer : neverthelefs fhe
was not pleafed with the defign of the negociation in
Spain. For though fhe had no confidence of his affec
tion to her, or rather of his complying with all her com
mands, yet ffie had all confidence in his duty and inte
grity to the King, and therefore wiffied he ffiould be
Hh4 ftill

472 THE HISTORY Book XII.
ftill about his perfon, and trufted in his bufinefs; which
ffie thought him much fitter for than fuch a negociation,
which ffie believed, out of her natural prejudice to Spain,
would produce no advantage to the King.
The King That the Queen might receive fome content, in
Breda. knowing that the King had begun his journey, the
Prince of Orange defired him," whilft his fervants pre-
" pared what was neceffary at the Hague, that himfelf,
" and that part of his train that was ready, would go to
" Breda, and ftay there till the reft were ready to come
" up to him ;" that being his beft way to Flanders,
through which he muft pafs into France. Breda was a
town of the Prince's own, where he had a handfome
palace and caftle, and a place where the King might
have many divertifements. Hither the Spaniffi ambaf
fador, Le Brune, came to attend his Majefty, and de-
, livered his mailer's compliments to his Majefty, and of
fered his own fervices to him, whilft he ffiould remain
in thofe provinces ; he being at that time defigned to
remain ambaffador to the United Provinces ; as he
did ; and died fhortly after at the Hague, with a general
regret. He was born a fubject to the King of Spain, in
that part of Burgundy that was under his dominion ;
and having been from his youth always bred in bufinefs,
and being a man of great parts and temper,, he might
very well be looked upon as one of the beft ftatefmen
in Chriftendom, and who beft underftood the true inter
eft of all the Princes of Europe.
As foon as the Lord Cottington and the Chancellor
heard of the King's being at Breda, and that he intend
ed to haften his journey for France, they refolved, hav
ing in truth not yet negociated all things neceffary for
their journey, to ftay till the King paffed by, and not to
go to St. Germain's till the firft interview, and eclair-
ciffements

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 473
ciffements were paffed between the King and Queen,
that they might then be the better able to judge what
weather was like to be.
The King was received at Antwerp with great magni-Thence to
licence: he entered in a very rich coach with fix
horfes, which the Archduke fent a prefent to him when
he came into the Spaniffi dominions : he was treated
there, at the charge of the city, very fplendidly for two
days : and went then to Bruflels, where he was lodged Thence to
in the palace, and royally entertained. But the French
army, under the command of the Conte de Harcourt, was
two days before fet down before Cambray ; with the
news whereof the Spaniffi Council was furprifed, and in
fo much diforder, that the Archduke was gone to the
army to Mons, and Valenciennes, whilft the King
was in Antwerp ; fo that the King was received
only by his officers ; who performed their parts very
well. Here the Conde of Pignoranda waited upon the King
in the quality of an ambaffador, and covered. And his
Majefty ftayed here three or four days, not being able
fuddenly to refolve which way he ffiould pafs into
France. But he was not troubled long with that
doubt ; for the French thought to have furprifed that
town, and to have caft up their line of circumvallation
before any fupplies could be put in ; but the Conde
Fuenfaldagna found a way to put feven or eight hundred
foot into the town ; upon which the French raifed the
fiege ; and fo the King made his journey by the ufual
way ; and, near Valenciennes, had an interview with the The Kins
Archduke ; and, after fome fhort ceremonies, continued terview
on his journey, and lodged at Cambray; where he was Archduke

near Valen-
vernor there, and a very civil gentleman.

likewife treated by the Conde de Garcies, who was go C1 ,

About

474 THE HISTORY Book XIL
About a week after the King left Bruflels, the two
ambaffadors profecuted their journey for Paris; where
they ftayed only one day, and then went to St. Ger
main's; where the King and the Queen his mother, with
both their families, and the Duke of York's, then were;
by whom they were received gracioufly. They had no
reafon to repent their caution in flaying fo long behind
the King, for they found the Court fo full of jealoufy and
diforder, that every body was glad that they were come.
After the firft two or three days that the King and
Queen had been together, which were fpent in tears and
lamentations for the great alteration that had happened
fince their laft parting, the Queen begun to confer with
the King of his bufinefs, and what courfe he meant to
take ; in which ffie found him fo referved, as if he had
no mind fhe ffiould be converfant in it. He made no
apologies to her ; which ffie expected ; nor any profef
fions of refigning himfelf up to her advice. On the con
trary, upon fome expoftulations, he had told her plainly,
" that he would always perform his duty towards her
" with great affection and exactnefs, but that in his
" bufinefs he would obey his own reafon and judg-
" ment ;" and did as good as defire her not to trouble
herfelf in his affairs: and finding her paffions ftrong, he
frequently retired from her with fome abruptnefs, and
feemed not to defire to be fo much in her company as
ffie expected ; and prefcribed fome new rules to be ob
ferved in his own retirement, which he had not been ac-
cuftomed to.
This kind of unexpected behaviour gave the Queen
much/trouble. She begun to think, that this diftance,
which the King feemed to affect,' was more than the
Chancellor of the Exchequer could wifh ; and that
there was fomebody elfe, who did her more differvice :
info-

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 475
infomuch as to the ladies who were about her, whereof
fome were very much his friends, ffie feemed to wifh,
that the Chancellor were come. There was a gentle
man, who was newly come from England, and who '
came to the Hague after the Chancellor had taken his
leave of the King, and had been ever fince very clofe
about him, being one of the Grooms of his Bedcham
ber, one Mr. Thomas Elliot, a perfon fpoken of before ; Mr. Elliot
whom the King's father had formerly fent into France, the King:
at the fame time that he refolved the Prince ffiould go enc^upon
for the Weft; and for no other reafon, but that hehisMaiefty-
ffiould not attend upon his fon. And he had given or
der, '• that if he ffiould retorn out of France, and come
" into the Weft, the Council fhould not fuffer him to
" be about the Prince;" with whom he thought he had
too much credit, and would ufe it ill ; and he had
never feen the Prince from the time he left Oxford till
now. He was a bold man, and fpoke all things confi
dently, and had not that reverence for the late King
v which he ought to have had ; and lefs for the Queen ;
though he had great obligations to both ; yet being not
fo great as he had a mind to, he looked upon them as
none at all. This gentleman came to the King juft as
he left the Hague, and both as he was a new comer,
and as one for whom his Majefty had formerly much
kindnefs, was very well received ; and being one who
would receive no injury from his modefty, made the fa
vour the King fhewed him as bright, and to ffiine as
much in the eyes of all men, as was poffible. He was
never from the perfon of the King, and always whifper-
ing in his ear, taking upon him to underftand the fenfe
and opinion of all the loyal party in England ; and
when he had a mind that the King fhould think well,
pr ill, of any man, he told him, -' that he was much be-
" loved

476 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" loved by, or very odious to, all his party there." By
thefe infufions, he had prevailed with him to look with
lefs grace upon the Earl of Briftol, who came from
Caen (where he had hitherto refided) to kifs his hands,
than his own good nature would have inclined him to ;
and'more to difcountenance the Lord Digby, and to tell
him plainly, " that he ffiould not ferve him in the
" place of Secretary of State ;" in which he had ferved
his father, and from which men have feldom been re
moved upon the defcent of the Crown ; and not to ad
mit either father or fon to be of his Council ; which
was more extraordinary. He told the King, " it would
" be the moft unpopular thing he could do, and which
" would lofe him more hearts in England than any
" other thing, if he were thought to be governed by his
" mother." And in a month's time that he had been
about the King, he begun already to be looked upon
as very like to become the favourite. He had ufed
the Queen with wonderful neglect when fhe fpoke to
him, and had got fo much intereft with the King, that
he had procured a promife from his Majefty to make
Colonel Windham, whofe daughter Mr. Elliot had
married, Secretary of State ; an honeft gentleman, but
extreme unequal to that province ; towards which he
could not pretend a better qualification, than that his
wife had been nurfe to the Prince, who was now King.
In thefe kind of humours and indifpofitions the am
baffadors found the Court, when they cafne to St. Ger
main's. They had, during their ftay at Paris, in their
way to Court, conferred with the Earl of Briftol, and
his fon the Lord Digby ; who breathed out their griefs
to them ; and the Lord Digby was the more troubled to
find that Mr. Elliot, who was a known and declared
enemy of his, had gotten fo much credit with the King, as

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 477
as to be able to fatisfy his own malice upon him, by the
countenance of his Majefty ; in whom, he knew, the
King his father defired, that he ffiould of all men have
the leaft intereft. After they had been a day or two
there, the Chancellor of the Exchequer thinking it his
duty to fay fomewhat to the Queen in particular, and
knowing that ffie expected he ffiould do fo, and the
King having told him at large all that had paffed with
his mother, and the ill humour fhe was in, (all which his
Majefty related in a more exalted dialect than he had
been accuftomed to), and his Majefty being very willing
to underftand what the Queen thought upon the whole,
the Chancellor afked a private audience ; which her
Majefty readily granted. And after ffie had gently ex- a private
poftulated upon the old paffages at Jerfey, fhe con-thechan-
cluded with the mention of the great confidence the^e°Que'en.
King her hufband had always repofed in him, and
thereupon renewed her own gracious profeffions of
good will towards him. Then ffie complained, not
without tears, of the King's unkindnefs towards her, and
of his way of living with her, of fome expreffions
he had ufed in difcourfe in her own prefence, and of
what he had faid in other places, and of the great credit
Mr. Elliot had with him, and of his rude behaviour to
wards her Majefty, and laftly of the incredible defign of
making Windham Secretary ; " who, befides his other
" unfitnefs," flie faid, " would be fure to join with the
" other to leffen the King's kindnefs to her all they
" could." The Chancellor, after he had made all the
profeffions of duty to her Majefty which became him,
and faid what he really believed of the King's kindnefs
and refpect for her, afked her, " whether ffie would
" give him leave to take notice of any thing ffie had
" faid to him, or, in general, that he found her Ma-
"jefty

478 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" jelly unfatisfied with the King's unkindnefs ?" The
Queen replied, " that ffie was well contented he ffiould
" take notice of every thing ffie had faid ; and, above
" all, of his purpofe to make Windham Secretary :"
of which the King had not made the leaft mention,
though he had taken notice to him of moft other things
the Queen had faid to him.
The Chancellor, fhortly after, found an opportunity
to inform the King of all that had paffed from the
Queen, in fuch a method as might give him occafion
to enlarge upon all the particulars. The King heard
him very greedily, and protefted, " that he defired
" nothing more than to live very well with the Queen ;
" towards whom he would never fail in his duty, as far
" as was confiftent with his honour, and the good of his
" affairs ; which, at prefent, it may be, required more
" refervation towards the Queen, and to have it believed
" that he communicated lefs with her than he did, or
" than he intended to do : that, if he did not feem to
" be defirous of her company, it was only when fhe
" grieved him by fome importunities, in which he
" could not fatisfy her ; and that her exception againft
" Elliot was very unjuft ; and that he knew well the
" man to be very honeft, and that he loved him well ;
" and that the prejudice the King his father had againft
" him was only by the malice of the Lord Digby, who
" hated him without a caufe, and had likewife informed
" the Queen of fome falfehoods, which had incenfed her
" Majefty againft him ;" and feemed throughout much
concerned to juftify Elliot, againft whom the Chancellor
himfelf had no exceptions, but received more refpects
from him than he paid to moft other men.
When the Chancellor fpoke of making Windham
Secretarv, the King did not own the having promifed to
do

OF THE REBELLION, be. 479
do it, but " that he intended to do it." The Chancellor
faid, " he was glad he had not promifed it; and that he
" hoped, he would never do it : that he was an honeft
" gentleman, but in no degree qualified for that office."
He put him in mind of Secretary Nicholas, who was
then there to prefent his duty to him ; " that he was a
" perfon of fuch known affection and honefty, that he
" could not do a more ungracious thing than to pafs
" him by." The King faid, " he thought Secretary
" Nicholas to be a very honeft man ; but he had no
" title to that office more than another man : that Mr.
" Windham had not any experience in that employ-
" ment, but that it depended fo much upon forms, that
" he would quickly be inftructed in it : that he was a
" very honeft man, for whom he had never done any
" thing, and had now nothing elfe to give him but this
" place ; for which he doubted not but, in a fhort
" time, he would make himfelf very fit." All that the
Chancellor could prevail with his Majefty was, to fuf-
pend the doing it for fome time, and that he would hear
him again upon the fubject, before he took a final refo
lution. For the reft, he promifed " to fpeak upon
" fome particulars with the Queen, and to live with her
" with all kindnefs and freedom, that ffie might be in
" good humour." But he heard her, and all others,
very unwillingly, who fpoke againft Mr. Windham's
parts for being Secretary of State.
One day the Lord Cottington, when the Chancellor
and fome others were prefent, told the King very grave
ly, (according to his cuftom, who never fmiled when
he made others merry,) " that he had an humble fuit
" to him, on the behalf of an old fervant of his father's,
" and whom, he aflured him upon his knowledge, his
" father loved as well as he did any man of that condi- " tion

480 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" tion in England ; and that he had been for many
" years one of his falconers ; and he did really believe
" him to be one of the beft falconers in England ;" and
thereupon enlarged himfelf (as he could do very well
in all the terms of that fcience) to ffiew how very fkil-
ful he was in that art. The King afked him, " what
" he would have him do for him ?" Cottington told
him, " it was very true that his Majefty kept no fal-
" coners, and the, poor man was grown old, and could not
" ride as he had ufed to do ; but that he was a very
" honeft man, and could read very well, and had as
" audible a voice as any man need to have;" and there
fore befought his Majefty, " that he would make him
" his Chaplain ;" which fpeaking with fo compofed a
countenance, and fomewhat of earneftnefs, the King
looked upon him with a fmile to know what he meant ;
when he, with the fame gravity, affured him, " the
" falconer was in all refpects as fit to be his Chaplain,
" as Colonel Windham was to be Secretary of State ;"
which fo furprifed the King, who had never fpoken to
him of the matter, all that were prefent being not able
to abftairi from laughing, that his Majefty was fome
what out of countenance : and this being merrily told
by fome of the ftanders by, it grew to be a ftory in
all companies, and did really divert the. King from the
purpofe, and made the other fo much alhamed of pre
tending to it, that there was no more difcourfe of it.
Whilft all endeavours were ufed to compofe all ill
humours here, that the King might profecute his in
tended voyage for Ireland, there came very ill news
An account from Ireland. As foon as the Marquis of Ormond was
in 'irefanT3 arrived, as hath been faid before, the confederate Ca-
Mar uis of tholics, who held their affembly, as they had always done,
ormond's ^ Kilkenny, fent commiffioners to. him to congratulate
there. his

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 481
his arrival, and to enter upon a treaty of peace, that they
might all return to their obedience to the King. But
the inconftancy of that nation was fuch, that, notwith
ftanding their experience of the ruin they had brought
upon themfelves by their falling from their former
peace, and notwithftanding that themfelves had fent to
Paris to importune the Queen and the Prince to fend
the Marquis of Ormond back to them, with all pro
mifes and proteftations that they would not infift upon
any unreafonable conceffions ; now he was come upon
their invitation to them, they made new demands in
point of religion, and infifted upon other things, which
if he ffiould confent to, would have irreconciled all the
Englifh, who were under the Lord Inchiquin, upon whom
his principal confidence was placed: by this means fo
much time was fpent, that the winter paffed without any
agreement ; whereby they might have advanced againft
the Parliament forces, which were then weak, and in
want of all manner of fupplies, whilft the diffractions
continued in England between the Parliament and the
army, the divifions in the army, and the profecution of
the King ; during which the governors there had work
enough to look to themfelves ; and left Ireland to pro
vide for itfelf: and if that unfortunate people would
have made ufe of the advantages that were offered,
that kingdom might indeed have been entirely reduced
to the King's obedience.
That the Lord Lieutenant might even compel them
to preferve themfelves, he went himfelf to Kilkenny,
where the Council fate, about Chriftmas, after three
months had been fpent from his arrival, that no more
time might be loft in their commiffioners' coming and
going, arid that the fpring might not be loft as well as
the winter. And at laft a peace was made and con-
vol. ill. P. 1. 1 i eluded ;

482 THE HISTORY Book XII.
eluded ; by which, againft fuch a day, the confederate
Catholics obliged themfelves " to bring into the field a
" body of horfe and foot, with all provifions for the
" field, which ffiould be at the difpofal of the Lord
" Lieutenant, and to march as he ffiould appoint."
The treaty had been drawn out into the more length,
in hope to have brought the whole nation to the fame
agreement. And the General Affembly, to which they all
pretended to fubmit, and from which all had received
their commiffions, as hath been faid, fent to Owen
O'Neile, who remained in Ulfter with his army, and
came not himfelf to Kilkenny, as he had promifed to
have done, upon pretence of his indifpofition of health.
He profeffed " to fubmit to whatfoever the General
" Affembly fhould determine :" but when they fent the
articles, to which they had agreed, to be figned by him,
he took feveral exceptions, efpecially in matters of reli
gion ; which he thought was not enough provided for ;
and, in the end, pofitively declared, " that he would not
" fubmit, or be bound by them :" and at the fame
time he fent to the Marquis of Ormond, " that he
" would treat with him apart, and not concern himfelf
" in what the Affembly refolved upon."
The truth is, there was nothing of religion in this
contention ; which proceeded from the animofity be
tween the two generals, O'Neile and Prefton, and the
bitter faction between the old Irifh and the other, who
were as much hated by the old, as the Englifh were; and
laftly, from the ambition of Owen O'Neile ; who ex
pected fome conceffions to be made to him in his own
particular, which would very much have offended and in
cenfed the other party, if they had been granted to him:
fo that the Affembly was well pleafed to leave him out,
and concluded the peace without him. Hereupon

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 483
Hereupon the Lord Lieutenant ufed all poffible en
deavours that the army might be formed, and ready to
march in the beginning of the fpring. And though
there was not an appearance anfwerable to their promife,
yet their troops feemed fo good, and were fo numerous,
that he thought fit to march towards Dublin ; and, in
the way, to take all caftles and garrifons, which were
poffeffed by the Parliament : in which they had very
good fuccefs. For many of the Parliament foldiers
having ferved the King, they took the firft opportu
nity, upon the Marquis of Ormond's approach within
any diftance, to come to him ; and. by that means feve
ral places furrendered likewife to him. Colonel Monk,
who had formerly ferved the King, and remained for
the fpace of three or four years prifoner in the Tower,
had been at laft prevailed with by the Lord Lifle to '
ferve the Parliament againft the Iriffi ; pleafing himfelf
with an opinion that he did not therein ferve againft the
King. He was at this time Governor of Dundalk, a
garrifon about thirty miles from Dublin ; which was no
fooner fummoned (Tredagh and thofe at a nearer dif
tance being taken) but he was compelled by his own
foldiers to deliver it up ; and if the officer, who com
manded the party which fummoned him, had- not been
his friend, and thereby hoped to have reduced him to
the King's fervice, his foldiers would have thrown him
over the walls, and made their own conditions after
wards ; and moft of that garrifon betook themfelves to
the King's fervice.
Upon all thefe encouragements, before the troops
were come up to make the army as numerous as it
might have been, the Marquis was perfuaded to block The Mar.
up Dublin at a very little diftance ; having good reafon mond
to hope, from the fmallnefs of the garrifon, and a parry D1°^„"p
1 i a of

484 THE HISTORY Book XII.
of well affected people within the town, that it would in
a fhort time have been given up to him. In the mean
time, he ufed all the means he could to haften the
Iriffi troops, fome whereof were upon their march, and
others not yet raifed, to come up to the army. By all
their letters from London (with which, by the way of
Dublin, and the ports of Munfter, there was good intel
ligence) they underftood, that there were fifteen hun
dred or two thoufand men ffiipped for Ireland: and the
wind having been for fome time againft their coming for
Dublin, there was an apprehenfion that they might
The Lord be gone for Munfter : whereupon the Lord Inchiquin,
Inchiquin ° r ^ *
departs who was not confident of all his garrifons there, very
from him i • 1 r- r 1 r 11
forMunfter. unhappily departed with fome troops of horfe to look
after his province ; there being then no caufe to appre
hend any fally out of Dublin, where they were not in a
condition to look out of their own walls. But he was
not gone above two days, when the wind coming fair,
Recruits the fhips expected came into the port of Dublin ; and
Dubitn landed a greater number of foldiers, efpecially of horfe,
Un? Ens" than was reported ; and brought the news that Crom
well himfelf was made Lieutenant of Ireland, and in
tended to be fhortly there with a very great fupply of
horfe and foot. This fleet that was already come had
brought arms, and clothes, and money, and victuals ;
which much exalted the garrifon and the city ; which
prefently turned out of the town fome of thofe who
were fufpected to wifh well to the Marquis of Ormond,
and imprifoned others. The fecond day after the ar-
jonesfaiiies rival of the fuccours, Jones, who had been a lawyer,
iin, and and was then Governor of Dublin, at noon-day marched
Marquufof out of the city, with a body of three thoufand foot, and
ormond's faee or four troops of horfe, and fell upon that quarter
which was next the town; where they found fo little re-
fiftance

OF THE REBELLION, &c. 485
fiftance that they adventured upon the next ; and in
fhort fo difordered the whole army, one half whereof
was on the other fide the river, that the Lord Lieu
tenant, after he had, in the head of fome officers whom
he drew together, charged the enemy with the lofs of
many of thofe who followed him, was at laft compelled
to draw off the whole army, which was fo difcomfited,
that he did not think fit to return them again to their
pofts, till both the troops which he had were refrefhed,
and compofed, and their numbers increafed by the levies
which ought to have been made before, and which were
now in a good forwardnefs.
It may be remembered, that the general infurrections
in the laft year, the revolt of the navy, and the invafion
of the Scots, encouraged and drawn in by the Prefbyte
rian party, had fo difturbed and obftructed the coun
fels both in the Parliament, and in the army, that no
thing had been done in all that year towards the relief
of Ireland, except the fending over the Lord Lifle as
Lieutenant, with a commiffion that was determined at
the end of fo many months, and which had giveri fo
little relief to the Englifh, that it only difcovered more
their weaknefs, and animofity towards each other, than
obftructed the Iriffi in making , their progrefs in all
the parts of the kingdom ; and the more confirmed the
Lord Inchiquin to purfue his refolutions of ferving the
King, and of receiving the Marquis of Ormond, how
meanly foever attended, and to unite with the Irifh; the
perfecting of which conjunction, with fo general a fuc7
cefs, brought fo great reproach upon the Parliament,
with reference to the lofs of Ireland, that the noife
thereof was very great : fo that Cromwell thought it cromweii
high time, in his own perfon, to appear upon a ftage of Seute^n't
fo great action. There had been always men enough oflreland"
113 to

486 THE HISTORY Book XII.
to be fpared out of the army to have been fent upon
that expedition, when the other difficulties were at
higheft ; but the conducting it then was of that im
portance, that it was, upon the matter, to determine
which power ffiould be fuperior, the Prefbyterian or the
Independent. And therefore the one had fet up and de
figned Waller for that command, and Cromwell, againft
him and that party, had infifted, that it ffiould be given
to Lambert, the fecond man of the army, who was
known to have as great a deteftation of the Prefbyterian
power, as he had of the prerogative of the Crown : and
¦ the contefts between the two factions, which of thefe
ffiould be fent, had fpent a great part of the laft year,
and of their winter counfels. But now, when all the
domeftic differences were compofed by their fucceffes in
the field, and the bloody profecution of their civil coun
fels, fo that there could be little done to the difturbance
of the peace of England, and when Waller's friends were
fo fuppreffed, that he was no more thought of, Crom
well began to think that the committing the whole go
vernment of Ireland, with fuch an army as was neceffary
to be fent thither, was too great a truft even for his be
loved Lambert himfelf, and was to leffen his own
power and authority, both in the army which was com
manded by Fairfax, and in the other, that, being in Ire
land, would, upon any occafion, have great influence
upon the affairs of England. And therefore, whilft
there appeared no other obftructions in the relief of
Ireland (which was every day loudly called for) than the
determining who fhould take that charge, fome of his
friends, who were always ready upon fuch occafions, on
a fudden propofed Cromwell himfelf the Lieutenant
General, to conduct that expedition.
Cromwell himfelf was always' abfent when fuch over tures

OF THE REBELLION, be. 487
tures were to be made ; and whoever had propofed Lam
bert, had propofed it as a thing moft agreeable to Crom
well's defire ; and therefore, when they heard Cromwell
himfelf propofed for the fervice, and by thofe who they
were fure intended him no affront, they immediately ac-
quiefced in the propofition, and looked upon the change
as a good expedient : on the other fide, the Prefbyterian
party was no lefs affected, and concluded that this was
only a trick to defer the fervice, and that he never did
intend to go thither in perfon ; or that if he did, his
abfence from England would give them all the advan
tages they could wifh, and that they ffiould then re
cover entirely their General Fairfax to their party ; '
who was already much broken in fpirit upon the con
currence he had been drawn to, and declared fome bit-
ternefs againft the perfons who had led him to it. And
fo in a moment both parties were agreed, and Oliver
Cromwell elected and declared to be Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, with as ample and independent a commiffion,
as could be prepared.
Cromwell, how little furprifed foever with this de-
fignation, appeared the next day in the Houfe full of
confufion and irrefolution ; which the natural temper
and compofure of his underftanding could hardly avoid,
when he leaft defired it ; and therefore, when it was
now to his purpofe, he could act it to the life. And
after much hefitation, and many expreffions of " his
" own unworthinefs, and difability to fupport fo great a
"¦ charge, and of the entire refignation of himfelf to
" their commands, and abfolute dependence upon God's
" providence and bleffing, from whom he had received
" many inftances of his favour," he fubmitted to their
good will and pleafure ; and defired them, " that no
" more time might be loft in the preparatioris which
1 i 4 " were

488 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" were to be made for fo great a work.; for he did con-
" fefs that kingdom to be reduced to fo great ftraits*
" that he was willing to engage his own perfon in this
" expedition, for the difficulties Which appeared in it ;
" and more out of hope, with the hazard of his life, to
" give fome obftruction to the fucceffes which the re-
" bels were at prefent exalted with," (for fo he called
the Marquis of Ormond, and all who joined with him),
" that fo the commonwealth might retain ftill fome
" footing in that kingdom, till they might be able to
" fend freffi fupplies, than out of any expectation, that,
" with the ftrength he carried, he ffiould be able, in any
" fignal degree, to prevail over them."
Heprovides It was an incredible expedition that he ufed from this
forces for . . • . A .
his going minute after his affuming that charge, in the raifing of
money, providing of fhipping, and drawing of forces to
gether, for this enterprife. Before he could be ready
himfelf to march, he fent three thoufand foot and
horfe to Milford Haven, to be tranfported, as foon as
they arrived there, to Dublin ; all things being ready
there for their tranfportation ; which troops, by the
contrary winds, were conftrained to remain there for
many days. And that caufed the report in Ireland, by
the intelligence from London, that Cromwell intended
to make a defcent in Munfter; which unhappily di
vided the Lord Inchiquin, and a good body of his men,
from the Lord Lieutenant, as hath been faid, when he
marched towards Dublin. Nor did the Marquis of
Ormond in truth at that time intend to have marched
thither with that expedition, until his army ffiould be
grown more numerous, and more accuftomed to difci-
pline, but the wonderful fucceffes of thofe troops,
which were fent before, in the taking of Trim, Dundalk,
and all the out-garrifons, and the invitation and intelli gence

OF THE REBELLION, be. 489
gence he had from within Dublin, made him unwilling to
lofe any more time, fince he was fure that the croffnefs
of the wind only -hindered the arrival of thofe fupplies,
which were defigned thither out of England : and the
arrival of thofe fupplies, the very day before his coming
before Dublin, enabled the Governor thereof to make
that fally which is mentioned before ; and had that fuc
cefs which is mentioned.
The Marquis of Ormond, at that time, drew off his
whole army from Dublin to Tredagh, where he meant
to remain till he could put it into fuch a pofture, that
he might profecute his farther defign. And a full ac
count of all thefe particulars met Cromwell at his arrival
at Milford Haven, when he rather expected to hear of
the lofs of Dublin, and was in great perplexity to refolve
what he was then to do. But all thofe clouds being
difperfed, upon the news of the great fuccefs his party
had that he had fent before, he deferred not to embark
his whole arrriy, and, with a very profperous wind, ar
rived at Dublin within two or three days after the Mar-Cromweii
quis of Ormond had retired from thence ; where he was Dublin.3'
received with wonderful acclamation ; which did not re
tard him from purfuing his active refolutions, to im
prove thofe advantages had already befallen him. And
the Marquis of Ormond was no fooner advertifed of his
arrival, than he concluded to .change his former refo
lution, and to draw his army to a greater diftance, till
thofe parties which were marching towards him from
ffie feveral quarters of the kingdom might come up to
him ; and in the mean while to put Tredagh into fo
good a pofture, as might entertain the enemy, till he
might be able to relieve them. And fo he put into that
place, which was looked upon, befides the ftrength of
the fituation, to be in a good degree fortified, the flower of

49°

THE HISTORY Book XII.

of his army, both of foldiers and officers, moft of them
Englifh, to the number of three thoufand foot, and two
or three good troops of horfe, provided with all things ;
and committed the charge and command thereof to Sir
Arthur Alton, who hath been often mentioned before,
and was an officer of great name and experience, and
v/ho at that time made little doubt of defending it
againft all the power of Cromwell, for' at leaft a month's
time. And the Marquis of Ormond made lefs doubt,
in much lefs time, to relieve and fuccour it with his
army ; and fo retired to thofe parts where he had ap
pointed a rendezvous for his new levies.
This news This news coming to St. Germain's broke all their
King's voy- meafures, at leaft as to the expedition : the refolution
inland? continued for Ireland ; but it was thought fit that they
ffiould expect another account from thence, before the
King begun his journey ; nor did it feem counfellable
that his Majefty ffiould venture to fea whilft the Par
liament fleet commanded the ocean, and were then
about the coaft of Ireland ; but that he ffiould expect
the autumn, when the feafon of the year would call home
or difperfe the fhips. But where to ftay fo long was the
queftion ; for it was now the month of Auguft ; and as the
King had received no kind of civility from France, fince
his laft coming, fo it was notorious enough that his ab-
fence was impatiently defired by that Court ; and the
Queen, who found herfelf difappointed of that dominion
which ffie had expected, refolved to merit from the Cardi
nal by freeing him from a gueft that was fo unwelcome to
them, though he had not been in any degree chargeable
to them ; and fo was not at all folicitous for his longer
ftay. So his Majefty confidered how he fhould make
his departure ; and, upon looking round, he refolved,
that he would make his journey through Normandy, and

OF THE REBELLION, be. 491
and embark himfelf for his ifland of Jerfey ; which ftill
continued under his obedience, and under the government
of Sir George Carteret ; who had in truth the power >
over the place, though he was but the lieutenant of the
Lord Jermyn; who, in thofe ftraits the King was in,'
and the great plenty he himfelf enjoyed, was wonder
fully jealous that the King's being there would leffen
fome of the profit, which he challenged from thence ;
and therefore, when it was found, in order to the King's
fupport, whilft he ffiould ftay there, neceffary to fell
fome of the King's demefnes in that ifland, the yearly
rent whereof ufed to be received by that lord towards
the difcharge of the garrifons there, he infifted, with all
poffible importunity, " that fome of the money, which
" ffiould be raifed upon that fale, fhould be paid to
" him, becaufe his receipt, for the time to come, would
" not remain fo great as it had been formerly :" and
though this demand appeared fo unjuft and unreafona
ble, that the Council could not admit it, yet he did pre
vail with the King in private, to give him fuch a note
under his hand, as enabled him to receive a good fum
of money, after the return of his Majefly into England,
upon that confideration. This refolution being taken
for Jerfey, the King fent to the Prince of Orange, "that
" he would caufe two fhips of war to ride in the road
" before St. Maloes," , (which they might do without
notice), " and that he might have a warrant remain in
" his hands, by which the fhips might attend his Ma-
" jefty, when he ffiould require them ;" which they
might do in very few hours ; and in thefe he meant to
tranfport himfelf, as foon as it ffiould be feafonable, into
Ireland. Thefe fhips did wait his pleafure there ac
cordingly. France had too good an excufe at this time for not
giving

492 THE HISTORY Book XII.
The affairs giving the King any affiftance in money, which he
whilft the might expect, and did abundantly want, by the ill con-
at'pf ti™ dition their own affairs were in. Though the fedition,
which had been, raifed in Paris "the laft winter, was at
prefent fo much appeafed by the courage and conduct
of the Prince of Conde, (who brought the army, which
he commanded in Flanders, with fo great expedition
before Paris, that the city yielded to reafon), fo that his
moft Chriftian Majefty, the Queen his mother, and the
whole Court, were at this prefent there ; yet the wound
was far from being clofed up. The town continued ftill
in ill humour ; more of the great men adhered to them
than had done before; the animofities againft the Car
dinal increafed, and, which made thofe animofities the
more terrible, the Prince of Conde, who furely had me
rited very much, either unfatisfied, or not to be fatisfied,
broke his friendfhip with the Cardinal, and fpoke with
much bitternefs againft him : fo that the Court was far
from being in that tranquillity, as to concern itfelf much
for the King our mafter, if it had been otherwife well
inclined to it.
All things ftanding thus, about the middle of Sep-
leavesst. tember, the King left St. Germain's, and begun his
and goes 'journey towards Jerfey ; and the Queen, the next day,
Jerfey. s removed from thence to Paris to the Louvre. The two
ambaffadors for Spain waited upon her Majefty thither,
having nothing now to do but to prepare themfelves for/
their journey to Spain, where they longed to be, and
whither they had fent for a pafs to meet them at St.
Sebaftian's, and that they might have a houfe provided
for them at Madrid, againft the time they ffiould come
thither: both which they recommended to an Englifh
gentleman, who lived there, to folicit, and advertife
them in their journey of the temper of that Court. They

OF THE REBELLION, be. 493
They thought it convenient, fince they were to defire
a pafs to go from Paris into Spain, that they ffiould
wait upon the Queen Mother of France, and the Car
dinal ; and likewife upon the Duke of Orleans, and the
Prince of Conde ; who were then in a cabal againft the
Court. The Prince of Conde fpoke fo publicly and fq
warmly againft the Cardinal, that moft people thought
the Cardinal undone ; and he himfelf apprehended fome
attempt upon his perfon ; and therefore had not in
many days gone out of his houfe, and admitted few to
come to him, and had a ftrong guard in every room ;
fo that his fear was not diffembled.
In this fo general diforder, the ambaffadors declined
any formal audiences ; for which their equipage was
not fuitable : fo the Lord Cottington went privately to
the Queen Regent, who received him gracioufly, and
defired him " to recommend her very kindly to her
" brother the King of Spain," without enlarging upon
any thing elfe. From her he went to the Duke of
Orleans, whom he found in more diforder ; and when
the ambaffador told him, " he came to know whether
" he had any fervice to command him into Spain,"
the Duke, who fcarce ftood ftill whilft he was fpeaking,
anfwered aloud, "that he had nothing to do with Spain;"
and fo went haftily into another room; and the Lord
Cottington then withdrew. They intended both to
have gone together to the Prince of Conde, and to the
Cardinal. But when they fent to the Prince, he wifely,
but with great civility, fent them word, " that they
" could not be ignorant of the diforder that Court was
" in, and of the jealoufies which were of him ;" and
therefore defired them " to excufe him, that he did not
" fee them."
The Cardinal appointed them a time; and accordingly they

494 THE HISTORY Book XII.
they met, and conferred together about half an hour,
the Lord Cottington fpeaking Spaniffi, and the Cardinal
and he conferring wholly in that language. The Car
dinal acknowledged the apprehenfion he was in, in his
looks ; and took occafion in his difcourfe to mention
" the unjuft difpleafure, which Monfieur le Prince had
" conceived againft him." He feemed earneftly to de
fire a peace between the two Crowns ; and faid, " that
" he would give a pound of his blood to obtain it;" and
defired the ambaffadors "to tell Don Lewis de Haro
" from him, that he would with all his heart meet him
" upon the frontiers ; and that he was confident, if
" they two were together but three hours, they ffiould
" compofe all differences :" which meffage he after
wards difavowed, when Don Lewis accepted the motion,
and was willing to have met him. When they took their
leave of him, he brought them to the top of the ftairs
in diforder enough, his guards being very circumfpect,
and fuffering no ftranger to approach any of the rooms.
The Lord They begun their journey from Paris upon Michael-
and'the10" mas ^ay> anc* continued it without refting one day, till
chancellor tbey came to Bourdeaux ; which was then in rebellion
joumey for againft the King. The city and the Parliament had not
Jriie'it" °nly fent feveral complaints and bitter invectives againft
Bourdeaux. fa Duke Gf Efpernon, their governor, for his acts of
tyranny in his government, but had prefumed, in -order
to make his perfon the more ungracious, to afperfe his
life and manners with thofe reproaches which they be
lieved would moft reflect upon the Court. And the truth
is, their greateft quarrel againft him was, that he was a
faft friend to the Cardinal, and would not be divided from
his intereft. They had driven the Duke out of the
town, and did not only defire the King, " that he
" might no more be their governor ; but that his Ma-
"jefty

OF THE REBELLION, be. 495
"jefty would give the government to the Prince of
*¦' Conde ;" which made their complaints the lefs con
fidered as juft. And it was then one of the moft
avowed exceptions that Prince had againft the Cardinal,
that he had not that government upon the petition of
Bourdeaux, fince he offered to refign his of Burgundy,
which was held to be of as much value, to accommodate
and repair the Duke of Efpernon. At Blay, the ambaf
fadors were vifited by the Marfhal of Plefly Praflin,
who had been fent by the Court to treat with the Par
liament of Bourdeaux, but could bring them to no rea
fon, they pofitively infilling upon the remove of their
old governor, and conferring the command upon the
Prince. When they came to Bourdeaux they found
the Chateau Trompette, which ftill held for the King,
fhooting at the town, the town having invefted it very
clofe, that no fuccour could be put into them, the Duke
of Efpernon being at his houfe at Cadilliac, from
whence his horfe every day infefted the citizens when
they ftirred out of the town. Here the ambaffadors
were compelled to ftay one whole day, the diforders upon
the river, and in the town, not fuffering their coaches
and baggage to follow them fo foon as they ffiould have
done. They were here vifited by fome counfellors and
prefidents of the Parliament; who profeffed duty to their
King, but irreconcileable hatred to the Duke of Efper
non ; againft whom they had publifhed feveral remon-
ftrances in print, and dedicated them to the Prince of
Conde. After a day's reft there, which was not unwel
come to them, they continued their journey to Bayonne;
and arrived, upon the twentieth day from their leaving
Paris, at the Taio ; where they took boat, and in an hour
or two arrived at Girona. The next day they went by
the. river to Paffage, and when they came out of their
boats,

496 THE HISTORY Book XII.
boats, which were rowed by women, according to their
privilege there, they found mules, fent from St. Sebaf-
tiaris to carry them thither. About half a mile from
the town they were met by the Governor of Guipufcoa,
Don Antonio de Cardinas, an old foldier, and a Knight
of the Order, the Corregidor and all the magiftrates of
St. Sebaftian's, and the Englifh merchants which in
habited there ; and were conducted by the Governor to
one of the beft houfes in the town, which was pro
vided for their reception ; where they no fooner were,
than the Governor, and the reft of the magiftrates, took
their leave of them.
They had not been half an hour in their lodging,
conferring with the Englifh merchants, about conve
niences to profecute their journey, when the Corregidor
came to them, and defired to fpeak with them in pri
vate, and after fome compliment and apology, he fhewed
them a letter, which he had received from the Secretary
of State ; the contents whereof were, " that when the
" ambaffadors of the Prince of Wales ffiould arrive
" there, they ffiould be received with all refpect ; but
" that he ffiould find fome means to perfuade them to
" ftay and remain there, till he ffiould give the King
" notice of it, and receive his farther pleafure." And at
the fame time an Englifh merchant of the town, who had
told them before, that he had letters from Madrid for
them, and had gone home to fetch them, brought them
a packet from Sir Benjamin Wright: who was entrufted
by them to folicit at Madrid for their pafs, and for a
houfe to be prepared for them. In this letter their pafs
was inclofed, under the fame ftyle, as ambaffadors from
the Prince of Wales ; which he had obferved upon the
place, and defired to have it mended, but could procure
no alteration, nor could he obtain any order for the pro
viding

OF THE REBELLION, be. 497
viding a houfe for them ; but was told, " that it ffiould
" be done time enough." This was an unexpected
mortification to them ; but they feemed not to be trou
bled at it, as if they had intended to ftay there a month,
to refrefh themfelves after their long journey, and in ex
pectation of other letters from the King their mafter.
The Corregidor offered to fend away an exprefs the
fame night, which they accepted of ; and writ to Don
Lewis de Haro, " that the King their mafter had fent
" them his ambaffadors to his Catholic Majefty, upon
" affairs of fhe higheft importance: that they were come
" fo far on their way, but had, to their great wonder, met
" there with a fignification of that King's pleafure, that
" they ffiould ftay and remain there, till they ffiould re-
" ceive his Majefty's farther orders ; which troubled
" them not fo much, as to find themfelves ftyled the
" ambaffadors of the Prince of Wales, which they
" thought very ftrange, after his Catholic Majefty had
" fent an ambaffador to the King their mafter before
" they left him : they defired therefore to know, whe-
" ther their perfons were unacceptable to his Catholic
" Majefty, and if that were the cafe, they would imme-
" diately return to their mafter; otherwife, if his Ma-
" jefty were content to receive them, they defired they
" might be treated in that manner as was due to the
" honour and dignity of the King their mafter." And
they writ to Sir Benjamin Wright, " to attend Don
" Lewis, and if he found that they were expected at
" Madrid, and that they reformed the errors they had
" committed, he ffiould then ufe thofe importunities,
" which were neceffary for the providing a houfe for
"them againft they fhould come."
Though the Court was then full of bufinefs, being in
daily expectation of their new Queen ; who was landed,
vol. in. p. 1. k k and

498 THE HISTORY Book XII.
and at that time within few days journey of Madrid ;
yet the very next day after the letter was delivered to D6n
Lewis de Haro, he returned an anfwer full of civility, and
imputed the error that was committed to the negligence
Their °r ignorance of the Secretary ; and fent them new paffes
fenllo"6 in the proper ftyle; and aflured them, " that they ffiould
them. a fjn(j a very g00Cj welcome from his Majefty." And
Sir Benjamin Wright fent them word, " that he had re-
" ceived the warrant for the providing the houfe ; and
" the officer, to whom it was directed, had called
'¦' upon him to view two or three houfes ; and that
" Don Lewis told him, that, as foon as he had found a
" houfe that pleafed him, orders ffiould be given to the
" King's officers of the wardrobe to furniffi it; and then
" when the ambaffadors came, there ffiould be one of
" the King's coaches to attend them whilft they ftayed."
Hereupon they made hafte in their journey, with fome
fatisfaction and confidence that they ffiould find a
Court not fo hard to treat with, that could begin to re
ceive them with fo barefaced and formed an affront,
and then fo eafily recede from it with weak apologies.
And it was plain enough, that they heartily wiffied that
they had not come ; and imagined that this might put
them to return again, and then were affiamed of their
own expedient, and being preffed, chofe rather to de
cline than avow it : fo unnatural a thing is it for that
Court to ftoop to any ugly action, without doing it fo
ungracioufly, as to confefs it in their own countenance,
and quickly receding from it.
It was about the middle of November when they left
St. Sebaftian's, the weather yet continuing fair ; and a
gentleman of quality of the country was appointed to
accompany them out of the jurifdiction Of Guipufcoa,
which was to the city of Victoria ; and from thence they

OF THE REBELLION, be. 499
they entered into Caftile. When they came to Alca-
vendas, within three leagues of Madrid, they fent to
Sir Benjamin Wright to know what houfe was pro
vided for them: he came to them, and told them,
" all things were in the fame ftate they were when he
" writ to them to St. Sebaftian's : that though Don
" Lewis gave him very good words, and feemed much
" troubled and angry with the officers that the houfe
" was not ready, and the officers excufed themfelves
" upon the jollities the town was in during the fieftas,
" which were held every day for the Queen's arrival,
" that nobody could attend any particular affair, yet it
" was evident there was not that care taken from the
" Court that there ought to have been, and that Don
" Alonzo de Cardinas from England had done the am-
" bafladors all the ill offices poffible, as if their good
" reception in Spain would incenfe the Parliament,
" and make them more propitious to France, which
" valued itfelf upon having driven all ffie royal family
" from thence."
Upon this new mortification, they writ again from
thence to Don Lewis, to defire, " that they might not
" be put to ftay there for want of a houfe, and fo be
" expofed to contempt." Nor were they accommodated
in that place in any degree. He always anfwered their
letters with great punctuality, and with courtefy enough,
as if all things ffiould be ready by the next day. The
Englifh merchants, who refided at Madrid, came every
day to vifit them, but ftill brought them word, that
there was no appearance of any provifion made to re
ceive them; fo that, after. a week's ftay in that little
town, and ill accommodation, they accepted the civil
offer and invitation which Sir Benjamin Wright made
them, of repofing themfelves incognito in his houfe ;
K k 2 which

500 THE HISTORY Book XII.
which would only receive their perfons with a valet de
chambre for each ; and the reft of their family was quar
tered in the next adjacent houfes for the reception of
into^Ma ftrangers ' f° they went privately in the evening into
dnd wimp. Madrid in Sir Benjamin Wright's coach, and came to
lodgeat firft his houfe : and if, by his generofity, they had not been
jamin e" thus accommodated, they muft have been expofed to
houfe11'* rePr°ach and infamy, by the very little refpect they re
ceived from the Court. This Sir Benjamin Wright was
a gendeman of a good family in Effex ; and, being a
younger brother, had been bred a merchant in Madrid ;
where he had great bufinefs, and great reputation ; and,
having married a wife of the family of Toledo, was be
come a perfect Spaniard, not only in the language, but
in the generous part of their nature and cuftoms.
The Court well enough knew of their arrival, but took
no notice of it. The Lord Cottington therefore fent to
Don Lewis, to defire that he might have a private audi
ence of him incognito ; which he prefently confented to,
and appointed, the next morning, to meet in the King's
garden ; which was at fuch a diftance from the Court,
that it was not in the view of it. There they met at
the hour : Don Lewis was a man of little ceremony, and
ufed no flourifhes in his difcourfes, which made moft
men believe that he faid all things from his heart ; and
he feemed to foeak fo cordially, that the Lord Cotting
ton, who was not eafy to be impofed upon, did think
that they ffiould have a houfe very fpeedily, and that he
had a good inclination to favour them in what they
came about. He fpoke, with more commotion than
was natural to him, in the bufinefs of the murder of the
King; excufed all the omiffions towards the ambaffa
dors ; "which ffiould be repaired out of hand, after the
" few days, which yet remained to be fpent in fteftas for
"the

OF THE REBELLION, be. 501
" the Queen ; during which time, he faid, no officers
" would obey any orders that diverted them from the
" fight of the triumphs ; and wiffied that the ambaffa*-
" dors would fee the mafquerade that afternoon, and the
" toros the day following."
The Lord Cottington returned home very well fatif-
fied ; and had not been half an hour in the houfe, when
a gentleman came from Don Lewis to invite the ambaf
fadors to fee thofe exercifes, which were mentioned be
fore ; and fent them word that there ffiould be places
provided for them. The Chancellor went that after
noon to the place affigned, where he faw the mafque
rade, and the running of the courfe, and, afterwards, the
toros. At the running of the courfe, the King and Don
Lewis run feveral courfes, in all which Don Lewis was
too good a courtier to win any prize, though he always
loft it by very little. The appearance of the people was
very great, and the ladies in all the windows made a vety\
rich ffiew, otherwife the ffiew itfelf had nothing wonder
ful. Here there happened to be fome fudden ffiarp
words between the Admirante of Caftile, a haughty
young, man, and the Marquis de Liche, the eldeft fon
of Don Lewis de Haro ; the which being taken notice
of, they were both difmiffed the fquadrons wherein they
were, and committed to their chambers.
At the entertainment of the toros there was another
accident, the mention whereof is not unfit to ffiew the
difcipline and feverity of that nation in : the obfervation
of order. It was remembered, that at the mafquerade,
the Admirante and the Marquis of Liche were fent to
their chambers : and afterwards, the matter being ex
amined, they were both commanded to leave the town,
and retire each to a houfe of his own, that was within
k k 3 three

502

THE HISTORY Book XII.
three or four leagues of the town. The Marquis of Liche
was known to have gone the next day, and nobody
doubted the fame of the Admirante, thofe orders being
never difputed or difobeyed. The King, as he was going
to the toros, either -himfelf difcerned at another bal
cony, or fomebody elfe advertifed him of it, that the
Duchefs, who was wife to the Admirante, was there ;
and faid. " he knew that lady was a woman of more
" honour than to come out of her houfe, and be prefent
" at the fiefta, whilft her hufband was under reftraint,
" and in his Majefty's difpleafure;" and therefore con
cluded that her hufband was likewife there ; and there
upon fent an Alguazil to that room, with command to
examine carefully with his eye, whether the Admirante
was there ; for there appeared none but women. The
Admirante being a young raffi man, much in the King's
favour, and a gentleman of his Bedchamber, thought he
might undifcemed fee the triumph of that day ; and
therefore caufed himfelf to be dreffed in the habit of a
lady, which his age would well bear, and forced his wife
to gO with him; who exceedingly refifted his commands,
well knowing to what reproach ffie expofed her own
honour, though ffie had no fear of his being difcovered.
The Alguazil brought the Kingword, that he was very fure
that the Admirante was there, in the habit of a woman,
and fat next his wife among many other ladies. Where
upon the King fent the officer to apprehend him in the
habit he was in, and to carry him to the officer's own
houfe. And as foon as the King returned to the pa
lace, there was an order that the Alguazil ffiould the
next morning carry the Admirante to Valladohd, four
days journey from Madrid, to a houfe of his own there ;
where he was confined not to go out of the limits of that
city ; and under this reftraint remained for the fpace of
full

OF THE REBELLION, be. 503
full three years : fo penal a thing it is amongft that
people, for any man, of how great quality foever,
(there was not in Spain a man of greater than the Ad
mirante of Caftile), to difobey or elude the judgment of
the King.
It may be thought impertinent to the work in hand,
to make a digreffion upon this embaffy, and to enlarge
upon many circumftances which occurred in it, of the
formality and conftitution of that Court, of the nature
and humour of that people, which may feem foreign to
the affairs of England. But fince the King, after his
leaving Paris, remained in Jerfey for many months, The King
waiting fuch a revolution as might adminifter an oppor- feveral
tunity and occafion to quit that retirement, in all which Taky*"
time there was no action or counfel to be mentioned,
and this being the firft and the only embaffy, in which .
his Majefty's perfon was reprefented, until his bleffed
return into England, (for though fome other perfons were
afterwards fent to other princes, with commiffions to
perform that function, if they found encouragement fo
to do, yet none affumed that character, nor were treated
as fuch in any Court in Chriflendom, Spain only ex
cepted^ it may therefore be reafonably thought not im
proper in this hiflory, to give fuch a relation of this
negociation, that it may appear what fenfe fo great a
Court as that of Spain had of thofe revolutions in Eng
land, and of the deplorable condition to which this
young innocent Prince was reduced, when it was
fully preffed to them in the moft efficacious terms
poffible ; and every circumftance of their reception
and treatment may ferve to illuftrate thofe particulars ;
and therefore we fhall proceed farther in the relation of
them. Before their audience, Don Lewis de Haro fent them
k k 4 word

5C4 THE HISTORY Book XII.
An account wotd of the imprifonment of the Prince of Conde, the
baffaow" Prince of Conti, and the Duke of Longueville, and that
audience. Marftjaj Turenne had made his efcape into Flanders;
the news whereof gave the Spaniffi Court much trouble ;
for they had promifed themfelves a better haryeft from
that feed, which they had carefully and induftrioufly
fown, and that thereby the Cardinal, whom they per
fectly hated, would have been totally fuppreffed, and all
his power entirely taken from him ; which, they con
cluded, would forthwith produce a peace, which was not
lefs defired in France than in Spain; or that thofe princes,
and all their dependents; would have appeared in arms in
that kingdom ; by which the Spaniards ffiould be able
to recover much of what they had loft in Flanders ; the
hopes of either of which appeared now blafted by this
unexpected revival of the Cardinal's power.
Upon the day affigned for ffie audience, it being re
folved that, when they had ended with the King, they
ffiould likewife have one of the Queen, Don Lewis de
Haro fent horfes to their lodging, for the accommoda
tion of the ambaffadors, and their fervants : it being the
fafhion of that Court, that the a.mbaffadors ride to their
firft audience. And fo they rode, being attended^by all
their own fervants, and all the Englifh merchants- who
lived in the town, together with many Iriffi officers who
were in the fervice of his Catholic JVIajefty, all On horfe-
back ; fo that their cavalcade appeared very fair, all the
coaches of other ambaffadors likewife following them.
In this manner they came to the Court about ten of the
clock in the morning, being conducted by an officer,
who had been fent to their lodging, and rode with them
to the Court.
Through feveral rooms, where there was only one
officer, who attended to open and ffiut the doors, they
came

OF THE REBELLION, be. 505
came to the room next that where his Majefty was ;
where, after a little ftay, whilft their conductor went in
and out, they found the King ftanding upright, with his
back againft the wall, and the grandees at a diftance, in
the fame pofture, againft the wall. When they had
made their feveral refpects, and came to the King, he
lightly moved his hat, and bid them cover. The Lord
Cottington fpoke only general things, " of the confidence
" the King had in his Majefty's kindnefs, and that he
" believed his condition fuch, as that all the kings of
" the world were concerned to vindicate the wrong he
" fuftained : that this was the firft embaffy he had fent,
" relying more upon the honour of his Majefty's nature
" and generofity, than upon any other prince ;" with
difcourfes of the fame nature : then they prefented their
credentials. The King expreffed a very tender fenfe of our King's
condition, and acknowledged " that it concerned all
" kings to join together for the punifhment of fuch an
" impious rebellion and parricide ; and if his own affairs
" would permit it, he would be the firft that would
" undertake it ; but that they could not but know how
" full his hands were ; and whilft he had fo powerful an
" adverfary to contend with, he could hardly defend
" himfelf; but that when there ffiould be a peace with
? France," (which he defired), " the King, his Sobrino,'*
(for fo he ftill called the King, his nephew), " ffiould
" find all he could expect from him ; in the mean time
" he would be ready to do all that was in his power to-
" wards his affiftance and relief." After the formal part
was over, the King afked many queftions, moft with
reference to his filter, the Queen of France ; and dif-
courfed very intelligently of every thing; fo that his
defects proceeded only from the lazinefs of his mind, not

506 THE HISTORY Book XII.
not from any want of underftanding ; and he feemed
then, when he was about eight and forty years of age,
to have great vigour of body, having a clear ruddy com
plexion ; yet he had been accuftomed to fevers from
his debauches with women, by which he was much
'' wafted. From the King they were conducted to the Queen ;
who ufed very few words, and fpoke fo low, that ffie
could fcarce be heard; ffie ftood, in the fame manner the
King did, againft a wall, and her ladies on both fides as
the grandees did; the Infanta at a little diftance from
her, to whom likewife they made a compliment from
their mafter. The Queen was then about eighteen years
of age, not tall, round faced, and inclined to be fat.
The Infanta was much lower, as ffie ought to be by her
age, but of a very lovely complexion, without any help
of art, which every one elfe in the room, even the Queen
herfelf, was beholden to ; and ffie was then the fulleft
of fpirit and wit of any lady in Spain, which ffie had
not improved afterwards, when ffie had more years upon
her. Their audience ended, they returned ; and at laft
They have they had a houfe provided for them in the Calle de
affigned6 Alcala, belonging to the Marquis of Villa Magna, to
them. whom the King paid four hundred pounds fterling by
the year.
The Council of State at this time confifted of Don
Lewis de Haro, the Duke de Medina de los Torres,
Duke de Mounterey, Marquis of Caftille Roderigo,
Marquis de Vail -Perifo, the Conde of Caftrilio, and Dori
Francifco de Melo ; there were no more refiding in that
Court then ; the Duke de Medina Celi refiding con-
ftantly at his government of St. Lucar ; the Marquis of
Leganez being General againft Portugal, and fo remain
ing at Badajoz, and coming feldom to Madrid; and the
Duke

OF THE REBELLION, be. 507
Duke of Arcos ftood confined to his houfe, fince the
defection of Naples when it was under his government ;
and the Conde de Pignoranda was not yet come out
of Flanders.
Don Lewis was as abfolute a favourite in the eyes ofThe cha
ins mafter, had as entire a difpofal of all his affections Don Lewis
and faculties, as any favourite of that age : nor was any de Har0' <
thing tranfacted at home or abroad, but by his direction
and determination : and yet of all the favourites of that,
or any other time, no man ever did fo little alone, or
feemed lefs to enjoy the delight and empire of a fa
vourite. In the moft ordinary occurrences, which, for
the difficulty, required little deliberation, and in the na
ture of them required expedition, he would give no
order without formal confultation with the reft of the
Council ; which hindered difpatch, and made his parts
the more fufpected. He was fon of the Marquis of
Carpio, who had married the fifter of Olivarez, and had
been put about the perfon of the King, being about the
fame age with his Majefty, and had fo grown up in his
affection, and was not thought to have been difpleafed
at the difgrace of his uncle, but rather to have contri
buted to it, though he did not fucceed in the place of
favourite in many years, nor feemed to be concerned in
any bufinefs till after the death of the then Queen, and
was rather drawn into it by the violence of the King's
affection, who had a great kindnefs for his perfon, than
by the ambition of his own nature, or any delight in
bufinefs. His education had not fitted him for it, and
his natural parts were not ffiarp, yet his induftry was
great, and the more commendable, becaufe his nature
had fome repugnancy to it, and his experience had fo
fitted him for it, that he never fpoke impertinently, but
difcourfed reafonably and weightily upon all fubjects.
He

5p8 THE HISTORY Book XII.
He was of a melancholic complexion ; which, it may be,
was the reafon that he did not truft himfelf to himfelf,
which was his defect. He feemed to be a very honeft
and well natured man, and did very rarely manifeft his
power in acts of oppreffion, or hard-heartednefs ; which
made him grateful to moft particular men, when he was
hated enough by the generality. His port and grandeur
was very much inferior to that of either of the French
Cardinals ; the laft of which was favourite during his
adminiftration. Nor did he affect wealth as they did,
not leaving a fortune behind him much improved by
his own induftry : yet it cannot be denied, that the
affairs of Spain declined more, in the time they were
under his government, than at any time before ; and
that lefs was ,done with the confumption of fo much
money, than might have been expected. But it muft
be likewife confidered, that he entered upon that admin
iftration in a very unhappy conjuncture, after the lofs
of Portugal, and the defection in Catalonia, which made
fuch a rent in that Crown, as would have required more
than an ordinary ftatefman to have .repaired, and make
it flouriffi as before.
0f the The ambaffadors had not been long at Madrid, when
Conde of fa con(]e of Pignoranda returned .thither from his ne-
randa. gociation in the treaty pf Munfter. He had been der-
clared to be of the Council of State, after he had made
that peace with Holland, and was admitted to it as foon
as he returned. He was Conde in the right of his wife
only ; and before, being of a good family, Don Diego
' de Brachamonte, and bred in the ftudy of the law, was
looked upon as a good man of bufinefs, and fo employed
in matters of greateft truft. He was indeed a man Of
great parts, and underftood the affairs of the world bet
ter than moft in that Court. He was proud to the height

OF THE REBELLION, be. 509
of his nation, and retained too much of the pedantry
which he had brought with him from Salamanca. As
foon as he returned, according to the method of that
Court upon great and fuccefsful employments, the Pre-
fidentfhip de los Ordines, an office of great reputation,
becoming void, it was the very next day conferred upon
him. The ambaffadors found no benefit by his arrival,
coming from Bruflels, which was throughly infected
by Don Alonzo. The truth is, Don Alonzo, who had
no affection for the King, upon the memory of fome
difobligations when he firft came over into England, and
liked well his employment and refidence there, ufed all
the endeavours imaginable to have the King's condition
thought to be irrecoverable and defperate, and that
therefore all civilities extended towards him were caft
away, and would yield no fruit, and that the Common
wealth was fo eftablifhed, that it could never be ffiaken.
So that Spain thought only how to make a firm friend
fhip there, and to forget that there ever had been a King
of England, in the confidence that there would be no
more. And therefore when the ambaffadors, after all The ambaf-
ceremonies were over, had a private audience of the TOt^Lm-"
King, and defired, " that he would .appoint commif- demands.
" fioners, with whom they might treat about the re-
" newing the alliance between the two Crowns, which
" had been provided for by the laft treaty to be renewed
" within fo many months after the death of either King,
" and with whom they might likewife confer upon foch
" relief in arms and money, as his Catholic Majefty
" would think proper to fend to their mafter into Ire-
" land," (whither one of the ambaffadors defired to
haften his journey as foon as might be ; and in that
memorial, which they then delivered to his Catholic
Majefty, they had defired likewife " that he would write " to

510 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" to Owen O'Neile to difpofe him to fubmit to fhe
The anfwer " King") , they received ffiortly after an anfwer, fent to
ceive.re" them by Don Francifco de Melo, who told them, " that
" the King had -fent him to them, to confer with them
" upon the fubftance of their laft memorial. He faid,
" the King did not think it neceffary to appoint any
" committee to renew the laft treaty of peace ; which
" was ftill in force, and might well be obferved between
ii the two nations ; and that the renewing might be de-
" ferred till the times ffiould mend ;" implying very
little lefs than that when the King ffiould be in England,
it would be a fit time to renew the alliance. He faid,
" he was ready to receive any propofitions from them,
" wherein they might more particularly fet down their
" defires, if they were ready to depart ; and for writing
"to Owen O'Neile," (whom he called DonEugenio,)
" he had fo mifbehaved himfelf towards his Catholic
" Majefty, by leaving his fervice in Flanders, and tranf-
" porting himfelf into Ireland without his licence, that
" his Majefty could not in honour write to him ; but
" that he would take fuch care, that he ffiould know it
" would be agreeable to his Majefty's good liking, that
" he betook himfelf to the fervice of the King of Great
" Britain without referve ; which he did believe would
" difpofe him to it :" which method the ambaffadors
conceived was propofed, becaufe they ffiould believe that
the Spaniard had no hand in fending him into that
kingdom, or in fomenting the rebellion there ; whereas
at the fame time Don Diego de la Torre was with the
Iriffi as refident or envoy from Spain.
This anfwer was evidence enough to them, how little
they were to expect from any avowed friendfhip of that
Crown, though they ftill thought they might be able to
obtain fome little favour in private, as arms, and am
munition,

OF THE REBELLION, be. 5n
munition, and a fmall fupply of money for the King's
fubfiftence, that could hardly be taken riotice of. And
therefore the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was
defigned by the King to attend him in Ireland, expected
only to hear that he was arrived there, till when he could
not prefent his memorial fo particularly as was demand
ed, nor prepare himfelf for his voyage thither : and fo
they relied for fome time, without giving the Court any
farther trouble by audiences.
Now whilft they were in this impatient expectation
to hear from the King their mafter, who yet remained at
Jerfey, by which they might take their own refolutions,
Prince Rvipert came upon the coaft of Spain with the Prince Ru-
fleet under his command; which he had brought from upon the"
Ireland ; and had fent a letter on fhore to be fent to theg°*?no£
Chancellor of the Exchequer ; which the. officer upon
the place fent prefently to Don Lewis de Haro ; who,
in the fame moment, fent it to him with a very civil
falutation. The Prince writ him word, "that he had H;s letter to
" brought away all the fleet from Ireland, and that he had ^£0™^
" received an affurance from Portugal, that he ffiould be Exchequer-
" very welcome thither ; upon which he was refolved,
" after he had attended fome days to meet with any
" Englifh fhips that might be prize, to go for Lifbon ;
" and defired him to procure orders from the Court,
" that he might find a good reception in all the ports of
" Spain, if his occafions brought him thither." The
ambaffadors fent immediately for an audience to Don
Lewis ; who received them with open arms, and another
kind of countenance than he had ever done before.
A fleet of the King of England, under the command
of a Prince of the blood, upon the coaft of Spain, at a
feafon of the year when they expected the return of their
galeons from the Indies, made 3 great confternation amongft

5i» THE HISTORY Book XII.
amongft the people, and the Court received the news of
it with diforder enough. All that the ambaffadors afked
was granted without hefitation ; and letters were dif-
patched away that very night (copies whereof were fent
to the ambaffadors) by feveral expreffes, to all the go
vernors of the ports, and other officers, for the good re
ception of Prince Rupert, or any fhips under his com
mand, if they came into any of the ports ; and for the
furnifhing them with any provifions they ffiould ftand
in need of, with as many friendly claufes as could have
been inferred if the King had been in poffeffion of his
whole empire : fo great an influence a little appearance
of power had upon their fpirits ; and the ambaffadors
found they lived in another kind of air than they had
done, and received every day vifits and careffes from the
Court, and from thofe in authority.
The Prince But the government of thefe benign ftars was very
grofs 'oThis ffi°rt : within few days after, they received news, " that
In o h°es " t^ie Prmce> wu"n tne grofs °f his fleet, was gone into
river of " the river of Lifbon, and that a fquadrori of four or
" five fhips, under the command of Captain Allen, be-
" ing fevered from the Prince by a ftorm, was driven
" upon the rocks at Carthagena ; where the people of
" the country had treated them very rudely, and feized
" both upon the fhips, and perfons of the men, and the
" ftorm continuing had wrecked two or three of their
" veffels in the road, though the guns and all things in
" the fhips were faved." When the ambaffadors de
manded juftice, " and that reftitution might be made of
" all thofe goods, and ordnance, and rigging of the
" fhips, which not only the people, but the governors,
" and officers themfelves had feized upon," they were
received with much more cloudy looks than before; nor
was there the fame expedition in granting what they
could

OF THE REBELLION, be. 513
could not deny. Orders were at laft given for the fetting
all the men at liberty, and re-delivery of the goods, that
thereby they might be enabled to mend their veffels,
and tranfport their men.
But as thefe orders were but faintly given, fo theyThe chief
were more ffowly executed; and a ftronger fleet fet er of the
out by the Parliament of England then appeared upon hint's fleet
the coaft, which came into the road of St. Andero's ; ^panlfh
from whence the commander in chief writ a very info- coaft-
lent letter in Engliffi to the King of Spain ; wherein he H>s letter
required, " that none of thofe fhips under the command of Spain.
" of Prince Rupert, which had revolted from the Parlia-
" ment, and were in rebellion againft it, might be re-
" ceived into any of the ports of Spain, and that thofe
" fhips which were in the ports of Carthagena might be
" delivered to him, and the ordnance and tackling of
" the other which were wrecked might be carefully
" kept, and be delivered to fuch perfon as ffiould be au-
" thorized.to receive the fame by the Commonwealth
" of England ; to whom they belonged :" and concluded,
" that as the Commonwealth of England was willing to
" live in amity and good intelligence with his Catholic
" Majefty, fo they knew very well how to do themfelves
" right for any jnjury, or difcourtefy, which they ffiould
" fuftain." This imperious ftyle made fuch an impreffion upon
the Court, that all the importunity the ambaffadors
could ufe could get nothing done at Carthagena in pur
fuance of the orders they had fent from the Court ; but
the poor men were, after long attendance, forced to
tranfport themfelves as they were able; and two or three
hundred of them marched over land, and were com
pelled to lift themfelves in the Spaniffi fervice at land ;
where they, for the moft part, perifhed; care being
vol. in. p. 1. l 1 in

514 THE HISTORY Book XII.
in the mean time taken, that the Parliament fleet fhould
be received in all places, with all poffible demonftration
of refpect and kindnefs ; and the King fent a ring of the
value of fifteen hundred pounds to the commander. In
He fails this triumph he failed from thence into Portugal, and
river of dropped his anchors in the river of Lifbon, at a very fmall
Lifbon. diftance from the fleet of Prince Rupert; and fuffered not
Requires any ffiip to enter into that river ; but denounced war
Rupert's againft that kingdom, if that fleet were not prefently de-
-deuvered6 hvered up into his hands.
up- The Portugueze had received Prince Rupert very ci
villy, bought all the prizes he had brought thither, gave
him the free ufe of all their ports, and furnifhed him
with all things he ftood in need of. The Queen, and
the Prince of Portugal then living, who was a young
man of "great hope and courage, made great profeffions
of friendfhip to our King, and of a defire to affift him
by all the ways and means which could be propofed to
them. But when their river was blocked up, their fhips
taken, and the whole kingdom upon the matter be
fieged by the Parliament fleet, of which they knew the
Spaniard would quickly make ufe, the Council was afto-
niffied, and knew not what to do: their free trade with
England was not only their profit, but their reputation ;
and if they ffiould be deprived of that, they ffiould not
be able to preferve it any where elfe ; which would
put the whole kingdom into a flame ; and therefore they
befought their King, " that Prince Rupert might be de-
" fired to leave the river, and to carry his fleet from
" thence ;" which was not poffible for him to do with
out fighting with the enemy, to whom he was much in
ferior in ftrength of fhipping, and number of men, by
the lofs he had fuftained at Carthagena.
The Prince of Portugal had fo great indignation at
this

OF THE REBELLION, be. 515
this overture made by the Council, that he declared " he
" would have all the fhips in the port made ready, and
" would himfelf go on board, and join with Prince Ru-
" pert, and fight the Engliffi, and drive them from
" thence :" and he manifefted a great defire to do fo;
but the Council prevailed with the Queen not to con
fent to that. So in the end, after fome months ftay
there, and the fleet being fully fupplied with whatever it
ftood in need of, Prince Rupert found it neceffary, upon
the affurance the Portugueze gave him that the other
fleet ffiould not follow him till after two tides, to fet fail
and leave that kingdom ; which he did with fo full a Prince
gale, that the Parliament's commander, after fo long a efcapes out
ftay, found it to no purpofe to follow him; but took ^0,0^"
full vengeance upon Portugal for refcuing his prey from^ hls
him ; until they were compelled, after great fufferings,
to purchafe their peace from Cromwell upon very hard
conditions. It feemed no good fign to the ambaffadors that Prince
Rupert had left Ireland; where there were fo many good The affairs
ports, and where the fleet had been fo neceffary for the at this*"
carrying on his Majefty's fervice. But, in a fhort timetime'
after, they received advertifement, " that the Kirig had
" laid aflde his purpofe of going thither, and had taken
" new refolutions." Before the Marquis of Ormond
could draw his army together, Cromwell had befieged
Tredagh : and though the garrifon was fo ftrong in
point of number, and that number of fo choice men,
that they could wifh for nothing more than that the
enemy would attempt to take them by ftorm, the very
next day after he came before the town he gave a gene
ral affault, and was beaten off with confiderable lofs.
But, after a day more, he affaulted it again in two
places, with fo much courage, that he entered in both ;
L 1 2. and

516 THE HISTORY Book XII.
and though the governor and fome of the chief officers
retired in diforder into a fort, where they hoped to have
made conditions, a panic fear fo poffeffed the foldiers,
that they threw down their arms upon a general offer of
Tredagh quarter : fo that the enemy entered the works without
taken by * J
ftorm. refiftance, and put every man, governor, officer, and'
foldier, to the fword ; and the whole army being entered
the town, they executed all manner of cruelty, and put
every man that related to the garrifon, and all the citi
zens who were Iriffi, man, woman, and child, to the
fword ; and there being three or four officers of name,
and of good families, who had found fome way, by the
humanity of fome foldiers of the enemy, to conceal
themfelves for, four or five days, being afterwards dif
covered, they were butchered in cold blood.
This infupportable lofs took away all hopes from the
Marquis of Ormond of drawing an army ftrong enough,
and refolute enough, together, to meet Cromwell in the
field, during the fummer, which was drawing to an end ;
and obliged him to retire into thofe quarters, where, in
refpect of the ftrong paffes, he might be fecure, and
from whence he might attempt upon the enemy. Crom
well in the mean time took no reft, but, having made
himfelf terrible by that excefs of rigour and cruelty,
cromweii marched into Munfter againft the Lord Inchiquin, and
iritoMu'ri. that body of Engliffi which was under his command.
fter" Here he defied fortune again; and marched fo far out of
the places devoted to him, and from whence he had any
reafonable hope to receive fupplies, that he muft necef-
farily have been ftarved, and could not have retired, all
the bridges over which he had paffed being broken
His fuccefs down, if the city of Cork, which he could not have
therc' forced, had not been by the garrifon bafely delivered up
to him ; thofe officers who had been moft obliged to
the

OF THE REBELLION, be. 517
the Lord Inchiquin, and in whom he had moft confi
dence, unworthily betraying him, and every day forfak-
ing him : fo that by the example of Cork, and by the
terror of Tredagh, the whole province of Munfter in a
very fhort time fell into Cromwell's hands, except fome
few towns and fea-ports, which, being garrifoned by the
Iriffi, would, neither officers nor foldiers, receive or obey
any orders which were fent from the Lord of Ormond.
The King receiving information of this at Jerfey, gave The King
over the thought very reafonably of adventuring himfelf the thought
into Ireland; and difmiffed the two fhips, which, by the mt|°ire-
direction of the Prince of Orange, had attended fo longland"
at St. Maloes, to have wafted him thither.
Though Duke Hamilton, and the Earl of Lauther
dale, and the other Scottiffi. lords, who remained in Hol
land when the King came into France, durft not return
into their own country, yet they held intelligence with
their party there. And though the Marquis of Argyle
had the fole power, yet he could not extinguiffi the im
patient defire of that whole nation, to have their King-
come to them. Arid every day produced inftances
enough, which informed him, how the affections of the
people were generally difpofed, and upon how flippery
ground himfelf ftood, if he were not fupported by the
King ; and that the government he was then poffeffed
of could not be lafting, except he had another force to
defend him, than that of his own nation. And he durft
not receive any from Cromwell, who would willingly
have affifted him, for fear of being entirely deferted by
all his friends, who had been ftill firm to him. Here
upon he thought of drawing the King into Scotland, and Argyle de-
keeping the Hamiltonian faction from entering with vfteSthein"
him, by the fentence that was already againft them, and Scotland?
to oblige the King to fubmit to the Covenant, and all
i, 1 3 thofe

518 THE HISTORY BookXIL
thofe other obligations which were at that time eftablifh
ed; and if his Majefty would put himfelf into his
hands upon thofe conditions, he ffiould be fure to keep
the power in himfelf under the King's name, and might
reafonably hope that Cromwell, who made no pretence
to Scodand, might be well enough pleafed' that his Ma
jefty might remain there under his government, and af
furance, that he ffiould not give England or Ireland any
difturbance.
Provides, Upon this prefumption, he wiffied the Council of
that a mef. Scotland, and that committee of the Parliament in
fage be fent J
to his Ma- whom the authority was vefted, to fend again to the
iey upon King, (who, they thought, by this time, might be weary
conditions, of Jerfey), to invite him to come to them upon the old
conditions ; and by gratifying them in this particular,
which all the people did fo paffionately defire, he re
newed all the folemn obligations they had been before
bound in, never to admit the King to come amongft
them, but upon his firft fubmitting to and performing all
thofe conditions. All things being thus fettled, and agreed,
they fent a gentleman with letters into Jerfey, to invite
his Majefty again to come into his kingdom of Scotland,
not without a rude infinuation that it was the laft invita
tion he ffiould receive. The Scottiffi lords, who are
mentioned before to be then in Holland, were glad of
this advance ; and believed that if the King were there,
they ffiould eafily find the way home again. And
therefore they prevailed with' the Prince of Orange, to
write very earneftly to the King, and to recommend it to
the Queen ; and themfelves made great inftance to the
Queen, with whom they had much credit, "that the King
" would not lofe this opportunity to improve his condi-
" tion." Nobody prefumed to advife him to fubmit to all
that was propofed; and yet it was evident, that if he did
not

OF THE REBELLION, be. 519
not fubmit to all, he could have the benefit of none ;
but " that he ffiould make fuch an anfwer as might en-
" gage the Scots in a treaty, for the King's better in-
" formation, and fatisfaction in fome particulars : which
" being done, he ffiould imply a purpofe to tranfport his
" perfon thither."
The fpring was now coming on, and though Jerfey
was a convenient place to retire to, in order to confider
what was next to be done, yet it was not a place to re
fide in, nor would be longer fafe, than whilft the Parlia
ment had fo much elfe to do, that it could not fpare
wherewithal to reduce it. The defign for Ireland was
at an end, and the defpair of being welcome in any other
place compelled the King to think better of Scotland; and
fo, according to the advice he had received, he returned
an anfwer to the meffage from Scotland, " that there were The King's
" many particulars contained in the propofitions which f£nt^tr'he
" he did not underftand, and which it was neceffary for "( ^ould
" him to be advifed in; and, in-order thereunto, and that" 'reaty
" with
" he might be well informed and inftructed in what fo « them
"nearly concerned him, he refolved, by fuch a time, «iand.°"
" which was fet down, to find himfelf in Holland ;
" where he defired to meet fuch perfons as his kingdom
" of Scotland would fend to him, and to confer, and
" treat, and agree with thofe upon all things that
" might give his fubjects of that kingdom fatisfac-
" tion ; which his Majefty did very much defire to
" do." The Queen had fo good an opinion of many of the
Scottiffi lords, and fo ill a one of many of the Engliffi
who were about the King, (in truth, ffie had fo entire a
defpair of all other ways), that ffie was very defirous that
the overtures from Scotland ffiould be hearkened to,
and embraced : befides that ffie found her authority was
t 1 4 not

520 THE HISTORY Book XII.
not fo great with the King, as ffie expected, fhe.faw no
poffibility of their being long together : ffie knew well
that the Court of France, that grew every day into a
clofer correfpondence with Cromwell, would not endure
that the King ffiould make his refidence in any part of
that kingdom, and fo fhortened the affignations which
they had made for her own fupport, that ffie was at no
eafe, and begun to think of diflolving her own family,
and of her own retiring into a monaftery; which from
that time ffie practifed by degrees : and, no doubt, that
confideration which made moft impreffion upon the
King, as it had done upon his father, and terrified him
moft from complying with the Scots' demands, which
was the alteration it would make in religion, and the
government of the Church, feemed not to her of mo
ment enough to reject the other conveniences ; nor did
ffie prefer the order and decency of the Church of
England, before the fordidnefs of the Kirk of Scotland,
but thought it the beft expedient to advance her own
religion, that the latter ffiould triumph over the former.
The Queen She therefore writ earneftly to the King her fon, " that
king'to e " he would entertain this motion from Scotland, as
theescotsh " his only refuge ; and that he would invite commif-
upon their « fioners to meet him in Holland, in fuch a place as the
terms. . r
" Prince of Orange ffiould advife ;" and defired that,
" in his paffage thither, he would appoint fome place
" where her Majefty would meet him ; that they might
" fpend fome days together in confultation upon what
" might concern them jointly." In all which his Ma
jefty complying, the city of Beauvais in Picardy was
Their Ma. appointed for the interview ; where both their Maiefties
jefties meet L L J
at Beau- met, and converted together three or four days ; and
then the Queen returned to Paris, and the King paffed
goes to'"5 through Flanders to Breda; which the Prince of Orange
Breda- thought

OF THE REBELLION, be. 52I
thought to be the fitteft place for the treaty, the States
having no mind that the King ffiould come any more to
the Hague.
The Scottiffi commiflioners came to Breda with theTheScot-
r - . i-ii "m com-
very fame propofitions which had been formerly fent, miffioners
and without the leaft mitigation, and as pofitive an ex- Breda, and
ception to perfons : fo that if the King ffiould incline ^"ring.
to go thither, he muft go without any one chaplain of
his own : there were minifters fent from Scotland to at
tend, and to inftruct him. His Majefty muft not carry
with him any one counfellor, nor any perfon who had
ever ferved his father in the war againft the Parliament,
without taking the Covenant. And, that nobody might
have caufe to complain, if they did go thither, that
they were worfe treated than they had reafon to expect,
the King himfelf, and all who ffiould attend upon him,
were firft to fign the Covenant before they ffiould be
admitted to enter into the kingdom. Very fair warning
indeed: nor could any * man juftly except againft any
thing that was afterwards done to him.
Here was no great argument for confultation : no man
had fo ill an underftanding, as not to difcern the vio
lence that was offered to honour, juftice, and confcience;
yet whoever objected againft what was propofed, upon
any of thofe confiderations, was looked upon as a party,
becaufe he himfelf could not be fuffered to attend the
King. It was thought to be of great weight, that they
who diffuaded the King from going into Scotland, upon
thofe rude and barbarous terms, could not propofe any
thing elfe for him to do, nor any place where he might fe-
curely repofe himfelf, with any hope of fubfiftence: a very
fad ftate for a prince to be reduced to, and which made it
manifeft enough, that the kings of the earth are not fuch
a body as is fenfible of the indignity and outrage that is

52a THE HISTORY Book XII.
is offered to any member of it. The Scottifh Hamiltonian
lords were thought to be the moft competent counfellors,
fince they, by going, were to be expofed to great rigour,
and to undergo the fevereft part of all cenfures. They
could not fit in the Parliament, nor in the Council, and
knew well that they ffiould not be fuffered to be about
the perfon of the King : yet all thefe refolved to wait
upon him, and perfuaded him to believe, " that his Ma-
" jelly's prefence would diffipate thofe clouds ; and that
" a little time would produce many alterations, which
" could not be prefently effected." For his Majefty's
figning the Covenant, " he ffiould tell the commif-
" fioners, that he would defer it till he came thither,
" that he might think better of it ; and that if then the
" Kirk ffiould prefs it upon him, he would give them
" fatisfaction. And they were confident, that, after he
" ffiould be there, he ffiould be no more importuned in
" it, but that even the churchmen themfelves would
" contend to make themfelves gracious to him."
This kind of argumentation wrought much with the
Prince of Orange, but more with the Duke of Bucking
ham, who had waited upon the King from the time of
his adventure with the Earl of Holland, (againft whofe
perfon there was no exception), and with Wilmot, and
Wentworth,' (who refolved to go with his Majefty^ and
would fubmit to any conditions, . which would be re
quired of them), and with others about the King, who
could not digeft the Covenant; yet the hope that it
would not be required from them, and the many pro
mifes thofe Scottiffi lords made to them, who were like
to grow into authority again when they ffiould be once
in their native air and upon their own foil, prevailed with
them to ufe all their credit with the King to embark
himelf, and try how propitious fortune would be to him in.

OF THE REBELLION, be. 523
in ^Scotland. In the end, a faint hope in that, and a
ftrong defpair of any other expedient, prevailed fo far
with his Majefty, that he refolved, upon what terms fo- The King
ever, to embark himfelf, in Holland, upon a fleet which Scotland"
the Prince of Orange provided for him ; and fo with ' all
the Scottiffi, and very few Engliffi fervants, to fet fail
for Scodand.
There were two very ftrong arguments, which made Arguments
deep impreffion v6n thofe lords who very vehemently dif- lords
fuaded, and ever protefted againft his Majefly's going King's
for Scotland, and which, as it often falls out in matters ic^fand.
of the higheft importance, they could not make ufe of
to convert others, efpecially in the place and company
in which they were to urge them. The firft, " that the
" expedition of Duke Hamilton the year before, with
" an army as numerous, and much better furniffied, and
" provided, than Scotland could in many years be again
" enabled to fend out, made it manifeft enough, how little
" that nation, how united foever, could prevail againft
" the force of England :" The other, " that the whole
" and abfolute power of Scotland being, at that time,
" confeffedly vefted in the Marquis of Argyle, it might
" reafonably be feared, and expected, that the King
" ffiould no fooner arrive there, and the leaft appear-
" ance be difcovered of fuch refolutions, or alterations in
" the affections of the people, upon which the Hamil-
" tonian faction wholly and folely depended, but Argyle
" would immediately deliver up the perfon of the King
" into the hands of Cromwell ; and, with the affiftance
" he would willingly give, make that kingdom tributary
" or fubfervient to him, whilft the King remained his
" prifoner, and Argyle continued his vicegerent in Scot-
" land." No doubt thefe objections had too much
weight in them not to be thought worthy of apprehen fion,

524 THE HISTORY Book XII.
fion, by many men, who were not blinded with paffion,
or amazed with defpair : and though they were not able
to give any other counfel, what courfe the King might
fleer with reafonable hope and fecurity, they might yet
warrantably diffuade his expofing himfelf to fo many
vifible dangers as that voyage was fubject to both at fea
and land ; and might prudently believe, that the enjoy
ing the empty title of King, in what obfcurity foever, in
any part of the world, was to be preferred before the
empty name of King in any of his own dominions; which
was the beft that could reafonably be expected from the
conditions which were impofed upon him ; to which he
was compelled to fubmit.
The two During this time, when the ambaffadors who were in
ambaffa- Spain expected every day to hear of his Majefty's be-
Spainhad ing arrived in Ireland, and had thereupon importuned
the^ing" that Court for a difpatch, the King gave them notice of
where tms his refolution, and directed them " to remain where
tbeywere. a they were, till he could better judge of his own for-
" tune." They were extremely troubled, both of them
having always had a ftrong averfion that the King ffiould
ever venture himfelf in the hands of that party of the
Scottiffi nation, which had treated his father fo perfidi-
oufly. And they were now neceffitated to ftay there,
where they had received fo little encouragement, and
had no reafon to expect more. They therefore refolved
to fet the beft face they could upon it, and defired an
audience from the King : in which they told his Catho-
They ac- lie Majefty, " that they had received letters from the
King of e " King their mafter; who commanded them to inform
tShPeirnnTaf-h " his Majefty, who, he knew well, would be glad to hear
tfon for°lu" " 0^ any E°°d- fortune that befell him, that it had now
Scotland. « pleafed God to work fo far upon the hearts and affec-
" tions of his fubjects of Scotland, that they had given
" over

OF THE REBELLION, be. 525
<e over all thofe factions and animofities, which had here-
" tofore divided them, and made them rather inftruments
" of mifchiefs, than benefit to his bleffed father, and to
" himfelf : that they were now fenfible of all thofe mif-
" carriages, and had fent unanimoufly to entreat his
" Majefty to come into that kingdom, and to take them
" all into his protection : with which his Majefty was
" fo well fatisfied, that he had laid afide the thought of
" tranfporting himfelf into Ireland ; which he had in-
" tended to do ; and was gone into Scotland ; where
" the kingdom was entirely at his devotion, and from
" whence he could vifit England, or Ireland, as he
" found it moft convenient : and that he had reafon to
" believe, that his friends in either of the kingdoms
" would quickly appear in arms, when they were fure
" to be fo powerfully affifted, and feconded." And they
faid, " they would, from time to time, inform his Ma-
" jefty of the good fuccefs that ffiould fall out." The
King profeffed " to be very glad of this good news; andTh| Kine
" that they ffiould affure the King their mafter, that he anfwer to
" would be always ready to make all the demonftration
" of a brotherly affection that the ill condition of his
" own affairs would permit ; and that, if it pleafed God
" to give a peace to the two Crowns, the world ffiould
" fee how forward he would be to revenge the wrong and
" indignity the King of Great Britain had undergone."
Though the ambaffadors themfelves were afflicted
with the news of his Majefty's being gone for Scotland,
upon the too much knowledge they had of the treachery
of that faction there,, yet they found his Majefty was
much the more efteemed in this Court by it. He was
before looked upon as being difpoffeffed and difinhe-
rited of all his dominions, as if he had no more fubjects
than thofe few who were baniffied with him, and that
there

5a6 THE HISTORY Book XII.
there was an entire defection in all the reft. But now
that he was poffeffed of one whole kingdom, in which
no man appeared in arms againft him, a kingdom which
had been famous for many warlike actions, and which
always bred a very warlike people, which had borne
good parts in all the wars of Europe in this age, and
had been celebrated in them, was a happy advance, and
adminiftered reafonable hope that he might be eftablifh
ed in the other two kingdoms, in one of which he was
thought to have a good, and was known to have a nu
merous army on foot at that very time: fo that the am
baffadors were much better looked upon than they had
been ; and when they made any complaints of injuries
done to any of the Engliffi merchants who lived in the
ports of Spain, as they had fometimes occafion to do,
upon taxes and impofitions laid upon them, contrary to
the treaties which had been made, and which they faid
were ftill in force, they were heard with refpect ; the
merchants were relieved ; and many favours were done
to particular perfons upon their defires and interpofition :
fo that they were not fo much out of countenance as
they had been, and all men fpoke with more freedom
and deteftation againft the rebellion in England, and the
barbarity thereof, than they had ufed to do.
There fell out at this time, and before the King left
Holland, an accident of fuch a prodigious nature, that,
if Providence had not, for the reproach of Scotland, de
termined that the King ffiould once more make experi
ment of the courage and fidelity of that nation, could
not but have diverted his Majefty from that northern
expedition ; which, how unfecure foever it appeared to
be for the King, was predeftinated for a greater chaftife-
ment and mortification of that people, as it ffiortly after
proved to be. When the King had left Holland, the
fummer

OF THE REBELLION, be. r>*
fummer before, and intended only to make France his
way to Ireland, he had given his commiffion to the
Marquis of Mountrofe, to gather fuch a force together,
as by the help of the northern princes he might be
enabled to do. Upon which the Marquis, who was na
turally full of great thoughts, and confident of fuccefs,
fent feveral officers who had ferved in Germany, and
promifed very much, to draw fuch troops together as
they ffiould be enabled to do, and himfelf, with a great
train of officers and fervants, went for Hamburg; which The Mar-
he appointed for the rendezvous for all thefe troops, MounLfe
and from whence he could in the mean time vifit fuch f°es for
Hamburg
courts of the neighbour princes and ftates, as hetoioiim
fhould be encouraged to do ; and keep fuch intelligence
with his friends in Scotland, as ffiould provide for his re
ception. Befides the hopes and encouragement he had received
from the ambaffador Wolfelte, to expect good fupplies
in Denmark, there were many officers of good name and
account in Sweden, of the Scottiffi nation, who were
grown rich, and lived in plenty in that kingdom. With
the principal of them, the Marquis had held correfpond
ence ; who undertook, as well for others as for them
felves, "that if the Marquis engaged himfelf in the
" King's fervice in the kingdom of Scotland, they would
" give him notable affiftance in money, arms, and men."
In a word, he fent, or went in perfon, to both thofe '
kingdoms ; where he found the performance very dif-
proportionable to their promifes. Queen Chriftina had
received an agent from England with wonderful civility
and grace, and expreffed a great efteem of the perfon
of Cromwell, as a man of glorious achievements • and
before ffie refigned the Crown, which ffie in few years
after did, ffie engaged it in a faft alliance with the new
Common-

528 THE HISTORY Book XII.
Commonwealth, and difpofed her fucceffor to look upon
it as a neceffary fupport to his Crown. In Denmark,
the Marquis found good wiffies enough, a hearty deteft-
ation of all the villainies which had been acted in
England, and as hearty wiffies for the advancement and
profperity of the King's affairs ; but the kingdom itfelf
was very poor, and full of difcontent, the King not fo
much efteemed, becaufe not fo much feared, as his fa
ther had been, and he had been compelled to make
many unreafonable conceffions to Holland, that he
might have affiftance from them, to protect him from
thofe aflaults and invafions which were threatened from
Sweden. So that the Marquis was obliged to return to
Hamburg, with very fmall fupplies, from either or both
thofe kingdoms : and there he received no better ac
count from thofe officers who had been fent into Ger
many. His defign had always been to land in the
Highlands of Scotland, before the winter feafon ffiould
be over, both for the fafety of his embarkation, and that
he might have time to draw thofe people together, who,
he knew, would be willing to repair to him, before it
ffiould be known at Edinburgh that he was landed in the
kingdom. He had, by frequent meffages, kept a con
ftant correfpondence with thofe principal heads of the
Clans who were moft powerful in the Highlands, and were
of known or unfufpected affection to the King, and ad
vertifed them of all his motions and defigns. And by
them acquainted thofe of the Lowlands of all his refo
lutions ; who had promifed, upon the firft notice of his
arrival, to refort with all their friends and followers to
him. Whether thefe men did really believe, that their own
ftrength would be fufficient to fubdue their enemies,
who were grown generally odious, or thought the bring ing

OF THE REBELLION, be. 529
ing over troops of foreigners would leffen the numbers
and affections of the natives, they did write very earneft
ly to the Marquis, " to haften his coming over with offi-
" cers, arms, and ammunition ; for which he ffiould
" find hands enough ;" and gave him notice, " that the
" Committee of Eftates at Edinburgh had fent again to
" the King to come over to them ; and that the people
" were fo impatient for his prefence, that Argyle was
" compelled to confent to the invitation." It is very
probable that this made the greateft impreffion upon
him. He knew very well how few perfons there were
about the King, who were like to continue firm in thofe
principles, which could only confirm his Majefty in his
former refolutions againft the perfuafions and importu
nities of many others, who knew how to reprefent to
him the defperatenefs of his condition any other way,
than by repairing into Scotland upon any conditions.
Mountrofe knew, that of the two factions there, which
were not like to be reconciled, each of them were equally
his implacable enemies; fo that which foever prevailed, he
ffiould be ftill in the fame ftate, the whole Kirk, of what
temper foever, being alike malicious to him ; and hear
ing likewife of the fucceffive misfortunes in Ireland, he
concluded, the King would not truft himfelf there.
Therefore, upon the whole, and concluding that all his
hopes from Germany and thofe northern princes would
not increafe the ftrength he had already, he caufed, in
the depth, of the winter, thofe foldiers he had drawn to
gether, which did not amount to above five hundred, to
be embarked, and fent officers with them, who knew
the country, with directions that they ffiould land in
fuch a place in the Highlands, and remain there, as they
might well do, till he came to them, or fent them
orders. And then in another veffel, manned by peo-
voj.. in. p. 1. m m pie

530 THE HISTORY Book XII.
pie well known to him, and commanded by a cap
tain very faithful to the King, and who was well ac-
Mountrofe quainted with that coaft, he embarked himfelf, and near
Scotland i one hundred officers, and landed in anotiier creek, not
ir^Marc",6 ^ar ^vom ^ °ffier place, whither his foldiers were di-
1649. rected. And both the one and the other party were fet
fafely on fhore in the places they defigned; from whence
the Marquis himfelf with fome fervants, and officers, re
paired prefently to the houfe of a gentleman of quality,
with whom he had correfponded, who expected him ;
by whom he was well received, and thought himfelf to
be in fecurity till he might put his affairs in fome me
thod : and therefore ordered his other fmall troops to
contain themfelves in thofe uncouth, quarters, in which
they were, and where he thought they were not like to
be difturbed by the vifitation of any enemy.
After he had ftayed there a fhort time, it being in
March about the end of the year 1 649, he quickly pof
feffed himfelf of an old caftle ; which, in refpect of the
fituation in a country fo impoffible for any army to
march in, he thought ftrong enough for his purpofe :
thither he conveyed the arms, ammunition, and troops,
which he had brought with him. And then he pub-
Pubi.fhes Uffied his declaration, " that he came with the King's
tion.e° "a " commiffion, to affift thofe his good fubjects, and to
" preferve them from oppreffion: that he did not intend
" to give any interruption to the treaty that he heard
" was entered into with his Majefty ; but, on< the con-
" trary, hoped that his being in the head of an army,
" how fmall foever, that was faithful to the King,
" might advance the fame. However, he had given
" fufficient proof in his former actions, that if any agree-
" ment were made with the King, upon the firft order
" from his Majefty, he ffiould lay down his arms, and
" difpofe

OF THE REBELLION, be

S3*

" difpofe himfelf according to his Majefty's good plea-
" fure." Thefe declarations he fent to his friends to be
fcattered by them, and difperfed amongft the people, as
they could be able. He writ likewife to thofe of the no
bility, and the heads of the feveral Clans, "to draw fuch
" forces together, as they thought neceffary to join with
" him ;" and he received anfwers from many of them,
by which they defired him " to advance more into the
" land," (for he was yet in the remoteft parts of Cathnefs),
and affured him, " that they would meet him with good
" numbers :" and they did prepare fo to do, fome really ;
and others, with a purpofe to betray him.
In this ftate ftood the affair in the end of the year
1649 : but becaufe the unfortunate tragedy of that no
ble perfon fucceeded fo foon after, without the inter
vention of any notable circumftances to interrupt it, we
will rather continue the relation of it in this place, than The con-
defer it to be refumed in the proper feafon; which Mount-
quickly enfued, in the beginning of the next year. The fair" after
Marquis of Argyle was vigilant enough, to obferve the'{j^enadr°^
motion of an enemy that was fo formidable to him; and^j*
had prefent information of his arrival in the Highlands,
and of the fmall forces which he had brought with him.
The Parliament was then fitting at Edinburgh, their mef-
fenger being returned to them from Jerfey, with an ac
count, " that the King would treat with their commif-
" fioners at Breda;" for whom they were preparing their
inftructions. The alarm of Mountrofe's being landed ftartled them
all, and gave them no leifure to think of any thing elfe
than of fending forces to hinder the recourfe of others to
join with him. They immediately fent Colonel Straghan, colonel
a diligent and active officer, with a choice party of the 1"^"^
beft horfe they had, to make* all poffible hafte towards {jj™^,
M-m a him, fo^es.

532 THE HISTORY Book XII.
him, and to prevent the infurrections, which they feared
would be in feveral parts of the Highlands. And, within
few days after, David Lefley followed with a ftronger
party of horfe and foot. The encouragement the Mar
quis of Mountrofe received from his friends, and the
unpleafantnefs of the quarters in which he was, pre
vailed with him to march, with thefe few troops, more
into the land. And the Highlanders flocking to him
from all quarters, though ill armed, and worfe difci-
plined, made him undervalue any enemy who, he
thought, was yet like to encounter him. Straghan
made fuch hafte, that the Earl of Southerland, who at
leaft pretended to have gathered together a body of fif
teen hundred men to meet Mountrofe, chofe rather to
join with Straghan : others did the like, who had made
the fame promifes, or ftayed at home to expect the
event of the firft encounter. The Marquis was without
any body of horfe to difcover the motion of an enemy,
but depended upon all neceffary intelligence from the
affection of the people ; which he believed to be the
fame it was when he left them. But they were much
degenerated ; the tyranny of Argyle, and his having
caufed very many to be barbaroufly murdered, without
any form of law or juftice, who had been in arms with
Mountrofe, notwithftanding all acts of pardon and in
demnity, had fo broken their hearts, that they were
ready to do all offices that might gratify and oblige
him. So that Straghan was within a fmall diftance of
him, before he heard of his approach ; and thofe High
landers, who had feemed to come with much zeal to him,
whether terrified, or corrupted, left him on a fudden, or
threw down their arms ; fo that he had none left, but a
company of good officers, and five or fix hundred fo
reigners, Dutch and Germans, who had been acquainted with

OF THE REBELLION, be. 533
with their officers. With thefe, he betook himfelf to a
place of fome advantage by the inequality of the
ground, and the buffies and fmall ffirubs which filled it:
and there they made a defence for fome time with nota
ble courage.
But the enemy being fo much fuperior in number,
the common foldiers, being all foreigners, after about a
hundred of them were killed upon the place, threw
down their arms ; and the Marquis, feeing all loft, My0^m°™e
threw away Iris ribbon and George, (for he was a Knight is routed-
of the Garter), and found means to change his clothes
with a fellow of the country, and fo after having gone
on foot two or three miles, he got into a houfe of a gen
tleman, where he remained concealed about two days :
moft of the other officers were ffiortly after taken pri
foners, all the country defiring to merit from Argyle by
betraying all thofe into his hands which they believed to
be his enemies. And thus, whether by the owner of the
houfe, or any other way, the Marquis himfelf became The Mar-
their prifoner. The ftrangers who were taken, were fet Mountrofe
at liberty, and tranfported themfelves into their own1^™1"1"
countries ; and the caftle, in which there was a little gar
rifon, prefently rendered itfelf; fo that there was no
more fear of an enemy in thofe parts.
The Marquis of Mountrofe, and the reft of the pri
foners, were the next day, or foon after, delivered to
David Lefley; who was come up with his forces, and had
now nothing left to do but to carry them in triumph to
Edinburgh; whither notice was quickly fent of their
great victory ; which was received there with wonderful
joy and acclamation. David Lefley treated the Mar
quis with great infolence, and for fome days carried him
in the fame clothes, and habit, in which he was taken ;
but at laft permitted him to buy better. His behaviour
M m 3 was,

534 THE HISTORY Book XII.
was, in the whole time, fuch as became a great man; his
countenance ferene and cheerful, as one that was fuperior
to all thofe reproaches, which they had prepared the
people to pour out upon him in all the places through
which he was to pafs.
Brought to When he came to one of the gates of Edinburgh, he
m urs ' was met by fome of the magiftrates, to whom he was
delivered, and by them prefently put into a new cart,
purpofely made, in which there was a high chair, or
bench, upon which he fate, that the people might have
a full view of him, being bound with a cord drawn over
his breaft and ffioulders, and fattened through holes
made in the cart. When he was in this pofture, the
hangman took off his hat, and rode himfelf before the
cart in his livery, and with his bonnet on ; the other
officers, who were taken prifoners with him, walking two
and two before the cart ; the ftreets and windows being
full of people to behold the triumph over a perfon whofe
name had made them tremble fome few years before, and
into whofe hands the magiftrates of that place had, upon
their knees, delivered the keys of that city. In this manner
he was carried to the common gaol, where he was received
and treated as a common malefactor. Within two days
Hers after, he was brought before the Parliament, where the
before the Earl of Lowden, the Chancellor, made a very bitter and
'virulent declamation againft him: told him, " he had
" broken all the covenants by which that whole nation
" ftood obliged ; and had impioufly rebelled againft
" God, the King, and the kingdom ; that he had com-
" mitted many horrible murders, treafons, and im-
" pieties, for all which he was now brought to fuffer
" condign puniffiment ;" with all thofe infofent re
proaches upon his perfon, and his actions, which the li
berty of that place gave him leave to ufe. Permiffion

OF THE REBELLION, be. 535
Permiffion was then given to him to fpeak ; and without His beha-
the leaft trouble in his countenance, or diforder, upon all V'°ur ' ere"
the indignities he had fuffered, he told them, " fince
" the King had owned them fo far as to treat with them,
' •' he had appeared before them with reverence, and bare-
" headed, which otherwife he would not willingly have
" done : that he had done nothing of which he was
" affiamed, or had caufe to repent ; that the firft Cove-
" nant, he had taken, and complied with it, and with
" them who took it, as long as the ends for which it was
" ordained were obferved ; but when he difcovered,
" which was now evident to all the world, that private and
" particular men defigned to fatisfy their own ambition
" and intereft, inftead of confidering the public benefit ;
" and that, under the pretence of reforming fome errors
" in religion, they refolved to abridge and take away
" the King's juft power, and lawful authority, he had
" withdrawn himfelf from that engagement : that for
" the League and Covenant, he had never taken it, and
" therefore could not break it : and it was now too appa-
" rent to the whole Chriftian world, what monftrous
" mifchiefs it had produced: that when, under colour of
" it, an army from Scotland had invaded England in
" affiftance of the rebellion that was then againft their
" lawful King, he had, by his Majefty's command, re-
" ceived a commiffion from him to raife forces in Scot-
" land, that he might thereby divert them from the
" other odious profecution : that he had executed that
" commiffion with the obedience and duty he owed to
" the King; and, in all the circumftances of it, had pro-
" ceeded like a gentleman ; and had never fuffered any
" blood to be ffied but in the heat of the battle ; and
" that he faw many perfons there, whofe lives he had
" faved : that when the King commanded him, he laid
m m 4 " down

536 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" down his arms, and withdrew out of the kingdom ;
" which they could not have compelled him to have
" done." He faid, " he was now again entered into the
" kingdom by his Majefty's command, and with his
" authority : and what fuccefs foever it might have
" pleafed God to have given him, he would always have
" obeyed any commands he ffiould have received from
" him." He advifed them, " to confider well of the
" confequence before they proceeded againft him, and
" that all his actions might be examined, and judged by
" the laws of the land, or thofe of nations."
As foon as he had ended his difcourfe, he was ordered
to withdraw ; and, after a ffiort fpace, was again brought
The fen- in ; and told by the Chancellor, " that he was, on the
Igrinft " morrow, being the one and twentieth of May 1650, to
him. a be carried to Edinburgh Crofs, and there to be hanged
" upon a gallows thirty foot high, for the fpace of three
" hours, and then to be taken down, and his head to be
" cut off upon a fcaffold, and hanged on Edinburgh
" Tolbooth ; his legs and arms to be hanged up in other
" public towns of the kingdom, and his body to be bu-
" ried at the place where he was to be executed, except
" the Kirk ffiould take off his excommunication ; and
" then his body might be buried in the common place
" of burial." He defired, " that he might fay fome-
" what to them ;" but was not fuffered, and fo was carr
ried back to the prifon.
His dif. That he might not enjoy any eafe or quiet during the
thTprefby- fhort remainder of his life, their minifters came prefently
ifters" mm~ to hffirit over him with all the reproaches imaginable;
pronounced his damnation ; and affured him, " that the
" judgment he was the next day to fuffer, was but an
" eafy prologue to that which he was to undergo after-
" wards." After many fuch barbarities, they offered to
intercede

OF THE REBELLION, be. , 537
intercede for him to the Kirk upon his repentance, and
to pray with him ; but he too well underftood the form
of their common prayer, in thofe cafes, to be only the
moft Virulent and infofent imprecations upon the perfons
of thofe they prayed againft, " (Lord, vouchfafe yet to
" touch the obdurate heart of this proud incorrigiblefinner,
" this wicked, perjured, traitorous, and profane perfon,
" who refufes to hearken to the voice of thy Kirk," and
the like charitable expreffions), and therefore he defired
them " to fpare their pains, and to leave him to his own
" devotions." He told them, "that they were a mi-
" ferable, deluded, and deluding people ; and would
" ffiortly bring that poor nation under the moft infup-
" portable fervitude ever people had fubmitted to."
He told them, " he was prouder to have his head fet
" upon the place it was appointed to be, than he could
" have been to have had his picture hang in the King's
" bedchamber : that he was fo far from being troubled
" that his four limbs were to be hanged in four cities
" of the kingdom, that he heartily wiffied that he had
" fleffi enough to be fent to every city in Chriftendom,
" as a teftimony of the caufe for which he fuffered."
The next day, they executed every part and circum- His execu-
ftance of that barbarous fentence, with all the inhu
manity imaginable ; and he bore it with all the courage
and magnanimity, and the greateft piety, that a good
Chriftian could manifeft. He magnified the virtue,
courage, and religion of the laft King, exceedingly com
mended the juftice, and goodnefs, and underftanding of
the prefent King ; and prayed, " that they might not
" betray him as they had done his father." When he
had ended all he meant to fay, and was expecting to
expire, they had yet one fcene more to act of their
tyranny. The hangman brought the book that had
been

538 THE HISTORY Book XII.
been publiffied of his truly heroic actions, whilft he had
commanded in that kingdom,, which book was tied in a
fmall cord that was put about his neck. The Marquis
fmiled at this new inftance of their malice, and thanked
them for it ; and faid, " he was pleafed that it ffiould
" be there ; and was prouder of wearing it, than ever he
" had been of the Garter ;" and fo renewing fome de
vout ejaculations, he patiently endured the laft act of
the executioner.
The execu- Soon after, the officers' who had been taken with him,
officers. Sir William Urry, Sir Francis Hay, and many others, of
as good families as any in the kingdom, were executed,
to the number of thirty or forty, in feveral quarters of the
kingdom ; many of them being fuffered to be beheaded.
There was one whom they thought fit to fave, one Co
lonel Whitford ; who, when he was brought to die, faid,
" he knew the reafon why he was put to death ; which
" was only becaufe he had killed Dorifiaus at the
" Hague ;" who was one of thofe who had joined in the
murder of the laft King. One of the magiftrates, who
were prefent to fee the execution, caufed it to be fuf-
pended, till he prefently informed the Council what the
man had faid ; and they thought fit to avoid the re
proach ; and fo preferved the gentleman ; who was not
before known to have had a hand in that action.
Thus died the gallant Marquis of Mountrofe, after he
had given as great a teftimony of loyalty and courage,
as a fubject can do, and performed as wonderful .actions
in feveral battles, upon as great inequality of num
bers, and as great difadvantages in refpect of arms, and
other preparations for war, as have been performed in
rafter!"*1" tnis age" He was a gentleman of a very ancient ex
traction, many of whofe anceftors had exercifed the
higheft charges under the King in that kingdom, and
had

OF THE REBELLION, be. ^
had been allied to the Crown itfelf. He was of very
good parts, which were improved by a good education :
he had always a great emulation, or rather a great con
tempt of the Marquis of Argyle, (as he was too apt to
contemn thofe he did not love), who wanted nothing but
honefty and courage to be a very extraordinary man,
having all other good talents in a very great degree.
Mountrofe was in his nature fearlefs of danger, and
never declined any enterprife for the difficulty of going
through with it, but exceedingly affected thofe which
feemed defperate to other men, and did believe fome
what to be in himfelf above other men, which made
him live more eafily towards thofe who were, or were
willing to be, inferior to him, (towards whom he exer
cifed wonderful civility and generofity), than with his fu-
periors or equals. He was naturally jealous, and fuf
pected thofe who did not concur with him in the
way, not to mean fo well as he. He was not without
vanity, but his virtues were much fuperior, and he well
deferved to have his memory preferved, and celebrated
amongft the moft illuftrious perfons of the age in which
he lived.
The King received an account and information of all The King
thefe particulars, before he embarked from Holland, news of ail
without any other apology for the affront and indignity this"
to himfelf, than that they affured him, " that the pro-
" ceeding againft the late Marquis of Mountrofe had
" been for his fervice." They who were moft dif-
pleafed with Argyle and his faction, were not forry for
this inhuman and monftrous profecution ; which at the
fame time muft render him the more odious, and had
rid them of an enemy that they thought would have
been more dangerous to them ; and they perfuaded the
King, who was enough afflicted with the news, and all
the

54° THE HISTORY Book XII.
the circumftances of it, "that he might fooner take
" revenge upon that people by a temporary complying
" with them, and going to them, than flaying away, and
" abfenting himfelf, which would inveft them in an ab-
" folute dominion in that kingdom, and give them
" power to corrupt or deftroy all thofe who yet remained
" faithful to him, and were ready to fpend their lives in
" his fervice:" andfo his Majefty purfued his former re
folution of embarking for Scotland.
The af*ir3 In Ireland, after the maffacre of that body of Engliffi
'at Tredagh, and. the treacherous giving up the towns in
Munfter, by the officers of the Lord Inchiquin, there broke
out fo implacable a jealoufy' amongft the Iriffi againft
all the Engliffi, that no orders of the Marquis of Or
mond found any obedience, nor could he draw an army
together. At the making of the peace, he had con
fented that the confederate Roman Catholics fhould
name a number of the commiffioners, by whofe orders
and miniftryall levies of men, and all collections of money,
were to be made, according to the directions of the Lord
Lieutenant. And fuch perfons were named, in whofe
affections, for the moft part, the Lieutenant was well fatif-
fied, and the reft were fuch as were not like to be able
to give any interruption. A certain number of thefe
were appointed to be always in the army, and near the
perfon of the Lord Lieutenant, and the reft in their fe
veral ftations, where they were moft like to advance the
fervice. Many of thefe commiffioners were of the
Roman Catholic nobility, perfons of honour, and very
fenfible of the weaknefs, wilfulnefs, and wickednefs of
that rebellion ; and did manifeft all poffible zeal and af
fection to the King's fervice, engaging their .perfons in
all enterprifes of danger, and ufing all poffible induftry
to raife men and money, whereby the Lord Lieutenant might

OF THE REBELLION, be. 541
might be enabled to carry on the war in the fpring. But
many of the other, after thofe misfortunes had fallen out,
which are mentioned before, either totally defponded,
and rather thought of providing for themfelves than for
the prefervation of the public ; or fomented the jealou-
. lies which were amongft the Iriffi, and incenfed them
againft the Engliffi, who were ftill with the Lord Lieu
tenant ; fo that his orders were not obeyed at all, or not
in time, which was as bad ; and their clergy and friars
publicly incenfed the people againft the articles of the
peace, and defired to have an army raifed apart under a
General of their own.
The Lord Lieutenant now difcovered the reafon why
Owen O'Neile had refufed to confent to the peace which
the confederate Roman Catholics had made with the
King, and kept his army in Ulfter from fubmitting
thereunto, and pretended to defire to treat apart with the
Lord Lieutenant for himfelf; which was then thought
to proceed from the jealoufy that was between him and
Prefton, and the animofity between thofe old Iriffi of
Ulfter, and the other of the other provinces. But the
truth was, from the time of the Marquis of Ormond's
tranfporting himfelf out of France, and that the corre
fpondence was difcovered to be between him and the
Lord Inchiquin, and the treaty begun with the confe
derate Catholics, the clofe committee at Weftminfter
fent fecret inftructions to Monk, who commanded part
of their forces in Ireland, " that he ffiould endeavour to
" treat with Owen O'Neile, and fo divide him from the
" reft of the Iriffi ;" which Monk found opportunity to
do : and it was no fooner propofed than hearkened unto
by O'Neile ; who prefently fent a trufty meffenger with
fuch propofitions to Monk, as he defired to have granted
to him. ' He offered, " with his army, which ffiould
" always

^54 THE HISTORY Book XII.
" always confift of fuch a number of horfe and foot,
" and artillery, as ffiould be agreed between them, to
" ferve the Parliament ; and not to feparate from their
" intereft;" and propofed, " that he, and all his party
" that ffiould adhere to him, ffiould enjoy the exercife
" of their religion, without any prejudice or difad-
" vantage : that himfelf might be reftored to thofe
" lands which his anceftors had been poffeffed of in
" Tyrone, Londonderry, or any other parts of Ireland ;
*f and that all thofe who had or would adhere to him,
" ffiould be likewife reftored to their eftates ; and that
" an act of oblivion might be granted." Monk re
ceived thefe propofitions ; and after he had perufed
them, he fent him word, " that there were fome parti-
" culars, which, he doubted, would ffiock and offend
" the Parliament, and therefore defired they might be
" altered ;" and propofed the alterations he advifed ;
which principally concerned the public exercife of their
religion ; which he fo qualified, that they might well
enough fatisfy ; and propofed, " that, if O'Neile would
" confent to thofe alterations, he would return the treaty
" figned by him ; which he would immediately fend
" over to the Parliament for their confirmation ; and
" that, in the mean time, there might be a ceffation of
" arms between them for three months ; in which time,
" and much lefs, he prefumed, he ffiould receive a ratifi-
" cation of the treaty from the Parliament."
Owen O'Neile confented to the alterations, fet his
hand and feal to the treaty, and returned it to Monk, with
his confent likewife to the ceffation for three months.
And at this time it was, that he refufed to agree with
the confederate council at Kilkenny in the peace with
the King. Monk fent it prefently to the committee,
*hich had given him authority to do what he had done. But

OF THE REBELLION, be. 543
But their affairs were now better compofed at home, and
fome preparations were made towards fending relief for
Ireland ; befides, they had not authority to make any
fuch ratification, but prefented it to the Parliament,
which could only give it. It was no fooner reported The Houfe
there but the Houfe was on fire ; all men inveighed tify Monk's
againft "the prefumption of Monk, who deferved toowenW
" be difplaced, and to have his command taken from°'Neile-
" him, and to have exemplary punifhment inflicted on
'-' him. They remembered how criminal they had de-
" clared it to be in the King himfelf, to have treated,
" and made a peace with the Iriffi rebels : and what
" would the people think, and fay, if any countenance
" ffiould be given to the fame tranfgreffion by the Par-
" liament ? if they ffiould ratify a treaty made by the
" moft notorious of the rebels, and with that people
" under his command, who were the moft notorious
" contrivers of that rebellion, and the moft bloody exe-
" cutioners of it ? for the moft mercilefs maffacres had
" been committed in Ulfter, by that very people who
" now conftituted that army of which Owen O'Neile
" was now General." After all the paffion and choler
which they thought neceffary to exprefs upon this fub
ject, they declared, " that they had given no authority
" to Monk to enter into that treaty ; and therefore,
" that it was void, and ffiould never be confirmed by
" them ; but that, fince he had proceeded out of the
" fincerity of his heart, and as he thought (how errone-
" oufly foever) for the good and benefit of the Common-
" wealth, he ffiould be excufed ; and no farther quef-
" tioned thereupon." For they knew well, that he
could produce fuch a warrant from thofe in authority, as
would well juftify his proceeding : and fo the treaty with
Owen O'Neile became void, though they had received a very

544 THE HISTORY Book XII.
a very confiderable benefit by it ; for1 though the Scots
in Ulfter had not yet fubmitted to the peace, and had
not yet received directions from Edinburgh to acknow
ledge the authority of the Lord Lieutenant, which they
ought to have had before that time, yet, after the mur
der of the late King, they had ufed all acts of hoftility
againft the Parliament forces, and had befieged London
derry ; the only confiderable place that yielded obedi
ence to the Parliament; which was defended by Sir
Charles Coote, and when it was brought to fome extre
mity, by the ceffation made with Owen O'Neile, and
by his connivance and affiftance, Londonderry was re
lieved ; and O'Neile, finding himfelf deluded by the
Parliament, fent then to offer his fervice and conjunc
tion to the Lord Lieutenant, with abundant profeffions
of fidelity and revenge.
Cromwell made notable ufe of this animofity between
the Iriffi amongft themfelves, and of the jealoufy they all
appeared to have of the Marquis of Ormond, and of
thofe who adhered to him ; and ufed all the endeavours
he could, by fome prifoners who were taken, and by
others who were in the towns which were betrayed to
him, and were well known to have affection for the
Marquis, to prbcure a conference with him. He ufed
to afk in fuch company, "what the Marquis of Or-
" mond had to do with Charles Stuart, and what obli-
" gations he had ever received from him ?" And then
would mention the hard meafure his grandfather had re
ceived from King James, and the many years imprifon
ment he had fuflained by him, for not fubmitting to an
extrajudicial and private determination of his; which yet
he was at laft compelled to do. He faid, " he was confi-
" dent, if the Marquis and he could meet together,
" upon conference, they ffiould part very good friends." And

OF THE REBELLION, be. 54^
And many of thofe with whom he held thefe difcourfes,
by his permiffion and licence, informed the Marquis of
all he faid ; who endeavoured nothing but to put him
felf into fuch a pofture, as to be able to meet him as he
defired to do.
When Cromwell faw that he ffiould be able to do no
thing that way, and knew well enough that, befides the
army that yet remained under Owen O'Neile fo much
difobliged and provoked, there were ftill vaft bodies of Cromweii
the Iriffi, which might be drawn together into feveral f"fh leave
armies, much greater and fuperior in number to all his Jhemfeive*4
forces, and that they had feveral great towns and ftrong in?° any
holds in their power, he declared a full liberty and au- fervice.
thority to all the officers with the Iriffi, and to all other
perfons whatfoever, to raife what men they would, and
to tranfport them for the fervice of any foreign princes
with whom they could make the beft conditions ; and
gave notice to the Spaniffi and French minifters, and
agents at London, of the liberty he had granted. Upon
which many officers who had ferved the King, and re
mained in London in great poverty and want, made
conditions with Don Alonzo de Cardinas, to raife regi
ments and tranfport them into Spain; and many officers,
who were already in Spain, as well Engliffi as Irifh, con
tracted with the minifters in that Court to raife and
tranfport feveral regiments into that kingdom from
Ireland ; for which they received very great fums of
money in hand ; many merchants joining with them in
the contract, and undertaking the tranfportation upon
very good conditions ; there being no other danger but
of the fea in the undertaking ; infomuch that, in very
few months above a year, there were embarked in the
ports of Ireland above five and twenty thoufand men for
the kingdom of Spain; whereof not half were ever
vol. 111. p. 1. tf n drawn

546 THE HISTORY Book XII.
drawn into the field there, and very few ever lived to
return. For the officers and mafters of fhips, who con
tracted, and were bound to deliver their men at fuch
ports as were affigned to them, and where care was taken
for their reception, and conduct to the quarters which
were appointed, according to the fervice to which they
were defigned, either for Catalonia or Portugal, (after
they had been long at fea, by which the foldiers, who
were crowded more together into one fhip than was fit
for fo long voyages, had contracted many difeafes, and
many were dead, and thrown overboard), as foon as
they came upon the coaft made all hafte to land, how
far foever from the place at which they ftood bound to
deliver their men ; by which, in thofe places that could
make refiftance, they were not fuffered to land, and in
others no provifion was made for their reception or
march, but very great numbers were flarved or knocked
in the head by the country people, and few ever came
up to the armies, except officers ; who flocked to Madrid
for the remainder of their rhonies ; where the minifters
received them with reproaches for not obferving their
conditions, and refufed to pay either them, or the maf
ters of the fhips, what remained to be paid by them.
This was the cafe of too many : though the truth is,
where the articles were punctually obferved, and the
fhips arrived in the very ports affigned, by the defect in
the orders fent from the Court, or the negligent execu
tion of them, the poor men were often kept from dif-
embarking, till fome officers went to Madrid, and re
turned with more pofitive orders, and afterwards fo ill
provifion was made for their refreffiing and march, that
rarely half of thofe who were fhipped in Ireland, ever
lived to do any fervice in Spain : and nothing could be
more wonderful, than that the minifters there ffiould iffue

OF THE REBELLION, be. 547
iffue out fuch vaft fums in money for the raifing of fol
diers, and bringing them into the kingdom at very libe
ral and bountiful rates to the officers, and take fo very '
little care to cheriffi and nouriffi them, when they
came thither ; which manifefted how loofe the govern
ment was.
It is very true, that there was at that time a much
greater inclination in the Iriffi for the fervice of Spain,
than of France ; yet the Cardinal employed more active
and dexterous inftruments to make ufe of the liberty that
was granted, and fhipping was more eafily procured, the
paffage being fhorter ; infomuch that there were not
fewer than twenty thoufand men at the fame time tranf
ported out of Ireland into the kingdom of France ; of
whofe behaviour in the one kingdom and the other, there
will be abundant argument hereafter to difcourfe at
large. In the mean time, it is enough to obferve that
when the King's Lieutenant, notwithftanding all the pro
mifes, obligations, and contrails, which the confederate
Roman Catholics had made to and with him, could not
draw together a body of five thoufand men, (by which
he might have been able to have given fome flop to
the current of Cromwell's fucceffes), Cromwell himfelf
found a way to fend above forty thoufand men out of >
that kingdom for fervice of foreign princes ; which
might have been enough to have driven him from
thence, and to have reftored it to the King's entire obe
dience. In England, the fpirits of all the loyal party were fo The low
broken and fubdued, that they could fcarce breathe under of the loyal
the infupportable burdens which were laid upon them Engfand.
by imprifonments, compofitions, and fequeflrations.
Whatever articles they had made in the war, and what
ever promifes had been made of pardon and indemnity, they

548 THE HISTORY Book XII.
they were now called upon to finiffi their compofition
for their delinquency, and paid dear for the credit they
had given to the profeffions and declarations of the
army, when it feemed to have pity, and complained of
the fevere and rigorous proceeding againft the King's
party, and extorting unreafonable penalties from them ;
which then they defired might be moderated. But
now the mafk was off, they fequeftered all their eftates,
and left them nothing to live upon, till they ffiould
compound ; which they were forced to do at fo unrea
fonable rates, that many were compelled to fell half,
that they might enjoy the other towards the fupport of
their families ; which remainder was ftill liable to what
ever impofitions they at any time thought fit to inflict
upon them, as their perfons were to imprifonment, when
any unreafonable and groundlefs report was raifed of fome
plot and confpiracy againft the ftate.
The Parliament, which confifted only of thofe mem
bers who had fate in judgment, and had folemnly mur
dered the King, and of thofe who as folemnly under
their hands had approved and commended what the
others had done, met with no oppofition or contradic
tion from any, but an entire fubmiffion from all to all
they did, except only from that part of their own army
which had contributed moft to the grandeur and em-
The Level- phe of which they were poffeffed, the Levellers. That
1m am'are Peopfe had been countenanced by Cromwell to enter
fupprefled jnto cabais and confederacies to corrupt and diflblve
by rairfax. _ *
the difcipline of the army, and by his artifices had been
applied to bring all his crooked defigns to pafs. By
them he broke the ftrict Union between the Parliament
and the Scots, and then took the King out of the hands
of the Parliament, and kept him in the army, with fo
many fair profeffions of intending better to his Ma
jefty,

OF THE REBELLION, be.
jefty, and his party, than the other did ; by them the
Prefbyterians had been affronted and trodden under
foot, and the city of London expofed to difgrace and
infamy ; by them he had broken the treaty of the Ifle
of Wight ; driven out of the Parliament, by force of
arms, all thofe who defired peace, and at laft executed
his barbarous malice upon the facred perfon of the
King : and when he had applied them to all thofe ufes,
for which he thought them to be moft fit, he hoped
and endeavoured to have reduced them again, by a
fevere hand, into that order and obedience from whence
he had feduced them, and which was now as neceffary
to his future purpofe of government. But they had
tafted too much of the pleafure of having their part
and fhare in it, to be willing to be ftripped, and de
prived of it; and made an unfkilful computation of
what they ffiould be able to do for the future, by the
great things they had done before in thofe changes and
revolutions which are mentioned ; not confidering, that
the fuperior officers of the army were now united with
the Parliament, and concurred entirely in the fame de
figns. And therefore when they renewed their former
expoflulations and demands from the Parliament, they
were cafhiered, and imprifoned, and fome of them put
to death. Yet about the time that Cromwell, who had
profecuted them with great fury, was going for Ireland,
they recovered their courage, and refolved to obtain
thofe conceffions by force, which were refufed to be
granted upon their requeft: and fo they mutinied in
feveral parts, upon prefumption that the reft of the
army, who would not join, with them in public, would
yet never be prevailed with to oppofe, and reduce them
by force. But this confidence deceived them ; for the
Parliament no fooner commanded their General Fairfax to

549

550 THE HISTORY, be. Book XII.
to fupprefs them, than he drew troops together, and fell
upon them at Banbury, Burford, and in other places ;
and by killing fome upon the place, and executing others
to terrify the reft, he totally fuppreffed that faction ;
and the orders of thofe at Weftminfter met with no
more oppofition.
This was the ftate and condition of the three king
doms at the end of the year 1649, fome few months af
ter the King embarked himfelf in Holland for Scotland.
And fince the next year afforded great variety of unfortu
nate actions, we will end this difcourfe, according to the
method we have ufed, with this year : though hereafter
we fhall not continue the fame method ; but compre
hend the occurrences of many years in lefs room, whilft
the King refted in a patient expectation of God's bleff-
ing and deliverance.

THE END OF THE TWELFTH BOOK.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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