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CAPTAIN RICHARD INGLE,

The Maryland "Pirate and Relie

1642-1653.

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,

May 12th, 1884,

EDWARD INGLE, A. B.

Baltimore, 1884k

CAPTAIN RICHARD INGLE,
Tie Maryland "Pirate and Rebel,"

164:2 -1653-

RICHARD INGLE.

" Captain Richard Ingle, ... a pirate and a rebel, was discovered hov
ering about the settlement." — McSherry, History of Maryland, p. 59.
" The destruction of the records by him [Ingle] has involved this episode
in impenetrable obscurity, &c." — Johnson, Foundation of Maryland, p. 99.
" Captain Ingle, the pirate, the man who gloried in the name of ' The
Reformation.' "—Davis, " The Day Star," p. 210.
" That Heinous Rebellion first put in Practice by that Pirate Ingle." —
Acts of Assembly, 1638-64, p. 238.
"Those late troubles raised there by that ungrateful Villaine Richard
Ingle."— Ibid, p. 270.
" I hold it that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing and as
necessary in the political world as storms in the physical," — Jefferson,
Works, Vol. Ill, p. 105.

Sfunb-QPublicaiion, "2Tlo. 19.

CAPTAIN RICHARD INGLE,

The Maryland "Pirate and Rele

1642-1653.

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Socielj.
May 12th, 1884,
BY
EDWARD INGLE, A. B.

lalltmorf. 188+.

PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND.

Committee on Publication.
1884-5.
HENRY STOCKBRIDGE,
JOHN W. M. LEE,
BRADLEY T. JOHNSON.

Printed by John Mukfuy & Co.
PHINTEKS TO THK MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
Baltimore, 1884.

61 \£
\1- M

CAPTAIN RICHARD INGLE,
THE MARYLAND " PIRATE AND REBEL."

IN the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the
American colonies, from Massachusetts to
South Carolina, were at intervals subject to
visitations of pirates, who were wont to appear
suddenly upon the coasts, to pillage a settlement
or attack trading vessels and as suddenly to take
flight to their strongholds. Captain Kidd was
long celebrated in prose and verse, and only within
a few years have credulous people ceased to seek
his buried treasures. The arch-villain, Black-
beard, was a terror to Virginians and Carolinians
until Spotswood, of " Horseshoe " fame, took the
matter in hand, and sent after him lieutenant
Maynard, who, slaying the pirate in hand to hand
conflict, returned with his head at the bowsprit.1
Lapse of time has cast a romantic and semi-
mythologic glamor around these depredators, and
1 Spotswood Letters, Brock, p. 12.
2 5

6

it is in many instances at this day extremely diffi
cult to distinguish fact from fiction. The unpro
tected situation of many settlements along the
seaboard colonies rendered them an easy prey to
rapacious sea rovers, but it might have been
expected that the Maryland shores of the Chesa
peake bay would be free from their harassings.
The province, however, it seems was not to enjoy
such good fortune, for in the printed annals of her
life appears the name of one man, who has been
handed down from generation to generation as a
" pirate," a " rebel " and an " ungrateful villain,"
and other equally complimentary epithets have
been applied to him. The original historians of
Maryland based their ideas about him upon some
of the statements made by those whom he had
injured or attacked, and who differed from him in
political creed. The later history writers have
been satisfied to follow such authors as Bozman,
McMahon and McSherry, or to copy them directly,
without consulting original records. To the gen
eral reader, therefore, who relies upon these author
ities, Richard Ingle is "a pirate and rebel" still.1
A thorough defence of him would be almost
impossible in view of the comparative scarcity
of records and the complicated politics of his
1 Rev. Edw. D. Neill, to whom I am indebted for valuable references, was
the first to attempt any kind of a defence of Ingle, but Dr. Wm. Hand
Browne, who also has greatly aided me, has omitted the pirate and rebel
clause in the history which he is preparing for the Commonwealth Series.

time. In a review of his relations with Mary
land, however, and by a presentation of all the
facts, some light may be thrown upon his general
character, and explanations, if not a defence, of his
acts may be made.
Richard Ingle's name first appears in the records
of Maryland under date of March 23rd, 1641/2, when
he petitioned the Assembly against Giles Brent
touching the serving of an execution by the sheriff.
He had come to the province a few weeks before,
bringing in his vessel Captain Thomas Cornwallis,
one of the original council, the greatest man in
Maryland at that time, who had been spending
some months in England.1 Between the time of
his arrival and the date of his petition Ingle had
no doubt been plying his business, tobacco trading,
in the inlets and rivers of the province. No fur
ther record of him in Maryland this year has been
preserved, but Winthrop wrote that on May 3rd,
1642, "The ship Eleanor of London one Mr.
|| Inglee || master arrived at Boston she was laden
with tobacco from Virginia, and having been about
14 days at sea she was taken with such a tempest,
that though all her sails were down and made up,
yet they were blown from the yards and she was
laid over on one side two and a half hours, so low
' Assembly Proceedings, 1038-1604, p. 120, Land Oflice Records, Vol. I,,
p. 582. In the Maryland records the name is spelled Cornwaleys, but in
this paper the rule has been adopted of spelling it Cornwallis, as it is known
to history.

8

as the water stood upon her deck ancl the sea over-
raking her continually and the day was as dark as
if it had been night, and though they had cut her
masts, yet she righted not till the tempest assuaged.
She staid here till the 4th of the (4) and was well
fitted with masts, sails, rigging and victuals at such
reasonable rates as that the master was much
affected with his entertainment ancl professed that
he never found the like usage in Virginia where he
had traded these ten years." J Although his name
is given an additional e and there are some few
seeming discrepancies, the facts taken together
point to the probability of his being Richard Ingle
on his return voyage to England. Next year he
was again in Maryland, and, as attorney for Mr.
Penniston and partners, sued widow Cockshott for
debts incurred by her husband. The next entry in
the " Provincial Records " under this elate, March
6th, 1642/3, is an attachment against William Har-
dige in case of Captain Cornwallis.2 This William
Hardige, who was afterward one of Ingle's chief
accusers, was very frequently involved in suits for
debts to Cornwallis, and others. About the mid-

1 Winthrop's History of New England, Vol. IL, p. 75. Winthrop gave
another spelling, "Jugle," no doubt obtained from the signature, as has
been done with the name more than once in modern times. In a bill sent
to the grand jury at St. Mary's, Maryland, February 1st, 1643/4J it was
stated that Ingle's ship in 1042 was the " Reformation." The bill was, how
ever, returned "Ignoramus,'' and the use of the name was probably
anachronous. 2 Proprietary Records, Liber P. R., p. 85,

9

die of the month of January, 1643/4, the boatswain
of the " Reformation " brought against Hardige a
suit for tobacco, returnable February 1st. Three
days afterward a warrant was issued to William
Hardige, a tailor, for the arrest of Ingle for high
treason, and Captain Cornwallis was bidden to aid
Hardige, and the matter was to be kept secret.1
Ingle was arrested and given into the custody of
Edward Parker, the sheriff, by the lieutenant gen
eral of the province, Giles Brent, who also seized
Ingle's goods and ship, until he should clear him
self, and placed on board, under John Hampton, a
guard ordered to allow no one to come on the ship
without a warrant from the lieutenant- general.2
Then was published, and as the records seem to
show, fixed on the vessel's mainmast the following
proclamation.3 "These are to publish & pclaym to all psons
as well seamen as others, that Richard Ingle, mr of
his ship, is arrested upon highe treason to his
Maty ; & therefore to require all psons to be aiding
& assisting to his Lops officers in the seizing of his
ship, & not to offer any resistance or contempt
hereunto, nor be any otherwaise aiding or assisting

1 Ibid, p. 124.
sIbid, p. 137.
3 Ibid, p. 124. Council Proceedings, 1636-1657. Bozman, in his History
of Maryland, Vol. IL, p. 271, not knowing evidently that more than one
warrant was issued for Ingle's arrest, transposed this proclamation, making
it follow Jan. 20 ; but in P. R. it is under date of Jan. 18, 1643/4.

10

to the said Richard Ingle upon perl of highe
treason to his Maty."
Notwithstanding this proclamation Ingle escaped
in the following manner. Parker had no prison,
ancl, consequently, had to keep personal guard
over his prisoner. He supposed, "from certain
words spoken by the Secretary," that Brent ancl
the council had agreed to let Ingle go on board
his vessel, and when Captain Cornwallis and Mr.
Neale came from the council meeting and carried
Ingle to the ship, he accompanied them.1 Arrived
on board Cornwallis said "All is peace," and per
suaded the commanding officer to-bid his men lay
down their arms and disperse, ancl then Ingle and
his crew regained possession of the ship. Under
such circumstances the sheriff could not prevent
his escape, especially when a member of the coun
cil and the most influential men in the province
had assisted the deed by their acts or presence.
Besides it was afterwards said that William Dur-
ford, John Durford, and Fred. Johnson, at the
instigation of Ingle, beat and wounded some of
the guard, though this charge does not appear to
have been substantiated.2
On January 20th, 1643/4, the following warrant
was issued to the sheriff.3

1 P. R., p. 146.
8 Ibid, pp. 125, 138.
3 C. P., p. Ill, P. R., p. 125.

11

" I doe hereby require (in his Maties name)
Richard Ingle, mariner to yield his body to Rob
Ellyson, Sheriff of this County, before the first of
ffebr next, to answer to such crimes of treason, as
on his Matiea behalfe shalbe obiected agst him,
upon his utmost perl, of the Law in that behalfe.
And I doe further require all psons that can say
or disclose any matter of treason agst the said
Richard Ingle to informe his Lop3 Attorny of it
some time before the said Court to the end it may
be then & there prosequuted G. Brent."
Ingle, however, was not again arrested, though
he still remained in the neighborhood of St.
Mary's, for on January 30th his vessel was riding
at anchor in St. George's river, and mention is
made of him in the records as being in the province.
For nearly two months the Ingle question was
agitated and for the sake of clearness an account
will be given of the acts concerning him in the
order of their occurrence.
The information given by Hardige to Lewger
which had caused Ingle's arrest was : that in
March or April, 1642, he heard Ingle, who was then
at Kent Island, and at other times in St. Mary's,
say, that he was " Captain of Gravesend for the
Parliament against the King;" that he heard
Ingle say that in February of that year he had
been bidden in the King's name to come ashore at

12

Accomac, in Virginia, but ho, in tho parliament's
name had refused to do so, and had threatened to
cut off the head of any one who should come on
his ship.1 On January 29th, Hardige and others
were summoned to appear and to give evidence
of — here the pirate enters — " pyratical & treason
able offences" of Ingle. On February 1st, the
sheriff impannelled a jury of which Robert
Vaughan was chosen foreman, and witnesses were
sworn, among them Hardige who " being excepted
at as infamous," by Capt. Cornwallis, " was not
found so."2 John Lewger, tho' attorney-general,
having stated that the Court had power to take
cognizance of treason out of the province in order
to determine where the offender should be tried,
presented three bills for the jury to consider.
The first bill included the second charge brought
by Hardige, the second ordered the jury to inquire
"if on the 20th of November and some daies
afore & since in the 17 yea of his Maties reigne at
Gravesencl in Comit Kent in England " the
accused " not having the feare of God before his
eies, but instigated thereunto by the instigation of
the divill & example of other traitors of his Ma"6
traiterously & as an enemy did levie war & beare
armes agst his malie and accept & exercise the
comand & captainship of the town of Gravesend,"
1 Ibid, p. 125.
2 Ibid, pp. 129, 130.

13

and by the third bill they were to inquire if Ingle
did not, on April 5th in the eighteenth year of
Charles' reign, on his vessel in the Potomac river,
near St. Clement's island, say, "that Prince
Rupert was a rogue or rascall." If the rest of
the testimony was no stronger or more conclusive
than that of Hardige, it is not surprising that the
jury replied to all the bills "Ignoramus."1
Another jury was impannelled to investigate the
charge of Ingle's having broken from the sheriff,
and they returned a like finding. In the afternoon
the first jury were given two more bills, first, to
find " whether in April 1643 Ingle, being then at
Mattapanian,2 St. Clement's hundred, said 'that
Prince Rupert was Prince Traitor & Prince rogue
and if he had him aboard his ship he would whip
him at the capstan.' " This bill met the fate of
the others, but the second charging him with say
ing "that the king (meaning or Gover L. ,K.
Charles) was no king neither would be no king,
nor could be no king unless he did ioine with the
ParlamV caused the jury to disagree and no ver
dict having been reached at 7 P. M., they adjourned
until the following Saturday.8 On that day, Feb-
1 Ibid.
2 This was on the south side of the Patuxent river. At one time the
Jesuits used a building there for a storehouse. There was the favorite
dwelling of Charles, third Lord Baltimore, which afterward belonged to
Mr. Henry Sewall, and there Col. Darnall too'c refuge during the Coode
uprising. 3 P. R., p. 131.
3

14

ruary 3rd, at the request of the attorney-general the
jury were discharged and the bill given to another
jury who returned it "Ignoramus."1 In spite of
the unanimity of all the juries in finding no true
indictment, another warrant was issued for the
arrest, by Parker or Ellyson, of Ingle for high
treason, ancl after a fruitless attempt to secure by
another jury a different finding, Ingle was im
peached on February 8th, for having on January
20th, 1643/4, committed assaults upon the vessels,
guns, goods, and person of one Bishop, and upon
being reproached for these acts, having threatened
to beat clown the dwellings of people and even of
Giles Brent, and for "the said crimes of pyracie,
mutinie, trespasse, contempt & misdemeanors &
every of them severally."2 If Ingle did commit
these depredations he was, no doubt instigated by
the proceedings instituted on that day against
him, and moreover by the fact that Henry Bishop
had been among the witnesses to be summoned
against him.
Nothing more was done in the matter, for from
a copy of a certificate to Ingle under date of Feb-
uary 8th, it is learned that "Upon certaine com
plaints exhibited by his Lop3 attorny agst Mr R.
Ingle the attending & psequution whereof was
like to cause great demurrage to the ship & other

1 Ibid, p. 134.
8 Ibid, pp. 137, 139.

15

damages & encumbrances in the gathering of his
debts it was demanded by his Lop3 said attorny on
his Lops behalfe that the said R. I. deposite in the
country to his Lop3 use one barrell of powder &
4001 of shott to remaine as a pledge that the said
R. I.' shall by himself or his attorny appeare at
his Lops Cort at S. Maries on or afore the first of
ffebr next to answere to all such matters as shalbe
then and there obiected ag9t him * * * * and upon
his appearance the said powder & shott or the full
value of it at the then rate of the country to be
delivered to him his attorny or assigne upon
demand."1 What a change of policy, from charging a man
with treason, the penalty for which was death, to
offering him the right of bail for the appearance
of his attorney, if necessary, to meet indefinite
charges ! In view of all the facts, it seems prob
able that the Maryland authorities were committed
to the King's cause by the commission granted by
him to Leonard Calvert in 1643, and by their
action in seizing Ingle ; that after his arrest it was
thought to be injudicious to go to extremes, and
that they made little resistance to, if they did not
connive at, his escape. Certainly, efforts to recap
ture him must have been very feeble, for when the
sheriff demanded the tobacco ancl cask due him
from the defendant for summoning juries, wit-
1 Ibid, p. 141.

16
nesses, &c, it was found that Ingle had left in the
hands of the Secretary the required amount.1 In
arresting Ingle for uttering treasonable words, the
palatine government was not only placing itself
upon the side of King Charles, but was preparing
to do what he had been prevented from doing a
few months before. For when at his command
some persons who had acted treasonably were con
demned to death, parliament declared that " all
such indictments ancl proceedings thereon were
unjust and illegal; and that if any man was
executed or suffered hurt, for any thing he had
done by their order, the like punishment should be
inflicted by death or otherwise, upon such pris
oners as were, or should be, taken by their forces,"
and their lives were saved.2 The authorities of
Maryland themselves show why Ingle was allowed
to escape, On March 16th, Lewger showed that
" whereas Richard Ingle was obnoxious to divers
suits & complaints of his Lop for divers and sundry
crimes all woh upon composition for the publique
good & safety were suspended ag3t the said Richard ,
Ingle assuming to leave in the country to the pub
lique need at this time," powder and shot, but he
had not paid the composition and had left without
paying custom clues, Avhich were required for the
proper discharge of his ship " by the law & custom
1 Ibid, p. 148.
8 Bozman : History of Maryland, Vol, IL, p. 272.

17

of all Ports," he prayed that all of Ingle's goods,
.debts, &c, might be sequestered until he should
clear himself.1 Under the circumstances, the
grave charges pending against him, as there is no
proof that he had known the terms of composition,
a crew and vessel being at his command, it is not
surprising that he sailed away from danger, with
out attending to the formality of clearing, and
leaving unpaid debts, for Lewger claimed 600
pounds of tobacco from him, as payment for some
plate and a scimitar, for which Cornwallis went
security.2 There is a touch of seeming sarcasm in
the suggestion that the deposit by Ingle of ammu
nition would have relieved the public need, for he
would have been that much less dangerous, and
the government would have been so much the
more prepared to resist him.
But how were those who assisted him treated ?
On January 30th, Thomas Cornwallis, James Ncale,
Edward Parker and John Hampton, were im
peached for having rescued him, and thereby of
being accessories to high treason. Cornwallis made
answer, " that he did well understand the matters
charged agst the said Richard Ingle to be of no
importance but suggested of mean malice of the
 William hardige, as hath appeared since in
that the grand enquest found not so much proba-
' P. R., p. 149.
8 Ibid, p. 150.

18

bility in the accusations, as that it was fitt to putt
him to his triall " and " he supposed & understood
no other but that the said rich. Ingle went aboard
wth the licence and consent of the L. G. & Counsell
& of the officer in whose custody he was & as to
the escape & rescuous in manner as is charged he
is no way accessory to it & therefore prayeth to be
dismissed." 1 The judgment was delayed, but Corn
wallis was anxious to be at once discharged. The
lieutenant general and the attorney general, there
fore, having consulted together, found Cornwallis
guilty, and fined him one thousand pounds of
tobacco, though at the request of the accused the
fine was respited until the last day of the month,
when Brent ordered the sheriff " to levie 1000 lbs
tob. on any goods or debts " of Capt. Tho. Corn
wallis "for so much adjudged by way of fine unto
the Lord Proprietr ag8t him at the Court held on
the 9th ffeb last."2 This fine, which was to be
given to the attorney of Tho. Wyatt, commander
of Kent Island, in payment of Lord Baltimore's
debt to him, Cornwallis afterward acknowledged
he had paid.3
Neale did not make his appearance before the
court, though he seems to have been in St. Mary's,
and was suspended from the council for his con-

1 Ibid, p. 131.
8 Ibid, pp. 139, 145.
3 Sixth Report of the Historical Commission to Parliament, p. 101.

19'

tempt. On February 11th, being accused of having
begged Ingle from the sheriff, he denied all the
charges, and in a few days was restored to his seat
in the council, upon the eve of Brent's departure
for Kent Island.1 Parker said Ingle had escaped
against his will, and he was discharged, while
Hampton escaped prosecution, presumably, for
there is no further record of action in the case
against him.2
But it would have been bad policy for the
authorities to allow the matter to drop without
apparent effort on their part to punish somebody,
and Cornwallis had to bear the brunt of their
attacks. The feeling against him was so strong,
according to his own statements, that besides pay
ing a fine, the highest " that could by law be laid
upon him," he was compelled for personal safety
to take ship with Ingle for England, where the
doughty captain testified before a parliamentary
committee of Cornwallis' devotion to its cause, and
of the losses he had sustained in its behalf.3
The lieutenant governor, and council, may have
congratulated themselves about the departure of
Ingle and Cornwallis, but that mariner and trader
was preparing to return to Maryland. On August
26th, 1644, certain persons trading to Virginia

• P. R., pp. 140, 141, 146.
8 Ibid, p. 146.
3 Sixth Rep. Hist. Com., p. 101.

20

petitioned the House of Commons to allow them to
transport ammunition, clothes, and victuals, cus
tom free, to the plantations of the Chesapeake,
which were at that time loosely classed under the
one name — Virginia. The Commons granted to
the eight1 vessels mentioned in the petition, the
right of carrying victuals, clothes, arms, ammuni
tion, and other commodities, " for tho supply and
Defence ancl Relief of the Planters," and referred
the latter part of the petition, asking power to
interrupt the Hollanders and other strange traders,
to the House of Lords.2 It is hardly necessary to
say at this point that the planters to be relieved
and defended by the cargoes of the vessels, were
planters not at enmity with the parliament. For
vessels from London were used in the interests of
parliament, while those from Bristol Avere the
King's ships. De Vries, the celebrated Dutchman,
who has left such acute observations about tho
early colonists, wrote that while visiting Virginia
in 1644 he saw two London ships chase a fly-boat
to capture it, and it was reported in Massachusetts
that a captured Indian had given as a reason for
the Indian masacre, on April 18th, 1644, "that
they did it because they saw the English took up
all their lands, * * * and they took this season for
1 The absence of punctuation between the " Elizabeth and Ellen " leads
one to conjecture that there were but seven vessels.
2 Journal of the House of Commons, 1642-:44, p. 607. This may be found
in the Congressional Library, Washington, D. C.

21

that they understood that they were at war in
England, and began to go to war among them
selves, for they had seen a fight in the river
between a London ship, which was for the parlia
ment, and a Bristol ship, which was for the
King."1 Among the ships commissioned by the parlia
ment, which were armed, was the " Reformation,"
of which Ingle was still master. He was in Lon
don in October, 1644, receiving cargo, and Corn
wallis entrusted to him goods, valued at 200
pounds sterling.2 The vessel soon afterwards
sailed, and was in Maryland in February. In
the province, at that time, affairs were in a very
unsettled condition. The energetic Claiborne,
who was also called by Maryland authorities a
pirate and a rebel, but who was a much better
man than is generally supposed, and whose life
ought to be especially studied, was still pushing
his claims to Kent Island, and Leonard Calvert had
been compelled to visit Virginia more than once
during the winter in trying to prevent his actions.
The Indians were aroused and prone to take
advantage of disputes between the factions in the
province, while the colonists themselves were in a
state of unrest. At this juncture Ingle appeared.
1 Collections N. Y. Historical Society, Series IL, Vol. III., p. 126. Win
throp: History of New England, Vol. IL, p. 198.
8L. O. R., Vol. I., p. 224; Sixth Rep. Hist. Com., p. 101.
4

22
Streeter wrote of his coming, "several vessels
appeared in the harbor, from which an armed
force disembarked, (Feb. 14, 1645,) under the
command of Capt. Richard Ingle, St. Mary's was
taken; many of the members were prisoners;
the Governor was a fugitive in Virginia ; and the
Province in the hands of a force, professing to act,
and probably acting, under authority of Parlia
ment."1 There is no authority given for the
first part of this statement, though it is not
improbable, and is partly substantiated by the
exaggerated charges against Ingle, made by the
Assembly of 1649, and the references to him in
proclamations. There is no mention in the
provincial records of Calvert's having being forced
out of the province, but, on the contrary, Calvert
in his commission to Hill in 1646 stated that " at
this present, I have occasion, for his lordship's
service to be absent out the said province," and
says nothing at all about Ingle. The rebellion has
been called " Claiborne's ancl Ingle's," ancl,
although association with Claiborne would not
have been dishonorable to any one, historical
accuracy seems to call for a distinction. In
Greene's proclamation of pardon given in March,
1647/8 ; in the letter written by the Assembly to
Lord Baltimore in April, 1649 ; in the Pro-
1 Papers Eclating to the Early History of Maryland, by S. F. Streeter,
p. 207.

23

prietor's commissions for the great seal, for mus
ter master general, for commander of Kent
Island, respectively, in 1648; and in his letter to
Stone in 1649, the rebellion is attributed to the
instigation of Ingle.1 In the commission to
Governor Stone, of August, 1648, is the statement,
" so as such pardon or pardons extend not to the
pardoning of William Clayborne heretofore of the
isle of Kent in our said province of Maryland
and now or late of Virginia or of his complices in
their late rebellion against our rights and domin
ion in and over the said province nor of Richard
Ingle nor John Durford mariner," and in the act
of Oblivion, in April, 1650, pardon is granted to
all excepting " Richard Ingle and John Darford
Marryners, and such others of the Isle of Kent "
as were not pardoned by Leonard Calvert.2 In
these two instances alone is any kind of an oppor
tunity offered for connecting the two names, even
here they are separated, and the distinction is
made greater by the fact that in a commission
concerning Hill, also of August, 1648, and in other
places, Claiborne is mentioned with no reference
at all to Ingle.3 It is probable, in the absence of
evidence to the contrary, that Ingle and Claiborne
never planned any concerted action, but that each

1 C. P., pp. 166, 201, 204 ; A. P., 238, 270.
8 C. P., p. 175 ; A. P., p. 301.
3 C. P., p. 209.

24

took advantage of the other's deeds, to further his
own interests.
To return to the year 1645. The rebellion sup
posed to have been originated by Ingle, was
according to statements of the Assembly of 1649,
continued by his accomplices, and during it "most of
your Lordships Royal friends here were spoiled of
their whole Estate ancl sent away as banished persons
out of the Province those few that remained were
plundered and deprived in a manner of all Lively-
hood and subsistance only Breathing under that
intollerable Yoke which they were forced to bear
under those Rebells."1 The people were tendered
an oath against Lord Baltimore, which all the
Roman Catholics refused to take, except William
Thompson, about whom there is some doubt.2
Ingle, himself, said that he had been able to take
some places from the papists and malignants, and
with goods taken from them had relieved the well-
affected to parliament. Further on in this paper it
will be seen that Roman Catholics' property was
attacked under Ingle's auspices, but that the bad
treatment of them did not continue long and was
not very severe, may be inferred from the fact that
in 1646, there were enough members of the council,
who were Roman Catholics, in the province to
1 A. P., p. 238.
8 Ibid., pp. 238, 270, 271. At the request of the Assembly, Baltimore for
gave Thompson for acts which he might have committed by reason of igno
rance or through a mistake.

25

elect Hill governor. In this connection ought to
be mentioned the report, by an uncertain author,
concerning the Maryland mission, written in 1670.
The report is devoted principally to an account of
a miracle which, strange to say, had not been
recorded, as far as is known, although twenty -four
years had elapsed since it had occurred. " It has
been established by custom and usage of the Catho
lics," the uncertain author wrote, " who live in Mary
land, during the whole night of the 31st of July
following the festival of St. Ignatius, to honor with
a salute of cannon their tutelar guardian and
patron saint. Therefore, in the year 1646, mind
ful of the solemn custom, the anniversary of the
holy father being ended, they wished the night
also consecrated to the honor of the same, by the
continual discharge of artillery. At the time,
there were in the neighborhood certain soldiers,
unjust plunderers, Englishmen indeed by birth, of
the heterodox faith, who, coming the year before
with a fleet, had invaded with arms, almost the
entire colony, had plundered, burnt, ancl finally,
having abducted the priests and driven the
Governor himself into exile, had reduced it to a
miserable servitude. These had protection in a
certain fortified citadel, built for their own defence,
situated about five miles from the others ; but now,
aroused by the nocturnal report of the cannon, the
dav after, that is on the first of August, rush upon

26

us with arms, break into the houses of the Catho
lics, and plunder whatever there is of arms or
powder."1 Now this statement bears upon the face
of it a contradiction, for the restriction upon the
Roman Catholics could not have been very great,
since they were allowed to retain, up to August,
1646, the powder and cannon necessary to fire con
tinual salutes, moreover, when next clay the soldiers
came to their dwellings, nothing seems to have been
taken except the ammunition, and this was done
no doubt to prevent any further alarm, that a body
of troops situated as they were might reasonably
have felt at hearing artillery discharges five miles
away. Many writers have stated that good Fathers Wrhite
and Fisher were carried off to England by Ingle,
but from the records of the Jesuits at Stonyhurst,
it is learned that Father White was seized " by a
band of soldiers," " and carried to England in
chains," and also that in " 1645 This year the col
ony was attacked by a party of 'rowdies' or
marauders and the missioners were carried off to
Virginia." 2 These extracts serve to show what was
the confusion existing in the minds of contempo
raries of Ingle, and the extreme difficulty, therefore,
of finding the real truth. But in the sworn state-

1 Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam, p. 95.
8 Records of the Eng. Prov. Society of Jesus, Series V., VI, VII, VIII.,
pp. 337, 389.

27

ments preserved in the Maryland records, some facts
may be found. Within a few days of the events at
St. Mary's resulting in partial subversion of Balti
more's government, the " Reformation " was riding
at the mouth of St. Inigoe's creek, near which was
situated the "Cross," the manor house of Cornwallis,
who, when he had been obliged in 1644 to leave
Maryland, had left his house and property in the
hands of Cuthbert Fenwick, his attorney.1 Fen-
wick was intending to go to Accomac, Virginia, and
sent Thomas Harrison, a servant, who had been
bought from Ingle by Cornwallis, and a fellow ser
vant, Eclw. Matthews, to help Andrew Monroe to
bring a small pinnace nearer the house.2 In the
pinnace were clothes, bedding, and other goods, the
property of Fenwick. Monroe refused to bring the
pinnace, and waited until Ingle came into the
creek ;3 and allowed the pinnace to be captured, (if
that may be called a capture to which consent was
given,) and plundered. Fenwick said that the pin
nace was plundered by " Richard Ingle or his asso
ciates;"4 another witness said that Ingle "seized or
plundered" the pinnace, and Monroe was employed
by him in his acts against the province, and while
in command of another pinnace assisted in the pil
laging of Copley's house at Portoback.5 Matthews

' L. O. R, Vol. I, p. 432.
2 Ibid, p. 57.2.
3 Ibid, Vol. II, p. 354.
* Ibid, Vol. I, p. 584.
6 Now Port Tobacco, Charles Co. Ibid, Vol. II, p. 354.

28

as well as other servants were held captives on the
"Reformation," and Harrison took up arms for
Ingle and afterwards left the province and fled to
Accomac. Fenwick went on board, no doubt to
protest against such acts, and when he returned to
the shore was seized by a party of men under
John Sturman, who seems to have been a leader in
the rebellion, and carried back to the vessel
where he was kept prisoner.1 In the meantime
Thomas Sturman, John Sturman, coopers, and
William Hardwick, a tailor, led a party to sack
the dwelling of Cornwallis, who, in a petition to
the Governor and Council in 1652, described it as
"a Competent Dwelling house, furnished with
plate, Linnen hangings, beding brass pewter and
all manner of Household Stuff worth at least a
thousand pounds." In the same petition he said
that the party " plundered and Carryed away all
things in It, pulled downe ancl burnt the pales
about it, killed and destroyed all the Swine and
Goates and killed or mismarked all most all the
Cattle, tooke or dispersed all the Servants,
Carryed away a Great quantity of Sawn Boards
from the pitts, and ript up Some floors of the
house. And having by these Violent and unlaw-
full Courses forst away my Said Attorny the Said
Thomas and John Sturman possest themselves
1 Ibid.,' Vol. I, p. 433. Most of the testimony against Ingle in Maryland
was by those whom he had held prisoners.

29

of the Complts house as theire owne, dwelt in it
Soe long as they please and at their departing
tooke the locks from the doors and ye Glass from
the windowes and in fine ruined his Avhole Estate
to the damage of the Complt at least two or three
thousand pounds." 1 It may be well to bear in
mind that Cornwallis in this petition, which was
against the two Sturmans and Hardwick, who did
not deny the allegations, but claimed the statute
of limitation, no mention is made of Ingle, save
that on his ship Fenwick was detained.2
In the latter part of the year 1645 began the era
of petitions, which should be taken with allowance,
for the age has been characterized as one of per
jury, and in the representations by both parties in
Maryland politics, advantage was taken of every
slight point to strengthen their respective posi
tions, and from internal evidence it seems that
some statements were garbled, to say the least
about them. The opening of this era was marked
by, the presentation, December 25th, 1645, by the
committee of plantations, to the House of Lords,
the following statements and suggestions, viz: that
many had complained of the tyranny of recusants
in Maryland, " who have seduced and forced many
of his Majesty's subjects from their religion ; " that
by a certificate from the Judge of the Admiralty
1 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 432, 433.
8 Ibid.

30

grounded upon the deposition of witnesses taken in
that Court : Leonard Calvert, late Governor there,
had a commission from Oxford to seize such
persons, ships ancl goods as belonged to any of
London ; which he registered, proclaimed, ancl
endeavored to put in execution at Virginia ; ancl
that one Brent, his deputy Governor, had seized
upon a ship, empowered under a commission
derived from the Parliament, because she was of
London, and afterward not only tampered with
the crew thereof to carry her to Bristol, then in
hostility against the Parliament, but also tendered
them an oath against the Parliament ; " the com
mittee under these circumstances recommended that
the province should be settled in the hands of pro-
testants.1 This was the first part of the determined
effort to deprive the great Cecil Calvert of his
charter of Maryland, which Richard Ingle continued
so vigorously in after years. He was probably in
England at that time, for he refers to the action
of the Lords in regard to the settling of the Mary
land government, in his petition of February 24th,
1645/6, to the House of Lords. To this petition
was appended a statement on behalf of Cornwallis,
which will explain it. Cornwallis said that on
Ingle's return to England, to cover up his defalca
tion in the matter of 200 pounds worth of goods, he
had complained to the committee for examinations
¦Terra Mariae, Neill, pp. 110, 111.

31

against Cornwallis as an enemy to the State. The
matter was given a full hearing, and when it was
left to the law and the defendant was granted the
right of having witnesses in Maryland examined,
Ingle had him arrested upon two feigned actions to
the value of 15,000 pounds sterling. Some friends
succeeded in rescuing him from prison, and then
Ingle sent the following petition to the House of
Lords, which had the effect of stopping for the time
proceedings against him.1 Having done so he car
ried the prosecution no further. The petition is
somewhat lengthy, but it should be read as it is
eminently characteristic of the man.2
"The humble petition of Richard Ingle, showing
That whereas the petitioner, having taken the cove
nant, and going out Avith letters of marque, as Cap
tain of the ship Reformation, of London, and sail
ing to Maryland, where, finding the Governor of
that Province to have received a commission from
Oxford to seize upon all ships belonging to London,
ancl to execute a tyrannical poAver against the Pro
testants, and such as adhered to the Parliament,
and to press Avicked oaths upon them, and to
endeavor their extirpation, the petitioner, conceiv
ing himself, not only by his Avarrant, but in his
fidelity to the Parliament, to be conscientiously
•Sixth Rep. Hist. Com, p. 101.
2 Rev. E. D. Neill has given the full draft of this petition, See Founders
of Maryland, pp. 75-77.

32
oblio-ed to come to their assistance, did venture his
life and fortune in landing his men and assisting
the said well affected Protestants against the said
tyrannical government ancl the Papists and malig-
nants. It pleased God to enable him to take clivers
places from them, and to make him a support to
tlie said well affected. But since his return to
England, the said Papists and inalignants, conspir
ing together, have brought fictitious acts against
him, at the common law, in the name of Thomas
CornAvallis and others for pretended trespass, in
taking aAvay their goods, in the parish of St. Chris
topher's, London, which are the very goods that
were by force of Avar justly ancl laAvfully taken from
these wicked Papists and malignants in Maryland,
and Avith Avhich he relieved the poor distressed
Protestants there, who otherwise must have starved,
and been rooted out.
" Now, forasmuch as your Lordships in Parlia
ment of State, by the order annexed, Avere pleased
to direct an ordinance to be framed for the settle
ment of the said province of Maryland, under the
Committee of Plantations, and for the indemnity of
the actors in it, and for that such false and feigned
actions for matters of Avar acted in foreign parts,
are not tryable at common law, but, if at all,
before the Court ancl Marshall ; ancl for that it
Avould be a dangerous example to permit Papists
and malignants to bring actions of trespass or

33

otherAvisc against the Avell affected for fighting for
the Parliament.
" The petitioner most humbly beseecheth your
Lordships to be pleased to direct that this business
may be heard before your Lordships at the bar, or
to refer it to a committee to report the true state of
the case and to order that the said suits against
the petitioner at the common laAv may be staid,
and no further proceeded in."
It is not knoAvn Iioav this matter Avas settled, but
in 1647, September 8th, Ingle transferred to Corn
wallis " for divers good and valuable causes " the
debts, bills, &c, belonging to him, and made him
his attorney to collect the same. Among the items
in the inventory appended to the poAver of attorney
Avere " A Bill and note of John Sturman's, the one
dated the 10th of April 1645 for Satisfaction of
tenn pounds of powder the other dated the 4th of
April 1645 for 9001 of Tob & Caske," and "an
acknoAvledgem1 of Cap* William Stone dated the
10th of April 1645 for a receipt of a Bill of Argall
Yardley's Esq, for 98601 of Tobacco and Caske,"1
Avhich show that the mercantile interests of Ingle
were not subservient to his supposed Avarlike
measures. A consideration of the statements by
Corwallis and of those by Ingle, proves that the
latter must have had considerable influence in
the Parliament, and that he Avas prepared to stand
1 L. O. R, Vol. I, p. 378,

34

by and defend all his actions, and the similarity
to his petition of ideas and even of Avords in certain
places, Avould safely allow the conjecture that Ingle
had something to do in the report of 1645 already
mentioned. It is curious also to compare his
reference to the ill-treatment of the Protestants,
and the mention of the hardships of Baltimore's
adherents, made by the Assembly of 1649. There
is no record of the presence of Ingle in Maryland
after the spring of 1645, though the rebellion which
he was accused of instigating continued some
months longer.1 For continuity, a rapid sketch
of the history of Maryland during the next two
years must be given.
For fourteen months the province was without a
settled government. In March, 1645/6, the Vir
ginian Assembly in view of the secret flight into
Maryland of Lieutenant Stilhvell, and others,
enacted that " Capt. Tho. Willoughby, Esq., and
Capt. Edward Hill be hereby authorized to go to
Maryland or Kent to demand the return of such
persons Avho are alreadie departed from the colony.
Ancl to follow such further instructions as shall be
1 Father White and Father- Fisher were carried to England and impris
oned. The former was, after some months, released upon the condition of
his leaving England. He went to Belgium, and afterwards returned to
England, but never again to Maryland. "Thirsting for the salvation of his
beloved Marylanders he sought every opportunity of returning secretly to
that mission, earnestly begging the favor of his Superiors; but, as the
good Father was then upwards of sixty -five years of age and his consti
tution broken down, they would not consent." R. P. S. J, p. 337. Fisher
was released and returned to Maryland.

35

given them by the Governor and Council."1 After
Hill had arrived in Maryland he was elected
governor by the members of the council, Avho,
notAvithstanding Ingle's rebellion, were in the
province. The right of the council to elect Hill
Avas afterwards disputed, but one word must be
said in regard to this. The reason for disputing
the right Avas that the councilors could elect only
a member of the council to be governor. In the
commission to Leonard Calvert in 1637, no such
restriction was made,2 in the commission of 1642
the restriction occurs, and in the commission of
1644, which has been preserved in two copies, the
same provision was made.3 As Lord Baltimore
himself had confused ideas about this commission,
it is not surprising that the council thought they
were doing right in electing Hill. Even if the
council had no right to act thus, Hill had stronger
claims to the go\rernorship. In Lord Baltimore's
commission to Leonard Calvert, of September 18th,
1644, is the provision:4 "and lastly whereas our
said Lieutenant may happen to dye or be absent
from time to time out of the said province of Mary
land, before we can have notice to depute another
in his place Ave do therefore hereby grant unto
him full poAver and Authority from time to time in
1 Hening : Statutes, Vol. I, p. 321.
8C. P,pp. 17, 77.
3 Ibid, p. 136 ; L. O. R, Vol. I, p. 203.
C. P, p. 135.

tn

36

such Cases to Nominate elect and appoint such an
able person inhabiting and residing within our said
province of Maryld, as he in his discretion shall
make choice of & think fit to be our Lieutenant
Governor, &c." Such is the command as recorded
in the Council Proceedings of Maryland. But
Baltimore, in 1648, in a commission to the
Governor and council in Maryland, wrote that
Leonard Calvert had no right to appoint any1
person in his stead " unless such persons Avere of
our privy council there,"1 although he recog
nized the validity of Leonard's death-bed appoint
ment by witnesses of Governor Greene. He, to
be sure, was a member of the council, but this
fact was not mentioned in the preamble of the
commission, in which the Avords, with some slight
changes in tense and mood, are almost identical
with those in the' preamble of the commission of
July 30th, 1646, from Calvert to Hill, which, not
withstanding doubts to the contrary, must have
been genuine. For Lord Baltimore, in the com
mission of 1648 seems to have acknowledged
that his brother had granted the commission to
Hill,1 who, in a letter to Calvert, said that he had
promised him one-half the customs and rents, the
remuneration stipulated in his commission. Hill,
not knowing that Calvert was dead, wrote him a
1 Ibid, p. 209.
8 Ibid, p. 154-161.

37
letter, dated June 18th, 1647, urging the payment
of his dues, and the next day Greene, the new
Governor, replied that he did not understand the
matter, but that if Hill Avould send an attorney " full
satisfaction should be given him." When Hill
wrote next he Avaived the authority of Calvert,
and based his claim upon the right of the council
to elect him, and in this Avay placed himself upon
an illegal footing, which circumstance Avas taken
advantage of for a time by the Maryland authori
ties. But finally at a court held June 10th, 1648, 1
one year after Calvert's death, a claim from Hill
was presented "for Arrears of Avhat consideration
was Covenanted unto him by Leonard Calvert,
Esq., for his Service in the office of Governor of
this Province, being the half of his Ldps rents
for the year 1646 & the half of the Customes for
the Same yeare." It was ordered by the court,
"that ye half of that yeares Customes as far as it
hath not already been recoiA'ed by Capt. Hill
shall be paid unto him by the Ld Prop" Attorny
out of the first profitts Avhich shall be receivable
to his Ldp * * * his Ldps Receiver shall accompt
& pay unto Cap' Edward Hill or his assignes the
one halfe of his Ldps rents due at Christmas next
in Lieu of the Sd rents of the yeare 1646 which
Avere otherwise disposed of to his Ldps use."
There is, hoAvever, one fact Avhich must not be
'L.O. R, Vol. II, p. 328.
6

38
lost sight of in regard to Leonard Calvert's com
mission to Hill. If it Avas executed by a member
of the council, ancl therefore Avas a forgery, for in
the records Calvert's name is signed to it, and
the place of the seal is noted, it is not at all
likely that it would have been alloAved by Calvert
on his return, and by his immediate successors, to
be preserved and copied into the records. If all
other proof failed this last would establish the
validity of Hill's commission.
But Calvert, Avho, throughout his whole career
as governor of Maryland, showed unchanging
devotion to his brother's interests, gathered in
Virginia a body of soldiers ancl returned at the
end of 1646 to St. Mary's, Avhere he easily repos
sessed himself of that part of the country, though
Kent Island remained still in possession of
Claiborne's forces. Thus Avas ended Avhat has been
called Ingle's rebellion, in Avhich the loss of the
lord proprietor's personal estate " was in truth so
small as that it was not Considerable when it was
come in Ballance with the Safety of the Province
Avhich as the then present Condition of things
stood, hung upon so ticklish a pin as that unless
such a disposition had been made thereof an
absolute ruin and subversion of the Avhole Province
would inevitably haAre followed."1 Another proof
of Hill's regular appointment is that Calvert on
'A. P, p. 242.

39
the 2Dth of December, soon after his return,
re-assembled the Assembly, which Hill had sum
moned and adjourned, and proceeded Avith it to
enact laws.1 Although a later Assembly in 1648
protested against the laAvs passed by this
Assembly, the proprietor recognized them as
valid, and Avrote in 1649 that it had been " laAv-
fully continued " by his brother "ffor although the
first Sumons were issued by one Avho Avas not our
Lawfull Lieutenant there, yet being aftemvards
approved of by one that was, it is all one, as to
the proceedings afterward as if at first they had
issued from a lawfull Governor,"2 The writer is
no laAvyer, but it seems, that, if the Assembly of
Hill Avas " lawfully continued " ancl "appro\red" by
Calvert, the recognition by Baltimore must have
been legally retroactive, and, therefore, that the
laws passed before Calvert's return must have been
legally valid, saving of course the proprietor's
dissent. Leonard Calvert having spent some
months in settling the affairs of the province
died, June 9th, 1647, and Greene ruled in his stead.
In the following March, Ingle's name again
appears in the records. The governor, on March
4th, 1648, proclaimed pardon to all except
Richard Ingle, and in August of the same year
the lord proprietor issued, besides his commissions
' Ibid, pp. 209-210.
8 1 hid, 266.

40

to Governor Stone, to the council and to secretary
Thomas Hatton, commissions, for the Great Seal,
for muster master general, and for commander of
the Isle of Kent. John Price Avas made muster
master general for his "great Fidelity unto us in
that Occasion of the late insurrection and Rebel
lion in our said province Avas begun there by
that Notorious Villain Richard Ingle and his
Complices," ancl Robert Vaughan was appointed
commander of Kent for the same reason.1 Then
in 1650 Avas passed the act of Oblivion, excepting
Ingle, Durford, and some of the Isle of Kent. In
1649, Baltimore granted to James Lindsey and
Richard Willan certain lands, and directed that
in the grants should be inserted the notice "of
their singular and approved Avorth courage and
fidelity (in Ingle's insurrection) to the end a
memory of their merit and of his (the Proprietor)
sense thereof may remain upon record to the
honour of them and their posterity forever."2
An investigation into Ingle's doings at this
time may explain the bitter terms in Avhich he is
mentioned in the official records of Maryland,
and also why upon him was foisted the chief
responsibility for the disturbances. During the
year 1646, Lord Baltimore Avas engaged in defend
ing his charter, against the justice of Avhich
'C. P., pp. 204-205.
8 Kilty. Landholder's Assistant, pp. 79-80; L. O. R., Vol. II p. 410.

41
such grave charges had been brought by Ingle
and others, in the winter of 1645/6. On January
23rd, 1646/7, application in Baltimore's behalf, Avas
made to the House of Lords, that the depositions
of witnesses made before the Admiralty Court
in regard to Maryland should be read. In a few
Aveeks Baltimore begged that the actions looking
to the repeal of his charter might be delayed,
and on the same day certain merchants in Lon
don, Avho Avere interested in the Virginia trade,
requested that the ordinance should be sent to
the Commons, for Baltimore's petition was
intended only to cause delay.1 The matter Avas
stayed for the time, but by December, 1649, Ingle
had sent to the Council of State a petition and
remonstrance against the government of Lord
Baltimore's colony. The hearing, which Avas
referred to the Committee of the Admiralty, was
postponed until January 10th, 1650, when Bal
timore's agent requested it to be deferred until
the 16th. Witnesses were summoned ancl upon
Baltimore's appearance, he was ordered to make
ansAver in writing to Ingle by the 30th. On Jan
uary 29th the matter Avas again postponed until
February 6th, " in respect of extraordinary occa
sions not permitting them to hear the same to-
morroAv." Delay foUoAved delay until March 1st,
when Ingle was " unprovided to prove " the
•fiyrtu tsy
1 Sev-entli Report His. Com, pp. 54, 162.

42

charges against Lord Baltimore for misconduct
in the government of Maryland, but on the 1 5th
of the same month, " after several debates of the
business depending between Capt. Ingle and Lord
Baltimore, touching a commission granted to
Leonard Calvert, * * * by the late King at Oxford
in 1643 " the advocate for the State ancl the
attorney general Avere directed to examine the
validity of the original charter to Cecil, Lord
Baltimore. Allusion to this matter Avas again
made in the records, but nothing showing its
result unless it be the order of the Council of
State, of December 23d, 1651, that Lord Baltimore
should be alloAved to " pursue his cause according
to law." x
Ingle seems to have been at this time in the ser.
vice of Avhat Avas once a parliament, but Avhich had
been reduced in 1648, by Pride's purge, to about
sixty members. In February, 1650, he informed
the Council of State that on board two ships, the
"'Flower de Luce' and the 'Thomas and John,'
were persons bound to Virginia, who Avere enemies
of the Commonwealth." The vessels were stayed
for over a month, when they were allowed to sail
doAvn to Gravesend, Avhere, befoi-e they left for Vir
ginia, the mayor and justices were to "take the
superscription of passengers and mariners not to
1 Sainsbury : Calendar State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1060, pp. 331-337, 368.

43

engage against the Commonwealth."1 In April
of this year the Council of State ordered the
payment to Ingle of £30 sterling for services ancl
care in keeping Captain Gardner, Avho had been
arrested for treason, in having tried to betray
Portland Castle.2 He again comes into notice
in 1653, by some letters Avritten by him to Edward
Marston. He had been cast aAvay by shipAvreck
in the Downs, and Avas then at Dover, Avhere he
had been very ill. Having heard that two prizes
Avhich he had helped to secure, had been con
demned ancl that the rest of the men had obtained
their shares, he wrote to secure the eleven shares
due him, and told Marston to send one part to
his wife, ancl the other to him. On November 14th,
he again Avrote that he had received no ansAver
although " I have Avritten you every post these
3 Aveeks, having been sick my want of money is
great."3 This is the last fact, Avhich can at present
be found, about Richard Ingle, who first came into
notice demanding tobacco debts, and is discovered,
at last demanding prize money. These two acts
Avere typical of the man, he was always on the
lookout for gain and yet remained a staunch
adherent to the Long Parliament, Avhich did so
much to strengthen English liberties, but whose
' Ibid.
8 Ibid, Domestic, 1650, pp. 64, 79, 572.
3 Ibid, 1653-1654, pp. 235, 251, 278.

44

acts led to such extreme measures as those which
culminated in the execution of the self-willed
unfortunate Charles I.
By a careful consideration of all the facts, it
will be seen that the acts of Richard Ingle are
in some cases legendary, ancl as such naturally
have become more heinous Avith every succes
sive account. The endeavor has been in this
paper to give an unprejudiced historical account
of his life, but in view of the mis-statements about
him, it still remains to sum up, and examine the
specific charges against him. He is accused of
having stolen the silver seal of the province.
Lord Baltimore's OAvn statements, hoAvever, concern
ing it are doubtful. " Whereas our great seal of the
said province of Maryland was treacherously and
violently taken away from thence by Richard
Ingle or his complices in or about February,1
1644/5," he wrote in August, 1648. Nothing
had been said according to the records up to
that time in Maryland about the loss of the seal.
On the contrary, in a commission given by Gov
ernor Greene on July 4th, 1647, over a year before
the proprietor's commission for the great seal,
are the words, "Given under my hand and the
Seal of the province,"2 and in the proclamation
of March 4th, 1648, Greene promised pardon
'C. P, 201.
8 Ibid, 162.

45
"under my hand and the seal of the province,"1
to all out of the province except Ingle, Avho should
confess their faults before a certain date.
It may be urged against these facts that
" under my hand and the seal of the province,"
was mere legal phraseology. But those which
have been given are the only two instances of the
use of the term from 1646 to 1648, and are both
preceded and followed by commissions, &c, end
ing " and this shall be your commission," or
" given at St. Mary's," in which, if the term was
merely technical language, why Avas it not more
frequently used? Again, it may be said that it
Avas a temporary seal. If it were, it is strange
that no mention is made of the fact in the records
of the province, or in Lord Baltimore's commis
sion for the neAV seal. It was hoped and desired
that in this paper no occasion would arise to make
accusations against any of Ingle's opponents, but
historic truth now requires it to be done. It must
be remembered that Baltimore Avas in constant
danger of losing his charter, in a great measure,
on account of Ingle's activity against him. Upon
his authority alone is based the charge against
Ingle about the seal, but of how much value is
the authority of one who, at the very same time
and in a commission sent out Avith that of the
seal, Avrote that Leonard Calvert " was limited by
1 Ibid, 166.

46

our commission to him not to appoint " any person
governor " unless such person were of our privy
council there,"1 although no such limitation as to
the governor's right was made in any of the com
missions to Leonard Calvert so this clause in
the lord proprietor's commission resolves itself
into a Machiavellian statement. It is hardly
credible that Lord Baltimore could have made
such a statement from ignorance, for no one kneAV
the commission better than the author of it. But
notwithstanding the evidence against Lord Balti
more, the writer has too high an opinion of his
character to attribute to him the diplomatic
lie. Lord Baltimore was no doubt influenced a
great deal, by what was reported to him concerning
Maryland, so the blame must rest upon his
informers. Still if these persons Avould resort to
such methods in one case, they would be likely to
do so in other instances. Whoever was the author
of the statement, it throws doubt upon other sup
posed facts of this period, and leads to the conclu
sion that the commission for a neAV seal Avas one
of the reconstructive acts of the proprietor, on a
par Avith the treatment of Hill.
Ingle has been charged with the destruction of
the records of the province. What Avas Balti
more's opinion? "We understand" he Avrote in
1651, "that in the late Rebellion there One thousand
1 Ibid, p. 209.

47
Six hundred Forty and four most of the Records
of that province being then lost or embezzled."1
This hearsay statement of Lord Baltimore may
have been based upon the testimony in 1649, of
Thomas Hatton, Secretary of the province, of the
receipt of books from Mr. Bretton, who "delivered
to me this Book, and another lesser Book Avith a
Parchment Cover, divers of the Leaves thereof
being cut or torn out, ancl many of them being
lost and much worn out and defaced together Avith
diA^ers other Papers and Writings bound together in
a Bundle,"2 ancl SAvore that they Avere all the docu
ments belonging to the secretary or register Avhich
could be found, " except some Warrants, and some
Draughts of Mr. Hill's Time." All the records,
therefore, were not destroyed, but in 1649, there
Avere in existence papers belonging to the Hill
regime. But greater proofs against the vandalism
of Ingle are the records themselves, or the copies
of them, which could not have been made if the
originals had been destroyed, and Avhich have at
last been deposited Avhere thieves do not break
through nor steal. There have been preserved
among the records up to 1647, the original pro
prietory record books, liber Z., 1637-1644 and
liber P. R., 1642 to February 12, 1645. The
Council Proceedings, 1636-1657, the Assembly
'A. P, p. 329.
8C. P, 219.

48
Proceedings, 1638-1658, and liber F., 1636-1642,
proprietor}^ records, have been handed down in
copies. The loss of liber F., 1636-1642, can no more
be attributed to Ingle than can the loss of liber
K., 1692-1694, Avhich was made fifty years after
Ingle's time. Both of these, as well as records
of later years, have been preserved in copies
only, but a brief study of the Calendar of State
Archives, prefixed to the Acts of Assembly, will
demonstrate that the destruction of records by
Ingle could not have been so great as has been
supposed. But did he destroy any? There are
gaps in the records, that exist betAveen February
14, 1645, when the rebellion occurred, and Decem
ber, 1646, when Calvert returned, but it is not
likely that under the existing circumstances very
great care was taken of the records of these twenty-
two months, and moreover there is no proof that
Ingle Avas in the province after 1645, for he Avas
probably in London in December of that year,
and certainly in the following February. His
appointing Cornwallis his attorney for collecting
Maryland and Virginia debts would also lead one
to believe that he did not return to the province.
Some of the records of the Hill government, hoAV-
ever, Avere in existence in 1649, but as far as is
knoAvn have since disappeared. Ingle certainly
did not destroy them, and indeed to a man
engaged in the tobacco trade, there were feAV

49

inducements to Avaste his time, and that of his
men cutting up records.
It is difficult to understand why Lord Baltimore
should have called Ingle an " ungrateful villain,"
for the reception the latter met at St. Mary's in
1644, Avas not calculated to inspire one Avith grati
tude. The compensation offered Ingle might have
been deemed liberal, but the Maryland authorities
acknoAvledged that they had to make this offer for
the public good and safety, and, therefore, no par
ticular credit can be given them for kindness
towards the troublesome mariner. But the rela
tions between Ingle and Cornwallis are rather
perplexing. The latter accused Ingle of not
returning the value of goods entrusted to him,
and also of landing, during his absence, " some
men near his house," and rifling " him to the
value of 2,5001 at least."1 All this Avas done after
Cormvallis had shoAved his devotion to Parliament,
by releasing Ingle. It must be remembered in
connection with the devotion to Parliament, that
Ingle Avas doing the great carrying trade for Corn
wallis. Besides, after Ingle had made him his
attorney, he went to Maryland and there sued
three men for the pillage and destruction of his
property, Avitholit implicating Ingle. In the
absence of full records concerning these tAvo men,
it is unfair to judge either of them harshly in this
matter. ¦Sixth Rep. Hist. Com, p. 101.

50
The indefinite allusion to Ingle's piracy in 1644
Avas not sustained, but in 1649 he Avas again called
" pirate." The definition of piracy has undergone
many changes Avithin the past three hundred years.
From robbery committed upon the high seas, it
has come to mean, " acts of violence clone upon
the ocean or unappropriated lands or within the
territory of a state through descent from the sea, by
a body of men acting independently of any politi
cal or organized society." r The pirate has also
been held as an enemy, whom the Avhole human
race can oppress. These definitions are from the
international standpoint. What was the English
laAv at the time of Ingle? The treatment of
pirates Avas regulated by the Act of Parliament,
made in the reign of Henry VIII.,2 and Sir Leo-
line Jenkins, on September 2d, 1668, at a session of
the Admiralty, said, "now robbery as 'tis dis
tinguished from thieving or larceny, implies not
only the actual taking away of my goods, while I
am, as we say, in peace, but also the putting me
in fear, by taking them aAvay by force and arms
out of my hands, or in my sight ancl presence,
Avhen this is done upon the sea, without a laAvful
commission of Avar or reprisals, it is downright
Piracy."3 In the Assembly of March, 1638,
1 Hall : International Law, p. 218.
2 28 Henry VIII, C. 15. See p. 124, Vol. VI, Evan's Collection of
Statutes. 3 Quoted by Phillimorc. See International Law, Vol. I, p. 414.

51
piracy Avas defined as follows: "William dawson
Avith divers others did assault the vessels of Capt.
Thomas Cornwaleys his company feloniously and
as pyrates & robbers to take the said vessels
and did discharge divers peices charged with bul-
letts & shott against the said Thomas Cormvaleys,
&C."1 Granted, although it is doubtful, that
Ingle seized the pinnace, riding in St. Inigoes'
creek, he Avas not, therefore, a pirate. According
to the testimony, he used no force, for the one in
charge of the pinnace alloAved him to take it; and
the act was not committed on the high seas. For
the acts committed on the land, Ingle acknowl
edged himself to have been responsible; for in
his petition he Avrote, that he " did venture his life
and fortune in landing his men and assisting the
said well-affected Protestants (i. e., such as adhered
to Parliament)" against the government, the
papists and malignants. His acts on the land
Avere rather contradictory, if one reads the testi
mony. In 1647, for instance, a certain Wralter
Beane2 at the request of Cuthbert FenAvick, said
that during the plundering time, Avith the consent
of Fenwick, he paid Ingle some tobacco, Avhich
was due Fenwick or CornAvallis. Ingle then gave
him the foUoAving, " ReceiAred of Walter Beane
five hundr Thirty Eight pounds of Tob for a debt
1 A. P, pp. 17-18.
2L. O. R, Vol. II, p. 312.

52

th' the sd Walter Beane did OAve to Cuthbert ffen-
wick. Witness my hand, Richd. Ingle."
Beane stated also that sometime before Ingle
came, he paid six hogsheads of tobacco to Fen
wick for Cornwallis, ancl that Ingle, upon his
arrival, sent eleven men to fetch the hogsheads
and other tobacco ; that when Beane refused to
give them up, Ingle Avas notified, ancl sent a note
threatening extreme measures, and Beane Avas
thus forced to give up the tobacco. Does it not
seem curious that Ingle should give a receipt for
one batch of tobacco, ancl Avithin a short time have
other tobacco forcibly seized? Of course the
authorities of Maryland might have considered
such acts piratical. But they were not. Ingle
had a commission from Parliament, to relieve the
planters in Maryland, by furnishing them arms,
&c. He found the government of Maryland at
enmity Avith Parliament, which was the actual
government of England at that time, and assisted
the friends of Parliament in Maryland. Even
if he exceeded the provisions of his letter of
marque he Avas responsible to Parliament alone.1
That the English authorities did not disapprove
of his conduct is shoAvn by the Aveight attached to
his statements, ancl by the fact that he was after
wards in the service of the Commonwealth.
1 Phillimore, Vol. I, p. 425.

53
As to Ingle's having been a " rebel," the facts
all point to his participation in the beginning of a
rebellion, ' caused probably, by those dissatisfied
with Leonard Calvert's rule, more probably by the
influence of William Claiborne, Avho in spite of
condemnatory acts by the Maryland Assembly,
and the vacillating measures of Charles I., insisted
for many years upon his right to Kent Island.
But rebellion is viewed in different ways: by those
against Avhom it is made, with horror and detesta
tion ; by those who make it, with pride and oft-
times Avith devotion. If Ingle led on the rebel
lion, he was acting in Maryland, only as Crom-
Avell afterwards did on a larger scale, in England,
and as Bacon, the brave and noble, did in Vir
ginia, and to be placed in the same category with
many, who Avill be handed down to future genera
tions as rebels, will be no discredit to the first
Maryland rebel.

SIR GEORGE CALVERT,

BARON OF BALTIMORE.

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,

April 14th, 1884,

LEWIS W. WILIIELM, A. B.,
Fellow in History, Johns Hopkins University.

galtimor*, 188&

SIR GEORGE CALVERT,

BARON OF BALTIMORE.

cv

^Hfun^-QPublication^ !Slo. 20.

SIR GEORGE CALVERT,

BARON OF BALTIMORE.

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,

April 14th, 1884,

LEWIS W. WILHELM, A. B.,
Fellow in History, Johns Hopkins University.

iBaiiimor*, 1884.

PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND.

Committee on Publication.
1884-5.
HENRY STOCKBRIDGE,
JOHN W. M. LEE,
BRADLEY T. JOHNSON.

1J Itl N T E D B Y J01IN M U n P II V & CO.
Pkinteks to the Maryland Historical SOCIETY,
B ALTIMOBK, 1884.

PREFACE.
The history of the Baltimore family is indissolubly linked with
the history of the province of Maryland. The first Lord Balti
more, Sir George Calvert, though dying two months before the
charter of Maryland had passed the great seal of England, and
two years before the first settlers arrived in the colony, had laid
the beginnings of the colony. To his son and successor, Cecilius
Calvert, the privilege was granted of sending over the immigrants
of 1634, and of completing the initial steps taken by his father,
by which a new province was added to the British Empire in
America. As lord proprietor of Maryland for almost a half cen
tury, he occupied an important part in moulding the constitu
tional, religious and economic history of the colony. The last
baron of Baltimore died in 1771, only a few years before the
inhabitants of his province declared themselves an independent
commonwealth. The biography of each member of the family is
sufficiently interesting in itself to claim the attention of the his
torian. From the accession of James I. to the reign of George
III., the Calverts enjoyed a high political and social rank in Eng
land ; but the most important member of the family was, beyond
all doubt, its founder, George Calvert. The history of the first
baron of Baltimore is peculiarly interesting from many points of
view. As a leader of the Court party in the famous parliaments
of the reign of James I., and as one ofthe king's principal minis
ters during the negotiations in the celebrated Spanish Match,
v

VI PREFACE.
he occupies an important place in the parliamentary and consti
tutional history of England ; as a member of the most important
trading company of his day, whose fleets were circumnavigatipg
the globe ; as an executive officer in the administrative councils
which controlled the destinies of the great Virginia companies,
whose domain extended from Maine to Florida, and as an ener
getic colonizer of settlements in America, personally inspecting
the lands patented by him, and for many months taking up his
residence in the New World, Sir George Calvert's career must
fill many pages in the history of the economic and institutional
development of the people of the American colonies. The reli
gious phase of his career is not devoid of interest; as a convert
from the Church of England to the Church of Rome, when
absorbed in the duties of privy counsellor and of minister of state,
the story of his life is peculiarly instructive to the student of his
tory seeking for the causes and development of the religious move
ment in England which led to the great Civil War, to the estab
lishment of the English Commonwealth, and to the founding of
the new England in America.
In the preparation of this biography a liberal use has been
made of books and documents contained in the libraries of the
Johns Hopkins University, the Peabody Institute, the Mary-,
land Historical Society, and the Whittingham library. Though
there exists in these libraries abundant material for the public
life of Calvert, very few details are revealed concerning his private
life, his ancestry, his boyhood, his domestic life, or of his residence
in Ireland during the interval between his withdrawal from Court
and his removal to America. A research into the annals of
Yorkshire, England, and of Wexford and Longford counties,
Ireland, would doubtless throw much additional light upon many

PREFACE. Vll
parts of his career. I have endeavored, in this monograph, to
group together the details contained in the interesting biographies
of Calvert written by Kennedy, Morris, and Neill, and to unify
and to supplement the material so obtained by a study of the
other works embraced iu the bibliography contained in the
appendix. I am indebted to several of my fellow students, particularly Mr.
Basil Sollers and Mr. Charles II. Shinn, for important sugges
tions in the arrangement of the material ; I am also specially
indebted to Dr. Wm. Hand Browne, Librarian of the University,
for a review of the manuscript, and to the Hon. Henry Stockbridge,
Vice-President of the Maryland Historical Society, for his loan
of valuable documents and for his aid in correcting the proof-
sheets.
L. W. W.
Johns Hopkins University,
May, 1884.

SIR GEORGE CALVERT,
BARON OF BALTIMORE.

0

F all the counties of England none has held
and is now holding a larger interest in
English history than Yorkshire. The suc
cessor of the old Kingdom of Deira, even under
its present name, it stretched, in the times of
the Domesday survey, from sea to sea ; and when
joined to its sister Kingdom of Bernicia, under
the common name of Northumberland, it for
many years remained " the first state of Britain,
first in arms, first in arts." The richness of its
soil, the wealth of its mines, the varied beauty of
its valleys, dales, and terraced hillsides, and the
accessibility of its inland country, pierced by its
. great rivers, have made the North of England the
scene of battles fought for plunder, for religion,
and for local supremacy ; and in each of its wind
ing valleys ancl along each of its broad roads
have been heard the feet of men in martial array,
2 9

10
and the cries and groans of the vanquished.
Here in Deira, in Yorkshire, had settled the
Romans, the Danes, the English. Of all the cities
north of the Alps, York, with but one exception
became the only imperial city of the Roman
Empire, the residence of its emperor ; here the
Danish Conqueror had planted his black standard
and here had reigned the Danish Kings in the
only thoroughly Danish England, Deira ; it was
the city of York, the Roman Eboracum, the
English Eoforwic, that had been chosen by Bret-
walda Eadwine as the royal city, holding sway
over all England save Kent alone. Through
Yorkshire had raved the fierce Norman Con
queror, swearing by an awful oath dire ven
geance on the shire for its bold revolt and the
murder of the Norman garrisons. The Conqueror
commenced his savage work at York. The inhabi
tants met a cruel death; their towns were des
troyed, their crops trampled down, ancl their
implements of husbandry ancl their cattle con
sumed in raging fires; a hundred thousand souls
perished of famine alone. Yorkshire was con
quered and its political life was crushed, but
its capital became a center of a vigorous spiritual
life and a rival of the old see of Canterbury,
and claimed the authority, if it could not grasp
it, over all Britain from the Humber to the
Hebrides Islands. For many centuries the seat

11
of English power remained in the south, but long
before the times of James I., the old shire had
re-asserted its former political and social place and
has ever since continued to maintain its promi
nent position; the North of England, including
Yorkshire and Lancashire holds now the first
place both in politics and in local trade.
To Americans also, the most widely known of
all the shires of England is Yorkshire ; Kent and
Cornwall recall the days of great religious and
political struggles, whose histories have come
clown to us in beautiful legends, but the frequent
repetition in colonial history of the names of
York, New York, Yorktown, Yorkville, tell the
story plainly that the great oounty from which
these names are taken had a close hold upon
the favor of the colonists. The popularity of the
name is not a mere caprice ; many names famous
in American history are of Yorkshire lineage;
the Winthrops, the Penns, the Washingtons, ancl
the Calverts, names closely identified with the
settlement and the development of the States of
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Mary
land had their old English homes in Yorkshire ;
it was here the Puritans had gathered in great
numbers before they sought an asylum in Hol
land. In this famous old shire, not far from
the river Swale, is the little town of Kiplin,
long unknown, to fame and almost neglected by

12
the local annalists, but a place now famous in
American history as the birth-place of George
Calvert, the settler of Avalon and the founder of
Maryland. In one of those isolated spots in the valley of the
Swale, within sight ofthe highway joining. Durham
and York, and about half-way between these cities,
there yet may be seen ruins of the clays of Roman
supremacy in the dismembered castles and broken
walls lying in ancl around the old town of Cat-
terick. The annalist gravely remarks that cataract
is derived from this old town, lying in the midst of
rugged scenery. To the right of Catterick may be
seen the well-known Hornby castle, the residence
of the Duke of Leeds.; to the left is an estate
known as Kiplin Park, for many years the home
of the Earls of Tyrconnel.
A day's walk from the old bridge that spans the
Swale at this place will bring the pedestrian, trav
elling north-eastward, to tho mouth of the Tees,
along whose waters King Ida ancl his invading
hosts had sailed their keels in the days of the
English Conquest. A clay's walk in a northern
direction from Kiplin will bring the traveller to
the border line between the counties of Durham
and York ; towards the west the eye rests upon
the rolling meadows ancl pasture lands that mark
the beginning of the hills that extend towards
the famous Lake District of Cumberland ancl

13
Westmoreland, so graphically described by the
poet Wordsworth.
In travelling eastward, the pedestrian can soon
reach the heights of the lofty hills of Egton Moor,
extending eastward until abruptly stopped by the
blue waters of the German Ocean ; from many
points of' the moor glimpses may be had of the
famous town of Whitby; its venerable remains*
clearly outlined by the blue background of the
ocean, recalling the days of King Oswi, of Caed-
mon, and of Hilda, the English Deborah. A visit
to this old town, so near his birth-place, may have
reminded Calvert, particularly when his own reli
gious faith began to waver, of the famous struggle
that took place within the walls of the Abbey many
centuries before his era. At Whitby had occurred
the culmination, on English soil, of the strife of
Ireland against Rome, of the followers of St. John
against those of St. Peter, when King Oswi decided
to forsake the Celtic church of Colman and to cling
to the Roman church of Wilfrith and the Pope.
The village of Kiplin, where George Calvert was
born, lies in the narrowest part of the valley join
ing Middle England to the North country. A
local description of its situation a half century
since has a quaint sound to American readers : —
"Kiplin: a township in the parish of Catterick,
union of North Allcrton, wapentake of Gilling-
East, North Riding of the county of York, 25 miles

14
[e. s. e.] from Catterick, containing 114 inhabi
tants."1 Within sight of the village are the towns.
of Richmond, noted for. its grand old castle ; Ripon,
with its celebrated Fountains Abbey, the most
perfect monastery in all England, and its Grammar
School fotmded by Queen Mary; North Allerton,
the scene of the famous defeat of King David of
Scotland at the battle of tho Standard ; and Thirsk,
with its old church erected to St. Mary.
Though Kiplin was the birth-place of Calvert,
it had not been the residence of his ancestry. We
do not know how many centuries previous his
forefathers had left the lowlands of Flanders to
seek a new home in England, but during the long
days of tho reign of good Queen Bess, his parents
Leonard Calvert and Alice Crossland had been
living in the town of Danbywiske lying four or five
miles east of Kiplin. Very little is known of this
worthy couple, though it is generally stated that
Leonard Calvert, was a grazier, that is the owner
of large pasture lands, ancl occupied the social
position of the modern English country squire.
The story of their uneventful lives remains buried
in the musty rolls of the parish church, upon the
stones of neglected cemeteries, and in the annals
of antiquarians ancl of local historians. Like so
many of this world's heroes George Calvert was
1 Lewis: Topographical Dictionary of England.

15
thrust into the arena of public life unheralded and
almost unknown.
The exact date of his birth has not been deter
mined ; by some writers it has been placed in the
year 1580, and this is probably the more correct
date, though according to the conclusions of others,
his birth took place in the year 1581, the same year
in which occurred tho discovery of Virginia by the
vessels sent out by that famous old mariner, Sir
Walter Raleigh. Almost nothing has been
unearthed concerning the boyhood of Calrert,
but it is probable that until his entering upon
college life at Oxford, he resided with his parents
in the North Riding. The natural scenery and the
historic associations of the places immediately in
his vicinity would give his young mind much food
for inquiry and contemplation. In our imagina
tion we can see him directing his steps towards the
great Richmond castle, built in the days of the
Conqueror, its lofty square tower standing like a
huge sentinel on the eminence washed at its base
by tho Swale. His thoughtful in ind was doubt
less soon attracted to the many picturesque pano
ramas of nature opening up in all directions; moun
tains ancl valleys, wide open moors, and quiet
river views being within easy range.. Towards the
north-east, about a score and a half miles distant
lay Durham, a place well-known in the clays of
the Saxon Kings, and early consecrated by the

16
monks of Lindisfarne, who lovingly laid to rest
within its Avails the remains of their devoted St.
Cuthbert. , The town is famous in modern times as
the site of the magnificent Durham Cathedral ;
founded in the reign of William the Red, it is a
perfect specimen of Norman architecture and a
fitting memorial of Norman strength and endur
ance ; for centuries before the clays of Calvert,
thousands of pilgrims wended their way to this
shrine of St. Cuthbert ancl . the venerable Bede.
Towards the south-east of Kiplin, about two score
miles lies the old town of York, a place that
witnessed the death of the Emperor Severus and
of the father of Constantine the Great, ancl by
some writers claimed as the birth-place of the
first Christian Emperor; its Roman walls, Saxon
Cathedral and Norman Castle suggestive of most
important chapters in English history. It is not
improbable that the famous Queen Mary's Gram
mar School at Ripon, founded by the predecessor
of Queen Elizabeth, had trained the mind of the
young Calvert for his future career at Oxford.
Whatever may have been his early associations,
it is quite likely he felt the influence and imbibed
the teachings of the great families living in his
shire. Here were sown those seeds, well watered
at the Oxford University, that in after life rendered
him so prominent an advocate of the King's pre
rogative ancl of close alliance between England and

17
Spain. Here lived great families whose political
ancl religious struggles have filled whole chapters
in English history. Yorkshire was truly the terra
Marias of England. As the seat of the Catholic
revolts of J 569, when according to the Earl of
Sussex, Elizabeth's general in the North, "there
were not ten gentlemen in Yorkshire that did
allow [approve of J her proceedings, in the cause of
religion," the region of the Swale was filled with
devoted followers of Mary the Queen, and of Mary
the Virgin.
Though the career of Calvert, until his entrance
into Trinity College, Oxford, about 1593, had been
quiet ancl uneventful, yet during these twelve or
thirteen years the life of the English people had
been marked by most important events. During
this short period, in England, upon the Conti
nent, and in the New World, and even upon the
Ocean lying between, there was constant activity
and confusion ; the ominous noises of armies in
motion, the thunders of naval combats, the hoarse
cries of oppressed peoples, and the acclamations of
joy of religious enthusiasts, indicated the efferves
cent state of men's minds. Acts of great daring
and bravery succeeded dark deeds of passion and
violence, and both left an indelible mark upon
the pages of history. While the air was filled
with confused rumors of plots for the murder of
Queen Elizabeth, the hand of an assassin had sucl-
3

18
denly removed the noble Prince of Orange. While.
the shores of Virginia Avere being sounded and
mapped by Raleigh and his successors, the Spanish
coast Avas harried by Drake, and the great Armada
Avas shattered in the English Channel and washed
up on the English strand. Though but a boy, Cal
vert must have been a Avitness of the joyful paeans of
the Puritans ancl the tears of sorrow of tho Papists
upon the execution of the beautiful, yet erring,
Mary of Scotland. His youthful mind Avas not
sufficiently matured to realize the vast Avealth
stored up in the Avritings of his contemporaries, of
Marlowe and Spenser, of Shakspere ancl Hooker,
of Jonson and Bacon.
At the age of thirteen Calvert entered as a com
moner the Trinity College, Oxford,1 an institution
founded and endowed by bishops of Durham. . His
college career is briefly told, for very few details
are known ; in addition to the Greek and Latin
studies, he paid considerable attention to French,
Italian and Spanish; it Avas his knowledge of
these languages, probably, that enabled him in
later life to retain the favor of King James. As
he Avas a commoner in the College, paying all his
own expenses and not upon the foundation, it is
"'At Oxford, subscription to the thirty-nine articles had been required
on matriculation since 1581 ; and dissenting students had thus been wholly
excluded from that university. It was a school set apart for members of
the church." May; Constitutional History of England, III., 195.

19

very certain that his parents were possessed of
some means, unless perhaps he was assisted by
friends. After the usual course of three or four
years he obtained the degree of B. A. on Feb
ruary 23, 1597, the same year in Avhich appeared
the "Essays" of Bacon, his future co-laborer.
Calvert indicated his proficiency in the Latin
tongue, and also the bent of his inclination, by the
publication, at this time, of a poem dedicated to
the memory of a statesman, whom he had early
learned to admire.
¦ The young graduate rounded off his collegiate
instruction, and at the same time laid the founda
tions of his future political career, by visiting the
continent in the same year he left his Alma
Mater ; the notion was still prevalent that the
education of young men was not completed until
they had visited the various courts of Europe, and
had paid their respects to the reigning sovereigns.
It is not improbable that he was one of the
number of two hundred that composed the splen
did retinue of Sir Robert Cecil in his embassy to
tho Court of France. Henry of Navarre, a Protes
tant, had been elevated to the throne of France by
the assassination of the last of the line of Valois,
Henry III., in 1589 ; Philip of Spain, in despair
of injuring England in open Avarfare, after the
wreck of the two great Armadas, had struggled
hard to reach his great rival by laying claims to

20
the throne of France. To strengthen her OAvn
position by alliance Avith a strong neighbor, Eliza
beth continued to send men and money to the King
of France until the end of her reign. Sir Robert
Cecil, who became in after years warmly attached
to the interests of Calvert, was the leading spirit
in the foreign policy of the Queen, and probably
secured for the young politician an honorable
place in the diplomatic corps. It is not known
how long he remained abroad, though the embassy
of Cecil returned in April, 1598 ; it is not improb
able that Calvert returned with them, since Ave
find him a feAV years afterwards busy at work at
the English court.
In the year of the accession of James I. to the
English throne, 1603, Ave notice Calvert busily
employed in assisting Cecil, his patron, in the
management of the manors and bailiwicks included
in the jointure of Queen Anne of Denmark, the
consort of James ; and in the same year he was
elected a member of the first Parliament of James,
from the borough of Bossiney, a small fishing
toAvn in Cornwall; Hansard does not relate any
instance of his taking part in the debates; his
colleague Avas Sir Jeronimus Horsey.
It is not certainly knoAvn in Avhat year he
married Anne Mynne, daughter of George Mynne,
Esq., of Hertingsfordsbury, Hertfordshire ; proba
bly the event took place in the year 1604 or 1605 ;

21
his oldest son Cecilius Avas born in 1606. The
name given by Calvert to his first-born indicates
the regard he had for his patron, Avho, on the death
of Elizabeth had been continued by James as
Secretary of State. The second son, Leonard,
was named by Calvert after his father. Though
almost no particulars are known of Anne Mynne,
she seems to have been a devoted, amiable Avife
and a true lady ; the encomiums passed upon her
by her husband in answer to the queries of James
at his appointment to the Secretaryship in 1619,
the memorial tablet lauding her virtues, erected by
Calvert, ancl his loving illusions to her in his let
ters to Wentworth long after her death, Avould all
seem to indicate that in Anne Mynne the young
politician had found a helpmeet and a companion.
The year 1605 marked an epoch in the career of
Calvert; in this year he received the degree of
M. A. from his Alma Mater, an event that greatly
favored him in his ambitious projects. It Avould
be an advantage to him to have the degree con
ferred at a time marked by some great event ; it
Avas probably for this reason that he waited until
James visited the University in August, 1605. It
Avas the first and only visit paid this seat of learn
ing by the King, ancl great preparations had been
made to give him a right royal reception. The
progress of James ancl his retinue from Theobalds
to the University had been the occasion of contin-

22

uous ovations and banquets, ancl Avhen the royal
party reached Oxford, August 27th, a great host of
learned divines ancl jurists had gathered to receive
them ; many great nobles and the most prominent
ministers and councillors had accompanied the
King, and no expense Avas spared to provide a
brilliant entertainment. The neighboring markets
had been so depleted of provisions that for many
clays the prices of the perishable goods remained
unusually high. The old town had been newly
painted ancl cleaned, ancl the college buildings ancl
grounds had been gaily festooned and brightly
illuminated. When the royal party appeared upon
tho college grounds it was met by the University
party, preceded by the Chancellor, carrying in his
hand the Avhite staff of office ; the " bedells "
attired in "fair gowns, velvet capps and chains of
gold" accompanied the Chancellor, while behind
hiin in long procession followed the doctors, grad
uates, fellows, scholars ancl probationers, all attired
in their best gowns, hoods and caps.
During his sojourn at Oxford, the King was
honored by innumerable orations, sermons, debates,
and addresses in Latin and Greek. Banquets,
processions and novel entertainments followed in
rapid succession. The King did his part to enjoy
the celebrations, though at times he would give
Avay to a feeling of weariness, ancl during most
laughable comedies he Avould be seen sleeping

23
soundly ; but " of disputations he was never weary,
and Avas so active in bearing his part and inter
posed so often, that he had not time or inclination
to sleep ; " he felt grateful to the Oxonians for
their congratulatory epistle sent him at his acces
sion, dedicated to the " serenissimum Jacobum."
The degrees of M. A. were conferred in the
presence of the King on the third day of his visit,
August 30th. It was a proud day for Calvert
Avhen in the afternoon he received his degree, and
Avas summoned to a seat in the Convocation
among the great nobles ancl the venerable mas
ters attired in their "black civill hoods" and
in " black Avide-sleeved gowns faced down to the
foote Avith taffaty." The degree of M. A. was
conferred upon forty-three candidates, including
the Duke of Lennox ; Henry Vere, Earl of Oxford ;
Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland; ancl many
other lay and ecclesiastical lords. According to
the annalist " there was great labor made that
the Prince [Henry] might be admitted Master of
Arts, but the King Avould not consent thereto."
The last name in the long list of newly created
masters was that of "George Calvert, Esq." It is
Avorthy of note that this same clay, Sir Robert
Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, the friend of Calvert,
long since an M. A. of Cambridge, was admitted
into the Oxford fraternity by receiving the hon
orary M. A. degree from this University.

24
After leaving Oxford, Calvert continued Avith his
patron, and through the favorable notices of Cecil
he was at once brought into favor with the King.
A contemporary of his, writing a few months before
the King's visit to Oxford, had said, " George Cal
vert hath good favor Avith his Lordship [Cecil] and
is diligent enough." It was in the following year
that James alluded to Calvert as "a good subject,"
and " a gentleman of good sufficiency."
Sir Robert Cecil, Avho had so early befriended
the young politician, had held important official
positions for many years. His father, Lord Bur
leigh, though " the youngest and boldest " of the
Queen's advisers, was " the one minister in whom
she really confided." Young Cecil had succeeded
to the honors and the officml standing of the elder,
ancl attended the Queen to her last hour. The
change of dynasty had even increased his power at
Court. It Avas through his energy and diplomacy
that the first of the Stuarts had secured the
English throne Avithout open opposition ; it was he
Avho furnished James Avith the ready money to
enable him to make a creditable > display in his
progress to London ; it Avas at Theobalds, the
country seat of Cecil, that the King took up his
residence. In securing the favor of such a pow
erful minister, Calvert had laid the foundation of
all his future advancement. Long after the death
of Cecil, the King remembered him with affection

25
ancl told Calvert that ho Avas Avorthy to succeed
him. In a letter of March 10, 1611, Calvert wrote to
Edmondes,1 giving some account of the visit he
paid Cecil on his return from abroad. The attach
ment of the Secretary for the young clerk is evident
from one paragraph in the letter ; it reads : " I
presently Avent to the court and delivered my clis-
. patch ; I found my lord [Cecil] in a disposition
calm and SAveet, using me with that favorable
respect Avherewith he is pleased to grace those poor
servants he makes account of."

II.
The Beginnings of Calvert's Public Life.
Calvert Avas inducted into political life at a very
early age ; he Avas not over twenty-three years old,
possibly not even of age, when Ave find him busily
employed in clerical and ministerial work for the
Prime Minister, Cecil, who, at the beginning of
the reign of James, had been also appointed High
Bailiff and Steward to Queen Anne. It Avas the
duty of Cecil to manage the numerous lands and
tenements embraced in the Queen's jointure and
to appoint deputy bailiffs ancl stewards. As his
higher official duties claimed his close attention,
1 English Ambassador at the French Court.

26
it is probable that most of the Avork of preparing
letters patent, hearing reports from the manor
courts, etc., Avas entrusted to subordinates. Var
ious entries in the English State Papers indicate
that some of this business passed through Calvert's
hands. An entry of the date of October, 1603,
reads : " Ralph Ewens [Queen's Auditor] to Geo.
Calvert. In making a particular of the bailiwick
of Spalding; thinks the bailiff of Hampton-in-.
Arden a fit man for it. Sends particulars for
Prince's Risborough bailiwick, the patent to be in
Rich. Edward's name." Another entry of Novem
ber 8, 1603, reads: " Geo. Wilson to Geo. Calvert,
Account of fees of the stewardship of certain
manors, co. Somerset in the Queen's jointure."
During the decade from tho accession of James
to the death of Cecil, 1612, Calvert's advancement
Avas steady and certain, though not especially
rapid ; he was maintained in office by Cecil and
through his influence he secured some honorable
appointments from the King. He became the
private Secretary to his patron probably in 1606.
In a letter contained in Lodge: "Illustrations of
British History," beiiring date January 26, 1607,
Calvert is alluded to as the Lord of Salisbury's
Secretary. It was- in the summer of 1606, that Calvert
received from King James the reversion of an
important clerkship in Ireland ancl so became
officially identified Avith the country from Avhich

27
two decades later he received his title of " baron."
Calvert was presented to Lord Lieutenant Chiches
ter Avith the following letter: "The King to the
Lord Deputy. Considering how necessary it is
that persons Avell qualified and trained in public
service should be chosen and called to employment
in public offices, he earnestly recommends his
good subject, George Calvert, as a gentlemen of
.good sufficiency, to Avhom, for the respects above
said, to grant the office of clerk of the Crown and
of assize and peace Avithin the province of Connagh
and the county of Clare, which office Sir Richard
Cook now hath. Requires therefore and authorizes
the Deputy to cause a grant of those offices to bo
made to the said George Calvert, by letters patent
under the great seal of Ireland; to be held by
him or by his sufficient deputy or deputies during
his life." The " yearly fee " or salary attached to
this office Avas but 26& 1. Irish, but the perquisites
were doubtless not inconsiderable. Since the
Conquest of Ireland in 1603, by Mountjoy, many
Englishmen had sought fortunes in the green
island and the expectations of a large number
Avere realized ; the late Lord Deputy was known
to have accumulated an enormous fortune, and
probably Calvert found opportunity to add to his
store. He Avas evidently Avell pleased Avith his
Irish ventures, for his desire in 1611 for a wider
sphere of action Avas gratified in his appointment,

28
together Avith Clement Edmondes, to have charge
of the musters of garrisons in Ireland ; the
nominal fee, however, Avas but 61 s. per clay. There
is no evidence that his request in 1614 to be
appointed Master of Rolls for Ireland was granted,
though his appointment in 1613, on two very
important commissions to visit Ireland indicate
the King's approval ancl recognition of his
intimate acquaintance with the politics and people
of this oppressed country.
The " thorough ancl terrorizing " policy of Went-
Avorth in Ireland had not yet been inaugurated, but
in the same year in Avhich Calvert had received his
Irish clerkship, James had begun his hew policy
of Anglicising his Irish subjects, and made great
efforts to bring the Irish people under the estab
lished religion and common law of England. The
clan system Avas broken up ancl communal tenure
of land was rendered illegal ; the old Celtic laws
ancl customs were fast swept aside ; English colo
nization was encouraged, ancl in 1610 the plantation
of Ulster Avas begun, and Derry Avas colonized by
the London Company.
The mutterings of the native Irishry became too
deep ancl threatening for James to fail to recognize,
and to obtain definite information of grievances he
appointed, soon after the plantation of Ulster, sev
eral commissions to visit the island, ancl to obtain
from the natives ancl the settlers the burden of

29
their complaints. Calvert Avas appointed upon two
of these important commissions. One, consisting
of five commissioners, Avas instructed to examine
into the abuses of the Irish parliament and the
general abuses of administration ; the other, con
sisting of four members, was appointed to hear the
grievances of Catholics and other recusants. The
smaller commission, consisting of Sir Humphrey
Wynch, Sir Charles Cornwallis, Sir Roger Wilbra-
ham, and George Calvert, arrived in Dublin, Sep
tember 11, 1613, and after a patient hearing of
a long list of complaints, they returned their
report November 12, the same year. Many of the
grievances Avere dismissed as too trivial to demand
investigation, though others could not be passed by
in silence.; Many fraudulent methods of securing
the control of elections Avere revealed, and the
baleful interference of the clergy in the elections
Avas particularly censured ; the commission lament
the prevalence ancl the pernicious influence of
papistry. A paragraph of the report reads : " that
there have been practices in clivers places to hinder
the election of protestants is very clear, and that
the priests have been persuaders in these practices
appears both by the confession of some persons
Avhom they have examined and by other pregnant
circumstances." From the tenor of the report it is
evident that none of the commissioners, including
Calvert, Avere Avell favored toward the claims of the

30

Catholics or of the other less influential recusants
in Ireland.
The more important commission of five mem
bers, upon Avhich Calvert Avas appointed, included
Chichester, the Lord Deputy of Ireland ; it Avas
appointed August 27, 1613, ancl made its report
in the middle of November. They received twenty
distinct instructions or subjects of inquiry, and
Avere instructed to interview the reverend fathers,
the lords bishops, justices of assizes, sheriffs, et al.
They Avere ordered to ascertain if writs of elec
tions had been duly sent to all counties, cities,
and ancient boroughs, ancl if sheriffs Avere en
gaged in illegal practices ancl extortions ; also to
find out if there existed any unlawful confedera
tions to tamper Avith elections, ancl any inter
meddling of Jesuits in elections, by using the
terrors of excommunication to enforce contributions
to an election-fund, or otherwise ; also to ascertain
if the laws for the advancement of true religion
had been enforced. Finally they Avere instructed
to make a thorough inspection into the progress of
the new plantation of Wexford, the kinds of land
tenure, the nativity and pursuits of the residents,
the condition of the soil, the variety of crops, and
to gather other information relating to the admin
istration, religion, and economy of the island. The
report submitted by the commission Avas very
lengthy and replete with valuable and interestinjr

31
statistics. In many respects it is just tho sort of
document that a modern Irish commission ap
pointed by a Liberal government might be expected
to draft and return to the Home office. The per
nicious influence of the Jesuits is particularly
pointed out, plans for the redress of parliamentary
administration are proposed, ancl the condition of
the Wexford plantation is clearly analyzed. The
severe condemnation of the practices of the Cath
olics would preclude the notion that any of the
commission were inclined towards this faith. Three
years after the appointment of these commissions,
Calvert's name is still found in the English
archives in connexion Avith the affairs of Ireland.
During all these years Calvert Avas still enjoy
ing the favor and confidence of Cecil, and upon his
death in 1612, he continued to enjoy the " princely
approbation " of James. A letter of September 6,
1609, to Calvert, begs him to use his influence
Avith tbe Lord Treasurer (Cecil) to secure a war
rant to some money sought by the Avriter of the
letter. The mission of Calvert to the French
Court in 1610, the year of the accession of Louis
XIII., upon the assassination of his father, Henry
IV., Avas probably prompted by Cecil to secure
friendly relations Avith the French King; he
returned to England in the early part of March,
1611. That he had a most enjoyable time abroad
is evident from the tone of his letters. It Avas only

32

with difficulty he declared, that he Avas able to
Avithdraw his mind from the pleasant memories
of the Faubourg of St. Germain.
'Before the close of the year 1611, Calvert had
secured the favorable notice of the King by coming
to his aid Avhen profound^ stirred by a religious
dissension that had occurred on the continent, the
great Armenian controversy in Germany provoked
by Dr. Vorstius. Sir Thos. Windebank had said
in reference to this event, that "this Avas the first
occasion that ever gave me access to His Majesty."
Calvert already had, access to the royal favor, but
it is probable his assistance to James in the
religious strife greatly strengthened his relations
Avith his Majesty. In 1598, Vorstius, a sturdy
religious disputant, had been accused of Socinian-
ism,but betaking himself to Heidelberg he cleared
himself of the charges ; he was, however, closely
Avatched by the anti-socinians, Avho were greatly per
turbed by his vigorous Avritings. His election, in
1610, to the chair of theology at Leyden, to succeed
Arminius himself, Avas a signal for a general alarm
among all the Calvinists, ancl letters strongly con
demning the election Avere sent by them to the
various home and foreign universities. James
himself became much interested, and, after listening
to the charges, ancl reading some of the Avritings of
Vorstius, he pronounced them very heretical ancl
ordered them to be gathered at the Universities

33
¦and publicly burned. His anger increasing as he
continued to read the " blasphemous book " of the
Leyden professor, he wrote to the Dutch govern
ment a letter of bitter denunciation, and "recom
mended Vorstius to be purified by being burned at
the stake, ancl declared that unless he was expelled
from Holland, ho Avould inaugurate a general
Protestant crusade against Vorstius for his Arme
nian heresies," and that, as defender of the faith,
lie AA-ould take means "to remand to hell such
abominable doctrines." In this year, 1611, had
appeared the translation of the Bible known as
King James' version. The King's holy indigna
tion Avas not appeased until he had Avritten a trac
tate against the unfortunate professor, though it is
probable that but a small part of the book was
Avritten by the irate yet easily Avearied King. In
his letter to Salisbury, January 15, 1612, Calvert
said that he Avas " Avriting out the discourse which
the King began concerning Vorstius," but it is
difficult to decide Avhether his "Avriting out the
discourse " meant transcription, translating, or
actual composition. The King generally Avrote in
French, but this -tractate appeared in English and
Latin. It is probable that Calvert did actually
compose parts of the book as outlined by the
King. ¦ : Calvert's intimate knowledge of Latin ancl the
modern languages rendered his services to the

34
King of peculiar value. At the same time that he
Avas writing out the French discourse against Vors
tius, we find him employed in answering the
voluminous Italian and Spanish correspondence of
the King. By this means he was enabled to gain
an insight into the politics of the continent that
became of good service to him a decade later Avhen,
as Secretary, he was negotiating the Spanish
Match. The emoluments of the positions held by Calvert,
and the fortune he had accumulated, enabled him
to gratify a taste for speculative ventures by
joining some of the more important trading com
panies at this time just coming into existence and
patronized by all classes of citizens. Among the
numerous grantees of the second Virginia Com
pany, chartered in 1609, the name of Robert Cecil,
Calvert's patron, heads the list; his name is fol
lowed lower doAvn by that of George Calvert, Esq.
It is not improbable that Calvert was a patentee of
the first Virginia Company, chartered in 1606 ; ancl
so late as the year 1620 his name is still found
enrolled among the patentees of the Virginia Com
pany. In the year 1609 he was admitted a member
of the East India Company, ancl five years later,
1614, he added the sum of £600 to his stock in
this company. It is interesting, to note that in
1622 he Avas a member of the NeAV England Com
pany.

35
The year. 1612 had opened vrery auspiciously
both for Calvert and the King, for the latter Avas
gaining a stronger hold upon popular affection by
his active interest in the Vorstian controversy;
both the English Government and the English
Church Avere in strong sympathy with the Calvin-
ists. It seemed for a moment as if the breach
between James ancl his parliament, Avidened by the
late angry dissolution of the latter, Avas being
bridged over by the King's vigorous foreign policy,
but the death of Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, in 1612,
marred the plans of James and rudely disturbed
the dreams of Calvert. The King was entirely at
sea at the death of the Avisest of his councillors, and
instead of conciliating the people by selecting a
suitable successor, he abandoned himself to the
caprices of most extravagant and reckless upstarts.
The death of his patron clouded the career of
Calvert, but only for a moment. The very act
that removed James farther and farther aAvay from
the confidence of the country party, the party of
the liberals, drew Calvert more closely into the
confidence of the King. In discarding the counsels
of his great ministers, he Avas constrained to rely
more implicitly upon the services of his confiden
tial clerks. The overthrow of the Scotch page,
Carr, only cleared the way for the advancement of
the handsome and vicious Villiers, better known as
the Duke of Buckingham. The close of the year

36

savv Calvert securely entrenched in the favor of the
King ; but there is no evidence that his position
Avas secured by questionable means.
A letter of Calvert's, of the date of August 1,
1612, to Sir Thomas Edmondes, Ambassador at
Paris, throAvs a broad ray of light into the recesses
of tho Court, now swayed by the all-poAverful influ
ence of Carr, Earl of Rochester. He Avrites : "You
know the Primum Mobile of our Court, by whose
motion all the other spheres must move, or else
stand still ; the bright sun of our firmament, at
Avhose splendors or glooming all our marygolds of
the Court open or shut. In his conjunction all the
stars are prosperous, ancl in his opposition, malom-
inous. There are, in higher spheres, as great as
he, but none so glorious." Calvert felt instinct
ively the evils attending the Court svvayed by the
Avhims of an irresponsible favorite; he Avould have
by far preferred to see the administration placed in
the hands of a responsible ministry, but such a
constitutional measure would have seemed revolu
tionary in his clay; thrones and dominions must
be overturned before such an event Avere possible.-
The glooming of the Primum Mobile did not dim.'
the brightness of Calvert's star, for in the ensuing
year, 1613, he Avas appointed by James one of the
five clerks to the Privy Council, at a nominal
salary of £50 annually, and in the same year he
Avas sent on the above mentioned missions to
Ireland.

37
Calvert Avas appointed clerk in ordinary, that is,
in actual and stated attendance, not honorary, yet
it is probable his services were claimed by the
King more frequently than by the Council. Since
the death of Cecil, the King had been acting, in his
way, as his own prime minister, and was gradually
withdrawing from the Council much of its powers.
The attitude of the King is indicated by entries in
the State Papers : " Numerous candidates for the
Secretaryship, but tho King says he is prettily
skilled in the craft himself, and will execute it till
he is weary ; " another entry reads : " Neville has
failed of the Secretaryship, because of the flocking
of Parliament men to him. The King says he will
not have a Secretary imposed on him by Parlia
ment." Calvert's long tenure of the clerkship, for
he only resigned in 1619 to accept the Secretary
ship, is evidence that his services Avere valuable to
the King ; the tenure of all offices Avas very preca
rious under the arbitrary ancl fickle James. In
March, 1614, it Avas Avidely rumored that Calvert
Avould be sent as Ambassador to Venice, but he did
not urge his claims. A contemporary Avriler said,
Calvert is " not likely to affect such a journey,
being reasonably Avell settled at home and having
a wife ancl many children, which Avould be no easy
carriage so far." He preferred the quieter ancl less
expensive duties of clerk to the Council. That his
services Avere appreciated Ave are constrained to

38
believe by the fact that in October, 1616, he and his
co-laborer, Clement Edmondes, received the liberal
donation of a thousand pounds each, " to be paid
out of the checks in Ireland." Clement Edmondes
had been the associate of Calvert in the adminis
tration of musters of garrisons in Ireland, ancl it is
not improbable that a portion of the money Avas
received for services rendered in this capacity ; tho
nominal salary of the office Avas but 61s. per diem.
This long period of quiet clerical and adminis
trative Avork, for a foolhardy King, at an intensely
corrupt court and surrounded by reckless upstart
favorites Avas a critical time in the career of
Calvert, yet it scr\red as a good training school for
the responsible duties soon to be thrust upon him.
His patron, the Earl of Salisbury had served
James faithfully for almost ten years and was so
favored that he rose from one position of honor
and trust to still higher ones, but no one could
impeach Cecil at any time of want of honor or
of principle, though his cold-hearted, selfish, sus
picious disposition had alienated many of his
friends ancl had lost him popular esteem. But to
Calvert, the old minister had left a valuable
legacy of political discipline and courtesy, of pru
dence, good management ancl thorough honesty,
qualities eminently useful to a minister servino- a
master like King James.
At the period of Cecil's death, Calvert had prob
ably ceased to bo employed by him. His name does

39
not appear in the list of the late Secretary's clerks
and private secretaries ; yet Cecil had continued to
remember him, for Calvert had been selected by
him as one of the four executors of his will.
The year that witnessed the execution of the
unfortunate Raleigh, 1617, Avas made memorable
to Calvert by his elevation to the knighthood.
He Avas still a clerk to the Privy Council, for he
is so addressed subsequent to this event. Calvert
was Knighted by the King on September 29
1617. The royal family and a Arery full represen
tation of the nobility, had assembled at Hampton
Court to attend the marriage of Sir John Vii Hers
brother of Buckingham, to Lady Frances Coke
which occurred on September 27th. Tavo days
later while the Avedding festivities Avere at their
height, James dubbed Avith the sword Albert
Morton, Clement Edmondes and George Calvert,
all clerks to the Council ; the honor of the spurs
was not, however, conferred on young Lake, also a
clerk of the Council, a son of the Secretary Lake,
whom Calvert succeeded in office.
In the interval between his knighthood and his
appointment as Secretary, February, 1619, there
is but one reference to Calvert in the English
archives and this is entirely unintelligble. In a
letter from Chamberlain to Carleton, ambassador
at the French Court, bearing date August 20,
1618, the Avriter says: "Sir Geo. Calvert gone

40
to Court, his lady kept under guard." Unfortu
nately Ave are not permitted to lift the veil that
clouds his domestic happiness ancl to ascertain
the causes of his wife's imprisonment and his own
hurried trip to London. His trip to the Court
seems to have resulted satisfactorily, for no further
mention of the evrent is made by the gossips of
the day.
The most important step in the career of Calvert
and in some respects a very unfortunate one, Avas
his acceptance of the office of Secretary of State,
tendered him by King James. The office Avas one
of great honor, but also one of great responsibility.
An old Avriter says: "The office of Principal
Secretary of State is deemed of the highest trust
and of great honour, ancl it is looked upon as of
great consequence, both in the eyes of the sovereign
ancl people." Queen Elizabeth had made use of
but one Secretary ; King James had foUoAved this
custom until the middle of his reign, Avhen he
appointed tAvo principal secretaries of state, but
their respective jurisdictions Avere not sharply
outlined ; it seems to have been usual for one to
remain in or near London ancl the other to folloAV
the King in his progress. Since the reign of
Elizabeth the principal secretaries have been
members of the Privy Council, previously their
duty had been to prepare tho business for the
Council, in a room adjoining the Council Chamber,

41

but not to take part in the deliberations, unless
specially summoned.
The course of events that led to Calvert's
appointment to the Secretaryship is peculiar and
interesting. A vacancy had occurred upon the
dismissal of Sir Thomas Lake, February 13,
1619, on account of certain domestic difficulties
Avhich interfered Avith his official duties and greatly
irritated the King. Secretary Lake had given
much satisfaction to the Catholic element, his own
private chaplain was a suspected priest. The
Secretary's dismissal Avas probably due to religious
complications, since the King vieAved Avith much
suspicion his Papal leanings. At the moment of
Lake's dismissal James felt somewhat embittered
towards his Catholic subjects and toAvards certain
members of Lake's household avIio had gone over
to the Roman Church. In a long and Avell
delivered speech in the Star Chamber, a clay or
two after the dismissal of Secretary Lake, after
bidding " all secretaries bevvare of trusting their
Avives Avith secrets of State," the King " compared
Lake to Adam, Lady Lake to Eve ancl Lady
Roos [their daughter] to the serpent." He
a-ave orders to " the musters and the troops to be
ready against .the Papists, who grow bold in
hope of the Match with Spain ;" at the same
time, "the King charged the Judges to beware
of Papists, especially of Avomen, who- are
6

42
the nourishers of Papistry." A contemporary
writer, in a letter, speaking of the dismissal of
Lake, says: "the Papists Avere much dejected at
his fall. The nuns of Louvaine are said to have
prayed for his deliverance from his enemies. The
King at this time Avas severe in his prejudice
against Papists." The writer goes on to say that
James, in his anger, even went so far as to say that
Papists ancl disreputable Avomen were voies convert
ibles, " Avhich," the Avriter continues, " the Catholic
ladies take very ill."
Though the King A\Tavered from hour to hour in
his political creed, yet at the time of Calvert's
appointment as Secretary, he was bitter in his
denunciation of Catholics, and very lukewarm in
his proposals for an alliance Avith Spain.
At the time of his appointment Calvert Avas a
member of the Established Church, and had not
yet forgotten the policy of his old master, Cecil,
Avhich Avas a close alliance Avith Holland and France.
He did not oppose the Spanish Match, but he Avas
not one of its ardent supporters. Gradually,
however, he became one of tho leaders of the
Spanish Party, and refused to desert the party
even in the hour of defeat. He testified the sin
cerity of his political convictions in accepting the
religious creed, of the Spaniards, even though
it obliged him to vacate his place in the min
istry.

43
Streeter is not entirely correct in saying that in
the year of his appointment Calvert was an advo
cate of close alliance with Spain. At a meeting of
the Privy Council, held in the year 1619, some
Bohemians present, in urging the claims of the
Palatine, had narrated how they had inflicted the
ancient and national penalty of fenestration upon
their enemies. One of the Councillors whispered
to another that it would give him pleasure to see
some of the Hispaniolized members present treated
to the same reward. Continues Streeter : " had
the penalty been carried out in the English Coun
cil, as intimated, several among the members
Avould have found it necessary to make their exit
by another way than the door, ancl among them
Sir George Calvert." It may be added that the
punishment of fenestration consisted in throwing
the offender out of the Avindow.
To return to Calvert's appointment to the Secre
taryship. He hesitated to accept the office, ancl
was doubtless sincere in giving a reluctant consent.
He had been in office long enough to gain some
insight into the fickleness and selfishness of the
King's disposition, and the constant dismissals
from office revealed to. him the sword suspended
by a thread. In the five years preceding the deg
radation of Lord Bacon, 1621, there had been
immured in the Tower " a lord chancellor, a lord
treasurer, a lord chamberlain, a lord admiral, a

44

master of the horse, a secretary of state, a master
of the Avards, a lord chief justice, and an attorney
general." The appointment came to Calvert when
tenure of office seemed extremely. precarious. He
could not fail to see also the Avar clouds looming
up towards the east, soon to deluge the continent
Avith blood for three decades. ToAvards the west he
saw the Irish sullen ancl threatening. The Span
iards and the French Avere guided in their state
policies by the tact and Avisdom of Count Gondomar
and Cardinal Richelieu, keen, active, unscrupulous
diplomats. In England, itself, there Avas no peace;
the people Avere split up into great religious ancl
political factions, struggling for the mastery.
Calvert Avas aware that he could not count upon
the co-operation of Buckingham, who Avished the
office for Carleton, Ambassador to Holland. The
Ambassador was much disappointed in failing to
secure the Secretaryship and his disappointment
reflects tho chagrin of Buckingham. Offers Avere
made to Calvert to secure his resignation. A few
weeks after tho appointment, a friend wrote
Carleton that the nevvly appointed Secretary had
been considering his proposals ancl Avould probably
accept them, and turn the office over to him
[Carleton], but his ambition Avas not satisfied until
long after King James Avas dead, ancl not until
Calvert had become a resident of America.
A letter of the time says, " Sir George Calvert
SAVorn Secretary. Buckingham declares the choice

45
the King's ovvn, ancl that he Avould not have a more
eminent man, for fear of reflecting on Secretary
¦Naunton." It is improbable since Buckingham's
claims Avere. passed by, that the King Avould attach
much importance to the scruples of Naunton,
who Avas subsequently disgraced and deprived
of the functions of his office. Buckingham con
cealed his chagrin and Avent in person to inform
Calvert of his appointment. He "disabled himself
divers Avays, but specially that he thought himself
umvorthy to sit in that place so lately possessed
by his noble Lord and Master" [Cecil]. Tlio
King sent for him and expressed himself much
pleased at his modest and unassuming manner ;
he asked him questions concerning Lady Calvert,
and Avas assured by Calvert that she Avas a model
•Avoman and under no circumstances Avould she
imitate the conduct of Lady Lake, Avhom James
had compared to Eve. Camden's Annals speaks
as follows of the appointment: "the King returns
to Theobalds, when he had appointed in the
place of Tho. Lake, Geo. Calvert, Secretary, Avho
was Clerk of the CroAvn, Avhose prudence and
fidelity in State matters, Robert Cecil, Secretary,
was thoroughly acquainted Avith, and of Avhose
assistance also the King made much use, yea,
and he. judged that he Avould be a great help to
Robert Naunton, the other Secretary."
Calvert received the seals of office and Avas sworn
in on February 16, 1619; as he Avas the King's

46
choice, he probably paid nothing for the office ; it
Avas rumored that he presented the faArorite with a
rich jewel, probably to secure his friendly co-opera
tion, but Buckingham declined the gift. The Lord
Treasurer, subsequently appointed, paid for his
Avhite staff no less than 20,000 pounds.
In his " Prince Charles ancl the Spanish Mar
riage," Gardiner, the well-known historian, gives
tho following pen picture of Secretary Calvert:
" his [Lake's] successor Avas Sir George Calvert, an
industrious, modest man, Avho might be trusted,
like Naunton, to do his Avork silently and well. In
former times he had been a Secretary of Salisbury,
but his opinions fitted him to be the channel of
communications AA'hich could not safely be entrusted
to one Avho looked Avith extreme favor upon the
Continental Protestants ; for though he Avas any
thing but a thorough-going partisan of the Spanish
monarchy, yet he had no sympathy Avhatever with
those Avho thought that a Avar Avith Spain was a
thing to be desired for its ovvn sake."
The new secretary proved himself, such an effi
cient public servant, that Avithin a year he Avas
appointed to the responsible position of " Commis
sioner for the office of the Treasurer." He and his
colleague, Sir Lionel Cranfield, [Lord Middlesex,]
received their appointment January 11, 1620.
The duties of the Commissioners were very respon
sible. The Lord High Treasurer took rank as the

47
third great officer of the crown. Since the death of
Cecil the office had been put in commission, now
held by Calvert and Cranfield.
The year 1 620 Avas one long to be remembered
by Calvert. It saw him carried by an ebb tide far
out upon the sea of political preferment and ele
vated above many of his old associates, and he
was little conscious that the ebb tide would ere lone:
turn into the flood ancl beat him back upon the
strand bruised and disheartened. Buckingham
was now gracious to him, and the King continued
to show to him favors. While Bacon, his former
associate in office, was grovelling in the dust before
Buckingham, begging him to protect hiin from tho
coming storm, Calvert, a confidential advisor, Avas
foUoAving the royal household from palace to
palace and sumptuously entertained at the ban
quets given at Whitehall. The Great Chancellor
Avas deprived of the Great Seal of office, Avas
imprisoned and sentenced to pay an enormous
fine ; while Oalvert was beginning to reap a golden
harvest. Yet he could but feel hearty sympathy
for the fallen minister, even though his patron,
Cecil, had been uncompromising in his opposition
to him. There can be no doubt that, Avhen Calvert,
Bacon and Arch. Abbott were commissioned to
hear appeals from and perform certain admin
istrative duties for the inhabitants of Jersey
and Guernsey, the brilliant attainments of the

48
Attorney General, Bacon, had won the admiration
of the methodical, careful Council Clerk. In his
letter of December 5, 1620, WentAvorth while
electioneering for Calvert informed him of the
high regard in which Bacon, Lord Chancellor, had
held him ; but Bacon himself was soon obliged to
secure the aid of his friends. The only memorial
of Calvert in existence, his portrait, Avas discovered
in the last century, at Gorhambury, (near St.
Alban's), the residence of Lord Bacon.
James bestoAved on Calvert in May, 1620, an
annual pension of 10001. paid out of the customs
duties. His nominal salary as Secretary of State
probably did not exceed 2001. In this year he also
received an increased grant on silk, to continue for
twenty-one years. A facetious Avriter of the times
had said "those that are nearest the AArell-head know
not with Avhat bucket to draw, for themselves or
their friends;" Calvert used no bucket but his OAvn,
but it generally came to the surface Avell filled. He
continued to receive his revenues on'silk uninter
ruptedly, notwithstanding his checkered, career.
In August, 1624, he received a letter from Went
Avorth, congratulating him upon the receipt of his
150 bales of silk. It Avas worth at this time about
thirty shillings per pound. An entry in the
Calendars of March 2, 1631, reads : " Warrant to
pay to George, Lord Baltimore, 2,000£, to be
deducted out of the increase of subsidy on raw

49
silk imported." The latest entry in the Calendars,
October 31, 1631, is interesting from the fact that
it indicates that for some reason Calvert surrenders
his irregular, but extremely lucrative grants on
silk for an annual pension. It is not improbable
that he made the surrender to Charles, who, since
his last Parliament in 1628, was becoming more
and more straightened for money, in order to
secure a favorable answer to his petition for the
grant of land in Virginia. The entry reads as
follows : " Grant to George, Lord Baltimore, (in
consideration of his surrender of letters patent
formerly granted to him upon the increase of sub
sidy upon every great pound of raw long silk and
raw Morea silk, and of his good service) of a pension
of 10001. per annum, payable out of the impositions
of all sorts of wines imported into this Kingdom,
for 21 years from the feast of the Annunciation
[March 25] 1632, with a discharge of 20001.
unpressted to him upon the grant of the increase
of subsidy upon raw silk above mentioned." In
this year, 1620, Calvert made his putchase of
Avalon; it is not probable that in the days of
the impecunious Charles he received Maryland
without paying an equivalent.
The year 1621 was the beginning of Calvert's
busiest career. At the Council Board and in the
House his voice and his pen Avere kept actively
employed. In the one he advocated a stronger
7

50
alliance with Spain, and at the other he was kept
at work negotiating treaties with the Dutch and
others, while, at the same time, his own estates in
Ireland and his settlements in Newfoundland
demanded his personal oversight.
There is no doubt that he Avas now begin
ning to feel the influence of the clerical party that
finally succeeded \in draAving him over to their
side. Gradually, perhaps imperceptibly, he Avas
alienating himself 'from the policy of his late
patron, Cecil, and from the religious faith of his
fathers. In pursuing the task assigned him by his
master, he was becoming politically a strong
advocate of the Spanish Match, and personally of
the Spanish religion. On the eve of the meeting
of Parliament doubtless three courses of political
activity suggested themselves to him, to take a
neutral position on the Spanish Match, to cast his
lot Avith the majority in Parliament and oppose
.the Match, or openly to favor the Match and
earnestly work for its consummation. When the
Parliament assembled in February (1621), Cal
vert Avas one of the few members who eulogized
alliance with Spain. It was a surprising blunder
for an astute statesman to put himself in antagon
ism to the great body of the English people, for
he surely saw the signs of the times; but the
choice once made was consistently followed and
clung to until it brought him to the awkward

51
alternative, either to resign his office and retire
to private life or to play the part of a political
Aveathercock, renouncing his former policy and so
continuing to bask in the royal favor. When the
moment came he resigned his offices, bade adieu
to the Court, and retired to private life.
His reasons for ache-eating the marriao-e of
Prince Charles to the Spanish Infanta are not
clearly understood. They Avere not based upon
religious enthusiasm nor due to fear of losing his
official position. As a political measure, it was.
probably dictated by the dread he had of the
power of Spain ancl the respect he had for their
immense Avealth ; in one sense it Avould be a good
financial measure as it Avould fill the purse of the
bankrupt King of England. Of the calumnies and
innuendoes directed against Calvert none is less
warranted than the statement that he had been
bribed by Spanish gold. Count Gondomar, the
representative of Spain at the English Court, is
said to have been the agent who bought the in
fluence and services of the Secretary. It is well for
Rapin's reputation that he did not Avrite such
history. It is true a recent editor of Rapin's
History gives it as a rumor that Calvert had been
bribed by Gondomar, but Rapin is not responsible
for the unwarranted annotations of his editors.
Gondomar may have had much influence over
Calvert, as he had over the minds of hundreds of

52

contemporary Englishmen, but it was not that
kind of influence that is stimulated by the sight
of money and jeAvels.
The year 1621 had been ushered in not by the
peals of joyful bells but by the ominous thunder
ing of cannon, the groans of the oppressed and
the hoarse cries of political and religious partisans.
The reports and rumors from the seat of war on
the Continent united nearly all classes in England
in a clamor for the King to unsheath his sword
and bid defiance to Spain and the German
Emperor. The entrance of Spanish troops into
the Palatinate of his son-in-laAV, the fall of Prague
in November, the precipitate flight of Frederick
and his wife to England aroused even James
to action. He at once summoned Parliament.
The proclamation for the new Parliament Avas
issued November 6th, 1620. The last Parliament
held Avas the Addled Parliament of 1614. In his
proclamation the King had admonished the elec
tors "not to choose any noted for superstitious
blindness one Avay, or of turbulent humours
another," but "obedient children of mother-
church." The county electors were warned to
choose as Knights of the shire no " bankrupt or
discontented persons, who could fish only in
troubled waters." The admonition of the Kino-
Avas not heeded ancl many persons of "turbulent
humours," unfortunately for his peace of mind,

53

were sent to the Parliament. In this excitable
Parliament of 1621, Calvert had been elected to
represent Yorkshire. His election Avas almost
entirely due to the resistless energy, tact and
wisdom of Wentworth. Innumerable letters,
persistent button-holing, and the promise of a
great Christmas dinner to his followers secured for
Wentworth the majority of votes for himself and
his colleague Calvert; but Sir John Savile, the
leader of the opposition, had set a great task for
Wentworth. The great shire of York had been
traversed on all sides by mounted local politicians
working in the interest of the rival candidates.
Secretary Calvert had been absent so long from
his native toAvn that he had almost ceased to be
regarded as a resident of the shire, and had
little local popularity. Wentworth was entertain
ing an intense hatred for Savile and Avas deter
mined to defeat his parliamentary aspirations.
He had refused to hand over the office of Custos
Rotulorum to Savile, even at Buckingham's request,
and had determined to elect as colleague one who
would be a thorn in the side of Buckingham and
so vent his wrath upon Buckingham and his ally
Savile. This object he secured in the election of
Calvert. This election is of peculiar interest since
it cemented the friendship between Calvert and
Wentworth, and laid the beginnings of the latter's
bitter animosity to Buckingham.

54

The House of Commons assembled February
5th, 1621, the " greatest concourse and throng of
people being present," says an eye witness. The
Country party had an overwhelming majority
over the Court party and they made an effective
application of their power. James did not forget
this Parliament of 1621, and Calvert Avho stood up
almost alone in his defense of the King's policy
did not soon forget the hisses that often greeted
his remarks. There were a number of grievances
to be redressed by the Commons as the growth of
monopolies and the dishonesty of certain great
officials, but for a moment all else Avas forgotten
as they thought of the King's passive foreign
policy. On the very first day Calvert made a
speech for a supply of the King's Avants. It was
listened to with a feeling of curiosity mingled with
suspicion. He reminded the members this was
the principal motive for summoning Parliament,
and after a review of the King's foreign policy,
he concluded his address as follows : "All
Christendom is in confusion — Germany, Bohemia,
the Low Countries, Sweden and Poland are
agitated and distrustful— the Turk has mustered
the largest army he has ever brought together
since the time of Solyman, and, by the first of
March, it will be ready for action. When so many
swords are drawn, it Would be dishonorable indeed,
should the King of England allow his to remain

55
in its sheath. Grievances there are doubtless;
many and justly complained of ; there is no body
without some sores; but these are secondary;
the King has promised that he will give a gra
cious hearing on that score ; and he that will not
rely on that promise betrays the country Avhich
has trusted him. I move, therefore, for a com
mittee on the Supply." He asked for a subsidy of
30,000 pounds. "Bis dat, qui cito dat," had ex
claimed James in his opening speech. " Supply
and grieAences should go hand in hand," declared
Sir Edward Coke, the disgraced Chief-Justice, in
reply to Calvert. The rhetoric of the Secretary
was doubtless more effective than his logic was
convincing. His arguments ran ; — the King has
been struggling to unsheath his sword, but the
hilt is held down by royal debts, therefore let the
Commons grant a subsidy and the royal sword
will be brandished in the face of the enemy. In
the caricatures of the day James was frequently
represented as wearing a huge scabbard, empty ;
or else a scabbard containing a sword at which
many were tugging, but none could withdraw. He
was also represented with his pockets empty and
hanging clown, and his purse turned inside out.
It is to be feared the caricatures had made a
deeper impression than Calvert's speech. Calvert's
forwardness was regarded as very untimely, before
any other business had been considered, and much

56

indignation was expressed, but the speech was
known to have been delivered at the King's com
mand. As is well known both houses of Parlia
ment, at present, indicate their independence by
considering some bill of their own before con
sidering the Crown's message. One writer does
say that' Calvert "vvas censured in the Commons
for his forward speech about contribution," but the
censure was not an official action. The noisy
opposition that greeted his opening remarks had
hushed before he had finished, and the members
were silenced if not entirely convinced. The bill
was appropriately referred and a supply granted.
Gardiner says Calvert's " conciliatory temper would
in happier times have gained him the respect of
the House." At any rate his present success Avas
certain and thoroughly appreciated by the anxious
King. " With the prospect of a grant of money,"
continues Gardiner, "he was beyond measure
delighted. He ordered one of the Privy Coun
cillors to inform the Commons that their conduct
had made a great impression upon him."
It seemed for a moment as if the bonds uniting
the King and the Commons had been indissolubly
strengthened by the tact and prudence of Calvert.
The House had made the grant to the King as " a
testimony of their devotion," but the devotion
Avas soon turned to hatred and the bonds vio
lently sundered. Occasional fitful outbursts of

57
passion preceded the great storm that hurled the
great Lord Chancellor clown into the dust and
that almost shook the throne itself.
The Secretary at once secured the confidence of
the House by his apparent hostility towards the
papal adherents, but he soon afterwards drew upon
himself a great storm of indignation by the favors
he showed towards Spain, through its ambassadors.
Hansard says that on February 14th, (1621) was
voted by the Commons " a conference for putting
the laws in execution against Jesuits, &c." A
committee consisting of "Sir Edw. Coke accom
panied with the lord Cavendish, sir Fulk Grevil
chanc. of the excheq., the Treasurer of the
Household, mr. sec. Calvert, and several others
of that house, delivered the following message
to the Lords: — That the Commons do pray a Con
ference, concerning joining in Petition by com
mittees of both houses unto his inaj. for the
better execution of the laws against Jesuits, sem
inary Priests ancl Popish Recusants ; and this by
the Nether House, is desired to be with all conven
ient expedition." Calvert lost the respect of many
members, and almost forfeited the confidence of
the Commons, by his apparent favoritism towards
the Spanish ambassador, Gondomar. According
to Gardiner, English naval stores, and particularly
ordnance, were at this time (1621) highly prized
on the Continent by the belligerents in the pending
8

58
struggle (The 30- Years' War). The exportation of
English ordnance was " strictly forbidden, and the
prohibition was only occasionally suspended as a
special favor to the representatives of foreign
nations. When, therefore, it was known that leave
had been given to Gondomar to send a hundred
guns out of the kingdom, the Commons were
roused to an indignant remonstrance against the
impolicy of furnishing arms to the enemies of the
German Protestants. They listened with sullen
displeasure to Calvert's explanation. James him
self was obliged to come to the support of his
Secretary. The license he said had been granted
two years before, and could not now be revoked."
The King was gracious to Calvert, and in less than
a fortnight after the opening of Parliament, he
made him the recipient of the grant of land in
Longford county (February 18th, 1621). He makes
mention of his Secretary as " a person deserving
of his royal bounty." But Calvert's enemies in
the House were active and vindictive. Within a
week after the assembling of the Commons, Sir
John Savile, the defeated candidate, had stirred
up a strong opposition to Calvert and Wentworth,
his rivals. The legality of their election was ques
tioned, and it was rumored an attempt would be
made to unseat them, but no official action Avas
taken. During the last week in February, an interesting
debate took place between Sir Edwin Sandys and

59
Sir George Calvert upon the oft-mooted and still
fruitful theme, money. The depression of trade,
the ruinous falls in the value of land, and the gen
eral distress and poverty, argued Sir Edwin,
resulted from the scarcity of coin. " The fountain
of money," he continued, " is Spain. We have
heretofore had from that country, yearly, one hun
dred thousand pounds. . . . Now we get no
money from that country because Ave take so much
of her tobacco ; whereas if we would take that
article from places under the protection of the
crown, money must Aoav in from Spain." He con
cluded by urging the entire prohibition of the
importation of Spanish tobacco. Calvert was the
last to speak upon the debate. He was now culti
vating no tobacco at Avalon, and was not person
ally interested in the encouragement of tobacco
raising in the colonies, but probably in his argu
ments he arose above personal considerations. He
chvelt upon the political advantages of maintaining
relations with Spain. He argued, "it Avould be
impolitic to prohibit the importation of Spanish
tobacco," since free trade had been guaranteed to
the merchants of each country, by treaty. The
English merchants were uoav driving a large trade
with Spain, receiving in exchange for their mer
chandise much Spanish gold. But the arguments
of Sandys prevailed, the House resolved " that the
importation of tobacco out of Spain is one occasion

60
of the scarcity of money in this kingdom." The
unAvitting testimony of the House to the great
financial resources of Spain led Secretary Calvert
to be even more cautious in his dealings with this
power. The House soon began to make attempts to cur
tail the royal prerogative. In despair of changing
the passive, halting, foreign policy of James, they
turned fiercely upon the redress of domestic griev
ances. Their first onset Avas upon monopolies. The
King resisted, but in vain. Finally " he yielded to
the storm ancl abandoned monopolies." They next
attacked the King's ministers and were again suc
cessful. In preferring charges against the Lord
Chancellor, the illustrious Bacon, they made a
sharp and telling thrust at the King, and made
him tremble for fear and indignation. The articles
of impeachment were sustained, ancl Lord Bacon,
in his own opinion, "the justest Chancellor " since
his father's time, Avas abandoned by Buckingham
ancl turned over to the tender mercies of the Com
mons. Heavily fined, imprisoned, stripped of all
his privileges as an English, citizen, he Avas forced
to cry out, " I beseech your lordships, be merciful
unto a broken reed." Calvert had boldly sup
ported the King's prerogative in the House, and
noAv Avas an earnest advocate of alliance with
Spain. Probably many would like to see him
receive the fate of the Chancellor, whose place in

61
the ITouse, as a medium of communication with
the King, he must now occupy.
During intervals in the stormy proceedings some
purely economic topics were discussed. After the
debate on the prohibition of Spanish tobacco, the
Free Fishery question Avas agitated. The Com
mons Avere again treading upon dangerous ground,
for the King considered that he had the entire
control of colonial jurisdiction, and the House had
no right to intermeddle. On the Fishery question
Calvert was again in the minority, the House
endorsed the sentiments of Sandys, " that a free
liberty should be allowed to all the King's subjects
to fish " upon the Newfoundland coast, now in
possession of the Plymouth Company. Calvert
" doubted Avhether the fishermen were not the hin-
derers of the plantation. That they burn great
store of woods and choke the havens. • He never
would strain the King's prerogathe against the
good of the Commonwealth. It was not fit to
make any laws here for those countries, which were
not as yet annexed to the crown." This debate
took place on April 25th, 1621. Calvert had but
recently made an extensive purchase of territory in
Newfoundland, and was personally interested in
the Fishery question; he also felt his colonial
privileges would be safer in the keeping of the
King than in the keeping of Parliament. His
fears, however, were allayed, for the bill was killed;

62
either negatived by the Lords or Aetoed by the
King. Chalmers says, probably incorrectly, that
" owing to the reasons suggested by the Secretary
of State, [Calvert,] it did not become the law of the
realm." In Calvert's Charter of Maryland, the
right was reserved " to all the subjects of our king
doms of England and Ireland," of " salting and
drying fish on the shores of the same province,.
[Maryland], and, for that cause to cut clown and
take hedging-wood and twigs there growing, and
to build huts and cabins, necessary in this behalf,"
provided no " notable damage or injury" was sus
tained by the Lord Proprietary or the inhabitants
of the province.
An ominous foreboding prevailed in the House
when they were informed, in February, 1622, by
Secretary Calvert, that the King intended to pro
rogue Parliament in a few days. It looked for a
moment as if the past stormy scenes would be
repeated. The members were intensely indignant
that time was not allowed them to act upon impor
tant bills pending, now in the hands of committees.
They had given the King a large supply, and had
not expected such an untimely adjournment. They
feared to meet their constituency with empty
hands, as one speaker graphically stated it. They
had granted much and had received nothing.
After the excitement Avas somewhat allayed, Cal
vert arose and expressed his great surprise at the

63
demeanor of the House. The King's prerogative to
summons, prorogue and adjourn Parliament, he
argued, had never before been questioned. Certain
religious grievances did call for redress, but mere
discussion would accomplish nothing. In conclu
sion he exclaimed, " this Parliament hath married
the King and the people, by a right understanding
of each other, and cursed be the man that seeks to
put them asunder." A great cry of "Amen"
broke forth from all parts of the House.
Calvert was elated when he saw with what
intense enthusiasm the Parliament adjourned.
One who was present says : " that the like has
scarce ever been seen in Parliament." On Mon
day, June 4th, in the course of an animated
address, Sir James Perrott moved for a solemn
Declaration that unless the continental powers
would conclude satisfactory treaties with England
during the recess, the Commons upon re-assem
bling would support their King with their for
tunes, their swords and their lives. " The proposi
tion was received with the utmost enthusiasm ;
and with the lifting of hands, the waving of hats,
and the shouts of the excited members, the
Declaration was read and adopted." Sir Edward
Coke then arose and with tears in his eyes recited
the Collect for the King and the Royal family.
During the recess of Parliament James had
time to consider the best methods of securing the

64
co-operation of the House to his long cherished
scheme of wedding " Baby Charles " to the Infanta
of Spain. . The King doubtless had many conver
sations upon the subject Avith Gondomar and Cal
vert. One great obstacle in the way was the inflexi
ble perverseness of the House. Almost to a man
they detested and yet dreaded the power of Spain.
When the House had again assembled Calvert
met the members with an unflinching courage,
worthy of a better cause, though his manner was
conciliatory and his words temperate. The mem
bers gathered together in November in no pleasant
mood. Their constituents had vented upon them
their disappointment, and the imprisonment of
certain of their number had stirred up their Avrath.
The King's policy towards the continental powers
was at once introduced and hotly debated; and
Calvert was again on his feet to defend his master.
Philips, an eloquent, but impulsive debater, had
just delivered a vehement speech against the
King's foreign policy, and favored the withhold
ing of supplies. He was followed in a similar strain
by Sir Edward Giles. " Calvert saw that it Avas
time to interfere. In a few weighty words he
explained the policy of the Government." He fully
recognized the fact that "the friendship among
princes is as their strength and interest is. He
would not have our King to trust to the King of
Spain's affection. As for the delaying of a supply

65

any longer, if we do it, our supply will come too
late ! It is said our King's sword hath been too
long sheathed ; but they who shall speak to defer a
supply seek to keep it longer in the scabbard."
"If James," says Gardiner, "instead of loitering
at Newmarket, had been there to confirm his
Secretary's words, he would have carried every
thing before him." The same historian continues,
" For a short time it seemed as if Calvert's Avords
had not been without their effect. Of the three
speakers who rose after him, not one recurred to
Philips' proposals to withhold supplies. But the
distrust was too deeply seated to be easily removed.
.... Amongst the few who listened with dissatis
faction to the introduction of this irritating topic
was Sir Thomas Wentworth, Calvert's youthful
colleague in the representation of Yorkshire. . . .
He [Wentworth] proposed, with the evident inten
tion of giving time to communicate with the King,
that the debate should be adjourned for some days.
It was not an unwise suggestion, and if it had
come from one Avith whom the House could sympa
thize, it might perhaps have been adopted. As it
Avas, its rejection was certain. The renewal of the
discussion Avas fixed for the following morning,"
and Calvert was again extolling the wisdom of the
extravagant King. " Put not your trust in
princes," had sung the Jewish minstrel, and
James's 'Secretary could re-echo the sentiment.
9

66
While the King was recklessly wasting his money
on the races at Newmarket, Calvert was strenously
endeavoring to replenish his impoverished ex
chequer, and in warding off the Woavs levelled
at the King by the irate Commons, he was laying
up for himself Avrath ancl bitter enmity. One
stroke was not parried before another was given
from another unexpected quarter.
During the recess of Parliament, Sir Edwin
Sandys, one of its members, had been arrested for
his alleged conspiracy with Southampton in nego
tiating with Frederick and Elizabeth to seat them
again upon the throne of Bohemia ; he was at once
sent to the tower and imprisoned for a month. A
commission consisting of the Duke of Lennox,
Marquis of Buckingham, Earl of Arundel, Sir
Lionel Cranfield and Secretary Calvert had been
appointed by James to examine into the charges
brought again Sandys and his fellow-prisoners.
Towards the end of July the prisoners were released.
The arbitrary exercise of the King's prerogative
Avas warmly discussed in the fall session of Parlia
ment, and severely denounced. After many
speakers had expressed their indignation at the
event, Calvert arose to defend the action of the
King, by declaring that the arrest and im
prisonment of Sandys had not been occasioned
by anything said or done in Parliament. One
member took occasion to say in reply, "the house

67
will scarce believe Mr. Secretary, but thinketh he
equivocateth." Mr. Spencer replied to Calvert Avith a
great deal of warmth, in conclusion he said: "The
speech of that honourable person [Calvert] that
spoke touching this matter, gave me no satisfaction.
For he said, it was not for any thing clone or spoken
in the house. ... I would gladly know whether
we are not as free to speak in Westminster-hall,
as here : and whether we are a pari, in the fore
noon, and not in the afternoon. Then farewell privi
leges, and farewell England!" "Calvert's state
ment," says Gardiner, "though literally true, was
received with general incredulity, ancl murmurs of
dissatisfaction were heard on every side. It was
only upon Calvert's agreeing that his words should
be entered upon the clerk's books that calm was
restored." The Commons were apparently con
vinced but not fully satisfied. They hastened two
of their members doAvn into Kent to obtain from
Sandys his version of the proceedings. The King-
heard of their distrust and the very next clay sent
them a tart letter for their presumption in sending
a committee to Avait upon Sandys. He told them in
plain language that they had no business " to talk
or write saAVcily " of matters not pertaining to them ;
he strictly charged them to refrain from debating
upon the marriage of his son, and not " to use
reproachful language against his dear brother of
Spain." The fiery leaders seem to have been

68
absent, for the Commons immediately sent the
King a letter humbly apologising for intermeddling
in the Arcana Imperii.
Calvert was no longer the silent Secretary
described by Gardiner. Pie had ceased doing his
work quietly, but had continued to do it well,
In the Council and in the House he was now a con
spicuous personage. The entire year 1621, begin
ning with the assembling of Parliament in Feb
ruary had kept him very busy and in continual
excitement. The irritability of the King in his
illness and his extravagant behavior, the increasing
demands of the Commons and the antagonism
between the King and his subjects upon the foreign
policy had called forth from the Secretary the
continual exercise of courtesy and diplomacy. It
was his constant aim to bridge over the gulf
between the King and the Commons, and yet not to
curtail the royal prerogative. After the disgrace of
Bacon, a part of the Parliamentary duties of the
Chancellor seemed to have devolved upon the
Secretary. He served as a medium of communica
tion betAveen the Crown ancl the Commons, ancl
was often instructed to deliver the King's addresses
by " word of mouth," to the House. Letters from
James to the Commons were directed either to the
Speaker or to Secretary Calvert ; ancl as a repre
sentative from Yorkshire, he was burdened bv the
demands of a large constituency, frequently

69
unfriendly to him ; and his cares were necessarily
further increased by the exceeding difficulty of
reconciling his duties as a representative with his
duties as privy Councillor and Secretary. Had he
been willing to imitate the procrastinating, shift
less methods of Buckingham, his task Avould have
given him little uneasiness.
But in the midst of all his public and private
affairs, the Secretary preserved a calm, unruffled,
affable demeanor, the quiet dignity of self-conscious
strength and integrity. A very interesting pen
picture of Calvert as he appeared towards the
close of the year 1621 has been preserved. The
French Ambassador, Tilliers, resident at the Eng
lish Court, in a letter of November 25, 1621, made
the following observations of what he saAv at
London : " the control of public affairs rested with
the King, Buckingham and the Secretary of State "
[Calvert]. After mentioning the King's apathy in
public affairs, he continues, " the Marquis pre
sumptuously meddles with all affairs, domestic
and foreign, though he in fact knows nothing of
either, . . . the third man, in whose hands the
public affairs are ostensibly placed is Calvert, Sec
retary of State. He is an honorable, sensible,
well-minded man, courteous towards strangers,
full of respect towards ambassadors, zealously
intent upon the Avelfare of England; but by reason
of all these good qualities, entirely without consid-

70

eration or influence." This account of Calvert is
particularly attractive as it represents him during
the most active part of his career. It is very proba
bly reliable, because it comes from an ambassador
and a Frenchman. As a Frenchman he must have
known that Calvert was the leader of the Spanish
party, and as an ambassador he must have been
a careful if not a keen observer. This was the
Calvert upon whom the king relied in his commu
nications with the famous parliament of 1621.
Fortunately for the peace of mind of the Secre
tary, the session was rapidly draAving to its close ;
but it closed in a manner that fully harmonized
with the entire proceedings. On the day appointed
for the discussion of the question of privilege in the
Committee of the Whole (December 17), Calvert
arose ancl proceeded to read a letter just. received
from the King, directed to himself. The tenor
of the letter ancl the manner of the speaker Avere
so conciliatory that further action upon the ques
tion of the day Avas deferred till the following day.
The Commons then at once drew up a "petition of
thanks "to be sent his majesty by a select com
mittee; but while the committee was on its Avay
to Theobald's with their olive branch, the Com
mons Avere again aroused to action, and hastily
drew up the famous " Protestation." James was
indignant at the conduct of the members, ancl on
the eve of the last day of December he entered

71
the council chamber, and summoning the Clerk
of the House, ordered him to produce the Journal
of the House, in which had been recorded the
Protestation. The King Avas offended at the reso
lution because " it contained words which may be
construed so as to invade most of the prerogatives
of the Crown ; therefore in full assembly of Coun
cil ancl in presence of the judges, his majesty
erased it from the Journal book with his own
hand, and ordered an act of Council to be entered
thereof" [Cal. Eng. State Papers]. Calvert has
been censured for coinciding with James in his
quarrels with the Commons. Perhaps he did
sympathize to some extent with the Commons,
even if he did not approve of their methods ; but
at any rate, it was not difficult to persuade himself
that the King was not altogether in the wrong.
He did not follow the King blindly or from sordid
motives. Pie recognized and accepted the issue. He
had declared in the Plouse that he would not press
the King's prerogative beyond its just bounds, but
he felt that it would be suicidal to James and a
dangerous experiment to the country to admit all
the extravagant claims and pretensions of the
House. Grievances must be redressed, but not
hurriedly; he recognized that there was a limit to
the surrender of prerogative. Calvert would not
willingW assist in turning over to Philips and
Sandys the reins of government, and let the King

72

be driven from the throne. About a fortnight
previous to the adoption of the " Protestation " by
the House, Jam es^ wrote Secretary Calvert a letter
which assured him of the King's good intentions.
Tho King says that "he is so loath to have the
time of the Commons spent in discussing his
letter, that he descends from his dignity to explain
that his objections to their calling their privileges
those of inheritance rather than toleration, arose
merely from hatred of anti-monarchial words ;
neAer intends to infringe on any privilege which
they enjoy either by justice, grace or long custom,
but rather to maintain and increase them. Urges
that they proceed at once to business and refrain
from further wrangling about words." Calvert
felt with James that the supremacy of Parliament
meant the supremacy of the people, ancl the
supremacy of the people meant the repetition of
those scenes of peasant revolutions that had
threatened tho very existence of the governments
on the Continent. Calvert recognized the extreme
Avcakness of the King's reply to Parliament, though
he was loath to admit it to the indignant mem
bers ; Hallam says: "Calvert, the Secretary, ancl
the other ministers admitted tho King's expres
sions to be incapable of defense, ancl called them
a slip of the pen at the close of a long answer."
The Secretary, however, dreaded an open rupture
between the King and the Commons, and gladly
welcomed the close of the stormy session.

73
After the adjournment of the Parliament of 1621,
Secretary Calvert turned his attention more intently
upon the ministerial and diplomatic duties of his
office, but his duties in the House had not pre
vented him from jealously guarding the interests
of England abroad. A break with Holland seemed
to be imminent from the difficulty of compromising
the opposing claims of the Dutch and the English
East India Companies. These two companies
had many disputes about their conflicting claims
to territory in the East, their mutual interference
with each other's trade, and the seizure of each
other's vessels and cargoes. So heated grew the
disputes that both. England and Holland found
it expedient to appoint Commissioners and to
have all differences adjusted by arbitration and
treaty. Both Calvert and Carleton took an active
part in the negotiations. On July 24, 1621, Cal
vert had written to Carleton, Ambassador at the
Hague, in allusion to the Dutch Commissioners
sent to the England, " if their bad usage and
neglect is continued, it will shake the amity
between the Crown and the Provinces [Holland],
and they will be the first to repent of it. The
persistency of the Dutch is illustrated by a letter
which Calvert wrote to Carleton nine months after
wards : "We stick still here in our treaty with the
States' Ambassadors, not having concluded any one
article; the fault is theirs and not ours, who have
10

74
yielded more than was reason; finding them, never
theless, hacking and taking all advantage upon the
least difference." Calvert was anxious to conclude
a treaty with the Dutch as favorable as possible to
the English Company, for he would not only pro
mote his own personal interests but he would also
secure an advantage to the English people, for the
East India Co. was an important factor in English
commerce, and it brought a large revenue to the
crown. A letter of the year 1622 affirms that
"goods bought in India for 356,2881. have pro
duced in England 1,914,6001." Calvert was acting
not simply as a Privy Councillor, or a Treasury
Commissioner, or Secretary, but he had been ap
pointed by James on the special commission to
confer Avith the Dutch. Upon the completion of
the treaty in 1623, Calvert wrote to Carleton as
follows :
"After some thirteen months' debate Avith the
States' Ambassadors about our East Indian quar
rels, we have at last made an end and parted good
friends, though with much loss and disadvantage
to the English Company, as is conceived. This
day they take their leave of the King."
The Dutch had adduced abundant proof that the
English had fired upon and burnt their ships and
stolen their cargoes. They were determined not to
leave England until their injuries had been re
dressed. They were much elated over their success-

75
ful diplomacy, though it is not improbable that Cal
vert yielded somewhat in order to secure their
friendly co-operation in the mooted alliance of
England with Spain. In his reply to Calvert's
letter, Carleton writes : "the States' Ambassadors
landed in the Maese on Monday last ancl have
made so good a report of their business and of the
King's gracious usage of them during the whole of
their long stay in England, that they remain here
much comforted and Avell assured that our Match
with Spain will breed no divorce with this State, of
Avhich there hath been of late days no small jeal
ousy." In the English archives the treaty is des
ignated : " Reglement between the English and
Dutch East India Company. In 8 articles cor
rected and with marginal notes by Sec. Calvert."
Scarcely a year had elapsed since the signing of
the Dutch treaty, when a thrill of horror passed
over all Europe at the reception of the news of the
torturing and the massacre of the. English resi
dents in the East by Dutch traders. In an outburst
of anger Carleton wrote to Calvert, August 11,
1624, that he "has his hands as full of as tough a
piece of work as he ever had in his life about tho
bloody business of Amboyna, which we must not
suffer to be Avashed away with words." The Am
boyna Massacre was not Avashed away with words,
the bloodstains were almost indelible ; but for
tunately for Calvert's peace of mind the settlement

76
of the knotty question was entrusted to other
hands. Certain minor affairs were also entrusted to the
jurisdiction of the Secretary. Among other local
duties, he was particularly interested in the
administration of the islands of Guernsey and Jer
sey. At one time he submits a report upon " the
castles, forts, ordnance and supplies" of the
islands, at another time we find him in receipt of
letters from dissatisfied residents urging him to
exercise " the vigor of your authority, for crosses
fail not, Satan being vexed that they try to abolish
his reign." In the early part of the year 1622, a
warm triangular fight was waging between the
Bailiff of Jersey, the Dean and the Governor upon
questions of jurisdiction and appointments to
office. The Secretary was obliged to interfere to
restore order.
The year 1622 was made memorable to Calvert
by its vicissitudes of joy and sorroAV, of worldly
prosperity and of domestic unhappiness. In the
midst of his pleasurable anticipations upon the
Spanish Match, his spirits were cast into gloom by
the sudden death of his amiable wife, on August 8,
after an illness of but two clays, at the age of 52
years, leaving behind her eleAen young children.
\The oldest child, Cecilius, who became the heir of
his father's fortune and title, was but sixteen years
old ; Leonard and George a decade after this time

emigrated to the colony of Maryland; of Francis
and Henry very little is known; John, born on
the eve of his mother's death, is said to have died
in youth. Of the five daughters little is known,
save their names ; Anne, the eldest, married Mr.
William Peasley, ancl Grace became the wife of Sir
Robert Talbot of County Kildare, Ireland; Dorothy,
Elizabeth and Helen completed the family. The
death of his wife Avas a severe blow to Calvert.
Long afterwards he makes mention of her in tender
terms in his letters to Wentworth ; he caused a
tablet to be placed in the Hertingfordbury Church
as a memorial of her virtues and as a token of his
sorrow. The proceedings of the New England Company
of which he, in this year, had been appointed a
Councillor, the reports from the Virginia Company,
in which he was interested, and the correspondence
of his colonists in Newfoundland, which in this
year had been entirely granted to him, served to
divert his attention from his domestic grief. The
multitudinous duties of his office also pressed upon
him. One month after the departure from England
of Gondomar (March, 1622), the Secretary was
named a special commissioner by the King to
arrest ancl to punish Seminary priests and other
recusant clergy remaining in the country contrary
to the law. The results of the investigations are
not known, but it is somewhat significant that he

78
should accept such a position so soon after the
departure of the Spanish Ambassador, who was
said by some to have converted Calvert to Catho
licism. Calvert reached the zenith of his political career
during the year 1623. Its opening had been very
auspicious. The sun rose bright and cheerful and
predicted a long term of sunshine and a radiant
noontide, but the bells that tolled the death of the
year also tolled the death-knell of the political
policy of the Secretary, The evil genius Avho had
shadowed his pathway finally brought about his
fall ancl his retirement into private life. Bucking
ham, it is true, had become to all appearance
reconciled to Calvert, and probably had meditated
him no personal injury, but it was the reckless
conduct of the Duke in Spain that shattered the
airy castle of the Secretary, and drove him to
tender his resignation and to seek a new field of
activity in America.
The Spain of Calvert's time was a grand Empire,
extending over portions of both the Old and the
New World. Generally regarded as the possessor
of enormous wealth and of vast resources, she was
a strong ally in peace ancl in war Avas dreaded as a
dangerous enemy. Forgetting for the moment
that a house or a country divided against itself
cannot stand, and dazzled by the glare of Spanish
extravagance, Calvert had hoped to extend the

79
sway of England and make her a strong power by
effecting a permanent alliance between his own
country and the strongest of continental nations.
Perhaps in looking down the vista of centuries he
saAV the time when England's King would become
the peer of the German Emperor and the House
of Stuart would reign over millions of conti
nental subjects and control the destinies of myriads
in the New World. The protege of Cecil had
abandoned the foreign policy of his patron and
had gradually become a leader of the Spanish
party. To Secretary Calvert, therefore, was
entrusted the delicate and dangerous business of
negotiating, at home, the consummation of the
Spanish Match.
The Secretary entered upon his Avork at the very
beginning of the year. A letter of the date, Feb
ruary 27, 1623, written by the newly appointed
Secretary, Conway, to the Lord President of the
North, requests his lordship to inform the King
from time to time of the proceedings of the Coun
cil " ancl to relieve therein Sec. Calvert, avIio has
much foreign business now lying upon him."
The foreign business engaging Calvert's attention
may be presupposed from the contents of a long,
interesting letter, of same date, written by Calvert
to Carleton. In this letter, he writes : " On Mon
day, the 17th [February], the King went from
Theobald's to Royston, and the Prince and Buck-

80
ingham to Newhall, pretending to join him at
Newmarket, instead of which they posted from
Newhall to Gravesend, thence in disguise to
Dover, Avhere being joined by Sir Fras. Cottington
and Endymion Porter, sent on beforehand to pro
vide shipping and to stop the ports, they sailed for
France, en route for Spain. The rumor flew to
Newmarket, Avhere the Council knelt to implore
the King to tell them if it was true. He said it
was, the Prince passionately desiring thus to put
an end to the business that so long distracted the
King's affairs ; but pomp and splendour being
inconvenient, he had gone privately. His Majesty
reminded them how he, his father, and his grand
father had gone to Scotland to fetch their wives.
After long discourses, they pursuaded him to send
some person of distinction after the Prince, in case
he was stayed in France, and Lord Carlisle was
chosen and sent off at once. The Prince and
Duke sailed on the 19th, at five A. M., Avere very
• sick at sea, landed at Boulogne at noon, reached
Paris on the 21st and left on the 23d at four A. M."
This letter proves almost conclusively that be
sides the King, and the two Knights errant, the
best informed person of the escapade Avas Secretary
Calvert. The entire Council, save himself, had been
kept in profound ignorance. It took the runaways
four days to reach Paris from Dover, yet within
the four days succeeding their departure from

81

Paris, Calvert was in receipt of detailed informa
tion concerning all their movements.
The flight of Prince Charles produced a feeling
of profound 'consternation both in England and
across the Channel. Dud. Carleton, Avriting to his
uncle at the Hague, said, " not one of the Council,
except Buckingham, knew of it beforehand and all
profess great apprehension." The apprehensions
of others do not seem to have been shared by
Calvert. He appears to have been unconscious of or
indifferent to the general sentiment of the English
people. If unconscious of the intense hatred of
Spain felt by the common people, then he must
have totally misjudged the meaning of the tumults
of the late Parliament; however, he bent every
energy to cement friendly relations between the
two powers by means of the marriage of the Prince
and Infanta. The official correspondence of this
period indicate Calvert's activity and influence.
While Secretary Conway is busily engaged upon
the Scotch affairs and other domestic matters,
Secretary Calvert is made the, vehicle of communi
cation between the King, the Duke, and Bristol,
Ambassador at Madrid. In a letter of April 1,
1623, Conway reproves Sir Richard Bingley for
hesitating to comply Avith Calvert's instructions
because they Avere not endorsed by the King. He
directs Bingley "to hasten to Spain according to
Calvert's directions, whether Lord Vaughan become
11

82
or not. Advises him to acknowledge his faults of
ignorance against Secretary Calvert, or he must be
made to answer for it." Frequent letters passed
between the King, Buckingham, and Calvert, dur
ing the progress of the negotiations. The Duke
addressed the King as " Dere Dad and Gossepe,"
and subscribed himself, "Your Maj. most humble
slave ancl clog, Steenie." James in one of his letters
writes : " The newis of youre gloriouse receptain
thaire makes me afrayed that ye will both mis-
kenne your olde Dad hereafter." In a letter of
April 3, 1623, to Buckingham, Calvert writes : ¦
"there is amongst all honest men an universal joy
for the good news brought us by Mr. Grymes, and
we have made the best expression of it we can for
the present. I hope it shall every day increase,
first for the general good, and next for the great
part of honor your Lordship hath in it." In May,
Calvert wrote to the Duke: "His Majesty com
mands me to write unto your lordship about the
portion and to put you in mind of that, of Avhich I
doubt not, but you will be careful enough without
it, that is, that there be no diminution or falling
from the first offer of six hundred thousand pounds ;
for that his Majesty hath had some cause given
him to conceive that they begin there to think
upon a less sum."
While Bristol and Buckingham are planning,
banqueting, and at times quarrelling at the Spanish

83
Court, the Secretary is busily occupied in London,
furnishing entertainment to the Spanish Ambassa
dors and their retinue. As the rumors of the
pending negotiations percolated down through the
masses, their indignation vented itself in acts of
violence that required all Calvert's tact to ward off
from the Spaniards. James had directed Calvert,
in March, to allow "no ruffling words to be used to
the Ambassadors," but this injunction did not pre
vent the London canaille from hooting them and
throwing small missiles at them as they passed
along the streets. The turbulence of the English
mob in 1623 may be partly understood by observa
tions of Baron D'Haussez, in " Great Britain in
1633." This French minister affirmed that " the
lower classes in England are distinguished by a
grossness of manners which places them lower in
the social scale than any other nation. They are
at once ferocious and depraved ; their instincts dis
pose them to a state of permanent aggression
against the rest of society." But the expressions
of popular discontent did not weigh heavily with
the busy Secretary. At the royal banquets given in
honor of tho Spanish Ambassadors, he was one of
the gayest spirits. He followed the progress of the
royal party in the spring of 1623, and at the enter
tainments he was conspicuous for his joviality.
Chamberlain writing in May says, " the King kept
St. George's feast at Windsor. . . . Secretary

84
Calvert was very gay and gallant there, all in
white, cap-a-pie, even to his white hat ancl white
feather." The Secretary's mind was at times illumined
with pleasure in receiving from his former col
league bright sparkling letters redolent with the
odors of the Yorkshire hills and meadows. Went
worth urges him to take time to pay him a visit at.
his country seat, where the pastimes consisted, as
he invitingly describes it, " in looking upon a tulip,
hearing a bird sing, a rivulet murmuring." The
uncompromising, energetic Wentworth was sin
gularly drawn toAvard the courteous, thoughtful
Secretary, and the correspondence between the
two " cousins," as they called one another, forms
an interesting chapter in the career of each.
Calvert Avould gladly have hastened to Yorkshire,
but he was too pressed for time. He indicated his
regard for his friend by recommending to the
King the appointment of Wentworth as deputy
lieutenant of Yorkshire; but the King Was not
prepared to grant this honor to such a radical
member of the Country party, and courteously
passed by the request. It was not many years
before Wentworth apostatized, ancl became the
Lord President of the North.
Calvert devoted the summer of 1623, almost
completely to the Spanish affairs. WThile Bristol, at
Madrid, was using every means to move the

85
Spaniards to come to some speedy definite action,
Calvert Avas employed at home in corresponding
with Rome, in drawing up the marriage treaty,
and in making elaborate preparations for the
reception of Charles and his Spanish bride. Sec
retary Conway, the co-laborer of Calvert, had
become the travelling companion of James ; he
had secured the King's confidence, but he trans
acted the King's orders through his " more ex
perienced colleague." Conway Avas a good type of
the courtier of the reign of James. His character
and attainments stand in direct contrast to those
of Calvert. Gardiner says : " it was soon under
stood at Court that he [Conway] had in reality
no opinions of his own. His thoughts as well as
his words were at the bidding of the great favorite
[Buckingham]. In an age when complimentary
expressions, which in our time Avould justly be
considered servile, Avere nothing more than the
accustomed phrases of polite society, Conway's
letters to Buckingham stood alone in the fulsome
and cloying flattery with which they were imbued."
Owing to the incapacity of Conway, it became
Calvert's duty, says Gardiner, " to write dispatches,
to confer with foreign ambassadors ancl to attend
to the details of business."
Sunday, July 20, 1623, was a. day long to be
remembered by Calvert. Doubtless the memories
of its stirring events served to brighten many dark

86
days in store for him. It was the occasion of the
"Solemn and Royall Entertainment given unto the
two Spanish Ambassadors at Whitehall." The
most important part of the services, held in the
Royal Chapel, was the reading of the proposed
treaty with Spain, containing the Marriage Con
tract. Besides the King there were present the
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor
ancl Keeper, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Presi
dent of the North, the Lord Privy Seal, ancl a large
number of Dukes, Earls, Marquises, bishops, and
members of the lower orders of nobility and clergy.
Spain was represented by the two Ambassadors,
dressed in gorgeous attire, " accoutremented alike
in murrey velvet clokes, cassoques, and hose, all
layde thicke Avith silver lace, and doubletts and
lynynges of their clokes clothe of silver, branched
Avith murrey flowers." Their attendants were
dressed in "riche habillements, made noe lesso
somptious with Jewells and chaynes of golde, richly
sett with pretious stones." At the appointed hour,
amid great silence, befitting the occasion marking
an epoch in English history, the Marriage Contract
Avas produced and " Secretary Calvert redd the
Articles in Latyne, Avhich were twenty-five or
twenty-six in nombre, Avritten in a skynne of
parchment on both sides, about a quarter of a
yarde deepe, haveing thereunto then affixed the
great seale of England." The Articles, actually

87
numbering but tAventy-three, were then subscribed
and sworn to by King James, Archbishop Abbott,
and the great officers of state. The concessions
made to Spain and the Catholics, by the terms of
the Marriage Contract, Avere particularly aggravat
ing to the body of the English people. Their feel
ings Avere more keenly shocked when it became
Avhispered abroad that the King had agreed to a
secret treaty, peculiarly advantageous to the
Spanish bride and her retinue. The afternoon and
evening of the day were devoted to a banquet,
never surpassed at the English Court in the splen
dor of its appointments. The walls of the banquet-
ing-room were festooned with the gayest colors,
and covered with the richest piece of tapestry in
the Kingdom, representing the story of Abraham.
The tables were " relucent with the most richest
Crowne plate," requiring eight carts to transfer it
from the Tower. Much of the plate was of pure
gold ; " many pieces being most richly sett and
embossed with pretious stones of great price." One
single piece was estimated to be worth not less
than forty or fifty thousand pounds. To the
Spaniards the whole affair may have been a great
farce; but James and his Secretary Avere thoroughly
in earnest. When the oath was taken by James, at
the reading of the secret treaty, he exclaimed,
" Now all the Devils in Hell cannot hinder it," but
he had quite forgotten Buckingham,

88
The Marriage Contract had been duly read and
signed, the factious nobility had been won over,
the clergy Avere apparently reconciled, the Com
mons had been quieted by a summary adjourn
ment, the Spanish Ambassadors had been flattered
ancl feasted, and the powers across the Channel had
been bribed or threatened into silence. Everything
was now ready for the coming of the bridegroom.
A large share of the work of making arrangements
to fitly receive the future Queen of England was
committed to Secretary Calvert. Early in August,
Conway, who was with the King and had caught
the enthusiasm of his Master, wrote to Calvert, " if
there be trust on earth, the Prince and the Infanta
Avill be moving hither by the 28th ; her household
is preparing, ' therefore the word is Joy in Jerusa
lem, and peace in Sion, and haste, haste away the
ships.' " Before Calvert had opportunity to haste
away the ships, he was the recipient of another mark
of favor from James. On the 7th of August he had
petitioned the King that he be appointed a mem
ber of the Council of York. On the 11th the reply
came back, saying, "the King grants at once Sec.
Calvert's request to be one of the Council of York."
Calvert began his work of making final prepara
tions with the greatest zeal. Numerous corres
pondence was entered into, bonfires ordered to be
kindled, sumptuous banquets were prepared, ships
for escort duty were refitted, ancl public entertain
ments provided for on a large scale.

89
Wrhile Calvert is busily engaged in preparing for
the coming of the bridal couple from Spain, we will
take a more searching view of the actions of the
Secretary, and endeavor to fathom his motives ancl
guiding principles. He has received a due meas
ure of censure for the leading part he took in a
political transaction so hostile to the national
feeling, and he has met the hard fate of being
severely ignored by English historians. Not only
has he been accused of willingly opening wide
the door whereby a great train of evils would
be brought into England, but he has been charged
with sacrificing the national welfare to secure
his own selfish ends and to gratify the ambi
tious projects of his newly made religious con
freres. Bishop Goodman wrote many years ago :
"the third man who was thought to gain by the
Spanish Match was Secretary Calvert; and as he
was the only secretary employed in the Spanish
Match, so undoubtedly he did what good offices he
could therein for religion's sake, being infinitely
addicted to the Roman Catholic faith, having been
converted thereunto by Count Gondomar and Count
Arundel, whose daughter Secretary Calvert's son
had married." If Calvert's oldest son, Cecilius, did
marry Lady Arundel at the time of the Spanish
negotiations then some excellent authorities have
made some amazing errors. According to Kennedy,
Cecilius Calvert, in 1623, was but 17 years old, and
12

90
according to Neill, in "Terra Mariae," Anne Arun
del, in this year, Avas but eight years old. Such
youthful marriages are certainly not usual in Eng
land. Count Gondomar had left England and
Avas in Spain fully a year before the reading of the
Marriage Contract. If Secretary Calvert was at
this time " infinitely addicted to the Roman Catho
lic faith," there is a considerable lack of sincerity
in his subsequent letters, ancl his conversion does
no honor to the Church. During the negotiations
Calvert remained a Protestant, and only became a
Catholic when the Spanish Match Avas entirely set
aside; but his religious opinions, like those of many
contemporary statesmen, were not particularly
strong. It Avas only Avhen his cherished projects had
been scattered to the Avinds that his religious creed
became crystallized and took a permanent form.
Calvert, and Lord Keeper Williams, were closo
allies in the Spanish negotiations, and held opin
ions in common. A letter of Williams, of Sep
tember, 1622, to the Earl of Arran will indicate
the views of one of the ministers of James, who
clung to the Spanish Match to the very last. He
writes: " as to the offence taken by many, both in
England and Scotland, at the King's release of
recusants, the common people are unable to pene
trate the action of Kings. Is no favourer of
Popery, but thinks this step proper, because his
Majesty could not hope to mediate successfully for

91
distressed Protestants in France, Germany, &c,
whilst he was vigorous with Papists in England.
No toleration for the future is intended, and
those freed are only released on recognizances,
and will be remanded if they presume on their
privilege. Favour to Papists implies no favour to
Popery ; the King has always, by example, writing
and legislation, proved himself a true Protestant."
At the time this was written, not one of the Privy
Council, including Buckingham, was opposed to
the Match. There is a strain of jubilancy in the
letter written in January, 1623, by Calvert to
Mr. George Gage, English Agent at Rome, but
the last clause would indicate that' he was more
concerned in the success of the Match than he was
in the amelioration of the Catholics. He says :
" His Majesty and the Prince have signed all the
Articles sent by the Earl of Bristol [from Madrid]
and have Avritten to the King of Spain engaging to
observe verbatim the last article which promises
full toleration of Roman Catholics. Mr. S. Digby.
has returned from Germany, ancl will be sent
to-morrow to Spain. Sends a token to Aristides
which ho hopes he deserves. He will probably be
found at Alexandria. Aeneas again recommends
secrecy ancl that the letter shall not be delivered to
Father Maestro, till there is certainty of success."
A letter written by Secretary Calvert to Con
way, August 2, 1623, a little over a week after

92

the reading of the Marriage Treaty by him in the
Royal Chapel, ancl on the eve of the expected
arrival of the Infanta, does not portray him as an
enthusiastic Catholic. Calvert Avrites : "there is a
little dispute about the mode of the pardon to
Catholics. It Avas devised to include release from
all past fines, forfeitures, treasons, felonies, praemu
nire, &c, AvhereAvith they were charged on ground
of religion, and freedom from future molestation.
The Ambassadors object to the pardon, as invit
ing the necessity of persons discovering themselves
by applying for it, and as being expensive for the
poor and request a Proclamation of Grace to Cath
olics instead." Cahert opposed the demands of
the Ambassadors, but finally concludes, " were it
not for the noise which a Proclamation would
make, should advise it, as it would be only a sus
pension, and the fines could be reclaimed with
arrears if councils changed."
There can be no doubt that Gondomar's diplo
matic tact did prevail upon the Secretary, and that
he made more concessions to the Catholics, in
remembrance of his gracious demeanor, than he
would have been willing to make to a less skillful
diplomatist. Gondomar is described as " endowed
with a clear understanding — a rich vein of festive
humour — a talent of adroit flattery — ancl that
apparent frankness of manner Avhich serves as the
best disguise for artifice; " like the Florentine Tito

93
Melema, the Spanish Ambassador's face "wore
that bland liveliness" which marks the popular
companion. In his dealings Avith the Marquis
Inijosa, the colleague of Gondomar, Calvert was
not ' so fortunate ; the arbitrary Spaniard greatly
exasperated the otherwise affable Secretary. In a
letter to Conway, Secretary Calvert calls the Mar
quis Inijosa " twenty devils," for " suggesting fresh
doubts about the principle business ; " soon after
wards he writes, " the difficulties with the Marquis
[Inijosa] are at last over. Hopes an end of these
hourly vexations." Calvert could not fail to recog
nize that the Catholics of England were British
subjects, ancl he was willing to make some conces
sions to relieve them of the penal enactments
against them, but he took this course simply as a
political measure. James, no doubt, had some
cranky notions about statecraft, but in his leniency
towards the Catholics he was not altogether in the
wrong; in his letter to the Commons he had
declared that he Avas " willing to take all due care
of religion, but the means must be left to himself;
will not kindle a war of religion through the world,
and by hot persecutions of recusants provoke for
eign Princes to persecution of Protestants." The
King's conciliatory policy may not have been the
proper thing at the time ; possibly if he had been
willing to lend assistance in the Avar on the conti
nent, he might have no occasion to fear the armies

94
of Spain or of Germany nor the policy of their
sovereigns, but it did not suit his plans to break
with Spain, and Secretary Calvert, as an adviser,
did not see his way clear to a solution of the dif
ficulty save by strengthening the ties binding
England to Spain. W7hatever judgment may be
passed upon the political wisdom of Calvert, ho
Avas sincere in advising the Spanish alliance, think
ing it Avould secure the general good of the English
people. It was not Spanish gold nor papal allegi
ance that dictated Calvert's policy; he Avas no
trickster, no propagandist, no mere courtier ; his
political measures were well conceived and ably
administered ; their failure indicated his inability
to cope against the current of a strong popular
opinion, ancl he resigned his office.
While Calvert was actively engaged in con
structing his " Chateaux d'Espagne," and confi
dently awaiting the arrival of Charles ancl his
bride, a number of anti-Catholics were strenuously
endeavoring to demolish his cherished plans ; even
his former co-laborer, Cranfield, now Lord Treas
urer, devoted as he was to the Spanish party,
could not restrain an occasional murmer of discon
tent ; he had written to ConAvay that he was " sick
at heart with the idea of these extraordinary
charges, when the King is so ill able to meet his
ordinary expenses. Cannot hold out unless some
extraordinary supply be thought of, or some large

95
sums come in from Spain ; " but as Bristol had
written that the Spanish bride would bring as a
dowry not less than £500,000, the Lord Treasurer
remained fast in his allegiance to the Match.
Calvert had had a warm supporter in the queen,
and even after her death, her influence was felt,
but nearly all the clergy and the great mass of the
people utterly repudiated the Match, ancl denounced
it bitterly, but their demonstrations were in vain.
But what could not be accomplished by the people
was effectually ancl completely done by one man,
and that man was Buckingham. James had
exclaimed concerning the match, "now all the
devils in hell cannot hinder it," but his favorite
courtier, by a bold stroke, stopped the negotiations
in Spain, utterly demoralized Bristol, and return
ing suddenly to England he threw into hopeless
confusion the well-conceived and almost successful
plans of the Secretary.
The bridegroom had come, but at an hour and
in a manner that Calvert had not anticipated ;
instead of returning as the dignified brother-in-law
of the dreaded King of Spain, he came as he went,
the truant Tom Smith, the gay knight-errant.
Calvert immediately saw the difficulties of his posi
tion, though he did no despair ; there was a strong-
probability that James, for once, would repudiate
¦the conduct of the great favorite, but the dream
was delusive. With all his boldness and reckless-

96
ness, Buckingham was far-sighted ancl cunning ; he
saw more deeply into the hearts of the English
people than did Calvert, and he felt that he could
so work upon James, through the Parliament, that
the leaders of the Spanish party would be driven
from the field. His wounded pride and his erratic
temperament hurried him from Spain, in October ;
his self-interest and love of popularity led him, on
his arrival, to immediately repudiate the Spanish
alliance. The ringing of bells and the glow of
innumerable bonfires, assured him of the joy of the
Londoners that the Infanta was left behind ; he
well knew that King James was building great
hopes upon the arrival of the Spanish galleons,
laden with the dowry of his daughter-in-law, but
he was fully prepared to prove the actual " penurie
and prowde beggarie " of Spain.
The merry bells ancl the bright fires which wel
comed Charles brought no joy to Calvert; in the
one he heard the death-knell of his political ser
vices, and in the other he saw his cherished plans
crumbling to ashes. His only hope was exceed
ingly forlorn, but he would at least make the
attempt to rally the powerful leaders of the
Spanish party, and, by their united effort, overcome
the influence of the favorite and once again renew
the negotiations with Spain.
Calvert's star had reached the zenith and was
now slowly but surely setting; he could consist-

97
ently remain in office so long as the Prince
remained unmarried, but negotiations for some
other bride would only bring an end to his politi
cal career ; he therefore was guided henceforth not
only by a desire to serve his King, but by the addi
tional motive of preserving his own influence in
the Council and at Court. He felt conscious that
Buckingham could not easily set aside the solemn
treaty entered into by the King and his entire
Council ; he also knew that the fear of a war with
Spain would keep the conservative members to
their pledged word.
By promises of advancement and by threats of
dismissal, Buckingham managed to gain the active
cooperation of some of the Councillors and to
weaken the strength of the opposition by winning-
over to a neutral position a number of others, and
so leaving the supporters of the Spanish alliance
in a minority. An entry in the English Calendars
of January 31, 1624, reads : " the King is still in
Newmarket, but the Prince has returned to town.
Thejunctb for foreign affairs sit closely upon the
Match. The Lord Keeper [Williams], Treasurer
[Middlesex], Marshal [Arundel], Weston and Sec.
Calvert are for it ; Duke of Richmond, Hamilton,
Lord Chamberlain Pembroke and Belfast, neuter ;
Buckingham, Carlisle and Conway, against it. The
Prince seems very averse to it, both on grounds of
state and religion, and this changed some of the
13

98
neuters ; but the Lord Chamberlain said he saw
not how the King or those who swore to the treaty
could fall away, if the Spaniards perform their
part. This Avas clone from pique against Bucking
ham, whose entire engrossing of ' the Prince's
favour, as well as the King's, causes . some heart
burning in many who aim to take him down ;
so he keeps close to his Majesty and prevents all
access to him." An entry by another writer of the
same time, says : " the Juncto for foreign affairs
sat hard all that Aveek ;" it corroborates the above
entry in asserting that five councillors stood for the
Match, three against it ancl four were indifferent.
In despair of forcing his policy upon James,
Buckingham determined to lay the matter before
Parliament and so secure his ends ; the King fell
into the trap of the wily courtier and summoned
the Parliament of 1624, ostensibly to extricate his
daughter, the Queen of Bohemia, from her deplor
able plight, and to restore her and her husband to
the Rhenish Palatinate. The adherents of the
Spanish Match were totally opposed to the sum
moning of the Parliament, knowing that a war
with Spain would be immediately resolved. Gar
diner says, " of the nine who had originally voted
against Buckingham, five, Calvert, Weston, Arun
del, Williams and Middlesex, had already declared
against the summoning of a Parliament, and were
all for various reasons the advocates of peace."

99

The Secretary had forfeited his popularity in
Yorkshire, and his old rival, Savile, was returned
from this county ; but he had raised up friends
elsewhere. He was elected, together Avith Sir
Isaac Wake, by the University of Oxford to be
its representative in the neAvly-summoned Parlia
ment. This old seat of learning was represented
in Parliament for the first time in 1603, the year
of the accession of James ; it was devoted to the
interests of the Court Party, and, in succeeding
years, was a staunch supporter of the unfortunate
Charles ; it was very reassuring to Calvert to be
elected its delegate to the national council. The
Parliament of 1624 met on February 19 ; some of
the old leaders were absent, but their loss was
more than compensated by the younger, more vig
orous leaders who succeeded them. It did not take
a long time for the Secretary to see that Bucking
ham's influence in the Commons was almost as
strong, on account of unity of ends in view, as it
had been in the Council. Calvert felt that the
country was gradually being drawn to an open
rupture with Spain and to an abrupt ending of his
scheme of foreign policy ; he saw his influence was
waning and he took a very secondary part in the
proceedings; he had lost the gayety of the past
year and Avas grave and silent; quite frequently he
absented himself from Parliament on the plea of
sickness. In April, the Subsidy Bill, which had

100
¦
already provoked some warm discussions, was
again introduced ; the members, probably looking
defiantly at the disconcerted Calvert, complained
of the misuse Of previous subsidies, and that the
"subsidy bill came on winged feet and bills of
grace on leaden ones ; " there was a general outcry
for a definite ancl final break with Spain, the mem
bers complaining that the declaration of the dis
solution of the Spanish treaty " was only by Avord
of mouth ancl should be made ancl inserted in the
body of the bill." Calvert felt that he should
express himself, ancl, according to an eye-witness,
he rose and " after a grave preamble, arguing that
the making or dissolving of foreign treaties
belongs to the royal prerogative alone, — inconsis
tently proposed that the declaration should be at
the beginning of the body of the bill."
When the subject of the Newfoundland fisheries
was again introduced, the personal sympathies of
Calvert were again enlisted ancl he felt constrained
to reiterate his vieAvs as previously expressed in
the Parliament of 1621 ; he argued that unlimited
free fishing upon the shores and banks of the island
Avould interfere with the prosperity of the planta
tions and tend to their destruction, and that the
unrestrained license to all fishermen to cut down
the timber near the settlements would seriously
interfere Avith the planters ; the speaker was aAvare
of the truth of his arguments for he vvas in con-

101
stant receipt of letters from Avalon detailing the
ravages of the piratical fishermen, but he Avas
scarcely conscious that centuries after his times,
tbe Newfoundland fisheries would lead to serious
international complications. Notwithstanding all
the force of his arguments the bill to allow free
fishing, etc., was adopted.
Calvert was not only chagrined at the sudden
turn of events in regard to the Spanish alliance,
but he had occasion to fear the Commons' anger
as well as that of Buckingham ; but the per
sonal attachment of the King doubtless saved him
from summary disgrace. In a letter to Conway he
says that he " is prevented by illness from attend
ing regularly himself " at Parliament; but doubt
less his illness was that of a mind troubled and in
alarm. After the favorite had secured the friendly
cooperation of the Commons by his adroit flattery
and diplomatic subserviency, he laid his plans to
crush the leaders of the Spanish party ; Gardiner
says that " Williams and Weston had convinced
their patron that they would be ready to carry out
his wishes," and they Avere spared. The former
associate of Calvert in the Treasury Commission,
Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, received the full
measure of Buckingham's spleen ; he had clone his
best to prevent a rupture with Spain and continued
to urge a peaceful policy ; this was enough for
Buckingham. He was impeached for corrupt prac-

102
tices, heavily fined and dismissed from office;
Gardiner says that as Lord Treasurer, Middlesex
" had done more than any other man to rescue the
finances from disorder. He was a careful guardian
of the public purse." The King feeling the pangs
of an incurable sickness, looked upon the doings of
the Prince and the Duke in utter helplessness, but
he gave a word of prophetic warning when he
impatiently told them, " you will live to have your
belly full of impeachments."
Calvert's position had now become decidedly
uncomfortable; his foreign policy had been re
jected; Buckingham Avas seeking his disgrace, the
Prince regarded him with cold indifference, ancl
even James, though he threw around him his
protection, had become somewhat suspicious ; the
the Parliament Avas ready at a moment's notice to
cause him to follow the fallen treasurer, Middlesex.
A letter of April 24, 1624, declares that " Sec. Cal
vert is on ill terms with the King and Prince, and
is called to account; amongst other things for
detaining letters to Carleton, a year ago, at the
request of the French Ambassador ; " a groundless
charge, but the mere fact that his official acts were
viewed suspiciously by his master indicated to Cal
vert that a storm was brewing. One little incident
will illustrate Archbishop Abbot's remark about
Calvert — " a course Avas taken to rid him of all
employments ancl negotiations." The Secretary

103
held in his possession a copy of the letter sent to
the Pope to secure his approbation of the Spanish
Match; Buckingham Avanted this letter so as to
use it as a model for another letter to the Pope in
reference to the French marriage; the favorite
called on Calvert and after artfully securing the
letter, assured him that his request to serve the
King upon the French negotiations Avould undoubt
edly be granted. " If this be a lie," wrote the
Duke to the King, " as I am sure it is, then you
may begin to think with a little more study I may
cry quittance." In making false promises to Cal
vert, the favorite said it was necessary "to tie him to
secrecy." The Secretary saw that his only hope of
basking in the Royal favor was to desert the Span
ish party at once and to throw the weight of his
influence in favor of an alliance with France; a
number of the advocates of the Spanish Match had
already gone over to the other side and not a few
were wavering, ready to desert their old party at
an opportune moment; the King was gradually
forgetting his enthusiastic admiration for Spain,
of the previous year, and was drawn into the policy
of his shrewd favorite. In a letter of June, 1624,
Dud. Carleton wrote: "the French Match and
treaty rapidly proceeding. The King is almost as
much in love with France as he was with Spain
and is merry and jocund." But the Secretary
refused to bend his knee in submission to Bucking-

104
ham, even to please his master ; he scorned to play
the part of the sycophant ; he held on to his office,
but with much heaviness of heart; the neglect he
daily received grated harshly upon his proud
spirit ; the duplicity of Charles ancl the Duke, ancl
the childish fickleness of the King filled him with
gloom and disgust; refusing to desert his old prin
ciples, he had no alternative save dismissal or res
ignation ; to avoid the disgrace of the former he
decided to surrender the seals of his office.
The first reference to Calvert's desire to resign is
contained in a letter dated April 4, 1624, soon after
the assembling of Parliament ; the extract reads :
" Sec. Calvert is in ill health and talks of resigning:
the Secretaryship." Probably the Secretary was
in ill health, but it was the illness that comes from
mental unrest ; in his Declaration to the Commons
of March 25, 1624, James affirmed his willingness
to annul the treaty with Spain and to cease negotia
tions on the Match. As the Secretary's illness and
his speedy desire to resign his office followed so
soon after the King's declaration, it is not improb
able that the two events were intimately connected.
A letter of April 6, reads : " Sec. Calvert is Avilling
to resign his place upon reasonable terms ; " a
letter of May 3, is more definite ; it says, " Proceed
ings relative to the proposal that Carleton should
purchase the office of Sec. Calvert, who Avishes to
retire on account of ill health, if he could do so

105
without losing reputation and could part Avith his
office advantageously. He would let Carleton have
it for 6,0001., though when he was made Secretary,
Lord Hollis offered 8,0001. and Sir John Suckling
7,000 1. It is but three years' purchase, the place
being worth 2,000 1. a year." Calvert's hopes began
to revive when he saw that his immmediate dis
missal was not contemplated. When he recalled the
unbounded influence of Buckingham and saw him
cooperating with the Commons, his first impulse
was to vacate his dangerous position and so avoid
the fate of Middlesex. But the wrath of the favorite
gradually melted away as he saAV the quickening
success of his French policy, and he felt that he
could afford to deal less harshly with the self-
willed, though courteous Secretary, particularly
since James was still gracious to his old minister.
A letter of June 1 reads : " Buckingham approves
Sec. Calvert's proposals [to resign in favor of Carle
ton]. Advises him [Carleton] to come over to
solicit it." Although it was whispered about at
Court and was known to some of the Commons
that Calvert was about to resign the Secretaryship,
no one seems to have insinuated or even to have
suspected that he had any leanings towards
papacy. His willingness to resign was attributed
to Buckingham's enmity and to the rout of the
Spanish party. In a communication to the King,
bearing date May 20, 1624, the Commons urge
14

106
him to take more aggressive measures against the
popish recusants, the non-communicants and Cath
olic suspects. They give him a list of sixty names
of suspected Catholics holding positions of official
trust. Calvert's name is not included in the list,
even though his partiality towards Catholic Spain
had aroused much bitter animosity.
For some reason during the month of June, his
hopes began to revive. He breathed more easily,
thinking probably that Buckingham's hatred of
Spain had spent itself. He watched very closely the
outcome of the quarrel betAveen the Duke ancl his
avoAved enemies. A letter of June 26, contains one
item, as folloAvs : " Secretary Calvert's proposal to
resign is occasioned not by ill health, but by fear
of being displaced ; if the Earl of Bristol stands,
he Avill not abandon office." The statement that
his proposed resignation Avas not caused by ill
health is true, but it is also true that at this time
the health of the Secretary Avas shattered by ner
vous prostration and mental anxiety. Not long after
this time he Avas in receipt of a letter from Straf
ford congratulating him upon his recovery from
his lato sickness. Calvert did Avisely in watching
what would be done with Digby, Earl of Bristol.
As ambassador at the Court of Spain, this minister
had Avorked zealously to consummate the marriage
of Charles and the Infanta. He had quarrelled with
Buckingham at Madrid, and, soon after the return

107
of the favorite, he was recalled home ancl his official
course was declared to be unsatisfactory and a
commission consisting of Calvert and Weston was
appointed to consider his whole proceedings upon
the Spanish Match and draw up a number of ques
tions to be propounded to the Earl. The King,
prompted by Buckingham, had appointed these
ministers upon the investigating committee be
cause " Calvert knows the whole of the Earl of
Bristol's affairs and Weston is fit to direct the
work." Weston, who had been one of the leaders
of the Spanish party, had deserted his party and
Avas in high favor with Buckingham. The Secre
tary was again in a dilemma. He could not refuse
the appointment upon the commission without
offending tho King. He could not deal leniently
with Bristol and hope to avoid the resentment of
Buckingham, for the favorite was determined to
humble the unflinching, courageous Ambassador ;
but to deal harshly with this sturdy advocate of
the Spanish alliance Avould criminate himself.
Unfortunately the report of the commission is not
to be found, but whatever its contents, the fate of
Bristol Avas sealed. He did not stand. He was dis
missed from office and strictly commanded not to
appear at Court.
The following extracts from contemporary letters
will indicate the mental unrest of the Secretary,
in fear of summary dismissal, uiiAvilling to lose

108

reputation by resigning, and refusing to propitiate
the favorite by repudiating his political princi
ples and ministerial policy. Ambassador Carleton
received a letter in August, 1624, stating, "Sec.
Calvert droops and keeps out of way, and it is
reported that the seals are taken from him."
For several months Calvert kept out of the way,
ancl nothing is heard of him until late in autumn.
A letter of October 23, declares, " Sec. Calvert is
resigning, and Coke, Master of Requests, related
to Lord Brooke, is to succeed hiin." Another letter
of November 23, states on good authority that
" Calvert was reconciled to Buckingham, avIio had
assured him that he should have the option of
refusing any offer made for his place." Since there
Avas no longer fear of dismissal, Calvert determined
to hold on to his office a while longer, so as to dis
pose of it upon the most favorable terms. He
intended immediately after leaving Court to hasten
to Avalon and to carry with him as much avail-
ble means as possible in order to promote the
prosperity of the settlement. A letter of January
8, 1625, says : " Now those gain preferment whose
parts agree best with the humour of the times.
Sec. Calvert is dismissed, but not empty handed ;
and Sir John Coke who has lately married an
alderman's widow, and therefore can give well,
succeeds him." A letter of the ensuing week, Janu
ary 16th, says Avith truth, "Sir Albert Morton is to

109
be Secretary in Calvert's place." Within a month
Secretary Calvert did finally resign ancl surrender
the seals of his office. In a letter dated February
12, 1625, we read : " Sir Albert Morton is at New
market, ancl is sworn in ; Sec. Cahert giving him
the seals for 60001. ancl an Irish barony, either for
himself, or any whom he likes to bestow it."
Another letter of the same date from Thos. Locke
to Ambassador Carleton supplements the above
letter. It reads: "On the 9th [February] Sir
Albert Morton had the seals delivered to him and
Avas sworn Secretary. Sec. Calvert retains his
place as Privy Councillor and is made Baron Bal
timore in Ireland." It is not improbable that his
resignation was hastened by his appointment on
January 21, 1625 upon a commission to try recus
ants. In this appointment we may see the hand of
Buckingham, who was anxious that the Secretary
ship should be secured at once by one of his favor
ites, as the French business needed a strong, steady
hand, such as Morton's, to guide it successfully.
In his capacity as Secretary, Calvert was instructed,
together with the other members of the commis
sion, " to examine parties charged with errors in
matters of faith, tending to schism against the
established church, who refused to have their
children baptized or allowed that ceremony to be
performed by a Jesuit or popish priest or Avere
guilty of any offense against the established

110
church." The instructions were aimed against
Baptists, Catholics, and Puritans. In declining to
serve upon this commission the Secretary could,
Avith some appearance of truth, assure his old
master, now on the verge of death, that the duties
of the office Avere incompatible with his religious
belief; and, Avith his royal approbation, he would
retire into private life. As the latter part of
James' life Avas rendered miserable by great suf
fering, it is probable he knew but little of the
intrigues in the Privy Council. He remembered
Calvert Avith affection and respected the change in
his religious faith, and suffered him to resign Avith
his approbation. Gardiner thus speaks of Calvert's
resignation : " Cahert, Avho was secretly a convert
to the church of Rome, and had long been
anxious to escape from the entanglement of office,
had laid his secretaryship at the Duke's feet, telling
him plainly that he intended to live and die in the
religion which he professed. Buckingham, avIio
had spoken hard things of Calvert a few months
before, Avas always inclined to deal gently with
opposition of this submissive kind, and assured the
Secretary that he Avould come to no harm by his
avowal. lie Avas therefore, allowed, according to
the custom of the time, to bargain with his suc
cessor for 60001. to be paid to him as the price of
his withdrawal from office, ancl he. Avas soon after-
Avards created Lord Baltimore in tho Irish peer-

Ill

age."1 Calvert thus was enabled to leave the Sec-
taryship without losing reputation and also not
empty handed. The purchase of the Irish peerage
was afterwards confirmed by the King and letters
patent made out conferring the honor upon him
and his heirs.
During the session of 1624, the House of Com
mons had made some attempts to coerce the King
to dismiss his Catholic ministers. A petition Avas
sent to him from the members with the request
" that all papists should be removed from London
and the court." The petition was, of course, passed
by, for Buckingham's own wife and mother be
longed to the Catholic faith. Not long afterwards
parliament presented the King with a list of
popish lords and knights, employed in the civil
service, intimating that their dismissal would bo
exceedingly grateful to the people. Under these
circumstances, when the House was protesting
against the public employment of Roman Catho
lics, Calvert's public avoAval to the King of his
conversion to this faith, Avould deter the King
from urging his continuance in office.
Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, Avho was
secretly opposed to the Spanish Match, ancl yet
1 Calvert's peerage title is found spelt in many ways in colonial records
and correspondence; the most common spellings were: Baltimore, Balta-
niorc, Baltemore, Balthamore; Balthamor, Balthamoer, Balthasermoer,
Balthemor, Baltimoor, Balthimor, Balthus Moor. See General Index to
" Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York."

112
Avillinglv put his signature to the Articles of
Marriage and the Treaty with Spain, speaks of
the resignation as .follows : " Secretary Citlvert
hath never looked merrily since the Prince's
coming out of Spain. It was thought that he
Avas much interested in the Spanish affair. A
course Avas taken to rid him of all employments
and negotiations ; " in this there is much truth,
but he certainly spoke unadvisedly when he
continued, " he apparently turned Papist, Avhich
he now professeth, this being the third time he
hath been to blame that Avay." The Archbishop --
also asserted that the ex-secretary had bought a
ship of 400 tons and was on the eve of visiting-
Newfoundland. Calvert did not visit the island
until two and a half years after this time.
The Sloane Manuscripts contain the following-
passage among others in reference to Calvert:
"In the yeare 1624 [1625 N. S.] he obtained a
dismission of the King from his employment of
Secretary of State, though with some difficulty,
his Majestie haveing a particulaire affection to
him by reason of his great abilities and integrity.
And though he had then declared himselfe a
Roman Catholique, ordered him to be continued
a Privie Councillor, and created him Lord Bal
temore of Baltemore in Ireland."
James had been very prodigal of titles to the
Irish peerage. When he ascended the throne in

113
1603, there were not over five or six Irish earls
and not over twenty viscounts, and barons, but
before the close of his reign the number had in
creased three-fold.1
Calvert was the last, save one, raised to the
Irish peerage during this period. His title of
" Baron Baltimore, of Baltimore, co. Longford,
Ireland," was received February 16, 1625, only
a few weeks before the dpath of his old master,
James I. It is stated in the Sloane MSS. that
" King Charles desired his Lordship to be con
tinued a Privy Councillor to him, resolving to
dispense with his takeing the oath of supremacy,
but at his request he gave him leave at length
to retire from Court." Within a fortnight after
his elevation to the peerage, Calvert left the
scenes of his political triumphs and failures, and
desiring to visit again friends and relatives in
Yorkshire, went north in company with Sir Toby
Matthew, an old school-mate. This friend of Cal
vert's is described by Surtey as the oldest son of
Tobias Matthew, bishop of Durham, who died in
1628. The son had become a Jesuit during his
father's lifetime. IIo was knighted by James for
his zeal in the Spanish Match, being sent upon
some important missions. He is described as a
1 The total number of peerages conferred by King James amounted to
226; of these 60 were Irish, divided as follows: 9 earls, 18 viscounts, 33
barons. Nichols: Progresses, etc., of King James (preface).
15

114
deep, intriguing politician ancl a secret agent in
the service of Rome. According to the Aspinwall
papers, it was Matthew who succeeded in convert
ing Cahert to Roman Catholicism. In after years
we find him in receipt of letters from friends in
the newly planted colony of Maryland [vide
Streeter papers]. It is not improbable that Cal
vert, now Lord Baltimore, left London so soon
after his resignation of the Secretaryship in order
to be present at the Avedding festivities of his old
friend and ally, WentAvorth, who Avas married to
his second Avife, Lady Clare, on February 24,
1625. On the death of this noble woman, six
years later, Calvert Avrote Wentworth a long
letter full of Christian sympathy ancl condolence.
It was rumored at the time of his resignation
that Calvert was extremely anxious to visit his
plantation at Avalon, but was stayed by King-
Charles, who probably felt that he could well
employ the talents of his father's faithful min
ister in diplomatic services. He decided, how-
eAer, to leave England temporarily and to repair
to his estates in Ireland, Avhich needed his per
sonal care, and there were also political reasons.
In view of the rumored early marriage of Charles
to tho French Princess, Calvert felt it would be
inexpedient for him to remain at Court when he
was universally known to be out of sympathy
with the administration and as strongly in favor

115
of the Spanish alliance as ever before. He felt
that his temporary absence was a political neces
sity and that his Sovereign would well appreciate
his motives in retiring into private life. Had the
cx-secretary's conduct in retiring from office and
from the Court been followed by other great min
isters, there might have been no Civil War in
England. Whatever Calvert's personal virtues
may have been, his political wisdom is commend
able in laying down his office and retiring when
he felt he no longer had the King's confidence,
and saw his administrative policy rejected.
The personal regard of King Charles for his
fallen minister continued undiminished. He re
spected his virtues if he could not endorse his
administration. In a letter of May 29, 1625, to
the Lord Deputy of Ireland, the King thus speaks
of Calvert : " Right trusty ancl well-beloved cousin
ancl counsellor, we greet you well: whereas our
right trusty and well-beloved, the Lord Baltimore,
hath acquainted us with his purpose to repair into
that Kingdom [Ireland] to reside there for some
time ; being an eminent person and a nobleman
of that Kingdom, we have thought good by these
our gracious letters to recommend him to your
special favor, requiring you not only to give him
all lawful assistance and good expedition on such
occasions as he shall have there,, but also to respect
him according to his quality ancl degree, ancl as

116
one who is parted from us with our princely appro
bation ancl in our good grace."
It is not known where Calvert lived in Ireland
nor Avhat occupied his time during his residence
there. He was granted certain lands in Long
ford county; but he purchased some lands" in
Wexford county. Whether he devoted his entire
time to the care of his estates, or received an
official appointment from the Lord Deputy of the
island, it is now impossible to say. It is not im
probable that he declined to accept a position in
the administration of Ireland, but that he devoted
himself entirely to the improvement of his landed
property and to the directing of his settlements
in the New World, though at the same time
holding himself in readiness for any summons to
England, both in order to reinstate himself at
Court, ancl to testify his gratitude to the King for
the favors he had received. The manor of Balti
more lay in Longford county, but Cahert had
probably other estates in Ireland since he Avas a
long time officially connected Avith this country,
ancl at this time real property was selling there
at a low figure. There is some reason for believing
that, when sent a Commissioner to examine into
the affairs of Wexford county in 1613, he made
purchases of land there, for much of that region
had been deserted. Brereton, in his book of
Travels (1634), makes a statement as follows:

117
"We left Carnue about seven hour, and went
thence into the county of Wexford to Claghaman
[Clohamon] my Lord of Baltamoare's town, Avhere
he hath a brave house, but of no great strength,
nor built castle-wise  This town is seated
upon the bank of the river Slane" [Slane)'].
The grant of land in Longford county, Ireland,
received by Calvert February 18, 1621, contained
2304 acres, comprising certain town and other
lands. At the time the land was first received he
obtained no special privileges $or manorial rights,
but he held it subject to certain conditions or
instructions. These instructions obligated the
patentees " not to sell to Roman Catholics of any
nation, and to require all settlers to take the oath of
supremacy ancl be conformable in point of religion."
As Calvert was a professed Protestant ancl had
signified his allegiance by taking, in common with
other members of the Commons, the Lord's Sup
per according to the prescribed method of the
Established Church, the terms of the grant were not
onerous. But as he had made an open profession
of his conversion to Catholicism, when he resigned
the Secretaryship, he could not legally hold his
Irish estates as originally granted, and so, on Feb
ruary 12, 1625, immediately after his retirement
from office, he surrendered the patent, ancl on March
11th ensuing he received back the patent with the
religious clause struck out ancl other claims inserted

118
in keeping with his rank of baron. By the terms
of the re-grant the lands rose to be held in free
ancl common soccage by fealty only, for all rents
due ; the estates in the Barony of Longford were
erected into the manor of Baltimore and those
in the Barony of Rathlyxe into the manor of
Ulforcl. In both manors he was allowed the privi
leges of courts, parks', free warrens, &c. It may
be said in this connexion that the manor of Bal
timore1 in Longford county had nothing to do
with the town of Baltimore on the southern. coast
of Ireland, in Cork county. The town of Balti
more and the vicinity had been in the possession
of the Driscols from the days of Strongbow
(1169), ancl at the time when Calvert received
his estates in Ireland, the Driscols Avere called
the sovereigns of Baltimore (town), it is not
known Avhy Calvert chose this name for his most
important manor. Tho province of Maryland Avas
granted to Baltimore in the same terms by which
1 The exact location of the Barony of Baltimore is unknown. The name
is not found upon any recent map of Ireland, though it is not improbable
that it can be found upon the finely executed maps of Ireland made by Sir
AVilliam Petty, in 1654, and placed in the Birmingham tower. Of the 1430
maps made under the direction of Sir William, about 260 are baronial maps.
An authority on the local topography of Longford comity says,. there is at
present neither a barony nor a parish named Baltimore in Ireland. See
Liber Iliberniie, vol. 2, part VII, p. 335. Also Baltimore Weekly San,
December 24, 1881, (containing an interesting letter from P. F. O'Carroll,
!<>q., of Dublin, to the Hon. AVilliam A. Stewart, of Baltimore, Md., on the
situ of tho liarony of Baltimore.)

119

the manor of Baltimore was held, " in free and
common soccage, by fealty only."
During the years of his seclusion in Ireland,
Calvert heard much from the English Court to
give him pain and cause him uneasiness. Great
events followed in quick succession — the first
Parliament of Charles, 1625, had been dissolved
in anger ; the armed fleet sent against Spain
had ventured as far as Cadiz, but instead of
storming the city and seizing the Spanish treas
ure ships, it had been defeated and "hurried
home with tattered sails and starving crews;"
Buckingham had hurried to Holland to raise up
a great confederacy against Spain ancl was met
on his return by the furious onsets, in Par
liament, of Sir John Eliot, resulting in the
impeachment of the great favorite by the Par
liament of 1626. The Parliament Avas at once
dissolved without having veted a shilling, and in
his financial distress, the King summarily de
manded a free gift and a forced loan. Charles
had failed to keep his marriage treaty, ancl in
his anger had driven from England the French
attendants of his queen. Ill feeling was in con
sequence stirred up between France ancl England,
resulting in 1627 in a declaration of war between
the two powers. It was an extreme moment for
England, and the reckless Buckingham. His in
tense hatred for Richelieu finally led him to

120
make overtures to Spain ancl to seek an alliance
Avith that country against France. He looked
around for some of the old leaders of the
Spanish party — some had been so crushed that
they could not be withdrawn from their retire
ment, but the favorite remembered one of the
leaders of the opposition Avho had lett England
for a time accompanied by the royal grace ancl
approbation, and despatches were immediately
sent to Calvert summoning him to Court on im
portant business. The ex-secretary's time had
come. The wisdom of his foreign policy was at
last acknowledged, ancl it was Avith a feeling of
much gratification that he left his quiet home in
Ireland ancl hastened to England, again to take
part in the councils of the nation. He reached
the English Court in March, 1627. Cahert was
very graciously received by both the King and
the Duke and was directed to hold himself jn
readiness to go on an embassy to Brussels to
secure the cooperation of the Archduchess to a
treaty between Spain and England. It was ru
mored his colleagues would be the Earl of Salis
bury, Sir Richard Weston and Sir Humphrey
May. Buckingham was at loss what Avas the
best thing to do at the present, so "taking Bal
timore with him, he went to Newmarket and
invited all the Privy Councillors on the spot to
discuss the matter in the King's presence ; " but

121

while the English Council was engaged in dis
cussion the Cardinal Richelieu had promptly
negotiated an engagement "between France and
Spain for common action against England." Cal
vert remained in England, at a place called
Savage, until the last week of the month of
May. He had tired of the Court life as directed
by the rash and irresponsible favorite and longed
to get away from the entanglements of State.
After much entreaty, he finally received royal
permission to visit the plantation at Avalon, " a
place," he writes to Wentworth, " which 1 have
had a long desire to visit and have now the
opportunity and leave to do it."

III.

Interest in Trading Companies, in Coloniza
tion. His Death.
Calvert's interest in companies organized for
trade ancl in the planting of colonies had been
awakened very early in his official career. It is not
improbable that his attention had been drawn
to the subject by the active part taken in trading
companies by the Cecils, in whose employ he had
passed many years of service. His interest in these
companies was strengthened by the active part taken
in such enterprises by all the prominent men of
16

122
the times. In the reigns of Elizabeth and James
began that great exodus of adventurers and emi
grants from all parts of Europe, toAvards all points
of the compass, to seek fortunes and new homes in
the new found lands daily discovered and explored.
From the east and the west, from the north and
the south, came stories, reports and rumors of
countries peopled by strange tribes, living in
luxuriant idleness upon the bountiful productions
of nature, dwelling in abodes fitted up in barbaric
splendor and worshipping in temples filled with
thank-offerings of precious things. Then came
confused but glowing accounts of Avaters swarming
with myriads of fish, great and small, of immense
forests of trees and shrubbery valuable for medici
nal and domestic uses, of valleys filled with rare
spices and fruits, of thickets roamed over by large
and small animals most valuable for food ancl rai
ment, of mines and streams glittering with precious
metals and bright gems. Corroborative evidence
was found in the arrival of Spanish galleons from
America, filled with gold and jewels ; of Dutch
vessels from the East burdened with aromatic
plants and beautiful fabrics. The lethargy of
past times in England was suddenly rolled away
and all classes were roused to activity. The hope
of gain and the desire for adventure quickly
overcame the superstition and indifference of
former days. Companies Avere organized for trade,

123
for privateering, and for stimulating emigration.
Books Avere circulated, sermons preached, addresses
delivered, lauding some particular phase of the
new activity. Sailors and adventurers were hurry
ing away and emigrants Avere bidding daily fare-
vyells to the old island. The sea was scoured in all
directions, merchantmen were plundered, naval
duels were of frequent occurrence, piracy and
privateering were winked at, the buccaneer and the
freebooter plied their nefarious trade. The club
rooms ancl coffee houses of England were daily
engaged discussing the exploits of Hawkins, of
Drake, Frobisher, Raleigh, John Smith. Though
Da Gama had landed at Calicut in 1498, and in
the same year Cabot had touched at Labrador,
yet two generations were allowed to pass by before
the English people had fully realized the impor
tance of the great maritime discoveries. Not until
the reign of Elizabeth did the English become, the
rivals and successors of the French and the Span
iards in the acquisition of territory across the great
waters.1 It was not until the end of her reign that
the importance of the East as a centre of commer-
1 Referring to the beginnings of James's reign (1605), Ploetz says : " In
North America, a few scattered Spanish settlements in the south and one
French colony in the north were the only representatives of European
civilization. The next few years witnessed a mighty change. England,
which for all her voyages had not a foot of land in America, entered on a
course of settlement and conquest."— Ploetz : Epitome of Universal History,
p. 291.

124

cial operations dawned upon the English mer
chants, and King James was seated upon the Eng
lish throne before the English trading and colonizr
ing companies were fairly under way. In the very
flood tide of the new activity, Calvert, a young man
ambitious for fame and Avealth, had taken up his
residence, as an officer of the government, in the
great commercial city of London.
In the vear 1600 Avas established the greatest of
English commercial enterprises, the English East
India Company. It began at once to send out
vessels ancl adventurers to the Indies and China,
to erect trading posts, ancl to bring back the new
and valuable products of Asia. Other companies
were rapidly organized to colonize the unoccupied
territory of the New World, to bring back its
productions, and to make deeper explorations into
the great rivers ancl bays extending inland from
the Atlantic seaboard. The hope had long been
indulged that a Northwest passage would secure a
short and safe route to the Indies, and attempts
had been made to discover these hidden Avaters by
scouring the inlets of the ocean lying on both sides
of the great island of Newfoundland. It was pre
dicted by enthusiastic sea captains that as soon as
the Northwest passage was revealed, Newfoundland
itself Avould become a great naval station in the
route to India. Its advantageous commercial loca
tion together with the abundance of its fisheries,

125
had exaggerated the importance of the island, and
many of England's shrewdest statesmen began to
invest largely in NeAvfoundland trading companies.
For many years it was the only territory in Amer
ica whose possession had been contested by the
great nations of Europe. The French adventurers
had established fisheries there as early as the year
1506, but for an entire century, owing to the large
number of claimants, it had remained a veritable
no-man's land. The Spanish, Dutch, French and
English were represented in its Avaters by squad
rons of fishing vessels, but the ownership of its
shores had shifted from season to season, the tem
porary authority being lodged in the strongest
party. At the time Calvert began his maritime ven
tures, the English claims upon Newfoundland, if
not recognized, were not generally disputed. He
could therefore prosecute his adventures there
without undue fear of foreign interference. He
received a grant of a portion of the island some
time in the year 1620. Captain Whitbourne, Avrit
ing in 1622, had said, Calvert " hath already most
worthily sent thither in these last two years a
great number, with all means for their livelihood,
and they are building houses, clearing off land and
making salt." The plantation had been purchased
by him from Sir William Vaughan, a fellow stu
dent at Oxford. Although at this period engrossed

126
in duties at. Court, Calvert found time to keep well
informed of his economic investment in Newfound
land ancl to adopt the best means to guarantee the
prosperity of the colony. According to Streeter, in
May," 1622, John Hickson, an experienced salt-
maker, was sent to the settlement by Calvert and
also the Rev. Richard James, a clergyman of the
Established Church.
Captain Wynne, the governor of the colony, sent
numerous letters to Calvert, stating in detail the
growth and needs of the colony ; these letters
enable us to see the place as Calvert saw it previous
to his visit there in 1627. In a letter bearing the
date July 28, 1622, Captain Wynne writes : " It
may please your honour, that, as soone as I had
delivered my last letters of the 5th of September,
I immediately addressed myselfe onely to busi
nesse." " Notwithstanding our diligent labour and
extraordinary pains-taking, it was All-hallowtide
before our first range of buildings Avas fitted for an
habitable being. After Christmas Ave employed our
selves in the woods, especially in hard weather,
whence wee got home as many board-stocks as
afforded us two hundred boards and about two hun
dred timber trees besides. Wee got home as many
trees as served to palisado into the Plantation
about four acres of ground for the keeping off of
both man and beast, with post ancl rail seven foot
high, sharpened in the top, the trees being pitched

127
upright and fastened Avith spikes and nayles. Wee
got also together as much fireAvood as will serve us
yet these tAvo moneths. Wee also fitted much gar
den ground for seed. I mean barley, oates, pease
and beanes. For addition of building, Avee have
at this present a parlour of fourteen foot besides
the chimney ancl twelve foot broad, of convenient
height and a lodging chamber over it ; to each a
chimney of stone work, Avith stairs and a stair case;
besides a tenement of two rooms, or a story and a
half, Avhich serves for a store house, till we are
otherwise provided. The forge has been finished
these five Aveeks, the salt-worke is now almost
ready." Other letters followed giving fuller
accounts of the settlement and describing in attrac
tive terms the gardens, pasturage, the timber-land
and the fisheries.1 " The vines that came from
Plymouth doe prosper very well;" he asserts "any
thing that grows in England will grow well here."
The governor concludes one of his encouraging
letters with a request for more able-bodied emi
grants, those Avho are strong and healthy and can
endure the climate and Avho will promote the pros
perity of the settlement. He specially requests "six
masons, four carpenters, two or three good quarry-
men, a slater or two, a lime burner and lime, a
1 The first Act of the English Parliament relating to America regulated
the fisheries of Newfoundland. (2 Edw. VI, Anno 1518.) Ploetz: Epi
tome of Univ. Hist., p. 288.

128
good quantity of laths, a couple of strong maids,
that, besides other work, can brew ancl bake, also
wheels, hemp and flax, and a sufficient number of
West country labourers to fit the ground for the
plough ; " he wishes no more boys or girls sent
over, since they cannot well endure the hard work ;
more ammunition is required, also some ordnance
and a gunner to have charge of the gun in the fort
overlooking the harbor.
At the time Calvert was receiving from his
governor such favorable reports from his New
foundland plantation, a thrill of horror and in
dignation passed through Europe upon the recep
tion of the news detailing the bloody Indian
massacres in Virginia, The year 1622 was long
remembered by the settlers along the James, who
escaped the Indian butcheries. Sir George may
have well flattered himself upon his wisdom in
selecting Ferryland, instead of Jamestown, as tho
scene of his economic enterprises, but he could
not foresee that in less than a decade the planta
tion at Avalon, begun so auspiciously, would prove
a miserable failure, while the undertaking in Vir
ginia, though soAvn in blood and watered with
tears, Avould continue to increase in prosperity
until it had become the England of the New
World. In December, 1622, Calvert received a grant
of the entire island of Newfoundland. The State

129
Paper entry reads simply, "grant to Sir George
Calvert and his heirs of the whole country of
Newfoundland." This large territory was held
only a feAV months, for on March 30, 1623, a re-
grant was made "with alteration and addition of
some particular points, for better encouraging that
plantation." He recognized that a large territory
remote from the home country could not be well
governed unless more power was entrusted to the
governor, and acting upon the suggestion of Capt.
Wynne, he applied for and obtained the Charter
of Avalon, dated April, 1623. The Charter of
Avalon has been described as " one of the earliest
instruments prepared as the basis of social, civil
and religious organization of English colonists on
the North American Coast." It was received by
Calvert just forty years after Sir Humphrey Gil
bert had landed on the shores of Newfoundland
with the charter he had received from Queen
Elizabeth. Gilbert proclaimed his authority,
published his charter, and demanded of each
settler wood and water as a token of fealty and
allegiance, but his authority was only adminis
trative. It was revocable at the Queen's pleasure,
but by the terms of the Charter of Avalon, Cal
vert received royal jurisdiction, enjoying many
privileges belonging in England only to the royal
prerogative. In his limited territory he was made
as supreme in taxation, the making of laws, the
17

130
holding of courts, etc., as the Bishop of Durham,
the Earl of Chester, or even as the King of Eng
land. Holding his domain by feudal tenure, by
Knight's service, Calvert must recognize King
James as his over-lord, his suzerain. After an
analysis of previous charters and grants, Streeter
comes to the following conclusion : " I find the
patent of Avalon, to be, in the main, but a repe
tition of the provisions which had been previously
made in the charters granted to Gilbert, Raleigh,
Alexander and the several companies of adven
turers for Newfoundland, Virginia ancl Plymouth,
modified somewhat to conform to the position he
assumed as absolute Lord and Proprietary."
It is not known whether the name of "Avalon"
was first given to his province in Newfoundland
by Calvert himself. In his letters from the
island he usually dates them from " Ferryland."
As soon as he had secured the Charter he took
steps to make its attractiveness, as a colony
adapted to emigrants, known in various parts
of England. A request had been sent by the
members of the Privy Council, including Calvert,
to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York desir
ing them to use their influence in securing emi
grants for the Newfoundland settlements, including
Avalon. Their Graces willingly acceded to the
request and gave a flattering endorsement to Cap
tain Whitbourne's book on Newfoundland, in

131
which the worthy Captain, who had travelled in
many seas, gives a very graphic account of the
beauty, salubrity, fertility and general excellence
of the great island. The book was circulated
through England about the time Calvert had
received the re-grant and charter. Much of the
Captain's book can only be compared, in its lively
description, to the circulars and pamphlets of
modern land companies, but there was a basis for
his account in the wealth of the NeAvfoundland
fisheries. In March, 1621, a commission consist
ing of Calvert, the Earl of Arundel and the Duke
of Lennox, had submitted a report on Newfound
land in Avhich it Avas stated that at least 300 ships
were annually employed in the Newfoundland
trade, and that not less than 10,000 British sea
men were employed. The customs on imported
goods amounted to £10,000 annually.
In August, 1623, Calvert Avrote to Secretary
Conway a letter expressing his indebtedness to a
certain Captain Nutt, for " protecting the infant
plantation in Newfoundland." Calvert has been
much censured by Paxton Hood in his Life of Sir
John Eliot (?), and by others, for his zeal in procur
ing a pardon for Nutt, on the ground that he was
a pirate ancl that he was unworthy of Calvert's
friendly mediation ; whatever may have been his
past career Nutt had proven himself a good sub
ject by his energy in protecting English vessels

132
in foreign Avaters and especially upon the New
foundland banks, and Calvert was indebted to him
both personally ancl as an administrative officer of
the English goverment.
During the succeeding three or four years Cal
vert seems to have taken less interest in the
affairs of Newfoundland. He was extremely
anxious to visit his plantation, but was prevented
by his home duties. For some years he had been
a member of the New England Company, and
under the new patent issued in 1622, he became
one of its Councillors. This was a place of honor
ancl of importance and secured for him a large
range of vision over discoveries and settlements in
the New World. In the list of the eighteen Coun
cillors of the company Avere the names of Buck
ingham, Earl of Arundel, Earl of Carlisle, Mar
quis of Hamilton, Duke of Lennox, Earl of Salis
bury and others well known in Court circles. In
July, 1624, one month after the old Virginia
charter had been declared invalid, he was
appointed to the important position of one of the
quorum of the provisional council in England,
constituted to exercise temporary government in
Virginia until a new charter should be granted
the company. These positions as Councillor in the
two important English companies gave him a
direct share in the management of almost the
entire English settlements in America. It is not

133
known how long he retained these positions though
it is not improbable that his profession of the
Catholic religion in 1625, caused him to retire
from them when he resigned his secretaryship.
Calvert did not visit his plantation at Avalon
until the year 1627. In a letter, dated May 21,
after he had been recalled to England ancl had
been awaiting his commission to go on the em
bassy to Brussels, he informs Wentworth that he
had finally received the royal consent to cross the
ocean, and that he would soon have the pleasure
of carrying out his long deferred desire of visit
ing Newfoundland. He promises to remain but
a few months and to return not later than Michael
mas (middle of October). It is in this letter that
the ex-Secretary warns his old colleague of the
clanger of wilfully opposing the Court, advises
him to be cautious as he had strong enemies at
Court, and to secure himself from imprisonment
and disgrace by paying the forced loan levied by
Charles. Before many months the ambitious
Wentworth had become as thorough in his alle
giance to the King as he now was in opposition.
Calvert set sail for Avalon, June 7, 1627, accom
panied by members of his family ancl two semi
nary priests. In the same month and year,
Buckingham, "with a stately fleet of a hundred
sail," embarked from England to relieve the Pro
testants of Rochelle. The expeditions of the two

134
friends, Avhose lhes had run in parallel lines for
many years, were directed to opposite shores of
the ocean, and in each case ended in miserable
failure ; but the failure of Buckingham, at the
isle of Rhe, led to intense resentment in England
ancl to his ignominious death by an assassin ; the
failure of Calvert, in Newfoundland, was but the
preface to enduring success on the shores of the
Chesapeake. The little fleet of Calvert arrived at Ferryland,
Newfoundland, in the last week of July, 1627.
The party could have remained but two months
in the island, for it had returned to England in
November. The first voyage of Calvert to Ava
lon had been merely for the purpose of inspect
ing the plantation and not to select a permanent
residence there. In his letter to Wentworth, he
implies that he was going to put things in order,
to secure the enforcement of laws, to reduce the
expenses, and in general to endeavor by his per
sonal presence to so order the affairs of the com
munity that his expenditures during the previous
six or seven years would prove more remunera
tive. It was neither the voyage of a missionary
nor of an exile. Calvert spent the winter and
spring of 1627-8 in his home in England. It is
not improbable that his anxiety for the temporal
welfare of his colony added to the feverish state
of society in England may have finally induced

135
him to fix his permanent abode in the New World.
There Avere stirring political events in England
at this period. The failure of the expedition to
Rhe in November, 1627, and the assassination of
Buckingham by Felton soon afterwards profoundly
disturbed the political horizon. Eliot, the zealous
leader of the people, Avas daily increasing the
number of his excited followers, and Wentworth
was strengthening himself to defend the King and
his party ; and on the eve of the meeting of Par
liament/ summoned to assemble in the early part
of 1628, the air Avas filled Avith the party cries of
political and religious enthusiasts. Even in the
household of the King, the French and the Eng-
lish^ the Catholics and the Protestants were wran
gling upon questions of jurisdiction and precedence.
Cahert was not old in years, but he was weakened
by bodily infirmities and he felt a longing to pass
tho remainder of his days beyond the pale of the
troubles looming up in England. His days of
usefulness were over, and his country having re
pudiated his services, he concluded he might as
well spend the few years remaining to him in
Newfoundland as in Ireland or England.
In the spring of 1628, Calvert's fleet could be
seen the second time ploughing - the Atlantic, en
route for Avalon. The severity of the climate
ancl the ruggedness of the country could not deter
him. He had been a visitor to Newfoundland,

136
the previous year, during its most inviting season,
the summer ancl early autumn. The flowers
bloomed rapidly and the cereals gave fair pros
pects of an abundant harvest, the berries and
fruits of various kinds gave promise of a large
ingathering; but he had not penetrated beyond
the margin of the shore, into the interior of the
island and witnessed its desolation. Had his eyes
rested upon the great sand-heaps broken only by
huge boulders and rocky deposits, the steep hills
covered with a scant vegetation and stunted trees,
the long, narrow, treeless valleys leading into broad,
sandy plains, incapable of tillage, he would not
have been so eager to settle his family and friends
at Avalon. The vicissitudes of tho climate and
the variableness of the soil had deceived him as
it had deceived others. He arrived in Newfound
land, in his second voyage, in the early part of
the summer of 1628. Pie had brought with him
about two score persons, so that the entire colony
Avas increased to not less than one hundred souls.
Calvert's prospects during the first few weeks
of his residence upon the island seemed reason
ably fair. He had a well-built house to live in and
the peace of the colony was almost as good as he
could have desired, but he soon began to meet with
troubles from enemies from without. The French
cruisers and pirates began to attack his vessels
and even dared to seize his stores upon the land,

137
but he soon put a check upon their pillaging and
finally drove them from the coast. In fact, Cal
vert was more successful out in the open waters
than he was upon the mainland. He came to "sett
and to sow," but he found it necessary to clear the
waters of hostile craft before he could find peace
in his colony, and in his new role of sea captain
he was successful even beyond his expectations,
for not only did he scatter the pirates ancl priva
teers, but he recaptured from the French a score
of English vessels with their crews, and also suc
ceeded in capturing a number of French prizes.
With the aid of the Victory, a London war-ship,
he made war upon and captured six French fish
ing vessels lying in the harbor of Trespaxes.
These vessels were moored to Ferryland and
guarded by the guns of the fort and subsequently
Avere divided " man for man and ton for ton,"
between Cahert and the owners of the Victory.
Upon the arrival of the prizes in England, the
commander of the Victory objected to the pre
vious equal division of the spoils and proceeded
to appropriate more than his allotted share. This
unjust distribution was objected to by Calvert's
agents and the case went from one tribunal to
another and was finally brought before the Privy
Council for their adjudication. Their decision is
not recorded, but Calvert evidently did not reap the
spoils of victory. He appears to have had no letters
18

138
of marque and his actions Avere doubtless not in
strict accordance with maritime usage. One of the
vessels, hoAvever, the St. Claude, Avas loaned him
by the government and is quite frequently men
tioned in Calvert's correspondence.
The peace of mind of Calvert was ere long dis
turbed by some religious troubles which seemed
to have been stirred up by a certain Erasmus
Stourton, a Puritan, who was afterwards banished
the colony for his misdeeds ancl insubordination.
Upon the arrival of Stourton at Plymouth, Eng
land, in October, 1628, he laid charges against
Calvert of fomenting religious difficulties at the
settlement by the faveritism shown to the Catho
lic residents. As Stourton was a Puritan minis
ter, and as Calvert was far away, the impression
gained ground that the Protestant residents were
not fairly treated at Avalon ; but in whatever way
the story reached the ears of the King, he did not
think it a matter of much importance, for the
request of Calvert for the loan of the St. Claude
was readily granted.
It is not probable that the residence of Cahert
upon the inhospitable island, removed from all
the social amenities to Avhich he had been accus
tomed in England and which were not even inac
cessible in Ireland, Avas very congenial to his
refined and sensitive nature. It certainly was a
strange freak for a man occupying his station in

139
life and possessing his delicate health to banish
himself from the scenes of his early associations
and to prefer the troubled life at Avalon to the
comparatively secluded life at the manor of Bal
timore, or even at Kiplin. It is a plausible
theory that he was led to remain abroad in order
to found a religious asylum, but this theory is
not sustained by good evidence. It is not im
probable that he was urged forward in his eco
nomic enterprises by the persuasions of his sons,
particularly Cecilius, his heir, who Avas now an
energetic, ambitious young man of twenty-two or
three. Calvert took occasion to relieve the tedium
of colonial life by Avriting letters to friends in
England. One letter is particularly interesting,
Avritten on August 23, 1628, to Buckingham, thank
ing him for his services in securing him his pos
sessions at Avalon, " a wild part of the world,"
and relating his naval exploits. In a vein of
humor he recalls some of the pleasant reminis
cences of his old master, King James. But Buck
ingham did not receive the letter of the distant
Avriter. At the time when Cahert was writing
the letter, the hand of Felton was raised to strike
to the ground the great favorite. The news of the
awful death of Buckingham must have been very
depressing to Calvert in his isolation.
As the rigors of the cold weather commenced to
be felt, Calvert began to lose heart and recognized

140
that it Avould not be practicable for him to further
prosecute his undertaking in such a cold climate.
Although suffering Avith bodily infirmities, he
refused to desert the colonists in their extremity
ancl decided to brave the perils of the winter,
even at the risk of his own health and safety.
The Avinter of 1628-9 nearly crushed his spirit,
for then he felt for the first time the intense
severity of a Newfoundland winter, which from
all accounts seems to have been unusually
severe. The intense coldness, added "to the want
of proper food and shelter, caused at least one-
half of the one hundred colonists to be laid upon
beds of sickness. Even his own house was turned
into a hospital, and because of his OAvn illness, he
Avas unable to minister personally to the Avants of
others. Nine or ten succumbed to the weather
ancl disease, and perished. Spring had not daAvned
before he had determined to leave the cold, cheer
less land, and, as soon as practicable, to seek a
home in some better country. In his letter to the
King, August 19, 1629, he said he had met with
difficulties " no longer to be resisted." Both the
land and the sea, he stated, are frozen over the
greatest part of the Avinter season, lasting from
October to May ; he is forced, therefore, " to shift
to some warmer climate of the New World, where
the Avinters are shorter and less rigorous," and
to commit his affairs at the plantation " to fisher-

141
inen that are able to encounter storms ancl hard
weather." Though his "strength is much decayed," /
he is determined to " proceed in plantations," and
he therefore renews his request for a grant of land
in Virginia, " with such privileges as King .lames'
granted him in Newfoundland," that is, that his
privileges be secured by a charter, such as that of
Avalon. He had already received a promise from
the King that " he might have any part of that
country [Virginia] not already granted." Calvert
probably did not wait to receive an answer to his
letter, for he set sail from Avalon in the early
part of September, accompanied by his family
and attendants, amounting in all to about forty
persons. Those colonists who did not remain upon
the island, returned to England. Calvert's vessel,
sailed directly for Virginia arriving at the mouth
of the James in the early part of October, 1629.
In the year 1637, Cecilius Calvert, in a petition
to the King, to secure him his possessions at
AAralon, thus epitomizes the economic undertak
ing at Avalon : " His father, Sir Geo. Cahert,
late Lord Baltimore, having purchased a good
part of Newfoundland, obtained a grant from
King James, and sent over clivers colonies of the
King's subjects to plant ; where he built houses,
erected forts, and placed Governors as Capt. Winne,
Capt. Mason ancl Sir Art. Aston. His father
afterwards resided there with his family ; employed

142
his ships against the French, who then infested
the place, and chased them from the coast. Has
disbursed more than 20,0001. but was compelled
about 6 years past, through the severity of the
weather, to remove, leaving a governor with the
colony." In his memorial of 1660, Cecilius puts
the sum expended upon Avalon equal to 30,000 1.
>/ George Calvert was evidently well pleased Avith
the bright prospect that met his eyes in Virginia,
even on the verge of winter ; the large bay to
his right stretching northwards to an indefinite
extent, the great roads at the mouth of the rivers
upon whose unruffled surface entire fleets could
quietly anchor and the encircling shores covered
with primeval forests, ancl the glittering white
beach fringing the waters on all sides, gave hiin
enlarged ideas of the beauty of the New World.
The hospitable reception tendered him and his
own, decided him to cast anchor upon the James
ancl remain here until his plans were perfected,
ancl possibly make it his permanent residence.
At the time of Calvert's landing in Virginia about
three thousand settlers Avere located at James'
City ancl upon the neighboring plantations. Food
Avas plentiful, the soil Avas fertile. Well-kept
orchards and fine pasture lands offered a great
contrast to the. environments of his late home at
Avalon, and probably brought to his remem
brance the well-kept farms and manors of Mid-

143
dlesex ancl Yorkshire. The community seemed
to be orderly ancl well governed and ample pro
tection was secured against the Indians, who had
long since been repaid for their bloody deeds of
1622. The Virginians were doubtless well pleased
to receive among them such a Avarm friend of
King Charles, to whom the colonists were attached,
and one Avhose wealth and social standing Avould
greatly add to the dignity of the colony, but all
hopes of his permanent residence among them
Avere in vain, so long as Calvert remained a
Catholic. The Virginians could have omitted to
tender him the oaths required of all settlers, or
Calvert might have taken the oaths in view of
his ill-health and the large number of persons
entrusted to his care, but the one action would
have been as illegal as the other would have been
dishonorable. The difficulty could only be bridged
over by the King. In the middle of November,
Calvert was tendered the oaths of supremacy and
allegiance, since by this time he had probably
decided to remain, for a Avhile at least, a resident
at the settlement. The oath of allegiance he
could take without difficulty, but in taking the
oath of supremacy he must deny the spiritual
supremacy of the Pope, and this he was not pre
pared to do.
In the instructions to Governor Yeardley, of Vir
ginia, in 1624, he Avas directed " to administer the

144
oath of allegiance ancl supremacy to all such as
come there with intention to plant ancl reside;
which if any shall refuse, he is to be returned or
shipped from thence." These instructions had
been renewed to his successors, and Avere felt to
be incumbent upon Dr. John Potts, the acting
Governor, in the absence of. Governor Harvey.
Calvert, wishing to become a settler, agreed to
take a modified form of the oath of supremacy,
but this the council could not accept without
instructions from the King. Accordingly they
at once despatched a letter to Charles. In this
letter the council state that " about the beginning
of October last, there arrived in this colony the
Lord Baltimore from his plantation in Newfound
land, Avith an intention, as we are informed, rather
to plant himself to the southward than to settle
here ; although, since he has seemed well affected
to this place, and willing to make his residence
therein with his Avhole family, Ave Avere readily
inclined to render to his Lordship all those respects
which Avere due to the honor of his person, which
might testify Avell with how much gladness Ave
desire to receive and entertain him, as being of
that eminence and degree whose presence and
affection might give great advancement to the
plantation." The letter states that the oaths Avere
tendered him, and continues : " his Lordship of
fered to take the oath, a copy of which is included;

145
but, in true discharge of the trust imposed on us
by his Majesty, we could not imagine that so
much latitude was left for us to decline from the
prescribed form, so strictly exacted."
It is not definitely known how long Calvert
remained in Virginia. Pie could not become a
bone fide resident and a member of the community,
until a favorable answer was sent in reply to the
letter of the Virginia council ; according to
Streeter, he left Virginia at the beginning of
winter, arriving in England about the middle of
January, 1630. If, however, the rowdy Tindall,
who was pilloried in March, for insulting Calvert,
was punished immediately after his rude behavior,
Calvert must have remained until the middle of the
spring of 1630. During his temporary residence he
had ample time to ascertain the value for coloniza
tion of the unoccupied lands lying both to the
north and the south of the Virginia settlements;
but, notwithstanding the fair prospects of the land
lying on both sides of the Chesapeake, he was
more favorably inclined towards tho warm low
lands stretching southward from the James, ancl
now known as the Southside of Virginia. Had his
free choice met with no opposition, it is not im
probable that George Calvert would have become
the founder of the Carolinas.
After an eventful career in the New World,
lasting many months, after being driven by
19

146

nature's laAvs from Avalon, ancl by man's laws
from Jamestown, Calvert found himself once again
in England, in the summer of 1630. Notwith
standing his bitter experiences in America, the
infirm state of his health, the Avarm greetings
of his old friends, including Strafford, and the
solicitous consideration of King Charles, Calvert
persisted in preparing once more to cross the
ocean ancl to make for himself a home in the
American wilderness. King Charles was at a loss
to understand the actions of his father's old ser
vant and plainly told him that, " men of his con
dition and breeding are fitter for other employ
ments than the framing of new plantations," ancl
advised him to remain in England where he would
" enjoy such respect as his former services and
later endeavors justly deserve."
Calvert was in a dilemma. He had left Vir
ginia expecting soon to return, but he dare not
return in opposition to the King's will, and could
not without forfeiting his good favor. So sure
was he of returning that he had left behind him
Lady Baltimore (his second Avife) and members
of his family. He had remained with the Vir
ginians long enough to experience their generous
hospitality towards visitors, and he knew his
family, in his absence, Avould receive every kind
attention. Constrained to remain at home, he
immediately wrote to Secretary Dorchester, " pro-

147
cure me a letter from my lords of the Councell
to the Governor of Virginia in favour of my wife,
now there, that he would affoard her his best
assistance upon her returne into England." In
this letter he expressed his intention to remain
in his native country the balance of his days.
The St. Claude, the vessel loaned him by the
government to bring over his family, made its
way to America in safety, but on its return it
Avas wrecked on the shores of England, and much
valuable stuff was lost, though the passengers all
escaped in safety.
Calvert took up his residence in London (his
letters were dated from Lincoln's Inn Fields).
He continued to enjoy the " princely approba
tion " of Charles and doubtless could have received
some position of honor and emolument, since
Spain and England were on friendly relations,
but he found it impossible to forget the great
tracts of unoccupied territory in America and
urged his claims so well that he received from
the King a large grant of land extending south
ward from the James as far as the River Chowan I
(Roanoke) and reaching from the Atlantic west
wards to the mountains. This patent was signed
in February, 1632. The grant of this territory
was immediately opposed by members of the
old Virginia Company, including Clayborne, who
were influential at Court, ancl who had been

148
negotiating with Charles for a restitution of the
Virginia grant, Avith the corporate and territorial
rights formerly held by the Company. Calvert
decided to return the grant of Carolana, rather
than contest his rights with the strong Virginia
party, and to accept in lieu the territory lying to
the north of the James and south of the NeAV
England grants. He Avas successful in securing,
without opposition from the Virginia Company,
the grant of land now known as Maryland,1
though it is not improbable that the new grant
would have been stoutly contested by individuals,
had they known of its progress through the
Council, since many preferred to own allegiance
to a corporation or to the King rather than to a
subject. During the two years he spent in England on his
return and previous to his death, Calvert was
engaged in other matters besides projecting col
onics in the New W'orld. He had not quite forgot
ten his old political instincts and closely watched
the domestic and foreign policy of the government.
By education and association an adherent of the
Court party, he was a devoted admirer of the mis
guided Charles, even though he could not approve
1 As the charter confirming the grant of Maryland did not pass the great
seal of England until after the death of George Calvert, an analysis of its
provisions, as the basis of the constitutional history of Maryland, belongs
more appropriately to the biography of Cecilius, second Baron of Baltimore.

149
of all his doings. He felt impelled to enter the
political arena once again, ancl though not caring
and perhaps not able to sustain the burdens of
office, he raised his voice once more in favor of his
old foreign policy, by writing, in the spring of
1631, a tractate to King Oharies, embracing his
views upon the continental embroglio, now made
even more interesting by the arrival in Germany
of the famous Gustavus Adolphus (June, 1630).
Calvert took as a basis for his arguments certain
vigorous pamphlets that had caused «a considerable
flutter in political circles. These were " Tom Tell-
Troth or a Free Discourse touching the Manners
of the Times" (1622), "Lamentations of the
Kirke" (1624), ancl "The Practice of Princes"
(1630). All these tracts denounced in caustic
terms the foreign policy of James and Charles,
and as the first two had appeared when Calvert was
holding the office of Secretary, it is not improba
ble that some of the paragraphs were levelled at
him. He entitled his address to Charles, "The
Answer to Tom Tell-Troth, the Practice of Princes
and the Lamentations of the Kirke." The burden
of the address is a closer alliance with Spain and
a surrender of the King's position upon the claims
of the Palatinate.
The contents of the tract may be estimated in
part from the titles given the different chapters,
viz. :

150

" 1. Introductory.
" 2. That Ferdinand was lawfully elected King
of Bohemia.
" 3. That the crown of Bohemia is not only
elective. " 4. For the title of the .Palgrave.
"5. Of the Proscription of the Palgrave.
"6. Of King James his not taking Armes to
vindicate the honour of his Sonne proscribed.
" 7. Reasons why the Court Palatine is not to
be restored by Armes."
The conclusion * of the tract reads, "therefore
this is my humble supplication and suite to your
Majesty, that yourself would be pleased to peruse
ancl ponder these few lines and to bee persAvaded
that nothing moveth me to this scribbling pre
sumption, but my owne fidelity, and the love of
some of your servants here that pray for your
happiuesse. Protesting ancl taking God to witness
that I write by ho instruction of forreigners, nor
for no pension, nor obligation to any forreigne
Prince Avhatsoever, but this lianc animam concede
mild tunc cotter a sunto."
The tract was intended for private circulation,
and primarily for the edification of King Charles;
it was not published until tho year 1642, the year
of the battle of Edgehill and the beginning of the
Civil War in England. The' pamphlet is par
ticularly interesting for the views it contains upon

151
religious questions and the events of the great
struggle on the continent, known in history as the
Thirty- Years' War. The religious feeling and
political sentiments of Calvert are well illustrated
in its pages.
Within a year after his address to the King,
and soon after he had surrendered his patent of
Carolana, the spirit of the secretary and colonizer
had passed away. As the earth Avas beginning to
feel the genial warmth of the spring-tide sun,
and the buds were bursting their shells, Calvert felt
the coldness of death creeping over him and on
Sunday, April 15, 1632, in the midst of his large
family, he calmly passed away in death. He had
felt his end approaching, for on the previous day,
the 14th of April, he executed his will, bequeath
ing " all his estates in England, Ireland and else
where to his son Cecilius, Avhom he appointed his
executor ; at the same time desiring his noble and
ancient friends, the Lord Viscount Wentworth,
now Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Lord Cot
tington, now Secretary of State, to be overseers,
" whom he humbly requested to have a care of his
poor family and to patronize and to love it"
(Streeter). He left a small sum of money to be
divided among his relatives at Kiplin.
Within a few months after Calvert had died,
the great Gustavus Adolphus, the " Snow-King,"
perished on. the field of Liitzen, struggling, as an

152
intense Protestant against the machinations of that
Spain that had so bewitched the mind of the first
and greatest of the Baltimores.
Old St. Dunstan's, Fleet Street, London, in the
chancel of which the remains of dead statesmen
were interred, has long since perished by fire,
nothing remains of Calvert, save a portrait dis
covered in the homestead of his friend and co-
laborer, Lord Bacon;1 not a bust, a monument,
or a memorial tablet can be found on either side
of the Atlantic to commemorate the virtues and
wisdom of the founder of Maryland.
IV-
Revieav of his Career and Character.
Some years ago, an ardent admirer of George
Calvert, in an after-dinner speech, eulogizing his
character, said that frequently the name of a
patriot, like that of Calvert, though a long time
" overclouded by calumny or darkened by neglect,
blazes forth at once in the clear effulgence of true
glory. It receives the homage of genius, and the
gratitude of nations. It becomes the precept of
1 This portrait was painted by Mytens, court painter of James I. A very
fine copy of the original, made by Vinter of London, was presented to the
State of Maryland by the Hon. John W. Garrett. See Iialto. San, Jan. 31
and Feb. 1, 1882.

153
age, and the example of youth;" but since the
orator had remarked that " the minute facts and
dates" of Baltimore's career were not very fresh
in his memory, his fulsome praise is pardonable.
Calvert was neither a Loyola, a Newton, nor a
Washington, yet his career is not devoid of interest
and romance, and his life may be studied with
profit. He did not possess the qualities that con
stitute a great man, yet his character stands unim-
peached for the principles of moderation, prudence,
energy and thorough honesty. Considering the
suddenness of his political preferment, the obscu
rity of his birth, the utter corruption of his times,
ancl the intensity of party feelings, it is remarkable
that his course was so even and upright. Not a
line can be found in any memoir, history, or state
document that could^ be introduced as evidence
against his integrity. The literature of the day,
both of private and public sources, though abound
ing in flippant gossip and vindictive personalities,
does not contain a word reflecting upon his polit
ical morality. . Notwithstanding the almost unlim
ited influence of Buckingham, who, says Gardiner,
"had spoken hard things of Calvert," he reso
lutely refused. to sacrifice his principles of recti
tude to propitiate the wrath of the favorite, and,
though he knew Buckingham was striving to secure
the secretaryship for a personal friend, he refused
to make any advances to secure his cooperation
20

154
to maintain himself in office. In after years when
Cahert had resigned his office and retired into
private life, the impulsive favorite recognized his
personal worth ancl became attached to his interests.
In the many parliaments in Avhich he Avas a
representative, Calvert Avas a conspicuous figure,
both on account of his personal talents and his
prominent place in the King's Council. As an
orator, his talents Avere not of the first class. He
was not eloquent, yet his manner of speaking, his
tact and courtesy, Avere sufficiently impressive to
quiet and frequently to convince the most perti
nacious of the Puritan leaders. He had a most
difficult side to espouse, the side of King James,
yet he Avas frequently successful in obtaining a
favorable recognition of the King's demands for
subsidies, and an acquiescence in the King's
foreign policy. It argues greatly to his credit
as a skillful speaker that by his strong appeals
he was enabled to silence such men as Coke,
Selden, Pym and Philips ; but as James became
more arbitrary, and as Buckingham became more
influential in Parliament, Calvert sought refuge
in silence.
Calvert's position upon the Spanish Match did
not add to his popularity, arid has detracted much
from his reputation ; but throughout the entire
negotiations he was guided by fixed principles
and was ever consistent with himself. He did

155

not display a large amount of political foresight
in planting himself jn opposition to the Vox Populi,
but he was no friend to popular government as
then understood. Like many thoughtful men of
his time he vieAved with much distrust the rising
power of the masses, and felt that it would be
far preferable for the King to direct the people
than the people to control the King. He knew
the Spanish Match was not popular, but he did
not think the will of the people was the best
foundation for a government. Not only Germany
and France, but England itself was filled with
fanatical spirits, seeking what they might destroy,
and in many places these fanatics had become
rulers by popular acclamation. He himself could
remember when the streets of London were pro
foundly disturbed by the excesses of enthusiasts,
who, when brought to trial had boldly said, " they
were above the magistrates," and had declared
their purpose " to change the Avhole form of gov
ernment." He thought the Commons were pressing
towards the same goal, and felt it his duty to
check the advance. Cahert was living in a period
of constitutionalism, but he could not read the
signs of the times. Had he possessed less integrity
or less prudence he might have shared the fall of
Bacon or the fate that befell his comrade Strafford.
He did not err in wishing to have a strong central
government, but he made a mistake in not recog-

156
nizing the just claims of the people. He was a
strong Royalist, but he was actuated not by caprice
or selfishness, but by a strong feeling of conserva
tism, strengthened by a long career at the Court.
There were fields of legislation in Avhich the Com
mons could take a prominent part, but in the
general administration of government, the making
of treaties and of foreign alliances, the King Avas
entitled to exclusive authority ancl unquestionable
obedience. He Avas fully pursuadecl an alliance
with Spain would be of great advantage to Eng
land, it would not only connect her by a strong tie
with the most powerful nation of the period, but
it would give to England the enviable position of
umpire in disputed points of international polity.
The influence that Gondomar is said to have exer
cised over Calvert was political not personal. The
Spanish Match did not at first offer to the Secre
tary any special hope of pecuniary reward or
political preferment, though he clung to it finally
so tenaciously in order to save his official reputa
tion. He was not without precedents for his foreign
policy and his efforts were seconded by some of
the purest and wisest statesmen of the times.
Gardiner's passing remark is sustained by the
amplest evidence; he says: "I may take this
opportunity of stating that it is quite a mistake to
suppose that because Calvert afterwards became
a Roman Catholic, he was ready to betray English

157
interests into the hands of the Spaniards." He
was careful not only of the rights of the English
people, as he regarded them, but also of the claims
of those who looked to England for aid. Even
when the news from Madrid Avas most favorable
to the success of the Match and when an alliance
with Spain seemed inevitable (1623), Cahert did
not lose sight of the German subjects of Frederick,
James's son-in-law. As soon as he heard that the
Court of Spain was rejoicing over the selection,
by the Diet, of Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, a
rigid Catholic, to the Palatine electorate of Fred
erick, Cahert went immediately to the Spanish
Ambassadors in London and complained of the
indelicate action of the Spanish government in
celebrating an event that deprived Frederick of
his paternal principality. The Ambassadors made
excuses and said the action of the Spanish Court
was only a mere compliment. Calvert, however,
Avas not satisfied ; he intimated to the King that
" the time was come for a more decided policy in
Germany," and that it would be advisable to recon
sider the policy adopted towards Frederick. Pro
fessor Diman, in his " Lectures on the Thirty-
Years' War,"1 admitted that the election of Freder
ick to the throne of Bohemia Avas not strictly legal.
This Avas the view James had taken in his reply to
the petition of the Commons, (December 11, 1621,)
1 Delivered at Johns Hopkins University, in 1879.

158
ancl Calvert did not see any impropriety in Eng
land's joining in alliance Avith Spain because it
refused to recognize the claims of the rash Prince
Palatine to Boheriiia, or because it was a Roman
Catholic power. The story that Cahert was bribed
by Spanish gold to intrigue in the interest of
Spain is Avithout shadow of foundation ; the story
is put in Rapin's History by his editor. Bishop
Goodman, in his history of the Court of James
the First, mentions the rumor that Middlesex,
Bristol, ancl Calvert were interested in the success
of the Spanish Match from pecuniary motives,
but Goodman himself shows the utter falsity of
the whole story (Vol. I., p. 377). In fact, in those
days it was so usual for great offices of State to be
prized for their money value, that it was difficult
for the general body of the people to conceive of
a statesman who could resist the temptation to
sell his services to the highest bidder ; but even
under Buckingham's regime there were honest
statesmen in the English ministry ancl among
them was the Secretary of State.
Calvert's conversion to the Catholic religion was
thorough and honest, though the change of belief
had been gradual. At a crisis in his career he
made an open profession of his adherence to
papacy and accepted the consequences. Upon
his appointment to the Secretaryship in 1619,
he was regarded by all classes as a Protestant,

159
a member of the Church of England. If he Avas
secretly a member of, or an adherent to, the
Roman Church, he Avas guilty of deceit and
hypocrisy entirely inconsistent with his whole
career. He had his frailties, but hypocrisy Avas
entirely foreign to his character. In a letter of
March 11, 1611, to Sir Thomas Edwardes, Eng
lish Ambassador at Paris, Calvert describes the
reunion of the celebrated Theophilus Higgins to
the Church of England, as " a famous conversion
of a revolted minister of our Church," thus iden
tifying himself Avith the English Church, in a pri
vate letter written to a confidential friend. In
the reports of the Irish Commissions of 1613, the
practices of Irish Catholics were severely criticized,
and repressive measures were proposed to abolish
their iniquitous proceedings ; both of these reports
Avere signed and endorsed by Calvert. At the
time of his appointment to the Secretaryship,
James was particularly embittered against Cath
olics. Pic had dismissed Calvert's predecessor,
Lake, partly on religious grounds ; and in think
ing upon the duplicity of Lady Lake, he had
applied most offensive epithets to the Catholic
ladies of the Court, ancl he Avas much enraged at
the report that the " nuns of Louvain " ancl other
Catholics were praying for the deliverance of
Secretary Lake from his enemies. Under these
circumstances Calvert could not have hoped to

160

receive the Secretaryship if he had been a Roman
Catholic. As a member of the Parliaments of
1621 and 1625, Calvert must have been regarded
as a Protestant, for no professed Catholic could
sit in the Commons at that period. It is true
that within a few years after his appointment to
the Secretaryship, Calvert is called by some mem
bers of Parliament, "the Popish Secretary," but
this epithet was simply a party cry, fastened upon
him as one of the foremost leaders of the Spanish
party. He was probably charmed by, and irre
sistibly drawn towards the elegant and courteous
Spaniard, Gondomar, but after this ambassador
had permanently left England, Calvert was still
serving on anti-Catholic commissions, and was
one of the first of the Councillors to advise his
Majesty to render more effectual assistance to the
German Protestants.
He did not resign the Secretaryship because he
was a Catholic, but because, as a minister, he had
lost the confidence of the King by the tactics of
Buckingham and by the failure of the Spanish
Match. But before he did resign he had become
a Catholic, and his conversion gave him an addi
tional reason for resigning. Pie retired into pri
vate life, taking with him the best wishes of the
King for his personal welfare. But the fallen
minister did not become a religious propagandist
or a patron of religious refugees. He found con-

161
solation in the teachings of the Church, but he did
not seek to inculcate its doctrines on any beyond
his OAvn family. In the darkest hour of his career,
Avhen he landed in England after his disastrous
failure at Avalon and his banishment frorii Vir
ginia, and but a short time after the vessel bearing
his wife had been Avrecked and his personal wealth
lost in the ocean, and at a time when the Puritans
Avere growing in numbers and strength, Calvert
wrote to his old friend Wentworth a letter breath
ing a spirit of generous benevolence. In his
letter he says : " Thus your Lordship sees that we
papists want not charity towards you protestants,
whatsoever the less understanding part of the
world think of us," (August 12, 1630). In August,
1624, when Calvert Avas feeling depressed by the
ill success of his projects and by the burden and
cares of his ministerial and Parliamentary duties,
he had received a refreshing letter from Went
worth, concluding : " God bless you in all your
ways, and that they may all terminate in your
heart's desire." Many years afterwards, Went-
worth's own rugged spirit Avas crushed by the
death of his lovely Avife. Calvert sympathized
with his old colleague in his bereavement, and in
the spirit of his contemporary, George Herbert,
he Avrote to Wentworth : " I beseech his Almighty
Goodness to grant that your Lordship may, for
his sake, bear this great cross Avith meekness and
21

162
patience, whose only Son, our dear Lord and
Savior, bore a greater than you ; and to consider
that these humiliations, though they be very
bitter, yet are they soAereign medicines, minis
tered unto us by our Heavenly Physician, to cure
the sickness of our souls." This letter to Went
Avorth, Avritten in October, 1631, breathes the spirit
of a man Avho through tribulation had gained
patience and experience, and through experience
had obtained hope. "Wife, children, honor, Avealth,
friends," said the writer, all "pass away." In the
bosom of the Catholic Church, Calvert had sought
and found that peace that his soul longed for. To
him the altar, chalice, candlestick, etc., described
by Bishop Goodman, as kept in his best room,
Avere but symbols to express his religious belief
or to intensify his religious aspirations.
Calvert's special claims to recognition in Amer
ica are based upon his interest in the American
trading companies, and upon his personal en
deavors to colonize the New World. Whatever
diversity of opinions may exist regarding his
last undertaking in America, there is no evidence
that his first ventures were otherwise than entirely
economic and speculative. He buys a large tract
of territory in Newfoundland, sends over a num
ber of men, mechanics, salt-makers, fishermen,
etc., to erect a settlement, and is informed by his
governor that it is impolitic to send over any

163
save those Avho will do hard work; no boys or
girls are wanted, they are only an expense; the
fishing community bids fair to secure remunerative
returns to the undertaker. In the course of a few
years the sCope of operation widens, the governor
recognizes the need of better laws and of more
authority, he informs Calvert of his requirements
ancl soon the royal charter (1623) is obtained, a
rude form of government is instituted, commis
sioned officers are sent over Avith ample powers
to enforce order and to administer justice ; store
houses, granaries, dwellings, forts, are erected,
forests are levelled and the grounds palisaded to
secure the community from enemies without;
immigration is encouraged, agriculture is carried
on, a regular commerce is begun, and the fishing
hamlet develops into an orderly, thriving English
settlement, bearing a strong resemblance to some
of the little seaports of Cornwall or Devonshire.
Cahert finally is permitted by the King to visit
his colony across the ocean, and on his return the
idea becomes dominant in his mind that the set
tlement at Avalon might offer him and his large
family a more comfortable home than either the
valley of the Swale, the banks of the Slaney, or
the plains of Longford County. He migrates with
his family, prepares to make the New World his
permanent home, makes appropriate laws and
ordinances, secures better protection to life and

164
property, scatters the pirates in the neighboring
waters, ancl looks forward to ending his days here
in peace ancl plenty. But his well devised and
well executed plans find an invincible enemy in
the Avaves and the winds and the intense cold,
and he seeks refuge in a warmer climate. He
anchors in Virginia, near its capital, decides to
make this place his home, declares to the Council
his intention to abide in the country and to live
under its laws and protection. But there is an
obstacle in the way he had not foreseen. He forgot
that other men were not so tolerant upon religious
matters as himself, and is banished from the set
tlements by a religious law which many years
before he had endorsed, if he did not actually
formulate. Pie recognizes the legality of the posi
tion taken by the Council, returns to England
either to press the King for a suspension of the
objectionable oaths, or to urge his claims for a
new grant of territory, and while in England he
is informed by the King that his migratory dis
position is distasteful to him, and is advised to
remain in his native country ancl to take the rest
to which his eminent services entitle him. To a
staunch royalist as Calvert the will of the King-
is as obligatory as his command, and the famous
voyager decides to pass the remainder of his days
in England.
The actual designs of George Calvert in reneAv-
ing his claims to a grant of land in the NeAV

165
World after he is enjoined by his sovereign to
desist from planting colonies cannot be exactly
determined. His motives could have been best
understood by analysing the direction taken by a
settlement under his own management, but un
fortunately, before an opportunity was given him
to inaugurate his new movement he had passed
away in death ancl his large grant of territory
passed into the control of another, in truth, his
son, but one vyho was educated in a school of
religion and politics quite different from that of
his father. It is not improbable that religion
formed one element in his motives, but quite a
secondary one, and it cannot be demonstrated that
it was the guiding principle that led George Cal
vert to found the province of Maryland. Though
he was a Catholic, he was none the less an Eng
lishman, and as a broad-minded Englishman he
could not found a settlement to benefit a single
class or party. Plis example was a proof that
even in an age swayed by strong passions, a
Catholic could be as tolerant, as charitable as a
Protestant. In the very year that a law was
enacted in Massachusetts disfranchising the non-
church members (1631), Calvert was drawing up
his charter securing toleration and protection to
all creeds and parties. But when Calvert was
devising plans for the new colony, his co-religion
ists were not so persecuted as to be obliged to

166
leave their country. Queen Henrietta was her
self a member of the papal church and she found
ample opportunity to secure the redress of griev
ances. Charles, who recognized the Catholics as
sturdy supporters of the King's prerogative, had
warned the Commons "to leave priest and recu
sant to the discretion of the Crown," and while
the Charter of Maryland was awaiting the King's
signature, Bishop Laud was on the eve of receiv
ing the Canterbury Archbishopric, and his divi
sion of religious parties was not Papist and Pro
testant, but "Orthodox" and "Puritan." But
even granted that there was a strong persecution
of Catholics at this period, and that many were
fleeing in haste from England, this fact in itself
Avould not be a proof that Calvert was preparing
an asylum to receive them. It might be a strong
motive to a pious son of the Church to found such
a place of refuge, but it is not convincing evidence
that he vvould do so. It is true, some Catholics
and several priests did accompany the first pil
grims to Maryland, but it is not the less true
that Calvert's settlement at Avalon was composed
principally of Puritans, among them some Puritan
ministers, and the one fact is as conclusive as the
other; but it must also be remembered that the
first emigrants to Maryland were sent over, not
by Sir George, but ,by Cecilius Calvert, almost
hvo years after the death of his honored father.

167
The history of Maryland as a commonwealth
begins with the Charter, but as Calvert never
saw the Charter in its completed form, it cannot
be- determined exactly what course of government
he Avould have pursued. His motives in securing
the grant were not entirely religious, not entirely
pecuniary, probably a commingling of both ; but
interpreting his motives by his life, as seen in
its various phases, we are led to the conclusion
that, notwithstanding his virtues, his piety, his
papal adherence, he sought the grant of Mary
land more for an economic than for a religious
object. It may be true that Cecilius Calvert, in
his colonization plans, was actually " treading in
the steps of his father," but the mere fact that
the King so proclaimed it, does not make it his
torically true. It is not conclusive to trace in
the plans of the son the motives of the father.
In the life of George Calvert Ave witness the
career of a man raised suddenly from obscurity to a
seat Avith princes ; from a mere Council clerk to the
chief counsellor of the King ancl the pilot at the
helm, of state. This sudden possession of power
and exalted rank had whetted his ambition, had
dazzled his imagination, and probably had uncon
sciously perverted his sound judgment, but his
integrity remained unimpaired; his sense of jus
tice, his principles of rectitude remained unaltered ;
his hands remained clean and his conscience re-

168
mained unseared, at a period in English history
unexampled for its unbridled corruption and its
refined immorality. Though he gambled Avith
fortune, he did not become intoxicated with suc
cess, nor time-serving and servile Avhen he lost.
Pie staked his Avhole future preferment upon a
single movement, and was defeated. The failure
of the Spanish alliance terminated his career. In
his bitter disappointment, surrounded by foes
seeking his disgrace, and only retaining his place
by the uncertain affection of an unsympathetic,
extravagant King, he for awhile drifted hither and
thither, until he became finally anchored in the
spiritual haven, the Catholic Church.1 But in his
new sphere, he did not act like the pendulum,
swinging from extreme to extreme, but remained
moderate, courteous, charitable. He became no
spiritual propagandist, but sought only to educate
his children in that faith, which afforded him
peace and contentment. He was anxious to be'
released from the entanglements of the Court, and
sought a vent for his mental activity in making-
voyages of discovery and in planting colonies. As
a pioneer in this employment he met Avith failures,
but his failures became valuable lessons to his

1 There is no evidence that Calvert's conversion was due to any sinister
motive. The Church of Rome offered him, in his distress of mind, a surer
peace, than the deeply stirred Church of England, or the aggressive fold of
the Puritans.

169
immediate heir and to the generation that suc
ceeded him. He died probably thinking his whole
life was a long failure ; but a grateful posterity has
rescued his name from oblivion, and has placed
his monument in the niche allowed to the im
mortals. His motto, on his own coat-of-arms, well ex
presses the tenor of his life: "womanly words,
manly deeds " — fatti maschii, parole femine. In
all his correspondence there runs a broad vein of
kindliness, sympathy, energy and courage. Pos
sessing a strong will and a sound judgment, he
moved along quietly, doing his work thoroughly
and conscientiously. His ambition was lofty, but
it was legitimate ; it did not carry him into intem
perate zeal or into corrupt practices. Judging him
from the brief notice he has received from English
historians, he occupied, in their estimation, but an
unimportant place in the history of his times ; but
in America he will be long remembered for the
impetus he gave to discoveries, to trade, and to
the planting of colonies, and in Maryland his name
will be continually remembered in honor and devo
tion, not only as the founder of the State, but as
the first one to introduce in the New World a
palatinate form of government, and a palatinate so
wisely planned as to secure to each individual the
fullest toleration' in religion and the greatest free
dom in political and civil life; a palatinate so
22

170

constituted that the Catholic, the Protestant and
the Quaker might each quietly enjoy his religion,
and in the enjoyment of his religion be protected,
tolerated; and, as an Englishman, be allowed civil,
political, and social rights and privileges, without
distinction of party, class, or creed. In his lofty
ideal, the founder of Maryland contemplated neither
a great empire swayed by one political ruler, nor
a great hierarchy controlled by one spiritual head,
but a state founded upon the principles of justice,
equality and liberty, a state established and built
upon the basis of civil and common law, but guided
ancl controlled by those principles of ecclesiastical
polity that would meet the universal acceptance
of all its citizens.

APPENDIX

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED
IN PREPARING THE BIOGRAPHT OF
SIR GEORGE CALVERT,
BARON OF BALTIMORE.

Anderson: History of Commerce. Vol. II.
Anderson : History of the Colonial Church. Vol. I.
Anspach : History of Newfoundland.
Aspinwall : Papers, etc.
Baltimore: Answer to Tom Tell-Troth, etc. (Manuscript copy).
Bancroft : History of the United States. Vol. I.
Bozman : History of Maryland. Vol. I.
Brown : Civil Liberty.
Burke : Vicissitudes of Families.
Burke : Peerage of England, etc.
Calendar of English State Papers (Domestic).
Calendar of English State Papers (Ireland).
Calendar of English State Papers (Colonial).
Calendar of English State Papers (West Indies).
Calendar of English State Papers (Carew).
Camden : Annals of King James I.
Chappell: Voyage to Newfoundland.
Clarendon : Calendar of State Papers. Vol. I.
Doyle : English Colonies in America.
Dunlop : Memoirs of Spain. Vol. I.
Foley : Records of the English Province, Society of Jesus. Vol. III.
Freeman : English Towns and Districts.
Fuller : Worthies of England.
Gardiner : The Puritan Revolution. 171

172
Gardiner : England under Duke of Buckingham and Charles I.
Gardiner : Prince Charles and the Spanish Match.
Gardiner : History of England. Vol. II.
Gardiner : Narrative of the Spanish Marriage Treaty.
Gladstone : Rome and the Newest Fashions in Religion.
Goodman : Court and Times of King James I. Vol. I.
Green : History of the English People. Vol. III.
Hallam : Constitutional History of England.
Halliwell : Letters of the Kings of England. Vol. II.
Hansard ; Parliamentary History. Vol. I.
Hazard ; Historical Collections. Vol. I.
Hennings : Statutes of Virginia. Vol. I., 123.
Johnson : The Foundation of Maryland.
Kennedy : Life and Character of Sir George Calvert.
Lewis : Topographical Dictionary of England.
Liber Hibernia?. Vol. I. and II.
Lingard : History of England. Vol. VII.
Lodge : English Colonies in America.
Lodge : Illustrations of British History.
Macdiarmid : Lives of British Statesmen. Vol. III.
Mayer: Calvert and Penn.
Morris : The Lords Baltimore.
Neill : Founders of Maryland.
Neill : Terra Marise.
Neill : English Colonization in America.
New York Colonial Documents. Vol. III.
Nichols : Progresses, etc., of King James I.
Oldmixon : British Empire in America.
Osborne : Parliamentary History. Vol. V., VI.
Poore: Charters and Constitutions of tho United States.
Purchas : His Pilgrimes. Vol. IV.
Rapin : History of England.
Rushworth : Historical Collections. Vol. I., II.
Scharf: History of Maryland. Vol. I.
Sloane Manuscripts. (Copy at Md. Hist. Soc'y).
Sparks: American Biography. Vol. IX.
Strafford : Letters and Despatches. Vol. I.
Streeter : The First Lord Baltimore. (Manuscript).
Surtees : County Palatine of Durham. Vol. I.
Verplanck : Discoveries and Addresses.
Whitbourne : Westward Hoe I For Avalon. (Abridged reprint).
Whitelock : Memorials of English Affairs. Vol. I.
Wood : Athense Oxoniensis. Vol. II.

MARYLAND IN LIBERIA

A IIIHT0RY OF

The Colony planted by the Maryland State
Colonization Society under the auspices
of the State of Maryland, U. S. at
Cape Palmas on the South-West
Coast of Africa, 1833-1853

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society
March 9th, 1885
BY
JOHN H. B. LATROBE
President ok tiik Society
JJaJlimor*, 1885

MARYLAND IN LIBERIA.

c>

^unb-HPublicalion, KKo. 21.

MARYLAND IN LIBERIA

A HISTORY OF

The Colony planted by the Maryland State
Colonization Society under the auspices
of the State of Maryland, U. S. at
Cape Palmas on the South-West
Coast of Africa, 1 833-1 853

A Paper read before (he Maryland Historical Society
March 9th, 1S85
BY
JOHN H. B. LATEOBE
President op the Society

Jhillimoi'f, 1885

PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND.

Committee on Publication.
1884-5.
JOHN W. M. LEE,
BRADLEY T. JOHNSON,
HENEY STOCKBKIDGE.

Printed by John Murphy & Co.
Printers to the Maryland'Historical Society,
Baltimo re, 1885.

ERRATA.

Page 30, line 2,

substitute

"have" for "has."

" 31, '

8,

"

"desire" " "desires."

" 38, '

2,

"

" them " " " it."

" 40, '

19,

"

' Weah " " " Weak."

" 43, '

5,

"

"beach" " "plain."

" 46, ¦

15,

insert

" 1834" after " 29th December."

" 58, '

15,

substitute

' objectionable " for " objectional

69, lines 6 and 7, substitute " their "

1 its."

PREFACE.
When the Maryland State Colonization Society closed its
active operations in 1863, Dr. James Hall, who had been its
agent and business manager, and the editor of the Maryland
Colonization Journal, arranged carefully all the books and
papers of tlie Society and placed them in the custody of the
Maryland Historical Society. It has been from this collection
and from the personal knowledge of the writer that the following
history has been prepared. He has had, in addition, the memo
randa of Dr. Hall to aid him in the work. The material has not
by any means been exhausted, and the reports of the State
Society, which are in print, and the ten volumes of the Colon
ization Journal are well worthy of examination by those who are
interested in seeing how a nation may be built up from its earliest
infancy, and until it enters as an adult into the family of
nations.

MARYLAND IN LIBERIA.

IN Scharfs History of Maryland, Vol. 3, p. 320,
it is said, that " at December Session, 1831,
of the Legislature of Maryland, the State
embarked zealously in the work of African coloni
zation and made the munificent appropriation of
$10,000 for twenty-six years, for the transportation
and removal of emigrants to Africa ; and the
State Society was incorporated to accomplish the
ends it had in view."
The above, if not as accurate as it might be,
suffices to inform the general reader that Mary
land contributed largely toward African coloniza
tion. But the circumstances that induced the
appropriation, and the history of what ensued in
this connection until the fund was exhausted,
deserve a more ample notice. This, the writer
has again and again tried to persuade others to
prepare, indicating the materials to be found in
the Historical Society and placing his own pecu
liar knowledge on the subject at their disposal.
Nothing has been done, however; and so, the
writer, unwilling to leave the work undone, while
7

8
time yet remained to him, has undertaken, in
justice not only to the State, but to associates
nearly all of whom have long since passed away,
to write a narrative, his own connection with
whose events has hitherto made him prefer that
other hands should supply what has always
seemed to him to be an omission in the history of
Maryland. It is certainly a noticeable fact that a private
corporation of this State should have purchased
territory in Africa from native kings, with all
attributes of sovereignty, have planted there
a colony of emigrants from Maryland, carrying
with them a constitution, a bill of rights, and a
system of laws that placed them, from the moment
of landing, in the condition of a well-organized
community — a system, one of the fundamental
principles of which was total abstinence from the
use of, or traffic in ardent spirits — a system under
which they lived and throve, until at the end of,
twenty years of unbroken prosperity, there was
transferred to them, at their own request, the sove
reign power of the original owners of the soil,
and they became one of the family of Nations,
under a constitutional republican government;
and, although the then so-called " State of Mary
land in Liberia " afterwards united itself by treaty
to the Republic of Liberia, whore it is now known

9
as Maryland County, its origin and the history
of its comparatively brief independent existence
ought not to be absolutely forgotten.
In 1816, the American Colonization Society,
now in the seventieth year of its existence, sent
two of its agents to Africa to select a site for a
colony of free colored people from the United
States. They selected Sherbro Island, not far
from the British colony of Sierra Leone. The
Society's pecuniary means were limited, and it
might never have taken possession had not Mr.
Monroe construed the Act of Congress of 1819,
which required slaves imported after 1807 to be
kept, until removed, in custody, as justifying him
in employing the agency of the Society in remov
ing them to their native country. . The ship
Elizabeth was then chartered by the Government
and sailed, with emigrants furnished by the So
ciety, to Sherbro. This site proving unhealthy,
the emigrants were removed to another, which
was equally so ; whereupon the President dis
patched Captain Robert F. Stockton, in the armed
schooner Alligator, to the coast, on a voyage of
exploration, which resulted in the purchase of
Cape Mesurada from the natives. The deed was
made to Robert F. Stockton and Dr. Eli Ayres,
his companion on the voyage and an agent of the
Society, in trust for emigrants who might choose

10
to settle there. To this place the survivors of the
emigrants by the Elizabeth were removed, and the
seed was planted that has grown and branched
into the Republic of Liberia.
It was not long before news came that the colo
nists were "turbulent and insubordinate." ''There
was no civil government; what stood in the place
of one, was a pure despotism of an agent, resting
on no legal basis and possessing no physical force
to compel obedience." 1 In time this was remedied
and the reign of law and order was established.
It is mentioned to show the warning of which the
Maryland State Colonization Society availed itself
at a later date.
To carry on its work the American Colonization
Society depended upon the collections made by
auxiliaries. One of the most productive of these
was in Baltimore. The interest in the subject,
however, had spread throughout the State ; and on
the 6th of March, 1827, the Legislature directed
" the treasurer of the Western Shore to pay for
the use of the Society one thousand dollars, pro
vided he should be satisfied that the sum would
be expended for the benefit of the people of color
who had been actual residents of Maryland for
twelve months prior to their embarkation for
' See Memorial Volume of Am. Col. Society, pp. 81, 82.

11
Africa. A like sum was directed to be paid annu
ally to the Society on proof to the same effect.
Including the emigration of 1828, there had
been sent to Liberia from various States seven
hundred and fifty-seven emigrants ; and the pros
pects in this respect were so satisfactory that, at
the annual meeting in that year, the Society
adopted a resolution offered by Mr. Latrobe, a
delegate from Maryland, " that the Board of Man
agers be requested to ascertain in the course of
the ensuing year, if possible, the practicability of
obtaining territory for colonial settlements at Cape
Falmas and the island of Bulama, on the south
west coast of Africa." In support of this resolu
tion the advantages of Cape Palmas were des
cribed on information derived mainly from Dr.
Ayres, the companion of Captain Stockton, and
from inspection of the map of Africa.
In 1829, there was remitted to the Society in
Washington, between two and three thousand
dollars, the proceeds of a fair held in Baltimore.
This was a large sum in those days; but there
was a reaction in the feeling that produced it,
owing to the emigration from Maryland being so
very small that the parent Society was unable to
meet the condition on which the payment of the
Spate's subscription for that- year depended. At

12

any rate, all interest in colonization seemed to die
out for the time ; nor was it revived until Robert
S. Finley, the son of the founder of the American
Colonization Society, came to Baltimore in 1832
and undertook its advocacy with a rare and
peculiar eloquence that attracted crowds to hear
him. He infused a new spirit into the old friends
of the cause ; and at a meeting held by them
on the 22nd of February, 1832, the following
preamble and resolutions were adopted :
"Whereas this meeting is of opinion that the
plan of establishing a colony of free colored people
from the United States has been proved to be per
fectly practicable, through the zealous, unwaver
ing and philanthropic exertions of the American
Colonization Society ; and whereas, greater con
centration of effort and multiplication of resources
than have hitherto been obtained, are obviously
necessary to secure the ultimate accomplishment
of the great object in view, the removal of the
free people of color with their own consent to
Africa ; and whereas, it is deemed expedient to
endeavor to apply the means that may be raised
in Maryland to the removal of the free people of
color of Maryland ; and whereas, it is considered
that such well known application of these means
will ensure a great increase in their amount, ancl
thus materially advance the great aim of the

13
Society— therefore, resolved, that this meeting will
proceed to form itself into a State Colonization
Society, auxiliary to the American Colonization
Society at Washington, and that its efforts shall
be devoted under the auspices of that Society, to
the removal of the free people of color with their
own consent to Africa."
Messrs. J. H. B. Latrobe, Peter Hoffman and
Dr. Samuel Baker were then appointed a committee
to prepare a constitution, which was subsequently
adopted and which was the. foundation of the sys
tem of independent State action under which colo
nization was afterwards carried on in Maryland by
" The Maryland State Colonization Society," which
was the name given to the association.1
The first act of the Board of Managers on the
27th of March, 1831, was to resolve to despatch an
expedition to Liberia in the following June, and
the Secretary was directed to correspond with the
Parent Society to obtain such documents as would
entitle emigrants from Maryland, on their arrival

1 The officers of the Society were George Hoffman, First President,
Tliomas Ellicott, Second, and Nicholas Brice, Third President ; Alexander
Nesbit, Thomas E. Bond, Nathaniel Williams, Vice Presidents; John
Hoffman, Treasurer ; James Howard, Secretary ; Moses Sheppard, Peter
Hoffman, Gen'l Samuel McDonald, Alexander Fridge, Dr. Samuel Baker,
Peter Neff, Charles Howard, Solomon Etting, J. J. Harrod, John Gibson,
Edward J. Coale, and John H. B. Latrobe, Managers; Dr. Eli Ayres,
Agent; Solomon Etting, Moses Sheppard and Charles Howard, Executive
Committee. 3

14
in Africa, to participate in the rights and privi
leges of other colonists.
A long correspondence followed. It involved
the principle of independent State action, which
the. Parent Society deprecated as narrowing its
field for collecting money ancl emigrants. It
ended by the State Society's agreeing to reim
burse the parent board for whatever expenses
the emigrants from Maryland might cause in
Liberia, to be ascertained by the colonial agent.
It was with this understanding that the State
Society despatched the schooner Orion, with Dr.
James Hall on board as a passenger, with thirty-
one emigrants to Monrovia, on the 25th of Octo
ber, 1831, and the ship Lafayette, with one hun
dred and forty-four, in December, 1832.
It would not be fair, however, to attribute the
large emigration by the Lafayette to independent
State action. There can be little doubt that it
was owing, in great measure, to the so-called
"Southampton Massacres."
In August, 1831, sixty-five whites, men, women
and children, were massacred in cold blood by
negroes under Nat Turner, in Southampton
County, Virginia. Up to this time there had been
a growing feeling in favor of emancipation in
Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky. Now, there
was a strong reaction ; and stringent laws affecting

15
slavery and free negroes were enacted in these
States. Tho Maryland law bears date March 12,
1832, but is commonly spoken of as the law of
1831, having been passed at December session of
that year. Its close connection with our subject
requires a particular reference to some of its pro
visions. The first section provides for the appointment
of three commissioners, members of the Marvland
State Colonization Society, whose duty it is to
remove from the State the people of color now free,
or such as shall become so, to Liberia, or such
other place, without the State, as they may approve,
and the party to be removed may consent to go to,
and to provide for their establishment and sup
port as far as necessary.
The second section provides for the payment to
the commissioners of such sums as they shall from
time to time require, not exceeding in all the sum
of $20,000, during the present year (1832), to
be applied by them in their discretion for the
above purpose, with power to make preparations
in Liberia if they think best.
The third section requires the Registers of Wills
and County Clerks to furnish lists of manumitted
slaves to be removed. If the party refuses to go
to Liberia, the Sheriff is required to put him out
of the State.
The fourth section authorizes slaves to refuse
manumission. The fifth enables the Orphans'

16

Court to permit manumitted slaves to remain in
the State. The sixth authorizes manumitted slaves
to be hired out until their wages pay the expense
of their removal. The seventh requires the Treas
urer to borrow $20,000 to make the first year's
payment, and the eighth apportions the annual
payments among the several counties and the city
of Baltimore.1 The remaining sections of the Act
have no immediate bearing on the present topic.2
The harshness that prompted the above legisla
tion soon gave way to the kindly feeling that had
always influenced the people of Maryland towards
the cdlorcd population. In but a single instance
was the Sheriff called upon to remove a manu
mitted slave beyond the borders of the State.
Cotemporaneously with the passage of the Act
of 1831, the State Colonization Society, which had
previously existed as a voluntary association, was
incorporated by the Act of 1831, chapter 314.
The charter, the extent of whose powers in the
present connection it is important to note, espe
cially authorized the incorporators "to purchase,
'Although tho Act of 18JJ1 left the amount to be drawn by the commis
sioners, from the treasury annually, after tlie first your, to their discretion,
yet tlie second section which apportions the sum of $10,000 as the annual
contribution of the several counties and the city of Baltimore, was held
to limit the commissioners to that amount. See Act of 18f>2, ch. 202.
2 The law of 1831 was prepared by Henry Brawner, from Charles County,
one of the ablest members of the Legislature.

17
have and enjoy, to them and their successors, in
fee, or otherwise, any lands, tenements and here
ditaments by gift, grant, bargain and sale, devise,
or other act of any person or persons, body politic
or corporate whatsoever ... and to occupy, use
and enjoy, or sell, transfer or otherwise dispose of,
all such lands, tenements and hereditaments,
goods or chattels, in such manner as they shall
determine the best adapted and most conducive
to the object of colonizing, with their own consent,
in Africa the free people of color in Maryland,
and such slaves as may be manumitted for the
purpose, and which is declared to be the sole and
exclusive object of tlie said Society."
It was under this charter that the State Society
took it upon itself to acquire, by purchase, terri
tory in Africa and to exercise a power that had
the incidents of sovereignty.
The first use made by the Commissioners of
the State fund was to charter the shij) Lafayette
for Liberia, as already mentioned.
The accounts brought bv the Lafavette on her
return were so very unsatisfactory that the com
missioners determined to suspend further emigra
tion for the present; and the active promoters
of the cause in Baltimore became, for a season,
greatly discouraged. Colonization, however, Avas
not to be abandoned because of temporary mis-

18
management in Africa, or tho want of pecuniary
means in Washington ; and it came to be asked
whether Cape Palmas, which had been suggested
at Washington in 1828, might not, in this emer
gency, be found to be a site upon which, with
due preparation and with adequate pecuniary
means, a colony might be planted that would
be free from the difficulties that were hampering
the Society at Washington.
As far back as October 4th, 1832, Messrs, La
trobe, Judge Brice and Charles Carroll Harper
had been appointed a committee to consider and
report upon communications that had been re
ceived from different parties in regard to new
settlements in Africa ; and on the return of the
Lafayette, tlie committee, regarding a new settle
ment as the only alternative to a failure of the
colonization cause in Maryland, reported the fol
lowing resolution, which was adopted.
" That the Maryland State Colonization Society
will forthwith establish a settlement on the coast
of Africa, and will take immediate means to pro
cure, both within and without the State, the neces
sary pecuniary aid ; and that the committee hereto
fore appointed on the subject of new settlements be
directed to report to the board upon the position
and details, together with the probable cost of the
same, and that the commissioners of the State

19
fund be requested to lend their aid in such man
ner as they may deem proper in this behalf." i
. In the preamble to this resolution it was recited
among other things that "it was believed that a
settlement thus formed by a Society, whose avowed
object was the extirpation of slavery in Maryland,
by proper and gradual efforts addressed to the
understanding and experience of the people of the
State, would be viewed with peculiar interest by
those who advocated colonization on account of
its tendencies towards liberty."
On the 28th June, the committee reported that
"they had no hesitation in recommending Cape
Palmas or its vicinity, as the most suitable posi
tion for a new settlement to the leeward of Mon
rovia. Its advantages were great in a commercial
aspect, equally so in an agricultural one, and there
was no reason to believe that its health was not
equal to that of any other situation on the coast."
The report was accepted, and the following
resolutions, after a prolonged discussion of the
subject, and after amendment, were unanimously
adopted as the basis of the Society's action in the
premises.2
1 Records, Vol. I, p. 74.
2 With the views entertained, nowadays, of slavery, it perhaps seems
strange that there should have been any question as to the propriety of

20
"Whereas, the Society have resolved to establish
a settlement at some suitable point on the coast
of Africa, ancl to take measures to procure both
within ancl without the State the necessary pecu
niary aid ; ancl whereas Cape Palmas, or its
vicinity, has been recommended as affording ad
vantages for such a settlement, which justify steps
for its more particular exploration and purchase;
and whereas it is proper, before proceeding to
make the application for the aid contemplated,
that the principles upon which it is intended to
establish the settlement should be distinctly stated
for the information of those who may be willing
adopting the resolutions of the text. Bat, half a century ago, slavery was
regarded in . the States where it existed as an institution upon whose per
manence the wealth and prosperity of so many were dependent, that any
thing which, by possibility, might interfere with it, was looked upon with
jealousy and distrust. So fixed, indeed, did it seem to be, that even those
who deplored its existence, seeing no way to get rid of it, and never
dreaming of the civil war which closed with its destruction, were disposed
to consider it as a necessary evil, and to leave it with the future to be
dealt with. The Constitution of the American Colonization Society had
carefully avoided all reference to it, when it declared the object to be " the
removal of the free people of color, with their own consent, to Africa,"
and the Maryland law of 1831 found supporters in the belief that, by such
removal, the property in slaves would be enhanced in value or made more
secure. Tlie action of the State Society, therefore, which frankly declared
that the extirpation of slavery in Maryland was its ultimate object, was
far in advance of anything that had been done in this connection in the
slave-holding States, and the discussion of the resolutions was naturally
careful and deliberate. Not only was the principle involved to be con
sidered,' but the effect of the resolutions upon the public, and especially
their effect on the Legislature, upon which the Act of 1831 made the
Society practically dependent for the means of accomplishing its purposes.

21
to lend their assistance to the cause of coloniza
tion as advocated by this Society; therefore it is
resolved :
"First. That the Maryland State Colonization
Society look forward to the extirpation of slavery
in Maryland, by proper and gradual efforts ad
dressed to the understanding and experience of
the people of the State, as the peculiar object of
their labors.
"Second. That the Society believe that this can
best be accomplished, under existing circumstances,
by advocating and assisting the cause of coloni
zation. "Third. That the colonization of the free people
of color, of the United States, on the coast of
Africa, will not only promote their own temporal
freedom ancl happiness, but be the means of
spreading the light of civilization ancl the Gospel
in Africa.
"Fourth. And whereas it is desired that the set
tlement about to be made should, as far as prac
ticable, become a moral and temperate commu
nity, which is to be effected in a great degree by
the character of the emigrants who may leave
America for a new home in Africa ; and whereas
the sad experience of this country has shown the
demoralizing effect of the use of ardent spirits ;
be it resolved that no emigrant shall be permitted
to go from America to a settlement of this Society,
4

22
in Africa, who shall not first bind himself or her
self to abstain therefrom.
"Fifth. That the principle of abstaining from the
use of ardent spirits, except for medicinal pur
poses, be incorporated into the local government
of the settlements of this Society in Africa, so
that no person shall be capable of holding office
therein who shall not first pledge himself to ab
stain from the use of, or traffic in, ardent spirit,
with the above exception.
"Sixth. That this Society believe that in thus
uniting the two great causes of colonization and
temperance, the best interests of both will be pro
moted ; colonization will advance with a healthier
step to ultimate success, and temperance will find,
in a nation founded on its principles, an illustra
tion that must be forever conclusive as to its polit
ical benefits and an example all powerful in its
influences. "Seventh. That this Society, while they will en
courage at all times communication with their
settlements, so as to increase facilities for emigra
tion, will make their agricultural character and
improvement the peculiar object of their solici
tude." The adoption of the above platform was all the
more important at this time in view of the attitude
that the State had recently assumed in regard to
colonization.

23
When, in 1826, the Legislature directed $1,000
to be paid annually to the American Colonization
Society, the State occupied the position of any
other contributor; except as to the application of
the fund. WThen the State, in 1831, made its
appropriation of $10,000 annually, the expenditure
was not left to the Parent Society, but was confided
to commissioners, who might apply it at their dis
cretion, as they did, when they sent the Lafayette
to Monrovia, without interfering with the control
of the Society at Washington in Africa.
Under the Act of December Session of 1832,
passed on the 23d of March, 1833, after the return
of the Lafayette, and three months prior to the
passage of the foregoing resolutions, the State,
however, assumed a new attitude in regard to
colonization. After reciting the Act of 1826, the preamble of
the Act of 1832, ch. 314, continues :
"And whereas, by the restrictions of said Act,
the American Colonization Society have not drawn
upon the treasurer for several years past for the
appropriations made by the Act aforesaid, for the
purpose of carrying into execution the benevolent
designs of the State ; and whereas, the State
HAVING NOW EMBARKED IN THAT GREAT AND
important work, on its own resources, there
fore be it enacted, that the several sums appro-

24
i
priated as aforesaid, which have not already been
appropriated, be and the same are hereby appro
priated to the use of the State, as other monies
now in the treasury ; and be it enacted, that the
said Act is hereby repealed to all intents and
purposes." It is hardly necessary to say that the position
thus taken by Maryland strengthened materially
the confidence of the Board of Managers. They
had now a reasonable expectation that the aid of
the State, through the commissioners of the State
fund, could be obtained ; and it was only right, in
all fairness, before it was applied for, that the
principles upon which the Board were acting
should be as frankly stated, as they were in the
resolutions on the 28th of June.
On the same day, Messrs. Latrobe, Anderson
and Howard had been appointed a committee to
recommend a suitable person to proceed to Africa
to purchase a site for a settlement at Cape Palmas
or in its neighborhood, if practicable, under
instructions which the committee were to prepare
and submit to the Board.
As already said, among the passengers in the
Orion, in October, 1831, was Dr. James Hall, who,
on reaching Monrovia, was at once employed as a
physician by the American Colonization Society.
On his passage out, amongst other matters placed

25
in his hands for information concerning coloniza
tion and Liberia, was a copy of the African Reposi
tory, containing the speech already referred to,
suggesting Cape Palmas as a proper site for a new
settlement ; and having occasion to visit the lee
ward coast in the Margaret Mercer,1 for the pur
chase of rice for the emigrants, he took occasion to
visit the Cape and see for himself whether the
place justified the description. The result of his
examination was a letter to Dr. Ayres, the agent
of the Society when, the Orion sailed, which was
most satisfactory in regard to the healthiness and
agricultural facilities of the place. It came into
the hands of the committee after a new settle
ment had been determined upon ; and when on
the 6th of June, Dr. Hall himself made his
1 The Margaret Mercer was a vessel built in Baltimore at the cost of the
Pennsylvania State Colonization Society, and presented by it to the Parent
Society. It was called after a Maryland lady, the daughter of General
John Francis Mercer, of revolutionary fame. Among the friends of colo
nization she was the most devoted. Inheriting slaves when they were still
valuable in Maryland, she manumitted them, sent them to Liberia, and
during her life watched over their welfare. Intelligent, highly accom
plished and refined, she was beloved by all who knew her, and the calling
of the vessel referred to by her name was no more than a recognition of her
established reputation as an efficient and self-sacrificing friend of the cause
to which she devoted her time and contributed largely from her pecuniary
means. It was an odd coincidence, that it should have been in a Baltimore-built
vessel, called after a Maryland lady, that the voyage was made to which
was to be attributed more immediately the establishment of the colony of
Maryland in Liberia.

20
appearance in Baltimore on his way to Washing
ton, to meet the Directors of the American Coloni
zation Society, it may readily be understood with
what satisfaction he was received, especially when
he expressed his readiness to return to Africa at
once, if required, to take charge of the proposed
expedition. It was this ancl his subsequent inter
course with the members of the Board of Mana
gers that led the committee to recommend him as
the agent for the occasion ; although it was not
until the 9th of September that he was formally
appointed.1 When it was ascertained on the arrival of Dr.
ITall in Baltimore in June, that he would accept
1 In a letter addressed, more than fifty years afterwards, to the African
Repository for October, 1885, Dr. Hall, speaking of his appointment, says:
" This proposal the writer could not forbear accepting, although fully sen- •
sible of the responsibility of the undertaking and the many chances of
failure in tlie execution ofthe task to the satisfaction ofthe Society or even
tif himself. In the first place his heart was in the cause, not exactly of
colonization but of Liberia. By a residence of two years at Monrovia he
had imbibed a deep interest in the colony and formed most friendly rela
tions with many of its citizens, especially Russwurm, McGill, Roberts, Day
and many others. Without vanity or overestimate of his ability, he felt
that he could better execute the task than any other man they could or
would be likely to obtain ; and that from his peculiar fitness therefor. His
early training before and while acquiring his profession had made him
familiar with business; and in Africa he had acquired knowledge most
invaluable and important for the position. He had attended scarcely less
than one thousand cases of African fever. He was familiar with the African
trade, with the peculiarities and habits of the natives, well acquainted with
the colonists, and able to make good selections of suitable assistants, and
more than all, had visited the towns on the entire coastline to and including
the point proposed for settlement.

27
the leadership of the proposed undertaking, the
next thing to be done was to secure the requisite
pecuniary means for carrying it on. This was
afforded by the Commissioners of the State Fund,
who, on the 9th of July, sent the following reply to
a note addressed to them on tho 7th.
" Whereas, this Board have come to the conclu
sion, after a full and mature consideration, that it
will not be prudent or judicious to send any emi
grants to Monrovia this year owing to the circum
stances of the colony; and they have no assurance
that the colony will be, for some time to come, able
to receive as many emigrants as the Board have
reason to think will be prepared to leave the State
of Maryland.
"And whereas, the Maryland State Colonization
Society have it in contemplation to establish
another settlement on the coast which would afford
great facilities for the reception of emigrants from
Maryland, but find themselves unable to accom
plish that object without an advance of funds on
the part of this Board, therefore
" Resolved, that the Board will pay in advance
to the Managers of the Maryland State Coloniza
tion Society the sum of $30 for every emigrant
which that Society will undertake to transport
from Maryland to Africa during the present year,
and provide for their arrival in that country.
"Resolved, that the Board will loan to the
Society such further sum as will, together with

28
the payment contemplated by the foregoing reso
lution, amount to a sum not exceeding $8,000, the
said loan to be repaid by the Maryland State Colo
nization Society's transporting hereafter to Africa,
at their own expense, emigrants at such a rate as
the Board of State Managers may stipulate at the
time of their embarkation."
At the same meeting a committee was appointed
to address a letter on behalf of the Board to the
American Colonization Society, at Washington,
assuring it that in the steps contemplated by the
Maryland Society nothing was intended savoring
of rivalry or opposition to that Society's interest,
but was prompted by a desire to make colonization
successful in Maryland to the extent of entire
emancipation ; that if this could be done, not only
would another free State be added to the free
States of the Union, but an example all powerful
in its influence would be afforded of the value and
influence of colonization.
At the same time it was resolved that the name
of the new settlement should be "Maryland in
Liberia," that the device of the seal of the Society
should be a pyramid and palm trees, grouped
together as an emblem of Africa, with a cross
above, from which rays descend upon the emblem,
with the motto: "Ethiopia shall soon stretch
forth her hands unto God; " the whole surrounded
by the corporate title of the Society ; ancl it was

mruier resoiveci, mat me nag ot the Society's set
tlements should be the flag of the United States,
except that in place of the stars upon a blue field,
there should be a white cross of equilateral arms.
On the 9th of October a resolution passed by
the Board of Directors of the American Coloniza
tion Society was received, trusting that the con
templated settlement would prove to the country
at large the benefits of the colonization scheme
and contribute to the colonization and hap
piness of the African continent. The Board of
Directors further expressed their willingness to
receive the emigrants by the first expedition at
Monrovia or Bassa, until the Maryland Society
was prepared to make a settlement of its own.
On the 16th of October it was resolved to
appoint a general committee of nine to meet
daily, at twelve o'clock, to expedite and super
intend the expedition to Cape Palmas.1

'The committee were George Hoffman, Moses Sheppard, Solomon Etting,
William George Read, Peter Hoffman, J. II. B. Latrobe, Franklin Ander
son, Charles Howard, and Charles Carroll Harper. The most zealous and
practically useful member of this committee was the late Solomon Etting,
a retired merchant of the highest character, who gave to the Society the
•benefit of his great commercial knowledge and accuracy, aiding Dr. Hall
throughout with the active energy of a younger man, and laying the State
Society under obligations which cannot but be referred to when his name
is mentioned. 5

30
The "turbulence ancl insubordination" of the
first colonists has already been referred to, as well
as the comments of the Memorial Volume in that
connection. To obviate all excuse for like conduct
by the emigrants to Cape Palmas and their succes
sors, it was determined that they should carry
with them a constitutional form of government,
assented to in writing by each individual, to which
later arrivals in the territory would necessarily be
subject; and to this end Messrs. Read, Anderson
and Latrobe had, on the 2nd of October, 1833,
been appointed a committee to prepare " a consti
tution and form of government and digest of laws
for the settlements of Maryland in Africa, with
instructions to request the cooperation of David
M. Perine and Hugh Davy Evans."1
On tho 22nd of November, 1833, Mr. Latrobe,
from the committee, reported a draft of a consti
tution and bill of rights to a full meeting of the
Board of Managers, which unanimously adopted
them. The object of the State Society ancl the princi
ples upon which it acted are so well set forth in
the preamble to the constitution, that this part

1 Mr. Perine's engagements did not permit him to act on the committee ;
neither did Mr. Evans'; although, at a later date, Mr. Evans became a
member of the Board, and drew almost all the laws that the Society
enacted.

31
of the instrument properly forms a part of the
text.1 "The Maryland State Colonization Society of
Maryland, one of the United States of America,
to all persons to whom these presents shall come,
greeting: "Whereas, the Maryland State Colonization
Society desires to hasten as far as they can the
period when slavery shall cease to exist in Maryland,
and believing that this can best be done by advo
cating and assisting the cause of colonization as
the safest, truest and- best auxiliary of freedom
under existing circumstances, have determined to
establish a settlement, or settlements, of free col
ored people and emancipated slaves, at or near
Cape Palmas, on the west coast of Africa, to be
called Maryland in Liberia; and whereas, it is
not less the desire of the Society that the evil of
slavery should be removed from Maryland, than
1 "The meeting at which the Constitution was adopted, last Friday, was a
very interesting one. By the time the documents presented to the Board
of Managers were adopted, it was dusk, and two candles were brought into
the large grand jury room in which the Board had met. The Constitution
had been engrossed on a skin of parchment, with the seal of the Society
attached, and Mr. George Hoffman, the President, was the first person
called upon to sign it. He wrote his name in quite a John Hancock style,
and then said, 'May the blessing of Heaven rest upon the work that we
have now commenced.' The room, by this time, was quite dark, except
around the two dim candles, and the remark of the President was wholly
unexpected; but as soon as it was uttered there was a simultaneous Amen,
in which all present most fervently joined." — From a memorandum made the
same evening.

32
that the emigrants from the State should find their
happiness ancl prosperity promoted by their change
of home, and that through their instrumentality
the blessings of civilization and the Gospel should
be extended to a benighted land ; and whereas,
with these views it becomes the duty of the State
Society to afford to the settlements they may cause
to be established a system of equal laws, that shall
secure to every emigrant and (his descendants the
inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness — therefore be it known, that the
Maryland State Colonization Society do hereby
solemnly enact the following constitution as the
basis ancl foundation of government of any and
every settlement or colony which may be estab
lished as aforesaid under their auspices and con
trol in Africa, ratifying and confirming the same,
according to its tenor, to all emigrants to such set
tlements, and their descendants, so long as the
power of government shall continue to be exer
cised by the Maryland State Colonization Society."
The first article then declares that the State
Society may from time to time make and ordain
laws, rules, &c, not repugnant to the Constitution,
until they withdraw their agents ancl yield the
government wholly into the hands of the people of
the Territory.
The second article provides that any emigrant
of full age shall sign a declaration to support the

33
Constitution and an agreement to abstain from the
use of ardent spirits, except in case of sickness.
The third article declares that no person shall
hold any office who either uses or traffics in ardent
spirits. The fourth relates to the good faith to be kept
with the natives.
The fifth that no taxes shall be laid except for
the purpose of defense, internal improvement,
education ancl the support of the local goverment.
Duties and port charges for the same purposes to
be imposed from time to time at the discretion of
the Society.
The sixth that all elections shall be by ballot,
the qualifications to be fixed by the Society.
The seventh article includes the Bill of Rights,
and provides for religious toleration, trial by jury,
prohibits slavery, and may be described as contain
ing the provisions that are to be found in like
instruments in most of the States of the Union.
The eighth provides for amendments.
1 At the same meeting, Mr. Latrobe reported " An
Ordinance for the Temporary Government of the
Territory of Maryland in Liberia," consisting of
forty-five, articles compiled from various sources,
the idea being mainly suggested by Nathan Dane's
(so-called) ordinance for the Government of the
Northwest territory, ancl was intended to meet the

34
exigencies of a comparatively ignorant people begin
ning a political existence.1 It provided for the
division of the territory into townships ; enacted a
law of descents ; simplified the transfer of property
by deeds ancl wills ; provided for the proof of, and
the recording of such instruments ; made both real
and personal property assets in the hands of the
administration subject to the wife's dower; pro
vided for the appointment of guardians and the
division of the property of the deceased ; for the
appointment of the Society's agent who was to be
governor for two years, prescribing his duties; for
the appointment by him of a secretary, of justices
of the peace and constables ; for the election, by
the qualified voters, of a vice-agent, two counsel
lors, a register, a sheriff, a treasurer ancl a commit
tee on new emigrants ; for the election in each
township of three select men, and prescribing the
duties of all elective officers. The qualified voters
were to be all male colored people twenty-one
years of age, who had subscribed the oath to sup
port the constitution and held land in their own
right, or who, not holding land, paid a tax of at
1 The members of the board present when the Constitution was signed
were : George Hoffman, President ; John II. B. Latrobe, Corresponding
Secretary; John Hoffman, Treasurer; James Howard, Recording Secre
tary; Nicholas Brice, Nathaniel Williams, Alexander Nesbit, Vice-
Presidents, and Moses Sheppard, Peter Hoffman, Solomon Etting, Charles
Howard, Charles C. Harper, Sam'l Baker, John J. Harrod, E. G. Edring-
ton, Wm. George Read and Franklin Anderson.

35
least one dollar for the purposes of education and
the support of government. No person to be eligi
ble to office who did not know how to read and
write. The ordinance provided also for a Court of
monthly sessions, "to have jurisdiction in all civil
and criminal cases not committed to justices ofthe
peace," for the clerk and his duties, and for juries ;
no person to serve as juryman unless of the age of
twenty-five years, of good name and repute, and
knowing how to read and write. A storekeeper was
to be appointed by the agent, a surveyor, an
inspector of arms, a collector, a public auctioneer
and a librarian. Public schools were carefully
provided for, and a militia ; traffic in ardent spirit
was prohibited, as well as traffic generally with
the natives, without a license from the agent, except
for labor, food and clothing for the use of the
emigrant. Grants of land were to be made to
emigrants, and no person was permitted to hold
land in the colony who did not reside therein.
The pardoning power was given to the agent ; and
bed and bedding, wearing apparel, cooking utensils
and an axe and hoe were exempted from execu
tion. The ordinance concluded with providing for the
assumption by the emigrants of their own govern
ment ; up to which time all commissions, patents,
deeds of public lands, rules and regulations were

36
to be in the name of the Maryland State Coloniza
tion Society.
The letter of instructions to Dr. Hall was sub
mitted along with the constitution and the above
ordinance, Avas approved, and directed to be
recorded in full in the letter book of the Society.
Along Avith the instructions, a resolution Avas
adopted directing Dr. Hall, in making a purchase
of territory, to use every effort to prevent ardent
spirit forming a part of the consideration, even
though an increased expenditure of other articles
Avould be required in their stead. On this point
there was much discussion in the Board of Mana
gers, ancl it furnished the only question on which
a vote Avas taken by yeas and nays during the
many years of the Society's active operations.
There were members who refused to authorize any
departure from the constitutional provision in
regard to temperance; others again were unwilling
to put all that had been done at hazard, in the
face of Dr. Hall's assurance that no instance had
been known of a purchase of land from the natives
AVithout rum. The last prevailed and the resolu
tion was passed, leaving the matter to Dr. Hall's
discretion. 1
1 When the vote was taken, Messrs. Hoffman, Harper, Brice, Nesbit,
Williams, Howard, Edringlon and Latrobe, 8, voted in the affirmative;
and Messrs. Baker, Etting, Anderson and Sheppard, 4, in the negative.
Mr. Read wrote a letter saying that he would have voted, No.

37
At last, with every want that could be antici
pated supplied, the brig Ann, of 160 tons, W.
C. Langdon, Master, hauled into the stream to take
her powder on board, on the 27th of November,
1833, and the flag of Maryland in Liberia, the
nation that was yet to be, Avas for the first time
floated ; and on the 28th, Dr. Hall, with the Rev
erend John Hersey, Avho had been appointed assist
ant agent a few days before, and the Reverend J.
Leigh ton Wilson and S. R. Wynkoop, Mission
aries of the American Board of Foreign Missions,
went on board.1 It Avas a bleak November day
when the Ann weighed anchor, and in old times
the clouded skies and the misty rain, and tho fact
that the agent had to be carried from a sick bed to
his berth in the cabin would have been ominous of
failure. Deeply impressed with the grave responsi
bilities they had assumed, the foregoing narra
tive shows how, up to the sailing of the Ann,
¦The emigrants on the Ann were Joshua Stewart, 24 years old, his wife,
23 and an infant son; James Stewart, 19; Pamela Dellanott, Mrs. Stew
art's sister, 15 ; William Cassel, 25 ; his wife, 31 ; one son, 2 years ; Jacob
Gross, 45; his wife, 33, and five children, tho eldest 10 years; Nicholas
Thompson, 40; Eden Wilson, 29, and John Jones. Of these, Stewart was
a tailor and cooper ; Cassell, who returned to the United States after some
years in Africa, studied law in the office of Hugh Davy Evans, and went
back to Liberia as Chief Justice, a sadler ; Jacob Gross, a farmer, a most
excellent man in all respects ; Thompson was a farmer and brickmaker ;
Nelson, a rough carpenter, and Jones, a boatman. The adults all signed
the Constitution before embarking.
6

38

the Board of Managers had tried to discharge
it. Looking back over the half century that has
since gone by, it Avould seem to be but a little thing
that had been clone, even though the Board of
Managers had been made the agents practically of
the State of Maryland, by Avhat has been here
detailed. But it was not so considered at the
time, and the entire community here in Baltimore
looked with interest and anxiety for the news of
the arrival out of the Ann. She was a poor
sailer ; and her Aroyage would haAre been tedious
enough, had not a brisk north-Avester set in before
she had cleared the river, Avhich continued down
the bay and across the Atlantic, until the vessel
arrived off St. Ann's shoals, Avithin the coast influ
ences. Here she lay for days without other move
ment than a dead heavy roll in the swells of the
sea ; and until Dr. Hall's impatience to reach Cape
Palmas before the rains set in, led him to embark
in a lateen sail boat that he had provided for such
an emergency ; and in company with the Reverend
Mr. Wilson, a sailor and two of the emigrants,
leave the Ann, at what was virtually at anchor,
for his destined port. The little craft was soon
wafted out of sight of the brig and after midnight
the land breeze gave quite as much Avind as Avas
wanted ; and on the morning of the third day land
was made, and on the fifth Monrovia was reached

39
and the agent began to collect recruits. Public
meetings were held, and in a few days thirty volun
teers Avere enrolled ready for service. The Ann
appeared in due time, and on the sixth day from
Dr. Hall's arrival, sailed with all on board to Lee
ward, stopped at Bassa, where four more volun
teers were obtained, and on the 11th of February,
came to anchor in the roadstead of Cape Palmas,
seventy-five days from Baltimore. While at Mon
rovia Dr. Hall had secured the services of George
R. McGill and James M. Thompson. Mr. McGill
was from Baltimore, had had a large experience
during some years' residence in Africa, Avas an edu
cated man, and subsequently became assistant
agent at Cape Palmas. Mr. Thompson, Avho joined
Dr. Hall to act as secretary of the colony, Avas a
person of rare qualifications and was a most valu
able addition ; though, perhaps, Dr. Hall's most
valuable acquisition, for the moment, Avas a Cape
Palmas native, who happened to be at Monrovia
Avhen the Ann arrived, and who rendered great
assistance in the negotiation for the purchase of
the territory.
The news of another settlement had found its
way to Leeward, and the people of Cape Palmas
Avere not unprepared for the grand Palaver which
was held on the 12th.
As was anticipated, the item of rum Avas insisted
upon as a sine qua non by the natives, when, after

40
they had agreed to sell, the question of the con
sideration came up ; and, for a time, everything
was at sea. Dr. Hall was peremptory, hoAvever.
After enumerating the trade goods that he Avas
willing to give in exchange for the territory, he
said: "My master gave me these to buy a home
for these people. If you take Avhat I offer, good ;
if not, I go my Avay." Finally, he proposed to
give, as a substitute for many articles used in
English and German trafficking in Avhich he Avas
deficient, so many silver dollars, with the exact
ancl comparative Aralue of Avhich every trader on
the coast was familiar; ancl this being accepted
as the sun declined, the Palaver was "set," as the
natives termed it, and the morrow was fixed for
"making book," or executing the deeds; and on
the 14th of February, 1834, Parmah, King of Cape
Palmas; Baphro, King of Grand Cavally, and
Weak Bolio, King of Grahway, on the one part ;
and James Hall, agent for the Maryland State
Colonization Society, on the other ; in the presence
of George R. McGill and James M. Thompson,
completed the conveyance, by which the kings
respectively granted and sold to the Maryland
State Colonization Society the following tract of
land "of which Ave are at this time lawfully seized
by right of possession and descent, including all
the rivers, bays, creeks, anchorages, timber and
mines on the same, that is to say, [here folloAvs the

41
description,]1 reserving so much of said territory as
is now under cultivation by the inhabitants thereof,
or such as is occupied by us or our descendants as
towns or villages, with the right of passing and
repassing up and down all rivers and creeks and of
traversing all sections of the country not inhabited
by colonists of the said Society ; the said Society
to have and to hold the said land for its special
benefit and behoof forever ; and Ave do agree to
warrant and defend the same against all persons
whatever ; the said Society to have the power by
its factors or agents to exercise all authority in the
above-named territory, reserving to ourselves ancl
our descendants the right of governing and settling
all palavers among our oAvn people so long as wo
shall see fit to occupy any part of said territory ;
and Ave do hereby acknowledge ourselves as mem
bers of the Colony of Maryland in Liberia, so far
as to unite in common defence in case of Avar or
foreign aggression."
The deed then enumerated the trade goods form
ing the consideration ; and, on the part of the
Society, it was agreed that within one year from
date free schools should be established for the
benefit of the native children, one at Cape Palmas,
one at GrahAvay, and one at Grand Cavally.2
1 For the deed in full, see Appendix.
2 The performance of this stipulation was afterwards assumed by the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.

42
Cape Palmas, the easternmost of the territory
conveyed by the three kings, is a narroAV headland
or promontory, about seventy-five feet above the
level of the sea, once evidently an island, united to
the main by a sandy beach, or isthmus, from which
the ground ascends gradually to the interior.
Approached from the north- Avest, the outline of
the Cape is that of three gentle eminences ; that
nearest the sand beach being occupied in part by
the conical huts of King Freeman's chief village
Avhich overlooks the isthmus. On the Avindward
side of the promontory, it is washed by a river
navigable for several miles by boats, ancl within
the bar of which vessels of forty or fifty tons may
be anchored, or be fastened to the wharf, Avhich, at
a later day, was built by the colonists. Without
a mangrove swamp in the neighborhood, and with a
wide extent of arable land beyond the sand beach,
either already under cultivation or offering excel
lent agricultural facilities, nothing that had been
promised by Dr. Hall in his letter to Dr. Ayres
Avas Avanting. The only Avonder Avas that such a
site for a colony had been overlooked on the voyage
of exploration which in 1816 resulted in the selec
tion of Cape Mesarada.1
1 In a letter dated April 24th, 1834, Dr. Hall describes the purchase as
"resembling the lowlands of Hayti, on which were once the most extensive
sugar and coffee plantations in the world." On the 27th January, 1835,
the Rev. J. L. Wilson writes, " The location has been a very fortunate one,

43
The first question that offered itself after the
completion of the purchase, was the site of the
settlement. Two sites presented themselves; one
on the Cape, the other on the mainland beyond the
plain already mentioned. Each had its advan
tages. If the latter Avere chosen the emigrants
could, at once, have their farm lots located and
begin to cultivate them ; while on the Cape there
was no room for agricultural improvement, and
small toAvn lots only could be awarded to the new
comers. Dr. Hall, Avith great wisdom, chose the Cape. A
settlement on the mainland would be at the mercy
of tho natives, who might, at any time cut it off
from the landing place and starve it into submis
sion to any terms they might choose to exact, if
they had preferred its plunder to its destruction.
Upon the other hand, the settlement, if made, as it
wTas, upon the cape, would be comparatively inde-
both as to climate and a fertile soil," and Mrs. Wilson, describing the
Mission at Fairhope, .close by the Cape, says, " There are but few stations,
perhaps, where the beauty and majesty of nature arc more harmoniously
united. On the south, and very near our door, the sea rolls up its waves.
On the east we have a beautiful salt lake, extending as far as tlie eye can
reach leeward, but not more than an eighth of a mile in width. The north
presents a rich and verdant plain, through which winds a fresh water
stream, that we can trace with the eye a great distance from our piazza.
On the west we have at one view three native towns and the colonial
settlement." Mr. Burt, the supercargo of the Eliza, writes, August 26,
1835, " that the natural advantages are greater than those of any other point
on the coast. The anchorage and landing are decidedly the best I have
seen."

44
pendent. Access to the ocean Avould'be open ; and
the artillery— consisting of one six-pounder, on two
wheels, Avhich was a part of the outfit in the Ann —
if planted on the central eminence Avhich com
manded the rtative toAvn, Avould give Dr. Hall an
advantage which King Freeman fully appreciated
afterwards. Nor Avas it long before the Avisdom of
tho selection was made apparent.
On tho 16th of April, 1834, the emigrants had
recovered from the acclimating fever without loss,
and on the 2nd of June all the town lots but one
were cleared, fenced and planted. A large kitchen
and rice house, tAventy-four feet by sixteen, one and
a-half stories high, had been built of African mate
rials except flooring plank and doors. Also a
stockade fort and jail, and a natiA^e house seventy-
two feet by sixteen, for the reception of new emi
grants, and two others of half that length each.
The colonists had erected twelve framed houses,
and four were already shingled and occupied ; all
Avere to be completed Avithin a month; and two
stone buildings, one of them two stories in height,
Avere going up." In a word, things were already
assuming the appearance of a settlement of civi
lized men.
On the 20th of June, Dr. Hall issued a procla
mation setting apart the 4th of July, 1834, as a

45
day of public thanksgiving and prayer, concluding,
after an enumeration of the many reasons for
thankfulness, thus :
" Being thoroughly impressed with a deep sense
of favor so signally bestowed upon us by the great
Disposer of Events, I do hereby appoint Friday,
the fourth of July next, as a day of public thanks
giving and prayer, and I do request that all the
inhabitants of this colony will, on that day, cease
from any unnecessary labor; and that they will
assemble at our usual place of public worship
ancl there join in rendering fervent thanks to
Almighty God for His abundant mercies and
special favor bestowed upon us individually ancl as
a community ; that we repent of our numerous
offences according to his revealed law and the dic
tates of our OAvn consciences ; that Ave earnestly
supplicate a continuance of His guardian care and
providence, and that he may so endow us with His
Divine influence that our doings may be acceptable
to Him, beneficial to ourselves as individuals, and
alike honorable and profitable as members of this
infant republic.
"Done at Cape Palmas this 20th day of June,
1834. "James Hall, Governor."
As a consequence of the close connection now
existing between the State of Maryland and the
7

46
State Colonization Society, through the Commis
sioners of the State fund, the annual meetings ofthe
Society Avere generally held at Annapolis during
the sessions of the Legislature; and on the 23rd of
January, 1836, the Society met in the senate cham
ber, where resolutions were offered by Mr. J. D.
Maulsby, of Harford ; Colonel Emory, of Queen
Anne's, of the Senate; Colonel Chapman, President
of the Senate ; Colonel Ely, of Baltimore County,
ancl others, approving the course of the Board
of Managers, urging the formation of auxiliaries
throughout the State, ancl requesting the clergy to
take up collections for the benefit of the Society
on the 4th of July.
By the 29th of December, the colonists had
turned their attention to farming, and most of the
farm lots had been cleared and fenced, and things
generally had fallen into a regular routine.
Circumstances had, for some time, made the
agent the supreme authority, and it was fortunate
that this Avas in the hands of a practical business
man, Avho Avas also a very determined one.
After the sailing of the Ann for home, the
King of Cape Palmas, believing that the stock of
provisions was becoming short, prohibited Dr. Hall
from trading Avith any tribe but his own for rice;
replying to the governor's reference to the treaty
of purchase, that he, King Freeman, Avould do as

47
he pleased. Whereupon the governor told him,
"That unless the people of Rocktown Avere per
mitted to bring in provisions the colonists would
starve ; that they were as willing to die in one
way as in another ; and that if the king attempted
to stop by force any trade coming to the colony,
or intercepted trade goods that might be sent for
rice, Avar would begin, and would not end Avhile
one American Avas left alive on the Cape, or until
every native town in gun-shot of the fort had been
destroyed." Making preparation accordingly, Dr. Hall des
patched his boat, the following morning, as usual,
to Rocktown ; when the king sent word, " that it
Avas all a mistake ; and that he Avas sorry for the
trouble he had given! " This ended all difficulty in
regard to traffic; and Dr. Hall realized the practical
importance of having the native village and the
landing place under the fire of his artillery of a
single gun.
Nor was the above the only occasion that illus
trated the value of the very meagre battery that
Dr. Hall had at his command. The natives seemed
to be constitutionally thieves. " They would slip
their hands," says Dr. Hall, " through the Avatling
of the houses and strip the bed-clothes from the
sick." When he became strong enough, the gov
ernor insisted that the king should pay the value of
the stolen goods. Presently, however, a colonist

48
Avas detected with cassada stolen from a native's
field. Naturally enough, King Freeman wanted to
know Avhy the governor Avould not pay, in the same
way, for the thefts of his people. " I have a law
that punishes theft," explained Dr. Hall, " and you
have not, although it is in your power to make
one." Fully comprehending this, ancl learning that
the governor's law came from America, the king
determined to have a laAV from the same source ;
ancl when Dr. Hall returned to the United States,
Simleh Ballah, " the king's mouth," came Avith him
to procure it. In the meanwhile, hoAATever, the king
appointed tAvo native justices, and two constables to
detect and punish theft.
In clue time, Simleh Ballah appeared before the
Board, ancl said, " I'm Ballah, head man for King
Freeman, of Cape Palmas. Him send me dis coun
try. I come for peak his word. Pose him savee
book, I no come. He make book and send him ;
but 'cause he no savee make book, I come for look
country and peak him words." He then described
the condition of his people before the colonists
came, ancl the advantages of the settlement to the
natives, ending by saying that the king told him
to beg that more men be sent " for make home,
make farm, for bring money, and for make all little
childs savee read book all same America man. I
clone."

49
Simleh Ballah was a stalwart, very black man, of
a good presence, Avith the inner corners of his two
upper teeth filed away and having a blue line tat
tooed from the root of his hair along his nose doAvn
to his chin. Pie was as cool and collected before
the Board as though he were holding a palaver at
home. A brief and simple code was prepared for
King Freeman, which will be found in the ap
pendix.1 The influence of the colony and the gov
ernor Avas illustrated on another occasion in
connection Avith a • trial by the Sassa avoocI
ordeal.
¦Simleh Ballah was a fine specimen of his people. While in Baltimore,
his residence was in the Secretary's house ; and during the preparation of
the code, its articles were discussed in the evenings, when the messenger
was invited to the parlor and held a palaver, nothing being accepted with
out his fully understanding and assenting to it. When the article, was
read declaring that no man should have more than one wife at a time, Sim
leh Ballah objected, saying that he had six, that if restricted to one he
would take the youngest, when, as no one would take the others, they must
starve ; whereupon postponing the consideration of the particular article,
the next was taken up. On the following evening, for many evenings were
consumed in the discussions, Simleh Ballah began the palaver, by saying
he had "looked his head" (reflected,) during the night, and was quite
ready to adopt the article, in a qualified way ; " that be good law," he said,
"for his pickaninny, but not for him. He would say to his pickaninny
'you want wife, look good you no hab two wife : ' good law for pickaninny,
bad law for Simleh Ballah.-' The idea of ex post facto legislation was thor
oughly understood by the " King's mouth." On another occasion, during
a palaver, Simleh Ballah asked, "Massa Tobe," as he called the Secretary,
"God man [missionary] say, all bad men he bum, you tink so? " "The
good book says so, Simleh," was the reply. At this time two sons of the

50
All sudden deaths of the middle-aged and active
Avere often attributed to Avitchcraft, when, to prove
the innocence of the person charged by the Gree-gree
man, he Avas obliged to drink large quantities of a
decoction of the bark of a poisonous tree called
Sassa avoocI. If he survived, he was deemed inno
cent. One of the head men, who had uniformly
befriended the colony, was charged with bewitching
the family of a rival, and condemned to the ordeal.
On hearing this, Dr. Hall called a palaver (a nego
tiation Avith the king and head men) ancl endeavored'
to have the man released : but altogether in vain.
On returning home, he was informed that if a supe
rior in rank Avere to take the accused by the hand
Secretary were in the room. Looking at them, Simleh Ballah said, " Massa
Tube, Pose your pickaninny he be bad? you burn your pickaninny, all men
he be Cod pickaninny, Cod no burn his pickaninny." Whereupon, the dis
cussion of the code was resumed, and the theological question, which is
only referred to as an indication of the character of the man's mind, was
not continued.
The following is the letter from King Freeman, of which the Reverend
J. Leighton Wilson, who acted as amanuensis for the king, says, that it is
in the words used by him "as nearly literal as it is possible for me to
write them."
" King Freeman to the Gentlemen of the Colonization Board of Balti
more, Nahaveo, [greeting] :
" Mr. Wilson he be hand for me, and Simleh Ballah be mout for me
for make (lis book; but de word come from my own heart. He be true.
1 send Simleh Ballah for look you ; he oye bo all same as me eye, and dat
word he peak be all same he come out me own mout.' You do Balla good
when he lib to your hand, dat be all same you do good for King Freeman.
I tank you for dat. Ballah tell me you hah line country. I believe what
he say, cause he no fit for tell lie. I tank you berry much for dem cash
you send me. I like um plenty, and go keep um all de time. But I tank

51
when the potion Avas about to be administered, he
could clear him ; but Avould assume the responsi
bility and be liable to supply his place or pay a
heavy fine. On hearing this, Dr. Hall, cripple as
he Avas at the time, set off for the sand beach just
as the wives and children of the victim were bcino-
driven off after their last farewell. About five
hundred people were collected in a hollow square,
in the middle of Avhich the Gree-gree man, in full
panoply, Avas just raising a two gallon pot, filled
to the brim Avith the decoction, to the lips of the
accused. Breaking through the square, Dr. Hall
took the man by the hand, saying as he did so,
that he Avould satisfy any one avIio had cause of
you berry much for dem law you send me. He be good law, and all my
people go do him. Pose hab dem law first time, I no go do fool fash all
time. Dis time I go make all my people do dat ting what you law tell me.
I tank you plenty, gentlemen, for dem good law. I tell all men go hear
Misser Wilson talk God palaver, and yisserday so much man go till
plenty hab for to stand outside de house.
"Soon Ballah go for Merica first time me go long way bush and tell all
man say he must make fine road and bring plenty trade for Cape Palmas.
Me heart tink say he guin do him soon.
" Me hear say you hab plenty slave in your country, me hab one word
for peak dem. You must come me country den you be free man for true.
Dis country be big and plenty room lib here. Pose you come, I peak true,
me heart be glad plenty for look you.
" Pose any gentleman want come, me want him for come too. Me heart
be glad for see dem too much.
"Me word be done now. I tank you berry much for you dash and you
law. I go lub you till me dead. Me send you one county chair for you
look at. Me go put pickaninny country word for you see.
" A good child loves her father, he loves his mother.
" King Fkeeman, alias Pa Nemmaii."

52
complaint, and be responsible for all they could
prove against his friend, and " marched him off,"
to use Dr. Hall's Avords, " amid the mingled shouts
ancl execrations of friends and persecutors."
On the 24th of December, 1834, General B. C.
HoAvard Avas elected President of the Society, on
tho death of Mr. George Hoffman.
On the 30th of December it Avas resolved that
the town ancl township at Cape Palmas shall be
called " Harper," in honor of the late Robert
Goodloe Harper, Avho was among the first that
advocated the cause of colonization in Maryland,
and avIio devoted to its illustration ancl support
the full force of his strong and comprehensive
intellect. By the 10th of January, 1835, the Board of
Managers were in possession of the first map of
their colony, sufficiently in detail to permit names
to be affixed ; and, not unnaturally, the members of
the Board Avere commemorated so far as the mate
rial Avent.
Before long, it was deemed necessary to provide
for taking care of the movable property of the
Society, and for the protection of their commercial
interests, Avhich was clone by a supplement to the

53
ordinance for the temporary government, passed
on the 24th of February, 1835.
The Board had already been advised that ill-
health Avould compel Dr. Hall to resign his com
mission as governor ; and believing that the colony
Avas so firmly established as to permit him to leave
its affairs in other hands, he applied for leave to
return to the United States. This Avas granted, of
course, but with great reluctance and regret.
Looking to the circumstances of his appoint
ment; to his presence opposite Cape Palmas,
with the accidental possession of the volume con
taining the description of it, Avhich he Avas thus
prepared to verify ; to his letter to Dr. Ayres,
Avhich reached the Board of Managers when they
Avere hesitating in regard to the site of a new set
tlement ; to his arrival in Baltimore on a Avholly
distinct errand when there was difficulty in the
choice of the leader of the expedition Avhich his
letter had so largely contributed to promote ; to
his most remarkable fitness for the work, ancl to
his Avillingness to return on the instant to Africa
to undertake it ; the Board of Managers felt that
in parting with Dr. Hall they lost one Avho had
entered into their service in a manner that might
be well regarded as providential.
Uncertain, for the moment, as to their , future
course touching Dr. Hall's successor, the Board

54
accepted the offer of Mr. Oliver Holmes, Jr., of
Baltimore, as special agent, to proceed to Africa
and receive from Dr. Hall the property of the
Society, and to. act as temporary governor. This
he did on the 4th of February, 1836.
The temporary character of Mr. Holmes' appoint
ment, hoAvever, made it necessary to provide for
a successor to Dr. PI all, as agent and goArernor.
Hitherto Avhite men only had had charge of colo
nies from the United States in Africa. The Board
wore satisfied that the time had now come to place
a colored man in charge; which Avould relieve the
colonists from the imputation of being still slaves
in Liberia, under a white overseer, and at the same
time vindicate the belief of the Board in the com
petency of the emigrants to exercise Avith credit
the functions of government. After mature delib
eration they selected Mr. John B. Russwurm, of
Monrovia, as GoA^ernor of Maryland in Liberia ;
nor had they ever any occasion to regret their
choice. His salary was fixed at 11,000, ancl $500
Avas added for the maintenance and support of his
household and estate as go\rernor.
It had not been long after Dr. Hall's arrival
at Cape Palmas, in 1834, before he pressed upon
the Board of Managers the importance of a coin
for the colony, suggesting something like the Hay-

55
tien coin, so much beloAv the standard Spanish
dollar that it Avould not be exported. "At present,"
he said, " every colonist, in order to purchase pro
visions or pay a native for Avork, is necessitated to
have on hand a full assortment of merchandise."
There were many difficulties in regard to a coin,
hoAvever, and nothing Avas clone at the time ; but
it occurred to the Board of Managers that as tobacco
had been made a currency in Maryland ; cotton,
for the production of Avhich the soil was Avell
adapted, might be made the currency, for the time
being, of Maryland in Liberia ; and, accordingly,
the Board passed an ordinance " to promote the
groAvth of cotton in the colony of Maryland in
Liberia; to afford a circulating medium for the
same, and to provide for the general Avelfare
thereof." The ordinance provided for an inspector
of cotton, made clean cotton a legal tender, at ten
cents a pound, and provided in detail the machin
ery required to give the ordinance effect.1
The Board of Managers had more than once
requested the government to order vessels of the
United States, on the African station, to visit Cape
Palmas instead of being confined to Monrovia; ancl
in December, 1836, the Potomac cast anchor in the
1 This ordinance never went into effect. By the time a sufficient quan
tity of cotton had been raised in the colony, another plan was adopted that
obviated its necessity.

56
harbor, adding greatly to the prestige of the colony
Avith the natives, who had been altogether incredu
lous as to the Americans ever having any large
vessels of Avar.
' Captain Nicolson's report was most favorable,
"Already," he says, " Avith a population of only
one hundred and ninety-one colonists, they have in
cultivation forty-seven farms, laid out on each side
of the Maryland Avenue, beyond Latrobe, chiefly
of five acres, and a farm of fifty acres, intended as
a model. They have a good road of four or five
miles in different directions. Mr. Wilson, at the
missionary establishment in Latrobe, has under his
tuition about one hundred of the native children
ancl a few adults.1
In 1837, Mr. John H. B. Latrobe Avas elected
President of the Society, an office that he held
until elected President of the American Coloniza
tion Society in 1853.
On the 29th of September, the Board passed an
ordinance for the redress of injuries in the colony
of Maryland in Liberia. This ordinance, Avhich
occupies 105 pages of the Book of Laws, printed
1 Before Captain Nicolson left Cape Palmas he sent to the Governor a
six-pounder grenade with the carriage complete, one barrel common pow
der, 400 musket ball cartridges, eighteen stand of grape for six-pounders,
and other most acceptable ammunition and implements.

57
by the Board of Managers, Avas prepared with
great care and after much consideration by Mr.
Hugh Davy Evans, as Avell as one for the better
administration of justice, and another for the
better regulation of property in the colony of
Maryland in Liberia. All demonstrated the legal
knowledge and great practical skill of the
author. The preparation of these ordinances Avas
a labor of love with Mr. Evans, to Avhich he
devoted his whole time ; nor can this occasion be
permitted to pass Avithout paying a tribute to one
of the best, the most honest and the purest mem
bers of the Baltimore bar.1
During the agency of Mr. Russwurm, the Avant
of a circulating medium Avas not less felt than Dr.
Hall had found it, and on the 10th of October,
1837, the Board of Managers resolved that for the
purpose of creating a circulating medium for the
colony, and in view of the disadvantages to Avhich
the colonists are subjected for Avant of one, and it
being thought that for the present a metallic one
could not be kept in the Colony, there shall be
prepared notes of the Society to the amount of

,When Maryland in Liberia, was absorbed in Liberia proper, it
became subject to the laws of the latter State, and Mr. Evans' work ceased
to be valuable as binding authority ; but it may still be referred to as a
monument of knowledge and skill in the Library of the Maryland His
torical Society.

58
eight hundred dollars, afterwards increased to
|1,450, be signed by the President, and before
issued, countersigned by the Governor of Maryland
in Liberia, Avhich shall be receivable at the gOA'ern-
ment store for goods purchased there.
In order to make this paper currency, Avhich was
prepared in sums of 5, 10, 25, 50 cents ancl one
dollar, acceptable to tho natives, the Board of
Managers Avere aided by a custom Avhich required
a purchaser to clash, or make a present of, a por
tion of the article bought, to each of the by
standers." It did not take the natives long to find
out, that by selecting their own time for realizing
these notes at the public store, they could save the
objectional dashes. To help them to understand
the value of the notes, a head of tobacco Avas
engraved on the five-cent one, a chicken on the
ten-cent, a duck on the twenty-five cent, two ducks
on the fifty-cent one, and a goat was on the dollar
note. These notes constituted the currency of the
colony for years.1

1 It had been intended to place a fac-simile of one of these notes in the
Appendix, and the State Society's printer, or his successor, rather, who
occupied the old stand and had fallen into possession of all the former's stock,
was applied to, in the feeble hope that at the end of fifty years, the blocks
from which the animals and the head of tobacco had been printed, might
still be in existence : but it so happened that within u week only of the
application they had been destroyed as worthless 1

59
' On the 15th of January, 1841, the Board of
Managers appointed Dr. Hall their general agent,
an office to Avhich he added that of editor of the
Maryland State Colonization Journal ; and it is
due to him to say that Avhen the Board became
interested in African trade on its OAvn account, as a
means of increasing its resources, its unusual suc
cess Avas largely, if not altogether, due to the expe
rience, industry and integrity of their general agent.
Things had by this time settled down at Cape
Palmas into the routine of a well-regulated com
munity, and Avas attracting settlers Avhose relations
Avere not in all respects provided for by the
original ordinance. Further legislation became
necessary, and on the 2nd of February, 1841, " a
-declaratory ordinance touching the sovereignty of
Maryland in Liberia," was enacted.
This, after reciting the facts connected with the
founding of the settlement, declares that under the

10

10

MARYLAND STATE COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
Baltimore, //S& 2| \ November, 1837.
10 (jig) 10
This note will ^  ^ he received for
TEN CENTS at the Government Store, in Harper,
Maryland in Liberia, Africa, in payment for goods.
Governor of Mil. in Liberia. rres't Md. Slide Col. Society.

aH
w

60
Constitution of 1833, Maryland in Liberia Avas,
and of right ought to be, sovereign and indepen
dent of all authority not provided therein ; that
the constitution, and the laAVS, ordinances and
treaties made under its authority were the supreme
laAV of the land, to which all persons within the
territory ought to conform ; that emigrants from
the United States and all persons born in the ter
ritory owed allegiance to the government of Mary
land in Liberia and to none other ; that residents
merely, owed a temporary allegiance, without
prejudice to the rights of the natives under the
deeds from their kings and headmen, or treaties
Avith them. The ordinance then declared Avho
should be regarded as citizens ; and enacted that
the Government of Maryland in Liberia held its
right of government and property in trust for the
benefit of the citizens ; and that no other person or
persons in America had any beneficial interest in
the government or property, which ought to be
held and exercised for the purpose aforesaid.
The reason for the above ordinance Avas a diffi
culty that, in 1838, grew out of a fine imposed by a
court-martial upon a colonist employed as a teacher
in the Congregational Mission. The question of
the sovereignty of the government of the colony
was then discussed Avith one of the Secretaries of
the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign

61
Missions, Avho visited Baltimore for the purpose ;
Avhen the views expressed in the above ordinance
Avere maintained, and Avere referred to in a letter
from the American Board, dated July 11th, in which
it was "recognized that the agents of the State So
ciety at Cape Palmas Avere the government of the
territory ceded to the Society by the native owners
and occupants ; and that the missionaries ancl the
assistant missionaries of the Board of Missions,
residing in the territory, owed the same sort of
deference to the government thus instituted as
would be expected from foreigners in America."
In 1841, a similar question arose in regard to the
right of Governor RussAvurm to requite civilized
young men, in the employment of the Mission
from Cape Coast and Sierra Leone, to perform
military duty. When the matter was brought
before the Board of Managers, the Governor's
right was maintained.
Looking back, after the lapse of so many
years, we may regret the necessity of raising this
particular question, which led ultimately to the
removal of the Congregational Mission; but the
condition of the colony seemed to admit of no alter
native. It is well stated by the committee. " The
colony," it says, "being very small in numbers,
Avith imperfect means of defence, and surrounded
9

62
by barbarian tribes, is continually exposed to
assaults or invasion, Avhich can only be repelled
by every resident exerting his utmost energy in
defence ofthe common weal. No one, therefore, of
a small colony can be exempted from that mili
tary training which alone prepares a body of civi
lized and disciplined men to defend themselves
against a more numerous but undisciplined enemy."
Another occasion for asserting the dignity of the
colonial government, grew out of an appeal by the
agent of the Congregational mission to the com
mander of the United States ship Vandalia, for
redress against King Freeman, one of whose peo
ple was' charged with having robbed the mission ;
Avhen an officer was sent ashore, who, after a
drum-head court martial, compelled the king to
compensate the damage — the agent refusing per
emptorily to resort to the colonial court for redress.
As a matter of course, the Board of Managers
protested against the proceeding to the American
Board; when the latter at once admitted that
an apology Avas due to the Society and to Gov
ernor Russwurm ; attributing the occurrence to
the absence of the chief of the mission, and the
recent arrival and ardent temperament of the party
committing the offence.
It is interesting to examine the record of the
proceedings of the agent and Council at this period,

63
to observe Iioav well the interior government of the
colony had been provided for, and how smoothly
the machinery was working ; for example : —
On the 13th of April, 1839, " road masters were
appointed, to have the same power as the select
men. Fines Avere imposed for non-attendance at
quarterly parades. On the 9th of December, pre
parations were made for celebrating the anni
versary of the colony, February 22nd. Six guns
Avere to be fired at sunrise to denote the age of the
colony; thirteen at noon to denote the original
number of the United States ; and the same number
at Mount Tubman, a settlement at the end of the
Maryland Avenue, five miles inland. At the same
meeting, Captain Anthony Wood, of the Latrobe
Artillery, was appointed major of the military
forces of Maryland in Liberia ; ancl an order was
passed that the committee on the subject meet on
~New Year's Day to. award the premium to the
owner of the best cultivated farm.
On the 28th of August, 1840, to shoot at, or kill
deer or other game on the Sabbath Avas prohibited,
under a penalty of ten dollars, one half to the
informer. These references are of interest in the same Avay
that one is' interested in watching the processes of
bees in their glass hives.
Among other resolutions of the Governor and
Council, about this time, Avas one imposing a duty

64
on imported articles and establishing an anchor
age charge. So far as it fixed the import duty,
it Avas revoked by the Board of Managers. The
subject Avas a very important one, requiring grave
consideration and involving the preparation of a
system full of details, and to be adopted only after
mature deliberation. In withholding their assent
the Board, however, promised to take up the sub
ject at an early day.
In their 10th Annual Report the Board of Man
agers say, "that at the end of seven years they can
speak with confidence of the temperance principle,
which they had made fundamental in the constitu
tion ; ancl they firmly believe that, under Provi
dence, tlie remarkable success that has attended
the settlement — a success to which history affords
no parallel — the harmony that has prevailed
between the colonists and the natives, are to be
attributed to the strict observance of the colonial
law in this respect."
In 1843, the colony had begun to attract visitors,
who claimed exemption from its laAvs ; and on the
24th of January an ordinance Avas enacted "for
the better maintenance of the authority of the
government of Maryland in Liberia," Avhich pro
vided that all persons above the age of fourteen
years Avho should arrive in the colony, except com-

65
manders, officers, and other persons attached to
vessels of war, and the masters, supercargoes and
officers and seamen of merchant vessels, and such
passengers as merely called with no intention of
remaining, should report themselves Avithin ten
days after their arrival to the colonial secretary:
and the ordinance went on to provide the mode of
carrying the law into effect, ancl enacted further,
a mode by which colored persons might become
citizens. The above ordinance is referred to as shoAving
that the authority of the Board of Managers in
Africa was not always, in the beginning, admitted
as frankly as it had been by the missionary board
in the discussion already spoken of.
In 1843, a light-house, that had been erected of
stone not long after the settlement on the Cape,
was furnished with an apparatus from England, the
light being visible tAventy miles at sea. Before
this, light had been supplied by an iron vessel
filled with palm oil to feed a wick, until some
thing better was obtained ; very much in the same
way' that th,e headlands of Great Britain Avere
lighted by fires kept burning in iron vessels in the
olden times.
On the second of November, 1843, the Board of
Managers complied with their promise, and sent to

66
the colony an ordinance " to raise a revenue for the
support of government in the colony of Maryland
in Liberia, and for other purposes." This, before
going into operation, was submitted to Governor
RussAvurm and its provisions were made knoAvn to
the colonists. These desired that, "if any duty
Avas to be levied," it should be upon sales and not
upon imports. On this point the Board would not
yield. Such a duty as the colonists preferred was
essentially an excise, requiring for its enforce
ment a poAver to collectors to make searches, admin
ister oaths, and exercise authority inconsistent Avith
liberty. The time spent in these discussions, hoAvever,
was not wasted. A tariff of duties Avas at last
fixed Avhich Avas satisfactory, when accompanied
with a Avarehouse system, which obviated the objec
tion that only those who could afford to advance
the duties could engage in trade.
Finally, an ordinance was passed on the 9th of
July, 1846. The forms Avere those in use in the
United States, adapted to the circumstances of the
colony. In the preparation of both ordinances
the Board of Managers had the assistance of a
member of the committee, Dr. James H. McCul-
loh, long deputy-collector in the Baltimore custom
house, a gentleman distinguished not only for his
moral worth, but for his great learning and

67
research. It is not necessary to enter into the
details of a tariff Avhich has long since ceased to
exist, or to have other interest than as shoAvino-
the nature of the duties of the Board of Managers
Avhile executing their sovereign poAvers in promoting
the happiness and prosperity of a people which
finally became an independent nation under their
auspices. The revenue from the tariff for the first seven
months after it Avent into operation was $500, and
the following year's estimate was $1,200.
In their report for 1845, the Board of Managers
Avere able to announce that the Society was out of
debt, awarding to Dr. Hall, the home ancl general
agent, the credit due to the judicious economy on
both sides of the Atlantic that had produced this
result. In 1845, the State of Maryland had not extri
cated herself from the condition in which she Avas
placed by the failure, in 1837, to meet the interest
on her public debt ; and on the 18th of January,
1845, the chairman of the committee of ways and
means, of the House of Delegates, Avrote to the
President of the Society to know, whether the
annual contribution of $10,000 could not be dis
pensed Avith. " There is a disposition," the chair
man says, "to convert it from that object to the

68
payment of interest on the public debt, and the
committee are directed to enquire into the expe
diency of doing so. If possible to spare the money,
do not throw any impediments in the way. The
public mind is much tranquillized by these small
savings." In reply, after enumerating the sources of in-
¦ come on Avhich the Society relied, independent of
the State's appropriation, and going someAvhat in
detail into Avhat had been accomplished, exceeding
anything that had ever been effected, not only in
Africa, but even in America ; and dAvelling upon
the fact, that it Avas in reliance that the legislation
of 1831 would not be interfered with, that the colo
nists left their old homes to establish new ones in
Africa, — the President concluded by stating " that
he could not believe that any saving that could
be effected by diverting the appropriation would
tranquillize the public mind as much as it Avould
be disturbed by the loss of the colony upon whose
future availability the prosperity of Maryland
might most materially depend."1
It Avas with a feeling of great relief that
the Board of Managers saAV the Legislature
adjourn Avithout affecting the law of 1831. In
truth, however, there Avas less risk than had
been imagined. When the matter came to be

*D*

1 This letter was written forty years ago, when public sentiment was very
different from what it is to-day.

69
talked over among the members of the Legislature,
as was afterwards ascertained, the very Aveakness
of the colonists became a power Avhen it appealed
to the good faith and honor of Maryland.
Year after year collections had been made for
the especial object of building a vessel for the use
of the Society, but the amount had been compara-
tiA^ely insignificant ; nor did the idea take a prac
tical shape until after Dr. Plall became the general
agent of the Society ; when on the 25th of February,
1845, the Chesapeake and Ohio Trading Company
Avas incorporated, " to carry oh and maintain a line
of packets betAveen Baltimore ancl Liberia, and for
carrying on lawful commerce on the coast of
Africa." As soon as the company Avas organized,
the State Society made over to it these collections,
and agreed to guarantee an amount of freight and
passage money annually of $2,000. This, witli
prior subscriptions, sufficed ; and on the 9th of
November, 1846, the Board of Managers attended
the launch of one of the handsomest vessels that
ever sailed from the port of Baltimore, duly chris
tened the Liberia Packet.1
About this time the Board of Managers Avere
asked to receive as an emigrant a person Avho had
1 The Liberia Packet made 12 voyages to Cape Palmas. She was found
to be too small for the increasing trade and was sold after the last voyage.
10

70
been convicted of a minor offence and pardoned on
condition of emigration to Maryland in Liberia;
and although their sympathies were Avith the
individual, under some peculiar circumstances, the
Board refused the application. To admit that the
punishment of crime could be condoned by becom
ing a colonist, would place the colony in a light
that the Board of Managers could not permit.
Although it had been deemed necessary to give
to the agent, in the early days of the colony, cer
tain judicial poAvers ; yet it was necessary after the
aroAvth of the settlement in numbers and its exten-
sion inland, to separate the functions of the execu
tive ancl judiciary ; and on the 18th of May, 1847,
an ordinance to that effect was enacted "for the
better administration of justice in the colony of
Maryland in Liberia," providing for the appoint
ment by the State Society of a chief justice, to
have all judicial poAver and authority not expressly
prohibited or conferred upon others; for a court
of monthly sessions ; for the clerk, prescribing
his duties ; for an orphans' court, with the chief
justice its chief judge and the register of the colony
its clerk ; for fixing the commissions of adminis
trators, guardians ancl insolvents' trustees ; making
the chief justice presiding officer of the court of
monthly sessions ; requiring j ustices of the peace
to send parties convicted of any offence to the chief

71
justice for sentence to labor on the public farm;
providing for the absence of the chief justice ; for
vacancies in his office; for two associate judges of
the court of monthly sessions ; for admitting prac
titioners of laAv and for the repeal of inconsistent
ordinances ; and on the 6th of September, follow
ing, William Cassell was appointed chief justice.1
On the 14th of August, in the same year, the
Board directed that "the ordinances passed up to
that date, and printed by John D. Toy, under the
supervision of Hugh Davy Evans, Esquire, should
be confirmed as the laws of Maryland in Liberia,
and that the book containing them, entitled, " The
Constitution ancl Laws of Maryland in Liberia,"
Avith an appendix of precedents, published by the
authority of the Society, second edition, is hereby
approved and declared to be a standard edition of
the said constitution and laws." 2
Governor Russwurm havingapplied for leave of
absence to visit the United States, Dr. Samuel F.
M'Gill Avas appointed assistant agent in his absence
on the 7th of April, 1848.
1 Mr. Cassell had been one of the first settlers by the Ann ; and after a
residence of some years at Cape Palmas, returned to Baltimore to read law
in the office of Hugh D. Evans, where he became, with Mr. Evans' special
assistance in his studies, prepared for the office now given him.
2 Copies of this volume were directed to be deposited in the Maryland
State Library, at Annapolis, and in the Maryland Historical Society,
where they are now to be found.

72
The members of the Board of Managers took
advantage of Governor RussAvurm's presence in
Baltimore to make his personal acquaintance.
They gave him a dinner at the principal hotel in
the city, at Avhich there Avere no absentees; and
there was not one present Avho Avas not impressed
by the grave, courteous ancl dignified bearing of
the agent whose Avise and prudent conduct of the
Society's affairs in Africa had given such satis
faction.1 In 1850, the colony had been fifteen years in
existence; ancl religious associations had been
formed among the colonists that seemed to call
for a mode of organizing them by laAV ; ancl on the
18th of January an ordinance was enacted "to
enable the citizens of Maryland in Liberia more
conveniently to provide and maintain, at their
own expense, public worship," enabling male per
sons of 21 years of age, belonging to any religious
society, to make rules for their government in
Avriting, and generally to have the authority ordi
narily conferred in such cases.

1 One, with difficulty recalls, now-a-days, the sensation that the idea of
this dinner to u. colored man in 1847, produced in Baltimore. It was
ludicrous to see the astonishment of the Irish waiters, who surrounded
the table at "Page's Hotel,"' when they were called upon to render the
same service to a colored man that they were in the habit of rendering to
the many socially prominent citizens who were his hosts.

73
At a meeting of the Board of Managers, held on
the 21st of October, 1851, intelligence was received
of the death of Governor Russwurm, avIio died at
the Government House at Cape Palmas on the
preceding 9th of June. He had held his office
since 1836, Avith honor to himself and greatly to
the advantage of the Society. Deeply impressed
Avith the loss they had sustained, the Board of
Managers deemed it proper to send an address to
the citizens of Maryland in Liberia; in Avhich,
among other things, they say, in reference to his
having been the first colored governor of a colony
from the United States on the coast of Africa, " if
white men have ceased to hold office or exercise
authority among you, it is because the capacity of
your race, if ever doubted, to fill the highest politi
cal offices Avith rare ability, has been "vindicated by
Governor Russwurm. ... In the long career of
happiness and prosperity Avhich is opening to
Liberia, its highest offices Avill doubtless be filled
by people of Avorth and talent. But great and dis
tinguished as these may be, their possessors may
always resort with profit to your earliest history to
gather from the records of Governor RussAViirm's
life the most honorable examples of prudence,
Avisdom and integrity."1
'At the same meeting it was resolved that a monument to the memory of
Governor Eusswurm should be erected at Cape Palmas. This was done at
once. The design was an obelisk, on a heavy granite base, on which were

74
The assistant agent, Dr. Samuel F. M'Gill, was
now acting goArernor; and in his despatches of July
12th, 1852, announced the prospective abolition, at
last, of the sassa Avood ordeal. A violent assault
on a colonist who had endeavored to rescue a
native woman from the Gree-gree man, Avas taken
advantage of by Governor M'Gill to insist on a
palaver, at Avhich power was given to the colonial
authorities which would have the effect of abolish
ing the custom.
On the 3rd of May, 1852, the General Assembly
of Maryland continued the Act of 1831 for six
years, " it being desirable that the appropriation of
ten thousand dollars, per year, should be renewed
and continued, so that the policy of the State in
providing a home in Africa for the emancipated
slaves and free colored population, ancl for their
removal thither, may be carried on." The Board
of Managers could have had no better proof of the
satisfaction Avith Avhich their proceedings were
regarded than was thus afforded by the Act of
1852.

engraved the following inscriptions. On the north side, "In memory of
John B. Kusswurm, born 1709, died 1857 ; " on the south side, "Able,
learned and faithful— an honor to his race ; " on tho east side, " The first
Governor of African descent appointed in Liberia ; " on the west side,
"Erected by the Maryland State Colonization Society, as a tribute of
respect for eminent services." The design of the monument, as erected, is
shewn in the Md. St. Col. Journal, vol. 0, p. 349.

75
As might have been anticipated, the continued
prosperity of the colony since its establishment in
1834, and the irksomeness of dependence upon
remote legislation and control, had begotten a
desire for independence that manifested itself by
an address to the Board of Managers, dated
November 15th, 1851, from a committee of the
most prominent and useful citizens.
"The people," say the committee, 'Svish the
Board to know that all they do is intended to
meet their approval:" and then the committee go
over the Avhole ground in a well prepared paper,
which, on the 27th of July, was presented to the
Board of Managers and referred to a committee, of
which Mr. Charles HoAvard was chairman ; and
Avhich reported, "that Avhile on many accounts it
would have been desirable that existing relations
should remain on their present footing until the
colony should have realized a larger emigrant
population, and by a further development of its
resources, have been prepared to assume a more
commanding position as an independent nation,
yet, the entire political separation which had taken
place between the old Colony of Liberia ancl the
Parent Society, and the recognition of the former
and making treaties Avith it as an independent and
sovereign power by England and France, had given
to it a prestige which did not attach to our colony,
and convinced the committee that the old colony

76
Avould continue to attract to itself by far the greater
part of the most enterprising and best informed emi
grants from the United States and from Maryland,
until the citizens of Maryland in Liberia shall
have assumed the same position by becoming inde
pendent of all foreign jurisdiction."
The committee, then, after expressing their pre
ference for the formation of such an union Avith
the elder colonies, as exists bctAveen the States of
the United States, recommended, as a precedent,
the course pursued in the separation of the older
colony from the American Colonization Society.
Whereupon, it Avas resolved, that the citizens of
Maryland in Liberia be advised to call a conven
tion to prepare a constitution to be submitted to
the people, and that they appoint commissioners
to visit Maryland to agree with the Board of Man
agers upon tho terms of tho separation.
In clue season, the chief justice, Mr. Cassell, and
Mr. William A. Prout appeared in Baltimore as
commissioners; and on the 12th of January, 1854,
presented their credentials to the Board along Avith
the constitution adopted by the people. This, after
much discussion, Avas approved Avith a single
exception. The temperance clause had been
omitted; ancl not being Avilling to reject the entire
instrument on this account, the Board of Managers
contented themselves with saying that they trusted

77
that upon further reflection the people Avould
reconsider their action, and Avould not abandon
that part of their fundamental constitution which
had So long tended to promote good order, morality
and religion in the colony.1
Then followed the agreement, dated February
14th, 1854, between the Maryland State Coloniza
tion Society on the one part, and William Cassell
and William A. Prout, Commissioners of the Peo
ple of Maryland in Liberia, of the other part,
which, if duly ratified within the space of twelve
months by the people of Maryland in Liberia, Avas
to be binding on the Society ancl on the goArern-
ment and people as aforesaid. See Appendix.
1. The Society agreed to cede all its public
lands within the territory to the people and gov
ernment of the republic, subject to the foUoAving
conditions. All future emigrants Avere to be alloAA'ed a farm
lot of ten acres, or a toAvn lot of one-quarter of an
acre, in any new settlement. In future sales by
the government, of public lands, every alternate
farm, or section, or square mile to be left to be
assigned to emigrants.
1 It is proper to say that the citizens of Maryland in Liberia did recon
sider their decision ; and when their constitution was returned to them,
they restored the prohibition of the use of or traffic in ardent spirits which
they had stricken out.
11

78'
Sales Avere to be by auction to the highest bidder.
If public sales could not be effected private sales
might be made.
The tracts reserved for emigrants might be
exchanged for others of equal value, or sold ; the
proceeds to be devoted to public education.
Ten per cent, of all public sales of land AA*ere to
be appropriated to the use of schools or for educa
tional purposes.
The Society to have the right, as at present, of
locating emigrants in any present or future settle
ments. New settlements were to be made by the con
current agreement of the government and the
Society. Land held for the use of emigrants to be exempt
from taxation.
In the case of recaptured Africans, the Society
were to have the right to claim and have set apart
for their use, one hundred acres, as the Society
might require, out of the public lands.
The Society to retain the public store and adjoin
ing Avharf, and the Avest half of the public farm.
All the property of the Society, with improve
ments made thereon, to be exempt from taxation
while in the Society's hands.
2. The Society to introduce, free of duty, stores
for the use of emigrants, or to be sold for provid-

79
ing for them. The Society's vessels to be free from
anchorage or light duties.
3. Recaptured Africans to be admitted, should
the United States require it, and provide for their
support. 4. The Society gives to the government the gov
ernor's house, and public offices, forts and muni
tions of war and the warehouse belonging to the
Society. All property not ceded by the articles to
be reserved and disposed of by the Society at its
discretion. 5. Future emigrants to have the same privileges
as the present ones.
6. A merger by the present Society in a different
one not to affect rights under the agreement.
7. The agreement to be modified by mutual con
sent; and, to go into effect on being ratified by
the people of Maryland in Liberia.
With the execution of this agreement and its
ratification by the people Avhich foUoAved in clue
course, the work of the Maryland State Coloniza
tion Society, although still incomplete as far as it
related to the emigration from the State, came to
an end, by the establishment of a free and inde
pendent nation, a member of the family of nations
on the Avest coast of Africa, to which emancipated
slaves or free colored people from Maryland might
go, either at their own expense or Avith means still
furnished by the State.

80
To facilitate their earlier progress, by aiding the
authorities of the new government to pay the cost
of their civil list, the State Society contributed,
in the beginning, under a separate agreement, the
particulars of Avhich Avould haA'e no interest noAV.
All that has thus far been described was within
the personal knowledge of the writer, either as
corresponding secretary of the State Society, up to
1837, or as its president, up to 1853, Avhen he
became president of the national institution; and
as has been already suggested, it is this personal
knowledge, which, at all events, facilitates the
understanding of recorded proceedings, that has
made it seem to be the duty of the writer to nar
rate a history, which, having no place in the his
tory of the State up to this time, might otherwise
be lost. What took place after 1853 Avas under
the AA'ise and admirable administration of the late
Mr. Charles Howard ; a noble gentleman, an up
right Christian man, Avhose correspondence and
reports in the records of the State Society afford
the amplest evidence of the Avorth ancl ability of
the president ; ancl yet both Mr. Howard and his
predecessor Avould have been comparatively feeble
in the management of the affairs of the Society in
Africa, and its business transactions in America,
had not both enjoyed the benefit of the services of
Dr. James Hall, the founder of the colony after he

81
had vindicated the suggestion of its site, and after
1841, the general agent and manager of the
Society. On the 29th May, 1854, an election of Governor
of "the State of Maryland in Liberia," as it Avas
now called under the popular constitution, Avas
held, and William A. Prout Avas elected Governor,
and William S. Drayton Lieutenant Governor ;
Senators, Representatives, a High Sheriff and a
Coroner Avere elected at the same time, and
Thomas Mason Avas appointed Secretary of State.
On the 8th June, 1854, the Governor Avas inaugu
rated, and Dr. Samuel F. M'Gill, the acting Gov
ernor appointed by the State Society, ancl its agent,
administered to hiin the oath of office, and relin
quished the government into his hands.
On the 9th Governor Prout Avas presented to the
native kings and headmen ; the change that had
taken place Avas explained and " dashes " Avere
given proportionate to the occasion. " Le Roi 'est
mort, vive le Roi."
The independence of the State of Maryland in
Liberia did not by any means terminate its rela
tions to the State Society. The State's appropria
tion was not exhausted, and emigrants were still
sent from Maryland. The business in the way of

82
trade, that had contributed so largely to the means
of the State Society still continued. The legisla
tive functions of the Board of Managers had come
to an end ; that was all. Hereafter it could only
advise. The infant had attained its majority, and
the guardian's right to command had ceased.
While reference is made here to the State's
appropriation, it would be a great mistake to sup
pose that the State Society had been altogether
dependent upon the $10,000 per annum in accom
plishing the results that have been here described.
A balance sheet made up to December 31, 1857,
for example, showed a credit to profit and loss of
$139,972.31, over and above collections, amount
ing, at that date to $45,385.74; and, in all the
reports of the commissioners of the State fund
under the Act of 1831, care is taken to state that
the contributions of the State Society to the gen
eral object had enabled the commissioners to
devote the Avhole of the State's appropriations to
the transportation of emigrants and to providing
for their reception in Africa, all the expenses of
the government there, and of the Society in
America, being otherwise provided for.
Governor Prout died during his term of office,
and Lieutenant Governor B. S. Drayton took his
place. It Avas under his administration that the

83
native Avar began Avhich was the immediate cause
of the absorption of the new State into the older
one of Liberia proper. Without the cautious ancl
sagacious and patient temper of his predecessors,
Governor Drayton's course has been said to have
brought on a conflict resulting in many deaths on
both sides, which made it necessary to apply to
the authorities at Monrovia for assistance. It so
happened, most remarkably, that Avhen the appli
cation came, Dr. Hall happened to be at Monrovia
in the Mary Caroline Stevens x on a visit to Africa.
With his usual energy and Avith means belonging
to the State Society at command, he at once sup
plied Avhat was Avanting to equip 115 uniformed
troops that he carried in the Stevens to Cape
Palmas, where his influence, that had not yet died
out, backed by military force, soon produced peace,
and a treaty Avas concluded Avith the natives on
equitable terms.
1 The Mary Caroline Stevens was built in Baltimore for the American
Colonization Society. Mr. John C. Stevens, of Talbot County, Maryland,
had made the munificent donation of $37,000 to be appropriated to the
building of a vessel to be held in trust for colonization purposes. It was
first proposed by Mr. Stevens that the Maryland State Society should
become the recipient of his bounty, and be the beneficiary owners of the
vessel ; but he was advised that the State Society would not be justified in
keeping such a ship constantly employed; the title of the vessel was
accordingly vested in three officers of the American Colonization Society,
to be held in trust for it; while, by stipulations with the State Society, the
latter secured the right to transport emigrants by her. She sailed on her
first voyage at the close of November, 1856. This vessel continued in the
trade for six years, when she was sold and replaced by the Golconda, of
greater capacity.

84
Prior to this Avar, the question of annexation to
Liberia proper had been mooted among the citi
zens. The war and the value of the assistance
rendered from Monrovia settled it ; and it was not
long before negotiations were begun which ended
in the absorption of the territory, that had been
acquired from time to time by the State Society,
into the Republic of Liberia, as Maryland County.1
In 1858, the Legislature continued the appro
priation for colonization purposes under the Act of
1831 for five years, reducing the amount however
to $5,000 annually ; ancl there had been three pay
ments at this rate Avhen the late Civil War broke
out. The Avhole question of slavery then assumed
a neAV aspect ; and the commissioners of the State
fund, under the belief that the Act of 1858 had
been abrogated virtually by the course of events,
made no requisition for the last two payments.
Ceasing to have any peculiar interest in the
colony at Cape Palmas when the new State of
Maryland in Liberia ceased to exist, the activity
of the State Society died out ; and realizing after
a negotiation Avith the American Colonization
Society the sum of $6,000 out of a loan to it when
the Mary Caroline Stevens was on the stocks, the
1 For the acquisitions of the State Society, sco Appendix.

85
State Society invested it in Pittsburgh and Con
nellsville 7 per cent, railroad bonds, Avhich are
held by Dr. James Hall, trustee for the benefit of
the "Hall School" at Cape Palmas; and the
interest on which is regularly collected by the
Liberian authorities, and appropriated to the
salary of $300 to the teacher, and the other
expenses of the school.
The organization of the State Society still con
tinues, but it is only in connection Avith this
trust. Here, the episode of the State of Maryland's
action in connection with African colonization, and
of the sovereignty which a Society acting under its
auspices exercised for twenty years in Africa,
might end ; but it may not be uninteresting to
describe the appearance of things at Cape Palmas
when the government there passed into the hands
of the successors of the State Society, as Avell as to
say a few words in regard to the collateral Advan
tages which the chief city of the State derived from
the operations of the Society during its active
existence. The extent of improvements at Cape Palmas
soon after Dr. Hall had taken possession have
already been described. A word more in regard
to it at the date of independence.
12

86
In the town of Harper, on the Cape itself,
besides the Government House, Avhich had been
largely added to and improved, there Avas a stone
light-house, whose lantern, visible tAventy miles at
sea, had been imported by the colonists from Eng
land. Hard by, Avere the Episcopal Orphan Asy
lum ancl St. Mark's Hospital, the former a frame
building, three stories high, a conspicuous land
mark; the latter a substantial stone structure.
Between these and the Government House were a
number of private residences ; and beloAv the Cape
on the river shore, Avere four stone warehouses and
a wharf of the same material. The native village
of King Freeman still occupied its old ppsition on
the brow of the Cape, inland. Standing here, over
looking the scene of Popo's rescue, the eye followed
the Maryland avenue extending towards the
interior, some five miles, to Mount Tubman ancl its
stockade fort. On either side of this were farm-lots
of the colonists. The avenue, which Avas a well-
bridged ancl graded road, kept cleared by constant
travel, passed by the Baptist Mission and the Pro
testant Episcopal Mission stations, the public farm
and jail. In the village of Latrobe, at the seaAvard
end of the aArenue, Avere St. Mark's Episcopal
church, with its adjoining brick school-house, the
Methodist church, the Mission house, and a fine
two-story stone school-house, together with the site
of the Congregational Mission, so pleasantly de-

,87
scribed by Mrs. Wilson in the letter already quoted.
The houses in the village were comfortable dwell
ings, with gardens in front. Beyond the village Avas
Sheppard lake, of which a glimpse Avas had with a
background of heavy tropical forest, from the luxu
riant verdure of which the eye Avandered to the
ocean, Avith its waves breaking upon the narrow
beach that separated it from the lake. From King
Freeman's toAvn, in another direction, Hoffman
river Avas seen, Avith the receptacle for new emi
grants and the public farm upon its banks. Add
to this the comfortable dwellings of the colonists
scattered here and t^iere throughout the settlement,
and lovely as the spot Avas described to be in its
earlier aspect, it had lost none of its beauty when
civilization had set its mark upon it.
The original territory had been greatly enlarged,
and at the date of independence reached from the
river Sesters, on the windward, to the river San
Pedro, on the leeward coast, and extended, after
annexation, the leeAvard boundary of Liberia to
the last-named river.
With regard, now, to the value to Baltimore com
mercially of the operations of the Maryland State
Colonization Society, directly and indirectly, during
the thirty years of its active existence, as Avell
after as before the colony became independent.

88
During this time, shipments from Baltimore
required for the use of the colony or for the trade
connected Avith it, amounted to upwards of one mil
lion dollars; to which are to be added shipments for
the American Colonization Society equal to half a
million more ; a business that ceased altogether
Avhen it Avas no longer done in Baltimore, but
went to New York ancl Norfolk, which had con
trolled it prior to 1834. At the same time, there
Avere built in Baltimore, for ancl under the aus
pices of the State Society, eight vessels costing
$113,000, ancl bought for it vessels costing $22,000,
in all $135,000 ; and in addition to this eighteen
vessels were chartered. After 1852, nearly double
that number were chartered and sailed from Bal
timore on account of the American Colonization
Society. Estimating the charter parties at only
$3,000 each for the above eighteen, and $54,000
is to be added to the cost of the vessels built and
bought by the State Society; in a word, taking
into consideration the money spent for labor, ma
terials and merchandise in Baltimore after the
passage of the Act of 1831, the amount cannot
have been less than two million dollars, all on
account of, or in connection Avith the State Society.
To this should be added sailing expenses of the
Mary Caroline Stevens 1 for six years at $1,000 per
1 The figures in the above statement were furnished by Dr. Hall, and are
taken from the books of the State Society.

89
month, $72,000, and of the Liberia Packet, six
years at $700 per month, say $50,000, in all,
$122,000, without calculating interest on the cost of
the vessels, — all distributed in Baltimore. Taking
all this into consideration, the importance of the
State Society in a commercial point of vieAv Avas not
to be disregarded.1

After the absorption of the " State of Maryland
in Liberia " into Liberia proper, its memory faded
until the scant notice in the history of our State,
already referred to, seems to have been regarded as
all sufficient in this connection. Vessels came ancl
Avent by Cape Palmas, and availed themselves of
the light-house built there by the colonists, in
utter ignorance of the circumstances attending its
existence. In the meanwhile, hoAvever, a change
in the public mind in regard to Africa had arisen.
The necessity for new markets for the ever accu
mulating over production of manufacturing civi
lization had drawn the attention of both Europe
¦The vessels built, and their cost, are as follows: Ship Mary Caroline
Stevens, $40,000; Barque Liberia Packet, $20,000; Barque Shirly,
$12,000; Brig Palmas, $12,000; Schooners President Benson, George It.
McGill, Moses Sheppard, $6,000 each; James Hall, $5,000. Vessels
bought: Morgan Dix, $6,000; Ralph Cross, $8,000. The vessels chartered
were: 1831, the Orion; 1832, Lafayette; 1833, Ann; 1834, Sarah and
Priscilla, Bourne; 1835, Harmony, Fortune ; 1836, Financier, Niobe ; 1837,
Baltimore, Niobe, second voyage ; 1838, Columbia, Oberon ; 1839, Boxer ;
1840, Chipola; 1842, Globe; 1843, Latrobe; 1845, Kent.

90
and America to the comparatively virgin field, in
this respect, that Africa might afford ; and when
the explorations of Livingstone and Stanley had
thrown light upon it, the European nations, almost
Avithout exception, under the lead of the King of
the Belgians, at once sought to make it available.
The result was the formation of the International
Association, that has since, with the cooperation of
the late Berlin conference, provided for the estab
lishment ancl maintenance of the Free State of the
Congo. The preliminary proceeding here, Avas to
repeat what the Maryland State Colonization had
shown to be practicable — treaties Avith the native
kings — avIio, on both banks of the Congo, respec
tively, transferred by treaty to the new State,
rights and privileges similar to those that King
Freeman and his head men gave to the State
Society in February, 1834; and the experience
of both tho old ancl the new settlements in Liberia
has been again and again referred to, as obviating
the necessity of resorting to the old Avriters on
international law to justify the steps taken or
about to be taken, to introduce colonization and its
attendant blessings into the innermost recesses of
the Dark Continent. On one occasion, Avhen the
question of the recognition by treaty of the flag of
the Free State by the United States Avas before the
Senate, an opportunity Avas afforded, at the resi
dence of the Honorable Henry S. Sanford, acting

91
for the International Association, to tell the story
of the settlement at Cape Palmas — to exhume, as
it were, an incident Avhich none present had ever
heard of. On this occasion it was evident that
an interest was excited which it is not unreasonable
to suppose may have affected the senators and
representatives Avho Avere present in connection
Avith their subsequent action upon the subject. At
any rate, it Avas pleasant to find that, after thirty-
odd years of forgetfulness, Avhat Maryland had
done Avas both appreciated and admired ; and it
Avas this Avhich has, perhaps, quickened the long
deferred intention of preserving, Avhile it might
still be done, the memory of a good Avork of the
State of Maryland.

APPENDIX.

EXTRACT

From the Proceedings op the Eleventh Annual Meeting op
the American Society, held January 19, 1828, in the
Hall op the House op Representatives.
At 7 o'clock, the chair was taken by tlie Hon. Henry Clay, one
of the vice-presidents of the Society. Fifteen auxiliary Societies
were represented, the delegates from the State Society of Mary
land being Charles C. Harper and John H. B. Latrobe.
Among other proceedings, the following resolution was offered
by Mr. Latrobe :
"Jtesolvcd, 'That the Board of Managers be directed to ascertain
in the course of the coming year, if possible, the practicability of
obtaining territory for colonial settlements at Cape Palmas, and
the Island of Bulama, on the south-west coast of Africa."
In support of this resolution, Mr. Latrobe said : " An inspection
of the map of Africa will satisfy you, Mr. Chairman, of the
importance of these two points with reference to the future opera
tions of the Society: and their commercial advantages being
great, an early attempt to secure them may perhaps prevent their
falling into other hands and enable the Society to use them when
the time shall have arrived at which they may be used with
advantage 
" Cape Palmas is at that part of Africa where the coast, after pur
suing a course due east and west from the Bight of Biafra,
trends in nearly a north-west direction, and passing by Liberia,
continues in an almost uninterrupted line to Cape Koxo. The
13 93

94
Island of Bulama, in the mouth of the Rio Grande, is near the
other extremity of the south-west coast, within a short run from
the Cape de Verdes, and one of the points of the coast most easily
made by vessels from this country.
" By possessing Cape Palmas, we would hold the commercial key
of tho south coast of Africa, and the countries immediately in the
interior, down as far east as the Bight of Biafra ; and a colony
there would, in a few years, become a great depot for all tlie
articles of foreign produce and manufactures which would be
required by inhabitants of the nations eastward ofthe settlement.
This will be the effect of a physical cause, which is certain and
unchanging in its operations. The trade winds, pursuing the
general outline of the African coast, render a return northward
from the eastward of Cape Palmas, along the coast, extremely
difficult at all seasons of the year, and more particularly so in the
rainy season, when the difficulty of taking observations, and the
numerous and varying currents prevent vessels from knowing
their exact situation, and expose them to constant danger of ship
wreck. From Cape Palmas, or any point to the northward of it,
it is comparatively easy to return sto the Cape de Verdes, and so
home at all times ; but Cape Palmas once passed, the danger and
difficulty commence, and disastrous shipwreck or a shattered
vessel is too often the consequence of a return voyage from a
point beyond it. Were a settlement made at Capo Palmas it
would, like Monrovia, soon become the resort of the surrounding
nations, and merchants would prefer leaving their goods at such
a market, to running the risks of proceeding further eastward,
even with the hopes of enhanced profits. Paths would first be
made, highways would follow, until the uncivilized nations ofthe
Ivory coast and Gold coast, passing by the feeble settlements of Cape
Coast and Elmina, would resort to meet civilization at the nearest
point of safe approach — the Amorico-African city at Cape
Palmas. A great and prosperous trade would be the consequence ;
and the facilities of gain would soon fill the new settlement with

,95
industrious inhabitants. Beside the commercial advantages ot
Cape Palmas, its road and anchorage are said to be the best
between Montserrado (Mesurada) and the Volta; and the sur
rounding country is rolling and fertile, intersected with numerous
small streams fit for the motion of mills. Being the southern
extremity of the south-west coast, it will form also a natural boun
dary to that empire which, we all hope, will one day arise in
Africa."1

AFRICAN DEEDS,
TO THE
MARYLAND STATE COLONIZATION" SOCIETY.

Deed No. i.
FKOM KING FKEEMAN AND KING WILL, OF CAPE PALMAS.
Executed the 14th February, 1834.
Know all men by these presents, that for considerations here
inafter mentioned, avc, King Freeman, alias Parmah, of Cape
Palmas, king Will, alias Weah Boleo, of Grahway, and King Joe
Holland, alias Baphro, of Grand Cavally, have granted and
sold, and do by these presents, grant and sell to the Maryland
State Colonization Society, of Maryland, in the United States of
North America, the following tract of land of which we are law-
1 It is amusing in these days to see the calmness with which the south
west coast of Africa was thus appropriated ; especially in the light of what
the civilized world is now doing to obtain foothold everywhere or any
where on the continent, coast or inland. But the fact is, that 57 years ago, so
little attention was paid to Africa, so little was known about it, that it was
a fair field for all sorts of speculations. Those of the speech of the Mary
land delegate had this value practically ; that they caused, as detailed,
the intelligent examination which led to the establishment of Maryland
in Liberia — which affords the only excuse for their mention here.

96
fully seized at this time by right of possession and descent, viz. :
Commencing on the sea beach, about three miles to the north-west
of Cape Palmas, at a cocoa-nut tree, known as the large cocoa-
nut, separating this territory from that of the king of Itock
Town, thence running in about an east north-east direction, one
day's journey, until it shall reach the territory of Kava, king of
tlie interior ; from thence running east south-east, six hours walk,
until it shall reach tho town of King Tom on the Cavally river ;
from thence down the Cavally river to its mouth ; then running
along the beach, passing the town of Cavally ; Grahway and Cape
Palmas to tlie point at starting, viz. : the large cocoa-nut tree ;
including all the rivers, bays, creeks, anchorages, timber and
mines, on the same, excepting as follows : A tract of land deeded,
and given sometime since, by the above named King Will, alias
Weah Boleo, of Grahway, to King Yellow Will, of little Cavally.
Also excepting so much of the said territory as is now under cul
tivation by the inhabitants thereof, or such places as are occupied
by us or our dependents, as towns and villages ; reserving also the
right of passing and repassing up and down all rivers and creeks,
and of traversing all sections of the country not inhabited by the
colonists of the said Society ; the said Society to have, and to hold
tlie same for its own special benefit, and behoof forever ; and avo
do agree to warrant and defend the same against tlie claims of all
persons whatever ; and it, the said Society shall have power by its
factors or agents to exercise all authority in the above named ter
ritory, reserving to ourselves and our descendants the right of
governing and setting all palavers among our own people so long
as we shall see fit to occupy any part of said territory. And we
do hereby acknowledge ourselves as members of the Colony of
Maryland in Liberia, so far as to unite in common defence in
case of war or foreign aggresssion.
AVe do also acknowledge the receipt of the following articles of
Merchandise of James Hall, Esquire, agent of the said Society
and governor of said territory, as a full and ample compensa
tion therefor, viz. : 4 Cases of Muskets, 20 kegs Powder, 110

97

pieces of Cloth, 10 Neptunes, 10 Brass Kettles, 20 Hats, 100
Cutlasses, 200 lbs. Beads, 1,500 lbs. Iron Pots, 6 doz. looking
Glasses, 4 framed ditto, 24 Iron bars, 100 trade knives, 100 wash
basins, 3 Hogsheads tobacco, 10. Boxes pipes, 2 kegs flints, C
Dozen Locks, 24 Decanters, 50 Tumblers, 50 Wine Glasses, 24
stone Jugs, 10 Demijohns, 3 suits of Clothes, 3 cocked hats, 25
Razors in Cases, 50 Pitchers, 50 mugs, 50 Bowls, 3 pr. Brass
barrelled Pistols, 1,000 Fish Hooks, 50 pr. Scissors, 50 Spanisli
Dollars. And I, the said Hall, do, in the name of the said
Society, guaranty to the said kings and their dependents the
above reserved rights, and further, that neither themselves nor
property shall be trespassed upon or molested in any manner
whatever, and no lands under cultivation, or towns or villages
shall be taken from them, except by special contract ; paying the
desired remuneration therefor. And I do further agree, for and
in the name of the said society ; that free schools shall be estab
lished for the benefit of the children in each of the following
towns, in one year from the date hereof, viz. : One at Cape Pal
mas, one at Garroway, and one at Grand Cavally.
This instrument, with a duplicate thereof, is executed at Cape
Palmas, this fourteenth day of February, One Thousand, Eight
Hundred and Thirty-four.
King Freeman, alias Parmah,
Of Cape Palmas.
King Joe Holland, alias Bai-hko,
, Of Grand Cavally.
Kino Will, alias Weaii Bolio,
King of GraJiaway.
James Hall, Agent,
Maryland State Colonization Society.
Signed, sealed, and one copy delivered to King Freeman, and
one to James Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization
Society, in presence of Jas. M. Thompson and Geo. R.
McGill.

98

SUPPLEMENT AFFIXED TO THE ABOVE DEED OF TERRI
TORY FROM THE KINGS OF CAPE PALMAS,
GRAHWAY AND GRAND CAVALLY.
We, whose names are hereunto affixed, head men of Cape
Palmas, Grahway, and Cavally, ratify and confirm the foregoing
contract made by our  witli James Hall, Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society, this thirteenth day of
February, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four.
U-au-Yoii, Governor of Cape Palmas.
JirMiio, Soldier King.
Geoii, Gent, and headman.
Kimton, Governor of Grahway big town.
Gel ah, King's mate and Governor of Half Cavally.
Seek, Pioneer of the Expedition.
Bally, King's mouth or interpreter.
Neah, Palaver-house man.
OOEAB,
Dewey, "
Attest :
James M. Thompson.
Geouge R. McGill.
CONFIRMATION BY THE HEADMEN OF GRAND CAVALLY.
Grand Cavally, West Africa, May 20, 1834.
We, the undersigned headmen of Grand Cavally, do, by these
presents, notify and confirm the contract made by our king, Joe
Holland, alias Baphro, in  with Will, alias Boleo, king of
Grahway, and Freeman, alias Pah Neemah, king of Cape Palmas,
on one part, and James Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Colo-
nixation Society, on the other part, deeding aud conveying all
the territory now possessed or holden by us, to the said Society,
reserving so much thereof as is now under cultivation, or is
occupied by us as towns and villages, agreeable to the deed

99
executed by the above-named kings at Cape Palmas, on the thir
teenth day of February, One Thousand Eight Hundred and
Thirty-four. Baevoav, Governor of Cavally.
Tweadah, Governor Note.
Tweabey, King's Adjutant.
Koleh, Soldier King.
Neahbey, Head trade man for River Cavally.
Juleii, King's Mouth.
Attest :
Anthony Wood.

Deed No. 2.
FROM KING BARRAH KEABY, OF BULYEMAH.
Executed the 2lst October, 1835.
Know all men by these presents, that I, Barrah Keaby, the
true and lawful king of the country, called Bulyemah, and of
the Leabrch people inhabiting said Country, do, by tliese
presents, grant, deed and convey unto James Hall, as Agent of
the Maryland State Colonization Society, and through and by
him, to said Society, the territory now under my authority,
called Bulyemah, and bounded as follows, viz. : beginning at a
large rock on the beach, about six miles East of the mouth of the
river Cavally, the same being the natural bounding line between
Robookah and Labou ; thence running in a northerly direction
(point of compass not known), one and a half days journey, or
about fifty miles to the country, called Labou, governed by King
Yootoo, thence running in a westerly direction to the Cavally
river, at the mouth of Bohraum creek, the natural boundary
line between the Nigahpoh Yeabreh people, thence down the
Cavally river, including both sides on the west side to a town
belonging to the Half Cavally, or Boureh people called Deainah
on the east side, extending to the river mouth, thence along the

100

sea beach, about six miles to the rock at point of starting, to haAre
and to hold the same, in common with my own people, and to
occupy any part thereof not now in actual use as a town, village
or farm, or Devil plot, with all privileges and appurtenances
thereunto belonging forever. And it is further agreed by the said
parties that the inhabitants of the above-named country and the
king thereof, and the American citizens of Maryland in Liberia
shall unite their forces in defence of their common country, and
of the territory already belonging to the Maryland Colonization
Society in Africa, to which this is now annexed. And it is
further agreed that all palaver occurring between any two kings
residing in Maryland in Liberia, or between the subjects of any
two kings, shall be set by the American governor of the terri
tory. And it is further agreed on part of the said King Keaby,
that no foreigner or person not authorized by the Maryland State
Colonization Society, shall reside in or make trade in any part of
said territory, other than that made with canoes without the bar
of the river Cavally. And further, that there shall never be in
either party any obstruction to the free passage up and down,
and navigation of the Cavally river with any craft whatsoever.
The considerations of tlie above deed are as follows, viz. : First,
The above named privileges of mutual defence; Secondly, The
advantages accruing from trading parts being established in the
same territory, by and thro' the agent of the Maryland State
Colonization Society; Thirdly, The advantages of the schools,
which the children of the native inhabitants shall enjoy in com
mon with the American children ; Fourthly, The general benefit
which the said Keaby, executor hereof, foresees will result to his
country, and the inhabitants thereof from intercourse with the
American people; Fifthly, Such presents or dashes as he may
hope to receive from the colonial agent for so munificent a
donation.
Signed : James Hall, Agt. Md. St. Col. Soc.
Keaby King, | sisal, f
</  — v>

101
Signed, sealed and delivered at Robookah, this sixteenth day
of October, Eighteen Hundred and Thirty-five, in presence of
Nathan Lee and Bapheo King.

CONFIRMATION BY TPIE HEADMEN OF ROBOOKAH OF
THE FOREGOING DEED.
Robookah, October 10, 1835.
We, Crah, Jeammah, Keikeh, Evey, Jimbly, Headmen for
Robookah, do hereby, in presence of the king and each other,
ratify and confirm the foregoing contract of King Barrah Keaby
with James Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization
Society, and bind ourselves and adherents to observe the same.
Signed : Crah, Jeammah, Kerkeii,
Ereh, Jimbly.
Ben Kroko, Headman and King's son.
Kajeii, Brother for river king.
Blagnes, Headman for small town.
Krabeii.
Attest :
Nathan Lee.
CONFIRMATION BY THE KING AND HEADMEN OF PLORAH,
&c, 10 THE FOREGOING DEED.
Plorah, October 21st, 1835.
I, Tourah, liege king to Barrah Keaby, over the country called
Bulyemah, and resident of Plorah, and we, whose names are
hereunto affixed, headmen of said country, do hereby, of our own
free will and accord, ratify and confirm the foregoing contract
made between the said Barrah Keaby on the one part, and James
Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society, on the
other part, and do bind ourselves, our dependents and successors
14

102

to observe the same. In witness whereof, Ave do hereunto set our
hands and affix our seals.
Signed : King Toureit,
Quedo Weah, Grand devil king.
Manie, King Toureh's mate.
Hotoo, Soldier King of Ploorah.
Lejammah, Headman of Neatoh.
No Ploh, Gentleman of Plorah and Orator.
Tojeii, Headman of Bohoor.
Warraii, Headman of Letoo.
Crgii, Headman of Denah.
Neammah, Headman of the Wehnaweh.
Seah, Second to Lejammeh.
Attest :
Nathan Lee,
Leammah,Neil

CONFIRMATION BY THE KING AND HEADMEN OF HAIDEE
TO THE FOREGOING.
Haidee, October 23rd, 1835.
I, king Gun-o-Aveh, Liege king to Barrah Keaby, of the Bulye
mah country, and we whose names are hereunto affixed, headmen
of said country, do hereby of our own free will and accord, ratify
and confirm the foregoing contract made between the said Barrah
Keaby and James Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Coloniza
tion Society, and do bind ourselves, our dependents and successors
to observe the same.
In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and affixed
our seals, Signed : King Gun-o-aveh.
Juo-ey, King's mate.
Jammah, Governor of Haidee.

Attest :
Nathan Lee.

103
Keabeah, Half Governor.
Panagee-Qdeeah, second to Keabeah.
Dadga, Orator.
Edah, Soldier King.

Deed No. 3.
FROM KING NEAII WEAII, OF BOWREH.
Executed the 25th November, 1835.
Know all men by these presents, that I, Neah Weah, King of
Boureh and Half Cavally, and we whose names are hereunto
affixed, headmen of said Boureh, do hereby grant, deed and con
vey unto James Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization
Society, and by and through him to said Society, the territory
now under our jurisdiction called Boureh, and bounded as fol
lows, viz. : Beginning at a point on the sand beach, about one
mile Avest of Cavally Point, the same being the boundary line
between Cavally and Grahway, thence running in a north
easterly direction to the Cavally River, thence on the west
side of the Cavally River to the territory occupied by Cragh,
headman of AVatta? thence in a line running nearly south-west
to the sea beach, about four miles west of the mouth of the
Cavally river, thence west along the sea beach, about four miles
to the point of starting, including the whole territory possessed
by the Bowreh people east of Cape Palmas, excepting so much
thereof as is at present occupied as town, farm lots or burying
ground. And it is hereby agreed by said parties that the same
shall be and is hereby annexed to, and becomes a part of the
territory now belonging to the Maryland State Colonization
Society, and the inhabitants of the same shall unite Avith the
American colonists in defence of. this, their common country.
And it "is further agreed that all palavers arising between the

104

above named king of Bowreh, or any of his 'subjects, and any
other king or the subjects of another king belonging to the terri
tory of Maryland in Liberia, shall be set by the Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society, or American Governor of
the Colony. And it is further agreed that all inhabitants of
Liberia, Americans or natives, of what tribe soever, shall have
the free right of passing and repassing from one part of said ter
ritory to the other witliout injury or molestation. And it is
further agreed that no foreigner shall be permitted to reside in or
make trade in any part of the territory now ceded to the Mary
land State Colonization Society (always excepting the canoe trade
with foreign vessels), without a special permit from the American
Governor. The considerations for the above deed are as follows :
First. The above-named privileges for mutual defence.
Secondly. The advantages arising from having free access to all
trading parts which shall be established in Maryland in Liberia.
Thirdly. The advantages of schools, which the children of
native parents shall enjoy in common with the American children.
Fourth. The general benefit which will result to the native
inhabitants from free intercourse with the American colonists.
Fifth. Such presents as the colonial agent may see fit to make
for so valuable an acquisition of territory.
James Hall, A. M. S. C. S., j seal. (
King Neh, or Weah, x mark. J seal. (
Signed, sealed and delivered at Half Cavally, this twenty-fifth
hia
day of November, 1835, in presence of Neii, X mark.
Edda Hameh, alias Jim Wilson, King's Mate.
Norvoo, Headman of Half Cavally.
Crahbes, Head Gentleman of Half Cavally.
Eddah Quan, Headman of Neatoh.
Quain, Head Smith.

105
Dobbo, Governor of Eubbo.
Wah, Soldier King.
Caireii, Tobbo, Neh, Blubb, Geo, Hovro.
Crogh, Neaiimaii, Bob Queab, Crab, Leah.
Lah-na-too, Naimboo, Jabboo.
Hilly-Boo-aveii, Muss Neanko, or Jim Liver
pool, Hedd Trademen.
Dabaveh.

CONFIRMATION BY THE HEADMEN OF GRAND CAVALLY.
Grand Cavally, West Africa, May 20, 1834.
We, the undersigned Headmen of Grand Cavally, do, by these
presents, ratify and confirm the contract made by our king, Joe
Holland, alias Baphro, in conjunction with Will, alias Bolio, king
of Grahway, and Freeman, alias Pah Neahmah, king of Cape
Palmas, on the one part, and James Hall, Agent of the Maryland
State Colonization Society on the other part, deeding and convey
ing all the territory now possessed or holden by us to tho said
Society, reserving so much thereof as is now under cultivation, or
is occupied by us as towns and villages, agreeable to the deed
executed by the above-named kings at Cape Palmas, on the thir
teenth day of February, One Thousand Eight Hundred and
Thirty-four. Baewon, Governor of Cavally.
Tweadah, Governor Mate.
Twaabey, King's Adjutant.
Kalah, Soldier King.
Ne-AH-bey, Head trademan for River Cavally.
Juleh, King's Mouth.
Attest :
Anthony Wood.

106

SUPPLEMENT AFFIXED TO THE DEED OF TERRITORY FROM
THE KINGS OF CAPE PALMAS, GRAHWAY,
AND GRAND CAVALLY.
We, whose names are hereunto affixed, headmen of Cape
Palmas, Grahway and Grand Cavally, do ratify and confirm the
foregoing contract made by our sovereigns with James Hall,
Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society, this thirteenth
day of February, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-four.
U-ah-toii, Governor of Cape Palmas.
Jumbo, Soldier King.
Seah, Gent. Headman.
Kibeoh, Governor of Grahway big town.
Galah, king's mate and Governor of Half Grahway.
Seeii, Pioneer of the Expedition.
Bally, King's mouth or Interpreter.
Neh, Palaver house man.
Orah, " "
Dewey, " "
Attest :
James M. Thompson,
Geo. R. McGill.

Deed No. 4.
FROM KING GRA-KAW OF NEGAPOS.
Executed the 2(Uh December, 1835.
Know all men by these presents, that I, Gra-kaw, one of the
kings of Negahpos people (but totally free and independent from
all the kings of the said Negahpos,) and we, whose names are
hereunto affixed, Headmen and Governors of these several towns
belonging to the said Gra-kaw, do hereby deed and convey unto

107
James Hall, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society of
Maryland, in the United States of America, all the territory now
Avithin our jurisdiction, and bounded as follows : South and south
west by the territory of the Maryland State Colonization Society ;
west by the territory of the Gra-kaw, or King Hevas' people ;
north by King Wah, or Treaboah people ; east by the territory of
King Neh, of Denah, and of King Nehero. To have and to hold
the same, together with all the privileges and appurtenances
thereof, for all the purposes of agriculture, making roads, erecting
dwellings, &c, in common with my own people, the present
occupants, always reserving the part iioav occupied and tenanted
by us as towns, villages, or grain fields. And it is hereby agreed
by the said parties, that the same is hereby annexed to and
becomes a part of Maryland in Liberia, and the inhabitants
thereof shall all unite in defence of this their common territory.
They shall also bo equally entitled to the privileges of passing and
repassing to and from any truding parts established in said terri
tory of Maryland in Liberia. The children of native inhabitants
shall also, in common with those of American parents, enjoy the
privileges of attending any schools established in the territory.
The considerations for the above deed of gift are the advantages
which will accrue to the country from this arrangement, and such
presents and dashes as the said James Hall shall see fit to make
for so valuable a donation.
The foregoing deed, with a duplicate thereof, signed, sealed and
delivered at Bluroh, this twenty-sixth day of December, Eighteen
Hundred and Thirty-five. Gra-kaw, King. j seal. \
James Hall, Am. St. C. S. 1 seal, f
Tai, Gov. of Borroh.
Wrah, Gov. of Louree.
Coote, Gov. of Juedo.
Bunoh, Gov. of Noa.

108
Souleah, Gov. of Bueh.
Bllyemah, Gov. of Nasseh.
Ooreeii, Gov. of Batteh.
Neamah, Gov. of Tuo.
Capreii, Gov. of No.
Witnessed by :
Neh, Agency's Krooman.
Warroh, King Fruwansbay.

Deed No. 5.
FROM KING NEH OF DENAH.
Executed the 10th February, 1836.
Know all men by these presents, that I, Neh, king of a part of
the Negapo people, dwelling on the Cavally river (including
Denah), and we, whose names are hereunto affixed, headmen of
said territory, do hereby grant, deed and convey unto James Hall,
Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society, of Maryland,
in the United States of America, and by and through him to said
Society, all that tract of territory now under our jurisdiction
together with all and every privilege and appurtenances there
unto belonging, said territory is bounded as folloAvs : South, by
the territory occupied by another part of the Negapo people
under Yeabreh, headman of Nopatea, east, by the Labou people,
about thirty miles distant, north, by the Kings Enerno and  ,
another section of the Negapos, at a distance from Denah of ten
miles north-west by a section of country under the Negapos
people under King War, about fifteen miles distant south-west
and west by the territory of the Maryland State Colonization
Society purchased by one part of the Negapos tribe under King
Gra-kaw, containing in all, about 400 square miles. To have
and to hold the same as a part of and adjoining the Maryland
State Colonization Society's land, viz. : Maryland in Liberia.

109

And it is hereby agreed by the said parties that all of the
inhabitants thereof shall unite with the inhabitants of Maryland
in Liberia for their mutual security and defence. That all pala
vers arising between any king of the above-named territory, and
another king belonging to Maryland in Liberia, or between any
of his subjects, and the subjects of any other king belonging to
said State shall be subject to the decision of the Home Agent of
said Society, or the Governor of the American Colony. Also,
that all the inhabitants of Maryland in Liberia, either natives or
Americans, shall have the free right and privilege of passing and
repassing through any part of said Maryland in Liberia, and
have free access to all trading parts established in said territory.
Also, that the native inhabitants of the country so ceded shall
enjoy all the rights and privileges of schooling in common Avith
the American colonists. The considerations for the above grant
are the advantages that will result to the country from the
schools, trading ports, mutual protection, and the many great
benefits that will accrue from free intercourse with civilized
people. Also, such satisfactory presents as we at this time
acknowledge to have received from the Agent of the Maryland
State Colonization Society.
Signed, sealed and delivered, with a duplicate hereof, at Harper,
this 10th February, 1836. his
Rhea X Neh, King of Denah.
mark
James Hall, Agent Md. St. Col. Soc.
Waa-meh, X Town Orator.
Mayou, X Headman of Denah.
Crahbleh, X Governor of Yeabreh.
Toomoo, X " °f Noah-
Quo-quo, X " of Denah.
In presence of:
Oliver Holmes, Jr., and
James M. Thompson.
15

110
Deed No. 6, of Rock Town.
FROM KING VEAII.
Executed April 21st, 1837.
Know all men by these presents, that I, Gray, the true and
lawful king of Rock Town, and Frah, Governor of said country
(sometimes called Cape Palmas), do, by these presents, grant,
deed and convey unto Jno. B. Russwurm, as Agent of the Mary-
hind State Colonization Society, and through and by him to the
said Society, the territory now under our authority called Rock
Town (alias Tali), and bounded as follows, viz. : Beginning at
the Cocoa-nut tree near the beach, the northern boundary of the
American settlement at Cape Palmas, thence running parallel
with the seaboard, about six miles, more or less in a northern
direction to a point called Bleableah-Tawah, which divides it
from Fish Town. Thence running in a north-east direction
(point of compass not known), half a day's journey, or about
sixteen miles to the country called Saurogah, governed by King
Warrah, and thence in a south-east direction to the intervening
line between this territory and the American settlement men
tioned above, and from thence to the Cocoa-nut tree above
mentioned in a south-west direction, to have and to hold the
same in common with our people, and to occupy any part thereof
not now in actual use as a town, village or farm with all the
privileges and appurtenances thereunto belonging forever.
And it is further agreed by said parties, that the inhabitants of
the above named country, and the king and governor thereof,
and the American citizens of Maryland in Liberia shall unite
their forces in defence of their common country, and of the terri
tory already belonging to the Maryland Colonization Society in
Africa, to which this is now annexed. And it is further agreed
that all palavers arising between any two kings residing in Mary
land in Liberia between the subjects of any two kings shall be set
by the American Governor of the territory.

Ill
And it is further agreed on the part of the said King Gray and
Governor Traho, that no foreigner or person not authorized by
the Maryland State Colonization Society shall reside in or make
trade in any part of said territory, other than that made in canoes
with vessels in offing.
And further, that there shall never be, in either party, any
obstruction to a free passage through their respective territories,
either by land or water.
The considerations for the above deed arc as follows :
First. The above named privileges of mutual defence.
Second. The advantages from trading ports being established
in said territory, and through the Agent of the Maryland State
Colonization Society.
Third. The advantages of schools, which the children of the
native inhabitants shall enjoy in common with American
children. Fourth. The general benefit which the said King Gray and
Governor Frah, executors hereof, foresee will result to their
country, and the inhabitants thereof, from intercourse with
American colonists.
Fifth. Such presents or dashes as they may hope to receive
from the colonial agent for deeding the above-named terri
tory. And further, it is understood by the contracting parties that
nothing contained in this deed shall in any way interfere with
any former deed or conveyance which may have been given to
the Rev. J. L. Wilson, as Agent of the American Board of Com
missioners for Foreign Missions, for the purpose of establishing
schools within said territory. Jno. B. Russwurm, A. Md. S. C. S. )ss(
H

Gray, King,
Frah, Governor, } s >

112
Signed, sealed and delivered at Rock Town, this twenty-first
day of April, in the year of our Lord, One Thousand Eight
Hundred and Thirty-seven.
In presence of:
G. R. McGill,
Samuel Eden,
liis
Jack X Wilson.
mark. Rock Town, April 21st, 1837.
We, Veah, Duah, Neemah, Jr., Trah and Neemah, Sr., head
men for Rock Town, do, hereby in the presence of the King,
Governor and each other, ratify and confirm the foregoing contract
of King Gray and Governor Frah with Jno. B. Russwurm,
Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society, and bind our
selves to observe the same.

Attest :
George R. McGill,
Samuel Eden,
his
Tom X Prince.
mark.

his

Veah,

X

mark.

liia

Duah,

X

murk.
his
Neemah, Jr.
. x
mark.
his
Tuaii,
X
mark.
his
Neemah, Sr.
X
mark.
Deed No. 7, of Bassa.
FROM KING NIMLEE AND GOVERNOR OF BASSA COUNTRY.
Executed February 24th, A. D., 1846.
Know all men by these presents, that we, King Nimlee and
Governor Yellow Will, the true and lawful King and Governor
113

of Bassa Country, do, by tliese presents, grant, deed and convey to
Jno. B. Russwurm, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization
Society, and through and by him to said Society, the territory
now under our jurisdiction called Bassa, and bounded as follows :
Beginning at Bassa river and extending along the beach to  ,
east, by the Atlantic ocean ; west, by Labou and Taioh nation of
Bushmen ; north, by the Taioh 's and other Bush tribes, and south,
by the Atlantic ocean.
To have and to hold the same in common with our own people,
and to occupy any part thereof not now in actual use as a town,
or farm with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging forever.
And it is further agreed by said parties that the inhabitants of
the above-named country, the King and Governor thereof, and
the American citizens of Maryland in Liberia shall unite their
forces in defence of their common country and the territory
already belonging to the Maryland State Colonization Society in
Africa, to which this is now annexed.
And it is further agreed that all palavers arising between any
two kings residents of Maryland in Liberia, or between the sub
jects of any two kings .shall be set by the American Governor of
the colony.
And it is further agreed on the part of the above King Nimlee
and Governor Yellow Hill, that no foreigner not authorized by
the Maryland State Colonization Society, or other persons shall
reside in or make trade in any part of said territory, other than
that made in canoes with vessels in the offing.
And further, that there shall never be, in either party, any
obstructions to a free passage through their respective territories,
either by land or sea.
The considerations of the above deed are as follows :
First. The above-named privileges of mutual defence.
Second. The advantages accruing from trading posts being
established in said territory, by and through the Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society.

114

Third. The advantages of schools, which the children of
the native inhabitants shall enjoy in common with American
children. Fourth. The general benefit which the said King Nimlee and
Governor Yellow Hill, executors hereof, foresee will result to their
country, and the people thereof, from intercourse with American
colonists. Fifth. Such dashes as they may hope to receive from the
Colonial Agent for deeding said territory.
Signed, sealed and delivered at Bassa, King George's Town,
this twenty-fourth day of February, A. D. 1846.
Jno. B. Russwurm, A. Md. St. S.
Nimlee, King, X
Yellow Will, Gov.
In presence of:
Truman, King, X
Yellow Will, X
D. E. McFarland,
Jno. Banks.
We, Pouch, Barreh and Brah, Headmen of Bassa, do hereby,
in the presence of the King and Governor and each other, ratify
and confirm the foregoing contract with Jno. B. Russwurm,
A. M. S. C. S., and bind ourselves and adherents to observe the
same.
Pouch, X
Barrah, X
Bkaii, X
Jeueh. X
In presence of:
Tuuman, King.
Yelloav Will.

115
Deed No. 8, of Tahoe.
FROM KING GEORGE.
Executed February 24th, 1846.
I, King George, the true and lawful king of the country of
Tahoe, do, by these presents, grant, deed, and convey unto John
B. Russwurm, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society,
and through and by him to said Society, the territory now under
my authority, called and bounded as follows, viz. : East by the
Atlantic ocean and river Padro; west by Grand Berriby and
Yappo nation of bushmen ; north by the Europoh nation of bush-
men ; and south by the Atlantic ocean.
To have and to hold the same in common with our own people,
and to occupy any part thereof not now in actual use as a town,
farm or village, Avith all the privileges and appurtenances there
unto belonging forever.
And it is further agreed by the said parties that the inhabitants
of the above-named country and tlie kings thereof, and American
citizens of Maryland in Liberia, shall unite their forces in defence
of their common country and of the territory already belonging to
the Maryland Colonization Society in Africa, to which this is now
annexed. And it is further agreed that all palavers arising between any
two kings residing in Maryland in Liberia, or between the sub
jects of any two kings, shall be set by the American Governor of
the territory.
And it is further agreed on the part of the said King George
that no foreigner or person not authorized by the Maryland State
Colonization Society shall reside in or make trade in any part of
said territory other than that made in canoes with vessels in the
offing. And further that there shall never be, in either party, any
obstruction to a free passage through their respective territories
either by land or water.

11.6

The considerations for the above deed are as follows :
First. The above-named privileges of mutual defence.
Second. The advantages accruing from trading posts being
established in said territory by and through the Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society.
TJdrd. The advantages of schools, which the children of the
native inhabitants shall enjoy in common with American
children. Fourth. The general benefit which the said King George,
executor hereof, foresees will result to their country, and the
inhabitants thereof, from intercourse with American colonists.
Fifth. Such presents or dashes as they may hope to receive
from the Colonial Agent for ceding above territory.
Signed, sealed and delivered at Town of Bassa (King George's),
this twenty-fourth day of February, A. D., 1846.
In presence of:
Jno. Kanks,
D. C. McFarland.
Town of Bassa, February 24th, 1846.
We, Hugo, Scab and Gerah, headmen of Tahoe, do, hereby in
the presence of our kings and each other, ratify and confirm the
preceding contract with Jno. B. Russwurm, Agent of the Mary
land State Colonization Society, and bind ourselves and adherents
to observe them.
Hago Seah,
Gerah.
In presence of:
Truman, King,
Yelloav Will.

117
Deed No. 8, of Grand Berriby.
FROM KING DARBO AND KING TOM.
Executed February 23d, 1846;
Know all men by these presents, that we, King Darbo and
King Tom, the true and lawful Kings of Grand Berriby :
Do by these presents, grant, deed and convey unto Jno. B.
Russwurm, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society,
and through and by him to said Society, the territory now under
our authority and bounded as follows, viz : East, by the Atlantic
ocean ; west, by Half Berriby and Majo najo nation of Bushmen ;
north, by the Yappo nation of Bushmen, and south, by the
Atlantic ocean.
To have and to hold the same in common with our own people,
and to occupy any part thereof not now in actual use as a town,
village or farm with all the privileges and appurtenances there
unto belonging forever.
And it is further agreed by said parties that the inhabitants of
the above country, and the King and Governor thereof, and
American citizens of Maryland in Liberia shall unite their forces
in defence of their common country, and of the territory already
belonging to the Maryland Colonization Society in Africa, to
which this is now annexed ; and it is further agreed that all pala
vers arising between any two kings residing in Maryland in
Liberia, or between the subjects of any two kings shall be set by
the American Governor of the territory.
And it is further agreed on the part of the said King Darbo
and King Tom :
That no foreigner or person not authorized by the Maryland
State Colonization Society shall reside in or make trade in any
part of said territory, other than that made in canoes with vessels
in the offing. 16

118

And further, that there shall never be, in either party, any
obstructions to a free passage through their respective territories,
either by land or water.
The considerations for the above deed are as follows :
First. The above-named privileges of mutual defence.
Second. The advantages accruing from trading posts being
established in said territory, by and through the Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society.
'Third. The advantages of schools, which the children of the
native inhabitants shall enjoy in common Avith the American
children. Fourth. The general benefit which the said King Darbo and
King Tom, executors hereof, foresee will result to their country, and
the inhabitants thereof from intercourse with American colonists.
Fifth. Such presents or dashes as they may hope to receive
from the Colonial Agent for ceding above-named territory.
Signed, sealed and delivered at Bassa Town, King George's, this
twenty -third February, A. D. 1846.
Jno. B. Russwurm,
Governor Md. JAberia.
Darbo King, -f- 0
In presence of: Tom King, -\- 0
I). C. McFarland,
John Banks,
Truman King, -+-
We, Neemah, Governor, and Crah, headmen of Grand Berriby,
do, hereby in the presence of our kings and each other, ratify and
confirm the preceding contract with J. B. Russwurm, Agent of
the Maryland State Colonization Society, and bind ourselves
and adherents to observe them.
NEMAn, Gov. -\-
In presence of: Crah, Headman, +
Truman King, -|-
Yellow Will. -(-

119
Deed No. 9, of Berriby.
FROM OURIPPI AND HUGO, GOVERNOR.
Executed March 13th, 1846.
Know all men by these presents, that we, Ourippi, alias King
William, and Hugo, Governor, the true and lawful King and
Governor of Half Berriby :
Do, by tliese presents, grant, deed, and convey unto John B.
Russwurm, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society,
and through and by him to said Society, the territory now under
our authority, called and bounded as follows, viz. : East by the
Atlantic ocean ; west by the Mago and Ourappo nations of bush-
men ; north by the Hennah nation bushmen, and south by the
Atlantic ocean.
To have and to hold the same in common with our own people,
and to occupy any part thereof not now in actual use as a toAvn,
village, farm, with all the privileges and appurtenances thereunto
belonging, forever. '
And it is further agreed by said parties that the inhabitants of
the above country, and the King and Governor thereof, and the
American citizens of Maryland in Liberia, shall unite their forces
in defence of their common country and of the territory already
belonging to the Maryland State Colonization Society in Africa :
to which this is now annexed.
And it is further agreed that all palavers arising between any
two kings residing in Maryland in Liberia, or between the sub
jects of any two kings, shall be set by the American Governor of
the territory.
And it is further agreed on the part of the said King and
Governor, that no foreigner or person not authorized by the
Maryland State Colonization Society, shall reside in or make
trade in any part of said territory, other than that made in canoes
Avith vessels in the offinar.

120

And further, that there shall never be, in either party, any
obstruction to a free passage through their respective territories,
either by land or water.
The considerations ofthe above deed are as follows :
First. The above-named privileges of mutual defence.
Second. The advantages accruing from trading posts being
established in said territory by and through the Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society.
Third. The advantages of schools, which the children of tlie
native inhabitants shall enjoy in common with American children.
Fourth. Tlie general benefit which the said King und Governor,
executors hereof, foresee will result to their country and the
inhabitants thereof, from intercourse with American colonists.
Fifth. Such presents or dashes as they may hope to receive
from the Colonial Agent for ceding the above-named territory.
Signed, sealed and delivered at Cape Palmas, this 13th of
March, A. D. One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-six.
Jno. B. Russavurm.
A. Md. S. C. S.
William, King, -j-
Hugo, Governor, -j-
In presence of:
Truman, King, -4-
Yellow Will, -4-
W. A. Prout.
Cape Palmas, March 13th, 1846.
We, Neah and Nepah, Headmen of Half Berriby, dp hereby,
in the presence of our King and Governor and each, ratify and
confirm the preceding contract with John B. Russwurm, A. Md.
S. Col. Society, and bind ourselves and adherents to observe them.
Neaii, Headman, -(-
Nepaii, " -f-

In presence of:
Truman, King, -f-
Yellow Will, -f-

121

Deed No. 10, of Tabou.
FROM KING GEORGE, OF BASSA ; KING GEORGE MACAU-
LEY, OF G. TABOU, AND KING CRAH, OF TABOU RIVER.
Executed March 13th, 1846.
Know all men by these presents: that we, King George, of
Bassa ; King George Macauley, of G. Tabou, and King Crah, of
Tabou River, the true and lawful kings of the country of Tabou :
Do, by these presents, grant, deed and convey unto John B.
Russwurm, Agent of the Maryland State Colonization Society,
and through and by him to said Society, the territory now
under our authority, called and bounded as follows, viz. : East
by Bassa country and the Atlantic ocean ; west by Barbo country
and Taps nation ; north by Tarah nation and Bushman, and
south by the Atlantic ocean.
To have and to hold the same in common with our own people,
and to occupy any part thereof not now in actual use as a town,
village, farm, with all tlie privileges and appurtenances thereunto
belonging, forever.
And it is further agreed by said parties that the inhabitants of
the above country and the kings and headmen thereof, and the
American citizens of Maryland in Liberia, shall unite their forces
in defence of their common country and of the territory already
belonging to the Maryland State Colonization Society in Africa,
to which this is now annexed.
And it is further agreed that all palavers arising between any
two kings residing in Maryland in Liberia, or between the sub
jects of any two kings, shall be set by the American Governor of
the territory.
And it is further agreed on the part of the said Kings George,
G. Macauley and Crah, that no foreigner, or person not author
ized by the Maryland State Colonization Society, shall reside in
or make trade in any part of said territory, other than that made
in canoes with vessels in the offing.

122

And further, that there shall never be, in cither party, any
obstruction to a free passage through their respective territories,
either by land or water.
The considerations of tho above deed are as follows :
First. The above-named privileges of mutual defence.
Second. The advantages accruing from trading posts being
established in said territory, by and through the Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society.
Third. The advantages of schools, which the children of the
native inhabitants shall enjoy in common with American chil
dren. Fourth. The general benefit which the said Kings George, G.
Macauley and Crah, executors hereof, foresee will result to their
country and the inhabitants thereof, from intercourse with
American colonists.
Fifth. Such presents or dashes as they may hope to receive
from the Colonial Agent for ceding the above-named territory.
Signed, sealed and delivered at Cape Palmas, this 13th of
March, A. D. One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-six.

Jno. B. Russwurm, Agt. Md. S. C. So.
George, King, X
George Macauley, King, X
Crah, King, X
In presence of:
King Truman,
Yelloav Will,
D. C. McFarlan,
Jno. Banks.
Tmvn of Bassa, King George's, February 23d, 1846.
We, Weah, Governor, Neman and Yakuh, headmen of Tabou
River, Grand Tabou and Bassa, do hereby, in the presence of our
kings and each other, ratify and confirm the preceding contract

123
with J. B. Russwurm, Agt. Md. St. C. Society, and bind ourselves
and adherents to observe them. Weah, Governor T. River,
Nemah, " Tabou,
Yakuh, " Bassa.
Attest :
Trueman, King, X
Yellow Will. X

Deed No. ii, of Garraway.
FROM BLACK WILL, ANDREAV LAWSON, DOBBAH, HALF
GARRAWAY, WHEREBOH AND YOIRRAH, KINGS AND
HEADMEN OF THE GARRAWAY COUNTRY.
Know all men by these presents : that, for the consideration
hereafter mentioned, we, Black Will, Andrew Lawson, Dobbah,
half Garraway, Whereboh and Yoirrah, Kings and headmen of
the Garraway country, have granted and sold, and by these
presents do grant and sell to the Maryland State Colonization
Society of Maryland, in the United States of North America, the
following tract of land, of which we are at this time lawfully
seized by right of possession and descent. Beginning at a point
north, at Poor river on the beach, from thence running into the
interior eastwardly on the south side of said Poor river to the
Trimbah country to a point ; thence running in a lino separating
the Trimbah country, Tabareah, Boloboh and TJrabah territory
south to Fish Town river to a point ; thence running along said
river in a line Avest to the beach to a point ; thence running in a
line north-westwardly on the sea beach to the point of starting.
Including all the rivers, bays, creeks, timbers and mines on the(
same, excepting so much of said territory as is now under cultiva
tion by the inhabitants thereof, or such places as may be occupied
by us or our descendants as towns or villages, reserving also the
right of passing up and doAvn all rivers and creeks, and of

124
traversing all sections of country not inhabited by colonists, the
said Society to have and to hold the said territory for its special
benefit and behoof. And Ave do agree to warrant and defend the
same against the claim of all persons Avhatever. And it shall
have power by its Agent to exercise all authority in the above-
named territory, and we hereby acknoAvledge ourselves members
of the Colony of Maryland in Liberia so far as to unite in its
common defence in case of war or foreign aggression.
And T, the said John B. Russwurm, in the name of said Society,
do hereby guarantee to the said kings and their descendants the
above reserved rights ; and further, that neither themselves or
property shall be trespassed upon, or molested in any way what
ever, and no lands under cultivation nor towns nor villages shall
be taken from them except by special contract, paying the desired
remuneration therefor.
We also acknowledge the receipt of the following articles of
merchandise from John B. Russwurm, Agent of the said Society
and Governor of said territory, as full and ample compensation
therefor :
One Hhd. Tobacco. Twenty ps. Cloth.
One Box Cutlasses. Twenty Muskets.
One Keg Flints, Ten large Kegs Powder.
Two Boxes Pipes. Ten Black Hats.
Fifty Iron Bare.
This instrument, with the triplicate hereof, is executed at Gar
raway, this tenth day of August, A. D. One Thousand Eight
Hundred and Forty-nine, Black Will, his X
Dobbaii, his X
Wherebah, his X
Yourah, his X
In presence of: Yoierah, his X
J. H. Stewart,
Chaeles H, Lee,
Yellow Will, his X

125
We, whose names arc affixed, Headmen of Garraway Towns,
do ratify and confirm the foregoing contracts made by our
Governors and Kings with John B. Russwurm, Agent of the
Maryland State Colonization Society, this tenth day of August
A. D. One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-nine. Yeboh, his X
Toav Weaii, his X
Gessaugh, his X
Blanyaii, his X

THE AGREEMENT WHICH MADE MARYLAND
IN LIBERIA INDEPENDENT.

Whereas the people of Maryland in Liberia have represented to
the Maryland State Colonization Society, that it is their desire,
and that it will, in their opinion, materially promote their welfare,
to dissolve all political connection with or subordination to the
said Society, and with that view have, with the full consent and
approbation of the Society, formed for themselves a Constitution
and Form of Government, under which, when the same shall
have been fully ratified and adopted, they design to declare them
selves a Free, Sovereign and Independent State ;
And whereas the Maryland State Colonization Society, having
in their establishment of the colony at Cape Palmas, and in their
government of the same, been always desirous to improve the
condition of the free people of color of Maryland, by placing them
in a position in which they would find no obstacles in the way of
their advancement ; and the Society whilst recognizing with hum
ble gratitude to the Giver of all good, in the present condition
and future prospects of the people of Maryland in Liberia, the
blessings which have thus far crowned their labors, humbly
17

126

trust that the change now proposed to be made in the relations
between the Society and the people, may still further advance the
prosperity of those for whose welfare they have labored.
And whereas, in severing tho political connection heretofore exist
ing between the said Society and the people of Maryland in Liberia,
it is necessary and proper to enter into an arrangement in reference
to the public and other property in Maryland in Liberia, now
belonging to the Society ; for which purpose William A. Prout
and William Cassell have been duly appointed by the people of
Maryland in Liberia commissioners to confer with the Society.
Now, therefore, the Maryland State Colonization Society on the
one part, and William A. Prout and William Cassell, Commissioners
of the people of Maryland in Liberia, on the other part, have, on
this fourteenth day of February, in the year of Our Lord, One
Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty-four, in the City of Balti
more, entered into the following agreement, which, if duly ratified
within tho space of twelve months by the government which may
be established by ihe people of Maryland in Liberia, shall be
binding both on the said Society and on the said government and
people, to wit :
Article I. — The Society hereby agrees to cede all its public lands
within the limits of Maryland in Liberia to the people and govern
ment of that Republic, subject to the following provisions, viz. :
First. The Government shall allow to all future emigrants out of
any unoccupied or unsold lands, instead of the quantity heretofore
allowed by the regulations of the Society, a farm lot of ten acres,
or a town lot of one quarter of an acre in any new settlement
that may hereafter be made ; or ten acres for a farm lot in the
present settlement, the town lot being the same as heretofore, viz.,
an eighth of an acre ; and when the Government sells any of the
public lands, every alternate lot or farm, or section or square
mile, shall be left unsold, to be assigned to emigrants.
Second. All sales shall be at auction, to the highest bidder.
Lands after having been offered at auction and unsold, may be
sold at private sale, not below a price to be fixed by law.

127
Third. The tracts reserved for emigrants may, with the assent
of the Society, be exchanged for others of equal value, or sold
and the proceeds devoted to the purposes of education.
Fourth. The Government of Maryland in Liberia shall appro
priate at least ten per cent, of the proceeds of the sale of public
lands to school or educational purposes.
Fifth. The Society shall retain the right of locating emigrants
in any of the present settlements, or in any new settlement that
may be made.
Sixth. NeAV settlements are to be formed by the concurrence
and agreement of the Government of Maryland in Liberia and
the Society.
Seventh. The lands held by the State for the occupancy of
emigrants shall be exempt from taxation.
Eighth. If the Government of the United States shall at any
time determine to send to Maryland in Liberia recaptured
Africans, the Society shall thereupon have the right to claim, and
to have immediately set apart for their use, by the Government
of Maryland in Liberia, not exceeding one hundred acres, as tho
Society may require, out of any of the public lands not previously
sold or appropriated.
Ninth. The Society shall retain the public store and the wharf
thereto appertaining, the present receptacles fpr emigrants, with
the land thereto contiguous, sufficient to accommodate the occu
pants, and the west half of the public farm, dividing it through
the center by a line running northerly at right angles with tho
Maryland avenue ; and, whenever required, the Government shall
further cede to the Society in each new settlement that may be
made, a lot of suitable size for the reception and accommodation
of new emigrants. All property retained by, or which may here
after be ceded to the Society, with all improvements which the
Society may make thereon, shall be exempt from taxation so long
as the Society shall retain the same ; but the Society shall take
such care of all their lots as the citizens are required to take of

128
theirs, in order to prevent their becoming nuisances ; and in case
of neglect the town authorities shall be authorized to abate
such nuisances at the expense of the Society.
Article II. — The Society shall have the privilege of intro
ducing into Maryland in Liberia, free of duty, all its stores,
provisions and furniture for the use of emigrants, as well as all
other articles which it may at any time send there to be sold for
the purpose of providing means for the reception, accommodation
and support of emigrants, so long as they may remain under the
care of the Society ; and all vessels chartered by the Society and
carrying emigrants shall be free from light-house and anchorage
duties. Aeticle III. — Recaptured Africans shall be admitted into
Maryland in Liberia, should the United States Government desire
to send them there, and make provision for their support.
Article IV. — The Society shall give to the Government of
Maryland in Liberia the Government house and public offices,
forts, and all munitions of war hoav in the territory, also the ware
house last erected by Governor Russwurm, belonging to the
Society. All property of every description not expressly ceded
by these articles of agreement to the Government and people of
Maryland in Liberia, is reserved to the Society, and may be dis
posed of solely at its discretion.
Article V. — All emigrants hereafter sent to Maryland in
Liberia by the Society shall have secured the same rights of
citizenship in Maryland in Liberia, and upon the same terms and
conditions as have been enjoyed by emigrants heretofore sent
there by the Society.
Article VI.— In case the Maryland State Colonization So
ciety shall at any time hereafter become united with or merged in
any other colonization society; or should the duties now and here
after to be performed by said State Society in regard to emigrants
from Maryland be assumed by, or devolve upon the present, or
any future colonization agents, appointed by the State of Mary-

129
land, then and in either of such cases, all the provisions of the
present agreement shall be mutually binding upon the Govern
ment and people of Maryland in Liberia on the one hand, and on
such other colonization society, or on such State colonization
agents, as the case may be, respectively ; and shall secure to each
and all of said parties the benefits of the same.
Article VII. — Tliese articles may be altered at any time by
the mutual agreement of the President and Managers of the
Maryland State Colonization Society and the Government of
Maryland in Liberia.
Article VIII. — It is hereby agreed that after the Govern
ment of Maryland in Liberia shall have been duly organized,
and shall have acted upon and duly ratified the foregoing Articles,
as herein provided for, and shall have furnished tho Society with
the duly authenticated evidence thereof, the Society shall be
bound, and hereby binds itself to execute and transmit to the said
Government, such Instrument of Avriting or Deed as shall be by
said Republic deemed necessary fully to confirm, convey and
vest in said Government the title in fee simple to all the said
lands, subject only to the conditions and reservations herein
contained. In testimony whereof, the undersigned Commissioners of Mary
land in Liberia have hereunto set their hands and seals, and the
undersigned President, Vice-Presidents and Managers of the,
Maryland State Colonization Society have hereunto set their
hands and caused the seal of the said Society to be hereto affixed.
Done at the City of Baltimore, Maryland, in the United States
of America, on this tAventy-second day of February, in the year
of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty-four.
W. A. Prout, ) seal, f )
^ % > Commissioners.
AVm. Cassell, 1 seal, f J
Charles Howard, Pres. Md. State Col. Soe.

130

Hugh Davey Evans,
John Hanson Briscoe, V. P.,
AVm. Crane,
George S. Gibson,
Wm. Mason.
Board of Managers

Vice-Presidents.

William F. Giles,
Charles F. Mayer,
Comfort Tiffany,
William Woodward,
Wm. 11. Keigiiler,
Isaac P. Cook,
J. Howard McHenry,
F. W. Brune, Jr., Recording Secretary
Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of:
James Hall, Genl. Agt. Md. S. Col. Society.
John Seys, Trav. Agent.
W. McLain,
Geo. W. S. Hall.

Thos. Wilson,
J. H. McCulloh,
J. Mason Campbell,
Isaac Tyson, Jun.,
Francis T. King,
Chas. J. M. Gwinn,
AV. A. Talbott.

CODE OF LAWS FOR KING FREEMAN.

1. All men must do to each other as they AVpuld have men do
unto them.
2. All men must speak truth : none but bad men lie.
3. If a man kill another man because he hated and wanted to
kill him, he must be hung.
4. If a man kill another man, and did not hate him or want
to kill him, but did not take care, and killed him, he must go to
jail and be punished as the judge says.

131
5. If two men quarrel, and fight on the spot, and did not hate
before they fought, or want to kill, and one kill the other, he
must go to jail and be punished as the judge says.
6. If one man kill another, and did not hate him, or want to
kill him, and tried not to kill him, but killed him, he must not
be punished.
7. If one man try to kill another, and the man whom he tries
to kill, fight him and kill him to save his OAvn life, he must not be
punished. 8. If a man make rape on a woman, and she not willing, he
must be hung,
9. If a man try to make rape on a woman, and she fight and
kill him, she must not be punished. ,
10. If a man burn a house in the night where anybody are to
sleep, he must be hung.
11. If a man burn a house at any other time, or a house Avhere
nobody are to sleep, or. pull down a house which is not his, or
break into another man's house because he wants to steal, he must
go to jail and be punished as the judge says.
12. If a man, or two men, or many men, take a man, or woman,
or child, and sell them for slaves, they must be hung.
13. If a man hurt another by beating or cutting him very
much, he must go to jail and be punished as the judge says.
14. If a man take away another man's wife, or use her as his
wife, he must go to jail and be punished as the judge says.
15. If a man have one wife, and while she lives take another
wife, so as to have more than one wife living, he must go to jail
and be punished as the judge says ; besides, he must give to both
wives and their children a house to live in, and enough to eat and
drink as long as they live.
16. If a man steal, he must give back what he stole, and besides,
he must go to jail and be punished as the judge says.
17. If a woman do anything wrong, she must be punished the
same as a man.

132

18. If a man kill or hurt a woman, he must be punished as if
he had killed or hurt a man.
19. If a man or woman do any thing which these or any other
laws say is wrong, the constable, when he is told of it by anybody,
must catch the man or woman that has done wrong, and bring
them before the judge. If the constable will not do so, he must
pay for the wrong and be punished as the judge says. If he looks
good and tries to find the man or woman that did Avrong, but
cannot find them, he must not be punished.
20. If a man or woman under one king, steal or hurt a man or
woman under another king or governor, the king under whom
the man or woman is that did so must make that man or woman
that did the wrong pay for it, and be punished besides. If the
king will not do this, he must pay for the wrong that has been
done himself.
21. When any man or woman is said to have done any wrong,
the judge must hear what every body says that was there or
knew anything about it, and if he thinks the man or woman has
done the wrong, which is called being Guilty, he must punish the
man or woman for doing wrong according to the law, but if the
judge, after he has heard what every body who was there has to
say, does not think the man or woman guilty, he must let him oi
lier go free. The judge must go by what tho people say that Avas
there or knew anything about it.
22. The judge cannot punish, unless he sees the wrong done, or
hears other people that he can believe, say they saw it done, or
saw such things as make the judge know it was done.
23. If a man says before the judge that any other man or woman
did wrong, and speak lie when he says so, he must go to jail and '
be punished as the judge says, for this is bad.
24. The king must make judges to hear all things which are
Avrong among his people, and to try all men or women that have
done wrong; and the judges must be the best and wisest men
among the king's people.

133
25. The American men must be tried by the American judges,
and when the dispute is between a native and an American man,
there must be a native judge and an American judge, and if they
don't agree, the American governor of the colony must settle the
business. 26. If any man kill or hurt another man's cattle beasts, he
must pay for it, and go to jail and be punished as the judge says.

SONG OF THE EMIGRANTS TO CAPE
PALMAS.

For Africa ! for Africa ! our way lies o'er the deep,
Where ride we crests of briny waves and down their valleys sweep :
We leave behind the white sea-gulls at limit of their flight,
Until around Cape Palmas, again we'll greet their sight ;
As though the feathered things had. flown to welcome us, when we
Shall tread, as tread we Afric's shore, the footsteps of the free.
For Africa ! for Africa ! our flag is floating fair ;
We have taken Freedom's banner, though its stars are wanting
there ;
But, in their place, the holy sign is on the azure field,
And cross and stripes have now become our standard and our
shield ;
And yet, where Afric's palm trees wave, where whirls the dread
simoon,
May mark where pilgrims, wending home, may loose their sandal
shoon.
' For Africa ! for Africa ! we bear the glorious light
AVhose radiance from revealed truth is more than sunbeam bright.
18

134
Where hearts of wandering thousands no softening thoughts have
known,
AVhere prayer has never yet gone up to Heaven's eternal throne,
AVe'll plant the cross, the idol break, we'll teach the sacred word
Until, through heathen Africa, our God shall be adored.
For Africa ! for Africa ! oh ! who would stay behind ;
The anchor hangs upon the bow, the sails swell in the wind :
Our fatherland, the love of thee within our heart now reigns —
Then bid thy wanderers welcome through all thy boundless plains ;
Yield, from thy fruitful bosom, a harvest to our toil,
Until Ave find, 'neath shadowing palms, our graves within thy soil.
i L.
November 27, 1834.

The flag of Liberia is the American flag, with a cross of equal
arms of white in place of the stars.

I1TDEZ.

Absorption of Maryland in Liberia
into Liberia proper, 84.
Act of Maryland of 1831, provisions
of, 16.
Act of Congress of 1819, 9.
Alligator, schooner, 9.
Am. Col. Society, 9 ; letters to, 29 ;
opposed to State action, 14 ; agree
ment with, 14.
Am. Board of Commissioners for For
eign Missions, undertake to estab
lish free schools, 41 (note) ; letter
to, 29, 00, 61.
Anchorage duty established, 63.
Ann, sailing of the, 37 ; passengers
by the, 37 (note) ; voyage of the,
38, 39.
Annapolis, meetings of the State
Society at, 9.
Anniversary of settlement celebrated,
63.
Appendix, 93.
Appropriation, State, renewed in
1852, 74; renewed in 1858, 84.
Ardent spirits, use of, or traffic in,
prohibited, 22.
Auxiliary societies, 10.
Ayres, Dr. Eli, 9. B
Baker, Dr. Samuol, on committee to
prepare constitution, 13.

Ballah, Simleh's, visit to the Society,
48; his speech, 48; his views
about ex post facto laws, 49 (note).
Baltimore, contribution from, in 1829,
13.
Baphro, King of Grand Cavally,
40.
Baptist Mission, 86.
Bassa, deed of, 112.
Berriby, Grand, deed of, 117, 119.
Bowreh, deed of, 103.
Building at Cape Palmas, April 15,
1834, 44.
Bulama, Island of, suggested, 11.
Bulyemah, deed of, 99.
C
Cape Palmas selected, 24; deed of,
40; improvements at, in 1853, 85,
86 ; commissioners of Am. Bd. of
Foreign Missions, 37 ; deed of,
95.
Cassell, W., appointed chief justice,
71.
Cavally, deed of, 95, 98, 105. '
Celebration of anniversary of the
colony, 63.
Chesapeake and Liberia Trading
Company, 69.
Chief justice provided for, 70.
Circulating medium, 51 ; form of
note, 59.
Commissioners of State fund, under
Act of 1831, 15; agreement with,
for advances, 27.
135

136

Constables appointed by King Free
man, 48.
Constitution of Maryland in Liberia,
31 ; circumstance attending its
adoption, 31 (note).
Contribution, in 1829, from Balti
more, 11.
Contributions of the State Society to
the cause, 82 ; by profit and loss
and from collections, 82.
Congregational mission, 86.
Cotton, ordinance making it a ten
der, 55.
Custom of natives, in purchases, 58.
D
Drayton, AVilliam S., Lieutenant
Governor, 81.
Deeds — African deeds, 95.
Denah, deed of, 108. E
Elizabeth, ship, chartered by U. S.,
9.
Emigrants by the Ann, 37.
Emigration of A. C. S. in 1828, 11.
Evans, Hugh Davy, his work for the
. Society, 54.
Expedition by Orion, 14.
Executive and judiciary functions
separated, 70. F
Finley, Bobert S., visit to Baltimore,
12.
Flag of Maryland in Liberia, 28.
Free schools for natives, 40.
Freeman, King, difficulty about rice
with, 46, 47; liis letter to the
State Society, 50-51 (note) ; code of
laws for, 130.

G
Garraway, deed of, 95, 98.
Grahway, deed of, 123.
II
Hall, Dr. James, passenger in Orion,
14; recommended as agent, 24;
his letter to Dr. Ayres descriptive
of Cape Palmas, 25 ; his arrival in
Baltimore and acceptance of the
office, 27 ; his account of fitness, 26
(note) ; negotiating for purchase of
Cape Palmas, 40 ; proclamation of,
as governor, 44; makes King Free
man pay for thefts by his people,
47 ; rescue of Popo from Sassa
wood ordeal, 57 ; resignation of,
53 ; appointed general agent, 59 ;
active in closing native war, 83;
school at Cape Palmas, 85.
Harper — name given to settlement
at Capo Palmas, 52.
Haidee, deed of, 102.
Horsey, Rev. John, 37.
Hoffman, Peter, on committee to
prepare constitution for State So
ciety, 13.
Holmes, Mr. Oliver, Junior, ap
pointed temporary governor, 54.
Howard, B. C, elected president of
Society, 52.
Howard, Charles, president, succeed
ing Latrobe, 80 ; his character, 80.

Improvements at Cape Palmas in
1853, 85, 86.
Independence, question of, mooted,
75 ; address of committee in re
gard to, 75 ; commissioners to ne
gotiate appointed, 76; treaty of,
77 ; agreement of, 125.

137

Injuries, ordinance for redress of, 56.
International Association, 90.

Justices of the Peace appointed by
King Freeman, 48.

Latrobe, J: H. B., resolution in 1828,
11 ; on committee to prepare con
stitution for State Society, 30 ; re
ports constitution for Md. in Lib.,
36; reports ordinance for tempo
rary government, 33 ; reports let
ter of instructions to Dr. Hall, 36 ;
elected president, 56 ; village of,
87 ; speech of, in 1828, app., 95.
Lafayette, expedition by, 14 ; unfor
tunate result of, 17.
Liberia packet, launch of the, 69.
Light-house supplied with new lan
tern, 65, 90.
Limit of Liberia, 87.
M
Maryland State Colonization Society,
10; organized, 13 ;
Maryland in Liberia, constitution of,
31.
Maryland, the State of, embarks in
colonization on its own resources,
23; renews the appropriation of
1831,74,84.
Map of the colony, first, 52.
Mount Tubman, 63.
Monument to Gov. Russwurm, 73.
Margaret Mercer, schooner, 25; Miss,
25 (note).
Mary Caroline Stevens, 83 (note).
Mason, Thomas, Secretary of State,
81.

McGill, Dr. Samuel F., appointed
governor, 74 ; George R., 39.
Mesurada, Cape, 9.
Methodist church, 86.
Military duty of employees of the
A. B. C. F. M., 60, 61; report of
committee in regard to, 61.
Monroe, President, construction of
Act of 1819, 9.
Monrovia, The Ann reaches, 38.
N
New settlement, committee on, 18 ;
report of committee, 18.
Negapos, deed of, 106.
Nicolson, Captain, of the Potomac,
report of, 56; present of, to the
colony, 56 (note). o
Officers of original Society, 13.
Ordinance, for temporary government
of Maryland in Liberia, reported
by Mr. Latrobe, 33 ; for redress of
injuries, 56 ; for maintenance of
authority, 64; separating execu
tive and judicial functions, 70;
providing for public worship, 72.
Orion, expedition by, 14.
Orphan Asylum, Episcopal, 86.

Palmas, Cape, proposed as a site, 11 ;
recommended by committee, 19 ;
resolution recommending, 20 ; pur
chase of, from natives, 40, 41 ; de
scription of, 42; selection of site
of Harper, at, 43.
Parmah, King of Cape Palmas, 40.
Plorah, deed of, 101.
Popo, rescue of, from Sassa wood
ordeal, 57.

138

Potomac, visit of frigate, to Cape
Palmas, 55.
Proclamation of Governor Hall, 44.
Profit and loss account, 88.
Property, ordinance for taking care
of movable, 52.
Protestant Episcopal Mission, 86.
Prout, AV. A., commissioner to nego
tiate independence, 76; elected
governor, 81 ; death of governor,
82.
Public worship, ordinanco provid
ing for, 72. It
Refusal to receive criminal, par
doned on condition of emigrating
to Maryland in Liberia, 69.
Resolution proposing State action,
12.
Rock town, deed of, 110.
Routine of life at the Cape, 63.
Russwurm, J. B., appointed gov
ernor, 54; visits the U. S., 71;
dinner to governor, 72; death of,
73 ; address to the people on occa
sion of his death, 73; monument
to, 73. S
San Pedro river, 87.
Sanford, Hon. Henry S., agent of in
ternational association, 90.
Sassa wood ordeal, 50; Dr. Hall's
rescue of native, 50.
Scharf's history, 7.
School, the Hall, at Cape Palmas, 85.
Seal of the State Society, 28.
Separate State action proposed, 12;
opposed by A. C. S., 14.
Sherbro Island, 9.
Slavery, feeling in regard to, in 1831,
1 9 (note) ; its extirpation the ob
ject of the State Society, 31.

Song of the Cape Palmas emigrants,
133.
Southampton massacre, 14.
Sovereignty, ordinance touching the,
of Md. in Lib., 59.
State Colonization Society incorpo
rated, 10.
State of Maryland, first appropria
tion, 1 0 ; refuses to repeal the an
nual appropriation, 68.
St. Mark's Episcopal Church, 86.
Stockton, Robert F., 9.

Tariff, 65, 66.
Tabou, deed of, 121.
Tahoe, deed of, 115.
64.
Temperance, a feature of the State
Society in the settlement, 21 ; sal
utary influence of the principle,
64.
Thieving by natives, 47.
Thompson, James M., 39.
Turner, Nat, 14. V
Vandalia, U. S. ship, visits the col
ony, 62 ; conduct of one of the
officers, 62.
Vessels built and purchased, 88, 89
(note). AV
War with the natives, 82.
Weah Bolio, King of Grahway,
40.
Wilson, Rev. J. Leighton, 37 ; Mrs.,
description of, 42, 43 (note).
Wood, Anthony, appointed major in
command, 63.
Wynkoop, Rev. S. R., 37.

THE

Archives of Maryland
AS ILLUSTRATING
THE SPIRIT OF THE TIMES
OF T1I15
EARLY COLONISTS.

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,
January 35, 1886,
BY
HENRY STOCKBRIDGE.

gttlltniare, 1886.

THE

Archives of Maryland.

Cy

3fuuD-9Pub(tcalicm, QTlo. 22.

THE

Archives of Maryland
AS ILI/USTBATING
THE SPIRIT OF THE TIMES
OF THE
EARLY COLONISTS.

A Paper read bei'ore the Maryland Historical Society,

January 35, 1886,

BY

HENRY STOCKBRIDGE.

giilliiiuiir, 1880.

PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND.

Committee on Publication.
1886.
JOHN AV. M. LEE,
BEADLEY T. JOHNSON,
HENEY STOCKBEIDGE.

Printed by John Murphy & Co.
Printers to the Maryland Historical Society.
Baltimore, 1 8 8 0.

EXPLANATORY.
The following paper was prepared at the request of the Mary
land Historical Society, as a sort of codification of the three
volumes of Maryland Archives, published for the State by that
Society. It makes no claim to original, or extended research, but
is confined to the field to which it was limited by the vote of the
Society, and has no aim but to alleviate the labor of (or be an
index to) the investigation of that publication. The volumes, as
issued, are not numbered, and for convenience of reference are
cited as if numbered in the order of their publication. This
remark is rendered necessary by the fact that the volumes are not
in regular succession in point of time, the third volume being
synchronous with the other two, giving the Proceedings of the
Colonial Council for the same period for which the first and
second give the Proceedings of the General Assembly. The first
volume issued contained the " Proceedings of the Assembly "
from 1637 to 1664, and is referred to as " 1 Ar. " ; the second,
" Proceedings of Assembly " from 1666 to 1676, referred to as
" 2 Ar." ; and the third, " Proceedings ofthe Council " from 1636
to 1667, referred to as " 3 Ar."
H. S.

( (

THE
ARCHIVES OF MARYLAND."

WHETHER the "Archives of Maryland"
are, or are not bobks of the sort to which
Lord Bacon referred when he wrote, "Some
books may be read by deputy, and extracts made
of them by others," I trust no apology will be
thought necessary for suggesting that they are the
sort of books that the average " consumer of mod
ern literature" will be the rather apt to read "by
deputy " than in any other way. Possibly it was
that thought which induced the Historical Society
to request that one be deputized to visit the oases,
in what even they regarded as an arid region, and
to bring before them a report of the flora and
fauna, if any should be found. The Society's man
date to undertake that task is this deputy's excuse
for the present paper.
An examination, however, of the three volumes
of "Archives of Maryland" now issued is not
devoid either of entertainment or profit. The
1

2

grand old Hebrew prophet called upon his nation
for its instruction, " Look unto the rock whence
you are hewn, and to the hole of the pit whence ye
are digged." In the same spirit it cannot be alto
gether unwise for us to revert to the beginnings of
our civic life, and finding there the germs of many
of the customs, institutions, and names that linger
with us still — the protoplasm out of which much
of the beauty and fragrance of our present social
and political life has been evolved — learn their
reason and real meaning.
During the thirty years covered by the volume
of the Archives which is devoted to the " Proceed
ings of the Council," and all but a few months of
the thirty-eight years covered by the two volumes
the "Proceedings of the Assembly," Caecilius
Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore, the grantee of
the Charter of Maryland, was living, and directing
the affairs of the province, as well as it was practi
cable for him to do from a residence so remote as
his in England, with the slow modes of communi
cation then enjoyed, and in a country passing
through vicissitudes like those of England at that
day. It is a key that unlocks the meaning of
many of the events transpiring in the colony, to
remember that the period covered by them em
braces the last thirteen years of the reign of
Charles I. (till 1649), the revolution, chaos, civil
war, and Oliver Cromwell's Protectorate of the

Commonwealth for ten years (till 1660), and from
that date the restoration, and reign of Charles II.
Under the power granted him in his charter to
deputize one to act for him in his absence Lord
Baltimore conferred vice-proprietary authority
upon persons selected by him, and resident in the
province, to exercise there all the high powers with
which he was vested— subject at all times, how
ever, to a right of revision and veto still reserved
to himself.
This authority was for the most part, conferred
upon members of his own family— his brothers
Leonard, and Philip, and his "sonne" Charles.
The exceptions were that on the death of Leonard
Calvert, in 1647, Thomas Greene acted, by death
bed appointment of Leonard, for one year (3 Ar.
187), till William Stone was duly commissioned
(Id. 201)« and he retained the position, with a brief
interruption by the Commissioners of the Council
of State for the Commonwealth of England, in
1652 (Id. 271), till supplanted by Commissioners
appointed " in the Name of his Highness the Lord
Protector of England, Scotland, Ireland and all
the dominions thereto belonging" in 1654 (3 Ar.
211). When Lord Baltimore was able to resume
his charter rights, in 1656, he was so unfortunate
as to select Josias Eendall as his lieutenant ; after
whose "Mutiny and Sedicon " he confined himself
to his own family — his brother Philip (1660) (3
Ar. 39J) and son Charles (1661) (Id. 439).

Lord Baltimore's Authority.
Lord Baltimore's Charter gave him little less
than the power of an absolute monarch. It con
stituted him and his heirs " veros et absolutos
dominos et Proprietaries " (3 Ar. 4) of the realm
granted him, and thus vested him with all power,
civil, military, naval and ecclesiastical1— head of
Church and State on sea and land. In his exercise
and delegation to his lieutenants of the power thus
granted he exercised, and delegated all. He never
forgets, nor do they, to describe him as "Absolute
Lord and Proprietary of the Provinces of Mary
land and Avalon," and he is the entire govern
ment, — the legislative, the judicial and the execu
tive. Thus his commission to Leonard Calvert
" constitutes, ordaines and appoints him our Lieu
tenant Generall, Admirall, Marshall, Chancellor,
Chiefe Justice, Chiefe Magistrate, Chiefe Capt &
Comder as well by sea as by land " (3 Ar. 152-3) ;
and when Leonard Calvert was temporarily absent
he transferred to " my welbeloved cosin william
Brainthw' Esq." the same offices (Id. 160). The
same are embraced in the commission to William
Stone (Id. 202-3) ; and he appointed Thomas
Greene, Esq. "to bee his said Lopps Lieveten'nt
Generall, Chancellor, Keep of the great Seale, Ad
mirall, chiefe Justice, Magistrate & Comander as
well by Sea as by land of this his Lopps Province of

Maryland and the Islands to the same belonging".
(Id. 231, 241). We find the same wide range of
authority and power conferred upon Thomas Hat-
ton (Id. 255), and upon Charles Calvert (Id. 542),
and the Governor and "Councell" contract "Peace
with the Cynicoes Indians " and " make a Warre
wth the Susquahannoughs " (2 Ar. 378), exercising
the highest attribute of sovereignty. The same
power was conferred by the council on Robert
Evelin (Id. 102) ; on Cornwallis (Id. 133), and on
Fleet (Id. 150). And this was in full harmony
with the claim of Leonard Calvert years before
(1642). On that occasion the Assembly "express
ing a great Opposition to the march against cer
tain Indians the Lieu' General told the Burgesses
he did not intend to adviso with them whether
there should be a march or not for that Judgment
belonged solely to himself as appeared by the
Clause of the Patent touching the power of war
and peace, but to see what Assistance they would
Contribute to it in case he should think fit to go "
(1 Ar. 130). The exercise of such high power was
the complaint of the commissioners, Bennett and
Clayborne, who charged that these colonial officials
had pressed against the adherents of the Com
monwealth charges of " Sedition & Rebellion
against the Lord Baltemore, whereby not onely
the Lands, houses and plantations of many hun
dreds of people, but also their Estates and lives

6

were liable to be taken away at the pleasure of
the aforesaid Lord Baltemore and. his officers "
(Id. 312).
It is true that the charter in giving "free full
and absolute Power to Ordain, Make and Enact
LAWS " provides that this be done " with the
Advice Assent & Approbation of the Freemen of
the Province " — but this no more constituted them
the legislating power than the requirement at the
present day, that certain appointments of the
executive shall be subject to confirmation by the
senate, constitutes the senate the appointing power.
On the contrary, we read of measures discussed
and adopted by the assembly and the, addition
"then the Lieu* General enacted it in his Lord
ships name for a Law" (1 Ar. 136). Indeed the
common form of enactment was " Be it Enacted by
the Lord Proprietary with the Assent of the Vpper
and Lower howse of the General Assembly " but
in the troubled and uncertain times of the English
revolution we find them entered " Acts made by
William Stone Governor" (1 Ar. 285, 299). Acts
passed by the General Assembly and approved by
the Governor had force until laid before the Pro
prietary when his "disassent" rendered them void
(1 Ar. 75). It was no uncommon thing for acts
passed by the General Assembly to fail of approval
by the Governor; and in some instances acts that
had passed and met the approval of the Governor

were rejected by the Lord Proprietary when exam
ined by him in England. And his dignity and
authority were protected by this rigorous enact
ment. " All mutinous or sedicious speeches, practices or attempts
(witliout force) tending to divert the obedience of tlie people
from the right Ho*1* Cecilius nowe Lord Baron of Balte
more, and Lord and Proprietary of this Province or his heirs
Lords & Proprietaries of the Province or the Governor of or
vnder him or them for the time being (and proved by two
sworne witnesses shalbe lyable to bee punished with im-
prisonm' during pleasure, not exceeding one whole yeare,
fined, banishni? boaring of the Tongue, slitting the nose cut
ting of one or both Eares, whipping, branding with a redd
hot Iron in the hand Or forhead, any one or more of these as
the Provinciall Court shall thinke fitt."
If such offence was coupled with force, to this
assortment of penalties were added — " losse of hand
or the paines of death, confiscacon of all lands, goods & chat-
tells within the Province banishni' ymprisoiiui' during life
any one or more of these as the Provinciall Court shall
adiudge"(l Ar. 428).
Meanwhile it required great tact to keep in
harmony with the shifting powers of the home
government, and, taking one consideration with
another, their lot upon the political fence was not
a happy one.

8

The determined effort evidently was to be upon
the side of whatever party was dominant in Eng
land. In November, 1649, Greene acting as Governor
in the temporary absence of Governor Stone, pro
claimed Charles, " the most renowned Prince of
Wales the vndoubted rightfull heir to all the
dominions of his ffather Charles of blessed memory
and Kinge of England Scotland ffrance and Ireland
defender of the ffaith &c " and followed this by " a
general pardon to all and every the Inhabitants of
this Province for all and every Offense and Offenses
by them or any of them committed" (3 Ar. 243).
In 1654 Governor Stone proclaimed the Common
wealth the government of England and Oliver
Cromwell Protector, and granted "a Generall
pardon of all offenses Committed in this Province
Since the last Generall pardon" (Id. 304). And
a Paper in the Public Record Office declares " itt
is notoriously knowne that by his express direc
tions his officers and the people there did adhere
to the Interests of this Commonwealth when all
the other English Plantations" did otherwise
(Id. 280). But the English Commonwealth ceased
to be and the Stuart dynasty re-ascended the throne,
and then, on the nineteenth of November, 1660, the
" Gour & Councill " " by the speciali order and authority of
the Eight Honno*18 the Lord Proprietary of the Province,
Doe according to our duty and allegiance, heartily joyfully

9

and vnanimously acknowledge and proclaime, that imediately
upon -the decease of our late Soueraigue Lord King Charles
the Jmperiall Crowne of the Realme of England and of all
the kindoms Dominions and Rights belonging to the same
Did by inherent birthright, and lawfull and vndoubted Suc
cession descend and come to his Most Excellent Maty Charles
the Second as being lineally, iustly and lawfully next heire
ofthe bloud Royall of this Realme" (3 Ar. 393).
And yet, five years before, the colonists, by direc
tion of the Proprietary, were so loyal to the existing
government as to execute official bonds running to
"Oliver Lord Protector of England" (3 Ar. 318).
Land System.
1 The whole territory described by Lord Balti
more's charter was granted to him absolutely, sub
ject only to the payment to the king of England of
two Indian arrows a year, and he was enabled
thereby to hold out strong inducements to settlers
by proffers of land in large tracts to those who
would occupy and improve it. It was not easy
however to protect them in the titles granted by
him in the manner which was practiced in Eng
land, and in 1639 an act was passed rendering
enrolment by the Secretary of the Province essen
tial to the perfection of a title by grant from the
Lord Proprietary, and another requiring the "Reg
ister of every Court to keep a book of Record, in
2

10

which he shall enter all grants, Conveyances, Titles,
and successions to land at the request of any one
desiring the same to be entred " (1 Ar. 61, 63).
Voluntary enrolments were much neglected, and
the enrolments, made in the Secretary's office under
this provision, were " mostly lost or embezzled in
the rebellion of 1644," and efforts were made to
replace them from the original grants as far as
possible (Id. 329; 3 Ar. 230). But the voluntary
recording of conveyances, no special sanction being
given to the record, proved ineffectual, and in 1671
an act was passed which has undergone very little
modification from that day to this, and is substan
tially our conveyancing, and record system of
to-day (2 Ar. 305, 389).
In the " Conditions of Plantations " proclaimed
by Lord Baltimore in 1636 (3 Ar. 47), in those of
1642 (Id. 99), and in those of 1648 (Id. 223, 233),
liberal grants of land were made to all settlers who
chose to avail themselves of them — so much to
each man, so much additional for his wife, for each
minor child, and for each servant — to be held by
the grantee perpetually, yielding specified rents to
the Lord Proprietary, thus initiating the unfortu
nate system of "ground-rents," of the pernicious
effects of which we have not yet seen the end.
Special grants of tracts to be "erected into a
Mannor," " with such Royalties and Privileges
as are most usually belonging unto Mannors in

11
Engl*" were promised and made: Manors of two
thousand acres to any person who in any one year
transported twenty settlers to tho province (3 Ar.
223) ; manors of three thousand acres to any one
who transported thirty persons (Id. 233) ; while
Robert Brooke, for transporting himself, wife,
eight sons, two daughters, twenty-one men ser
vants and eight maid .servants, was granted one
whole county wherever he might see fit to locate,
and was made commander and the embodiment of
nearly all other offices in such county, as well as
a member of the colonial council (3 Ar. 237,
240, 256).
¦ This county was located on the south side of the
Patuxent River and called Charles County (3 Ar.
260). But only four years passed before Lord
Baltimore lost his abundant love for, and confi
dence in Robert Brooke, and proceeded to " make
. Void and Villify " that order and to order that
Charles County be absorbed into and make a part
of Calvert County (3 Ar. 308).
Among the claims for land under the pledges of
Lord Baltimore we find the Jesuit, Thomas Copley,
who demanded twenty thousand acres of land for
transporting certain persons, twenty in number,
into the province, and in his list of persons so
transported we find the names, well known to us, of
the Jesuit fathers, Mr. Andrew White and Mr. Jo :
Altain (3 Ar. 258).

12

But extensive as was his territory, and lavish as
he was in bestowing it upon his subjects, Lord
Baltimore apparently had a craving for all the
land that joined him, and the gathering of the
State's Archives has brought us from the Public
Record Office in London, a letter addressed to him
by the King as early as July, 1638, rebuking him
most sharply for his dealings with the " Planters
in the Island- near Virginia which they have nomi
nated Kentish Island," warning him to desist and
closing with the menacing suggestion, " herein we
expect your ready conformity, that we may have
no cause of any further mislike" (3 Ar. 78).
But the boundary between Virginia and Mary
land on the "Easterne Shore" continued to be a
fruitful source of misunderstanding. Oliver Crom
well, in 1653, interposed his authority, as " Cap
tayne Generall of all the forces of the Common
wealth," in most devout phrase, to obtain a "speedy
resolution of the question" (3 Ar. 296). Lord Bal
timore sent over maps (Id. 319, 327) ; Commis
sioners were appointed, and various expedients
resorted to, but the question was not resolved in
Cromwell's day, as ho had hoped.
< Upon their other side toward the " Swedish
nation inhabiting in Delaware Bay," a conciliatory
tone was adopted in order " to worke and prcure
an Intercourse of trade and Commerce " " which
probably may redound much to the benefitt and

13
advantage of this Commonwealth" (Governor
Stone, March 1653, 3 Ar. 300).
But when the Dutch planted themselves on the
Delaware his Lordship gave "Instruction & Com
mand to send to the Dutch to Command them to
be gon." This mission was entrusted to Coll :
Nathaniel Vtie of Baltimore County, and he was
ordered to " make his repaire to the pretended Governor of
a People seated in Delaware Bay . . and to require him to
depart the Province. . . That in case he find opportunity he
insinuate vnto the People there seated that in case they make
theyr application to his Lordships Govern' heere they shall
find good Condicons to all Commers w°h shall be made good to
thcm"&c. (3Ar. 365). .
In the negotiations which followed, though there
is much to interest and amuse; there is very little
of which Marylanders can be proud. The Dutch
state their case clearly, logically, and firmly,
though mildly, and conclude "Soe wishing the
Lord God- Allmighty will Conduct your honno™
both to all prudent results that Wee may liue
neighbourly together in this Wilderness to the
advancement of Gods Glory' and Kingdome of
Heaven amongst the Heathens and not to the
'Destruction of each others Christian bloud whereby
to strenigthen the Barbarous Jndians nay rather
ioyno in loue and league together against them
Which God our Saviour will grant" (3 Ar. 374, 5).

14

Lord Baltimore blusters, has no name for them
but "Ennemies Pyratts & Robbers," orders art
expedition against them, " to make Warre against
and to pursue said Ennemies Pyratts & Robbers
to vanquish & take them And to seize and keep
all or any howses and Goods" &c. (Id. 427).
But the council deeming discretion the better part
of valor, and, apprehending that they could get no
assistance from New England or Virginia for the
expedition, resolved that "All Attempts be for
borne against the said towne of New Amstell &
that they finde certainely whether the said towne
of New Amstell doe lye within the fortyth degree
of Northerly Latidude or not " (Id. 428).
Lord Baltimore was evidently a master of such
emphatic epithets and fond of rigorous measures.
Captain William Clayborne had all his property of
every kind seized for his " sundry insolences Conr
tempts and Rebellions against our lawfull Govern
ment and Propriety" (3 Ar. 76, 82, &c), and
was held unpardonable (Id. 205, 221). Ingle is
a "rebel," a "pirate" (1 Ar. 238, 270, 301), and
a " Notorious and ungrateful villain " (3 Ar. 214,
216), and is exempted from pardon : Gov. Fendall
is a " perfideous and perjured fellowe" "a false
and vngrateful fellowe" (1 Ar. 420), and is
excluded from all pardon (3 Ar. 396). William
ffuller is a "violent jncendiary and Seditious

15
'pson " (3 Ar. 400). John Jenkins and others the
same (Id. 445).
While thus jealous of trespasses upon his terri
tory, however, the privileges of settlers which were
originally only accorded to English and Irish were
extended in 1648 to French, Dutch and Italians
(3 Ar. 222, 232), but he excluded from these
privileges all "corporations, Societies, Fraterni
ties, Guilds, or Bodies Politick either Spiritual or
Temporal," and did not permit any grants that he
had made to be assigned to such (3 Ar. 227, 235),
" Because all Secrett trusts are usually intended to
decieve tho Government and State where they are
made or some other persons " (Id. 237), and the
importation of convicted felons was specially pro
hibited (2 Ar. 485).
1 Special encouragement was given to" settlers on
the Eastern Shore of Virginia to immigrate into the
adjoining counties of Maryland (3 Ar. 469, 495),
and naturalization was granted to all applicants as
a matter of course, as readily as it now is (2 Ar.
144, 205, 271, 282, 330, 400, 403, 460, &c), without
requiring of them that most absurd oath that is
now exacted. They merely "promised & engaged
to submitt to the Authority of the Right Hon : ble
Caecilius Lord Baltemore" (3 Ar. 339, 398,429,
435, 465, 466, 470, 488, 514, 529, 533, 557, &c).

16

The Labor System.
Intimately connected of course with the tenure
of land was the system of labor, and this, accord
ing to the practice in England in that day, was
largely servile labor. As already seen, induce
ments were held out to colonists to transport to
the colony as many servants as possible by grants
of land proportioned to the number transported.
These servants were of two classes — slaves and
indentured apprentices, or persons under contract
to serve a certain length of time, to repay the cost
of their passage from England. In some instances
it appears that the length of the period of service
was limited by contract entered into before leaving
England, and in others was left uncertain, subject
to subsequent adjustment. This could not fail to
lead to disagreement, and call for legal interposi
tion, and among the laws proposed to the General
Assembly of 1638-9, debated and approved, and
which failed to become a law, (with all the others
then considered) after engrossment, was one " That
all persons being Christians (Slaves excepted) of
the age of eighteen years or above and brought
into this province at the charge and adventure of
some other person shall serve such person at whoes
charge and adventure they were so transported for
the full terme of foure years " and "All persons
under the age of eighteen yeeres shall serve until

17

such person shall be of the full age of four and
twenty Years" (1 Ar. 80).
Some, however, it is manifest did not submis
sively render the service which they owed, and in
1641, running away was, made felony punishable
with death (1 Ar. 107). In 1643 a letter was
addressed " to the Governor of the New Nether
lands," complaining that " Some servants being
lately fledd out of this colony, into yours, we could
not but promise orselves from you that iustice &
faire correspondence as to hope that you will
remand to vs all such apprentice servants as are or
shall run out of this goverm' in to Yours," &c. (3
Ar. 134). For the purpose of recovering fugitive
servants who took refuge among the Indians, an
article was inserted in the treaty with the " Jndian
Nation of Sasquesahanogh," in July, 1652, which
provided that any servant escaping from the one
nation and taking refuge with the other "shall
with all Convenient speede be retourned back and
brought home" (Id. 277). In the same year with
the letter to the Governor of the New Nether
lands, Lord Baltimore as a matter of economy
directed " That all my carpenters & other apprentice ser
vants be sold forthwith for my best advantage, woh I vnder
stand will yield at least 2000w'tob apiece althoughe they have
but one yeare to serve, especially if they be carpenters, for I
vnderstand that 1500"' of tob is an vsuall rate for the hire of
3

18

one yeares labour of any ordinaiy servant. And I conceive
it better to hire at a certainty such servants from yeare to
yeare as my Commis™ shall find necessary to looke to my
cattell, provide sufficient fodder 'for them, & to manage my
farme at west S* maries, . . then to have servants apprentices
there for that purpose, & to send supplies yearly out of Eng
land to them " (3 Ar. 141).
In 1654, and again in 1661, acts were passed
prescribing the time which servants should serve
those who brought them into the province, grading
the time of service from four to seven years,
according to the age of the servants, or if they
were under twelve years when brought they were
not to be free till they reached the age of twenty-
one years. These acts required the " masters and
owners " of these servants to take them to the
Court on their arrival, that the Court might
u Judge of their age " and enter the same of record,
and to allow them "at the Expiration of their
Severall times of Serviqe besides their old Cloathes
one Cloth suit one pair of Can vis Drawers, one
pair of Shoes & stockings one new Hatt or Capp,
one falling Axe one weeding Hoe, two Shirts and
three Barrells of Corne " (1 Ar. 352, 409). By the
act of 1666 the length of time of serving was
increased by one year upon most of the grades of
servants (2 Ar. 147). See also Id. 335, 523.
To guard against the loss of slaves by their
claiming freedom " according to the lawe of Eng-

19
land " as the result of their becoming Christian
ized and receiving baptism, a law was passed in
1664 that " all Negroes and other slaues shall serue Durante
Vita, And all Children born of any Negro or other slaue be
Slaues as their ffathers were for the ter me of their Hues And
forasmuch as divers free borne English women forgettfull of
their free Condicon and to the disgrace of our Nation doe
intermarry with Negro Slaues . . . whatsoever free borne
woman shall intermarry with any slaue shall Serue the master
of such slaue dureing the life of her husband And all the
issue of such freeborne woemen soe . marryed shall be Slaues
as their fathers were " (1 Ar. 526, 533).
But even this act did not sufficiently inspire con
fidence in the security of this species of property
so but what " Severall of the good people of this
Prouince were discouraged . to import Negroes,"
and others " to the Great displeasure of Almighty
God and the prejudice of the Soules of those poor
people Neglected to instruct them in the Christian
faith or to Endure or permitt them to Receive the
holy Sacrament of Baptisme for the Remission of
their Sinns" and it was accordingly enacted in
1671, that "becoming Christian, or receiving the
Holy Sacrament of Baptizme " "the same is not nor
shall or ought the same to be denyed adjudged Construed
or taken tobe or to amount vnto a manumicon or freeing
Inlarging or discharging any such Negroe or Negroes Slaue

20

or Slaues or any his or their Issue or Issues from his her their
or any of their Servitude or Servitudes Bondage or bondages"
(2 Ar. 272).
In the revolutionary times of the Commonwealth
(1651), an example was set which has been fol
lowed in later times, and the power was conferred
" to discharge and set free from their masters all
such persons soe serving as Soldiers " (3 Ar. 265),
as was also another Example by which " all such
persons as haue approved themselves faithfull to
his Lop and don good service were preferred before
any others to such places & imployments of trust
& profitt as they may be respectively capeable
of" (Id. 326).
It was thought necessary in 1666 to enact a law
" prohibiting Negros, or any other Seruants to keepe
piggs hoggs or any other sort of Swyne, uppon
any pretence whatsoeur" (2 Ar. 75), and down to
the end of the period covered by these volumes,
there was felt to be a necessity for stringent, and
yet more stringent laws for preventing the escape
of the owned laborers, and securing the return of
" Runnawaies " (2 Ar. 146, 298, 523, &c.)
Currency.
The money question was a very serious one with
the colonists, and they were forced to devices which
would have added lustre to the financial fame of

21

Lycurgus if he could have hit upon such financial
expedients for Sparta. Besides the Indian cur
rency of Peake and Roanoake, which was em
ployed to some extent (3 Ar. 502, 530, 549, 555),
Tobacco was a legal tender from the first, though
not the exclusive one. In May, 1638, Capt. Henry
ffleete gave bond to the government in the penalty
of "one hundred pound weight of good beaver"
not to trade with any Indians or " transport any
truck throughe any part of this Province to trade
with any Indians on the South side of Patowmeck
River" (1 Ar. 74). In 1640 in collecting his rents
Lord Baltimore authorized them to be received in
the "Commodities of the Country" and "four
pound of tobacco or one peck of wheat " was the
equivalent of twelve pence, and two capons equal
to. "sixteen pound of Tobacco or one Bushel of
wheat." Official fees and salaries, were rated in
tobacco (1 Ar. 57) ; taxes for ordinary and extra
ordinary expenses were levied in tobacco (3 Ar.
119, 124) ; and fines and penalties imposed in
tobacco. Governor Charles Calvert (3 Ar. 477),
the council (Id. 480), and the General Assembly
(2 Ar. 35, 6, 7, 8, 143, &c), designate tobacco as
the "commodity," "the only comodity by which
this province doth at present Subsist." But as
the supply of this fiat money was practically
unlimited, and so became a nuisance, the legisla
tive power required creditors to forbear all collect-

22

ing of their debts, or accept " Tobacco att the rate
of Three halfe pence sterling by the pound of
tobacco" (2 Ar. 142, 220). Another measure of
relief adopted (1662), was "an acte for Encour
agem' of soweing English Grayne," which provided
" that wheate here groweing shall pass and be taken
at fiue shillings the Bushell : Barley and English
pease att tliree shillings the Bushell, Rye at foure
shillings the bushell and oates att two shillings six
pence the Bushell " and should be receivable for
all debts, public or private, and discount tobacco
debts at two pence per pound (1 Ar. 445), and
the Lord Proprietary published an ordinance for
receiving " dry hydes at two dpJ and raw hydes at
ldi 'ppound" (3 Ar. 458).
As in mining regions the search for precious
metals banishes all ordinary agricultural pursuits,
so here the production of tobacco — the substitute
for a circulating medium — threatened the colony
with starvation. In 1640 a penal act was passed
requiring every hand planting tobacco . to plant
and tend " two acres of Corne," and at the same
time another " prohibiting the exportation of
Corne " ; and the inspection of tobacco, by one of
the three viewers who were appointed in every
hundred, was made compulsory (1 Ar. 97). These
acts or some of them were renewed in 1642 (1 Ar.
160), and repeatedly thereafter (Id. 217, 251, 309,
350, 360, 371; 2 Ar. 561; 3 Ar. 48). But the

23

depreciation of this currency (tobacco), as the
result of over production, was so serious an evil,
that the colonists made effort after effort for relief
by compelling the suspension of its cultivation
(3 Ar. 340, 476, 504, 506, 547). And in 1666 an
elaborate non-production treaty was negotiated
with Virginia (3 Ar. 550, 558). Lord Baltimore,
however, sent from England his " 'Pticular &
expresse Disassent, Dissagreement & Disappro-
bacon "of the measure and it of course was a
nullity (Id. 561). Lord Baltimore tried to furnish
a better currency than tobacco by coining money
in England and sending it over to the colony
(3 Ar. 383, 385) ; but the Council of State in Octo
ber, 1659, at the instance of Richard Pight, " Clerk
of the Irons in the Mint," " ordered That a War
rant be issued forth for the apprehending of the
Lord Baltamore and such others as are suspected
be engaged with him in making and transporting
money " &c. (Id. 365) . Change of administration
at home wrought change of condition here, and, in
1661, there was passed " an acte for the Setting vp
of a Mint within this Province of Maryland"
(1 Ar. 414), and steps were taken to provide bul
lion for its working and to force its coinage into
circulation (Id. 429, 444).
Some idea of the purchasing power of tobacco
in exchange for necessaries and luxuries may be
formed from the bill presented to the General

24

Assembly (April 21, 1666), by "John Lawson,
High Sheriffe of St. Maries," for executing a negro
and two Indians. The items are :
To 2 dayes imprisonm' the Negro w'h dyett 060
To a man to watch him 2 dayes & 1 night 040
To the sd man for his dyett & paynes 070
To Graue making & other Expences 095
To tlie Exequuting the sd 3 persons 800
1065
but this was deemed an overcharge and he was
voted a round thousand pounds in full settlement
(2 Ar. 94). General Assembly.
The rio-ht of assent or dissent to the laws which
Lord Baltimore should propose was conferred upon
all the freemen of the province. They were called
to meet by proclamation of the Governor and all
had a right to participate, but it was promptly
provided that the freemen of any locality might
meet and " Elect and nominate such and so many
persons as they or the maior part of them so
assembled shall agree vpon to be the deputies or
burgesses for the said freemen in their name and
steed to advise and consult of such things as
shalbe brought into deliberation in the said assem
bly " (1 Ar, 74, 154, 259). It was thus a " General
Assembly " in fact, — a name that we retain though
we have long ceased to know the thing itself.

25

The Governor exercised the right of requiring
by special " Writt " the attendance of anyone not
sent as a deputy, and any refusal or neglect to
send deputies, or to attend if deputized, or sum
moned, rendered the " Refusers or Neglecters
according to their demerits " liable to a fine, and
to be " Declared Enemies to the publick peace of
the Province and rebell to the lawful Government
thereof" (1 Ar. 328). It was allowable however
for any person to be present by proxy instead
of in person, and on some occasions the proxies
were as numerous as the persons in attendance
and some two or three held enough to be a
majority of the body.
The assembly when convened was expected to
attend to business. At its first meeting the rule
adopted was " The house shall sit every day holy
days excepted at eight of the Clock in the morning
& if any Gentleman or Burgess not appearing
upon call at such time as the President is set at or
after such hour shall be amerced 20lb of Tobacco to
be forthwth paid to the use of the house" (1 Ar.
53), and on the journal at repeated roll calls the
entry opposite to names is "Amerced for tar-
die" (Id. 36, 37, 39), and the amount of the fine
for tardiness was, some years later, increased to
one hundred pounds (Id. 131), and subsequently
reduced to fifty pounds of tobacco (Id. 274). There
was also some change in the hour of meeting,
4

26

special adjournment being made at times to seven
o'clock in the morning (2 Ar. 74, 83, 86, 184),
never till later than nine. It seems probable,
however, that time pieces were not so numerous
or accurate as to prevent disputes on the ques
tion of tardiness, for in 1642 they adopted this
rule, " the drum to beat as near as may be to sun
rising and half an hours distance between each
beating," and every man who would avoid the fine
must be in his place " at the third beating of the
drum " — that is one hour after sun rise, and as this
was in the month of July, the meeting must have
been a little before six o'clock in the morning (1
Ar. 131). That may have been found slightly to
interfere with committee work, for the distance
between drum beats was, at a subsequent session,
changed to one hour (Id. 171).
There was one person in the province who
inclined to a very broad interpretation of the
term " freemen " as fixing the qualification of per
sons to sit in the General Assembly. This was
Mrs. Margaret Brent, kinswoman of the Calverts,
first of her sex here to demand equal rights for
women. To the session of 1647-8 she "came and
requested to have vote in the howse for her selfe and voyce
allso for that at the last Court 3d Jari : it was ordered that
the said Mr8 Brent was to be lookd uppon and received as his
Lp' Attorney. The Gour denyed that the sd Mrs Brent

27
should have any uote in the howse. And the sd Mrs Brent
protested agst all proceedings in this pnt Assembly unlesse
shee may be pnt. and have vote as aforesd" (1 Ar. 215).
Though the Governor was thus ungallant, and
the Lord Proprietary regarded her with anything
but favor, the General Assembly appreciated her
courage, tact, and ability, in a most perilous time
and wrote to his Lordship a year later: "As for
Mrs. Brents undertaking & medling with your Lordships
Estate here we do verily Believe and in Conscience report
that it was better for the Collonys safety at that time in her
hands than in any mans else in the whole Province after your
Brothers death for the soldiers would never have treated any
other with that Civility and respect and though they were
even ready at several times to run into mutiny yet she still
pacified them till at the last things were brought to that strait
that she must be admitted and declared your Lordships attor
ney by an order of Court or else all must go to ruin Again
and then the second mischief had been doubtless far greater
than the former so that ... we conceive from that time she
rather deserved favour from your Honour for her so much
Concurring to the publick safety then to be justly liable to
all those bitter invectives you have been pleased to express
against her" (1 Ar. 239).
In 1650 it was determined that the Assembly
"be held by way of vpper & Lower howse to sitt in two
distinct roomes apart for the more convenient dispatch of the
business to bee consulted of. And th? the Gour and Secretary

28

or any one or more ofthe Counsell for the-vpper howse, And
any fiue or more of the Burgesses assembled Shall haue the
full power of & bee two howses of Assembly to all intents
and purposes. And all Bills passed by the sd two howses
shall have the same effect in Law as if they were aduised and
assented unto by all the ffreemen of the Province personally "
(1 Ar. 272).
That arrangement though then adopted for only
the current session still continues. The names by
which they appear, in the archives are " Upper
howse " and " Lower Howse " though the latter in
1675 took to itself the alias name of " House of
Commons" (2 Ar. 440). His Lordship retained
the prerogative of convening the Assembly when
he pleased, and of summoning to sit in it such
number as he pleased ; but in the time of the
Commonwealth, instructed perhaps by events that
had transpired in England, it was enacted that the
Assembly should be convened at least once in
three years ,(1 Ar. 341),. and in 1676 the " Citti-
zens and deputies of the lower howse of Assem
bly " complained so loudly to his Lordship because
" by his Lordships command fower deputies or
delegates had been elected " in each county and
then " but two were called by his Lord1" Writt To
Sitte in the Assembly " that his Lordship yielded
to the request, only exacting an oath of allegiance
to himself (2 Ar. 507).
The General Assembly thus constituted, both
before and after its division into two houses,

29

shows a purpose to do things decently and in
order, and a determination to protect its own
prerogatives and dignity. At its first meeting
it adopted as a standing rule of order what it
often reiterated, till it obtains at the present
day— that "no One shall refute another with
any nipping or vncivill terms nor shall name
another but by some Circumloquation as the
Gentlemen or Burgess that spake last or that
argued for or against this bill" (1 Ar. 33, 131,
171, 215, 273; 2 Ar. 64, 441). But they appar
ently found occasion to check something more
objectionable than " reuiling speeches," for they
adopted the rule that "noe one shall come into
eyther of the howses whillst they are sett, with
any gun or weapon uppon perill of such fine or
censure as the howses shall thinke fitt" (1 Ar.
216, 273 ; 2 Ar. 65, 441).
The daily sitting would seem to have been
terminated at first at the will of the Governor,
or Lieutenant General, as the closing entry of the
journal each day is " Governor (or Lieutenant
General) adjourned the house" (1 Ar. 173, 175,
&c.) And though in 1642 " it was declared by the
howse that the howse of Assembly may not be
adjourn'd or Prorogued but by and with the Con
sent of the howse" (1 Ar. 117), and a little later
there was "the protest of some of the, howse
against his Lordships power of adjournment"

30

(1 Ar. 180), his Lordship did not yield the right,
and it is only for a short time that we find such
entries as "the hbwse adjourned itself" or "the
howse was adjourned by the speaker" (1 Ar.
276, &c.)'
Between the two houses a jealousy was soort
developed which gave rise to some sharp verbal
contentions between them. The one insisted on
being regarded as the UPPER House; and the
other sturdily maintained an equality, if not supe
riority. In 1660 it sent " to the Governor and
Councell " a message " that this Assembly of Bur-
-gesses iudging themselves to be a lawfull Assem
bly without dependence on any other power in the
Province now in being is the highest Court of
Judicature. And if any Obiection can be made to
the Contrary Wee desire to heare it" (1 Ar. 388).
To this communication the upper house gave a
somewhat menacing answer " vpon the delivery of
wch paper" says its journal "the Burgesses desired
a Conference with. this. Vpper howse r by Mr Slye
and Mr Thomas Hinson which was Condisended
unto." At the conference that followed the Bur
gesses " intimated that they could not allowe this
howse to be a vpper howse" but were willing
to " sitt with it as one body." The Governor
(Fendall) .assented to the arrangement on certain
" tearmes " which were so distasteful to the Secre
tary (Philip Calvert), that he "refused to enter

31

into the lower howse, it being a manifest breach of
his Lops Right Royall Jurisdiction and Seigniory."
When they again sat in two houses each appears
to have stood stiffly upon its dignity with the
other. In 1666 the lower house resent " that their
proposals to the Upper Howse for the General
Good of this Province upon their Remand from
thence hither shall be thus scrible Scrawled &
obliterated" (2 Ar. 24), and demand satisfaction
for such an offense. A few days later the lower
house " desires the upper howse to signify their
Assent or Disassent immediately " to a measure it
had adopted " for that this howse are resolved to
have no further debate thereon" (Id. 37). This
was m'et by a response equally peremptory, and a
member was sent to " make known to the Speaker
that the Governour expects him with the whole
Lower howse in the room where the Upper Howse
sitts within half an hour at furthest." The lower
house replied that it did not intend by what it had
done " to disgust the Upper Howse," and was then
soundly lectured and bidden to " take this rule by
the Way Obstinate Fortitude is as pernicious to
the commonWealth as fearful Honesty" (Id. 42),
a proverb that would have done no discredit to
Sancho Panza himself. But the upper house could
go further than merely lecture the lower in case
of disagreement. On the twenty-third of April,
1669, it (consisting of seven members) ordered:

32

" that the Chancellour & some of the Members of this house
go to the Lower House and require them to raze the mutinous
& seditious Votes contained in the paper Entituled The Pub
lick Grievances delivered into this House by the Speaker the
20th April last out of their Journall Before which is done this
House is Resolved to treat with them no further. It being
adjudged in this House that it is an Arraignment ofthe Lord
Proprietor the Governor & Council" (2 Ar. 177).
For the four succeeding days the two „august
bodies maintained a most pugnacious attitude.
The upper house imperiously demanded an expur
gation of the journal of the lower house ; and the
lower gave reason and rhetoric for its refusal. It
said : " We are sorry exceeding Sorry that We are driven to
Say that your Answer & Objections to the paper Entituled
tlie Publick Grievances are not Satisfactory or that by the
refulgent Lustre of the Eradiations of Reason that shine &
dart from them the weak &dim Eye of our Understandings is
dazled & struck into Obscurity . . . We shall be willing to
have our Journal Contradicted, expunged, obliterated, burnt,
anything, and to have our Grievances appear in any form or
dress of words most pleasing to yourselves if We might be
assured that the Weight and pressure of them vnder which
the Country groans & cryes might be removed " (Id. 180).
The obnoxious entry was in the end compromis-
ingly removed, though the " Grievances " were but
partially so..
The vigilance with which both houses guarded
their dignity and punished "Contempt" and the

33

latitude given to the definition of "Contempt"
spared neither bar-room nor pulpit. Upon the
journal of the upper house is entered, "then came
a Member from the Lower House to desire leave
to Speak with Col. Wm. Evans being a Member of
this House which was granted" (2 Ar. 14).
Mr. James Browne " being Elected as one of the
Deputies & Delegates of Baltimore County" did
not "attend his service of the Country in the
General Assembly," and it was "ordered there
upon that the said James Browne be for his
Contempt afd fined forty pounds Sterling " (2 Ar.
243). If the absence of the member was involuntary it
would seem that the absentee was subjected to no
punishment except the loss of pay and perquisites ;
for at the end of the session of 1650, when the
committee brought in their " bill of charges " and
allowed each member fifty pounds of tobacco for
each day's attendance they report " As for that Mr
ffrancis Brooks was not able through sickness to
attend the howse, and drawing of his wine the
Committee thinke fitt, not to provide for him att
all " (1 Ar. 284).
But when the person supposed to be guilty of
contempt was within reach he did not escape with
a mere fine. James Lewis "had abused Mr. Van-
hacke one of the members of the Lower House"
and for this contempt the upper house " Ordered
5

34.

that the said James Lewis go into the Lower
House and upon his Knees ask the whole House
forgiveness and Mr. Vanhacke in particular and
pay for a fine 2000 lb tob0 " (Id. 254).
More grievous still was the contempt, and the
punishment of " Edward Erbury Merchant of the
Saro of Bristoll," against whom it was alleged
(May first, 1666) : " there was an abuse Comitted last night
to the disturbance of the whole howse in their quiett & rest.
And the sd Erbury did call the whole howse Papists, Rogues,
 Rogues" . . . "and there is not one in the Cuntry de
serves to keepe me Company;" . . . "and vpon a full debate
thereon had in this howse, They doe judge the same to be a
scandal 1 to the Lord Propr to his Lieutenn' Generall & to
both howses of Assembly & a greate Refleccon upon the whole
Province in Generall And therefore vnanimously voted by
this howse that the sd Erbury be brought before this howse to
giue answere to the abovesaid Charge in relacon to those
Informacons now giuen in ag' him."
And he was accordingly brought before the
house and being " taxed by the speaker of all those words
spoken .... he answered that he remembered none of those
words as is alledged Only he Confesseth that he was in drinke
and remembers not that ever he spoke such words. Which
answere being taken into Consideracon the howse doe judge
the same altogether vnsattisfactory & th' noe 'pson of full age
shall take advantage by drunkennes in such case."

35

And the lower house upon this conviction referred
the case to the upper house to prescribe fit punish
ment for the grave offense, and "the vpper howse doe
order that the sd Erbury be tyed to the Aple tree before the
howse of Assembly & be there publickly whipt vpon the bare
back with thirty-nine lashes ... & that the sd Erbury doe
pay the sheriff his fees. . . . And further ordered that the
sd Erbury be after he is whipt brought into both howses of
Assembly publickly to aske them forgiueness" (2 Ar. 55,
120). On Wednesday, April fourteenth, 1669, Charles
Nicholett preached a sermon before the lower
house in which he exhorted them to " Beware of
that sin of permission," and " to goe on with Cour
age " to discharge their duties " agreeable to their
own Conscience," and it being thereupon charged
in the upper house "that Charles Nicholett hath
spoken seditious Words against the Government
of the Province, It is ordered that a Messenger be
dispatched away to fetch the said Nicholett to
make his Appearance in this House to abide tha
Censure of the House for the said Seditious
Speeches" (Id. 159). His explanation when he
appeared, though not the same as Erbury's was no
more satisfactory than his had been, and it was
thereupon : "Ordered that the said Nicholett go to the
Lower House & there acknowledge his Error in his late Ser-

36

mon preached to the Lower House in that he medled with
Businesses relating merely to the Government & there to
crave the pardon of the Lord Proprietor the Lieutenant
General & the Assembly & that he bring the Certificate under
the hand of the Clerk that he has done it in the face of the
whole House . . . and that he pay unto John Gittings Clerk
of the Assembly forty shillings or the value thereof in
Tobacco for Fees."
This order was " returned from the lower house
underneath which was written, Mr. Nicholett
acknowledged in the Lower House as is above
written" (Id. 163).
They appear to have been as averse to dishon
esty among themselves as to political preaching
by their ministers, for in the session of 1676 they
enacted a fine of four thousand pounds of tobacco
against Henry Ward of "Caecil County:" "for that
being a member of the last Assembly he did Informe the
said lower house that he had a very good horse lost in the
Country service in the expedicon to the Whorekills And that
the Lower house giveing creditt to such Informacon did
thinke fitt to allow him out of the Publick Leavy Eighteene
hundred pounds of tobacco, And it is now made Evidently
appeare that the said Ward lost noe such horse in the Publick
service and that the said allegacon was most egregiously
false "(2 Ar. 540).
His fine was thus a little more than twice the
amount of his dishonest gain.

37

Penal Law.
This idea of restitution to the injured pervades
many of the acts both of the General Assembly, and
of the Council. Thus a servant running away was
held to a double term of service (1 Ar. 348) ;
and one harboring the runaway was responsible
for all damages sustained by the escape (Id. 451).
Whosoever should " wrongfully kill or carry away
any marked ¦¦ swyne of another man's must pay
double the value of such swyne to the true owner
thereof, and 2001 of Tob. more to him that shall
inform thereof, and 3001 of Tob. more for a ffine
to the Lord Propr" (1 Ar. 251; 2 Ar. 29). This
was afterwards increased to treble the value of the
hogs stolen (2 Ar. 278). Again it was enacted,
(1654) that " whosoever shall take and Carry away
any of the Goods or Chattels of any person con
trary to the owners will shall restore four fould
if able and if not the person or persons so offend
ing as aforesaid shall make the said four fould
satisfaction by servitude" (I Ar. 344).
The same principle rules in several laws which
provide that a man who has incurred a debt
without the means to pay it should make resti
tution by personal service — in other words, should
work it out (1 Ar. 70, 152, 188). And, as a
security for the creditor, no debtor might have
a pass, without which he could not leave the
county of his residence (Id. 160, 174, 194).

38

The same principle was applied to "letigeous
persons " by providing that " all persons what
soever that are Cast in any cause be they p.lf or
defte shall be amerced (besides the damages and
Cost to the Recoverour) ffifty pounds of Tobacco "
(1 Ar. 486).
This was milder than the Council desired, for
its recommendation was "that the party cast in
appeale shall pay treble dammages for the pre
vention of vexatious sutes " (3 Ar. 341).
Perhaps the most severe application of this
principle was in the provision that " if the Judge
thinke any verdict greivious to either party . . .
and the jury evidently partiall or willfull he may
charge another jury to enquire and try by the same
evidence, and if they find contrary to the former
jury all the former jury may be fined at the
discretion ofthe Judge" (1 Ar. 152).
It is probable that under this law the office of a
juror became as unpopular as was the office of a
constable in New York under the administration
of Wouter Van Twiller. It must not be thought,
however, that the Government provided no punish
ment for crime but restitution to the injured. On
the contrary it seems to have had quite a penchant
for imposing " Condigne punishm' " upon a wrong
doer " that Soe he may be a Tirrable Example To
others of Offending " (2 Ar. 491). In the session
of 1638-9 there was passed to the point of engross-

39

ment " an act Determining Enormious Offenses"
(1 Ar. 73), designed no doubt to give a catalogue
and definition of the acts which should be treated
as felony and render the offender infamous. By
repeated acts it was provided that the " Inhabi
tants of this Province shall have all their rights
and liberties according to the great charter of
England " (1 Ar. 83), and nothing should " in any
sorte infringe or prejudice the Just and lawfull
Lybertyes or priviledges of the free borne subjects
of the Kingdome of England" (1 Ar. 300, 398),
and that justice should have no delay was em
bodied in the oath of the Lieutenant General,
Councillors and other officers (3 Ar. 210, 213), ancl
in matters where there had been no special enact
ment for the Province, there " right & just shall
be determined according to equity & good con-
cience. not neglecting (so far as the Judge or
Judges shall be informed thereof & shall find no
inconvenience in applycation to this Province) the
rules by which right & just useth and ought to be
determined in England in the same or like cases "
(1 Ar. 147, 183-4, 435, 448, 487, 504, &c.)
The large discretion given to the Judge in that
law was confided to the Judge, Governor or Lieu
tenant General by repeated acts, and the punish
ment of many offenses (counterfeiting for example)
was left entirely at the discretion of the Governor
(1 Ar. 247). Perhaps this was unavoidable in the

40

paucity of prisons, or mean's of restraint ; but there
were some offenses which the General Assembly
determined so far as they were concerned should
not by any possibility, be committed twice by the
same person ; and others which they wished should
bear a sure punishment which all should under
stand could not be tempered by judicial leniency.
Treason to the king, the Lord Proprietary, or
the Lieutenant General, they made punishable by
drawing, hanging and quartering of a man ; by
drawing and burning of a woman, corruption of
blood and forfeiture of all property and franchises :
Petit treason was to be punished by drawing and
hanging of a man, by burning of a woman ; sor
cery, blasphemy and idolatry by burning ; "Burg
lary, Robbery, Polygamie, Sacriledge, Sodomy and
Rape " by hanging. The exceptions to these modes
of punishment in this bill were two, to wit : " the
punishment of death shall be inflicted on a Lord of
a Mannour by beheading . . . and if the offender
can read Clerklike in the judgment of the Court
then the offender shall lose his hand or be burned
in the hand or forehead with a hot iron & forfeit
all his lands: againe offending he shall for such
second offense suffer pains of death & forfeit all
lands and goods and Chattells " (1 Ar. 71-2).
In 1641, and again in 1642, it was published
under the Greate Seale that " It shall be felony in
any apprentice servant to depart away from his or

41

her master or dame with intent to convey him oi
lier selfe out of the Province," and in any other
person to " Accompany such servant in such
unlawfull departure. And the offenders therein
shall suffer paines of death" (1 Ar. 107, 124).
In 1650, " Everyone giving false witnes vppon
oath or perswading or hiring another to give such
false witnes vppon oath shalbe nayled to the Pil
lory and loose both Eares or put to other corporall
shame or correccon as the Court shall Adiudge : "
For striking an officer, or witness, or any other
person in presence of the Court, the offender was to
lose his hand (1 Ar. 286, 350).
" If any Idle and Buss-headed person " forged
and divulged " false rumors news and reports, or
by Slandering tale bearing or back biting Scandal
ized the Good Name of any person " he was doomed
to pay " from 1000 to 2000 pounds of tobacco and
be Censured by way of Satisfaction to the Party
Injured thereby " (1 Ar. 343 ; 2 Ar. 273).
In 1663 it was enacted " Th? a Pillory & Stocks
bee sett vpp att every Cort howse in Each respec-*
tive County & a Ducking Stoole in the most con
venient place of the County," and " th4 the Comr of
each County Cort provide an iron for the burning
of Malefactors wth the Lre R. & anothr wth the
Lre H." (1 Ar. 490, 491). But for St. Mary's as
the metropolitan County, an additional luxury was
provided at the same time in the enactment " th* a
6

42

Logg howse be built Twenty foot square at St.
Mary's vppon the Counteyes lands for a Prison" (1
Ar. 490), at an expense of two thousand pounds of
tobacco. Whether the officials were blind to their
duties and privileges does not clearly appear ; but
three years later a law was published under the
Great Seal of the Province for something more
pretentious — "that there be foure acres of land
neerest about the Spring on the East side of St.
Maries feild be allotted to build a prison vpon and
that there be tenn thousand pounds of tob. raysed
out of the province to be laid out in building the
prison" (2 Ar. 139). This prison was intended
for the accommodation of debtors as well as crimi
nals (Ibid, and Id. 542).
It was probably on account of the inconvenience
of having but one place of detention for the whole
province, and not local jealousy on the part of the
County, that led to the enactment three years later
" that there be a Logg house Prison Twenty ffoot
square Built at Augustine Harman's in Baltymore
County at an expense of tenn thousand pounds of
tobacco for p'venting servants & Criminall 'psons
from Running out of this Province" (2 Ar. 224).
In what part of the County Augustine Harman's
was does not appear, but the commissioners of the
County could not agree as to the location of the
Court House, and the upper house of the Assem
bly, after waiting four years, decided for them, in

43
February, 1675, that " the most Convenient Place
for the same will be the head of Gunpowder River
on the North Side," and ordered it erected there
accordingly (2 Ar. 430). Probably the desire to
have a locality that was accessible to that part of
the County that was on the " Easterne side of the
bay" (3 Ar. 530), had its influence in determining
the selection. The Indian Question.
It is due to the truth of history, though it may
not be flattering to pride of ancestry, to say that
these volumes show that the Indians were always
under suspicion, and had few rights which the
colonists considered themselves bound to respect;
that in fact they sympathized deeply with the feel
ing that is said to have induced another set of men
to resolve ; (1) " The earth hath the Lord given to
his saints, and (2) Resolved that we are his saints."
The colonists do not appear to have been ever
troubled with a doubt of the power and right of
King Charles to give all lands and waters abso
lutely to Lord Baltimore, or of Lord Baltimore to
grant it on such conditions as he pleased to them ;
and in this firm belief they regarded vessels which
came to their shores without his or their permis
sion as pirates, and all persons presuming to place
foot thereon without recognizing their allegiance
to Lord Baltimore, whether Dutch, Swedes, or
Indians, as intruders, trespassers, public enemies.

44

An illustration of this is furnished in the case of
" a Certaine Ship called the Maid of Gaunt in
1654." This ship had traded in Virginia by war
rant of the Governor of that province, and came
into St. George's River apparently on the same
peaceful errand. At all events she had shipped
part of a cargo belonging to Marylanders, but
upon the allegation that " the owner and Mer
chants thereof were Inhabitants of the King of
Spain's Dominion " " Cap' Thomas Webber master
of the Good Ship Called the Mayflower of Lon
don " " with the assistance of said ship, men and
Ammunition " captured her, held her as prize, and
was sustained therein by Governor Stone (3 Ar.
297, 305).
As early as May, 1638, the council conceiving
that "in so remote an Hand as the He of Kent and
situate among divers Salvage nations, the incur
sions as well of the Salvages as of other enemies
pyrates and robbers may probably be feared "
appointed John Boteler " Captaine of the military
band of that He of Kent in all martiall matters"
with " full power to leavie muster and traine all
sorts of men able to beare arms and in case of any
sodaine invasions of Salvages or Pyrates to make
warre and to vse all necessary meanes to the
resistance and vanquishing of the enemy" (3
Ar. 75).
Among the acts engrossed for a third reading in
March, 1639, but laid over with all the others was

45

one that required every housekeeper to have at all
times in his or her house for every person " able
to beare armes one Serviceable fixed gunne of bas
tard muskett boare one pair of bandaleers or shott
bagg one pound of good powder foure pound of
pistol or muskett shott and Sufficient quantity of
match for match locks and of flint for fire locks "
(1 Ar. 77).
In January, 1639, Governor Leonard Calvert,
because that " Certain Indians of the Nation called
the Maquantequats have Comitted Sundry Insol
ences and rapines upon the English inhabiting
within this Province " and refused the satisfaction
that was demanded " and therefore Compelled us
to enforce them thereunto by the Justice of a warr "
commissioned Nicholas Harvey to go " with any
Company of English as Shall be willing to goe
along sufficiently provided of arms to invade the
said Mancantequuts and against them ancl their
Lands ancl goods to execute and Inflict what may
be inflicted by the Law of warr and the pillage and
booty therein gotton to part and divide among the
Company that Shall performe the Service " (3 Ar.
87). Similar declarations of war, or commissions
for military service, against the " Sesquihanowes,"
or other aborigines were issued year after year,
and sometimes two and three times in a year, ancl
though the reason assigned at times is " Satisfac
tion for Outrages" it is quite as often "punish-

46

ing insolences," or preventing them, and the officer
is commissioned "to goe out upon said Ind: or
aid: confeder: as shalbe found in any suspicious
manner & them to expell or vanquish & putt to
death, & their armes or goods to pillage, & thereof
to dispose at yor discretion, & to destroy them or
any other misch: doe vnto them by law war"
(3 Ar. 132, 137, &c.)
The proceedings had not always the pretence
of following the laws of war. In 1641 Governor
Leonard Calvert proclaimed " I do hereby author
ize and declare it lawfull to any Inhabitant what
soever of the isle of Kent to Shoot wound or kill
any Indian whatsoever comeing upon the said
island" (3 Ar. 99). But the colonists of Kent
Island were not long to enjoy a monopoly of this
amusement. The next year his proclamation was,
" I doe hereby authorize all or any of the English
of this Colony to shoote or kell any Indian or
Indians in any part about patuxent river that
shalbe scene or mett either vpon the land or water
without the said bound after sixe daies after the
date hereof, except such as have or bear visibly a
white flag or fane" (3 Ar. 126, 147). With such
measures of defense and protection it is little
wonder that we find it proclaimed a few months
later " these are to publish & declare that the Ses
quihanowes Wicomeses, and Nantacoque Indians
are enemies of this province, and as such are to

47

be reputed & proceeded against by all persons"
(Id. 116, 118), or "noe man able to bear arms
shall go to church. or Chappell or any considerable
distance from home without fixed gunn and 1
charge at least of powder and shott" (Id. 103, see
also 1 Ar. 254).
The cattle of the colonists, unrestrained, drew no
nice distinctions between the crops of their owners
and those of the Indians, and their hogs running
at large seem to have been a novel and attractive
species of game for the Indians, who could not
understand why they should not protect their own
crops, and hunt all animals running in the woods,
as for generations they had been accustomed to do.
For redress the person who had suffered " Spoil in
his Swine " was permitted to demand " satisfaction
of any town whose Indians have done him such
spoil ; " and, in case of refusal, or delay to comply
with the demand, had " free Liberty to right him
self upon any the persons or Goods belonging to
that Town by all means that he may" (3 Ar. 96).
With this free license for reprisals it was by no
means desirable that the barbarians should have
civilized weapons, and so an act of the General
Assembly to prevent this was passed (1648) that
" noe Inhabitant of this Province shall deliver any
Gunn or Ammunition to aiyy Pagan " (1 Ar. 233) ;
changed in form the next year to " Noe Inhabitant
of this Province shall deliver any Gunne or

48

Gunnes or Amunicon or other kind of Martiall
Armes to any Indian borne of Indian parentage "
(Id. 250).
The Governor and Council earnestly sustained
this policy of disarmament (3 Ar. 144, 160, 260) ;
and yet it did not secure satisfactory exemption
from "Insolences." The Indians even had the
assurance in 1666 to appear before the General
Assembly and demand that one rule should be
applied to both peoples. They complained : "Your
hogs & Cattle injure Us. You come too near us to live and
drive Us from place to place. We can fly no further let us
know where to live & how to be secured for the future from
the Hogs & Cattle. Emerson hath thrown down the fence
made by the Indians at Nanjimy about their corn by which
eight ' men have lost their whole Crop of Corn for which
they Complain & desire to be secured for the future. Let us
have no Quarrels for Killing Hogs no more than for the Cows
Eating the Indians Corn. If an Indian kill an English let
him be delivered up Mta Langsworth's children were killed
and the Murtherers were delivered they found a Man Indian
dead in the path killed by the English for which thay have
no Satisfaction & desire it may be Considered " (2 Ar. 15).
The summary manner in Avhich such " mur
therers " were disposed of when so delivered up
is illustrated by an entry in the journal of the
Assembly two years later when the Lieutenant
General sent it the following message :

49-

"You have here sent you the Indian that murdered Capt.
Odber it is that Rogue that caused our late Troubles Ababcos
Indians have brought him Mr Henry Coursey knows the
Indian & does assure me that this is the Fellow that shott
the said Odber I do hereby order that this' Murderer be
executed at St. Mary's toMorrow."
But the General Assembly could not tolerate
such procrastination and indulgence but " Ordered
that the said Wianamon be shott to death here at
St. Mary's some time before three of the Clock
this Afternoon " (2 Ar. 195).
The methods adopted for protection did not
differ materially from those still in vogue where-
ever the two races come in contact : — expeditions
against them, — confining them to reservations, —
binding them by treaty.
-The first regular expedition against them was
authorized in 1642 when it wa3 enacted that " It
shalbe lawfull to the Lieutenant Generall to make
an expedition ags' the Sesquihanoughs or other
Indians as have committed the late outrages vpon
the English at such time & in such manner as he
shall think fitt" (1 Ar. 196, 8, &c). In 1643
Capt. Tho Cornwaleys Esq having a " propensenes
to goe a march vpon the Sesquihanowes " was
authorised "for the vindication of the honour of
God, & the'Xtian and the English name vpon
those barbarians & inhumane pagans " " to levie
volunteers & to doe all other things requisite for
7

50

the training of the souldiers punishing of inso
lences vanquishing the enemies and disposing of
the spoiles " (3 Ar. 133). In 1644 Capt. Henry
ffleete was commissioned " to goe vp wth yor com
pany to pascatoway and there to consider whether
it wilbe more to the honor, safety, or advantage of
the English to have war or truce wth the Sesqui-
hanowes at this present," and if he " shall not
think best to treate or truce wth them you are to
vse all lawfull & discreet meanes you can to pillage
or take them or if it shall seeme best to kill them ;
and to break off all league and treaty betweene
them and our confederates " (Id. 149, 150).
In 1647 because that " sundry the inhabts of this
province had sustayned diuers great losses in their
estates by the Indians of Nantacoke & Wicomick "
Captain John Price was commissioned " to take 30
or 40 such able men as he shall thinke fitt and
make choyce of" and go to the Eastern Shore and
there to " imploy his uttmost endeauor skill &
force by what meanes hee may, in destroying the
sd Nations, as well by land as by water, eyther by
killing them, taking them prisoners burning their
howses destroying their Corne, or by any other
meanes as he shall iudge convenient" (3 Ar. 191).
In 1652, in an expedition ordered against the
" Easterne shore Indians " at the instance of the
" inhabitants of the Isle of Kent " for the " Sup
pressing of those heathens and avenging of Guilt-

51

less Bloud ancl the preservation of our lives with
our wives and children " (Id. 279) it was " ordered
by the Council that for all Such Indian prisoners
as Shall happe to be taken and brought in when
this March is ended they shall be divided accord
ing to their Valuation upon a Generall Division
throughout the Province amongst " those who had
defrayed the expenses of the expedition (Id. 283-4),
but that it was not intended that this enslaving of
the Indians should extend beyond those whom they
were pleased to consider enemies is manifest from
an act of Assembly passed in 1654, enacting that
" whatsoever person or persons that shall steale
any friend Indian or Indians whatsoever or be
accessory in Stealing them and shall sell him or
them or. transport them out of the County shall be
punished with death " (1 Ar, 346).
Twenty years later these " friend Indians " ren
dered the colony such service that it was " Voted
by the house th* Matchcoats Corne Powder and
Shott be purchased and forthwith delivered to the
friend Indians by way of gratification for the Ser
vices done by the Said Indians in the late Warre
ag' the Susquehannough Indians, viz to the Pus-
cutaway, Chapticoe, Nangemy, Mattawoman &
Pamunkie Indians" (2 Ar. 488). Yet such was
the distrust of everything bearing the name of
Indian, that this same vote, that gave this sub
stantial recognition of favors received from them,
required them to deliver hostages to the English.

52

Although the proposition that "the only good
Indian is a dead Indian " had not then been enun
ciated, yet the germ of that sentiment was clearly
vital among them. Tho Matthews, with his brother
Ignatius, ancl Henry More, in 1664, went by invi
tation to an entertainment given by the " Indeans
of Pascataway " who " had taken two prisoners of
the Johnadoes upon the North side of patomake
river" and reported to Governor Charles Calvert
" After I came they presently began to torter the
man and gave mee this Relacon ... as for the
Relacon & maner of their tortering thm I oinitt till
I shall see yor honor" (3 Ar. 501).
Though they may have been interested specta
tors when one tribe of Indians tortured another I
find in the Archives no evidence that they them
selves resorted to torture to obtain information —
at least they did not when they thought a different
course more certain of obtaining it (Id. 49S) ; still,
when they went to war, they meant war and not
peace, and on the same date as the last occurrence
the Council " Ordered th' Warr be pclaimed ag* the
Cinego Indiarts th* a Reward of a hundred Armes
lenght of RoanOake be giuen to eury 'pson whether
Indian or English th' shall bring in a Cinego
prison1 or both his Eares if he be slayne" (Id.
502), and at the same time it was declared "to be
lawfull for any 'pson Jnhabiting in this prouince
to kill slay or take prisoner any of the aforesaid

53

Cinego or Johnado Indians that shall enter this
prouince" (Id. 503). But the saddest illustration
of their manner of dealing with the Indians, in
what they called war, which is presented in these
volumes, is found in the pages that record the
events of the expedition under the command of
Thomas Truman against the Susquehanna Indians
in 1676. These Indians, though a very powerful
tribe, had shown themselves desirous of peace with
the colonists, and it is proof of their favorable
inclination that when a treaty was negotiated with
them, the reason assigned in the Council was,
because that " the Indians had a long time desired
and much pressed for the conclusion of a peace
with the Government and Inhabitants of this
Province which as is now conceived may tend very
much to the Safety & advantage of the Inhabitants
here if advisedly effected!' (3 Ar. 276); and, for
the same reason doubtless, a further alliance offen
sive and defensive was made with them in 1661
(Id. 420), and yet a further one in 1666 (Id. 549),
and in this last year the general Assembly had
declared that the " honor of his Lordship and the
English Nacon will vndoubtedly suffer by breach
of faith even to a Heathen" (2 Ar. 131), but the
officers of this expedition forgot so just a sentiment.
The plain facts of this transaction, seem to be
that, in 1675, the Susquehanna Indians, being
.harassed by the Senecas, as they had often been

54

before, came to the English settlements, and asked
for permission to live among the " friend Indians "
near the settlements; and this privilege being
refused them they " did condescend to remove as
farr as the head of the Potowmack " (2 Ar. 429-
30). Later in the season there were depredations
committed upon the settlers in Baltimore and
Anne Arundel Counties, and also in Virginia, and
a joint expedition into the Indian country was
fitted out by the two colonies under the command
of Thomas Truman. He, with his force, appeared
" At the forte of the Susquehannoughs ... on the
North side of Puscattuway Creek ... on the Sab-
both morning about the 25 or 26 day of September "
. . . and sent a messenger to the fort and desired
" some of their great men to come and Speake with
the sd Major vpon which message of his there came
out 3 or 4 of them ; " afterwards thirty or forty.
They were told " of the great jnjuries that had
been done to the Country and th* he came to know
who they were th' had done them, And the great
men Replyed that it was the Senecaes." Further
parley ensued, the Indians believing that pursuit
of the marauders was useless, that the retiring
Senecas might be at this time " at' the head of the
Patapscoe river," and could not be overtaken, yet
they consented " To assist as Pilates and to joyne
in the pursuite ag* the Senecaes," and the next
morning they were promptly at the place appointed

55

for meeting for that purpose. They were then
again taxed as being themselves the authors of the
injuries complained of, " and they vtterly denyed
the Same and showed an old Paper and a Meddall
Wth a black and Yellow Ribbond thereto and the
Said Indians did say that the Same was a pleadge
of peace given and left with them by the former
Governors as a Token of Amity and friendship as
long as the Sun and Moone should last." Major
Truman declared to them that he " did believe the
Senecaes had done the Miseheife and not they and
that he was well Satisfied Therein ; " yet he placed
six Indians under guard and consulted with the
Virginia officers, as the affidavit expresses it "Sitting
upon a Tree Some distance from the Indians and after Some
While they all Rose and came towards the Jndians and Caused
them to be Bound, and after Some time they talked againe
(the Virginians, and particularly Collon" Wasshington urging
the most sanguinary course) soe after further discourse the sd
Indians were carryed forth from the place where they were
bound & they knocked them on the head " (2 Ar. 476, 483).
So utterly inexcusable was the act that the Lower
House of the General Assembly accused Major
Truman of murder ; — the Upper House investigated
it, examined witnesses, and the Major himself, who
made no denial of the allegations against him.
He was adjudged guilty and thereupon the Lower
House sent the Upper House a bill of attainder

56

against him to which the answer returned was, that
" His Lop and this House doe Conceave it not Safe
for them To Vote the killing of Susquehannoughs
Embassadors noe Murther for to them and all the
world it does and will Certainely appear the great
est that ever hath been Committed" (2 Ar. 503).
And the Upper House informed the Lower " That
this house Cannot Consent to inflict a pecuniary
punishment upon a person who hath been accused
by the Lower House of Murder and by this House'
found guiltie of the Same" (Id. 512). As the
result of this disagreement, as to the mode of pun
ishment, between the two houses no punishment at
all was inflicted upon Major Truman. In fact
it may be doubted whether there was any very
earnest desire for his punishment. It was only
Indians that he had killed, and though the manner
in which it was done was not to be commended,
the thing done was not to be too severely con
demned. The destruction of wolves was encour
aged by the payment of a bounty from the colonial
treasury (1 Ar. 346, 362, 372, 428, 446 ; 2 Ar. 325,
348, &c), that of the Indians, as we have seen in
repeated instances, by granting to any who would
take it, the "pillage," the "spoile" of them, and
the prisoners themselves for servants. This record
of their treatment of the aborigines is probably the
darkest chapter in the history of the colonists.
In the journal of 1666 "articles of peace and
amity" between the Lord Proprietary and the

57

" Indians of Pascataway Anacostanck Doags " and
eight other tribes are recorded, and in these the
device of Indian reservations first appears. This
treaty is one of the most liberal towards the
Indians of any that wrere negotiated, for it
expressly provides that "the privilidge of hunt
ing Crabbing fishing & fowleing shall be preserved
to the Indians inviolably;" but the sort of equality
recognized appears from a comparison of the
fourth article, which reads " If an Indian kill an
Englishman he shall dye for itt," with the eighth
article which reads "John; Roberts & Thomas
Morris shall pay the Indians of Chingwawateick
one hundred and twenty armes length of Roane-
oake for the Indian that was slayne by them at the
head of Portoback Creeke in August last." This
unusual severity for the killing of that Indian was
probably owing to the fact that. at this time the
" Queene of Portoback " was under the special
protection of the Lord Proprietary. Three years
before she had made a piteous complaint ofthe
trespasses and injuries done her by the colonists,
and the Lieutenant General had issued a procla
mation forbidding the colonists to seat any land
within three miles of her " habitacons or planta-
cons" (3Ar. 489).
The treaty with the several tribes above named
"declares the sole pwer of Constituting and ap-
poynting . the Emperor of Pascatoway to be &
8

58

remayne in the R' Honoble Caecilius Lord and
Prop1 of this Province & his heirs ; " (this right
had been asserted several years previously) (3 Ar.
454, 482). Tt appoints a king for the "Indians of
Hangemaick " and it provides " that the severall
nacons afores8 shall continue vpon the places where
they now live," the bounds of these places to be
fixed by the Governor "as, to him in justice shall
seeme most for the publick good " " within which
bounds it shall not be lawfull for the sd nacons to
entertayne any forreign Indians whatsoever to Hue
with them " (2 Ar. 25, 26).
Similar steps were taken for the "proteccon" of
the Indians of the Easterne Shoare. near Chop^
tank" in 1669 (Id. 197, 200), and for the " Matta-
pany & Patuxon Indians in 1674" (Id. 354, 360,
369, 373).
A treaty of inviolable peace and perpetual
amity and friendship had been "established and
confirmed with several of the tribes of the " East-
erne Shoare " in July, 1659 (3 Ar. 363).
In February, 1675, " some of the greate men of
the Sussquehannoughs " appeared, in the General
Assembly and " desired to Know what part of the
Province should for the future be allotted to them
to Occupy." The Governor was left " to appointe
a place ; " the Assembly " seeing nothing for it to
doe but to provide armes Ammunition and. Pro
vision, and imediately to beginne the warre" (2

59
Ar. 451), and they passed "an act for the Raysing
a present Supply (50,000 pounds of tobacco) for
his Excellency the Cap' Generall to defray the
Charges of making Peace with the Cynegoe Indians
and making warr with the Susquehannes Indians "
(Id. 462). How Major Truman conducted that
war we have already seen.
Other treaties (so-called) bound the Indians
more rigidly to their good behavior. That with
the Passayoncke Indians in 1661 provided "that
in case any Englishman for the future shall hap
pen to finde any Passayoncke Indian Killing either
Cattle or Hoggs that then it shall be lawfull for the
English to kill the said Indian" (3 Ar. 433), and
that with the " Delaware Bay Jndians," in 1663,
contained precisely the same provision (Id. 486).
Religion.
Probably nothing in the early history of Mary-
. land possesses more interest, and certainly nothing
requires more care and delicacy in the handling
than the question of the religion of the colonists.
Hallam, speaking of this era in England, says
"religion was the fashion of the age," and it is
evident that when the colonists crossed the ocean
they did not leave this fashion behind them. No
characteristic is more prominent in all their lan
guage than religious phrase which abounds in acts

60

of Assembly, proclamations, commissions, and so
forth to a degree that seems to us to savor of
irreverence, if not of blasphemy. Proclamations
issued even upon unimportant subjects commenced
" To all persons to whom these presents shall come
Greeting in the name of our Lord God everlast
ing," and oaths, used on any and all occasions,
commonly concluding " So help you God and by
the contents of this booke " (3 Ar. 193, 197, 214,
218, &c), were so multiplied, that the General
Assembly at length interposed its humble request
to the Proprietary " that such things as your Lord
ship may hereafter desire of us may be done with
as little Swearing as Conveniently may be Expe
rience teaching us that a great Occasion is given to
much perjury when swearing becometh common"
(1 Ar. 242). Lord Baltimore, if requiring less
religion of his subordinates than the Puritans of
New England, yet required at least high moral if
not religious character of them. In his full letter
of instructions to Governor Stone in 1651, he
ordered that no person should be " of our Council
of State Commander of a County or Justice of the
Peace " who lived " scandalously or Viciously with
any Lewd Woman or professed himself of no
religion or was an usual Drunkard Swearer or
Curser " (1 Ar. 333) ; and the same principle that
has remained undisturbed to the present time was
adopted in 1654, under the commissioners of the

61
Commonwealth, when it was enacted that " Noe
work shall be done on the Sabboth day but that
which is of Necessity and Charity to be done no
Inordinate Recreations as fowling fishing hunting
or other, no shouting of gunns to be used on that
day except in Case of Necessity" (1 Ar. 343).
This was a change from four years earlier when
the journal of a sitting of the Assembly is dated
"April 6th 1650 Sabbath " (1 Ar. 261). When this
Sabbath law was passed it was apparently sup
posed that the business of ordinary keepers fell
within the category of necessity or charity, but it
was subsequently determined that it was a "Pro-
phanacon of. the Sabbath or Lords Day " to sell
strong, liquors or permit "tippling or gaming att
Cards dice, ninepinn playing or other such unlaw-
full exercises," and the same was expressly pro
hibited,- under the penalty of two thousand pounds
of tobacco, and other disabilities (2 Ar. 414);
It cannot be expected that v the Archives will
end the controversy so long and earnestly con
tested as to who is, entitled to the credit of the
much- vaunted religious liberty of the colony. But
there are a few facts which clearly appear: first,
that the sovereign who granted the charter was not
a Roman Catholic, nor was that the religion of the
State at the time : Second, that Lord Baltimore, to
whom the charter was granted, was a Roman Cath
olic: and Third, that the colonists were mingled,

62

Roman Catholic and Protestant; all deeply imbued
with the religious sentiment of the age, zealous for
their own creed, and desirous, by appeals to preju
dice as well as to reason, of giving their own as
far as practicable an advantage over the opposite,
which they knew was heresy, yet prepared under
the circumstances surrounding them to give for the
time being, a qualified toleration to such heresy,
though neither of the parties was free from the
bigotry of the age, or had any clear perception of
equal religious liberty and right, or of a religion
neither dominating the civil government nor domi
nated by the civil government.
It is also clear that the controlling influence, at
first, was one that had great regard for the recog
nized Christian Saints. A large portion of the
places to which the settlers gave names bear the
names of some of the saints of the calendar, and
later the names are strongly suggestive of Puritan
origin. Thus we find the Council assembled in
June, 1662, at a place named "The Resurrection,"
and ordering that " a pryson bee built there " (3
Ar. 460) ; and when the Protestants made a home
upon the Severn they named it "Providence" (1
Ar. 260), and though an act of Assembly erected
it into a County by the name of "Annarundell
County" (Id. 292), another act, four years later
(1654), "Declared that the County now Called
'Annarundell County ' shall be Called and Recorded

63
by the name of the County of Providence " (Id.
345). The same spirit that insisted upon that
name was willing to dismiss the " St." from names
already given, and we find " St. Maries County " is
changed in use (1654) into " maryes County " or
" County of Maryes " (Id. 340, 354). We find also
the early dates fixed by Saints' days. The General
Assembly is to convene on the " morrow after the
feast of St. Simon and St. Jude " (1 Ar. 113), on
" Monday after St. James' Day " (Id. 127), " at the
two most usual feasts of the year viz' the Annun
ciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Saint
Michael the Arch Angell " (3 Ar. 234), "at the
ffeast of our Lords nativity," (Id. 267), &c.
As reHgion was the great matter of contest in
England, so it entered in no slight degree into the
affairs of the colony from the first. When Lord
Baltimore, (George Calvert), in 1629, driven by
snow and ice from the inhospitable shores of
Avalon, went prospecting to Virginia, Governor
Potts and the Virginia Council remonstrated with
the home government against granting him any
special privileges, because he and his followers
made "profession of the Romishe Religion" and
they say that : "amonge the many blessings and favores
for which wee are bound to bless God and which this Colony
hath receaved from his most gracious Majesty, there is none
whereby it hath beene. made more happy then in the freedom

64

of our Religion which we have enjoyed and that noe papists
have been suffered to settle their abodes amongst us " (3 Ar. 1 7).
But the remonstrance was ineffectual. The
Lord at home was more influential than the
colonists across the sea ; and when, about three
years later (1632), tlje charter was granted to Lord
Baltimore (Caecilius), the reason assigned was
because he was " moved by a certain laudable and
pious zeal for extending the Christian religion and
extending our empire in parts of America hitherto
uncultivated and inhibited by Savages and know
ing nothing of the Divine Being" (3 Ar. 3).
Strangely enough for the times there was granted
to him, though of a different creed from the sover
eign and the State, " the patronages and advowsons
of all Churches which (with the increasing wor
ship and religion of Christ) shall be built, together
with license and faculty of erecting and founding
Churches, Chapels and places of Worship and of
causing the same to be dedicated and consecrated
according to the Ecclesiastical Laws of our King
dom of England" (Id. 4).
As soon as legislation ibegan religion began
to be nursed. In the session of 1638-9, when
everything important was considered and noth
ing enacted, among ;the bills that reached the
point of engrossment, was one that " Holy Church
within this Province shall have all her rights
liberties and immunities safe whole and inviolable

65

in all things" (1 Ar. 35, 40, 83). The next year
it fared better, ancl was enacted that " Holy
Church within this Province shall have and enjoy
all her Rights liberties and Franchises wholy and
without Blemish" (Id. 96). Another bill in that
session of 1638-9 made "eating flesh in time of
Lent or on other days when it is prohibited by the
Law of England " a crime punishable by a fine of
five pounds of tobacco (Id. 53), but " idolatry which
is the worshipping a false God or to commit blas
phemy which is accursing or wicked speaking of
God was a felony to be punished by hanging"
(Id. 71). The use of proper language was further
sought to be secured by enactments that "every
one convicted of prophane cursing and Swearing
shall forfeit five t Tob." (Id. 159, 193).
In March, 1641^ there " was presented by David
Wickliffe in the name of the Protestant Catholics
of Maryland " a petition, and complaint of the
obstruction of Protestant worship, and Thomas
Gerard, against whom this " petition of the Protes
tants " was directed, on hearing by the Assembly,
was found "guilty of a misdemeanor" and fined
" 500 I tobacco towds the maintenance of the first
minister as should arrive" (1 Ar. 119).
The journal, of the English House of Lords
shows that on the 28th of November, 1645, there
was presented to " the Comtee of Lords & Comons
for fforraigne Plantacons The Peticdn of diuerse
9

66

the Inhabitants of Maryland setting forth the
tyranicall Gouernement of that Province, euer
since its first settling, by Recusants; whoe haue
seduced and forced many of his Ma'y Subiects,
from their Religion," and humbly praying the
assistance and protection of the Parliament.
" Diuers marchants of the Citty of London trad
ing to the English plantations," also petitioned to
the same effect, because, they said, " the said Lord
Baltimore and his agents have not only acted
horridd things in that province as Papists and
Enemyes, but alsoe tearmes the Honobl Parlya-
ment Rebells " (Id. 181). Undoubtedly the hand
of Ingle was in these petitions, yet on considera
tion of them it was (December 25th, 1645) " Ordered
by the Lords in Parlyament assembled, That the
Comittee for foraigne Plantations, doe drawe vp
an Ordinance and present it to this House for the
settling of the Plantation of Maryland vnder the
Comand of Protestants " (3 Ar. 164-5). The com
mittee presented an ordinance accordingly, ordain
ing and declaring " that the said Cecil Caluert
Lord of Baltimore hath wickedly broken the trust
reposed in him by the said Lres Patents, and that
it is convenient and necessary that the said Lres
Patents bee repealed and made voyde," and that
there be appointed " an able Governor and fitt,
Officers of the Protestant Religion and well affected
to the Parlyament" (3 Ar. 173). All that followed

67

under this ordinance these Archives do not disclose.
They do show, however, that the Governorship of
the colony passed, for the time being, out of the
Calvert family, and that William Stone, a Protes
tant, became Governor. In his official oath he
swore, among other things, " I will not by myself
nor any Person directly or indirectly trouble
molest or discountenance any Person whatsoever
in the said Province professing to believe in Jesus
Christ and in particular no Roman Catholick for
or in respect of his or her Religion nor in his or
her free exercise thereof" (3 Ar. 210). Precisely
the same provision was inserted in the oath of the
councillors, a majority of whom were Protestants
(Id. 214).
From other sources we know that the three fol
lowing wcro very busy years in England, and the
climax was reached on the thirtieth of January,
1649, when the king lost his life upon the scaffold,
and Oliver Cromwell became protector of the
Commonwealth. Three months after the king's death on the
twenty-first of April, 1649, the General Assembly
at St. Maries passed "AN ACT CONCERNING
RELIGION," which sixteen months later (August
26th, 1650), was "confirmed by the Lord Proprie
tary under his hand and seale " (1 Ar. 244).
It becomes us, as loyal Marylanders, not to
smile when we hear this famous statute called " an

68

act of toleration," and to forget, if we can, that the
great bulk of it is composed of penalties — fines,
whippings, severe whippings, banishment, confisca
tion and death, against all sorts and forms of
errors ancl heresies save those held by the persons
enacting it, and to remember only that it contains
the famous and familiar toleration clause ; that if
we except the enormous exception which it con
tains, it embodies a declaration of religious liberty
as broad and full as can be found in any nation or
language — a veritable jewel in a toad's head. But
putting the worst construction upon this as a penal
act, it certainly gave a larger freedom (or at least
a different freedom), than was agreeable to the
authorities in England. Among the instructions
to the Commissioners for "reducing the colonies to
their due obedience to the Commonwealth of Eno--
land" was one to see that the act of Parliament
" for abollishing the bQoke of common prayer
was received and enforced" (3 Ar. 265). And
Cromwell, in his tender care for their religious wel
fare, wrote them a letter from Whitehall, in Janu
ary, 1653, in which he advised "That Love be
cherished and the great Interest of Religion be
owned and countenanced whereby you will ingage
God's care over you, who alone can make your
affairs prosperous," &c. (3 Ar. 297). And the next
year it was " Enacted and declared in the Name of
his Highness the Lord Protector and by the

69
Authority of the Generall Assembly That none
who profess and exercise the Popish Religion
Commonly known by the Name of the Roman
Catholick Religion can be protected in this Pro
vince by the Lawes of England . . but such as
profess faith in God by Jesus Christ (though dif
fering in Judgment from the Doctrine and Disci
pline Publickly held forth shall not be restrained
from, but shall be protected in the Profession of
the faith) & Exercise of their Religion . . pro
vided that this liberty be not extended to Popery
or Prelacy," &c. (1 Ar. 341). The commissioners
for settling the affairs of the Province had pre
viously declared that all such as "doe profess the
Roman Catholick Religion " should be disabled to
sit in the General Assembly (3 Ar. 313) .
In 1656 Lord Baltimore by proclamation (3 Ar.
325), declares the "act whereby all persons who
profess to believe in Jesus Christ have liberty of
conscience and free Exercise of theyr religion " is
to be duly observed ; and in 1657 he " doth Faith
fully promise vpon his Honor to obserue and per
forme as much as in him lyes " the said act (Id.
334) , and re-guarantees the same in 1659 (Id. 384) .
Religious solicitude for the young appeared in
1671, when there was proposed "an act for the
founding and Erecting of a School or College
within this Province for the Education of youth in
learning and Virtue," one of the provisions of

70

which was "That the Tutors or School Masters of
the said School or College may be qualified accord
ing to the reformed Church of England or that there
may be two School Masters, the One for the Catho
lick and the Other for the Protestants Children and
that the Protestants may have liberty to Choose
their School Master" (2 Ar. 262-4). And in the
same spirit the Upper house, at the same session,
desired to have incorporated in the " act for the
Preservation of Orphan's Estates," a provision
that "First Care must be taken to have the
Children Educated in the Religion of their dec*
Parents" (2 Ar. 317). But disagreement as to
the details of the project for a school or college
caused it to fail entirely ; both parties appar
ently preferring that the youth should grow
up without either " learning or Virtue," than
that they should have learning and virtue of a
different brand from their own.
Quakers.
Of course there might be errors and heresies so
great as to give serious cause of alarm and call for
the most rigorous action. Such an one was dis
covered by the colonial Council in 1658 in "the
increase of Quakers whos denyall of subscribing
the engagement," in addition to the threatening
attitude of the Indians, gave such " cause of jeal-

71
ousies" that Captain John Odber was commis
sioned to put the militia at once on a war footing ;
and it being discovered that Thomas Thurston and
Josias Cole had remained in the Province above a
month without taking the oath of fidelity, it was
"Ordered That a Warrant should jssue for the
apprehension of said Thurston and Colo to answer
tlieyr misdemeanors" (3 Ar. 348). The warrant
was issued " to the sheriffe of Annarundell to take
the body of Josias Cole and him in safe custody
keepe vt in order without Baile or Mainprise"
(Id. 350). And an order went "to the Sheriffe
of Caluert County to bring the body of Thomas
Thurston to Mr. Henry Coursey's by the twenty-
fifth of July." These orders were executed and
then the council discovered the magnitude of their
undertaking, for not only had they Thurston and
Cole on their hands, but they were compelled to
take "into consideracon the insolent behaviour of som
people called Quakers who at the Court in contempt of an
order then made & proclaimed would presumptiously stand
covered and not only so, but also refuse to subscribe the
engagement in that case provided alleadging they were to be
governed by Gods lawe and the light within them and not
by mans lawe and vpon full debate . . . ordered that all
persons should take & subscribe the said engagement by the
20"1 of August next or else depart the Province by the 25th
of March followeing vpon paine due to Rebbells & Traitors "
(3 Ar. 352),

72

and the Governor issued his proclamation accord
ingly. Even this did not rescue the province from
the great danger of Quakers, and the next July the
Council " Ordered as followeth : viz
Whereas it is to well knowne in this Province that there haue
of late bin seuerall vagabonds & Jdle persons knowne by the
name of Quakers that haue presumed to com into this Prov
ince as well diswading the People from Complying with the
Military discipline in this time of Danger as also from giving
testimony or being Jurors in causes depending betweene party
& party or bearing any office in the Province to the no small
disturbance of the Lawes & Civill Govern' thereof: And that
the keeping & detayning them as Prisoners hath brought so
great a charge vpon this Province the Governor & Councell
taking it into theyr Considcracon haue thought fitt to Appoint
& doe hereby for the prevention of the like inconveniences for
the time to com Require & command all & euery the Justices
of the Peace of this Province that so soone as they shall haue
notice that any of the foresaid Vagabonds or Jdle persons
shall againe presume to com into this Province they forth
with cause them to be apprehended & whipped from Con
stable to Constable vntill they be sent out of the Province "
(3 Ar. 362).
Thurston, who still remained, was arrested under
this order, but succeeded with much adroitness in
showing that it did not apply to his case, where
upon, determined that if the general order did not
cover his case, a special order should be made that
would, the Council ordered as follows :

73

"The board doth Judge That the said Thurston be for
euer bannished this Province & that if he be found within
this Province at any time 7 days after the date heereof or
shall att any time after returne againe into this Province that
he be by the next Justice of the Peace caused to be whipt
with 30 lashes & so sent from Constable to Constable till he
be Conveyed out of the Province. And that if he shall then
at any time againe presume to returne into this Province that
he be whipt with 30 lashes at euery Constables & be againe
sent out of the Province as aforesaid. And it is further
ordered that no person whatsoeuer presume to receaue har
bour or conceale the said Tliomas Thurston after the- tenth
day of this Present month vpon Paine of fiue hundred pounds
of Tob for euery time that they shall so Receaue harbour or
Conceale him the said Thomas Thurston" (3 Ar. 364).
Those, who, for conscience sake, refused to bear
arms, were proceeded against by court martial,
though these Archives do not show precisely what
penalty was inflicted upon them (3 Ar. 435, 441,
456). Their meetings to confer over their perse
cutions were thought to be full of danger to the
colony (Id. 494-5), so that in 1666 the Council
" Ordered that the Secretary doe forthwith issue
out warr'8 to each respective sheriffe for the taking
the names of such persons within their Balywick
who goes undr the Notion of Quakers and to make
return in a list of theire names and surnames at
the next Prouina11 Court" (Id. 547):
But they were not all driven away from the
Province, or into concealment. In 1674 Wenlock
10

74

Chi-iterson, well known in history for his courage
and steadfastness in maintaining the principles
and practices of his sect in Boston, having found a
fresh field in Talbot County, with others "of us
who are in Scorne called Quakers," sent a petition
to the General Assembly to be allowed to dis
charge certain duties, especially those of witnesses
and administrators Avithout taking an oath (2 Ar.
355). This difficult question gave the Assembly
much and painful deliberation, but after two years
the Lower House announced its conclusion, that,
" this house doe Conceave it utterly unsafe for the
Ld Propriety to make any Law in this Province to
exempt the people called Quakers from testifying
vpon Oath and therefore thinke it Unfitt for this
house to advise his Lordsp to Condesend to any
votes of cither house of assembly tending that
way" (2 Ar. 492). Temperance.
Among the perplexing questions with which the
colonists were called to deal, was one which has
not yet entirely lost its interest, nor as to the best
manner of dealing with which is there yet entire
unanimity. Legislation on the subject was largely
experimental then, it is hardly other than that
now. Among the very first bills brought before
the General Assembly of the Province was one

75

" For restraint of Liquors " (1 Ar. 34) ; ancl in the
" act for the authority of Justices of the Peace,"
at the same session, it was provided that for
" Drunkenness which is Drinking with excess to
the notable perturbation of any organ of sence or
motion the offender shall forfeit to the Lord Pro
prietary thirty pound of tobacco or five Shillings
Sterling, or otherwise shall be whipped or by some
other Corporall Shame or punishment Corrected
for every such excess at the discretion of the
judge" (1 Ar. 53).
Pursuing the same policy, that is, treating drink
ing itself as the crime, the General Assembly, in
1642, enacted that " every one convicted of being
drunk shall forfeit 100 I tobacco toward the build
ing of a prison . . or if the offender be a Servant
ancl have not wherewith to Satisfie the fine he shall
be imprisoned or sett in the Stocks or bilbos fast
ing for twenty-four hours " (1 Ar. 159, 193). Sub
stantially the same was the act of 1650 (Id. 286).
The act of 1654 went further and made it the duty
of "every officer and Magistrate in the Province
from the highest to the Lowest to use all Lawfull
meanes to convict such as to their knowledge shall
be Drunke ; " and it imposed an equal fine upon
" every person in this Province that shall see any
one Drunk and shall not within three days make
it known to the next Magistrate" (Id. 342). The
"act concerning Drunkness" of 1658 provided a

r6

severer penalty, and enacted " that hee that shalbe
lawfully convicted of drunkeness shall for the first
offense be sett in the Stocks Six houres, or pay one
hundred pounds of tobacco, ffor the second offense
to be publickly Avhipt or pay three hundred pounds
of Tobacco. Being the third tyme convicted as
aforesaid, tho Offender shalbe adiudgcd a Person
infamous, and thereby made vncapablo of giving
vote, or bearing Office within this Province during
the space of three years next after such Convic
tion " (Id. 375).
The " Vpper howse " of the General Assembly
itself imposed this penalty upon Thomas Hills,
and for "sweareing" when in his cups, com
pelled him to " goe to the lower howse and there
accknowledge his faults with expressing his hearty
sorrow for the same" (Id. 404). But if the cul
prit was an official he did not escape so easily,
Thomas Gerard was a member of the Council, and
against him his " Lordships attorney generall "
filed an information in 1658, charging that he,
" to the Greate offense of Almighty God dishonor
of his Lordship & whole Councell hath diverse
times misbehaued himselfe & offended in Drunk-
ennes & other Lewd behaviour Committed on
board of Covills ship Rideing in St. Georges River,"
&c. With the information were filed certain affi
davits evidently designed to screen him as far as
the facts would permit. Mr. Henry Coursey swore

77

"that he was on board of Covills ship with Mr.
Gerrard that the said Gerrard had drunke some
thing extraordinary but was not so much in drinke
but he could gett out of a Carts way " (3 Ar. 354).
Upon this information, for his "crimes and mis
demeanors," he was banished from the Province
with " forfeiture and Conficacon of all his estate
both reall and personall ; " and though the Gov
ernor afterwards remitted that sentence, so far as
banishment was concerned, yet it was permitted to
stand as a forfeiture of all franchises and he was
required to " give Recognizance for his Good
behaviour" (Id. 409).
Besides treating drunkenness as a crime in the
drinker, some effort was made to discourage too
loose a traffic in spirits. Tho act of 1638-9 pro
vided that where the goods of or in the hands
of any person are not sufficient to pay all his debts
. . debts for wine and hot waters shall not be Satis
fied till all other debts be paid " (1 Ar. 84).
A. strong effort was made in 1674 to impose a
heavy duty upon liquors imported, and both houses
voted a prohibition of their importation from New
England, New Yorke, and Virginia, yet the vote does
not seem to have been matured into law (2 Ar. 361,
375 to 380) . They recognized the necessity of tav
erns in a country like theirs, but they recognized
also tho importance of having good citizens only for
inn-keepers, and sent a message to his Excellency

78

to request that he would issue "a license to keep
Ordinary to noe person but th' he shall give Bond
to his Excellency with good Sureties that they shall
Suffer noe drinking or gameing upon the Sabboth
day," &c. (2 Ar. 346) ; and by another act liquor
selling on the Sabbath was strictly prohibited (Id.
414). But to them an ordinary without liquors
was the play of Hamlet with Hamlet's part left
out. A license for an ordinary was a license " to
keep an Inn or Ordinary And to make Sale of
Beer wine Strong Waters or any other fitting and
wholesome Drink Vittualls or provisions " (3 Ar.
304). But the Inn-keepers must have been very
rapacious, for act after act was passed, fixing the
prices which they might charge for each liquor
which they furnished in a list long enough to
shame the wine card of fashionable hotels of the
present day. These lists include French Brandy,
French wine, Canary, Malligoe, Madeira, Fayal,
"Portoport and other Portugall wine," strong Cider,
"Clarrett," "Strong Beere or Ale," " Rumm,"
English Spirits, " dutch dramms," " Annisseed
Rosa Solis," Perry, Quince, Lime Juice, Rhenish
wines, Sherry, Mumm and various others (2 Ar.
148, 214, 296). But they voted that "no ordi
nary keeper within this Province shall at any
time charge anything to Account for Bowles
of punch or any quantity of mixed Drink
but shall only sell the several Ingredients to

79
the said mixture" at the rates they had pre
scribed (Id. 268). The Inn-keepers of course
found it no difficult task to fix their liquors to
suit the prices fixed on them by the Assembly,
which soon led the Assembly to " Conceave th* the
underrating of the sd Liquors hath been the Occa
sion of the Sophisticacon of Liquors " and there
fore " Voted by this house th* noe rates or prices
of anie Accomodacons be set or Ascertained but of
such only as are of absolute necessity for Sustain
ing & Refreshing of Travellers (th* is to say) Horse
meate mans meate Small Beare & Lodging " (2 Ar.
351, 407, 560). But they were at their wit's end in
their effort to find the proper limit to ordinaries,
that is, to fix the point which would supply the
necessities of travellers, and would not promote
dissipation in the youth or in the homes of the
colonists. It was plain to see that there must be
an ordinary where the General Assembly met, ancl
where the Courts were held; and there many
wished the licenses to stop. But after much
deliberation it was agreed to request the Governor
" by proclamation to suppress all other Ordinaries
in this Province but that where the Provinciall
Court & County Courts are kept and Besides in
Ann Arundell County at Richard Hills, in Patux
ent at Richard Keenes & George Beckwiths, in
Dorchester County at Peter Underwoods and one
at the Wading Place between Kent and Talbot

80

Counties and no more in the Avhole ProA'ince " (2
Ar. 432, 4). This Avas in 1675, and a complete
reversal of the policy which they pursued in 1662,
Avhen " for the' better Encouragement of all honest
and well minded people whoe noAv doe or Avhich
shall hereafter Keepe Victualling howses " they
conferred upon them special authority and power
substantially equivalent to that enjoyed by a land
lord in the matter of distraining for rent (1 Ar.
447). To them a State House without an ordinary as
an attachment was an absurdity, if not an impossi
bility. When they framed " an act for the pur-
chaseing a State howse " at St. Maries for 12,000
pounds of tobacco, they stipulated that the vendor,
Mrs. Hannah Lee, should " dwell and keep ordi
nary in the same for the tearme of three yeers"
(1 Ar. 447, 455) ; and when later they engaged
William Smith " to repaire the Cuntry's howse at
St. Mary's, he Avas bound to keep ordinary therein
for seauen years" (1 Ar. 538; 2 Ar. 50, 51), but
they did not mean that he should impose upon the
colony any exorbitant charge for the entertainment
of its officials, and as they scrutinized his bill in
1666 they decided " vppon debate This Howse is willing
to allow Willm Smyth his ace' woh hee hath charged the bur
gesses this Assembly for Liquors : As wine, rumme, Brandy
Punch & Liminade made with Wine. But th' woh hee calls

81
Liminadc w'hout strong drinke they will allow only 25 1 pr
gallon, And as to their dyett & Lodging they will allow
what they iustly may be charged withall & noe more " (2 Ar
127). The same frugal mind in the matter of spirits
Avas in the Council when they laid in their supplies
for the military expedition against the Eastern
Shore Indians in May, 1639, for they at that time
provided for the soldiers of the expedition a Avhole
barrel of oatmeal, but only " 4 cases of hot waters "
(3 Ar. 85, see also Id. 345).
Attorneys.
Besides the Indians and Quakers there Avas
another class of men Avhich fell under the sus
picion of at least a portion of the colonists and
which, incredible as it seems to us they felt that
they needed some protection against. This appears
first from the report of a joint committee of the
General Assembly in 1669, in which the "real
grievances of the Province" are set forth. The
fourth specification of these grievances says:
"That the Privileged Attorneys are one of the
Grand Grievances of the Country." At the same
time Robert Morris went before the lower house
of Assembly, and there did " in the name of the
Commons of this Province impeach Mr John
Morecroft Gen' being one of the Attorneys of the
11

82

Provincial Court for exacting fees above and
beyond the LaAvs & Customs of this Province &
that he is retayned as attorney for some Avith
unreasonable fees, for a whole year's space so that
by that means it Causes several Suits to the Utter
Ruin of people " (2 Ar. 167).
Five years later there was passed "An Act to
reforme the attorneys counsellors & Solicit™ at laAV
of this Province to avoyde unnecessary Suites and
Charges att Law " (Id. 409). From the character
and reputation Avhich that class of people have
borne from that time to the present, Ave are forced
to conclude, either that the grievance complained
of was rather fancied than real, or else that the
reform which was enacted was completely success
ful, and has been permanent. Witchcraft.
There was another class of people quite as objec
tionable to the colonists as Quakers and Attorneys,
and, if possible, more difficult to deal with. This
Avas the witches, against Avhom the capital statute
of James was invoked, and at least in the case of
Mary Lee, on her way to the colony, execution AA'as
had by the same law (Lynch law) by Avhich one
Cooper Avas recently executed in Baltimore County.
The particulars of this execution are giAren in tAvo
affidavits made before and filed with the Council in

83

June, 1654. The story as told by one of the
deponents, Henry Corbyn, of London, merchant,
" Saith That at Sea upon his this Deponents Voyage hither iu
the Ship called the Charity of London mr John Bosworth
being Master and about a fortnight or three weeks before the
said Ships arrivall in this Province of Maryland, or before a
Rumour amongst the Seamen was very frequent, that one
Mary Lee then aboard the said Ship was a witch, the Said
Seamen Confidently affirming the Same upon her own deport
ment and discourse, and then more Earnestly then before
Importuned the Said Master that a tryall might be had of
her which he the Said Master mr Bosworth refused, but
resolved (as he expressed to put her ashore upon the Barmu-
does) but Cross wids p'vented and the Ship grew daily more
Leaky almost to desperation and the Chiefe Seamen often
declared their Resolution of Leaving her if an opportunity
offorral it Self which aforesaid Reasons put the Master upon
a Consultation with mr Chipsham and this deponent, and it was
thought fitt, Considering our Said Condition to Satisfie the Sea
men, in a way of trying her according to the Usuall Custome
in that kind whether she were a witch or Not and Endeav
oured by way of delay to have the Commanders of other
Ships aboard but Stormy weather prevented, In the Interime
two of the Seamen apprehended her without order and
Searched her and found Some Signall or Marke of a witch
upon her, and then calling the Master m* Chipsham and this
Deponent with others to See it afterwards made her fast to
the Capstall betwixt decks, And in the morning the Signall
was Shrunk into her body for the Most part, And an Exami
nation was thereupon importuned by the Seamen which this
deponent was desired to take whereupon She Confessed as

84

by her Confession appeareth, and upon that the Seamen
Importuned the Said Master to put her to Death (which as it
Seemed he was unwilling to doe, and went into his Cabbinn,
but being more Vehemently pressed to it he tould them they
might do what they would and went into his Cabbinn, and
Sometime before they Avere about that Action he desired this
depon' to acquaint them that they Should doe no more then
what they Should Justifie Avhich they Said they would doe
by laying all their hands in generall to the Execution of her."
(3 Ar. 306).
The " deposition of ffrancis Darby " fully cor
roborates Mr. Corbyn in all material points, but
especially in showing the effort of the master of
the ship to escape all responsibility for the execu
tion. The colonists were evidently in sympathy with
the sentiment expressed by Wesley, three-quarters
of a century later, that " giving up Avitchcraft was,
in fact, giving up the Bible ; " and, as we have seen
in considering the criminal law, they placed it,
under the name of sorcery, by the side of blas
phemy ancl idolatry, as a capital offence, repeat
edly in their statutes.
The charge to Justices and other officers, often
repeated in these Archives, Avas " to enquire of
all manner of Fellonyes witchcrafts inchantments
Sorceries Magick Arts trespasses forestallings
ingrossings and Extorcons Avhatsoeuer" (3 Ar.
422, 535, 554, &c.)

85
That this diligent quest was not always fruitless
is shown by a " Petition of the Deputies and Dele
gates of the Lower House of Assembly," presented
to the Governor in February, 1675. This peti
tion humbly showed to his Excellency: " That whereas
Iohn Cowman being Arraigned Convicted and Condemned
upon the statute of the first King lames of England &c for
Witchcraft Conjuration Sorcery or Enchantment used upon
the Body of Elizabeth Goodale and now Lying under that
Condemnation, and hath humbly Implored and Beseeched
Us your Lordships Petitioners to Mediate and Intcrcccde in
his behalf with your Excellency for a Reprieve and Stay of
Execution —
Your Excellencies Petitioners do therefore accordingly in all
Humble manner beseech your Excellency that the Rigour
and Severaity of the Law to which the said Condemned
Malefactor hath Miserably Exposed himself may be remitted
and Relaxed by the Exercise of your Excellencys Mercy &
Clemencie upon so wretched and Miserable an Object " (2 Ar.
425). This petition met a gracious reception for it Avas
ansAvered that : "The Lieutenant General hath Considered
of the Petition here above and is willing upon the request of
the Lower house that the Condemned Malefactor be reprieved
and Execution Stayed, Provided that the Sheriff of St. Maries
County carry him to the Gallows, and that the rope being
about his neck it be there made known to him how much he

86

is Beholding to the Lower house of Assemblie for Mediating
and Interceeding in his Behalf with the Lieu' General and
that he remain at the City of St. Maries to be employed in
such service as the Governor and Council shall thinke fitt
during the Pleasure of the Governor " (Ibid.)
In what the Governor could safely employ one
haA'ing the elusive poAver of a witch we can only
conjecture. It may be that he desired to use him
as an instrument for the punishment of other
criminals, as he had precedent for doing in the
action of Leonard Calvert, who, when Governor,
" exchanged the sentence of death of John dandy
into service for 7 yeares to his Lop & to remaine
exequutioner of all corporall corrections according
to the writts lawfully directed to him " (3 Ar. 146).
May Ave not hope that the succeeding volumes of
the Archives will show that this vigilance, or this
executive clemency, in dealing Avith witches, induced
all of that class of malefactors to leave the Province,
and migrate, on their broomsticks, to Salem, Massa
chusetts, Avhere they had an epidemic of them some
fifteen or twenty years later !
But for the contemporaneous records,' presented
to us in these volumes of "Archives," it would
seem hardly credible that the state of things Avhich
they demonstrate, could have existed where we
now liAre. The rude life, the stern struggle with
nature and man, the liberality hampered by
bigotry, the abject submission coupled Avith bold

87

assertion of right, the burning religious zeal joined
with forgetfulness of the charity that true religion
requires, form a picture of the Spirit of the Times
in which light and shadoAV are strangely mingled.
If we find details which feed our pride, Ave find
others that lead us back to humility; and Avhile we
regret the " good old times " we can but heartily
congratulate ourselves that they have passed away.
Looking back across the gulf of tAvo hundred and
fifty years, our greatest occasion of rejoicing is at
the progress made — at the abundant proof fur
nished that "the world does move."

T II E

Great Seal of Maryland ;

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,

December 14, 1885,

CLAYTON C. HALL,

A Member of the Society.

ffiHintoi'D, 1886.

THE

Great Seal of Maryland.

iy

^FimD -^Publication, HFLo. 2S.

THE

Great Seal of Maryland;

A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society,

December 14, 1885,

CLAYTON C. HALL,

A Member of tbe Society.

$8lUtuor«, 1886.

PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND.

Committee on Publication.
1886.

JOHN W. M. LEE,
BRADLEY T. JOHNSON,
HENRY STOCKBRIDGE.

Printed by Joun Mohpht & Co.
Painters to the Maryland Historical Society,
Baltimore, 1886.

TO THE
HONORABLE JOHN H. B. LATROBE,
President of the Maryland Historical Society,
THE FOLLOWING BRIEF CONTRIBUTION TO MARYLAND'S HISTORY
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
By the Author.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT.
In collecting the material for this paper, much of which was
derived from manuscript records hitherto unpublished, the wri
ter has received very kind assistance for which he desires to
express his grateful acknowledgments. Especially are they due
to Spencer C. Jones, Esq., Clerk of the Court of Appeals of
Maryland, for examining and comparing seals attached to orig
inal copies of laws in his custody ; to J. Thomas Scharf, Esq.,
Commissioner of the Land Office of Maryland, for facilities
extended for searching the records in the Land Office, and to
George H. Shafer, Esq., Chief Clerk of the Land Office, for
assistance most courteously given, in gaining access to and
examining old books and documents. The writer's thanks are
also due to Stephen Tucker, Esq., of London, Somerset Herald,
and to Dr. William Hand Browne, Librarian of the Johns
Hopkins University, for valuable suggestions.

THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND.

THE Great Seal of Maryland presents a marked
contrast to those of the other States of the
American Union in that its device consists of
armorial bearings of a strictly heraldic character,
being in fact the family arms of the Lords Balti
more which were placed by the first Proprietary
upon the Seal of tho Province at the time of its
founding. Most of the States have upon their seals emblems
indicative of agriculture and commerce, plenty and
prosperity, or kindred subjects, represented in a
more or less pictorial or allegorical manner. The
colonies that were governed directly under the
British Crown formerly had seals upon which were
symbols of the royal authority ; but these were dis
carded at the time of the Revolution, and in their
stead were adopted devices more in harmony with
the new order of aifairs. The New England Colony
and Virginia, for example, had seals bearing upon
2 9

10
the obverse the effigy of the sovereign and upon
the reverse the royal arms of Great Britain. The
Seal of Carolina had depicted on one side horns
of plenty and other symbols of a youthful colony,
and upon the other the arms of the eight Lords
Proprietors. But this seal like those of the royal
colonies, has become a thing of the past.1
Maryland, like the other States, put aside shortly
after the Revolution the seal in use during the
colonial period and adopted one supposed to be
more in consonance with the spirit of republican
institutions ; but after a while the historic interest
attaching to the old Provincial" Seal came, to be
recognized, and the ancient coat-of-arms was finally,
by legislative enactment, restored to the; Seal of
the State. Interest in the subject has lately been
revived by the discovery at Annapolis .of the old
seal used under the Proprietary government ofthe
Lords Baltimore, which was believed to have been
long ago destroyed. It is safe to say that the old
silver seal thus recently brought: to light is the
'i . . . * i * ¦.
1 To the Seal of New York adopted in 1778, and re-established by legisla
tive enactment iii L882, an historic origin is ascribed. In 1687, a seal,
which continued in use for less than one year, was sent to the Province by
James II., and in the warrant by which it was accompanied, it was described
as bearing "the effigy of the King on horseback in arms, over a landscape
of land and sea with' a rising sun." The rising sun and the landscape
appear upon the present Seal of. that State. The probable origin of this
levice was discussed in a paper entitled "The Correct Arms of the State of
New York," read before the Albany Institute, May 24, 1881, by Henry A.
Homes, LL. IX, Librarian of the State Library.

11
most interesting, if not the oldest relic of the kind
in this country. «
< The object of this paper is to trace, as far as the
materials for the purpose have been found, the
history of Maryland's seal, the several changes
that have at different times been made in it, and
the circumstances by which those changes have
been occasioned.
•The subject, so far as it relates to the early
seals, possesses now an antiquarian interest only;
but -two centuries ago strong associations clung
to a Great Seal as a symbol of authority and
an important instrument in the exercise of gov
ernment. This fact is illustrated by an incident
mentioned by Lord Macaulay in his History of
England. He tells that when James II. fled
from his kingdom he sought to bring upon the
country the evils of anarchy, and as a means to
that end he destroyed the writs that had been
prepared for a new Parliament, and taking with
him in his flight the Great Seal, he flung it into
the Thames near Lambeth. A recent writer has
further illustrated this subject by adopting the
loss of the Great Seal of England, and the incon
veniences and embarrassments resulting therefrom,
as the basis for the incidents of a story. In Mary
land under the Proprietary government all grants
of land were made by or in the name of the Lord
Proprietary and authenticated by the Great Seal

12
of the Province, which was therefore an object of
great importance both to the Proprietary himself
and to the land holders. : That Lord Baltimore so
regarded it is shown by the fact that in sending a
new seal, in 1648, for use in Maryland in. place of
one that had been lost, he expressed as his motive
for so doing that it was " necessary for the better
government of our said Province, and satisfaction
of the people there, to have a seal of ours con
stantly remaining in the said Province and appro
priated thereunto and known to be our Great Seal
of the same."
The seal just referred to, which was sent to the
Province by Cecilius Lord Baltimore, by the hands
of Captain William Stone, is the first Great Seal of
Maryland of which there is a recorded description.
This seal was sent to replace one which having been
stolen in 1644, during the rebellion of Richard
Ingle, was subsequently lost or destroyed; and a
minute description of it is contained in the letter of
commission,1 dated August 12th, 1648, by which it
was accompanied. No impressions of the first Great
Seal, which was in use only during the brief period
intervening between the date of the settlement of
the colony and the year 1644, can be found. Its
exact device is therefore unknown. The seal of
1648 was, however, described by the Lord Proprie
tary as differing but little from its predecessor
1 Commission for the Great Seal ; see Appendix, Note A.

13
In 1652,' four years after the sending out of the
second seal, it, with the government of the Prov
ince passed into the. hands of Commissioners
appointed by Parliament ; and it was not until
March 24th, 1657-8, that the Lord Proprietary's
authority was re-established. In November, 1657,
in anticipation of the restoration of his authority,
negotiations for which were already in progress,
Lord Baltimore deemed it necessary, in accordance
with his intention previously expressed in letters
the record of which has been preserved,1 to provide
a third Great Seal for the Province. , Of this
third seal, which was sent to the Province in the
charge of Captain Josias Fendall, no description
was. given ; but in the letter of instructions which
accompanied it authority was given to Fendall,;
who was appointed " Lieutenant and Keeper of the
Great Seal,'' to pass: grants in: his Lordship's name
under, the new seal, and particular directions were
given, in relation to a certain grant that had been
promised, that if no. record could be found of its
having been passed under the former seal, then the
grant was to be made under the. new one.2
It is, perhaps, impossible now to determine
which seal remained subsequently in use in the
Province. It would be natural to conclude that it
' Archives of Maryland ; Proceedings of the Council, 1636-1667, pp. 325,
329. *Ibid., p. 335,

14

must have been the third one sent out in 1657;
but it is by no means certain that such was: the:
case, and for some reasons it appears probable that
the seal of 1648 was continued in use. : -..;
In the articles of agreement arranged between
the Proprietary and the Commissioners for the
restoration of the former's authority, it was stipu
lated that the "people in opposition" should
deliver ' up to his Lordship's Governor or Secre
tary all records of the Province then in their
power, and also his Lordship's former Great Seal
of the Province "if it be to be found or procured
by them."1 And in pursuance of the instructions
given him, Governor Fendall, at a conference with
the Commissioners, read the articles of agreement
and demanded the records, Great Seal and the
whole government to be resigned up into his
hands.2 After some debate and amendment of
the articles, they were, on the second day- there
after, March 24th, " read fair engrossed on parch
ment to the Commissioners, and being to the peace
of all parties, were by the Governor and Secretary
signed, and afterwards in the face of the people
sealed." 8
If Governor Fendall's demand for the surrender
of the former Great Seal was complied- with as
well as his demand for the surrender of the gov
ernment, it seems not unlikely that he may have
1 Ibid., p. 333. « Ibid., p. 335. » Ibid., p. 340.'

15
continued the old seal in use.- At all events it
appears to have been used by his immediate suc
cessors. There are now extant, attached to ancient
grants and patents, many impressions of the Great
Seal, used after, this date, and they are in exact
accord with the elaborate and minute description
given of the seal of 1648; so that if they were
made from the seal of 1657, it must be concluded
that the latter- was a duplicate of the former, or
else that the difference between the two was so
slight that the written description serves equally
well for either. ; ' : v
¦ It seems improbable that. the new seal should so
closely resemble the old ; for if the latter were in
existence,; but could) not be recovered, its fraudu
lent use in the .hands of unauthorized persons
would have .needed, to be specially guarded against,
and this would require that the impressions of the
new seal should be, clearly distinguishable * from
those of the old.; Furthermore, Thomas Bacon,
the careful and accurate compiler of the laws of
Maryland, while noting in the preface to his com
pilation, published in 1765, the several occasions
upon which portions of the early records had been
lost, speaks of the loss of records and the Great
Seal during the Ingle rebellion. "The Great
Sealj" he says, ," was never found," and adds, that
the one by which it was replaced in 1648, is "the
same which is in use at present." That he did not

16
write in ignorance or forgetfulness of the seal sent
out nine years later is shown by his reference in
the very next paragraph to Lord Baltimore's letter,
written in November, 1657, and to the surrender of
the government by Cromwell's Commissioners to
Josias Fendall, the newly commissioned Lieutenant
General. "It is more than probable," Bacon
remarks, alluding to tbe time during which the
Proprietary's authority was in abeyance, " that
many records were lost or destroyed in this
unsettled period ; " but he makes no suggestion
as to the loss of the seal at this time.
The question as to which of the two was the one
subsequently in Use could only be settled definitely
by the discovery of a patent or other document to
which the Great Seal had been affixed between the
years 1 648 and 1652, so that the comparison with
impressions of later date could be made. No such
paper has yet been found. But whichever it was,
Lord Baltimore's description of the seal of 1648
affords an adequate description of the one actually
in use from this time on during the continuance
of the Proprietary government.
On the obverse of this seal was the equestrian
figure of the Lord Proprietary, symbolizing his
personal authority. He was represented arrayed
in complete armor, and bearing a drawn sword
in his hand. The "caparisons of the horse were
adorned with the family coat-of-arms. On the

[obverse.]

[reverse.]

THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND:

UNDER THE PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT OF THE LORDS BALTIMORE.

17
ground below were represented some flowers and
grass growing. The entire figure was admirably
designed and full of life. On the circle surround
ing this side of the seal was the inscription,
Caecilius Absolutus Dominus Terrae Mariae et Avalo-
niae Baro de Baltemore.
On the other, or reverse, side of the seal was
Lord Baltimore's hereditary coat-of-arms. The
first and fourth quarters represented the arms of
the Calvert family, described in heraldic language
as paly of six pieces, or and sable, a bend counter-
changed. The second and third quarters showed
the arms of the Crossland family which Cecilius
inherited from his grandmother, Alicia, daughter
of John Crossland, Esquire, of Crossland, York
shire, and wife of Leonard Calvert, the father of
George, first Lord Baltimore. This coat is quar
terly, argent and gules, a cross bottony counter-
changed. Above the shield was placed an earl's
coronet; above that a helmet set full faced; and
over that the Calvert crest, two pennons, the dexter
or, the other sable, staves gules, issuing from a ducal
coronet. The supporters upon this seal were a plow
man and a fisherman, designated respectively by a
spade and a fish held in the hand. The motto
was that adopted by the Calvert family, — Fatti
maschi parole femine. Behind and surrounding
both shield and supporters was depicted an ermine-
lined mantle ; and on the circle about this side of
3

18
the seal were the words Scuto bonae voluntatis
tuae coronasti nos. In them will be recognized a
part of the last verse of the Fifth Psalm, as it
appears in the Vulgate;1 but it may reasonably be
doubted whether the selection of this verse by
Lord Baltimore was not due as much to his
appreciation of the " good will " of his Royal
Master, to which he owed his "coronet," as to
his piety.
The arms thus described have become the his
toric Arms of Maryland. It is therefore of interest
to consider them somewhat minutely. The meaning
or significance of heraldic devices is generally diffi
cult to trace. Derived, probably, in their simpler
forms, from the usual methods of strengthening or
adorning shields, they soon came to be availed of as
a means of identification on the field of battle. It
was therefore not unusual to select devices which
would convey a suggestion of the bearer's name, or
an allusion to some exploit by which he was dis
tinguished. Heralds of a later date than the age
of chivalry exercised their ingenuity in discovering
or inventing interpretations for the various figures
and "ordinaries" of heraldry. While the mean
ings ascribed to them by these writers were, many
of them, purely fanciful, they were at the same
time ingenious, and often graceful. But whether
1 The rendering in the Authorized English Version is " With favor wilt
thou compass him as with a shield." Marginal reading : " Crown him."

19
the interpretation assigned to a particular device
or figure as its original meaning, be in itself war^
fantable or not, it is not to be assumed that the
mere fact of bearing the device upon a coat-of-
arms involves a reference to the exploit or quality
which it may in othe'r cases have been used to
commemorate. According to the commentators upon heraldry1
the six vertical pieces (or pales), into which the
Calvert shield is divided would represent palings
or palisades, and constitute the heraldic symbol of
a stockado or fortification, which would be appro
priate to one who had fortified a town or success*
fully stormed a hostile fort. The diagonal band,
or bend, was held to represent either a sword-belt
or a scaling-ladder. Taken in connection with the
pales the latter meaning would more naturally be
ascribed to it.2
1 The principal works to which reference has been made for the meaning
ascribed to heraldic figures and the definition of terms are Guillim's Dis
play of Heraldry and Edmondson' 8 Complete Body of Heraldry.
' The Calvert family was of Flemish origin, and the arms above described
are in fact of modern date. The writer is informed, though the courtesy of
Stephen Tucker, Esq., of London, Somerset Herald, that they were assigned
to Sir George Calvert (afterwards first Baron of Baltimore), by Sir Bichard
St. George, Knt., Norroy King of Arms, on November 30, 1622. Sir George
Calvert was said to be descended from "a noble and ancient family of
Flanders;" — but the arms of that family were described as "Or, three mart
lets sable." The colors alone of the Flemish arms were preserved in those
borne in England. It has been suggested that the pales and bend of the
Calvert arms represented the warp and woof of a woven fabric, or a loom
traversed by a shuttle, in allusion to the Flemish industry of weaving. But

20
The Crossland arms present a cross upon < a
quarterly field. The relation between name and
arms is sufficiently obvious. A quarterly field
was said to represent a shield broken in battle,
indicating tha^ its bearer had proved himself val
iant in fight, The cross was held in general to be
the symbol of the Christian warrior, and especially
appropriate to such as had been Crusaders. Par
ticular significance was also attached to the various
forms in which the cross was represented. The
bottony or budding cross depicted upon these
arms was said to represent the budding virtues
of a youthful champion.1 The Crossland arms
are generally described as bearing a flory cross,
the ends of which are open and expanded like
the upper half of a fleur-de-lis. This form differs
but little in appearance from the cross bottony,
and was described as representing in their full
flower and development those virtues which the
latter indicated as being in their bud and promise.2
The combination of the Calvert and Crossland
arms upon one shjeld presents an effect of special
this theory appears to be as difficult of substantiation, as some of the less
prosaic interpretations derived from the mediaeval heralds. See remarks
of Mr. Frank B. Mayer upon the Maryland Coat-of-Arms, in Baltimore
Sun, June 17, 1882.
1 Newton's Display of Heraldry, (London, 1846.)
s The date of the Crosaland arm's is not given. They were recognized as
pertaining to the family (which is itself traced back to the time of Edward
I.) in the Heralds' Visitation of 1663. The bottony cross was sometimes
known as trefflee from the resemblance of its terminals to trefoils, and was
hence regarded as conveying an allusion to the Holy Trinity.

21
symmetry. Each consists of a party-colored field,
upon which is a single figure, with simply the colors
of the field transposed or counterchanged. The
parallel lines and acute angles of the one coat are
offset by the rectangular arrangement and curves
which appear in the other ; while the sombre effect
of the gold and black is contrasted by the bril
liancy of the silver and red.
- The pennons which form the crest are such as
were commonly attached, to spears and lances.
They display the Calvert colors— gold and black.
The ducal coronet above which they appear takes
the place merely- of the force ov twisted wreath
upon which crests ordinarily are placed; but the
substitution of a coronet in this place was regarded
as an honorable distinction.
The. earl's coronet by which the shield was sur
mounted was borne by the Lords Baltimore only
in relation to their American Province, to which
was accorded by royal charter the rank of a County
Palatine.1 The rank of a Count Palatine is held to
1 Charter of Maryland. Patent Boll. 8 Charles I. Part 3. No. 2594.
Archives of Maryland; Proceedings of the Council, 1636-1667, p. 4. The
language of the charter is as follows : " Cum omnibus et singulis hujusmodi
ac adeo amplis juribus jurisdiccionibus privilegiis Prerogativis regalitatibus
libertatibus immunitatibusjuribusque regalibus etFranchesiisquibuscunque
temporalibus tarn per mare quam per terram infra regionem Insulas Insululas
et limites predictos Habendum exercendum utendum et gaudendum prout
aliquis Episcopus Dunelmensis infra Episcopatum sive Comitatum Palatinum
Dunelmensem in Begno nostro Anglie unqnam antehac habuit tenuit usus
vel gavisus fuit seu de jure habere tenere uti vel gaudere debuit aut potuit."

22
be equivalent to that of an Earl, and though the
Norman title of Count or Comes did not supplant
in England the Saxon designation Earl or Fori,
Countess became and is now the title of an Earl's
wife. The coronet on the seal was represented as
spanned by an arch and surmounted by a mound
and cross, emblems of sovereign authority.
The position of the helmet, placed full faced,
indicates the exercise of government, by an abso
lute jurisdiction, over a free state or country. The
helmet of a count palatine would not be mistaken,
even when thus placed, for a royal helmet, as the
latter is represented in heraldry as of gold, and the
former of steel.
In England, and in relation to his rank as an
Irish Peer, Lord Baltimore could only bear the
baron's coronet1 and the helmet in profile. This
position of the helmet indicates feudal allegiance,
as though the bearer looked, not to the front in
his own right, but toward his liege.
The supporters, a plowman and a fisherman,
evidently represent colonists, and the allusion was
no doubt intended to Maryland's resources in agri-
1 Lord Baltimore described the coronet on the seal as a Count Palatine's
Cap. According to Edmondson, the privilege of wearing coronets was not
granted to Barons until the reign of Charles II. Originally the Barons
were distinguished by a crimson cap turned up with white fur. (Edmond-
son's Complete Body of Heraldry, Vol. I, p. 198.) The same writer states
that the right to wear coronets was accorded to Earls in the time of
Henry III.

23
culture and fisheries. The supporters proper to
Lord Baltimore's family arms were leopards, in
whose tawny and spotted hides were repeated the
tinctures of the Calvert shield.
The motto Fatti maschi parole femine is an
ancient Italian proverb which early found its way
into England. George Herbert in the Jacula Pru-
dentum gives the rendering " Words are women,
deeds are men." It is stated, on the authority of
the distinguished Oriental scholar, Sir William
Jones, that a similar saying is found in India, in
the form "Words are the daughters of earth, deeds
are the sons of heaven." J
The antithesis resulting from the genders of the
Italian nouns is necessarily lost in translation.
One or two English versions have been suggested
which do some violence, perhaps, to the sense
originally intended,2 but possibly only to improve
it; : The most , graceful, if not the most accurate of
these is "Manly Deeds, Womanly Words." The
alliterative expression M Courage and Courtesy "

1 See Bartlett's " Familiar Quotations."
•The true significance of this proverb, as explained in the Italian Diction
aries, is simply that deeds are of more avail than words. This is expressed
in the Vocabolorio Italiano della Lingua Parlata (Rigulini e Fanfani), by the
following comment : " Come i maschi si reputano pi& operosi e forti delle
femmine, cosi per dire che i fatti approdano pitt delle parole suol dirsi che
I fatti son maschi e le parole son femmine." The meaning of the proverb
is remarked upon by Dr. Wm. Hand Browne in "Maryland: The History
of a Palatinate," page 67, note.

24
has also been suggested, but this is a happy para
phrase and not a rendering of the original.
Such was the Great Seal of Maryland under the
Proprietary government of the Lords Baltimore.
From grants given under it the titles to most of
the lands in Maryland are ultimately derived, and
several families whose ancestors were among the
early settlers, hold their estates to-day immedi
ately under such a grant Avithout a single other
conveyance having intervened.
During the sway of the Royal Governors, from
1692 to 1715, while the jurisdiction of the Pro
prietaries was superseded by the Crown, other
seals came into use. The first of these was
frequently designated in the papers to which it
was affixed as the Broad Seal of the Province.
This seal was formally adopted by the Coun
cil at a meeting held at the City of St. Mary's, on
the first day of October, 1692, Lionel Copley, Esq.,
being Governor. But this action was not taken
without the direct sanction of royal authority ; for,
as the record1 shows, " His Majesty's Warrant
dated the 7th day of January, Anno Domini 1691-2
for making use of the new Broad Seal appointed
for this Province" was first " produced and read."
No description of this seal was entered on the
minutes at this time, and no impression from it
has been found. The royal warrant above quoted
1 Proceedings of the Council, Liber K., 1692-1694, fol. 47.

25
has' however been preserved in the Public Record
Office in London, and it contains a full descrip
tion of the seal.1 Upon the obverse Were the royal
arms of England with this inscription upon the
border : Gulielmus III: et Maria II. Dei Gratia
Mag. Brit. Fran. et'Hiber. Rex et Regina Fidel
Defensores. On the reverse was the royal cypher;
surmounted by a crown, and these words upon the
circumference : Sigillunt Provinciae de Maryland in
'America. ' 'This seal continued in use until 1706, four years
after' the accession of Queen Anne to the throne of
England,' when it was returned td that country by
the hands of Evan Evans, to' be delivered by Col;
Nathaniel Blakiston, agent for the Province, to the
Lords of Trade and Plantations.2
The seal next in use appears to have been adopted
with scant formality. Among the proceedings at
a meeting of the Council, held September 22d,
1706, the following entry appears : " The Seals
for Governr & Councill Provinciall Court & Twelve
Countys were brought by Mr. Evan Thomas & well
approved off, and Ordered that he be allowed forty
shilling for each Seale to be paid by the publiq &
recommended to the Comittee for allowance.
"Also Order that the sd Seals be used in y)
Councill Prov" & County Courts."
1 ' See Appendix, Note B.
8 Proceedings of the Council, Liber C. B., 1704-1708, fol. 56.
4

26
Then follows a record of the return of the pre
vious seal to England, and a copy of the receipt
given to the Governor, John Seymour, by Mr.
Evans, when it was committed to his custody. In
this receipt the seal is designated as " two pieces
of silver plate," engraved in the manner already
described, and formerly " used as the Great Seal of
the Province." J
In less than a year after the accession of George
I. the government of the Province was restored to
the Proprietary. The title was then vested in
Charles, fifth Baron of Baltimore, a minor, for
whom Lord Guilford was guardian. The old seal
now once more became the Great Seal of the Prov
ince. The first document to which it was affixed
after this restoration was a proclamation issued by
the Governor, John Hart, who having held office
under the Crown was re-commissioned as Governor
for the Proprietary. This proclamation, dated
December 27th, 1715, and attested by "his Lord
ship's Great Seale" was issued to dissolve the Gen
eral Assembly for the reason that having been
called "by his Majesty's writs of election," it would
not be proper for them to meet and enact laws in
the Proprietary's name.2
The territorial rights of the Lords Baltimore had
been respected during the period of royal interven-
1 See Appendix, Note B.
'Proceedings ofthe Council, Liber C. B., 1714-1715.

27
tion in the government. They were still recognized
as " lords of the soil," and made grants of lands to
which the old seal was affixed. It was, however,
designated in these grants merely as the Pro
prietary's " Greater Seal at Arms." x
In a law that was passed shortly after this time2
providing for the punishment of counterfeiters of
the official seals in use in the Province, the Great
Seal is given both the designations by which it
had then become known, being called in the title
of the law "the Lord Proprietary's Greater Seal
at Arms," but in the text, " the Great Seal of the
Province." There were several lesser seals in use under the
Proprietary government, and impressions of some
of them have been preserved. Among the Archives
of Maryland there is a copy of laws enacted by
the General Assembly between the years 1642 and
1678, which is attested by the signature of William
Calvert, Secretary, and with the signature is affixed
an oval seal,3 about one inch and a quarter in
length, containing the quarterly coat-of-arms as
upon the Great Seal, but with the leopards, already
referred to, as supporters. The count palatine's
coronet does not appear on this seal.
1 A seal affixed to some of the documents, commissions, &c, signed by the
Proprietary himself in England was similarly designated.
1 Acts of 1717, Chapter 8.
3 Liber W. II. & L., Part W. H, fol. 182.

28
An impression of the same seal is affixed to a
warrant for re-survey issued to the surveyor of Tal-
Jbot County, in the name of Charles, Lord Baltimore,
under date of October 16th, 1713.1 This warrant is
signed by Charles Carroll, and the seal is described
in the instrument as " his Lordship's lesser seal at
arms." It was apparently the one kept in the
Province for the use of the Secretary.2
Papers executed in England under the Proprie.
tary's own hand were frequently authenticated by a
seal also described as the " lesser seal at arms." An
impression of the one used by Frederick, Lord
Baltimore, is attached to the commission, of Hugh
Hammersley as Secretary of the Province, dated
November 4th, 1765.1 This seal has upon it the
quarterly coat and the count palatine's coronet.
The supporters are a plowman and a fisherman
as upon the Great Seal, but they are transposed;
the fisherman being upon the right and the plow?
man on the left. The pennons which form the
crest are also reversed, being made to flow toward
the dexter side.8 This seal is of nearly the same
size as the one just described.
1 Preserved in the Library of the Maryland Historical Society.
' 2This seal, which is made of silver, was among those recently discovered
at Annapolis. See page 39. .
'Pennons and flags when used in heraldry are usually made to flow
toward tlie sinister, as though being borne to the right, the direction in
which helmets when represented in profile are made to face. In the
illustration of Lord Baltimore's arms printed in Guillim's Display of

29
, In the, Land Office at Annapolis there is an
agreement, dated July 4th, 1760, between Fred-
pick, Lord Baltimore, and Thomas and Richard
Penn, sons and heirs of William Penn, touching
the boundary between Maryland and Pennsylvania.
Lord Baltimore's seal affixed to this agreement is
evidently that which pertained to him as Baron of
Baltimore. It is nearly square in form, with
rounded corners, about one inch in size, and has
upon it the Calvert arms only, with a baron's
coronet and the leopards as supporters.
. A wood-cut showing the arms as they appear
upon this seal was printed upon the title page of
the laws of Maryland, published between the years
1726 and 1765.
Upon all: these small seals a lambrequin attached
to the helmet is substituted for the mantle repre
sented upon the Great Seal.1
On Sunday, November 3d, 1776, the Convention
assembled at Annapolis to devise a form of govern
ment for what was now become the State of Mary
land, adopted a Declaration of Rights ; and on the
Friday ensuing, November 8th, the Constitution
Heraldry the pennons are, however, drawn flowing in the opposite direc
tion, as upon .the seal above described.
1 Several of the older counties in Maryland formerly had seals copied
from one or other of these smaller seals. Caroline County is the only one
that has retained the ancient device. Upon the 6eal of the Circuit Court
for that county still appear the Calvert arras with the supporting leopards.

30
and Form of Government were agreed to. By the
thirty-sixth article of the Constitution the power to
make the Great Seal of the State was vested in
the Governor's Council, and at a meetipg of the
Council held March 31st, 1777, this authority was
exercised by the adoption of an order recorded
among their proceedings as follows : ,
"The Council being empowered by the Constitu
tion and Form of Government to make the Great
Seal of this State, do make and declare the Great
Seal of Maryland, heretofore used, the Great Seal of
this State, and as such to be used in future until a
new one can be devised and executed, which cannot
be done for immediate service."1
Under the authority of this order of the Council
the seal of the Province was continued in use until
the year 1794. In that year the Council adopted a
new seal. It was made by Thackara & Vallance of
Philadelphia, as is shown by an inscription on the
back of the seal (which is preserved at Annapolis),
as well as by an order of the Council adopted Jan
uary 8th, 1794, directing the payment to them by the
" Treasurer of the Western Shore " of " one hun
dred and twenty pounds current money" for the
" metal and engraving." This seal, like its prede
cessor was affixed pendent to documents. Upon
the obverse was a female figure representing Justice,
1 Proceedings of the Council, 1777-1779.

[obverse.]

[reverse.]

THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND:

ADOPTED IN 1794.

31
holding aloft the scales in her left hand, and in her
right an olive branch. Rays of light emanated
from behind and surrounded the figure. Below
were the fasces and an olive branch crossed, and
upon the border were graven the words " Great Seal
of the State of Maryland." On the reverse side was
depicted a tobacco hogshead standing 'upright, with
bundles of leaf tobacco lying thereon." Two sheaves
of wheat stood in the foreground, and in the
background could be seen a ship approaching
shore, with fore and main top-sails set, the other
sails furled. At the base was a cornucopia. On
the circle about this side were the words "Industry
the Means and Plenty the Result."
This seal was formally adopted by the Council on
February 5th, 1794, and a proclamation, publishing
the fact of its adoption, was issued by the Governor.
The following entry appears upon the record of the
Council Proceedings of that date.1
"Whereas it is provided by the 36th. Section of the
Constitution and Form of Government that ' The
Council ; shall have power to make the Great Seal
of this State, which shall be kept by the Chancellor
and affixed to all Laws, Commissions, Grants, and
other Testimonials as has been heretofore practised
in this State,' and Whereas under and in virtue of
the said power the Board have lately caused to be
1 Proceedings of the Council, 1794-1799.

32
made of silver a great Seal dependent, with certain
devices, and with the words ' Great Seal of the State
of Maryland' inscribed on one side thereof; and
the words ' Industry the Means, and Plenty the
Result ' on the other, therefore, Ordered That the
same be delivered to the Honourable the Chancellor
as the Great Seal of this State ; and that the same
and none other bo thereafter kept, used, taken and
considered in all respects ancl to every intent and
purpose as the Great Seal of the State of Maryland.
" Ordered, That the Chancellor be requested to
deliver to His Excellency the Governor the old
Great Seal of this State ; and that the same be
lodged and safely kept in the Treasury of the
Western Shore."
"The following proclamation was issued:
• "Whereas &ca ... as in the foregoing entry, to
the end ofthe preamble; .... then as follows.
" And Whereas the Same hath been delivered to
the Honble the Chancellor to be kept and used as
the Great Seal of this State, I have therefore
thought proper to issue this my Proclamation,
declaring the seal so as aforesaid made and deliv
ered to the Chancellor, and none other, to be the
Great Seal of the State of Maryland.
" Given at Annapolis &ca &ca
(Signed) - "Tho? S..Lee."
This seal continued in use only for twenty-three
years. Its size, three and a half inches 'in diameter,

33
and its pendent fotm were probably deemed incon
veniences ; for it was superseded by a much smaller
one, which was made, as have been the subsequent
seals, to be used with a press and stamped in the
papers to which it was affixed.
The order for the new seal is recorded by the
following entry among the Council Proceedings
under date of March 14th, 1817.1
" Ordered that the Great Seal of the State be
altered and changed and that the Register in
Chancery cause a new seal to be made of the
diameter of one inch and a quarter, that the device
on the same be the Coat of Arms of the United
States surrounded with the words ' Seal of the State
of Maryland ' and that the same when completed
shall be and is hereby declared to be the Seal of the
State of Maryland."
The seal prepared under this order was engraved
on steeL Its device was merely the American
Eagle, as the order of Council required, with thir
teen stars in a semicircle above, and surrounded
by a border ornamented with thirteen points.
The formal adoption of this seal by the Council
occurred on June 9th, 1817, and on the following
day a proclamation publishing the fact was issued
by the Governor, Charles Ridgely of Hampton.
The mode of procedure at the adoption of the pre
vious seal was carefully followed on this occasion.2
1 Proceedings of the Council, 1813-1817.
2 See Appendix, Note C.
5

34
This rather insignificant seal was used until 1854
when an attempt was made to restore the arms of
the State to their place upon the Great Seal. To
Governor E. Louis Lowe is due the suggestion from
which ultimately resulted the restoration of the
ancient arms.
The Council to the Governor, which formally had
jurisdiction over the seal, had been abolished in
1837. 1 Governor Lowe therefore brought the sub
ject to the attention of the General Assembly. In
his message to the Legislature, at the session of
1854, he said : " The Great Seal is much worn by
long use. I do not think that it is appropriate.
It should in my judgment consist of the arms of
the State, and not of a device which has no sig
nificant relation to its local history. I recommend
that'another be provided."
In accordance with this recommendation an act
was passed by the Legislature2 providing for the
procuring of a new seal bearing " the arms of the
State as heretofore known and accepted," and the
motto Crescite et Multiplicamini. The act required
that the new seal should be used on May 1st, 1854,
on which day the old seal should be broken.3 The
intention of the Legislature in respect to the res-

1 Acts of 1836, Chapter 197, \ 13, passed March 10, 1837.
* See Appendix, Note D.
3 The old seal, defaced as the law directed, was found in November, 1885,
and is now preserved in tlie Land Otlice in Annapolis.

THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND:

ADOPTED IN 1817.
(DIAMETER \H INOH.)

THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND:

ADOPTED IN 1884.
(DIAMETER 2# INCHES.)

35
toration of the arms of the State was not success
fully carried out at this time. In the preparation
of the seal recourse was evidently had to a rough
wood-cut printed on the title page of Bacon's Laws
of Maryland in 1765, and some errors which it con
tained were reproduced in the seal. For example,
the Calvert arms wore mrulo paly of five pieces
instead of six, and the portions of the cross in the
second and third quarters of the shield which are
properly red, were represented as black. These
departures were not only errors in fact, but they
were in violation of the ordinary rules of heraldic
drawing and coloring. The errors did not end
here. The coronet, helmet, and crest were cor
rectly represented in the woodcut; but in their
stead a spread eagle was placed upon the seal.
The story is told that the gentleman, — an officer
of the State government at that time, — to whom
was entrusted the task of preparing the new seal,
deemed it imprudent to restore the coronet, lest
the Whigs, then in opposition in the State, should
use the circumstance upon the hustings, and by
accusing the Democrats of an intention to restore
aristocratic institutions, secure their defeat at the
next election. He, therefore, of his own motion
and for these prudential considerations, disre
garded the directions of the act of the Assembly
which required the restoration of the arms "as
heretofore known," and substituted for the ancient
crest the familiar figure of the American Eagle.

36

This seal was handsomely engraved on brass
by Mr. Edward Stabler, of Montgomery County,
Maryland. He was, however, in no wise respon
sible for the errors in the design.
The date at which the motto Crescite et Mtdtipli-
camitti, placed upon this seal, first came into use in
Maryland has not been ascertained. It appeared
upon the Maryland coins1 struck in 1659, during
the administration of the first Proprietary and
shortly after the sending of the third seal to the
Province ; it was upon the wood-cut in Bacon's
Laws already referred to, published in 1765, and
also upon the paper money issued by the State at
the time of the Revolution, as well as upon other
papers and publications. The first word of the
motto brings to mind the circumstance, mentioned
by Bozman,2 that it was at first intended to call
the Province Crescentia, but when the charter was
presented to the King, Charles I., for his signature,
the name was, at his suggestion, changed to Mary
land in honor of the Queen, Henrietta Maria.
The possibility suggests itself that this motto may
have been in use during the earliest days of the
colony. At the session of the Legislature held in 1874,
attention having been by that time attracted to the
1 A few specimens of these coins, which are very rare, are preserved in
tlie collection of the Maryland Historical Society.
2 Bozman's History of Maryland, Vol. 1, p. 271.

37
errors in the existing Great Seal,1 a joint resolu
tion was adopted directing its correction;2 but in
this resolution reference was made to the wood-cut
in Bacon's Laws as the model to which the cor
rected seal should conform. When it was recognized
that the copying of that wood-cut would result in re
producing some of the errors which it was intended
to correct, the Governor, James Black Groome,
concluded to take no action under the resolution,
and brought the matter to the notice of the Legis
lature in his message at its next session, in 1876. A
carefully prepared resolution was then adopted'1 in
which was embodied a full description of the arms
intended to bo restored, so as to guard against the
possibility of errors in the future. The restoration
of the Italian motto and the legend upon the circle
was also directed. In the preparation of this reso
lution Lord Baltimore's letter of commission for the
seal of 1648, and old impressions of the seal itself,
were taken as the guides to be followed, and the
1 The errors in the seal, and the true description of the Arms of Mary
land were pointed out in a communication from the writer of this paper
which was read before the Maryland Historical Society at its meeting in
May, 1871. A remarkably correct drawing of the Provincial Seal was made
in 1876 by Miss Davis, daughter of Hon. Allen Bowie Davis of Montgomery
County, from indications afforded by old and imperfect impressions. This
drawing was engraved and published in 1880.
5 See Appendix, Note E.
'This resolution was adopted chiefly through the efforts of Dr. Lewis H.
Steiner, at that time Senator from Frederick County. See Appendix,
Note E.

38
arms upon that seal were distinctly designated as
the Arms of Maryland.
It was not until 1880 that the succeeding Gover
nor, John Lee Carroll, reported to the Legislature
that the new seal was completed and had "been in
use for the last year." From a note addressed by
Richard C. Hollyday, Esq., Secretary of State, to
the Maryland Historical Society, presenting to the
Society the first impression of the new seal, it
appears that it was first used February 27th, 1879.
This seal was engraved upon brass, and executed
in Paris, under the order of Governor Carroll. It
was not attempted, in preparing the new design,
to reproduce the style of the old seal ; but the
directions contained in the resolution were departed
from only in the introduction, not inappropriate in
itself, of the figures "1632" (the year in which tho
Charter of Maryland was signed), at the base of
the circle.1 On the new seal the pennons forming
the crest are represented flowing toward the dex
ter side, as upon the lesser seal used by Frederick,
Lord Baltimore.2 There is no inscription upon
this seal to indicate that it is the Great Seal of the
State, none having been prescribed in the resolution
under which it was prepared.
By the adoption of this seal in 1876 the ancient
Arms of Maryland were finally restored in their
1 The drawing for this seal was made by E. G. Harper Pennington, Esq.
2 See page 28 (note 3).

THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND:

«S RESTORED IN ACCORDANCE WITH RESOLUTION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
ADOPTED IN 1870.
(DIAMETER 3 INCHES.)

39
integrity to the Great Seal of the State. The
equestrian figure upon the obverse of the old seal,
which symbolized the personal authority of the
Proprietary, ceased to be appropriate after the
downfall of the Proprietary government. But the
arms upon the reverse side, which had become
identified with the Province, and did not change
either in form or significance with changing admin
istrations, are retained as the symbol of the State.
In July, 1884, a search was made for historic
relics in the vault of the Treasury Building at
Annapolis. The search was rewarded by the dis
covery of several old seals, and among them the
Great Seal of the Province.1
This seal differs from the description of that sent
out by Cecilius Lord Baltimore, only in that the
name of Carolvs appears on the obverse in
place of C^ecilivs. Cecilius was succeeded in the
title by his son Charles, third Baron, in 1675.
Benedict Leonard, fourth Baron, held the title but
a few weeks in 1715, when it passed, upon his
death, to his son Charles, fifth Baron, who lived
until 1751. So that for three quarters of a cen
tury, with but a single brief interruption, Charles
was the name of the Proprietary of Maryland. At
1 The search referred to was undertaken at the instance of J. Thomas
Scharf, Esq., Commissioner of the Land Office. Besides the seal mentioned
above, there were found the Great Seal adopted in 1794, and the lesser seal
mentioned on page 28 (note 2).

40

some time during this period the name Carolus
was placed upon the seal, but no record of the date
has been found. As the name occurs only on the
obverse, this change necessitated the alteration or
renewal of one side of the seal only ; and it appears
upon examination that the change was effected by
an alteration merely of the existing seal. The in
scription on the obverse is sharp and distinct
throughout, while that on the reverse is much
worn, and in some places nearly worn away, as
though it had been much longer in service. A
careful comparison shows, too, that the letters on
the two circles are slightly different in form, and
that the plane surfaces of the circles have been
finished differently, as though done at different
times. These points of dissimilarity indicate that
the inscription with the name of Carolus is of later
date than the rest of the work. This theory is con
firmed by a slight depression along the circle on the
obverse as though the metal had been cut away.
There seems, therefore, to be no reason to doubt
that the old seal recently brought to light at
Annapolis is one that was sent out by Cecilius, tho
first Proprietary.
Though worn by long service, and battered and
scarred by careless handling, the designs on both
sides of the seal are still clear and distinct and
show the artistic handiwork of a skilled workman.
One or two matters of detail not mentioned in

41
Lord Baltimore's description, and which the old
impressions do not reveal are to be noted. Where
the folds of the mantle surrounding the arms show
the outside surface, the edges of the coat-of-arms
itself appear, as though it were broidered upon the
exterior of the mantle. It is also to be observed
that a count palatine's coronet, surmounted by
mound and cross, encircles the helmet upon the
head of the equestrian figure upon the obverse of
the seal.1
The discovery of this interesting relic of a past
era completes as it were a cycle in the history of
Maryland's Seal, and the opportunity is afforded
to test, by comparison, the accuracy with which
the restoration was effected in 1876. The differ
ences between the representations of the arms of
Maryland as depicted on the new seal and on
the old are found to be only such as result from
the different styles of drawing and engraving. In
all that is essential the arms are identical. The
seal adopted in 1876 is a practical reproduction,
though not a fac-simile, of the reverse side of the
ancient seal.
1 An earl's coronet is described as surrounded by eight pearls raised upon
as many points. It is now customary with designers and engravers to draw
these coronets uniformly with five points showing. When the Maryland
Seal was engraved such careful accuracy was not observed. The coronet
over the shield on the reverse side shows six points, while that upon (he
head of the equestrian figure on the obverse sliows but four. The coronets
are, however, identical in form.
6

42

The criticism may perhaps be made upon the
seal as now used, that a Republic has no right to
display the coronet proper to a County Palatine.
But to this it may be answered that it is not
borne as a symbol of authority or rank in the
present, but in commemoration of a past and of
a history which now extends over" two centuries
and a half.

Taken by itself the history of the Great Seal is
but a barren narrative, almost wholly comprised
in a few brief public documents, — a letter of com
mission, an order of the Council, an act of the
Assembly ; but it is to be noted that the changes
which are thus recorded are incident to and directly
linked with the most important political events
that have marked the history of the Common
wealth. From the time of the founding of the
colony at St. Mary's under the Proprietary gov
ernment, every event that has disturbed the estab
lished order, — whether it were the lawless outbreak
of an insurgent, the intervention of Commis
sioners appointed by Parliament, or of Governors
appointed by the Crown, or the final struggle
which resulted in the establishment of American
independence, — was accompanied and reflected by
some corresponding change or incident relating to
the Great Seal, and an explanation of the latter

43

necessarily involves a reference to the former.
By the final restoration of the ancient device in
our own times, it is proclaimed, that whatever
the changes by which its political constitution has
been affected, the identity of the Commonwealth
has never been destroyed and its continuity remains
unbroken.

APPENDIX

Note A. (page 12).
Commission for the Great Seal.
[Archives of Maryland: Proceedings of the Council, 1636-1667, pp. 214, 215.]
Cecilius Absolute Lord and Proprietary of the Provinces of
Maryland and Avalon Lord Baron of Baltimore &ca to our
trusty and well Beloved Lieu' and Council of our said Province
of Maryland to all the Inhabitants of the same and all others
whom it may Concern Greeting whereas our Great Seal of the
said Province of Maryland was Treacherously and Violently
taken away from thence by Richard Ingle or his Complices in or
about february Anno Domini One thousand six hundred and
fourty & four and hath been ever since so disposed of as it cannot
be recovered again for us we do therefore hereby protest against
all and every act and things whatsoever which hath been Sealed
therewith since the fourteenth of Feb7 Anno Domini One thou
sand six hundred fourty and four or which shall at any time here
after be Sealed therewith as unlawful and not done by any Legal
Authority from us and we do hereby declare all and every the
said Acts and things unlawful and Null but because it is neces
sary for the better Government of our said Province and Satis
faction of the People there to have a Seal of ours Constantly
remaining in the said Province and appropriated thereunto and
known to be our Great Seal of the same whereby divers publick
Acts and Grants of Lands within the said Province may be rati-
45

46
tied and Confirmed according to such directions Instructions
Commissions or warrants as we have or shall from time to time
give under our hand and seal at Arms for that purpose therefore
we have provided another new Seal for our said Province in the
Room and Place of the other which was so taken away from
thence as aforesaid which new Seal we have Committed to the
Custody of Captain William Stone whom we have Constituted as
well our Chancellor and Keeper of the same as our Lieutenant of
the said Province till we or our heirs shall signify our Pleasure to
the Contrary tlie manner & form of the sd new Seal being this
(viz') on the one side thereof is ingraven our Figure in Compleat
Armour on Horse Back with our Sword drawn and our Helmett
on and a Great Plume of Feathers affixed to it the Horsetrap-
pings furniture and Caparisons being adorn'd with the figure of
our Paternal Coat of Arms and underneath the Horse a Sea
Shoar engraven with Certain Flowers and Grass Growing upon
it and this Inscription about that Side of the Seal (viz') Cecilius
Absolutus Dmiis Terrae Mariae et Avaloniae Baro de Baltimore
and on the other or Counterside of the said Seal is engraven a
Scutcheon wherein our Paternal Coat of Arms to wit six pieces
impaled with a Bend dexter Counterchanged quartered witli
another Coat of Arms belonging to our Family viz' a Cross But
toned at each end (and also counterchanged) are engraven the
whole Scutcheon being Supported with a Fisherman on the one
Side and a Plowman on the other standing upon a Scrowl wherein
is engraven the motto of our Paternal Court of Arms viz' ffatti
Maschij Parole Femine next above the Scutcheon is engraven a
Count Palatines Cap and over that a Helmet with the Crest of
our Paternal Court of Arms on the Top of it which Crest is a
Ducal Crown with two half Bannerets set upright in it Behind
the said Scutcheon and Supporters is engraven a large mantle and
this inscription is about that side of the Seal viz1 Scuto bonce
Voluntatis tuse Coronasti nos the figure of the Seal is round and
it is of the same Bigness that our said former Great Seal was and

47
cut iii Silver as the other was the impression of all which in wax
is hereunto affixed it being somewhat different (though but little)
from our said former Great Seal of the Said Province and we do
hereby declare the said new Seal to be from henceforwards our
Great Seal of the said Province of Maryland and that we will
have it so to be estceemed and reputed there till we or our heirs
shall signify our or their Pleasure to the Contrary Given at Bath
under our hand and our said new Great Seal of the Said Province
the 12th day of August in the 17 th Year of our Dominion over
the said Prove of Maryland Annoq Dni 1648.

Note B. (pages 25, 26).

The following copy of the royal warrant for the adoption of the
seal of 1G92, was obtained from Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury, of the
Public Record Office, London. Mr. Sainsbury writes that though
diligent search was made through many volumes of records and
correspondence concerning Maryland no impression of the seal
described in the warrant could be found.
THE KING'S WARRANT
to Gov? Copley p.r.o
Alarvmnd B.'T.
to use the Maryland Seal Vol. 8. p. 39.
7 January 169V2
To Our Trusty an Wellbeloved Lionel Copley Esqf Warrantfor
Our Captain Generall and Governor in Chief in and &*£r-y.and
over Our Province and Territory of Maryland in J
America. You will herewith receive a seal, wc.h we have
thought fit to appoint for the use of Our Province of
Maryland, the same being Engraven on the one side
with Our Royall Arms, with y° Garter, Crowne, Sup
porters and Motto, and this Inscription round the Cir-

48
cumference, Gulielmus 3d et Maria 2d Dej Gratia Mag:
Brit : Fran : et Hiber : Rex et Regina Fidei Defensoris
&c\ There being on the other side Our Royall Cypher
crowned and this Inscription round the Circumference
Sigillum Provincie de Maryland in America ; which
Seal we do hereby Authorize and Direct to be used in
Sealing all Patents and Grants, and all publick Acts and
Instruments which shall be made and passed in Our
Name for Our Service within Our said Province, And
that it be to all Intents and jmrposes of the same force
& Validity as any former Seal within Our Said Pro
vince, or as any other Seal Whatsoever appointed for
the use of any of Our Plantations in America is or hath
been. And so we bid you ffarewell. From Our Court
at Whitehall the Seaventh day of January 1691, In the
Third Year of Our Reign. By His May.s Command.
Nottingham.
The receipt given by Mr. Evan Evans for this seal when it was
returned to England, is recorded as follows in the Archives of
Maryland. (Liber C. B. 1704-1708, fol. 56.)
" Maryland Towne & 1 Memorandum that this Day to witt the
Port of Annapolis Ss / 14th day of August 1706 I received of
his Excellency John Seymour EsqV Cap8 Gencrale and Govern^ in
Cheif of this Province two peices of Silver Plate The one Cutt or
engraved with the Arms of England & his late Majesty the other
with a Cypher Wm & Mary Rex & Reginia heretofore, used as the
Great Seale of this Province which I Do promise upon my Safe
arrivall in England (God willing) to Deliver to Coll Nathaniell
Blakiston agent for the Province of Maryland in order to Carry
to their Lordshipps the Lords of Trade & Plantations & to take
Coll. Blakiston's Receipt therefore.
"Evan Evans."

49

Note G. (page 33).
The adoption of the Seal of 1817 is recorded as follows
among the Proceedings of the Council (Liber 1813-1817) under
date of June 9th, 1817.
" Whereas it is provided by the 36'h section of the Constitution
and Form of Government that the Council have power to make
tlie Great Seal of this state which shall be kept by the Chan
cellor and affixed to all Laws Commissions Grants and other
Testimonials as has been heretofore practised in this State and
whereas under and in virtue of the mid power Tl.o Roanl have
lately caused to be made of steel a Great Seal with certain device*
and with the words Seal of the State of .Maryland to he inscribed
thereon and that the same and none other thereafter be kept
taken and considered in all respects and to every intent purpose
as the Great Seal of the State of Maryland Ordered that the
Chancellor be requested to deliver to his Excellency the Governor
the Old Great Seal of this State, and that the same he Knifed and
safely kept in the Treasury ofthe Western Shore. The following
Proclamation issued.
" By His Excellency Charles Ridgely of Hampton Esquire Gov
ernor of Maryland " A Proclamation
"Whereas it is provided by the 36th section of the Constitution
and form of Government, that 'the Council shall have power to
make the Great Seal of this State which shall be kept by the
Chancellor, and affixed to laws commissions grants and other tes
timonials as has been heretofore practised in this State* and
whereas under and in virtue of the said power, the Board have
lately caused to \v made of MM a Seal with oovlatn devices and
with the words 'Soal of the Stale el' \\av\\a\\d \\w\Uvd Owwu
Avtd wVtWfc* lV fc*\W h** W\\ \\oV\\v-\Y\\ <\\ ^W VwvwwWe \V
Chnneellor, lo ho kept, and m\\ \\* the Umd. Sort) of thin Utrtio, \
have therefore thought proper to issue this my Proclamation
7

50

declaring the seal so as aforesaid made and delivered to the Chan
cellor and none other, to be the Great Seal of the State of Mary
land. Given under my hand, and the Seal of the State of Mary
land this tenth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and seventeen.
" By His Excellency's Command "C. Ridgely of Hampton"
Ninian Pinkney
Clerk of the Council "
" Ordered that the foregoing Proclamation he published eight
times in the Maryland Gazette Federal Gazette, Federal Repub
lican and Telegraph,- The Frederick Town Herald, The Torch
light, The Allegany Federalist and the Monitor at Easton."

Note T>. (page 34).
[Acts op the General Assembly — 1854.]
Chapter 81.
An Act to provide for a new Great Seal for this State.
Section 1. Be it. enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland,
That the Governor be and he is hereby authorized and required
to procure a new great seal for this State, the cost of which shall
be paid on a Certificate of the Governor by the treasurer, on a
warrant from the comptroller.
See. 2. And be it enacted, That the seal to be procured shall
contain on its face the arms ofthe State, as heretofore known and
accepted, with the motto, in small letters, " Crescito et multipli
cands "; on the upper part ofthe circle there shall be the words
" The Great Seal " and at the bottom, in two horizontal lines, the
words, "of Maryland"; the words, " The Great Seal" and "Mary
land," to be in large letters ; on the left side of the circle, near
the bottom, shall be the figures, " 1632," and on the right side the
figures, " 1854" ; the diameter of the seal shall be two inches and
a quarter.

51
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That the new seal shall be used on
and after the first day of May next, on which day the Governor
shall cause the present seal to be broken.
See. 4. And be it enacted, That this act shall take effect on
its passage. (Passed March 1, 1854).

Note E. (page37).

The Resolutions adopted by the General Assembly providing
for the correction of the Great Seal are as follows :
[Joint Resolutions — 1874.]
No. 9.
Senate Joint Resolution
In relation to the Great Seal of the State.
Whereas, certain errors have been made in altering the Great
Seal of the State of Maryland ;
therefore, Be it resolved by the General Assembly of Mai-yland, That the
Governor of the State is hereby authorized to have the Great
Seal of the State so altered as to make it conform to the arms
of Lord Baltimore, as represented on the title page of Bacon's
Laws of Maryland, printed seventeen hundred and sixty-five, in
Annapolis, by Jonas Green.
[Joint Resolutions — 1876.]
No. 5.
In relation to the Great Seal.
Whereas, Senate Joint Resolution, No. nine, " In relation to
the Great Seal of the State," passed by the General Assembly, at
its session in eighteen hundred and seventy-four, instructing the

52

Governor to have the Great Seal of the State so altered that it
should conform to the arms of Lord Baltimore as represented on
the title page of Bacon's Laws of Maryland, printed in seventeen
hundred and sixty-five, by Jonas Green, was passed under the
impression that the said representation was accurate ; and
Whereas, Investigation has shown that said representation of
the arms of Lord Baltimore is imperfect ; and
Whereas, a complete and accurate description of the Seal of
the Province is to be found in the commission of Cecilius, Lord
Baron of Baltimore, that accompanied the said seal when sent to
the Province in sixteen hundred and forty -eight ;
therefore, 1. Be it resolved by the General Assembly of Maryland, That
Senate Joint Resolution, No. nine, " In relation to the Great
Seal of the State," passed by the General Assembly, at its session
in eighteen hundred and seventy-four be, and the same is hereby
rescinded. 2. And be it further resolved, That the Governor of the State
is hereby authorized and empowered to have the Great Seal of
the State altered so that it shall bear the arms of Maryland as
represented upon the seal furnished the Province in sixteen hun
dred and forty-eight, by Cecilius, Lord Baron of Baltimore;
which arms are described as follows, namely : Quarterly, first and
fourth, paly of six or and sable, a bend counterchanged ; second
and third, quarterly argent and gules, a cross bottony counter-
changed ; Crest (which is placed upon a helmet, showing five bars,
over a Count-palatine's coronet) on a ducal coronet proper, two
pennons, dexter or, the other sable ; staves gules ; motto " Fatti
maschii, parole femine " ; supporters, a plowman and a fisherman
proper; a mantle doubled with ermine, surrounding the arms and
supporters. Upon a border encircling the seal, shall be engraven
this legend, " Scuto bonse voluntatis tua3 coronasti nos." The
diameter of the seal shall be three inches.

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IVERSITY

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