'theft Baoks , , "*1 1 »YAILH-'VM¥HI&Sfl,inf- • ILUBIBAIgBr o DEPOSITED BY THE LINONIAN AND BROTHERS LIBRARY HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES FKOM THE COMPKOMISE OF 1850 BT JAMES FORD RHODES Vol. II I854--IS60 NEW YOEK HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS 1893 Copyright, 1892, by James Ford Rhodes. All rights reserved. CONTENTS ov THE SECOND VOLUME CHAPTER VI Page Diplomatic costume 1 The Gadsden treaty 1 The Reciprocity treaty with Canada 8 -Bombardment of San Juan 9 The desire to obtain Cuba 10 Soule's position at Madrid 11 Soule's difficulty 12 Duel with Turgot 13 The Black Warrior affair 16 Soule's ultimatum 19 Calderon's reply 20 War between the United States and Spain considered prob able 22 Public sentiment in the United States 23 Filibusters at work 27 War with Spain imminent 28 War with Spain avoided 31 Marcy still hoping to acquire Cuba 34 Marcy and Soule 35 The Ostend manifesto 38^ Soule resigns the Spanish mission 42 The Ostend manifesto 42 iv CONTENTS CHAPTER VII Shall a new party be formed ? 45 Action towards forming a new party 47 The Republican State convention of Michigan 48 The temperance question 49 The Know-nothing movement 50 The year one of excitement and lawlessness 56 The verdict of the Northern people on the Kansas-Nebraska act, as evidenced in the elections 58 Iowa 59 Maine ; Vermont 59 Pennsylvania ; Ohio ; Indiana 60 Illinois 61 Douglas in the canvass 61 New York 63 Massachusetts 65 Michigan ; Wisconsin 66 The elections considered. '. . . . 66 Seward 68 Lincoln 69 The press 71 Personal liberty laws , 73 The underground railroad 74 Kansas 78 The Kansas election of March 30th, 1855 81 Indignation in the free States 83 Southern sympathy with the Missourians 84 Governor Reeder 85 The Know-nothings 87 The Republican movement gaining strength 92 The fall elections of 1855 93 Henry Wilson 96 Republican opinions 97 Kansas -98 The Wakarusa war . 105 CONTENTS V The Thirty-fourth Congress 107 The contest for speaker 108 Banks elected speaker ' 115 The Republican National convention at Pittsburgh, February 22d, 1856 118 Relations with England 120 The President's message on Kansas 122 Reports of Douglas and Collamer 125 Description of Douglas by Mrs. Stowe 127 Speech of Douglas 129 The Republican senators on Kansas 130 Sumner's speech, " The Crime against Kansas " 131 Sumner and Butler 134 Sumner and Douglas 137 Brooks assaults Sumner 139 Character of Sumner 141 Northern sentiment 143 Southern sentiment 144 Wilson and Burlingame 145 Explanation of Brooks 146 The affair before Congress 148 Kansas 150 The destruction of Lawrence 158 John Brown 161 The massacre on the Pottawatomie 162 Civil War in Kansas 166 CHAPTER VIII President-making 169 The Democratic National convention 171 Nomination of Buchanan . 172 Seward and Chase 175 Fremont 177 McLean 1V9 Fremont 181 The Republican National convention 182 Nomination of Fremont 184 vi CONTENTS Crampton, the English minister, dismissed 186 Kansas question in Congress 189 The Toombs bill 189 " Bleeding Kansas" I" The Howard report 196 Oliver's report 197 Strife between the Senate and the House 201 The Presidential campaign 202 " The Union in danger " 203 Threats of Southerners 204 Letter of Rufus Choate 206 " Southern gasconade " 209 The Republicans 210 Speech of George W. Curtis 212 Fillmore's nomination endorsed by the Whigs 215 Kansas 215 Influence of Kansas in the presidential canvass 218 An educational campaign 220 The presidential campaign 221 The early State elections 226 Pennsylvania 226 Kansas 229 Pennsylvania 230 The Democrats carry Pennsylvania 233 Election of Buchanan 235 CHAPTER IX Peace in Kansas 237 Governor Geary 239 The meaning of Buchanan's election 241 Character of Buchanan 244 Buchanan's inaugural 245 The cabinet 246 Rotation in office 248 The United States Supreme Court 249 Chief -Justice Taney 250 Justice Curtis 251 CONTENTS vii The Dred Scott case 251 The Dred Scott decision 255 The dissenting opinion of Curtis 257 Taney 260 Curtis 262 Public opinion 263 Douglas on the Dred Scott decision 264 Lincoln on the Dred Scott decision 266 Seward makes the charge of conspiracy 268 Lincoln on the alleged conspiracy 270 Robert J. Walker 271 Buchanan endorses the Calhoun doctrine 276 The Lecompton convention 278 The panic of 1857 281 Revolt of Northern Democrats against the Lecomptou scheme. 282 Douglas opposes it 282 The Kansas elections 289 Walker's filibustering expedition 289 Buchanan recommends the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution 291 The debate in the Senate 293 Denunciation of Douglas 296 Action of Congress 297 The English bill 299 CHAPTER X Republican prospects 302 Seward on the Army bill 303 Seward on popular sovereignty 305 Prominence of Douglas 307 Protest of Chase 307 Protest of Lincoln 308 Character of Lincoln 308 Lincoln and Douglas 313 Lincoln nominated for Senator ; opens the campaign 314 " A house divided against itself cannot stand " 315 Douglas's first speech of the campaign 318 viii CONTENTS The senatorial campaign of 1858 320 The Lincoln-Douglas debates 321 The work and excitement of the campaign 337 Success of Douglas 339 Lincoln 339 Douglas 340 The October elections 343 Seward and " The Irrepressible Conflict " 344 The November elections 346 Douglas ; Seward ; Lincoln ; Jefferson Davis 347 The President's message 349 The Cuba bill „ . 351 Douglas 355 Jefferson Davis 357 The Fugitive Slave law 360 The Oberlin-Wellington rescue 361 The African slave-trade 367 Speech of Davis 372 Letter of Douglas 373 The Harper's Magazine article 373 Broderick 375 The Ohio fall election 380 John Brown's raid into Virginia 384 The attack made . . 393 Brown taken prisoner 396 Brown catechised 397 The Republican leaders 402 Trial of Brown . 403 Letters of Brown . 405 Execution of Brown . 408 Public sentiment . . . '. . 4^0 Opinions of statesmen 4^1 Opinions of philosophers and poets .413 An estimate of John Brown and his work . 414 CONTENTS jx CHAPTER XI Assembling of the Thirty -sixth Congress 417 The contest for speaker ; Helper's " Impending Crisis " 418 Election of Pennington 426 The Union in danger 428 Douglas 429 Jefferson Davis , 430 Lincoln's Cooper Institute speech 430 Seward's speech in the Senate 433 The abolitionists 434 Seward and Lincoln 436 Lovejoy 437 Potter and Pryor 439 Democratic National convention at Charleston 440 The Douglas platform adopted 450 Secession of the delegates from the cotton States 451 The convention of the Constitutional Union party 454 Debate hetween Davis and Douglas 455 The Republican National convention 456 The platform 464 Convention work 465 The balloting 469 Nomination of Lincoln 470 The Baltimore convention 473 Nomination of Douglas 475 Nomination of Breckinridge 475 The work of Congress 475 The Presidential campaign 477 Pennsylvania. 479 The African slave-trade 481 Campaign work 483 Douglas ; threats of disunion 487 Seward . 493 New York 497 Election of Lincoln 500 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER VI Maecy might have pleaded the engrossing affairs of his department as a reason for not giving his attention to the domestic question which was agitating the country. In truth, he was actively employed during the year 1854; and few American Secretaries of State, in a time of peace, have had more real business to transact than fell to his lot. Soon after assuming charge of the department, he showed that he wished to impress his plain democratic ideas upon those who represented this country abroad. Almost the- first question which he took up was that of diplomatic cos tume. From the time of our mission to Ghent until Presi dent Jackson's day, the dress informally or officially recom mended was : " A blue coat, lined with white silk ; straight standing cape embroidered with gold; buttons plain, or, if they can be had, with the artillerist's eagle stamped upon them ; cuffs embroidered in the manner of the cape. White cassimere breeches, gold knee-buckles ; white silk stockings, and gold or gilt shoe-buckles. A three-cornered chapeau- bras ; a black cockade to which an eagle has been attached. Sword, etc., corresponding." On gala-days, the uniforms II.— 1 2 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1853 should be more splendid with embroidery, and the hat deco rated with a white ostrich feather. Under the strictly democratic administration of Jackson, the President recommended some changes in the diplomatic dress in the line of cheapness and adaptation to the simplicity of our institutions. It was suggested that the blue coat be changed to black, the cape omitted, and a gold star affixed on each side of the collar of the coat ; the breeches might be black or white. The chapeau-bras with the cockade and eagle and the sword were retained. Thus the matter remained until Marcy took it up. He issued a circular on June 1st, 1853, in Avhich he recommended to our representatives abroad that, in order to show their devotion to republican institutions, they should, whenever practicable, appear in the simple dress of an American citizen. He stated that the example of Dr. Franklin was worthy of imitation, and regretted that there ever had been a departure from that simple and unostentatious course. Our minister at Berne was glad to inform the Secretary that the " absurd and expensive uniform " necessary to be worn at a royal court was never required in the ancient re public of Switzerland.1 The ministers at Turin and Brussels reported that there probably would be no difficulty in carry ing out the instructions of the department." Our represen tative at Berlin received an intimation from the president minister that the king would consider an appearance before him without costume as disrespectful. He therefore did not deem it discreet to insist upon this point, but in yielding to the wishes of the monarch he was careful to procure " a very plain and simple dress." 3 The King of Sweden was perfectly willing to transact business with the American minister in citizen's clothes, but on social occasions the court ' Fay to Marcy, June 30th, 1853. 2 Seibels to Marcy, Sept. 30th, 1853 ; Daniel to Marcy, Oct. 10th, 1853. 3 Vroom to Marcy, Oct. 31st, 1853. Ch.VI.] DIPLOMATIC COSTUME 3 dress was imperatively required. The minister explained to Marcy that the king was a rigid conservative in all the antique ceremonies and exactions of his court, that the Swedish society held fast to aristocratic symbols, and his ap pearance at court in plain clothes would be looked upon as an endeavor to propagate republican principles.1 August Belmont, who was at The Hague, received permis sion from the king to appear at the audience in citizen's dress. Although it had been hinted that it would be more satisfactory if he wore uniform, he had replied that he must follow the wishes and instructions of his government. He went therefore to the audience in plain black clothes. In his despatch he described his appearance as singular, for the king, his aides-de-camp, and the minister of foreign affairs, the only persons who assisted at the ceremony, were in full uniform and covered with stars and decorations. Belmont had more anxiety about the presentation to the queen mother, for at her court ceremony was a weightier matter than at that of the king. His brother diplomats, who had wondered at his previous temerity, were concerned about the result, for they knew that she had often resented with rudeness any infringement of etiquette. The presentation, however, took place without incident;2 and after several months' residence in Holland, Belmont could report that he and his family had been treated by the royal family on every occasion with the utmost courtesy. Indeed, at a casino ball the queen paid him honor above any of the diplomats present by asking him to dance a quadrille ; and at a court ball the king shook him most cordially by the hand and entered into an interesting and animated conversation with him of more than half an hour.3 Sanford, the secretary of legation, who was representing this country at Paris until the arrival of Mason, after much Schroeder to Marcy, Nov. 24th, 1853. ! Belmont to Marcy, Nov. 8th and 25th, 1853. 1 Ibid., Feb. 28th, 1854. 4 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1853 consideration determined to act in accordance with the spirit of the instructions of the State department. Fearing that his change of dress might be misconstrued, he made known his desire to the minister of foreign affairs, who promised to make the subject understood at court. Sanford accordingly appeared at the reception to the diplomatic corps, at a din ner of the foreign minister, and at a soiree at the Tuileries in citizen's dress.1 When Mason arrived at Paris, the first question upon which he brought his mind to bear was that of a proper costume. He had earnestly hoped that nothing would occur to cause him to deviate from the simple dress of an American citizen ; but he soon perceived that it would not do to follow the example of Sanford. In the latter of two interviews with the minister of foreign affairs, the emperor's wishes were most politely conveyed to him. Nothing was specifically required, but suggestions were made to which, from a proper respect to the French govern ment, he deemed it imperatively necessary to conform. He appeared before the emperor to present his credentials in a suit of plain black clothes, but at the first ball at the Tui leries which he attended, and on all subsequent court occa sions, he wore, as he described it, " a simple uniform dress." Sanford was so disgusted with the action of his chief that he resigned the position of secretary of legation. He said that Mason adopted " a coat embroidered with gilt tinsel, a sword and cocked hat, the invention of a Dutch tailor in Paris, borrowed chiefly from the livery of a subordinate attache of legation of one of the petty powers of the Con tinent. Mortified and indignant at this course," Sanford wrote, " I declined attending with him the ball at which he first figured in this toggery."2 A letter from the Sec retary of State to Sanford approving his conduct was a salve to his wounded feelings;3 and his satisfaction was 1 Sanford to Marcy, Aug. 18th, 1853. 2 Letter of Mr. Sanford to Secretary of State Cass, Jan. 19th, 1860. 3 Mr. Marcy to Mr. Sanford, Feb. 18th, 1854. CH.VI.J DIPLOMATIC COSTUME 5 complete when he read a private letter from Marcy to Mason, severely animadverting upon Mason's return to a monarchical dress, when the plain black clothes " had been almost universally commended by public opinion in the United States." ' But nowhere did the circular of the State department create so much trouble as at the court of St. James. After considerable reflection, Buchanan had determined to wear neither gold lace nor embroidery at court, yet he desired to show a proper respect to the queen, for whom he had a most sincere regard. It had been suggested to him that he might assume the civil dress worn by General Washing ton. He therefore carefully examined Stuart's portrait, but came to the conclusion that fashions had so changed that such a costume would appear ridiculous. The question was still unsettled when Parliament opened in February, 1854. Two days before the meeting, he received a printed circular from the master of ceremonies, which stated, " No one can be admitted into the diplomatic tribune, or in the body of the House, but in full court dress." In consequence of this, he did not attend. Buchanan's absence from the House of Lords, at the opening of Parliament, " produced quite a sensation." " Indeed," he wrote, " I have found diffi culty in preventing this incident from becoming a subject of inquiry and remark in the House of Commons." 2 When all England was excited by the prospect of war with Eussia, it seems curious that this affair should have attracted so much attention ; yet it was the occasion of official consideration, court gossip, and newspaper controversy. The Times, in describing the brilliant and imposing proceedings in the House of Lords, had stated that, amidst the blaze of stars, crosses, and ribands in the diplomatic box, the American minister, in evening dress, sate " unpleasantly conscious of Mr. Sanford to Mr. Cass, Jan. 19th, 1860. Buchanan to Marcy, London, Feb. 7th, 1854. 6 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 his singularity." ' This account was speedily corrected, but the affair gave rise to a spirited discussion in the journals. One newspaper said that the exclusion of Buchanan from the ceremony would be considered in the United States " as a studied slight or determined insult."2 On the other hand, an influential journal said that the absurd quarrel was en tirely due to " General Pierce's republican ill-manners " and to "American puppyism," to which nothing should be con ceded. "There is not the least reason," continued this journal, "why her Majesty . . . should be troubled to re ceive the ' gentleman in the black coat ' from Yankee-land. He can say his say at the Foreign Office, dine at a chop- house in King Street, sleep at the old Hummums, and be off as he came, per liner, when his business is done." ' Three weeks after the opening of Parliament, however, Buchanan had the pleasure of writing to Marcy : " The question of court costume has been finally settled to my entire satisfaction. I appeared at the queen's levee, on Wednesday last, in the very dress which you have often seen me wear at the President's levees, with the exception of a very plain black-handled and black-hilted dress sword, and my reception was all that I could have desired. ... I have never felt prouder, as a citizen of my country, than when. I stood amidst the brilliant circle of foreign ministers and other court dignitaries in the simple dress of an Amer ican citizen." 4 He adopted the sword, he explained to his niece, " to gratify those who have yielded so much, and to distinguish me from the upper court servants." 6 1 Loudon Times, Feb. 1st, 1854. 2 London Mcaminer, quoted in the London Times, Feb. 6th, 1854. 3 London Chronicle, cited by New York Evening Post, April 8th, 1854. 4 Buchanan to Marcy, London, Feb. 24th, 1854. The dress was black coat, white waistcoat and cravat, and black pantaloons and dress boots. Buchanan to Miss Harriet Lane, Feb. 24th, Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 114. The despatches quoted may be found in vol. ix. Senate Documents, 1st Sess. 36th Congress. 5 Curtis, vol. ii. p. 114. Ch.VL] THE GADSDEN TREATY 7 If Marcy had foreseen the number of serious questions that would come before him, he would not have taken upon himself the task of prescribing the cut of the garments for our diplomatic representatives. Buchanan expressed the opinion that Marcy had much to learn ; ' but by 1854 the steady application and diligence of the Secretary of State began to bear fruit. In the last days of 1853 a treaty was negotiated with Mexico ; amendments were made to it by the Senate, and in turn agreed to by the Mexican President. It was not, however, until June 30th, 1854, that proper leg islation by Congress was had to carry the provisions of the treaty into effect ; and only on that day were the ratifica tions exchanged. This agreement is known as the Gadsden treaty. It settled the question of a disputed boundary with Mexico, the line agreed upon between the two countries be ing that now existing.2 The United States gained the Me- silla valley, which was an oblong square of land containing about twenty million acres. It formed the southern part of what is now New Mexico and Arizona. The agreement also abrogated the eleventh article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,3 which provided that the United States should protect Mexico from the incursions of Indians. This had been found to be an onerous duty, and one almost impos sible of execution. For these considerations the United States paid ten millions of dollars. This district was now much better known than in 1848. No one pretended that fertile or valuable land had been acquired, but the friends of the administration urged that this valley was a very desirable and an almost necessary route for the projected Southern Pacific railroad." 1 In May, 1853, Curtis, vol. iUp. 81. " In 1890. 3 The treaty of peace of 1848 which ended the Mexican War. 1 See Treaties and Conventions, Haswell ; also debate in the House of Representatives on the appropriation necessary to carry out the treaty. The vote in the House was 103 to 62 ; in the Senate, on the appropriation, 34 to 6. 8 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 In June, a treaty settling the fishery question and provid ing for reciprocity between the United States and Canada was concluded between Marcy and Lord Elgin, Governor- General of Canada, who acted for Great Britain. It allowed United States fishermen to take sea-fish in the bays, harbors, and creeks of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and of the several islands thereunto adjacent. This was a concession to our country, for by the treaty of 1818, which was then in force, United States fishermen were not allowed to take fish within three marine miles of these coasts. The advantage to Canada was in a provision that certain articles, the growth and produce of the two coun tries, should be admitted into each country respectively free of duty.1 The treaty was to remain in force ten years, and thereafter until either country should give notice of the wish to terminate the agreement, but it should be binding for twelve months after such notice was given.2 This was a valuable treaty for Canada, and a desirable one for the United States ; but the manner in which a majority of the Senate was obtained for its ratification, if the story told by Lord Elgin's secretary be exact, is neither creditable to Lord Elgin nor to the senators whose support he gained by wily 1 Among the articles which were thus admitted were : Grain, flour, ancl breadstuffs of all kinds; fish of all kinds; poultry, eggs ; hides, furs, skius or tails, undressed ; butter, cheese, tallow ; ores of metals of all kinds; coal, timber and lumber of all kinds ; fish-oil, rice, broom-corn and bark ; flax, hemp and tow, unmanufactured ; unmanufactured tobacco. A complete list may be found in Treaties and Conventions, Haswell, p. 451 ; also in Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, vol. ii. p. 621, where the treaty is dis cussed. In mildly criticising this treaty, the New York Tribune, weekly of June 17th, nevertheless declared that it was in favor of absolute free trade between British America and the United States. a The ratifications were exchanged Sept. 9th, 1854. The treaty was terminated March 17th, 1866, on notice given one year previously by the United States. See Treaties and Conventions, Haswell ; Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress. In July the treaty was ratified which had been made by Commodore Perry with Japan. The principal feature of the treaty was the opening of several important Japanese ports to American vessels. See Treaties and Conventions, p. 597. Ch.VI.] THE BOMBARDMENT OP SAN JUAN 9 social influences ; it has been known as the treaty " floated through on champagne." ] In July, an affair occurred in Central America which cre ated some excitement at the North. The port of San Juan had been occupied by about three hundred adventurers, main ly negroes from Jamaica, who had caused great annoyance to an American settlement on the other side of the river. This settlement had been established by the Nicaragua Transit Company, a company composed of citizens of the United States, whose purpose was to open a transit-way across the Isthmus of Central America. The San Juan (or Greytown)2 people had committed depredations on the property of the citizens of Punta Arenas, as the United States settlement was called. The trouble was still further complicated by the attempt of a body of men crossing over from Greytown and attempting to arrest a captain of one of the Transit Com pany's boats on a charge of murder. The American minister to Central America, Borland, happening to be there, effectu ally protected the captain, for he believed in the innocence of the accused, and, moreover, totally denied the jurisdiction of the intruding party. Afterwards, when Borland was in Greytown, he was subjected to insult by those presumably having authority. On receiving official accounts of these oc currences, the President sent the sloop-of-war Cyane to the harbor of San Juan to enforce the demands of this govern ment. A claim for twenty-four thousand dollars for injury to property was made, an apology was demanded for the in dignity offered to the United States minister, and assurances of better behavior in the future were required. No reply 1 See Life of Laurence Oliphant, vol. i. p. 109 et seq.; Episodes in a Life of Adventure, Oliphant, p. 38 et seq. Oliphant's description of the Washington of 1854 is noteworthy: "Washington, 'the city of magnifi cent distances,' struck me as a howling wilderness of deserted streets running out into the country, and ending nowhere, its population con sisting chiefly of politicians and negroes." 2 This population gave their town the name of Greytown. 10 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 being received, the commander of the Oyane, after giving due notice of twenty-four hours, opened bombardment on Greytown. He ceased firing twice, in order to give an op portunity of complying with the demands which had been made ; but at length, as nothing was heard from the author-] ities, he continued the bombardment until the town was laid in ashes. No lives were lost, and the buildings destroyed were of little value. An English war-vessel was in the har bor, and its captain protested against the attack. "This transaction," the President stated in his message to Con gress, " has been the subject of complaint on the part of some foreign powers, and has been characterized with more of harshness than of justice." ' But all foreign affairs were unimportant compared to the diplomatic intercourse with Spain, if this be estimated by the attention it received from the Secretary of State, the excitement it caused in this country, and the interest it oc casioned abroad. The desirejft obtain Cuba soon beganjto affect^ Marcy, and he indulged in the dream that through his agency the island might be peaceably and honorably acquired, though in the instructions to Soule he urged cau tion on his impetuous agent. At the beginning he went over the usual platitudes : it is difficult for Spain to retain Cuba, she cannot keep it long unaided, and the United States has a deep interest in its destiny after it shall cease to be a dependency of Spain. We should resist its transfer ence to any European nation, and we should see with regret any power of Europe help Spain to keep her dominion over Cuba. Then coming to the actual matter, Soule could un derstand that we would be willing to purchase the island, but he was not authorized to make any offer for it, since there is now no hope that such a proposition will be favor- 1 For a full account of this affair, see the President's message of Dec. 4th, 1854, and the original documents submitted to Congress in August. The subject is discussed in Wharton's International Law Digest, sec. 224. Ch. VI.] THE DESIRE TO OBTAIN CUBA H ably entertained. Indeed, it is believed that Spain is under obligations to England and France not to transfer Cuba to the United States. It will be of great value if the minister can ascertain at Madrid what is the exact arrangement be tween the three powers, and especially whether Great Brit ain and France are urging Spain to take steps towards the emancipation of the slaves in Cuba. The opinion was ex pressed that if Cuba became a republic, and there was a vol untary separation from the mother country, it would prob ably relieve us from further anxiety, and the United States would be willing to contribute money towards the accom plishment of such a desirable object.1 Buchanan was also instructed to watch the conduct of Great Britain, and to ascertain Avhether she was urging Spain to emancipate the negroes in Cuba and to import more Africans as free men into the island.2 Soule had settled the question of his dress in literal ac cordance with the circular of his chief. He adopted the costume of Benjamin Franklin at the court of Louis XVI. The black-velvet clothes, richly embroidered, the black stock ings, a black chapeau, and a black dress sword, set off his black eyes, black locks, and pale complexion, and gave him a striking appearance. He looked, indeed, not like the phi losopher whose costume he imitated, but rather like the mas ter of Kavenswood.3 Contrary to general anticipation, he was received in Madrid by the queen " with marked atten tion and courtesy." 4 He had, however, good reason to be lieve that his rejection had been urged upon the Spanish cabinet by the French ambassador, by the Countess of Mon- tijo, the mother of the Empress Eugenie of France and of the Duchess of Alba, and by the Austrian and Mexican ministers. 1 Marcy to Soule, July 23d, 1853. 5 Marcy to Buchanan, July 2d, 1853. 3 Memories of Many Men, Field, p. 86. 4 Soule to Marcy, Oct. 25th, 1853 ; see vol. i. pp. 394, 395. 12 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1853 Soon after his presentation at court, an affair occurred which gave his family an unpleasant notoriety in every capital of Europe. A ball was given by the Marquis de Turgot, the ambassador of France, in honor of the Empress Eugenie's fete-day, and to this ball all the members of the diplomatic corps were invited. Madame Soule made a strik ing appearance. She had a beautiful head and expressive face, and her fine person was adorned by a rich and tasteful dress, cut low, designed by the artist of the mode at Paris. The Countess of Montijo, since her daughter had become empress, not only led society in Madrid, but mingled in state affairs with such apparent authority that she was often presumed to be the real representative of France. She needed only to make a remark to have it at once echoed. She criticised severely the toilet of Madame Soule, and the Marquis de Turgot joined in the criticism. The Duke of Alba, brother-in-law of Napoleon III., translated the trifling words into an insulting comparison, saying as Madame Soule was passing, " Look at Marguerite de Bourgogne." The dis solute wife of Louis X. was then in every one's mind, owing to the reappearance of Mademoiselle Georges on the Paris stage in Dumas's " La Tour de Nesle," reviving the memory of the sensation she once had made by her art and sensu ous beauty in the impersonation of Marguerite. Nelville Soule chanced to hear the remark about his mother, and, ap proaching the duke in a menacing manner, applied to him the epithet of canaille. The next morning young Soule sent to the duke a demand for an apology. This was read ily given, for the duke in his words had referred entirely to the physical likeness between Madame Soule and Mademoi selle Georges. The lady's character was above reproach, and there was not intended the most distant comparison to the beautiful and wanton Marguerite. But this did not end the matter. The duke was taunted by the proud Castilian grandees with having been forced to eat his wrords by a beardless boy. Certain reports of the affair which appeared in Galignani's Messenger and the London journals gave the Ch.VI.] SOULE'S DIFFICULTY 13 duke an opportunity to demand of Nelville Soule that he should disavow those statements. This Soule declined to do, maintaining that the printed accounts were correct. The duke then sent a challenge. Both were experienced swordsmen. They fought for thirty minutes, and although neither was wounded, the seconds declared that honor did not require more ; the duel ended with a shaking of hands. But the hot blood of Pierre Soule boiled at this implied insult. He was of humble origin, and had been forced to leave France on account of advanced political opinions. Turgot, of an ancient noble family, could scarcely endure to meet on equal diplomatic footing a Frenchman of low ex traction, as he considered the American minister, and, not content with secretly urging the rejection of Soule by the court, he manifested his contempt by shrugs of the shoul ders and by petty slights. Soule now insisted on fighting Turgot, on the ground that the insult had taken place at his house, and no explanation availed to placate the fiery citizen of New Orleans. A duel was actually forced upon Turgot. Pistols were the weapons chosen. The American minister wanted the distance ten paces or under; Lord Howden, the British ambassador and second of Turgot, said that . would be brutal murder, and determined that the distance should be forty paces. To this decision Soule was obliged to submit, although he maintained that in America such a duel would be ridiculed as a farce. The first fire was with out result ; at the second, the ball of Soule's pistol lodged in the thigh of his antagonist, four inches above the knee. The marquis was confined to his bed for a long time, and was lamed for life. A reconciliation between the two gen tlemen never took place.1 1 My authorities for this account are a letter of M. Gaillardet, dated Paris, Dec. 22d, 1853, to the Courrier des Etats-Unis, cited by the Hew York Herald and New York Times of Jan. 11th, 1854; letter from Ma drid, Dec. 26th, 1853, published in the New York Tribune of Jan. 25th, 1854; Memories of Many Men, Field, p. 80. 14 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1853 This duel occurred December 17th, 1853. Six days ther& , after Soule wrote an important despatch to his chief. Spain, he said, was almost in a condition of anarchy. The ministry had no longer the confidence of the Cortes and the Senate ; the queen had suspended the sessions of the legislature ; the ministers wanted to resign. The most astounding rumors were in circulation about the palace. The king had been advised, wrhen the expected royal child should be born, to protest against its legitimacy and inaugurate a movement which should expel the queen from the throne.1 She was extremely unpopular. The most shocking stories were cur rent regarding the " innocent Isabella," as she had been called in her youth. The best people avoided her. The lower classes only spoke of her with sneers. Anecdotes most foul were told of her orgies, and everybody believed them. Her unbridled passion, it was said, led her to de bauchery in which she seemed to emulate the disorderly ad ventures of Catherine II. of Russia.2 But to return to the despatch of Soule. He reported that in the midst of the confusion and disorder, it was difficult to transact any business. In foreign affairs, Spain did not move without consulting France or England. The influence of France was at present the more powerful of the two, and she was as much opposed to our acquisition of Cuba as was Great Britain ; "and she will remain our enemy as long as she bends her neck under the yoke of the man who now holds the rod over her." Soule spoke of the duplicity of the French minister of foreign affairs ; of his own delicate posi tion in Madrid on account of the uneasiness which his pres ence in Europe seemed to give the French autocrat ; of the exceedingly vain and overbearing Turgot, who had charge- from the emperor to cut short Soule's course in Spain and 1 Soule to Marcy, Dec. 23d, 1853. ' Madrid correspondence of London Times, April 18th ; Memories of Many Men, Field, p. 94. Ch.VL] SOULE'S POSITION AT MADRID 15 nullify what influence he might gain with the court or the government.1 After the receipt of this despatch, it is plain that the Pres ident and Secretary of State should have decided upon the transfer of Soule to some other diplomatic post, or, if there were none such available, that an honorable place should have been found for him at home. Soule was an accom plished and patriotic gentleman who deserved to be treated with consideration ; but, on his own showing, he could no longer be of service to this government, unless it were desired to goad Spain into a war. The sequel proves that it was most unfortunate for the reputation of our government that he was permitted to remain at Madrid. He embroiled our relations with Spain to no purpose, trying to inaugurate a system of diplomacy which, had it been adopted, would justly have incurred for us the reproach of the civilized world. Soule's very difficult position was made more difficult as Calderon, who held the portfolio of foreign affairs, was his personal enemy. The two had quarrelled at Washington when Calderon was the Spanish representative to this coun try.2 As Soule had apparently now no hope of accomplish ing anything with the cabinet, he set to work to ingratiate himself with the queen and the queen dowager. In this he succeeded,3 but to the last he was cordially hated by the aristocracy and the press. The despatches of Soule in January and February, 1854, show that he had no hope of being able to further the inter ests of his country by negotiation so long as Calderon should remain Secretary of State. But it was evident that a crisis in affairs was approaching, and he gloated on the difficulties which beset the cabinet. The government, not having the support of any political party, only maintained 1 Soule" to Marcy, Dec. 23d, 1853. 2 New York Times, May 10th, 1854. 3 Memories of Many Men, Field, p. 79 ; SoulS to Marcy, Jan. 20th, 1854. 16 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 itself by a system of terror. Citizens who had run counter to the whims of the palace were sent to prison or exiled from the country. The press was closely fettered ; the treas ury was empty ; the Bank of San Fernando peremptorily declined to make the government fresh loans, and even the usurers of Madrid were deaf to the entreaties of the court. The queen had already wasted the whole of her income for the current year. Everywhere was distress; food had doubled in price, and the poor of the capital were fed at the public charge. The queen and her secret counsellors were plotting for an absolute monarchy ; the ministers, though not averse to the scheme, dared not move in it. This condition of affairs was sure to redound to the profit of the United States, for it invited a rebellion in Cuba. It seemed unlikely that this event would be deferred later than spring, and in such a case the American minister at Madrid ought to be in a position to take an advantage of the lucky chance offered him. He begged, therefore, for specific powers and sufficient instructions.1 While Soule was fretting over his lack of authority and fuming at his uncomfortable predicament, the Cuban offi cials played into his hands by committing an outrage on the Black Warrior, an American merchant steamer. She plied between Mobile and New York, stopping at Havana for passengers and mail. She had made thirty-six such voyages, almost always having a cargo for the American port, and never being permitted to bring freight to Havana. The custom of her agent was to clear her " in ballast " the day before her arrival. This practice, while contrary to the reg ulations of Cuban ports, had always been winked at by the authorities. It was well understood that the Black Warrior generally had a cargo on board, but a detailed manifest of her load had never been required. She had always been permitted to sail unmolested until, when bound from Mobile to New York, she was stopped on the 28th of February, 1854, 1 Soule to Marcy, Jan. 20th and Feb. 28d. Ch. VI.] THE "BLACK WARRIOR" AFFAIR 17 by order of the royal exchequer, for having violated the regulations of the port. The agent, finding thftt the cause of this proceeding was the failure to manifest the cargo in transit, offered to amend the manifest, which under the rules he had' a right to do ; but this the collector, on a flimsy pre text, refused to permit. The agent was at the same time informed that the cargo was confiscated and the captain fined, in pursuance of the custom-house regulations. The cargo was cotton, valued at one hundred thousand dollars ; the captain was fined six thousand dollars. The United States consul applied to the captain-general for redress, but no satisfaction was obtained. A gang of men with lighters were sent to the ship, under the charge of the comandante,. who ordered the captain of the Black Warrior to discharge her cargo. This he refused to do. The comandante then had the hatches opened, and his men began to take out the bales of cotton. The captain hauled down his flag and abandoned the vessel to the Spanish authorities.1 When the news of this affair reached Washington, it caused excitement there ; but the North was too greatly troubled about the Kansas-Nebraska act to respond to the feeling in official circles. The President sent a message to the House of Representatives, stating that indemnity for the injury to our citizens had been demanded from Spain. He suggested that Congress should strengthen his hands by provisional legislation adapted to the emergency, promising that if the negotiations should fail, he would not hesitate to use the authority and means which Congress might grant, " to insure the observance of our just rights, tb obtain re dress for injuries received, and to vindicate the honor of our flag." 2 The day after the news was received, Marcy sent Soule documents which contained a history of the transaction. 1 See the documents transmitted to the House of Representatives by the President, March 15th. 2 Message of the President, March 15th. IL— 2 18 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 He expressed the opinion that the outrage would cause deep indignation throughout the country, as it wTas the most flagrant of many unredressed wrongs of Cuba to this coun try.1 Six days later the President and cabinet had consid ered the matter fully, and the Secretary of State was able to give authoritative instructions. Soule was directed to present the transaction as recounted in the documents ac companying the two despatches, and to demand three hun dred thousand dollars as indemnity to the owners of the Black Warrior? The President, moreover, hoped that her Catholic Majesty would " visit with her displeasure the Cuban officials who have perpetrated the wrong." " Nei ther the views of this government nor the sentiments of the country," wrote the Secretary, " will brook any evasion or delay on the part of her Catholic Majesty in a case of such flagrant wrong." But lest Soule might urge his country's demands with too great persistence, he was directed simply to present the strong features of the case and refrain from the discussion of it. He should get " as early a reply as practicable " to his demand. With this despatch was sent a special messenger, who would wait a reasonable time for the answer of the Spanish government.3 The journey from Washington to Madrid in 1854 took a longer time than is now required to go from Washington to Yokohama. The messenger could travel almost all of the way by rail from Paris to Bayonne ; but thence he must proceed by diligence or by the Spanish mail. The vehicles were rickety, the roads were rough, and the traveller was seventy-six hours on the road. In the winter or early spring he suffered intensely from the cold ; he was almost certain to be upset, and he might consider himself fortunate if he were not attacked and robbed by highwaymen." It was the 1 Marcy to Soule, March 11th. • They had abandoned the vessel ; one hundred thousand dollars wns for the cargo, two hundred thousand dollars for the vessel. * Marcy to Soule, March 17th. 4 See-Field's description of his journey, p. 77. Ch.VI.] THE "BLACK WARRIOR" AFFAIR 19 7th of April when the messenger arrived at Madrid, and put the last despatch of the Secretary of State into Soule's hands. Three days previously had come Marcy's first communica tion in regard to the affair, and we may well imagine that Soule thanked his stars for what seemed to him a lucky event. Here was a chance to extricate himself from the unpleasant position into which he had fallen after his duel with Turgot. The average American deemed the seizure of the Black Warrior a moderate wrong ; to Soule it appeared a gross indignity. His eagerness to obtain Cuba colored every thought and prompted every action. He believed that the man who should be instrumental in acquiring the island would be the leader of the Democratic party, and while, being foreign-born, he could not aspire to the presidency, he relished the idea of being President-maker.1 Soule immediately asked Calderon for an interview ; when they met on the 8th of April he gave a full history of the transaction, and left with the Spanish minister a letter which expressed the hope of the President that her Catholic Majesty would not only "make prompt reparation to the injured citizens of the United States, but also visit with her displeasure the Cuban officials."2 Thus far Soule confined himself to his instructions. Three days went by without a - reply. The day after the interview was Sunday, which was kept with great solemnity in Spain, and Holy Week began on the Monday. Though the procrastination of Spanish officials was well known, the hot temper of the American minister would not take into account the holy season or the ingrained character of those he was dealing with. On April 11th, he sent a sharp letter to Calderon. The wrong, he said, was " of a highly grievous character," and " the United States cannot brook that the reparation due them for the insult offered to their flag and the injury done to the property of their citizens be in any way evaded or unnecessarily delayed." He demanded the sum of three hundred thousand dollars as 1 See Field, p. 98. 8 Soule to Calderon, April 8th. 20 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1S54 indemnity, and that all persons concerned in the perpetra tion of the wrong should be dismissed from her Majesty's service. He asserted that if these demands were not com plied with in forty-eight hours, the government of the United States would consider that her Majesty's government had determined to uphold the conduct of its officers.1 The sec retary of legation wdio carried this despatch to Calderon in dicated to him, by pointing to the clock, that it was now exactly twelve, and that in precisely two days at the self same minute an answer would be due. Calderon had already written a reply to Soule's first note, but did not send it until after he had received the letter of belligerent tone. It was in the usual Spanish manner, argu ing for delay because authentic and complete information had not been received. The feeble Secretary of State would also have avoided a direct answer to the second note of the American minister, but his colleagues agreed on a reply, and forced him to sign it.2 They, in turn, were undoubtedly braced in their position by the ambassadors of England and France, trained diplomats, who shrewdly surmised that Soule had exceeded his instructions, and would not be sus tained by his government. The reply sent on April 12th was couched in terms of haughty dignity that recalled the old days of Spain, when it was her custom to make impe rious demands, not to hear them. The despatch said that, considering all the circumstances of the case, the government had replied with promptness. The secretary promised that when full information was re ceived, the affair should be carefully considered. But it was unreasonable to expect that a grave and definite determina tion would be arrived at when only one side of the case had been heard. The words of the American minister called 1 Soulg to Calderon, April 11th. * Madrid correspondence London Times, April 17th. This correspond ent was thoroughly informed, and undoubtedly had his information from the British ambassador. Ch.VI.] CALDERON'S REPLY 21 forth a reprimand. The peremptory manner of exacting satisfaction, he wrote, suggested "a suspicion that it is not so much the manifestation of a lively interest in the defence of pretended injuries as an incomprehensible pretext for ex citing estrangement, if not a quarrel, between two friendly powers." But the Secretary hoped the United States gov ernment would not insist upon a decision until the expected information arrived, which would enable her Majesty's gov ernment to determine its course intelligently and justly. He added : " If, unfortunately, it should not be so, the opinion of the civilized world will decide on which side is the right." In conclusion, he wished to impress upon the mind of the American minister " that the government of her Majesty, jealous also of its decorum, is not accustomed to the harsh and imperious manner with which this matter has been expressed ; which, furthermore, is not the most adequate for attaining to the amicable settlement which is wished for." ' The spirit of the proud Castilian spoke in this despatch. It cannot be denied that the imperious words of Soule justi fied this dignified reply and severe reprimand. It has a noble ring when we consider it the answer of a weak, de generate nation to a strong, energetic people ; for the sendr ers of this message thought that they had thrown down the gauntlet to the United States, and they expected that the next communication from the American minister would be a demand for his passports.2 The ministry were certain of the sympathy of England and France, but, in the event of hostilities with the United States, material aid from these two countries was hardly to be hoped for, as they were now engaged in a fierce war with Bussia. The Spaniards did not know that a more efficient force than England and France was working for them — public sentiment in the northern half of the Union. 1 Calderon to Soule, April 12th. ' Madrid correspondence London Times, April 20th. 22 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 In the official circles of Madrid, war with the United States was now considered as very probable, and the chances of it were seriously discussed. The most sensible men in Spain were convinced that Cuba must sooner or later belong to the United States, but no one would have dared to propose its sale.1 Such a project would have displaced any ministry and more than likely overturned the dynasty. In the event of hostilities with the United States, none but the proud Spaniards had a shadow of doubt as to what would be the fate of Cuba, but that conquest would be a very different ; affair from the conquest of Mexico. The Americans would find that to win the " Queen of the Antilles " was a difficult task. The forts and the city would be obstinately defended. Nor would the Spaniards confine themselves to a defensive warfare. By the time that Havana was taken the magnifi cent merchant marine of the United States would be swept from the seas by privateers issuing from the ports of Spain. Nor would the fall of the capital city end the contest. The slaves would be given their freedom on condition of fight ing the invaders ; and when the Americans had finally ob tained possession of Cuba, they might find it, as to waste and ruin and social conditions, a very St. Domingo, instead of the fair, fruitful island they had set out to conquer.2 On the day that the American messenger left Madrid with despatches from Soule informing his government of the sudden check the negotiations had received, there was published the decree of the Spanish government announcing the intention of putting an effectual stop to the slave-trade and providing for a better regulation of the slaves in Cuba.3 1 Madrid correspondence Loudon Times, April 21st. 2 The chances of such a war are well discussed in the Madrid corre spondence of the London Times, April 21st and May 10th. Clayton said in the Senate, May 22d, that he had heard the former Spanish minister threaten that the slaves would be emancipated in Cuba rather than per mit the Americans to take it by violence. 3 Madrid correspondence London Times, April 17th. See discussion in the House of Commons. Oh. VI.] FILIBUSTERS AND CUBA 23 This was a compliment to the influence of England, whose government had been urging Spain to this course, and was a bid for her support. Six thousand soldiers were ordered to the West Indies to reinforce the garrisons of Cuba.1 When the correspondence between Soule and Calderon reached Washington, the little flurry caused by the seizure of the Black Warrior had subsided, except where an excite ment was kept alive by the operations of filibusters. The ship and her cargo had been released. She was now plying as usual between New York and Mobile, touching at Ha vana, where she was treated with great consideration by the authorities. A few days before the despatch from Madrid had arrived, Slidell, senator from Louisiana, introduced a resolution di recting that the committee on foreign relations should in quire into the expediency of authorizing the President to suspend the neutrality laws. This was a move to make easy the operation of filibusters on Cuba ; and if the execution of those laws were intermitted, a formidable expedition cer tainly would be fitted out in this country. The proposition fell flat in the Senate, aroused no interest in the border States, and when alluded to at all in the North was only mentioned with indignation. From several brief discus sions in Congress, it was plainly to be seen that a proposi tion looking in the slightest degree to war with Spain on account of the Black Warrior affair would not for a mo ment be entertained. Not a resolution in response to the President's message had ever been introduced. Clingman and a representative from Louisiana had broached to the administration a project which should put ten million dol lars at the disposal of the President, giving him authority to employ the army and navy and accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers; but Pierce, Marcy, and Davis 1 Madrid correspondence London Times, May 10th ; Soule to Marcy, May 24th. 24 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 were earnest in their opposition to any such proposition, and the matter went no further.1 However, after Soule's important despatches were re ceived, the cabinet was reported as divided on the subject^ Davis and Cushing urging that the minister should be fully sustained.2 Soule confidently expected that when the text of Spain's reply was read to the cabinet, he would be ordered at once to demand his passports and leave Spain, and that war would ensue.3 But the President was not at first dis posed to any such conclusion. He came to no decision, except that nothing should be positively determined until after further advices from Madrid. A Spanish ambassador to Washington was now on the way, and it might be ad visable to renew with him negotiations that had come to a standstill at Madrid. Soule was not recalled, nor was his course approved." Although the correspondence between Soule and Calde ron was kept secret in this country, the essential points of it had been communicated by the Madrid correspondent of the London Times to his journal. The Spanish government! was proverbially leaky. What the ministers did not dis close, the queen and her secret counsellors were sure to tell. The English minister, to whom the contents of the letters had been communicated, undoubtedly assisted the represent ative of the Times in furnishing information to the British public, and was of great service in enabling him to sift the rumors which were current in Madrid. At any rate, he got 1 Speeches and Writings of Thos. L. Clingman, pp. 375, 376, quoted by Von Hoist. 2 Washington correspondence of New York Times, May 10th. The Washington National Intelligencer of May 13th said : "We have reason to believe that the New York Times correspondent in this city possesses facilities for becoming well-informed in our diplomatic State affairs." James W. Simonton was the correspondent. 3 Memories of Many Men, Field, p. 84. 1 Simonton in New York Times, Washington, May 10th. The subse quent diplomatic correspondence confirms this. Ch.VI.] FILIBUSTERS AT WORK 25 at the gist of the correspondence. His letters were exten sively copied into the American journals, so that the public were almost as well informed of the essential facts as were the cabinet. They knew that Soule had made extraordi nary demands ; it was presumed he had exceeded his author ity ; and they knew that his demands had met with a per emptory refusal. The Northern and border States held no feeling of resentment towards Spain. Indeed, one may find expressions of amusement at the plight of Soule, but no sen timent whatever in favor of the government gratifying his self-love by giving him its support. Far otherwise was the sentiment of the slavery propa ganda. The acquisition of Cuba was certain to increase their power in the federal Union by the addition of two or more slave States ; therefore, they wanted a pretext for a war with Spain. They were convinced she would not sell Cuba,1 and they pretended to believe that a movement was set on foot to Africanize the island. By this it was meant that the influence of Great Britain had been strong enough to induce Spain to take steps towards the emancipation of the slaves ; that there was a " settled design to throw Cuba ultimately into the hands of its negro population, and to re vive there . . . the scenes of San Domingo's revolution." 2 In spite of the explicit denial of this report by the Captain- General of Cuba ; 3 in defiance of the assurance of the Eng lish Foreign Secretary of State that there was no foundation for the belief ; 4 and although Clayton challenged Benjamin 1 See the speech in the Senate, May 22d, of Mallory, of Florida. ' Senator Mallory's resolution introduced into the Senate, May 17th. The resolutions of the legislature of Louisiana presented to the Senate by Benjamin, May 24th, were similar in purport. 3 Decree of the Captain-General of May 3d, published in New York Times of May 16th. 1 Buchanan, in a despatch to Marcy of Nov. 1st, 1853, reported a con versation had with Lord Clarendon : " I said, ' Your lordship must be fully aware of the deep, the vital, interest which we feel in regard to the condition of the colored population of Cuba. This island is within sight 26 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 to bring as proof of the assertion an expression of belief in the story from the present Secretary of State, or from any other man who had ever held that office,1 yet Southern sena- of our shores ; and should a black government like that of Hayti be es tablished there, it would endanger the peace and domestic security of a large and important portion of our people. To come, then, to the point: it has been publicly stated and reiterated over and over again in the United States, that Spain, should she find it impossible to retain the isl and, will emancipate the slaves upon it ; and that the British government is endeavoring to persuade her to pursue this course.' I here paused for a reply. " He answered, ' We certainly have no wish, very far from it, to see a black government established in Cuba. We have been pressing Spain incessantly to put down the African slave-trade with Cuba ; and I regret to say, without yet having produced the effect which we so much desire. . . . With the exception of urging Spain to abolish the slave-trade ancl endeavoring to trace out the emancipados, and do them the justice which good faith requires of us — and in this last we have had very little success — we have never had any negotiations of any kind with Spain or attempt ed to exercise any influence over her respecting the condition of the slaves in Cuba. We have not the most remote idea in any event of ever attempt ing to acquire Cuba for ourselves. We have already too many colonics, far more than are profitable to us.' " — MSS. State Department Archives. Buchanan wrote Marcy, Nov. 12th, 1853 : Lord Clarendon observed that " he was very much pained to learn there had been a violent and wholly un founded article in the Washington Union charging them with an intrigue with Spain to 'Africanize' Cuba." — Ibid. March 17th, 1854, Buchanan reported a conversation with Clarendon in which he asked: "Have Great Britain and France entered into any treaty or understanding of any kind whatever concerning Cuba, or in relation either to the present or prospective condition of that island?" He replied : " Great Britain and France have not entered into any treaty or understanding, direct or indirect, of any kind whatever concerning Cuba or in relation to the present or prospective condition of Cuba; we have never even thought of such a thing, nor have we the least intention to adopt any such course." — Ibid. The position of England was well understood by the public. See Wash ington correspondence Philadelphia Ledger, May 28th, cited in New York Times; Washington correspondence New York Courier and Enquiry cited in the Independent, June 8th. 1 In the Senate, May 24th. Ch.VL] FILIBUSTERS AT WORK 27 tors persistently averred that unless we interfered, the scenes of St. Domingo would be repeated within a few hours' sail of our shores. It cannot be supposed that intelligent men like Benjamin and Slidell believed this story, but they knew the credulity of the Southern people where their darling institution was concerned, and, as a similar report had created a powerful opinion in support of the annexation of Texas the spread of this tale was sure to work up a senti ment in favor of a war with Spain, and it would arouse a feeling of sympathy with the designs of the filibusters who were now actively at work. The leader of the filibusters was_Qmtman,_,a .former gov ernor of Mississippiand a personal and political friend of Jef ferson Davis. He had visited Washington in July, 1853, and, frankly disclosing his object to many distinguished men at the capitol, had been delighted to- hear expressions of sympa thy and receive the assurance that there would not be a pre text for federal interference with his plan.1 He had then devoted himself earnestly to the task, and in May of this year the project was almost ripe. " The great Cuban army," wrote a gentleman from Jackson, Mississippi, " will soon be ready to start, under command of our former governor, Gen eral Quitman. The men who are going from this section are of the right stripe and will ' never say die.' Mississippi rifles will tell the tale on Spanish soldiers. There is no secret 1 Life and Correspondence of Gen. John A. Quitman, Claiborne, vol. ii. p. 195. Quitman is an example of a Northern man who became in tensely Southern in his opinions. Born and educated in New York State, he was for a time professor at Mount Airy College, Germantown, Penn. ; he studied law in Ohio, and was admitted to the bar ; he went South when twenty-three years old, married a wealthy woman of Mississippi at twenty-six, and came into possession of a large estate. He served in the legislature of Mississippi, became chancellor of the State, was a brigadier- general in the Mexican war. On return from the war was elected gov ernor, and was sent to Congress in 1854 and 1856. Throughout life Quitman was an avowed advocate of the doctrine of States-rights and a leader of the extreme Southern party. 28 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [185. about this movement. Every one who has been to Nefl Orleans says that the amount of money subscribed by tht merchants there is very heavy. Every one favors the move, and although the New Orleans papers keep dark, yet the subject is bar-room talk. There is no man so well qualified as old Quitman. He has the confidence of the sharp-shoot ers of this State. . . . The plan meets with favor among the cotton-planters, but they have not come forward with the dimes to the amount that was anticipated." l A letter from the same city a week later stated that General Quitman and his staff were in New Orleans ; that a sufficient number of men had enlisted, but money was needed ; three hundred thousand dollars more was necessary, and Quitman and an other man had almost made up their minds to mortgage their estates to secure that amount. The state of Soule's negotiation was well understood; it was thought that the filibusters were in intimate connection with him, and that he had exceeded his instructions in the hope of bringing about trouble between the United States and Spain, thereby furthering the designs of those who were ready to attack Cuba.2 . There is no question that powerful influences were now brought to bear upon the President with the design of hav ing him assume a position in the Black Warrior affair that would force Congress, for the honor of the country and for the support of the executive, to authorize proceedings which. could only result in a war with Spain. The ruling spirit of this cabal was Jefferson Davis, and as he apparently at this moment controlled the columns of the Washington Union, it was not an idle fear that he had the ascendency over the 1 Private letter from Jackson, Mississippi, to a gentleman in New York City, dated May 27th, New York Tribune, June 10th. 2 Letter from Jackson, Mississippi, to the editor of the New York Times, dated June 4th, published June 14th, the journal vouching that it was from " an intelligent and reliable source ; " see also extracts from a "Private and Confidential" circular, issued by the Cuban conspirators in New Orleans, published in the New York Tribune of June 15th. CH.VI.] WAR WITH SPAIN IMMINENT 29 President. "We are quite free to state," said the organ of the administration — " and in terms so emphatic and une quivocal as to admit of no misinterpretation — that if ample satisfaction is not allowed for the piratical seizure of the Black Warrior we shall advocate an immediate blockade of the island." ' A few days later the organ complacently stated, as if the matter had already been decided upon, that, " in the course of the thick-coming events Cuba is bound to be admitted " into the Union.2 The senators and represen tatives from the cotton States were convinced that now was a most favorable opportunity to strike for Cuba. On May 20th, news was received from Havana which seemed to in dicate that the apple was ready for the plucking. Letters which reached Washington that day were full of an impend ing revolution in the island.3 It was reported that the Creole proprietors were determined to stand oppression no longer ; that the registration of the slaves in accordance with the decree of the Captain-General had given rise to a rumor. that emancipation of the negroes would soon follow, and that this was bringing matters to a crisis.4 The Captain-General had solemnly denounced as false and malicious the rumor that a compact had been made with Great Britain which would result in freeing the slaves. But the story continued to circulate. The authorities became alarmed, and with dili gence made ready to repress an insurrection at home and repel an attack from the United States. At the time that the important despatches from Soule reached Washington, the attention of the administration and of the country was absorbed in the "Struggle over the Kan sas-Nebraska bill in the House of Eepresentatives. When the importance of these several events was realized, as tend ing to one certain course of action, the bill had passed the 1 Washington Union, May 11th, cited in New York Times. ' Washington Union, cited by New York Times of May 15th. 3 Simonton to New York Times, Washington, May 20th. 4 Simonton from Washington, May 23d, New York Times. 30 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1864 House and its final enactment was a foregone conclusion, There were those who, in their enthusiasm over the parlia mentary victory, not looking beyond the district of Colum bia, thought that the dominant party could accomplish any thing which they would undertake. Energetic and prompt action on the part of Congress or a word from the Presi dent was all that was needed to precipitate action. The cabinet were more disposed than at first to sustain Soul6, since a precedent for his demand had been found.1 The warlike disposition of a large part of the cabinet was no secret. Five Democratic representatives from New York, who had opposed the Nebraska scheme, now issued an ad dress to their constituents, in which they averred that there was a determination "to acquire Cuba utterly reckless of consequences." Little doubt can exist " that an effort will be made directly or indirectly at the conquest of Cuba and its incorporation into the Union as additional slave terri tory ;" and it is a subject of proper fear that " we are about to be precipitated into a war " on account of the Black War rior affair.2 " We have reason to know," said the New York Times, in a carefully written article, " that the impression is very strong among the best-informed men at Washington that the administration has purposely arranged matters so as to render a war with Spain almost inevitable. A very distinguished gentleman, not long since a cabinet officer and likely to be well informed on the subject, has expressed! the belief that we should be at war with Spain within nine ty days."3 f Yet the action was not taken by Congress, and the word was not spoken by the President. If Pierce was for a moment inclined to follow the lead of Davis in this matter, he shrank from it when confronted by the resistance of the 1 Simonton, Washington, May 28th, New York Times. 2 This address was to justify their action on the Kansas-Nebraska bill; was published in the New York Times, May 29th. 3 June 2d. Ch. VI.] WAR WITH SPAIN AVOIDED 31 Secretary of State and the almost certain opposition of Con gress.1 Marcy and the members of the majority averse to war were backed by the almost unanimous sentiment of the North ; and their arguments, pointed as they were by con stant references to the mighty force of the actual public opinion, in the end prevailed. On the 1st of June a proclamation was issued by the President warning the filibusters who were fitting out an expedition for the invasion of Cuba that the neutrality laws would be enforced, and that they would be prose cuted. Quitman was afterwards arrested at New Orleans and obliged to give bonds that he would for nine months observe the neutrality' laws of the United States. A few days after this important step was taken by the President, it became apparent that the moderate element in the ad ministration had won and that the danger of war was past.2 It is highly probable that but for the strong feeling aroused at the North by the Kansas-Nebraska measure, the Southern propaganda would at this time have forced the administration and Congress into war with Spain for the conquest of Cuba. The Black Warrior affair would have been a contemptible cause of war between two friendly countries, but lighter pretexts than that have sufficed to bring about hostilities when the wolf nation has desired to prey upon the lamb. The conditions were supremely favor able for the United States. The only powers from which Spain could expect help were engaged in the Crimean war. Although the government of England would dislike to see the country which was disputing with her the commercial supremacy of the seas get possession of Cuba, yet Cobden represented a powerful sentiment when he declared amid cheers in the House of Commons that, "Without saying 1 See Life of Davis, Alfriend, p. 97. 2 See Simonton, Washington, June 9th and 15th, New York Times. I will add that the contemporaneous and subsequent events adequately confirm the reports of Simonton at the time. 32 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 one word about the expediency of giving Cuba to the United States or assisting that country to take possession of the island, he thought it would be greatly for the inter ests of humanity if the United States or any other power that would altogether discountenance the slave trade should possess it." ' And Clarendon, the English foreign Secretary of State had admitted to Buchanan that Cuba was wretch edly governed. He said that he had told the Spanish min ister at London " that if Spain lost Cuba it would be alto gether their own fault, and they would be indebted for it to the wretched manner in which they governed the island." He further informed Buchanan " that although Spain did not deserve it at the hands of the British government, they still felt a sympathy for her arising out of their ancient al liances."2 The Empress Eugenie would indeed have been glad to assist her native country, but France could hardlyj undertake another war merely for a sentiment. It was therefore unlikely that either France or England would interfere in a conflict between the United States and Spain, and this was well understood at our State department. It is indeed true that if the difficulty could be accommo dated by reasonable negotiation, a sense of justice and re gard for the opinion of the civilized world should have prevented our government from pouncing upon Spain. But it was not thus that many of those in authority argued. They applied the remark of Burke to the present case. " If," the English statesman said, " my neighbor's house is in flames and the fire is likely to spread to my own, I am justified in interfering to avert a disaster which promises to be equally 1 Hansard's Pari. Debates. Third Series, vol. cxxxii., April 4th, 1854; see New York Times, April 17th ; also extract from Liverpool Times, quoted in the Senate by Mallory, May 22d. " In the present state of feeling in England, no great regret would be felt if the Americans were to get possession of Cuba in the scramble. In its present hands, that beautiful island is a source to us of more annoyance than any other place on the globe, Russia not excepted." 2 Buchanan to Marcy, Nov. 1st, 1853. MSS. State Department Archives. Ch.VI.] WAR WITH SPAIN AVOIDED 33 fatal to both." Cuba, asserted the organ of the administra tion, under her present rule threatens our prosperity and our honor, and there is but one single way by which the present situation can be remedied. We must take the island if needs be, in defiance of all Europe.1 It may be affirmed with confidence that Northern public opinion excited by the Kansas-Nebraska act alone prevented this unjust war.2 Without that power at his back, Marcy would have protested in vain. He would have been forced to resign as Avas Web ster when he stood in the way of the annexation of Texas. And had not many Northern senators and representatives felt that they had already dared too much in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, they could have been induced to register the decrees of the slavery propaganda in regard to Cuba. What a foolish piece of state-craft was that of the South ern leaders in 1854 ! They obtained a fighting chance in 1 Washington Union, May 11th, cited by New York Times, May 13th. 3 The evidences of this statement are without number. I will cite three. Clayton said in the Senate, May 22d : " I see no reason at this time for this government's interference for the purpose of obtaining Cuba by war or violence of any kind or by the repeal of our laws of neutrality. I think it a dangerous period to make an effort of that description. There is great excitement at this time in the public mind throughout the United States in reference to the subject of slavery." The New York Courier and Enquirer said, June 1st : " Does the sane man live who believes that if Cuba was tendered us to-morrow with the full sanction of England and France that this people would consent to receive and annex her ? . . . There was a time when the North would have consented to annex Cuba, but the Nebraska wrong has forever rendered annexation impossible." Said the NeW York Times, May 26th: "There is a growing and pro found determination among the masses of the free States that slavery shall not extend itself; that the great majority for freedom must arouse and simply put the minority down — come what may." None of these are radical authorities. Clayton was a Southern Whig. His position and former experience in the State department gave his utterances great weight. The New York Courier and Enquirer was con servative Whig. The New York Times, while the organ of Senator Sew ard, was not as radical as the Tribune and Evening Post. IL— 3 34 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 Kansas, but they threw away the pearl of the Antilles, the island which would have been a rock and a fortress for their Southern confederacy.1 Although the President and Secretary of State had decided against a course that would surely lead to war, they had by no means relinquished the hope of the acquisition of Cuba. Marcy was undoubtedly as anxious to get the island as was Davis, but he could not be persuaded that the end would justify any means. He was, moreover, of the opinion that money would induce Spain to part with the possession she held so dear. Before he had received the account of the Black Warrior negotiations, he had written to Soule: " Should circumstances present a favorable opportunity, you are directed by the President to renew the attempt to pur chase that island." 2 The secretary was so impressed with the importance of this despatch that he sent Colonel Sumner as a special messenger to deliver it. But as Soule had prac tically demanded satisfaction at the point of the sword, he could not now treat for a peaceful purchase.3 The Spanish minister of foreign affairs now notified him that the Black Warrior affair had been settled with her owners. The property for which the indemnity of three hundred thou sand dollars was asked had been returned; the fine re mitted; the Black Warrior had been granted the same privileges at Havana as were allowed the steamers of the English Boyal Mail company, and the company to which she belonged was thoroughly satisfied with the termination of the affair. The United States govern ment had no longer cause for complaint; the facts showed that no insult had been offered to the American flag. The Spanish minister at the close of his letter did not forbear alluding to the "peremptory demands and acrid language " of Soule, and the " unfriendly haste " with 1 See a significant article in the Richmond Enquirer, cited in New York Times, May 19th. 2 Marcy to Soule, April 3d. s Soule to Marcy, May 3d. Ch. VI.] MARCY AND SOULE 35 which the President of the United States had censured the action of the Captain-General of Cuba.1 The reply of Marcy to this communication was emphatic. " The wrong and insult to the nation," he wrote, have not been atoned; the treatment of the Black Warrior "was clearly an act of flagrant wrong ; . . . the manner in which our demand for indemnity has been met by Spain is very unsatisfactory to the President and the attempted justifica tion of the conduct of the Cuban authorities has rather aggravated than mitigated their offence." The offence was nothing less than an attempt to plunder American citizens. Soule was given the liberty to read this despatch to the Spanish minister of foreign affairs, but, fearing lest he might translate- the emphatic words into a threat of aggressive action, his instruction was drawn up with great care. The President, wrote Marcy, " does not therefore expect you will at present take any further steps in relation to the out rage in the case of the Black Warrior?'' * The correspondence between Marcy and Soule shows the utter lack of sympathy between the two and the difference in their manner of envisaging a question. The Secretary of State had disapproved of Soule's appointment as minister to Spain.3 Soule was born too late ; he seemed like a knight- errant of a former century, the very opposite of a diplomat who uses language to conceal his thoughts. An insult to his nation was a grievous thing. To Soule the course was clear — Spain should apologize or fight. Marcy, on- the other hand, was a hard-headed lawyer and a representative man of business of the nineteenth century. Menacing language he thought sometimes proper, and it might be used in a Pickwickian sense. He would, indeed, have repelled the charge that he himself said more than he meant, and the result certainly justifies the language of this despatch, for 1 Calderon to Soule, May 7th. 2 Marcy to Soule, June 22d. 3 See New York Evening Post, March 7th, 1855. 36 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1864 in the end it was the means of bringing about a settlement of the difficulty.1 Had not Soule been working in a bad cause, we might admire his straightforwardness ; we certainly should not fail to sympathize with him in his unpleasant position. Sup posing that he would be sustained, he waited with all the patience at his command the six weeks that must necessarily elapse before he could hear from his chief. He feared that Congress would fail to take the resolve which the occasion required. In this case he would not for a moment retain a post from which he must behold the contemptuous insolence that his " discomfiture and that of the administration would be so sure to provoke." 2 Time went on, but not a word came from the Secretary of State. Soule suffered " tortur ing anxiety ;" he saw frequent intimations in the American! papers that there was a disagreement between him and the cabinet. If there be the least foundation for these reports,1 he wrote, " pray tender at once my resignation to the Pres ident."3 Nine days later he received a despatch from Marcy, but he was " concerned not to find in it the least in timation of the light in which is viewed by the cabinet the course " he had pursued under the guidance of the Secretary of State in the Black Warrior affair. His private letters gave him no encouragement, and his position was becoming " so painful and delicate " that he could not think of hold ing it much longer. He reported that the belief was prev alent at Madrid that he had exceeded his instructions and that everything which he had done would be disavowed^ Congress had certainly hurt our reputation for character by not responding promptly to the President's message of March 15th." Soule was obviously disappointed at the ' Calderon did not see the despatch of June 22d. It was not shown to the minister of foreign affairs until Dec. 8th, and at that time a new ministry was in power. ! Soul6 to Marcy, May 24th. 3 Soule to Marcy, June 10th. 4 Soule to Marcy, June 19th. Ch. VI.] MARCY AND SOULE 37 President's proclamation against the filibusters. He saw his great desire receding from his grasp.1 At last, fifty days after he had expected to receive a warm approbation of his course, there came cold and measured words which seemed wrung from the Secretary of State. The President, he wrote, is " satisfied with the spirited manner in which you have performed the duties of your mission," but he thinks that " weight and perhaps efficiency " will be given to the negotiation " if he should associate with you two other of our most distinguished citizens." 2 Before this despatch and the one which Soule was in structed to read to Calderon reached him, a revolution had taken place in Spain which, starting with high anticipations of reform and hopes for liberty, really effected nothing but a change of ministry. Several engagements with the in surgents occurred. Queen Isabella ran the risk of capt ure by the rebels ; the palace of the queen dowager was sacked and her life threatened. The chivalrous nature of Soule here showed itself. He alone of the diplomatic body offered the queen dowager the shelter of his house and the protection of his flag.3 The change of ministry greatly im proved Soule's position, and he was able to renew the nego tiations. The news of the Spanish revolution was of considerable interest to the administration. It strengthened the hopes of Marcy that a purchase of Cuba might be effected, and it revived the desire for provisional legislation which had in March been suggested by the President. As Congress was on the point of adjourning, the Washington Union begged that a few millions of money should be placed at the dis posal of the executive during the recess to be used in the Spanish-Cuban business." The President in a special mes- 1 Soule to Marcy, June 24th. 2 Marcy to Soule, June 24th. 3 See Memories of Many Men, Field, p. 91. 4 Washington Union, July 30th, cited by New York Times. 38 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 sage to the Senate hinted strongly in the same direction, hut the Senate committee of foreign affairs reported that as the interval between adjournment and the next session of Con gress would be short, they would not recommend any pro visional measures.1 On the 16th of August Marcy wrote that the sending of an extraordinary commission to Spain had been abandoned, but it was suggested to Soule that much advantage might accrue from " a full and free interchange of views" between himself, Buchanan, and Mason in regard to the acquisition of Cuba.2 Soule " felt much relieved by the tender of so grateful an association," and set out as soon as possible for Paris.3 Marcy desired that the meeting should be quiet and partake of an informal character, but Soule was fond of theatrical display and was not unwilling that the conference should attract attention by its solemn and imposing char acter. Ostend was selected as the place of meeting. The ministers remained there three days, then retired to Aix- la-Chapelle, where they recorded the result of their delib erations. The conference attracted attention in Europe, notwithstanding that all eyes were fixed on the siege of Sebastopol. It also gave rise to comment in the United States, although at the time the public mind was en gaged by the fall elections. The paper which Buchanan, Mason, and Soule signed is known as the Ostend manifesto. It was not published until more than four months after its transmission to the Secretary of State, and was then brought to the light by a call from the House of Eepre sentatives. It began by stating that there had " been a full and un reserved interchange of views and sentiments," and that the committee had arrived at a cordial agreement. They were fully convinced that an earnest effort should be made im- 1 This report was made Aug. 3d. 2 Marcy to Soulg, Aug. 16th. 3 See Soule to Marcy, Oct, 15th. CH.VI.] THE OSTEND MANIFESTO 39 mediately for the purchase of Cuba, and advised offering for it one hundred and twenty million dollars.1 An argument followed to show that Cuba was necessary to the United States and that it was likewise for the manifest advantage of Spain to part with it for the price we were willing to pay. Then the three diplomats proceeded : " But if Spain, dead to the voice of her own interest, and actuated by stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should refuse to sell Cuba to the United States, then the question will arise, what ought to be the course of the American government under such circumstances?" The answer is easy. Since "the Union can never enjoy repose nor possess reliable security, as long as Cuba is not embraced within its boundaries ;" and as " self-preservation is the first law of nature with States as well as with individuals," we must apply this "great law" to the acquisition of Cuba. It is true this principle was abused in the partition of Poland, but the present is " not a parallel case ;" and if we " preserve our own con scious rectitude and our own self-respect ... we can afford to disregard the censures of the world." Therefore : " After we shall have offered Spain a price for Cuba far beyond its present value, and this shall have been refused, it will then be time to consider the question, does Cuba in the posses sion of Spain seriously endanger our internal peace and the existence of our cherished Union ? Should this question be answered in the affirmative [it had already been so answered in the manifesto], then, by every law, human and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it from Spain if we possess the power ; and this upon the very same principle that would justify an individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor if there were no other means of preventing the flames from destroying his own home. . . . We should be recreant to our duty, be unworthy of our gallant forefathers, ' In the publication the price was left blank, but the argument in the subsequent part of the manifesto shows plainly enough that one hundred and twenty million dollars was the sum which the diplomats had in mind. 40 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 and commit base treason against our posterity, should we permit Cuba to be Africanized and become a second St. Do mingo, with all its attendant horrors to the white race, and suffer the flames to extend to our own neighboring shores, seriously to endanger or actually to consume the fair fabric of our Union. We fear that the course and current of events are rapidly tending towards such a catastrophe." To these sentiments were subscribed the names of James Buchanan, J. Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule. It will be plainly apparent to the reader that this mani festo expressed the sincere opinion of Soule. That Mason, who belonged to a Yirginian junto which was anxious for Cuba, should have signed it may not occasion surprise ; but it remains something of a mystery why the cautious and experienced Buchanan should have agreed to a manifesto which contained notions abhorrent to justice and at war with the opinion of the civilized world. Field, who was in a position to learn the inside history of the transaction, un derstood that the manifesto was originally written by Soule and then revised by Buchanan. Yet the measures recom mended were so ultra that neither Buchanan nor Mason would have signed it had not Soule cajoled them by his en thusiastic advocacy.1 Mason was afterwards conscious that he had been overborne, for he took occasion to warn Field against the fascinations of the minister to Spain, w^hom he described "as a perfect bird-charmer."2 We may presume that Soule drew the veil and showed Buchanan the vision of the White House and persuaded him that with the next Democratic convention Cuba would be a more powerful ar gument than Nebraska. When we take into account the characteristics of the three men we can hardly resist the conclusion that Soule, as he afterwards intimated, twisted his colleagues round his finger.3 Soule did not propose to have any misunderstanding about the matter. He sent with the manifesto an explana- 1 Memories of Many Men, p. 99. " Ibid., p. 76. s Ibid., p. 99. Ch.VI.] THE OSTEND MANIFESTO 41 tory despatch to Marcy in which he expressed his own idea without the least circumlocution. He affirmed that we must get Cuba ; we must settle that matter now ; never should we have a fairer opportunity. "Present indications," he wrote, " would seem to encourage the hope that we may come to that solution peaceably. But if it were otherwise," — if we must go to war for it — when could there be a bet ter time for war than now, while the great powers of Eu rope " are engaged in that stupendous struggle. . . . Neither England nor France," he added, " would be likely to inter fere with us." ' The reply of Marcy to the manifesto was chilling. He first affected to understand that the three ministers did not " recommend to the President to offer to Spain the alterna tive of cession or seizure " of Cuba ; 2 but he proceeded to reason earnestly against such a proposition, and took direct issue with the self-preservation argument. The instructions to the minister at Madrid were completely at variance with the policy laid down in the manifesto. If Spain were dis posed to entertain an offer for Cuba, the offer might be made ; but there should be no attempt " to push on a nego tiation" if the men in power were averse to it.3 Field, who was acting secretary of legation at Paris, carried this de spatch from Paris to Madrid and delivered it into the hands of Soule. Soule, elated at winning Buchanan and Mason to his views, had again indulged in glittering hopes, but these were now dashed by the measured words of the Secretary of State. After reading and pondering the despatch, he said : " My amazement is without limit. I am stunned. Of one thing only I am certain, and that is, that it is the irre- 1 Soul6 to Marcy, London, Oct. 20th. The manifesto is dated Aix-la- Chapelle, Oct. 18th. 3 It has been urged that Buchanan and Mason did not understand the conclusions of the manifesto as Soul6 and every one else did. See Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 136. Field, pp. 75, 100. Stripped of un necessary verbiage, it does not seem as if the intent could have been made plainer. 3 Marcy to Soule, Nov. 13th. 42 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 sponsible work of Mr. Marcy. The President can neither have inspired nor sanctioned it." ¦ Eeflection soon convinced Soule that personal dignity re quired him to throw up the Spanish mission. He and Marcy could not work together. After his resignation he gleefully reported a circumstance which demonstrated' that Marcy's plan of peaceful purchase was impracticable. The minister of foreign affairs had declared in the Cortes that, in the opinion of the government, " to part with Cuba would be to part with national honor." This statement was received with unanimous and entire approbation by the representa tives, and in the galleries with "frantic applause."2 Yet Soule did not for a moment give up the idea of the acquisi tion of Cuba, but under the present Secretary of State he felt that he should linger at Madrid " in languid impotence."1 He might, however, be able to do something for the cause at Washington. The resignation of Soule ends this inglorious chapter of our diplomatic history." The reception of the Ostend manifesto is a mark of the difference between the notions of international justice which to-day prevail and those of the decade of 1850-60.6 Should 1 Field, p. 79. 2 Soule to Marcy, Dec. 23d. 3 Soule to Marcy, Dec. 17th. 4 Soon after Soule's resignation, the differences between the two gov ernments in regard to the Black Warrior affair were arranged in conformity to the ideas of the Secretary of State as declared in his despatch of Jane 22d. The pacific language of Perry, whom Soule left in charge of affairs, aided in effecting a settlement. See statement of the Spanish minister of foreign affairs in the Cortes, May 3d, 1855. Also letter of H. J. Perry to the President, dated Madrid, April 27th, 1855, published in National In telligencer, May 22d, 1855. 5 In 1889 Secretary Blaine was supposed to be favorable to a Jingo pol icy. Aug. 29th, 1890, he said in a public speech : " We are not seeking annexation of territory. Certainly we do not desire it unless it should come by the volition of a people who might ask tho priceless boon of a place under the flag of the Union. I feel sure that for a long time to come the people of the United States will be wisely content with our present area, and not launch upon any scheme of annexation," Ch. VI.] THE OSTEND MANIFESTO 43 any three ministers issue a similar document now, public opinion would force their recall upon any administration. The anti-slavery sentiment, however, was then well up to our present ideas. One journal said the manifesto was " weak in its reasonings and atrocious in its recommenda tions ;" ¦ another called it the " manifesto of the brigands," whose declaration meant : " If Spain will not sell us Cuba, we must steal it in order to preserve our national existence." ' Naturally enough, the relation which the scheme bore to the maintenance of slavery affected the people who had bitterly opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill. It seemed to them a recommendation of an offer of one hundred and twenty million dollars to Spain to give up the emancipation of slaves in Cuba and to accomplish likewise the addition of two or three slave States to the Union.3 But if a peaceful purchase could not be effected, treasure must be wasted and lives sacrificed in order that slavery might extend its power. European opinion of this manifesto, except that of the ac tive revolutionists, was well expressed in a carefully written article in the London Times, Avhich began : " The diplomacy of the United States is certainly a very singular profession." It was singular because the diplomats did not hatch their mischief in secret. A report of their plot was printed by order of Congress. In this Ostend manifesto a policy was avowed which, if declared by one of the great European powers, would set the whole continent in " a blaze ;" or, if seriously entertained by the United States government, it would justify a declaration of war. The argument was ex actly the same as that used by Kussia in the last century to vindicate her interference in Poland.4 ' New York Evening Post, March 6th, 1855. The document was pub lished in the newspapers on that day. 8 New York Tribune, March 8th, 1855. 3 If Cuba had been acquired, no doubt can exist that it would have been admitted into the Union as one, two, or three slave States. 4 London Times, March 24th, 1855. This journal generally leaned to the Democratic party. 44 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 It is perhaps unjust to attach to the administration of Pierce the discredit of the Ostend manifesto, for the policy therein set forth was disavowed by the Secretary of State in the name of the President. Yet as the Democratic party indirectly approved it by the nomination for President of the man who was first to sign it, it settled down in the pop ular mind as one of the measures of the Pierce administra tion. Any good in the Democratic conduct of the govern ment from 1853 to 1857 has been almost wholly obliterated by the Kansas - Nebraska bill and the Ostend manifesto.. The domestic policy was characterized by an utter disregard of plighted faith ; the avowed foreign policy was marked by the lack of justice as understood by all civilized nations of the world. CHAPTER VII Aftek the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act, it would seem as if the course of the opposition were plain. In the newspapers and political literature of the time, suggestions are frequent of an obvious and reasonable course to be pur sued. The senators and representatives at Washington pro posed no plan. They did, indeed, issue an address which was well characterized by a powerful advocate of anti-slavery at Washington. " It is unexceptionable," he wrote, " but hath not the trumpet tone." ' That the different elements of op position should be fused into one complete whole seemed political wisdom. That course involved the formation of a new party and was urged warmly and persistently by many newspapers, but by none with such telling influence as by the New York Tribune. It had likewise the countenance of Chase, Sumner, and Wade. There were three elements that must be united — the Whigs, the Free-soilers, who were of both Democratic and Whig antecedents, and the anti- Nebraska Democrats. The Whigs were the most numerous body and as those at the North, to a man, had opposed the 1 G. Bailey, editor of the National Era, to J. S. Pike, June 6th, 1854. Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 247. The address is published in the New York Times of June 22d. Wilson speaks of a meeting of thirty members of the House directly after the passage of the bill, which was distinct from the meeting which adopted the address. It does not ap pear that any particular action was taken, but it was generally conceded that a new party organization was necessary, and that an appropriate name for it would be Republican. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii, p. 411. 46 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 repeal of the Missouri Compromise, they thought, with some quality of reason, that the fight might well be made under their banner and with their name. For the organization of a party was not the work of a day ; the machinery was com plex and costly, and a new national party could not be started without pains and sacrifice.1 Why then, it was asked, go to all this trouble, when a complete organization is at hand ready for use ? This view of the situation was ably argued by the New York Times and was supported by Senator Sew ard. As the New York senator had a position of influence superior to any one who had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill, strenuous efforts were made to get his adhesion to a new party movement, but they were without avail. " Sew ard hangs fire," wrote Dr. Bailey. He agrees with Thurlow Weed ; but " God help us if, as a preliminary to a union of* the North, we have all to admit that the Whig party is the party of freedom!"2 "We are not yet ready for a great national convention at Buffalo or elsewhere," wrote Seward to Theodore Parker ; " it would bring together only the old veterans. The States are the places for activity, just now.'" Undoubtedly Seward, Weed, and Baymond4 sincerely be lieved that the end desired could be better accomplished if the Whig organization were kept intact. In any event their position and influence were sure. But the lesser lights of the party were of the opinion that to get and hold the na tional, State, and municipal offices was a function as im portant for a party as to spread abroad a principle ; and if the Whig name and organization were maintained, length of service under the banner would have to be regarded in awarding the spoils. 1 The difficulty in the way of forming a new party in the United States is well understood and explained by Prof. Bryce, American Common wealth, vol. ii. p. 19. 2 Bailey to J. S. Pike, May 30th. First Blows of the Civil War, p. 237. 3 Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 232. 4 Raymond was editor of the New York Time.i. Ch. VII.] SHALL A NEW PARTY BE FORMED? 47 Yet many Whigs who were not devoted to machine pol itics, and were therefore able to lay aside all personal and extraneous considerations, saw clearly that a new party must be formed under a new name, and that all the men who thus joined together must stand at the start on the same footing. They differed, however, in regard to the statement of their bond of union. Some wished to go to the country with simply Repeal of the Kansas-Nebraska act inscribed on their banner. As a new House of Representatives was to be elected in the fall, the aim should be to retire those mem bers who had voted for the bill and to return those who had opposed it. Others wished to go further in the declaration of principles, and plant themselves squarely on the platform of congressional prohibition of slavery in all of the territo ries. Others still preferred the resolve that not another slave State should be admitted into the Union. Many sug gestions were also made broadening the issue. Yet, after all, the differences were only of detail, and the time seemed ripe for the formation of a political party whose cardinal principle might be summed up as opposition to the exten sion of slavery. The liberal Whigs felt that they could not ask the Free-soilers of Democratic antecedents and the anti- Nebraska Democrats to become Whigs. To the older parti sans the name was identified with the United States bank. By all Democrats, Whig principles were understood to com prise a protective tariff and large internal improvements ; to enroll themselves under that banner was to endorse prin ciples against which they had always contended. The first and most effective action to form a new party was taken in the West, where the political machines had not been so highly developed as in the older section of coun try, and where consequently a people's movement could pro ceed with greater spontaneity. While the Kansas-Nebraska bill wTas pending, a meeting of citizens of all parties was held at Ripon, Wisconsin. This differed from other meetings held throughout the North, in that the organization of a new party on the slavery issue was recommended, and the 48 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 name suggested for it was "Republican."1 Five weeks after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had been enacted, authoritative action was taken by a body representing a wider constituency. In response to a call, signed by several thousand leading citizens of Michigan, for a State mass-meet-' ing of all opposed to slavery extension, a large body of ear nest, intelligent, and moral men came together at Jackson^ Mich., on the 6th day of July. The largest hall was not sufficient to accommodate the people, and, the day being bright, the convention was held in a stately oak grove in the outskirts of the village. Enthusiasm was unbounded.] The reason for a new departure was clearly shown by able men in vigorous speeches. But, in truth, the voters of Mich igan fully comprehended the situation. Intelligence of a high order characterized the population of this State. Al ready had the educational system been established which has grown into one surpassed by none in the world, and which has become a fruitful model.2 No people better adapted to set a-going a political movement ever gathered together than those assembled this day " under the oaks " at Jackson. The declaration of principles adopted was long, but all the resolutions, except two which referred to State affairs, were devoted to the slavery question. It was stated that the freemen of Michigan had met in convention, " to consider upon the measures which duty de mands of us, as citizens of a free State, to take in reference to the late acts of Congress on the subject of slavery, and its an ticipated further extension." Slavery was declared "a great moral, social, and political evil ;" the repeal of the Kansas- Nebraska act and the Fugitive Slave law was demanded;" and the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbian was asked for. It wTas also "Resolved, that, postponing and suspending all differences with regard to political economy! or administrative policy ... we will act cordially and faith- ' Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, Henry Wilson, vol. ii. p. 410. 2 Cooley's Michigan, p. 328. Ch. VII.] THE MICHIGAN REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 49 fully in unison " to oppose the extension of slavery, and " we will co-operate and be known as ' Republicans ' until the contest be terminated." It was further recommended that a general convention should be called of the free States, and of such slave-holding States as wished to be represented, " with a view to the adoption of other more extended and effectual measures in resistance to the encroachments of slavery."1 Before the convention adjourned a full State ticket was nominated. Three of the candidates were Free- soilers, five were Whigs, and two anti-Nebraska Democrats who had voted for Pierce in 1852. The number of voters in the State opposed to the Kansas-Nebraska act Avas supposed to be forty thousand, of whom it was roughly estimated twenty-five thousand were Whigs, ten thousand Free-soilers, and five thousand anti-Nebraska Democrats.3 On the 13th of July anti-Nebraska State conventions were held in Wis consin, Yermont, Ohio, and Indiana. The day was chosen on account of being the anniversary of the enactment of the ordinance of 1787. Resolutions similar in tenor to those of Michigan were adopted, and in Wisconsin and Yermont the name " Republican " was assumed.3 In 1854, the moral feeling of the community was stirred to its very depths. While the excitement produced by the Kansas-Nebraska legislation had let loose and intensified the agitation of the public mind, yet its whole force was by no means directed to the slavery question. The temperance question began to be a weighty influence in politics. In deed, from the passage, three years earlier, of the Maine 1 The resolutions may be found in full in Life of Z. Chandler, published by the Detroit Post and Tribune, p. 108. This book is my authority for the description of the convention ; see also Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 412. s New York Tribune, June 21st. In November the Republican candi date for governor polled 43,652 votes. 8 See Life of Chandler, p. 113; Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 412 ; Life of Chase, Schuckers, p. 165 ; Political Recollections, Julian, p. 144 ; Cleveland Herald. II, 50 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 liquor law in the State which gave legislation of this kind its name, it had been generally discussed in New England.! Prohibitory laws had been enacted in Massachusetts, Yer mont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and also in Michigan. But now the question began to exercise a powerful sway throughout the North. It was necessarily made an issue in New York, for Governor Seymour had vetoed a prohibitory law;1 and as a governor and legislature were to be elected in the fall, the temperance men were alive and busy, de termined that their doctrine should enter prominently into the canvass. All the influential advocates of a Maine law were anti-slavery men, and it is not apparent that the cause of freedom lost by union with the cause of prohibition. The pleaders for the moral law showed discretion as well as zeal. The journal which, more than all others, spoke for the religious community maintained emphatically that ; slavery was the first and greatest question at issue in the election.2 A far more important element politically was the Know- nothing movement. The Know-nothings made their power felt at the municipal elections in the spring and early sum mer. Their most notable success was achieved in Philadel phia, when the candidate they supported for mayor was elected by a large majority. These results opened the eyes of the politicians and of the outside public to the fact that a new force must be taken into account. The distrust of Roman Catholicism is a string that can be artfully played upon in an Anglo-Saxon community*,; This feeling had been recently increased by the public mis sion of a papal nuncio, who came to this country to adjust a difficulty in regard to church property in the city of Buf falo. There had arisen a controversy on the matter between the bishop and a congregation, and the congregation was backed by a law of New York State. The nuncio had been received with kindness by the President, but his visit had ] March 31st. » New York Independent, Nov. 2d. ,(5n.VII.] THE KNOW-NOTHING MOVEMENT 51 excited tumults in Cincinnati, Baltimore, and New York.1 Moreover, the efforts of Bishop Hughes and the Catholic clergy to exclude the Bible from the public schools struck a chord which had not ceased to vibrate.2 The ignorant for eign vote had begun to have an important influence on elec tions, and the result in large cities was anything but pleas ing to the lovers of honest and efficient government. It was averred that drunken aliens frequently had charge of the polls ; that the intrigue and rowdyism which characterized recent campaigns were the work of foreigners; that the network of Jesuitism had been cunningly spread ; that such was the deep corruption among politicians that availibility in a presidential candidate had come to mean the man who could secure the foreign vote. Yotes were openly bought and sold, and "suckers" and "strikers" controlled the pri mary elections of both parties. These were the abuses. For their remedy it was argued that a new party must be formed. There were enough of good and pure men among the Democrats and Whigs to make up an organization which should be patriotic and Christian in character.3 Then war must be made against French infidelity, German scepticism and socialism, and the papacy. Of the three evils the pa pacy was considered the most dangerous.4 The principles of this new party were naturally evolved out of the ills which were deplored. An order which Wash ington was supposed to have given was taken as the key note. " Put none but Americans on guard to-night," he had said when dangers and difficulties thickened around him ; and the shade of the Father of his country seemed to say across the ages, "Americans should rule America." This was the fundamental doctrine of the Know-nothing party. The immediate and practical aim in view was that foreigners 1 Von Hoist, vol. v. p. 99 ; Sons of the Sires, p. 93. 2 Sons of the Sires, p. 26 ; Sam, or the History of a Mystery, p. 524. 3 Sons of the Sires, pp. 16, 17, 46, and 87. * Ibid., pp. 50 and 52. 52 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [I85I and. Catholics should be excluded from all national, State, county, .'and municipal offices;. that strenuous efforts should be made to change the naturalization laws, so that the inv migrJant could not become a citizen until after a residence of twenty-one years in this country.1 No one can deny that ignorant foreign suffrage had grown to be an evil of immense proportions. Had the remedies sought by the Know-nothings been just and prac ticable and their methods above suspicion, the movement, though ill-timed, might be justified at the bar of history. But Avhen ;the historian writes that a part of their indict ment was true, and that the organization attracted hosts of intelligent and, good men, he has said everything creditable that can be said of the Know-nothing party. The crusade against the Catholic Church was contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, and was as unnecessary as it was unwise. The statistics showed plainly that the Catholics were not sufficiently numerous to justify alarm.2 He who studied the spirit of the times could see this as clearly as he who compared the figures. The Catholic hierarchy can only be dangerous when human reason is repressed, and no one has ever asserted that the last half of the nineteenth century is 1 All Know-nothings were agreed that the time of residence should be extended. The twenty-one years was a favorite period, as the American- ' born could not vote until they were twenty-one. Some, however, would be satisfied with a fifteen-year limit. Sons of the Sires, p. 71. 2 See the figures as given in a History of the Political Campaign of 1855 by James P. Hambleton, p. 9, where Henry A. Wise states that— The Baptists provide accommodations for 3,247,029 " Methodists " " " 4,343,579 '¦ Presbyterians " " " 2,079,690 " Congregationalists " " " 801,835 Aggregate of four Protestant sects 10,472,133 The Catholics provide accommodations for 667 823 Majority of only four Protestant sects 9 804 310 Add the Episcopalians for 643 598 Majority of only five Protestant sects 10 447 908 CkVII.] THE KNOW-NOTHINGS 53 an age of faith. The purposed exclusion of foreigners, f roni office was illogical and unjust. The proposal to change es sentially or repeal the naturalization laws was impractica ble. Better means than these could be devised to correct the abuses of naturalization and fraudulent voting.1 The methods of the Know-nothings were more objection able than their aims. The party was a vast secret society with ramifications in every State. Secret lodges Avere in stituted everywhere, with passwords and degrees, grips and signs. The initiation was solemn. The candidate who pre sented himself for admission to the first degree must, with his right hand upon the Holy Bible and the cross, take a solemn oath of secrecy. Then, if he were twenty-one, if he believed in God, if he had been born in the United States, if neither he himself, nor his parents, nor his wife were Ro man Catholics, and he had been reared under Protestant in fluence, he was considered a proper applicant. He was con ducted from the ante-room to an inner chamber, where, in his official chair on the raised platform, the worthy presi dent sate. There, with the right hand upon the Holy Bible and cross, and the left hand raised towards heaven, the can didate again took the solemn oath of secrecy, and further swore not to vote i or any man unless he were a Protestant, an Ameriv*i-born citizen, and in favor of Americans ruling America, "ihen the term and degree passwords were given to the newly admitted member. The travelling password and explanation w-ere communicated, and the sign of recog nition and grip Were explained. When he challenged a brother, he must ask, " What time ?" The response would be, " Time for work." Then he should say, " Are you ?" Tie answer would come, " We are." Then the two were in a position to engage in conversation in the interests of the order. / The new member was further told that notice of mass- 1 See a very able argument, undoubtedly by Greeley, in the New York Tribune, Aug. 16th. 54 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [18$4 meetings was given by means of a triangular piece of white paper. If he should wish to know the object of the gather ing, he must ask an undoubted brother, "Have you seen Sam to-day V and the information would be imparted. But if the notice were on red paper, danger was indicated, and the member must come prepared to meet it. The president then addressed the men who had just joined the lodge, dilating upon the perils which threatened the country from the foreign-born and the Romanists. " A sense of danger has struck the great heart of the nation," he said. " In every city, town, and hamlet, the danger, has been seen and the alarm sounded. And hence true men have devised this order as a means ... of advancing Amer ica and the American interest on the one side, and on the other of checking the stride of the foreigner or alien, of thwarting the machinations and subverting the deadly plans of the Jesuit and the Papist." After a sufficient probation the member might be admit ted to the second degree, where more oafhs were taken and another password and countersign wdre given. But the great mystery was the name of the organization, which the president alone was entitled to communicate. At the proper time he solemnly declared: "Brothers, — You are members in full fellowship of The Supreme O^der of the Star-spangled Banner." ' For a time the secrets were well kept, but with a. mem bership so large, matters connected with the organizatiomi were sure to leak out, and as the theme was susceptible of humorous treatment, people made merry over the supposed revelations. A Philadelphia journal thus exposed the man ner of entrance to the local lodge : You, must rap at the outer door several times in quick succession, and when KHe sentinel peeps through the wicket, inquire, " What meeks here to-night ?" He will answer, " I don't know." Yuu 1 My authority for this description is A History of the Political Cam paign in Virginia in 1855, J. P. Hambletoh, p. 46. CH.VII.] THE KNOW-NOTHINGS 55 must then reply, " I am one," and he will open the door. At the second door four raps and the password, "Thir teen,"1 will obtain admission. When out in the world, when a brother gives you the grip, you must ask, " Where did you get that ?" He will answer, " I don't know." You must reply, " I don't know either," and you may then enter into full fellowship with a member of the mysterious order.2 When the curious inquired of the members of this party what were their principles and what their object, the an swer invariably was, " I know nothing ;" and thus the popu lar name was given in derision. Yet this was not resented. The appellation expressed mystery, and mystery was aimed at. The real political and official name, however, was The American Party. A prevalent notion was that the Know- nothings always met at midnight, that they carried dark- lanterns, that they pledged themselves in the dark by the most terrible oaths,3 and that their proceedings were inscru table. The number who joined these secret lodges was very large. They were made up of men who were incensed and alarmed at the power of foreign-born citizens in the elec tions; of those "whose daily horror and nightly spectre was; the pope;"4 and of others for whom the secret cere<- monies and mysterious methods were an attraction." But the most pregnant reason for the transient success of the order arose from the fact that, although the old parties at tie North were rept into fragments, there was no ready- made organization to take their place. Men were disgusted jmd dissatisfied with their political affiliations, and yearned t.i enlist under a oanner that should display positive and sincere aims. If the anti-Nebraska members of Congress 1 Referring to the /thirteen original States. " Philadelphia Register, cited in New York Tribune, April 5th. 3 See speech of Douglas in the Senate, Feb. 23d, 1855. ' New York Tribune, Nov. 28th. "Life of Bowles; p. 123. 56 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 had comprehended the situation, as did the freemen of Mich igan, a national Republican party Avould at once have been formed and the KnoAV-nothings would have lost a large ele ment of strength. The position of the American party on slavery was not clear. Julian, of Indiana, charged that the organization was the result of a deeply laid scheme of the slavery propaganda, whose purpose was to precipitate a neAv issue upon the North and distract the public mind from the question of pith and moment.1 Douglas declared that it was simply abolitionism under a neAv guise.2 Henry A. Wise, of Yirginia, emphatically maintained that the object of the KnoAAr-nothing order was the destruction of slavery.8 In general, it may be said that although at the North many anti-slavery men were in the organization, those who had the control wished to put forward their distinctive princi ples and keep the slavery question in abeyance. It seemed, therefore, to the Republicans that the Know-nothings, not being for them, were against them. At the South the Americans were chiefly represented by those opposed to the formation of a party on the one idea of slavery extension. Thus they incurred the displeasure of the Southerners who had made up their minds that the great issue must be settled before another could be discussed. The Know-nothing movement, born of political unrest, augmented the ferment in the country. This was a year of excitement and lawlessness. Riots Avere frequent. Occa sionally a band of women would make a raid on a bar-rooi\ v break the glasses, stave the whiskey casks, and pour the liquor into the streets.4 Garrison, infayuated by his own - ^ . >t 1 Political Recollections, Julian, p. 141. l 2 Speech at Philadelphia, July 4th,1854,Life of Douglas, Sheahan,p. 26..F; 3 Speech at Alexandria, Va., Feb. 3d, 1855, History of the Political Cam paign in Virginia in 1855, Hambleton, p. 93. 1 United Stales Review, Aug., 1854, p. 103. The article entitled " Abo lition and Sectarian Mobs" is a faithful exposition of the way in which the ferment of the community was regarded by old-line Democrats ancl rigid Conservatives. Ch. VII.] LAWLESSNESS 57 methods and blind to the trend of events, burne mtion Constitution of the United States at an open-air ce jirited tion of the abolitionists in Framingham, Mass. Tl f slav- tion drew forth a feAv hisses and Avrathf ul exclamations! that these were overborne by " a tremendous shout of ' Amennise, Most of the disturbances, however, grew out of the Knojgh nothing crusade. A mob forced their way into the shere near the Washington monument, and broke to pieces a beaud tiful block of marble Avhich came from the Temple of Con cord at Rome, and had been sent by the pope as his tribute to the memory of Washington.2 A street preacher, Avho styled himself the "Angel Gabriel," excited a crowd at Chelsea, Mass., to deeds of violence. They smashed the windows of the Catholic church, tore the cros§ from the gable, and shivered it to atoms.3 The firemen and military Avere called out to aid the police in preserving order. On one Sunday, in the City Hall Park of New York, a fight occurred between the advocates of a street preacher and those- who were determined he should not speak. The latter got the worse of it, and the self-styled " missionary of the everlasting gospel,'? protected by a band of KnoAv- nothings, was able to deliver his sermon.4 On the follow ing Sunday the street preacher held forth in Brooklyn. When his discourse was finished, he was escorted to the ferry by, about five thousand Know-nothings, who, on the way, were set upon by an equally large number of Irish Catholics. An angry fight ensued, in which volleys of stones were thrown from one side and bullets fired from the other. The police were unable to suppress the riot, and the mayor sent a regiment of military to their aid.6 During the Aveek the excitement was intense, and on the next Sunday everything seemed ready for a violent explosion in Brook- >'Life of Garrison, vol. iii. p. 412. • American Almanac, 1855, p. 47. 3 Boston Journal, cited by the New York Tribune, May 9th. 4 New York Times; New York tribune, May 29th. 5 New York Times, June 5th. 58 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 "had cc But the authorities were prepared. The whole of the igan far Police force was on duty, assisted by a large number; forme«3cial poiice and deputy sheriffs. Three regiments of ment-ary guarded the streets. The " Angel Gabriel" deliv- slavei a fierce invective against the " infernal Jesuit system" orgfI "accursed popery." The precautions taken by the gjg-ayor to preserve the peace were so effective that only a flight outbreak took place. A detachment of the Know- /nothing procession wTas attacked by a gang of Irishmen; but the police fired at the mob, and they quickly dispersed;!- Similar riots occurred in other cities of the country. The public mind was so engrossed with political and moral questions that, although cholera Avas epidemic at the North this summer, it awakened little anxiety and caused no panic." It is now time to consider the verdict of the Northern people on the Kansas-Nebraska act as evidenced in the elec tions. The first election after its enactment was in Iowa.1 Iowa had been a steadfast Democratic State. It had voted for two Presidents, Cass and Pierce. In the present Con gress it had tAvo Democratic senators, one Democratic and one Whig representative. Both of the senators and the Democratic representative voted for the Kansas-Nebraska bill ; the Whig representative did not vote. A governor was to be elected this year, and the Whigs 1 New York Times, June 12th. 2 Except perhaps in Columbia, Pa., a village of 4340 inhabitants, where the death-rate was very large. New York Tribune, Sept. 11th to 15th. The American Almanac gives the deaths from cholera from June 1st to Nov. 5th (although practically all of them were in June, July, and August) as follows: New York, 2425 ; Philadelphia, 575 ; Boston, 255; Pittsburgh,,; 600. There were deaths from cholera in nearly every Northern city. The yellow fever prevailed in Savannah and New Orleans, but witli nothing like the virulence of the preceding year. 8 It will be remembered that the elections in New Hampshire and Con necticut, whose tendency was plainly anti-Nebraska, took place while the bill was pending ; see vol. i. pp. 482, 494. Ch.VII.] THE IOWA ELECTION 59 had nominated James W. Grimes; a Free-soil convention had endorsed the nomination. Grimes issued a spirited manifesto, in which he declared that the extension of slav ery was noAv the most important public question, and that Iowa, the only free child of the Missouri Compromise, should pronounce against its repeal. He made a thorough and vigorous canvass of the State, denouncing everyAvhere the "Nebraska infamy." The temperance issue entered slightly into the discussion, and the voters favorable to pro hibition supported Grimes. The Know-nothing Avave had not reached IoAva. Grimes was elected by tAvo thousand four hundred and eighty-six majority. It was the first time the Democrats had ever been defeated in a State election, and they did not carry Iowa again for thirty-five years. Another result was the choice of a legislature which sent Harlan, an avowed Republican, to the United States Senate.1 No doubt could exist that the meaning of this election Avas the condemnation of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. " You have the credit," Avrote Senator Chase to Grimes, " of fighting the best battle for freedom yet fought;"" and two years later, when the Republican party had become a strong or ganization, Chase wrote the IoAva governor : " Your election was the morning star. The sun has risen now." 3 In September, elections were held in Maine and Yermont. In Maine there were four State tickets, the Republican, the Whig, the Democratic, and that popularly termed the rum ticket. The Republican candidate for governor had a hand some plurality. Although there Avas no choice by the peo ple, the Republicans had the legislature, Avhich insured them the governor. In Yermont the canvass of the anti-Nebraska men was carried on under the name of Fusion ; the result Avas a large majority in their favor. Yermont sent an un broken anti-Nebraska delegation to the House of Repre- 1 Life of James W. Grimes, Salter, pp. 39, 52, 63. 2 Ibid., p. 54, Oct. 31st, 1854. 3 Ibid., p. 53, Aug. 23d, 1856 ; see New York Tribune, Aug. 17th, 1854. 60 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1864 sentatives, and Maine, which had hitherto been a reliable Democratic State, only elected one Democratic congress man. The verdict of both of these States was unmistakably adverse to the Nebraska legislation. In neither of them did the temperance question have an important influence, for it had been settled. In Maine the voters of the rum ticket were a corporal's guard. Nor Avere the Know-nothings an appreciable element in the result.1 In October elections took place in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana. In Pennsylvania, the Whigs retained their organ ization, and the Free -soil Democrats ratified that ticket. They made opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska act the main question and elected their governor, but this was due to the assistance of the Know-nothings. The Know-nothings elect ed enough members to the legislature to hold the balance of power betAveen the two parties ; and the temperance question entered into the canvass, as a popular vote Avas taken on a prohibitory law. Yet the best test of sentiment in regard to the Missouri Compromise legislation was shown in the congressional elections. The present delegation con sisted of sixteen Democrats and nine Whigs ; that chosen this fall was made up of four Nebraska and five anti-Nebraska Democrats, fifteen anti-Nebraska Whigs, and one American.' The anti-Nebraska People's party carried Ohio by seventy- five thousand majority and elected every representative to Congress. The anti-Nebraska party were successful in In diana by thirteen thousand majority, and chose all the con gressmen but tAvo. In both' of these States the Know- nothings co-operated with the anti-Nebraska organization. The temperance question entered into the discussion, and in ured to the advantage of the successful party.3 Yet both 1 See Fessenden's remarks in the Senate, Feb. 23d, 1855. ° New York Tribune, Oct. 21st ; New York Herald, Oct. 13th. See also New York Times and Tribune Almanac. 3 New York Tribune; New York Times; Life of Chase, Schuckers, p. 165 ; Political Recollections, Julian, p. 144. CH.VII.] DOUGLAS AT CHICAGO 61 the temperance and Know-nothing ideas were overbalanced by the anti-slavery feeling. The verdict on that was un mistakable.1 Lincoln, disputing with Douglas at Peoria, commended to him as a refutation of his specious reasoning " the seventy thousand answers just in from Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana." 2 The contest in Illinois has an added interest on account of its being the State of Douglas. He arrived at Chicago, his home, the latter part of August, and gave notice that he would address his constituents on the evening of the 1st of September. Rarely has it been the lot of a senator to speak to a more discontented crowd than he confronted that night. The anti-slavery people were embittered at his course -'n re gard to the Missouri Compromise ; the Know-nothings Avere incensed at his vigorous denunciation of their order in a speech made at Philadelphia, July 4th ; and the commercial interest of the city Avas indignant because he had opposed the River and Harbor bill. During the afternoon the flags of all the shipping in the harbor were hung at half mast ; at dusk the bells of the churches were tolled as if for a fu neral, and above the din might be heard the mournful sound of the big city bell. A doleful air pervaded the city. A host of men assembled to hear the justification of the sen ator, but among them he had hardly a friend. The first feAV sentences of the speech were heard in silence, but when he made what was considered an offensive remark, a terrible groan rolled up from the whole assemblage, folloAved by the unearthly Know-nothing yell. When silence was restored, Douglas continued, but every pro-slavery sentiment Avas met Avith long-continued groans. Several statements which the audience doubted were received with derisive laughter. Af ter an hour of interruptions, Douglas lost his temper and abused the crowd, taunting them for being afraid to give him a hearing. This was received with overpowering ' New York Herald, Oct. 13th ; New York Tribune, Oct. 19th. 2 Speech of Oct. 16th, Life of Lincoln, Howells, p. 304. 62 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 groans and hisses; and at last Douglas, convinced that further attempt Avould be useless, yielded to the solicita tions of his friends and withdrew from the platform.1 In the central part of the State, however, the people heard Douglas gladly. At Springfield, the doughty cham pion of popular sovereignty met Lincoln in friendly discus sion, but, in spite of the prestige his successful career of politician had given him, he was discomfited by the plain Illinois laAvyer, the depths of whose nature had been stirred by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The fallacy of justifying this action by the plea that it simply instituted the great principle of self-government in the territories was shown by Lincoln in a few words that Avent to the hearts of the audience. " My distinguished friend," he remarked^ " says it is an insult to the emigrants to Kansas and Ne braska to suppose they are not able to govern themselves^ We must not slur over an argument of this kind because it happens to tickle the ear. It must be met and answered. I admit that the emigrant to Kansas and Nebraska is com petent to govern himself, but I deny his right to govern any other person without that person's consent." 2 In spite of the vigorous efforts of Douglas, Illinois did not sustain him. It is true that, owing to the popularity of their candidate for State treasurer, the Democrats carried the State ticket, and Douglas made the most of it ; 3 but the anti-Nebraska people elected five out of nine congressmen, and their majority in the State on the congressional vote was more than seventeen thousand. They also controlled . the legislature, and sent Lyman Trumbull, an anti -Nebraska 1 Reports of Chicago Tribune and Chicago Times, cited in New York Times, Sept. 6th ; letter from Veritas in New York Tribune, Sept. 7th ; the Liberator, Sept. 8th ; Life of Douglas, Sheahan, p. 271 ; Constitutional and Party Questions, Cutts, p. 98. The population of Chicago in 1854 was about sixty-five thousand. 2 Life of Lincoln, Holland, p. 138. 9 See debate in the Senate, Feb. 23d, 1855. Ch.VIL] THE FALL ELECTIONS 63 Democrat, to the Senate. The poAver of the Know-nothings Avas exercised in opposition to the Douglas party. The course which the canvass took, and the result of the election in New York, exhibit a phase of the political situa tion different from any that prevailed in the West. An anti - Nebraska convention held in August adopted resolu tions, reported by Horace Greeley, Avhich grasped the situa tion fully and dealt only with the slavery question. In them every one was invited to unite " in the sacred cause of free dom, of free labor and free soil." It was a foregone conclu sion that the Whigs would not give up their organization, to the maintenance of which the influence of SeAvard and Thur- low Weed had been directed. The Whigs, however, in their convention took pronounced ground in opposition to the ex tension of slavery. They nominated Clark for governor and Henry J. Raymond for lieutenant-governor. Both of these men were anti-slavery Whigs, in full sympathy with Seward. This ticket Avas adopted by the adjourned anti-Nebraska con vention and by the Temperance party. If the fusionists had encountered no opposition save from the Democrats, the re sult would never have been in doubt. Both factions of this party made nominations. The Hards endorsed the Kansas- Nebraska bill ; the Softs approved the policy of Pierce's ad ministration, and nominated Horatio Seymour for governor, thus making a direct issue of prohibition. But the Know-nothings were an unknoAvn quantity. They had all along been feared by the Whigs, and when the grand council met at New York City in October, the anxiety knew no bounds. It Avas a curious political con vention. Publicity is desired for ordinary gatherings of the kind ; newspaper reporters are welcomed, for it is thought that a detailed account of the proceedings may awaken in terest and arouse enthusiasm. But such ATieAVS did not ob tain in the grand council. About eight hundred delegates met at the grand-lodge room of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows. A long file of sentinels guarded the portals ; newspaper reporters and outsiders were strictly excluded. 64 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1851 The credentials of each delegate were subjected to a rigid scrutiny before he was admitted to the hall. While no au thoritative account of the transactions could be given, and profound secrecy was desired by the Know-nothings in re gard to every circumstance, it leaked out that a State ticket had been nominated. Ullman, a conservative Whig, was the candidate for governor.1 No declaration of principles was published ; no public meetings Avere held to advocate their platform and candidates ; they had not the poAverful aid of a devoted press ; everything was done in the dark But every Know-nothing was bound by oath to support any candidate for political office who should be nominated by the order to which be belonged.2 When the November election day came the work of this mysterious organization was made manifest. The Know- nothings, said an apologist, do everything systematically and noiselessly ; their votes " fall as the quietly descending dew." 3 Unseen and unknown, wrote an exponent who was elected to Congress, the order " wielded an overwhelming influence wherever it developed its power. ... In many a district where its existence Avas unsuspected, it has, in an hour, like the unseen wind, swept the corruptionist from his power and placed in office the unsoliciting but honest and capable citizen." " When the votes were counted, every one but the Know- nothings themselves Avas astounded. A current estimate of their strength as sixty thousand had seemed extravagant, but they polled more than double that number. Ullman had 122,282; Clark had 156,804; Seymour had 156,495; and Bronson, the " Hard " candidate, had 33,850. Clark's plural ity was 309. ' New York Times ; New York Tribune. 2 Speech of Smith, House of Representatives, Feb. 6th, 1855 ; History of Political Campaign in Virginia, 1855, Hambleton, p. 51. 3 Sons of the Sires, p. 157. 4 A Defence of the American Policy, Whitney, p. 288. 1 Ch. VII.] THE FALL ELECTIONS 65 The anti - slavery and temperance sentiment Avas over whelmed by the American feeling. It was conceded that the Know-nothings had drawn more from the Whigs than from the Democrats. Yet in the congressional elections the opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had full play. TAventy-seven out of a total of- thirty-three rep resentatives were chosen as anti-Nebraska men. The election in Massachusetts took place a feAV days later than in New York. Here the political situation was dif ferent from that in any other State. An attempt was made to form a Republican party, and a convention Avas held un der that name. Sumner made a powerful speech, and his in fluence was dominant. Henry Wilson Avas nominated for governor. The Whigs would not give up their organization, and the Republicans were therefore nothing but the old Free-soil party under another name.1 The Whigs adopted strong anti-slavery resolutions, and nominated Emory Wash burn for governor. The KnoAV-nothings, by their secret methods, put Gardner in the field. Gardner had been a conservative Whig, but was now understood to be an anti- slavery man, and the bulk of his supporters Avere certainly opposed to slavery extension. In truth, the people of Mas sachusetts were all, with the exception of a feAV Democrats, so strongly opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise that the question could not be made a political issue.2 The contest was virtually between the Whigs and Know- nothings, and the Whig discomfiture was complete. Gard ner had more than fifty thousand majority over Washburn. The Whigs had been fairly confident of success, and their amazement was unbounded. But the Know-nothings kneAv absolutely Avhat they might reckon upon. Congdon relates that Brewer and he, Avho Avere the editors of the Boston Atlas, met Gardner in the street shortly before the election. 1 See Boston Courier, Traveller, and Journal; Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 414. 2 Sec remarks of Wilson, United States Senate, Feb. 23d, 1855. IL— 5 66 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1864 The Know-nothing candidate said to Brewer: "You had better not abuse me as you are abusing me in the Atlas. I shall be elected by a very large majority." ' To Congdon, the movement seemed like " a huge joke ;" and it is unde niable that the humorous side of the organization had at tractions for many voters Avho anticipated amusement from the unlooked-for and startling effects.2 The Congressmen elected were all KnoAV-nothings, but all were anti-slavery, The legislature, almost wholly made up of members of the American party, sent Henry Wilson to the Senate. Wilson's hatred of slavery Avas greater than his distrust of Irishmen or Catholics. Undoubtedly he Avould have pre ferred Republican to Know-nothing success ; but he was am bitious for place, and he saAV in the craze of the moment a convenient stepping-stone to political position. Although refused admission to one KnoAV-nothing lodge, he persisted in his purpose, and succeeded afterwards in getting regular ly initiated in another.3 The Republicans of Michigan and Wisconsin wrere emi nently successful at their elections, and the results justified the steps Avhich they had taken towards the formation of a new party. This account of the fall elections may be tedious in its details, but it seems necessary to enter into the matter mi nutely in order to shoAV whether there Avere important limi tations to the statement that the North in the fall elections emphatically condemned the Kansas -Nebraska legislation. Douglas, Avith characteristic effrontery, maintained that there had been no anti-Nebraska triumph. The Democrats, he said, had been obliged to contend against a fusion Avhich had been organized by Know-nothing councils, and their ' Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon, p. 145. 2 See also Life of Bowles, vol. i, p. 124. B Congdon, p. 146, see also pp. 87, 132 ; also Life of Bowles, p. 124 ; Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, chap, xxxii. ; Julian's comments on the same, Political Recollections, p. 143. Ch.VIL] THE FALL ELECTIONS 67 mysterious Avay of working had taken men by surprise, and was therefore the great reason of success; but it Avas a KnoAV - nothing and not an anti - Nebraska victory.1 The groundlessness and the specious character of this explanation are shown by the detailed recital. And if we view the politi cal revolution Avith regard to the fortunes of the Democratic party, the results will seem more striking than I have stated them. The Democrats had in the present House of Repre sentatives a majority ,of eighty-four. In the House which Avas elected after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act, they would be in a minority of seventy-five, and on slavery questions would be obliged to form an alliance with thirty- seven Whigs and Know-nothings of pro-slavery principles." Of forty-two Northern Democrats who had voted for the Kansas -Nebraska bill, only seven were re-elected.3 The National Intelligencer made a comparison of the elections of 1852 and 1854, showing that without taking into account Massachusetts, the Democratic loss in the Northern States had been 347, 742.1 The most weighty reason for this revul sion of feeling was the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.6 Yet, considering the popular sentiment at the time of the enactment of the Nebraska bill, the declaration was not as positive and clear as might have been expected. Public in dignation at the breach of plighted faith, dissatisfaction Avith the old parties, and the resulting political and moral agita tion needed a national leader to give them proper direction. Had there been a leader, much of that magnificent moral energy which vented its force against Irishmen and Cath- - Remarks in the Senate, Feb. 23d, 1855. 2 1 have followed the classification of the Tribune Almanac for the new Congress; for the Thirty-third Congress I followed that in the Congres sional Globe. The members of the Thirty-fourth Congress were not all chosen by November, 1854, but nearly all from the Northern States had been elected. 3 New York Tribune, Jan. 11th, 1855. 4 Nov. 16th. 6 See Charleston Mercury, Oct. 25th ; New York Herald, Oct. 13th, Nov. 10th. 68 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1864 olics might have been turned into anti-slavery channels. Two men came out of the congressional contest over the Nebraska bill Avith apparently sufficient prestige to build up a new party. Chase, indeed, did not object to a neAv organ ization, and would have been willing to head such a move ment ; ' but the chief element of the new party must come from the Northern Whigs. Chase, having entered public life under Democratic auspices, was obnoxious to the Ohio Whigs, and it Avould have been impossible even for a man of more tact than he to overcome the personal and political objections to his leadership.2 But Seward had the position, the ability, and the char acter necessary for the leadership of a new party. He Avas the idol of the anti-slavery Whigs. He was admired and trusted by most of the Free-soilers and anti-Nebraska Dem ocrats. " The repeal of the Missouri Compromise," said the New York Times, " has developed a popular sentiment in the North which will probably elect Governor Seward to the Presidency in 1856 by the largest vote from the free States ever cast for any candidate." s " Seward is in the ascendency in this State and the North generally," said the Democratic New York Post.1 " The man Avho should have impelled and guided the general uprising of the free States is W. H. Seward," asserted Greeley.6 It Avas the tide in Seward's affairs, but he did not take it at the flood. " Shall Ave have a new party ?" asked the New York Independent. " The leaders for such a party do not appear. SeAvard adheres to the Whig party." " Perhaps the sympathies of Seward were heartily enlisted in the movement for a new party and he was held back by Thurlow Weed. Perhaps he would have felt less trammeled had not his senatorship been at stake in the fall election. The fact is, however, that the Republican movement in the West and New England received no word of encouragement 1 Life of Chase, Schuckers, p. 157. a Ibid., p. 94. 3 June 1st. * May 23d. 5 New York Tribune, Nov. 9th. " July 27th. Ch. VII.] SEWARD 69 from him. He did not make a speech, even in the State of New York, during the campaign. His care and attention Avere engrossed in seeing that members of the legislature were elected who would vote for him for senator. The Know-nothings were bitterly opposed to him, and he had no sympathy with the organization. Yet it was currently be lieved that his candidate for governor had endeavored to become a member of a KnoAV-nothing lodge ; ! it was also charged that emissaries instructed by the followers of Sew ard had secured admission to the order." Had Seward sunk the politician in the statesman ; had he made a few speeches, such as he well knew how to make, in New York, New England, and the West ; had he emphati cally denounced Know-nothingism as Douglas did\t Phila delphia, or as he did after he had been chosen senator for another term ; 3 had he vigorously asserted that every cause must be subordinate to union under the banner of opposition to the extension of slavery, — the close of the year 1854 would have seen a triumphant Republican party in every Northern State but California, and Seward its acknoAvledged leader. Had Douglas been in Seward's place, how quickly Avould he have grasped the situation, and how skilfully would he have guided public opinion ! There was a greater politician and statesman in Illinois than Douglas, who Avas admirably fit ted to head a popular movement ; but beyond his own State, Lincoln was unknoAvn : he had not a position from which he could speak Avith authority and which would obtain him a hearing from the Avhole people. No man, however, under stood the situation better; and of all utterances against the Nebraska legislation, none equalled Lincoln's in making ' New York Tribune, Nov. 9th. Q Defence of American Policy, Whitney, p. 289. a Douglas's speech was made July 4th, 1854. See Sheahan, p. 267 ; Cutts, p. 122. Seward did not criticise the principles and methods of the order until Feb. 23d, 1855, in the Senate. Even then his remarks were characterized by a certain levity which weakened their force. See Con gressional Globe, vol. xxxi. p. 241. 70 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 plain to the people the gravity of the step which had been taken and the necessity of united action to undo the wrong. The speech which he made at Peoria in answer to Douglajs tore up the sophistry, political and historical, of the Illinois- senator. In it he demonstrated that the ordinance of 1787 had given freedom to their State ; he told the history of the Missouri Compromise, and explained the compromise of 1850 in words which were alike clear and profound. This speech, marking justly an important epoch in the life of Lincoln, has yet little to do Avith the history of the country ; for it was published in but one Illinois neAvspaper, and was not knoAvn outside of his OAvn State.1 It made him, indeed, the leader of his party in Illinois, and was therefore an ear nest of further advancement.2 But it is safe to say that had Lincoln been known at the North as were Seward and Chase, and had this speech been delivered in the principal States, it would have acted powerfully to fuse the jarring elements into the union which the logic of the times demanded. Douglas appreciated the force of Lincoln's arguments with the people, and admitted that they were giA'ing him more trouble than all the speeches in the United States Senate. He begged that Lincoln would speak no more during this campaign, he himself agreeing also to desist.3 The history of the political campaign of this year would 1 Life of Lincoln, Arnold, p. 121. 2 See History of Lincoln, Nicolay and Hay, Century Magazine, vol. xxxiii, p. 863. Their remark refers to the Springfield speech. Lincoln spoke at Springfield, Oct. 4th, and at Peoria, Oct. 16th, both times in answer to Douglas. No report was made of the Springfield speech, but Lincoln wrote out the Peoria speech after its delivery, and had it published in seven consecutive issues o£the Illinois State Journal. Lamon, p. 359. The two speeches were substantially the same. The Peoria speech may bo found in the Campaign Life of Lincoln, by Howells. The only notice I found in Eastern newspapers of Lincoln's efforts Avas in a letter from Springfield to the New York Times of Oct. 13th, where the mention was briefly : " Lincoln made a most unanswerable speech against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise." 5 Life of Lincoln, Herndon, p. 373 ; Lamon, p. 358. Ch.VII.] THE PRESS 71 not be complete without notice of the work done by the press in pushing into prominence the slavery question. The, advocacy of a course of action whose ultimate end should be to give freedom to more than three million oppressed beings seemed to have an elevating influence on journalists,1 and the anti-slavery newspapers of this year are full of the outpourings of sincere men who devoted their ability Avith enthusiasm to what they deemed a sacred cause. Nor will it be invidious to mention the editor who had the foremost influence in educating public sentiment.2 Horace Greeley is the journalist most thoroughly identified with the forma tion of the Republican party on the platform of opposition to slavery extension. He was a man both speculative and practical,3 and at no time did the union of these opposite qualities appear to better advantage than in the conduct of his journal during this year. He was emphatically anti- slavery, but only sought the attainable. He Avas strongly in favor of prohibitory legislation, and just as strongly op posed to Know-nothingism. The 112,000 copies of the New York Weekly Tribune were not the measure of its peculiar influence,4 for it was pre-eminently the journal of the rural districts, and one copy did service for many readers. To the people living in the Adirondack wilderness it was a political bible, and the well-known scarcity of Democrats there Avas attributed to it. Yet it was as freely read by the intelligent people living on the Western Reserve of Ohio.6 The power which 1 See Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon, p. 254. 2 As an illustration, see the Kansas Crusade, Thayer, p. 40. 3 See Congdon, p. 218. *The circulation in November, 1854, was, daily, 27,360; semi-weekly, 12,120; weekly, 112,800; total, 152,280. The circulation of the weekly had nearly doubled in a year. On Feb. 10th, 1855, when the total circu lation was 172,000, the Tribune estimated its readers at half a million. • See In the Wilderness, Chas. Dudley Warner, p. 95. In the Adiron- dacks, if the Weekly Tribune " was not a Providence, it was a Bible." 72 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 this journal exerted is best appreciated in these two section*' of country. Its influence in northern New York and north ern Ohio is a type of what it wielded in all the agricultural districts of the North where New England and New York people predominated.1 It is one of the curiosities of human nature that Greeley, who had an influence beyond what many of our Presidents have possessed, should have hankered so constantly for office. It is strange enough that the man who wrote as a dictator of public opinion in the Tribune of the 9th of November could Avrite two days later the letter to SeAvard, dissolving the polit ical firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley. In that letter, the petulance of the office-seeker is shown, and the grievous dis appointment that he did not get the nomination for lieuten ant-governor, which Avent instead to Raymond,2 stands out plainly. _ Under the humor of the remarks about the Western Reserve is veiled a correct appreciation of the influence of this journal, see p. 96. " Why do you look so gloomy ?" said a traveller riding along the high way in the Western Reserve, in the old anti-slavery days, to a farmer who was sitting moodily on a fence. " Because," said the farmer, " my Demo cratic friend next door got the best of me in an argument last night. But when I get my semi-weekly Tribune to-morrow, I'll knock the foun dations all out from under him." — -Chauncey M. Depew, at the Tribune celebration of its fiftieth anniversary, April 10th, 1891. 1 The Weekly Tribune, in addition to being an outspoken opponent of slavery, also contained a fund of all kinds of information. Among the recollections of my school-days is that of a teacher who, amazed at the encyclopedic knowledge of passing events and current topics which one of the schoolboys displayed, went to his father to learn how he kept so thoroughly informed on politics, literature, and science, and was told: " He reads the New York Weekly Tribune.'1'' ' This letter may be found in Recollections oi a Busy Life, Greeley, p. 315. It was not published until 1860 ; see also Memoir of Thurlow Weed. Seward wrote Weed, Nov. 12th : " To-day I have a long letter from him [Greeley], full of sharp, pricking thorns. I judge, as we might in deed well know, from his, at the bottom, nobleness of disposition, that lie has no idea of saying or doing anything wrong or unkind ; but it is sad to see him so unhappy. Will there be a vacancy in the Board of Regents this winter? Could one be made at the close of the session? Could lie Ch. VII.] PERSONAL LIBERTY LAWS 73 The New York Independent, a weekly religious journal, had great influence in causing its readers to espouse the anti- slavery cause with devotion. From the time of the subsid ence of the excitement which followed the passage of the Fu gitive Slave laAv to the introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, this newspaper had scarcely a word for politics. One would hardly have known from its columns in 1852 that a President was to be elected that year, nor did public affairs attract its attention in 1853. But Avith the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the moral question, entered again into politics. The Independent teemed with articles on the sub ject. Henry Ward Beecher wielded his vigorous pen in the service, and inculcated Avithout ceasing the Christian's duty to liberty.1 Moreover, Beecher and the Independent com bated the principles and methods of Know-nothingism.2 Some of the legislatures which came into power, as a con sequence of the anti-Nebraska wave, did not delay to formu late the feeling of their constituents regarding the Fugitive Slave act into laws. Personal Liberty laws, similar to the act of Yermont of 1850, were now passed by Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Michigan. Their proposed object Avas to prevent free colored citizens from being carried into slavery on a claim that they were fugitive slaves. In general, they provided that certain legal officers of the State should act as counsel for any one arrested as a fugitive ; that negroes who were so claimed should be entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus and of trial by jury ; they prohibited the use of the jails of the State for detaining fugitives ; and they made the seizure of a free person with intent to reduce him to slavery a crime, the penalty for Avhich was a heavy fine and imprisonment.3 The practical effect of these laws have it ? Raymond's nomination and election is hard for him to bear." — Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 239. 1 See biography of Henry Ward Beecher, p. 272. 2 The extreme abolitionists represented by the Liberator also opposed Know-nothingism. See the Liberator, Nov. 10th and 17th. 3 A succinct history and a systematic analysis of the Personal Liberty 74 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [185S was to surround with difficulties the apprehension of fugi- tive slaves, Avhile the result hoped for Avas that the pursuit of them would be abandoned. These acts crystallized the pub lic sentiment of those communities into a statute. They were dangerously near the nullification of a United States law, and, had not the provocation seemed great, would not have been adopted by people Avho had drunk in Avith approval Webster's idea of nationality. It must be noted that not until after the Fugitive Slave act had been on the statute book more than four years were the Personal Liberty laws, except that of Yermont, enacted, and it was not the unfair ness of the act which caused them to be passed. While they were undeniably conceived in a spirit of bad faith towards the South, they were a retaliation for the grossly bad faith in volved in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Nullifica tion cannot be defended ; but in a balancing of the wrongs of the South and the North, it must be averred that in this case the provocation was vastly greater than the retaliation. Another manifestation of public sentiment may be seen in the manner that the Underground Railroad was regarded. Its aim had come to be sympathized with, and its meth ods Avere no longer unqualifiedly condemned. It was a system born of sympathy with fugitive slaves fleeing from what they considered the worst of ills. It Avas composed of a chain of friends and houses of refuge for the fleeing negro from Maryland through Pennsylvania and New York or NeAv England to Canada, and from Kentucky and Yirginia through Ohio to Lake Erie or the Detroit River. The arrangements were well understood by the negroes on the border, and Olmsted found that the Under- laws may be found in the Fay House Monograph, Fugitive Slaves, Marion G. McDougal], p. 66; see also article of Alex. Johnston, Personal Liberty laws, Lalor's Cyclopaedia. The Vermont "Act relating to the writ of habeas corpus to persons claimed as fugitive slaves and the right of trial by jury" was approved Nov. 13th, 1850. And the Vermont " Act for the defence of liberty and for the punishment of kidnapping " was approved Nov. 14th, 1854. Ch.VH.] THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 75 ground Railroad was even known in southwestern Louisi ana.1 The houses were called stations, and the sympathiz ing white men station-keepers or conductors.2 If the fugi tive successfully eluded pursuit until he reached the first station, he was reasonably sure of reaching his goal. He Avas given a pass to the next station, and energetic friends had means to help him along until he arrived under the pro tection of the British flag. William Still, a negro who styles himself chairman of the acting vigilant committee of the Philadelphia branch of the Underground Railroad, has com piled a huge volume, which is a narration of the " hardships, hair-breadth escapes, and death-struggles of the slaves in their efforts for freedom," and he also gives " sketches of some of the largest stockholders and most liberal aiders and advisers of the road."3 Men of reputation were en gaged in this work. Samuel J. May glories in the fact that he was one of the conductors of the Underground Rail road.4 Theodore Parker was one of its managers.6 Thur- low Weed would sometimes turn away from his political manoeuvres to give aid and comfort to a runaAvay slave.6 There Avas a strong undercurrent of sympathy with the fu gitive, which, when it did not go to the length of breaking the law, winked at its infraction. A United States marshal at Boston, under a Democratic administration, said to James Freeman Clarke : " When I Avas a marshal and they tried to make me find their slaves, I would say, ' I do not know Avhere your niggers are, but I will see if I can find out.' So I ahvays went to Garrison's office and said, ' I want you to find such and such a negro ; tell me where he is.' The next thing I knew, the fellow would be in Canada." 7 The 1 Cotton Kingdom, vol. ii. p. 37. a Recollections of the Anti-slavery Conflict, S. J. May, p. 297. 3 The Underground Railroad, William Still, Philadelphia, 1871. 4 Recollections of the Anti-slavery Conflict, p. 297. s Weiss, vol. ii. p. 93. 6 Life of Tliurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 297. 1 Anti-slavery Days, Clarke, p. 87. 76 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 wife of George S. Hillard used to secrete fugitives in an upper chamber of their house in Boston ; and although Hil lard was a United States commissioner especially charged with the execution of the Fugitive Slave laAv, he affected not, to know Avhat was going on under his own roof.1 Greelev knew politicians who Avould openly proclaim the duty of laAV-abiding citizens to assist in the recovery of fugitive slaves, yet Avho would secretly contribute money to be used in furthering their escape to Canada.3 This trait of charac ter has been finely worked up in " Uncle Tom's Cabin," Avhere a senator, who has been busy in his legislature, helping to make a law against giving aid and comfort to fugitive slaves who should cross the Ohio River into his own State of Ohio, is prevailed upon himself to leave a warm fireside at midnight and drive over roads deep Avith mud a runaway bondwoman and her child, and set them down at a station of the Underground Railroad. The operations of this system of helping fugitives are oc casionally referred to in the newspapers. One journal glee fully reports that it learns from one of the conductors that travel over his line is rapidly increasing.3 It must be borne in mind that the Personal Liberty laws and the Underground Railroad derive their chief historical importance not from the positiATe Avork which they accom plished, but from the circumstance that they were mani festations of popular sentiment. The number of fugitives who escaped into the free States annually did not exceed one thousand.4 The number of arrests of fugitives, of which an account was had, from the passage of the 1850 law to the middle of 1856 Avas only two hundred.6 But the ren- 1 Anti-slavery Days, Clarke, p. 83. 2 The American Conflict, Greeley, vol. i. p. 221. a Detroit Tribune, cited by New York Tribune, May 17th, 1854; see also New York Tribune, Dec. 18th, 1854. * United States Census, 1850 and 1860. s Life of Parker, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 93. William Jay wrote in June, Ch. VII.] THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 77 dition of Burns drew the attention of every Northern man to three million negroes in slavery, and every fugitive Avho Avas helped on by the Underground Railroad had a number of sympathizers, and the tale of his sufferings awakened sympathy for his brothers in bondage. Some men were profoundly affected by the injustice done an inferior race ; others Avere indignant at the growth of the political in fluence of the South ; but, little by little, men Avere begin ning to think that, come Avhat may, they would no longer submit to the encroachments of slavery. The only time that the question of slavery came up in the Senate of the second session of the Thirty-third Con gress was in the debate on a bill of Toucey, of Connecticut, whose object, although disguised in generalities, Avas to secure the stringent execution of the Fugitive Slave act. It Avas called forth by the Personal Liberty laAvs already passed and others which Avere threatened, and the design was to render them nugatory. Toucey's bill Avent through the Senate, but Avas not brought up in the House. Sumner again introduced as an amendment a provision for the re peal of the Fugitive Slave law. While two and one-half years previously only three senators voted with him, he had now a following of eight ; and Seward, who before had dodged the question, now not only voted Avith Sumner, Chase, and Wade, but delivered an invective against the Avhole system of fugitive slave legislation. This question was one that would not down. During the year, Maine and Massachusetts passed Personal Liberty laAvs. Governor Gardner vetoed the bill of the Massachusetts legislature. He was fortified by an opinion of the attorney-general of the State that the bill was " clearly repugnant to the provi sions of the Constitution of the United States," and its inevi- table tendency and effect would be " to bring the courts of the United States and their officers into an irreconcilable con- 1853, that the law had been on the statute-book two years and nine months, and not fifty slaves had been recovered under it. Autographs for Freedom, p. 39. 78 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 flict Avith those of the Commonwealth." The legislature, hoAvever, promptly passed the bill over the governor's ATeto.' The Kansas question began to attract attention this year. The people in western Missouri were strongly pro-slavery, and they honestly supposed that the passage of the Kansas- Nebraska act implied that Kansas Avas given over to slavery. As soon as the act was signed they commenced to make settlements in the neAv territory, and staked out much of the best land.2 Simultaneously, actuated by the pioneer spirit, there was a large emigration to Kansas from the Western States, especially from IoAva, Illinois, and In diana.3 In July, 1854, the Emigrant-Aid Company sent out its first party from New England. Eli Thayer was the soul of this enterprise. The avowed object of the company Avas to make Kansas a free State ; and the emi grants who Avere at different times assisted by it went out with that end in view, as Avell as Avith the usual desire of bettering their fortunes.4 Thayer had been success ful in interesting Greeley in the movement, and had his support and the influence of the Weekly Tribune. Other journals kept their public informed, and appealed for en couragement of the company.6 Nevertheless, the general opinion at this time in the North was that the plans of the Avestern Missourians Avere so well laid that Kansas Avould 1 See acts and resolves passed by the General Court of Massachusetts, in the year 1855, chap. 489, pp. 924-929. The veto message of the governor and the opinion of the attorney-general are printed in the Liberator of May 25th. 2 Spring's Kansas, p. 26. 3 See speech of Douglas, Senate, April 4th, 1856; Kanzas and Ne braska, Hale, p. 233. " At this early day [July, 1854] emigrants from every Western State were pouring in. We had not yet heard of the New England Emigrant- Aid Society."— Address of Samuel N. Wood, Quarter- Centennial celebration, Publications of the Kansas Historical Society, vol. i. p. 236. Also, Kansas, by Sara T. L. Robinson, p. 27. * In 1854, Thayer's company sent out five hundred emigrants; during the whole period of emigration it sent out three thousand. The Kansas Crusade, pp. 54 aud 57. 5 The Kansas Crusade, Eli Thayer, pp. 36, 69, 171. Ch. VII.] KANSAS 79 be colonized by slave-holders and slaves.1 But Thayer did not think so. He was as ardent a believer in popular sov ereignty as Douglas himself, and in a strife between free- State and slave-State emigration he felt sure that the cause of freedom Avould win.2 Yet his aims and those of his fol lowers were peaceful. New England emigrants and Sharpe's rifles are closely associated in Kansas history ; but during the summer and fall of 1854, the Emigrant- Aid Company did not furnish its patrons any implements of war.3 The scheme was to gain Kansas for freedom by permanently settling there more voters than the other side could send. This was in accordance Avith the principle of the sover eignty of the people which Douglas had invoked. The operations of the Emigrant -Aid Company and its branches being freely reported, caused great excitement in Western Missouri. The methods of these societies were misrepresented, but their aim, openly avowed, of making Kansas a free State was in itself enough to arouse indig nation, and means Avere devised to check this movement of New England.4 In October, 1854, Blue Lodges were formed in Missouri. These were secret societies that had the methods and paraphernalia of an organization, Avhose mem bers are bound together by secret oaths. Their purpose was to extend slavery into Kansas. Popular sovereignty meant to them the right for Missourians to vote at the territorial elections in furtherance of the design which had given rise to the Blue Lodges.6 1 See Seward's speech in the Senate, May 25th, 1854; also, conversa tion of Greeley and Thayer, The Kansas Crusade, chap. iii. ; the Liber ator of July 13th, 1855, cited in Spring's Kansas. The evidence of the statement in the text can be multiplied almost without end. 2 The Kansas Crusade, pp. 22, 74, 254. 3 Spring's Kansas, p. 40; Eli Thayer's testimony, Howard Report, p. 884. * See Douglas's Report on Kansas, March, 1856 ; speech in the Senate, March 20th, 1856. ' Report of Howard and Sherman, generally known as the Howard Report to the House of Representatives, p. 3. 80 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1854 Meanwhile Edwin Reeder of Pennsylvania, the governor of the territory, arrived. President Pierce appreciated that the position was an important one, and had made the selec tion Avith care. Reeder Avas an able lawyer and a man of energy and integrity. He had accumulated some prop, erty, had not solicited the appointment, but had been urged for the place by men of position and character.1 He sym pathized fully with Douglas in the Kansas-Nebraska legis lation, Avas a devoted friend of the South, and, after re ceiving the appointment, had said in conversation that he Avould have no more scruples in buying a slaAre than a horse.' Reeder had Avatched the operations of the emigrant-aid societies, and before he set out for Kansas had expressed the opinion that if he had any trouble in the administra tion of his territory, it would come from the New England colonists.3 Governor Reeder appointed November 29th, 1854, for the election of a territorial delegate, and on that day sev enteen hundred and tAventy-nine Missourians came over into Kansas and swelled the pro-slavery vote.* Whitfield, their candidate, would have been elected without the aid \ of this organized invasion, for the free-State settlers took little interest in this election, as they did not consider that the question of free institutions was in any way involved in it.6 Not the slightest objection Avas made in the House of Representatives at Washington to Whitfield taking his seat. The affairs in Kansas had no influence whatever on the elections of 1854. The interest they excited was slight, and they Avere hardly mentioned in the canvass. Lincoln, indeed, told Douglas that his popular-sovereignty doctrine 1 By Judge Parker and J. W. Forney. 2 AVashington Union, cited by Nicolay and Hay, Century Mag. vol. xxxiii. p. 870, and by Greeley, American Conflict, vol. i. p. 237. 3 Publications of the Kansas State Historical Society, vol. i. p. 5 et seq.; Anecdotes of Public Men, Forney, vol. i. p. 193. 4 Howard Report, p. 8. * Ibid., p. 8. Ch. VII.] KANSAS 81 was almost certain to bring the Yankees and Missourians into collision over the question of slavery in Kansas ; that it Avas probable that the contest would come to blows and bloodshed. With prophetic soul, he asked, " Will not the first drop of blood so shed be the real knell of the Union ?" ' The general opinion at Washington in the winter of 1855 was that Kansas would be made slave territory. To anti- slavery men it seemed that the fight Avould come in Con gress whether or not she should be admitted as a slave State. The acquiescence in the November election seemed to indicate that the work of the emigrant-aid companies had come to nothing, and that no effective opposition to the Missourians could be expected.2 There was, however, an active free-State party in the territory who were looking fonvard to the next election to display their strength. The governor appointed March 30th, 1855, for the election of a territorial legislature. Election day was also taken note of in Missouri ; and before it came, " an unkempt, sun-dried, blatant, picturesque mob of five thousand Missourians, with guns upon their shoulders, re volvers stuffing their belts, bowie-knives protruding from their boot-tops, and generous rations of Avhiskey in their Avagons," had marched into Kansas to assist in the election of the legislature.3 Atchig.on was at the head of one com pany, and was prominent in the direction of the movement. The invaders Avere distributed with military precision, and were sent into every district but one. Where the election judges were not pro-slavery men, the mob awed them into submission or drove them away by threats. Six thousand three hundred and seven, votes were counted, of which more than three-quarters were cast by the Missourians." Doctor 1 Speech at Peoria, Oct. 16th, 1854, Life of Lincoln, Howells, p. 288. 2 See J. S. Pike's Washington letters to the New York Tribune, Feb. 5th, 6th, 10th, 1855, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 269 et seq. 8 Spring's Kansas, p. 44; see, also, Kansas, Sara Robinson, p. 27. * Howard Report, p. 30. IL— 6 82 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 Robinson, who had been sent out by the Emigrant- Aid Com pany, and Avhose courage, tact, and earnestness had made him leader of the free-State party, wrote to A. A. LaAvrence, of Boston :' " The election is awful, and will no doubt be set aside. So says the governor, although his life is threatened if he does not comply with the Missourians' demands. I, with others, shall act as his body-guard." 2 The body-guard . was needed. The time for making protests was but four days, and courage was required to object to this manifesta tion of popular sovereignty. The Missourians threatened to kill any one Avho endeavored to get signers to a protest. As it was rumored that the governor was indignant at the method used to carry the election and might order a new one, they openly said that he could have fifteen minutes to decide whether he Avould give certificates to those Avho had the most votes, or be shot.3 The scene in the executive chamber when the go\Ternor canvassed the returns Avas an apt illustration of the result of the Douglas doctrine, when put in force by rude people in a new country, and Avhen a question had to be decided upon Avhich the passions of men were excited to an intense degree. The thirty-nine mem bers Avho, on the face of the returns, Avere elected were seated on one side of the room, the governor and fourteen friends on the other. All were armed to the teeth. Reed- er's pistols, cocked, lay on the table by the side of the papers relating to the elections. Protests of fraud were received from only seven districts. Although the governor did not assume to throw out members on account of force and fraud, he did set aside, on technicalities, the elections in those districts. and ordered new elections. To the others he 1 Amos A. Lawrence was a gentleman of wealth and social position in Boston ; was treasurer of the Emigrant- Aid Company, and was person ally a large contributor to it. 2 Letter of April 4th, cited in Spring's Kansas, p. 49. 3 Kansas, Sara Robinson, p. 29 ; Reeder's testimony, Howard Report, p. 936. CH.VIL] INDIGNATION IN THE FREE STATES 83 issued certificates, so that the pro-slavery party was largely in the ascendency in the legislature.1 The indignation in the free States at this perversion of popular government was unbounded.2 The fraud was well understood. The anti-slavery newspapers had circumstan tial and truthful accounts from correspondents who Avere on the ground. The New England emigrants were people who could Avield a facile pen. They Avrote home to rela tions and friends letters which were read by every one in the town, and were afterwards given to the county paper for publication.3 Evidence like this from Avell-knoAvn peo ple was sufficient in itself to mould the sentiment of all rural NeAv England. There could be no dispute about the facts. Reeder came East in April, and told the story to his friends and neighbors at Easton, his Pennsylvania home. His speech through the medium of the press appealed to the whole North. He declared that the territory of Kansas in her late election Avas invaded by a regular organized army, armed to the teeth, who took possession of the ballot- boxes and made a legislature to suit the purpose of the pro- slavery party ; and he assured his hearers that the accounts of fierce outrages and Avild violences perpetrated at the elec tion published in the Northern papers were in no wise ex aggerated." Reeder's seven months' contact with aggressive advocates of slavery had revolutionized the opinions of a lifetime. This the Northern people kneAV, and they implic itly believed his story. The cautious, truthful, and impar tial orator Edward Everett, in his Fourth-of-July oration, whose subject, " Dorchester in 1630, 1776, and 1855," seemed 1 Howard Report, pp. 35 and 936 ; Sara Robinson's Kansas. s See New York Tribune, Times, and the Independent for April and May. 3 See an interesting instance related by Thayer, The Kansas Crusade, p. 169. * New York Times, May 1st. The speech was made at Easton, Pa., April 30th. 84 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 widely remote from Kansas troubles, felt impelled to say: " It has lately been maintained, by the sharp logic of the revolver and the boAvie-knife, that the people of Missouri are the people of Kansas !" ' At the South, popular sentiment fully justified the action of the Missourians. If the notion occurred that perhaps they had no right to vote in Kansas, their action was deemed praiseworthy as countervailing the purpose of the emigrant- aid societies. Massachusetts, Avhich took the lead in that movement, Avas especially abhorred in the South. It was the hot-bed of abolitionism, and the Southern people re garded the assisted emigration as the work of the abolition ists. In this they were wrong. The Garrison abolitionists had no part whatever in the emigrant-aid companies, but discouraged their efforts in the liberator, and also by speech and resolution.2 " We trust," said a Mobile journal, " that the Missourians1 will continue the good fight they have begun, and, if need be, call on their brethren in the South for help to put down by force of arms the infernal schemes hatched in Northern hot-beds of abolition for their injury."3 "Hireling emi grants are poured in to extinguish this new hope of the South," said the Charleston Mercury? The Democratic State convention of Georgia expressed their "sympathy with the friends of slavery in Kansas in their manly efforts to maintain the rights and interests of the Southern people over the paid adventurers and Jesuitical hordes of Northern abolitionism."6 The South was chary of holding public meetings except during a political canvass, but the interest 1 Everett's Orations and Speeches, vol. iii. p. 347. 8 See Kansas Crusade, chap. vii. ; Life of Garrison, A'ol. iii. p. 436 etseq.; Review of Kansas Crusade in The Nation, Nov. 7th, 1889. 3 Mobile Register, cited by the New York Tribune, May 17th. * See New York Tribune, June 13th. 5 This convention was held at Milledgeville, June 6th ; see New York Tribune, June 20th. CH.VIL] SOUTHERN SYMPATHY 85 in Kansas prompted a departure from the usual custom, and gatherings were not infrequent to consider the demand which duty made on the supporters of slavery. Charleston, which had regarded the Kansas-Nebraska legislation with unconcern, noAv girded itself for the contest. At a very large and respectable meeting of its citizens it was resolved that it was their right and duty to extend to their Southern brethren in Kansas every legitimate and honorable sympa thy and support.1 The President was sorely distressed at the turn affairs had taken in Kansas. He told Reeder that this matter " had given him more harassing anxiety than anything that had happened since the loss of his son ; that it haunted him day and night, and Avas the great overshadowing trouble of his administration." He divulged the pressure on him for the governor's removal, and told of the bitter complaints which Avere made of the executive conduct of affairs in Kansas. General Atchison, he said, pressed Reeder's removal in the most excited manner, and would listen to no reasoning at all.2 The President might have added that the persuasion he found most difficult to resist was that of Jefferson Davis, Avhose soul was bound up in the cause of the Missourians. Reeder saw the President almost every day for more than tAvo weeks,3 and made a candid exposition of the policy that ought to be pursued. " The President in our inter views," testified Reeder, " expressed himself highly pleased and satisfied with my course, and in the most unequivocal language approved and endorsed all that I had done. He expressed some regret, hoAvever, that my speech in Easton had omitted all allusion to the illegalities of the Emigrant- Aid Society, and thought it Avas perhaps unnecessarily strong in its denunciation of the Missouri invasion. I told him I had no knowledge of the operations of the Emigrant- Aid 1 National Intelligencer, August 23d. 2 Reeder's testimony, Howard Report, p. 938. 3 In May. 86 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 Company, except what was before the whole public ; and that so long as they had not sent out men merely to vote and not to settle, I could not consistently denounce their course as illegal." ] It Avas plainly apparent that the President wished Reeder to resign ; and at one time he offered the mission to China as an inducement, but it did not become Aracant as expected. Nevertheless, he urged the matter so pertinaciously that Reeder promised to resign provided they could agree on the terms of the correspondence, and provided his successor Avould be sure to resist the aggressive invasions from Mis souri. Draft after draft of the letter of resignation was made, and interlineations and corrections Avere suggested, sometimes by one, sometimes by the other, but no agree ment could be reached. The President seemed to incline more and more to the Southern vieAV. At last Reeder de clared that as they could reach no agreement, he would not resign. The President replied : " Well, I shall not re move you on account of your official action ; if I remove you at all, it will be on account of your speculation in lands of the territory." 2 Reeder, like every one else Avho Avent to the new territories with money, had bought lands for a rise, and it had been asserted that, considering his official position, his purchase of certain Indian lands was improp er.3 This was the last interview. Reeder soon after re turned to Kansas. His removal Avas soon decided upon. Early in June, Jefferson Davis, in a speech at the Demo cratic convention of Mississippi, admitted that the choice of Reeder was a mistake, but clearly intimated that it would be speedily corrected by the appointment of his suc cessor." ' Reeder's testimony, Howard Report, p. 937. • * Ibid. 3 In his testimony before the congressional committee, Reeder dis cusses this question fully. It does not appear that he attempted to cover up anything, but, on the contrary, he courted the fullest investigation. 4 Letter of A. G. Brown of June 13th to the Jackson, Miss., Mercury, cited by the New York Tribune. Oh. VII.] THE KNOW-NOTHINGS , 87 Thus, the Kansas question became one of great political moment. The South was practically unanimous in holding that Kansas ought to be a slave State ; the predominant opinion at the North was equally decided that it should be free. This concrete shape that the issue on slavery took exerted a Aveighty influence in consolidating the Republican party. A practicable and attainable object was noAv before the people. There was also a signal illustration whither the pro-slavery policy led. It could be maintained that here was the paramount question, and the appeal could be made to those who had been affected by the KnoAV-nothing crusade, that in this direction there were opportunity and reward for political zeal. The Know-nothings had been highly elated at their strength, as shown in the elections of 1854 ; and shortly after the results were known, their National Council assem bled in Cincinnati. This meeting is noteworthy from haAr- ing authorized the third, or Union, degree. An imposing and impressive ceremonial Avas prescribed. After the cgn clidate should take an oath, as strong as Avords coulfo. n it, that he would faithfully defend the Union of e commit- against assaults from every quarter, he woulc^gppggQQ^jjjo. to the brotherhood of the Order of the Ame territory of This new degree was adopted largely throuJress ought not of Raynor, of North Carolina, an ancienje District of Co- tives that did him honor. Comprehend^ any state from extreme pro-slavery party, and knowijstitutiori recognized faction was powerful enough to shaihmittee from the free to make the Know-nothing organiaware made a minority party, building it upon the ruinse restoration of the Mis- party of the South ; and he believ Democrats who had supported But the Union degree was rirginia in 1855, J. P. Hainbleton. the bottom out of Know-nothing- ne, May 29th. See also Rise and Pall Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, 1 Rise and Fall of the Slave P( Nbav York Tribune, June 7th, 185£;il began. 88 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 North should keep quiet on the subject of slavery. The KnoAV-nothings did not see Avhat other men saw — that the time had now come when the political being of the North depended on unceasing agitation. In six months from the time that the Union degree was instituted, it was estimated that one million and a half of men had taken the degree ; and apologists of the order did not hesitate to assert that it controlled that number of legal voters.1 If their reckonings Avere correct, the boast that they would elect the next President did not seem vain. The Southern Know-nothings received a severe blow in the Virginia election of May. There were but two tickets in the field, the Democratic and the Know-nothing, and it Avas the first important contest in the South where the op position had enrolled itself under the Know-nothing banner. Henry A. Wise, the Democratic candidate for governor, made a vigorous canvass of the State ; he began on the 1st of January, and spoke regularly from the stump until obliged mom physical exhaustion to give up speaking. Wise Avas you at +or not unlike John Randolph. He denounced the of the teivirit of Know-nothingism in a cogent and effective to the neAv >.he Avas less candid in maintaining that it was rise, and it ha invention of the abolitionists. All the able position, his punkers of the State Avere enlisted in the can- er.3 This was tas himself was pressed into the service. turned to Kansas, l excitement run so high in the Old Do- Early in June, Jeff there been such a bitter contest. Wise cratic convention of than ten thousand majority, and the of Reeder was a misinterpreted to mean that the Know- Avould be speedily correce a successful inroad on a Demo- cessor." L 1 Reeder's testimony, Howard R.Wer, vol. ii. p. 422 ; A Defence of the 3 In his testimony before the co At the time of the Philadelphia Na- cusses this question fully. It does no , York Herald estimated the Know- up anything, but, on the contrary, he c j, himself a Know-nothing, had no 1 Letter of A. G. Brown of June 13t. its councils. Rise and Fall of the cited by the New York Tribune. jCh.VII.] THE KNOW-NOTHINGS 89 cratic State in the South.1 Their strength could be rated at the numerical force of the Whig party. They Avere prac tically its successor, and might carry the old Whig districts and States, but beyond that it did not seem probable they Avould go. We hear no longer of the Whig party in the South. Most of the prominent Whigs became Know-noth ings ; a few joined the Democrats. Many of the Southern States had held no elections in 1854. This year they had to choose their governors and congressmen, and the contest everywhere was betAveen the Democrats and KnoAV-noth- ings. The Know-nothings did not make material gains over the Whig vote of the preceding elections. The Know-nothings had hardly recovered from the blow of the Virginia election Avhen their National Council met at Philadelphia.2 Nearly every State sent delegates. They had come together to adopt a declaration of principles after the manner of political conventions. What they should say about slavery provoked in full meeting a hot controversy which was continued for three days in the committee on resolutions. A majority report Avas at last agreed to. It was the expression of the fourteen members of the commit tee from the Southern States, joined by those representing New York, the District of Columbia, and the territory of Minnesota. The report declared that Congress ought not to prohibit slavey in any territory or in the District of Co lumbia, and that it had no power to exclude any State from admission to the Union because its Constitution recognized slavery. Thirteen members of the committee from the free States and the representative of Delaware made a minority report, in which they demanded the restoration of the Mis- 1 See the Political Campaign in Virginia in 1855, J. P. Hambleton. " The Virginia election has knocked the bottom out of Know-nothing ism in the South," New York Tribune, May 29th. See also Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 422 ; Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. i. p. 135. a June 5th was the day the council began. 90 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 souri Compromise ; but if efforts to that end failed, Congress should refuse to admit any State formed out of the Kansas or Nebraska territories Avhich tolerated slavery. The con test of the committee Avas transferred to the Avhole council, An earnest, excited, and bitter debate of three days fol io Aved. Henry Wilson led the Northern forces with address. His speeches were so positive and to the point that he won golden opinions from those who, the year previous, had looked upon him merely as a time-server in politics. At midnight on the eighth day of the council, the Southern platform was adopted by a vote of 80 to 59. The long series of resolutions, in addition to the declaration on slav ery, may be summed up as meaning " resistance to the ag gressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic Church," and " Americans only shall govern Amer ica." ! The Northern delegates were in full sympathy with the platform, except the article on slavery; but their opposi tion to this Avas so decided that they protested against the action of the council, and issued an appeal to the people in which they stated in plain Avords their position.2 The rending in twain of the Know-nothings on the vital and obtruding question of the time was a result of great 1 The platform was published in the New York Tribune of June 20th. From day to day there appeared in this journal a full report of the pro ceedings, which was sent to it by Samuel Bowles, who also reported for the Springfield Republican and the Boston Atlas. The New York Timet had also a detailed account of the proceedings. See Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 423 et seq. ; Life of Samuel Bowles, vol. i. p. 137. The platform is printed in A Defence of the American Policy, Whitney, p. 294. One article of the platform deserves quotation: "A radical revision ancl modification of the laws regulating immigration and the settlement of immigrants. Offering to the honest immigration who, from love of liberty or hatred to oppression, seek an asylum in the United States a friendly reception and protection. But unqualifiedly comdemn- ing the transmission to our shores of felons and paupers." 2 New York Tribune, June 20th ; Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 431 ; Life of Samuel Bowles, vol. i. p. 138. CH.VI1.] THE FALL ELECTIONS 93 political importance. Apposition to foreigners and Catho- their election contests on tlolved, " That we will resist the ern Know-nothings, includintever shape or color it may be repudiated the slavery plank whenty the name Republican.2 of the people.' ^id : " Slavery in the Another result of importance which gre\*Kansas must be tional Council was the discovery of the fact tStates." nothings had exhaust 1 all the virtue of their sfor Avhich chinery. The secrets i nd been exposed ; there was nolit '¦> ne any mystery ; the dai *c ways had ceased to excite te^nt The Know-nothings vere now holding political conven" tions and adopting ph. tforms like any other political party. They appealed to the people for support, because they had certain defined principles which they Avished to put into force in legislation or administration. They could no longer demand votes simply because voters had taken solemn oaths; they must justify the existence of their party by discussion and by satisfying reasons. Those Avho \Tainly supposed that the secret work of the lodges which had played such a part the preceding year could still be continued, must have been undeceived when they saw every proceeding of their Na tional Council laid bare to the public. The Avild excitement one night of the convention, Avhen it was for a moment sup posed that the correct and faithful correspondent of the New York Tribune had been discovered, brought to light the suspicion that a Massachusetts man Avas reporting for an anti-slavery journal, and the fact that a Virginia delegate Avas sending news to the New York Herald? The neglect to investigate the one case or to censure the other was a tacit admission that the farce of mystery had been played for what it was worth, and that the time had come for men of sense and honor to advocate their political principles openly. From this time forward the order is better known as the American party, and it is entitled to great respect for ' See a careful editorial in the New York Tribune of Nov. 22d. 2 See New York Tribune, June 20th. 90 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 souri Compromise ; but if efforts to ' which it believed weM should refuse to admit any State* aver that the American! or Nebraska territories which of their time, for they sacri- test of the committee wa~ to tb-e lesser one. An earnest, excited "&e influences tyhich had prevailed the loAved. Henry "Wind the stimulus of :'£ansas, the Republican His speeches as gaining strength. Chase, Avho expected the golden oia'omination for governor c • Ohio,1 had written a looked letter in which he said there 1 jist be "agreement and midmony on the common platform of no slavery outside of Tslave States." 3 Greeley wrote home i^om Europe that Chase would be beaten if nominated. N«i better instance than this can be adduced of how ancient party prejudices still survived. Greeley, though earnestly in favor of the new movement, could not let himself "forget that Chase had en tered public life through an ex-asperating defeat of the' Whigs.3 The anti-Nebraska convention was held in Ohio, July 13th, the anniversary of the adoption of the ordinance of 1787. A majority of the delegates were Americans; and although Chase had never been a member either of the KnoAV-nothing order or of the American organization, he was nominated for governor by a vote of nearly two to one. It seems that the anti-slavery zeal of the Ohio Americans » See his letter to J. S. Pike, June 20th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 295. 2 Letter to the Republican County Committee of Portage County, June 15th, New York Tribune, June 28th. 3 C. A. Dana to Pike, July 14th, Pike, p. 297. Chase wrote Pike after the election : " You will have noticed that some of our papers were not well pleased with the apparent concession of the Tribune that I might be defeated; or with the article since the election saying that, had another man been nominated, the result would have been a more decided anti- Nebraska victory. ... I presume Mr. Greeley Avrote the articles I refer to, and I doubt not they were written with the best intentions. But I may be allowed to doubt the policy of printing them. We want now cordial union among all the friends of the party of freedom. Nothing less Avill insure a victory in 1856." — Letter of Oct. 18th, Pike, p. 299. Ch.VIL] THE FALL ELECTIONS 93 ">vas greater than their opposition to foreigners and Catho lics.1 /The convention resolved, "That we will resist the spre/d of slavery, under whatever shape or color it may be attempted," and took for their party the name Republican." In( accepting the nomination Chase said : " Slavery in the territories must be prohibited by law. . . . Kansas must be saved from slavery by the voters of the free States." It Avas one of the hard-fought political battles for Avhich Ohio is famous. Chase entered the contest with spirit ; he spoke in forty-nine counties and in fifty-seven different places,3 appealing to his old Democratic friends to go with him in opposing slavery extension, and arguing Avith the Whigs that all old differences should be sunk until the cause of freedom had prevailed. Strong efforts Avere made to de feat him. The pro-slavery wing of the Americans and some 'Conservative Whigs put up a candidate in the hope of draAV- ing away from him enough votes to let in the Democratic nominee. But Chase was successful, his plurality reaching nearly sixteen thousand. The Republicans carried Vermont, but were unsuccessful in Maine. The Democrats regained Pennsylvania and Wis consin. In New York a fusion of the anti-slavery elements Avas made under the name Republican. The platform of the State convention, reported by Horace Greeley, called for an express prohibition by Congress of slavery in all ter ritory of the Union, and emphatically condemned the doc trines and methods of the Know-nothings." The most im portant event of the New York canvass was that Seward put himself squarely at the head of the new organization. He made tAvo speeches which indeed ought to have been made one year earlier, but they unite in so marked degree the broad views of the statesman with the practical art of the politician that they must be reckoned as one of the 1 See letter of Chase, Warden, p. 346. 2 Cleveland Herald, July 14th. 3 Chase to Pike, Pike, p. 299. 4 See New York Tribune. The convention met Sept. 27th. 94 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1J1S f] great influences of this year towards cementing eed divisions into one organized whole. The Albany speech Avas pfiorinted in the NeAv York Weekly Tribune, and was undoubtedly read by more than half a million men. It described\tle situation in clear and homely words, and was a veritale storehouse of arguments. We may be sure that the copy of the Tribune Avhich contained this speech was carefully laid aAvay in many a country and village household ; and as the discussions of the winter went on, Seward's words were referred to, quoted, and pondered. They Avere seed sown in fruitful ground, for every man at the North noAv discussed politics on all occasions. A carefully prepared speech from a man in high political position, delivered from the stump, is a more potent appeal to public opinion than a speech in Congress. The senator in the Senate may speak at the people, but he is to some extent confined by the limitations? of the place. Ordinarily, he discusses some scheme of legis lation in reply to an opponent, and when he enters into a mass of detail he loses the interest of many voters. On the other hand, the sole object of the stump speaker is to con vince the people. The direct argument is enforced; the subsidiary explanation, the' detailed examination, is left out, as hampering the floAv of reasoning. At Albany, Seward put forth the question to be resolved: Shall Ave form a new party ? He explained hoAV the slave-' holders Avere a " privileged class," and how much national-: legislation there had been in their interest which affected the right and comfort of the Northern citizen ; how the South got the better of the North in the appropriations,; and how the slave-holder Avas taken care of by the tariff. " Protection is denied to your avooI," he said, " while it is freely given to the slave-holder's sugar." " Slavery is not, and never can be, perpetual," he continued : "it Avill'be over thrown either peacefully or lawfully under this Constitution,! or it will work the subversion of the Constitution together' with its own overthroAv. Then the slave-holders will perish in the struggle. The change can now be made Avithout vio- '•] 711] THE FALL ELECTIONS 95 „ pace, and by the agency of the ballot-box. The temper of ne nation is just, liberal, forbearing. It Avill contribute any Fmoney and endure any sacrifice to effect this great and im portant change. . . . What, then, is wanted ? Organization ! Organization ! Nothing but organization. . . . We have poAver to avert the extension of slavery in the territories of the Union, and that is enough. . . . We Avant a bold, out spoken, free-spoken organization — one that openly proclaims its principles, its purposes, and its objects." He showed hoAV the American party failed to meet the situation. Fewer Avords Avere needed to make clear how both of the Democratic factions were found Avanting. He then asked : " Shall Ave report ourselves to the Whig party ? Where is it ? Gentle Shepherd, tell me Avhere ! Four years ago it was a strong, vigorous party, honorable for energ}^, noble achieArements, and still more for noble enterprises. . . . Now there is neither Whig party nor Whig south of the Potomac. . . . The Republican organization has . . . laid a new, sound, and liberal platform broad enough" for true Democrats and true Whigs to stand upon. " Its principles are equal and exact justice ; its speech open, decided, and frank. Its banner is untorn in former battles, and unsul lied by past errors. That is the party for us." ' The Americans elected their State ticket in New York, and were also successful in Massachusetts. The result in Massachusetts, however, could not be looked upon as a re action ; for the Americans in that State were almost as strongly anti-slavery as the Republicans. It is undeniable that at the close of this year a superficial examination led many to believe that the prospect of a united anti-slavery party was not as favorable as it had been a year previous.2 1 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 225. " Seward's speech at Albany on the 'privileged classes,' the oligarchy of slavery, has been the key-note of the new party." — Diary of R. H. Dana. Life by C. F. Adams, vol. i. p. 348. 2 See New York Tribune, Nov. 8th ; Political Recollections, Julian, p. 145 ; Life of Bowles, vol. i. p. 144. 96 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 But after-events have shoAvn that the optimists were nearer right.1 There were this year no congressmen to elect, and in but few States Avere governors chosen. The interest in the elections Avas not great. The indignation aroused by the Missouri invasion into Kansas in the spring had in part subsided, and the aim and prospects of the free-State party were not so Avell understood as afterwards, Avhen the sub ject was ventilated in Congress. The vote was small. When all alloAvances are made, when the undercurrents are oh served, the conclusion is irresistible that the Republican movement had made progress. Two leaders had come to the front — one a former Democrat, the other a Whig. Chase had the backing of Ohio, and few could doubt that Seward's; party would in the coming year carry NeAv York. The Republicans of Massachusetts furnished tAvo leaders, Sum ner and Wilson. Sumner's manly independence of thought prevented him from being a politician ; but wrhat in him was lacking Avas supplied by Wilson, who had the virtues and faults of a self-made man. He was a man of parts. " The Natick cobbler " had risen to be United States senator from the educated commonwealth of Massachusetts. Until this year his reputation had been that of a manoeuvring politician and clever wire-puller, who Avas adroit at bar gains, and whose remarkable tact had been employed, in self-advancement ; but the cause of anti-slavery ennobled; him. It is probable that had he not become a leader of a party based on a moral idea, he would not have gone in public estimation beyond that of an intriguing politician.1 1 " The events of the election show that the ' Silver Grays ' have been successful in a new and attractive form, so as to divert a majority of the people in the cities and towns from the great question of the day, that is all. The country, I mean the rural districts, still remain substantially sound. A year is necessary to let the cheat wear off." — Seward to his wife, Nov. 13th, 1855, Life, vol. ii. p. 258. 2 See Life of Bowles, Merriam; Reminiscences of a Journalist, Cong don; Letter of Theodore Parker to Wilson, Life of Parker, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 207; Life of R. H. Dana, C. F. Adams, vol. i. p. 247: and other Ch.VII.] REPUBLICAN OPINIONS 97 The confidence which Wilson had in the ultimate and com plete triumph of the Republican party is remarkable. The cause of right, he believed, Avould in the end prove the one of profit. Wilson had noAv cut loose from the Know- nothings. In spite of the success of the American party in NeAv York and Massachusetts, it had passed the zenith of its power. The Whig party in New England died hard. It had this year a ticket in Maine, New Hampshire, Massachu setts, and Connecticut. Winthrop and Choate held aloof from the Republican party. Earnest efforts had been made to get Winthrop to take an important part in the neAv movement, but without success.1 In a letter to the Whigs of his State assembled in convention, Choate denied that their party was dead. He defined their position in a felici tous phrase which at once became famous. He wrote : " We join ourselves to no party that does not carry the flag and keep step to the music of the Union." 2 • Two discernible lines of opinion actuated men to join together in the Republican party. The one was deArotion to the cause of the slave, induced by sympathy for his wrongs. It was the expression of the humanitarian spirit ; it was a practical corollary draAvn from the teachings of Christ. This feeling had its noblest embodiment in Sum ner. To him and to those he influenced, the Fugitive Slave laAv seemed the grossest outrage inflicted by the South upon the North.3 The other line of opinion was best represented by SeAv- ard, and was a protest against the increasing and encroach- authorities which I cannot now name, have helped me to this estimate of Wilson. 1 See Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 433; Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon, p. 88. 2 Letter of Oct. 1st, Life of Choate, Brown, p. 303. 8 The address of Sumner in New York in May, published in the Week ly Tribune of May 19th, is an illustration of this point of view. IL— 7 98 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 ing political power of the slave oligarchy.1 The men in Avhom this feeling Avas dominant chafed at the unequal representation in Congress of the South under the Consti tution. The certainty that every new slave State meant two senators devoted to slavery, and representation in the House based on three-fifths of the slaves, was their most powerful reason for the opposition to the extension of slavery. The Sumner and Seward sentiments did indeed run into each other. The influence that made men Repub licans Avas often a mixture of the tAvo, and perhaps no ex act line of demarcation can be drawn, for the notion that slavery was an evil Avas at the bottom of both. Yet a careful study of the political literature of the time brings clearly to light that though the moral sentiment was domi nant with some, with a much greater number the political sentiment weighed down the balance. In the main, it may be said that the former Whigs thought with Seward ; that the former Free-soilers and Democrats thought with Sum ner. The Garrison abolitionists held entirely aloof from the Republican movement, but there Avas cordial sympa thy between them and Sumner. The disciples of Seward, on the other hand, had no love for the abolitionists and their methods. It was sometimes maintained that they were a drawback to the anti-slavery cause, and it was a matter of gratulation that they did not become Republi cans, as they would have been a burden to carry. Meanwhile the free-State settlers in Kansas, while work ing for their personal Aveal and what they conceived to be the best interests of the territory, Avere making an issue which was destined to distract Congress and excite the 1 " I leave the rights and interests of the slaves in the States to their own care and that of their advocates; I simply ask whether the safety and the interests of twenty-five millions of free, non-slaveholding white men ought to be sacrificed or put in jeopardy for the convenience or safety of three hundred and fifty thousand slave-holders ?" — Seward at Buffalo, Oct. 19tb, 1855, Works, vol. iv. p. 249. Ch. Vif.] KANSAS 99 country. The territorial legislature assembled in July. Free-State members had been elected at the supplementary elections ordered by the governor. These were summarily unseated, and the solitary Free-soiler who was left did not long delay to retire from the body. Governor Reeder and the legislature soon quarrelled. The legislators got up a petition to the President for his removal, but the messenger who was despatched to Washington with it was met on the way with the intelligence that their object had already been accomplished.1 The code of laAvs which the legislature, noAv in perfect unison on the slavery question, adopted, was ut terly out of tune with Republican government in the nine teenth century. All the provisions relating to slaves, re ported the congressional committee, Avere of a " character intolerant and unusual even for that class of legislation."2 Any free person who by speaking, Avriting, or printing should advise or induce any slaves to rebel should suffer death. The enticement of a slave to leave his master was punishable with death or imprisonment at hard labor for not less than ten years. To declare orally or in Avriting that slavery did not legally exist in the territory was to incur the penalty of incarceration for not less than tAvo years.3 Free -State settlers interpreted this provision to mean that it was a prison offence to have the Declaration of Independence in one's house.4 All officers of the terri tory, attorneys admitted to practice in the courts, and voters, if challenged, must take an oath to support the Fugitive Slave law. " In Kansas, now by usurpation a slave terri tory," said Senator Seward at Buffalo, " the utterance of this speech, calm and candid although I mean it to be, 1 Reeder's testimony, Howard Report, p. 945. 2 Howard Report, p. 44. 3 The whole chapter relating to slaves is printed in Kansas, Sara Rob inson, p. 80 ; a portion of it may be found in Greeley's American Conflict, vol. i. p. 239. The code is well characterized by Von Hoist, vol. v. p. 159. 4 Kansas, Sara Robinson, p. 116. 100 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 would be treason ; the reading and circulation of it in print would be punished with death." ' By virtue of those laws, said Clayton in the Senate, " John C. Calhoun, were he now living in Kansas, might be sent to the penitentiary."2 '-, Yet in truth it might be questioned whether slavery ex isted in fact as Avell as in law. The census of February had disclosed that there Avere but one hundred and ninety-two slaves out of a total population of eight thousand six hun dred.3 Stringfellow, a leader of the Missourians, had en deavored to interest Southern congressmen in a scheme of negro colonization. " Two thousand slaves," he had argued, " actually lodged in Kansas will make a slave State out of it. Once fairly there, nobody will disturb them." * String- fellow received promises, but they were not carried into effect. Southerners would send their young men, but not their slaves, to Kansas.6 The failure thus to act was not because they did not appreciate the gravity of the situation, for they were disposed to believe Atchison when he wrote, " If Kansas is abolitionized, Missouri ceases to be a slave State, New Mexico becomes a free State, California remains a free State ; but if we secure Kansas as a slave State, Mis souri is secure ; New Mexico and Southern California, if not all of it, becomes a slave State ; in a Avord, the prosper ity or ruin of the whole South depends on the Kansas strug gle."0 The Charleston Mercury undoubtedly represented 1 Oct. 19th, Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 250. ° Aug. 27th, 1856, Congressional Globe, 2d Scss. 34th Cong., p. 37. 3 Howard Report, p. 44. * Spring's Kansas, p. 27. See also Stringfellow's letter of Oct. 6tli, 1855, to the Montgomery Advertiser, New York Tribune, Dec. 5th. 5 "We have information from points all along the border, and we are assured that there has been no importation of slaves with the exception of a few at Shawnee Mission, while others have been sold, leaving but a very slight actual increase." — Kansas Herald of Freedom, cited by the National Intelligencer, June 14th. 6 Atchison to gentlemen in North Carolina, Sept. 12th, 1855, cited by the New York Tribune, Nov. 7th. CH.VH] KANSAS 101 Southern sentiment, when it spoke of the contest as one "between fanatical hirelings and noble champions of the South." That sentiment was certainly represented when it maintained that " the cause of Kansas is the cause of the South."1 There was an inherent difficulty in the emigration of planters with their slaves to a new territory. The owners of negroes were the OAvners of land. The sale of a planta tion was the work of time. At the North there Avas an en ergetic and intelligent floating population which could move on short notice.2 At the South, only the poor Avhites could quit their homes without long preparation. Emigrants from the North poured into Kansas wThile the small planters of the South Avere considering the project ; ancl after the dis pute broke out whether the soil should be free or slave, the most powerful of reasons prevented an emigration of slave holders. Their property was of too precarious a nature to expose to the chances of such a contest. Hardly a slave holder took with him to Kansas as many as five negroes.3 One party to this struggle, therefore, was composed of poor whites of the slave-holding States and the adventur ous spirits of Avestern Missouri, assisted, to some extent, by Southern money, and led by Atchison and Stringfellow, who were playing a political game. The other party were men from the North, actual settlers, and the same kind of people that Ave have seen in our oAvn day leave their homes and emigrate to Southern California and Dakota. Those who went into Kansas from Missouri as permanent settlers, or merely to vote at the elections, were, on account of their appearance and actions, called "border ruffians." 1 New York Tribune, Nov. 7th. - The difference was well stated by Thayer in a speech in the House of Representatives in 1859. See the Kansas Crusade, p. 246. 3 Ibid. Thayer had not heard of a single slave-holder who took there as many as five negroes, but Sara Robinson speaks of Judge Elmore who had nineteen slaves, see p. 213. 102 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 They themselves finally came to glory in the opprobrious name.1 The leader of the free-State party, Robinson, had been in California during the troublous times which preceded the formation of a State government, and his experience was, now of value. The plan of action resohred upon was to repudiate the territorial legislature as illegal ; to organ ize at once a State government, and apply to Congress for admission into the Union. Robinson despatched a mes senger to New England for Sharpe's rifles, Avhich were sent to Lawrence in packages marked "books."2 The free-State party went actively to Avork, and held several meetings to perfect their organization. On October 9th they elected delegates to a constitutional convention. Reeder had joined himself to this party, had been re ceived with enthusiasm, and was on the same day elected delegate to Congress, receiving all the ballots cast.3 The territorial legislature had ordered an election for congres sional delegate, which took place October 1st. Whitfield re ceived 2721 votes, which were all that were cast, except 17. The pro -slavery men looked upon Reeder's election as a sham ; the free - State men paid no attention to the orders of the territorial legislature. Reeder was at first in favor of having his party take part in the election of October 1st, but Avhen he attended the free -State convention at Big Springs he " was persuaded, by an examination of the territorial election law, that our vot ers Avould be excluded, and found that there was a gen- 1 See letter of Atchison of Sept. 12th, published in the New York Tribune of Nov. 7th ; also letter of same, Dec. 15th, 1855, to the editor of the Atlanta Examiner, Tribune, Jan. 19th, 1856. 2 Spring's Kansas, pp. 59, 60. The Emigrant-Aid Company did not send any implements of war, but members of the corporation contributed money as individuals for that purpose. Lawrence was the first settle ment of the Emigrant- Aid Company and the important town of the free- State party. 3 He received 2849 votes. Ch- VII.] KANSAS 103 eral concurrence of opinion in favor of a separate elec tion."1 The constitutional convention met, October 23d, at To- peka. Nineteen of the thirty-four members were Demo crats, six Avere Whigs, and the remaining nine Avere Inde pendents, Free-soilers, or Republicans. A majority of the members were friendly to the Kansas-Nebraska act.2 This convention formed themselves into a free and independent State, styled the State of Kansas, and framed a constitution which prohibited slavery and provided for its submission to the people. Thus there were now two governments and two sets of people directly hostile to each other. The pro-slavery men sneered at the embryo State government, but were incensed at the action of those who had formed it. The free-State peo ple rendered no obedience to the territorial laws, and for a while no particular effort was made to enforce them. Shan non, the new governor, sympathized Avith the Missourians and recognized the territorial laws as binding. A conven tion to organize the pro-slavery party thoroughly was held in November. Governor Shannon presided, and assured his hearers that they had the support of the President.3 They decided to take the name of " Law-and-order party." Until now, there had been no collision betAveen the op posing forces. Their settlements were apart. A few out rages had been committed and broils were not uncommon, but in the main the contest was one of political expedients. The organizing temper of the free-State party had irritated the other, and the pro-slavery leaders were looking for a pretext Avhich would bring the struggle to a head by ena bling them to attack Lawrence, the town of the Emigrant- Aid Company. The inhabitants of Lawrence were devoted to freedom, and they had inspired the organized movement which was troubling their opponents. A pretext was soon 1 Reeder's testimony, Howard Report, p. 946. 2 Spring's Kansas, p. 20. * Ibid., p. 84. 104 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1865 found. A pro-slavery squatter had a quarrel with Dow, a free-State man, in reference to a claim, and shot him in cold blood. The affair caused great excitement in the neighborhood. The murderer fled. The free-State men demanded justice. The cabins of the murderer and his friends Avere burned down at night. Old Jacob Branson, who was tenderly attached to Dow, was reported to have made sanguinary threats against an accomplice in the mur der. A peace warrant for Branson's arrest was obtained and placed in the hands of Sheriff Jones, an energetic and sincere pro-slavery man. On November 26th, he with his posse, at the dead of night, broke into Branson's cabin, made the arrest, and started for Lecompton. The news quickly spread. A free-State party of fifteen was collected. They intercepted the sheriff; their squirrel guns and Sharpe's rifles were made ready, but Branson was surrendered with out a shot. The rescuers hurried to Lawrence to counsel Avith Dr. Robinson. " I am afraid the affair will make mis chief," Robinson said. " The other side will seize upon it as a pretext for invading the territory." J A meeting was called to consider the rescue, and the people of Lawrence decided that they would Avash their hands of the whole matter; They were apprehensive, however, that the occasion would be used to justify an attack upon them, and they appointed a committee of safety, who immediately went to work to organize the citizens into guards and put the toAvn in a state of defence.2 Sheriff Jones wras in a rage at the loss of his prisoner, but he hoped that the affair, rightly used, might redound to the advantage of his party. He was a Missourian, and it natur ally occurred to him that he must have recourse to his own State for help. He forthwith sent a messenger to Missouri, asking for aid. Stating publicly what he had done, he swore Avith a loud oath that he would have revenge. A bystander, 1 Spring's Kansas, p. 90. " Robinson's testimony, Howard Report, p. 1069. CH.VII.] THE WAKARUSA WAR 105 holding the opinion that the sheriff of a Kansas county should report to his governor, asked, " Why not send to Governor Shannon ?" ' The propriety of this struck Jones, and he despatched a courier to Shannon Avith an exagger ated account of the affair, expressing the opinion that it would require three thousand men to vindicate insulted jus tice. The governor called out the Kansas militia and about fifty men responded.2 The appeals of the sheriff and his friends to Missouri were more effectual. One despatch to a member of the Missouri legislature at Jefferson City read : " We want help. Communicate this to our friends." 3 The border ruffians turned out with alacrity, and in straggling companies came along towards Lawrence. 'By the 1st of December there were from twelve to fifteen hundred armed men. encamped on the Wakarusa River in the vicinity of Lawrence. Atchison was one of their leaders. Kansas and Avestern Missouri were all ablaze, and all eyes were fixed upon the spot where a bloody battle was expected. Earthworks had been constructed on all sides of LaAvrence, and these were defended by six hundred men, one third of whom were armed with Sharpe's rifles. A lot had been re ceived just before the siege began. Dr. Robinson wrote A. A. Lawrence, of Boston, December 4th, that the Sharpe's rifles " will give us the victory without firing a shot." 4 Rob inson Avas right. The marvellous stories which had spread abroad about the efficiency of these br^eclvloadin^^guns caused the invaders to reflect before making an attack on the town. A howitzer sent from the North had been smug gled through the invading lines. This affair, which is knoAvn in Kansas history as the Wakarusa Avar, did not come to ac tual hostilities. The invaders breathed out threats ; they fired upon the Lawrence sentries nightly ; and one f ree- 1 Testimony of L. A. Prather, Howard Report, p. 1065 ; see Spring's Kansas. 2 Spring's Kansas, p. 91. 3 St. Louis Intelligencer, Dec. 1st, cited by New York Tribune; see also Kansas, Sara Robinson, p. 120. * Spring's Kansas, p. 93. 106 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 State man was killed under circumstances that were dis creditable to his assailants.1 The Lawrence men acted strictly on the defensive. Robinson was chosen general, and his conduct of affairs was characterized by great prudence. The Lawrence committee of safety opened communications with Governor Shannon. Shannon's first idea was to de mand that the free -State men should surrender their Sharpe's rifles and agree to obey the territorial law. To enforce this he asked for the assistance of the United States troops at Fort Leavenworth. The President did not give them orders to interfere, and Colonel Sumner, who was in command, Avould take no steps without express directions', Shannon began to have suspicions that he might have been misled by his pro-slavery advisers, and when he came to LaAvrence on the 7th of December, he was certain of it. He played the part of a mediator, and was successful in negotiat ing a treaty of peace the effect of which was to deprive the invaders of all legal countenance and standing.2 Sheriff Jones Avas disgusted at the outcome, and some of the Mis sourians shared his indignation ; but Atchison was earnest in peaceful counsels.3 He had regard for the public senti ment of the country, and insisted that the Missourians should Avithdraw. " If you attack Lawrence noAv," he said, " you attack it as a mob ; and what would be the result ? You would cause the election of an abolition President and the ruin of the Democratic party."4 The Missourians left the territory. The victory was for Lawrence. The North learned that there was a resolute party in Kansas deter mined to make a fight for a free State. ' Kansas, Sara Robinson, pp. 132, 145. 2 See letters of Gov. Shannon to the President, Nov. 28th and Dec. lltli. s"Gen. Stringfellow once said to me that during the struggle for Kansas, whatever severity there may have been in Atchison's plans, lie always relented when the time came to put them in execution." — Leverett Spring, Magazine of Western History, vol. ix. p. 80. 1 Spring's Kansas, p. 100. CH.VII.] THE THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 107 The Topeka Constitution was voted upon by the free- State people on December 15th, and Avas ratified by 1731 affirmative to 46 negative votes. The question of the exclu sion of free negroes had occasioned debate in the constitu tional convention, and it had been agreed to have a separate vote of the people on this article. They decided by a ma jority of nearly three to one to exclude colored people from the State. On the 15th of January, 1856, there was an elec tion for governor and legislature of the neAv commonwealth. Robinson was chosen governor. There was little interfer ence Avith these elections by the pro-slavery men ; they were looked upon by that party as silly performances. At only two places was there any trouble. At Leavenworth, in De cember, a mob seized the ballot-box and stopped further proceedings. At Easton, in January, there was an affray in which a pro-slavery man was killed. The next day his death was avenged by the Kickapoo Rangers, Avho cruelly assassi nated a free-State leader. Seven Aveeks after the election, the free-State legislature met at Topeka and prepared a memorial to Congress, asking that Kansas might be admitted into the Union as a State under the Topeka Constitution. Thus stood affairs in Kansas Avhen the Thirty-fourth Con gress got fairly to work: The House of Representatives, which had been elected on the issue raised on the Kansas-Nebraska act, assembled in Congress on the first Monday of December, 1855. It was a body hard to classify politically. There were Demo crats, pro-slavery Whigs, pro-slavery Americans, anti-slavery Americans, and Republicans. The Congressional Globe, which was accustomed to indicate the partisan divisions by printing the names of the members in different type, noAv gaAre up such a classification in despair. When the next Congress met, the editor of the Globe returned to his usual custom. The perplexing divisions and cross-modifications which now existed had then settled down into three dis tinct and clearly marked parties. 108 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1855 The " Tribune Almanac " confessed the difficulty of a proper classification, but did not shirk the attempt. There were seventy-nine Democrats, friends of the administration, Avho were counted upon to support the Pierce-Douglas pol icy in regard to slavery. Twenty of these were from the North. One hundred and seventeen members had been elected as anti-Nebraska men, and, when chosen, it was ex pected that they would uphold the cause of freedom in the territories. Thirty-seven members were Whigs or Amer icans of pro-slavery tendencies, and all but three so classed were from the slave States. Again there was a cross-divi sion of the one hundred and seventeen anti-Nebraska men, all of whom were from the North. Seventy-five of them had been elected as Know-nothings.1 The House Avent immediately to work to elect a speaker, An animated contest began. It was soon evident that the disorganized party conditions Avhich had prevailed since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act were nearing an end, and that the slavery question and the Kansas dispute were ranging men in Congress into two political divisions. Rich ardson Avas the caucus nominee of the Democrats. He re ceived seventy-four votes on the first trial. His supporters stuck by their candidate so persistently that they became knoAvn as " the immortal seventy -four." The opposition scattered their Arotes, voting on the first calling of the roll for no less than twenty candidates. Campbell, of Ohio, re ceived the largest support. On the 7th of December, he withdrew his name, and it was then patent that Banks, of Massachusetts, Avho had received votes from the first, could concentrate more of the anti-Nebraska strength than any other candidate. Banks was a self-made and largely a self-educated man. He started to work as a bobbin-boy in a cotton-factory and became a good machinist. Yet he had less genius for me- 1 See speech of Smith of Tennessee, House of Representatives, April 4th, 1856 ; Rise and Pall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 420. Ch. VII.] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER 109 chanics than for rhetoric, in Avhich art he gained exercise by delivering addresses on temperance. He had also tried the stage, playing the part of Claude Melnotte before a Boston audience. He had been elected to the previous Congress as a Democrat, but had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He was chosen to the present House of Representatives as a KnoAV-nothing, but in the canvass of 1855 he had abandoned that party and had presided over the Republican convention of his State. He was sagacious in manner, impressive in speech, grave in council ; but many of his political friends had a suspicion that he was not as wise as he looked.1 Greeley, wTho wras at Washington as the correspondent of the Tribune, stood up for him from the first. His fitness for the post was universally conceded, and it seemed to the veteran editor that the imputation that the anti-Nebraska movement was a " Whig trick" would be effectually refuted by taking as the candidate for speaker a former Democrat.2 The continued ballotings, and the discussions to which they gave rise, resulted in showing that all the members of the House could be practically classified into three parties. Their strength was well represented by the typical vote for speaker, when there came to be but the three candidates, Banks, Richardson, and Fuller of Pennsyh'ania. The Re publicans numbered one hundred and five, the Democrats seventy-four, the National American party forty.3 This did not take into account all the members of the House. But there were always absentees ; and four anti-Nebraska men, who ought to have supported Banks, persistently threAV away their votes by giving their voice for some other Re publican. Banks did indeed reach one hundred and seven, Avhich was his highest number. Fuller rarely had forty, but 1 See Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon ; Life of Samuel Bowles, Merriam. 8 Greeley to the New York Tribune, Dec. 19th, 1855. 3 See resolution of Smith of Alabama, and remarks of Colfax, of In diana, Congressional Globe, vol. xxx'ii. pp. 65, 85. 110 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. [1855 it was well understood that if the Democrats would come to him, he would certainly get the votes of forty Americans,!? As the position of all the members on the main question, Avas not well defined or understood, the proceedings of a cer tain afternoon set apart for the catechism of the candidates? Avere important, as indicating what precise opinions had been evolved out of the chaotic political conditions which had pre vailed since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act. The three candidates voted for the resolution which instituted the catechising. The ansAvers of Richardson, Fuller, and Banks to questions which were propounded, and the adher ence of their supporters, after they had defined their posi tion, typified pretty nearly the division of sentiment in the country and prefigured the presidential contest. Richardson planted himself upon the Douglas doctrine of popular sovereignty. Fuller maintained that as the. terri tories Avere the common property of all the States, neither Congress nor a territorial legislature had the poAver to es tablish or prohibit slavery in the territories. When applica tion for admission into the Union was made, the question should be decided by the State constitution. Since it was generally supposed that Fuller had been elected as an anti- Nebraska man, much surprise was occasioned Avhen it was learned early in the session that he had veered to the South on the slavery issue. At first his votes came mostly from the North ; but a month before the day of the catechism it was understood that he had satisfied the South on the Kansas question, and after that time his votes came mainly from the slave States.1 Apparently the supporters of Rich ardson ancl Fuller might together have elected the speaker, for they agreed on Kansas ; but the Democrats had resolved in caucus to support no one but a Democrat, and would not go to Fuller, who was an American. The Fuller men could not consistently vote for Richardson, as the caucus which 1 Greeley to the New York Tribune, Dec. 11th, 1855. The day of cat echisrn Was Jan. 12th, 1856. CH.VII.] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER HI nominated him had censured the Know-nothings.1 Nor was it absolutely certain that the union of these two forces would elect a speaker. They did not constitute a majority of a full house ; and if the line came to be sharply drawn between two men, one pro-slavery and the other anti-slavery, it Avas quite possible that the anti-slavery man Avould prevail. Banks stated clearly that he was in favor of congressional prohibition of slavery in all the territories where such ac tion was necessary to keep it out. In regard to Kansas and Nebraska, which was the question of the day, he desired that there should " be made good to the people of the United States the prohibition for which the Southern States con tracted, and received a consideration. I am," he continued, " for the substantial restoration of the prohibition as it has existed since 1820." The opinion of Banks had already been generally understood, but his clear and eloquent state ment gave him a commanding position before the House and the country.2 The Hearty response from the members and from the country was an index of the concentration of the public mind on the slavery question, which had come about since the fall elections of 1854. Seventy-five men who voted for Banks had been elected as KnoAV-nothings or through Know- nothing influence ; now most of them believed that the lesser should give place to the greater issue. " The majority of the Banks men," wrote Greeley to Charles A. Dana, " are noAv members of Know-nothing councils, and some twenty. or thirty of them actually believe in the swindle. Half the Massachusetts delegation, two thirds that of Ohio, and nearly all that of Pennsylvania are Know-nothings this day. We shall get them gradually detached." 3 1 See discussion of Dec. 20th, 1855, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii. p. 62. 2 Greeley to the New York Tribune, Jan. 12th, 1856. s Letter of Feb. 9th, 1856. Greeley was at Washington, a close ob server, and occupying a position of influence. Many of his private letters to Dana, who was managing editor of the Tribune, were published iii the 112 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 A remark which Banks had made in a speech at Portland, Maine, during the preceding canvass, gave him trouble. He said that in certain circumstances he would be willing "to let the Union slide." The Union sentiment among Northern representatives Avas so strong that he now felt it necessary to declare his unalterable attachment to the Union and his willingness to fight for it, as he believed it was " the main prop of the liberties of the American people." The Union which he was willing to let slide wTas one whose chief ob ject should be to maintain and propagate human slavery,' The contest for the election of speaker, Avhich lasted two months, fixed the attention of the country and excited in tense interest. The most entertaining historian of the struggle is Horace Greeley, Avho wrote a daily account for his journal. His private letters to Dana throw light upon his public communications, and they together form a con nected narrative from the point of view of an earnest Ee- publican. The private letters shoAV his varying hopes and fears, and reflect the passing sentiment. " I am doing. what I can for Banks," Greeley writes Dana, December 1st, 1855; " but he will not be speaker. His support of the Repub lican against the Know-nothing ticket this fall renderslit impossible. If we elect anybody, it Avill be Pennington or Fuller. I fear the latter. Pennington is pretty fair, con sidering. He will try to twist himself into the proper shape, but I Avould greatly prefer one who had the natural crook. . . . The neAvs from Kansas is helping us."2 On January 8th, 1856, Greeley Avrites : " We calculate to elect Banks in the course of to-morrow night. No postponement on ac count of the weather." 3 The Democrats in caucus had re- New York Sun, May 19th, 1889, and are a valuable contribution to his tory. 1 See discussion of Dec. 24th and 29th, 1855, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii. pp. 75, 103. 8 That is the news of the Wakarusa war. New York Sun, May 19th, l889- a Greeley to Dana, ibid. Oh. VII.] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER 113 solved that they Avould vote against any adjournment until a speaker was elected, but the project of a continuous ses sion did not alarm the Republicans. The 9th of January Avas an exciting day, and the night session stormy ; but no result was reached.' At half-past eight on the morning of the 10th, the House, through sheer weariness, adjourned. After the night session, Greeley is hopeful, and writes Dana : " We shall elect Banks yet, now you see if we do not. We made a good push towards it last night." 2 One week later Greeley is discouraged and writes to the Tribune: " There is no anti-Nebraska majority, . . . and that is the reason why there is no organization. The people meant to choose an anti-Nebraska House and thought they had done so; but they Avere deceived and betrayed."3 The same day he writes his confidential friend : " I shall see these treacherous scoundrels through the speakership, if I am lalknved to live long enough, at all events. Our plans are i defeated and our hopes frustrated from day to day by per petual treacheries on our own side." * The days went by. The calling of the roll went on until lone hundred and twenty-seven ballots had been taken and many propositions voted upon which had in view the or ganization of the House. On the morning of January 28th, Greeley wrote Dana : " We hope to elect Banks to-day." But his hopes Avere dashed ; and in the afternoon, when the House had adjourned, he charges the failure upon " thirty double-dyed traitors, ten of them voting against us, and the other twenty cursing me because they cannot do likeAvise." 5 Early in the session, Alexander Stephens had bewailed the inconsistency of his fellow-representatives. " If men were reliable creatures," he wrote his brother, "I should say" Banks never can be elected. "But my observation 1 Greeley to New York Tribune, Jan. 9th. 'Greeley to Dana, Jan. 10th, 1856, New York Sun, May 19th, 1889. ' Jan. 17th, 1856. * Greeley to Dana, Jan. 17th, 1856. B Idem, Jan. 28th, 1856. IL— 8 114 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION has taught me that very little confidence is to be on what they say as to what they will do." ' Richardson withdrew his name, and the Democrats trans ferred their strength to Orr, of South Carolina. But he was no more successful than Richardson in attracting votes from the Southern Americans, so he also retired from the contest. On the 1st of February a resolution Avas offered declaring that Aiken, of South Carolina, should be elected speaker. This received 103 affirmative to 110 negative votes. Aiken Avas a man of sterling character, personally very popular, and, although he had the name of owning more slaves than any one in the country and was a de vout disciple of Calhoun, he Avas more acceptable to the Southern Know-nothings than Orr and Richardson. When the House adjourned on this afternoon, the Democrats were elated and some of the Republicans depressed. It was cer tain that the resolution — already many times offered and always voted down — providing that a plurality should elect, Avould on the morroAV prevail. This Avould, it was supposed, insure the election of Aiken. At the levee that evening, the President warmly congratulated him on his probable success. A dozen anti-Nebraska caucuses were held, where the weak-hearted offered timorous counsels, but where the majority felt confident. It Avas ^determined to stand by Banks at all hazards. Soon after the reading of the journal on February 2d, Smith, a Democrat of Tennessee, offered a resolution which provided that the House should proceed immediately to vote for a speaker; if, after three votes had been taken, no candidate had received a majority, then on the fourth calling of the roll the member receiving the largest hum ber of votes should be declared elected speaker. Smith expected that the adoption of this rule would result in the choice of Aiken. The resolution Avas carried by 113 yeas to 104 nays. All the Republicans A^oted for it, as i 1 Dec. 11th, 1855, Life of Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 300. Ch.VII.] BANKS ELECTED SPEAKER 1]5 they had persistently favored the plan of having a plu rality elect. Twelve Democrats joined them. The end of the protracted contest was now in sight, and the in terest was overmastering. The three votes Avere taken without result. The House then proceeded to vote the one hundred and thirty -third time, the fourth and last under the plurality rule. As the roll Avas called, the anx iety Avas without bounds. The Americans Avho clung to Fuller were besought to save the Union by voting for Aiken. The votes were recorded ; there remained the an nouncement of the result. The confusion Avas great. All the members Avere standing, and trying vainly to be heard in expostulation or appeal. One member shouted out a motion to adjourn, Avhich Avas quickly declared out of order by the presiding officer. John W. Forney, the clerk of the former House, a strong Democrat, until recently one of the editors of the Washington Union, had presided over the House during the trying situation of the past two months with impartiality and admirable skill. The time had come for a prompt decision and emphatic state ment. The precedent Avas to have a resolution adopted stating that the member Avho had the largest number of votes should be declared speaker. But Forney Avas afraid that another vote, in the Avild excitement prevailing, might overturn the result reached. He and the tellers, who rep resented both parties, quickly consulted together, and they decided to declare Banks elected. The Republican teller gained the attention of the House and said : " Gentlemen, the folloAving is the result of the one hundred and thirty- third vote : Banks, 103 ; Aiken, 100 ; Fuller, 6 ; Campbell, 4 ; Wells, 1 ; therefore, according to the resolution Avhich was adopted this day, Nathaniel P. Banks is declared speaker of the House of Representatives for the Thirty-fourth Con gress." The pent-up emotion of many weeks broke forth in Avild tumult. The hall resounded Avith cheers. The van quished tried to overpoAver the cheers with hisses. When order was partially restored, an American from Kentucky 116 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 protested that, as the precedent of 1849 had not been fol lowed, Banks had not been chosen speaker. This protest occasioned an exhibition of feeling which showed that South ern chivalry was not all a sham. Clingman, Aiken, and other Southern Democrats rebuked the cavillers and main tained that Banks had been fairly and legally chosen. A resolution to that effect was adopted by an overwhelming vote, and Banks was escorted to the chair.1 The day after the election, Greeley Avrote Dana: "Of course you understand that the election of Banks was 'fixed' before the House met yesterday morning. He Avould have had three votes more if necessary, perhaps five. There has been a great deal of science displayed in the premises, and all manner of negotiations. A genuine his tory of this election Avould beat any novel in interest."1 Two weeks later, Greeley is still full of the transaction, and Avrites Dana that if he sees a certain man in New York soon, " make him give you a private account of the Banks election — inside view. He may be as great a rascal as he is represented ; if so, I begin to see the utility of rascals in the general economy of things. Banks Avould never have been elected without him. He can tell you a story as interesting as ' The Arabian Nights,' and a great deal truer. He has done more, and incurred more odium, to elect Banks than would have been involved in beating ten speakers." 3 The latent influences, whatever they may have been, had only to do with a few floating votes. Most of the members ' In this account, besides the Congressional Globe, I have consulted Greeley's letters to the New York Tribune; his private letters to Dana; Simonton's letters to the New York Times; Forney's Anecdotes of Pub lic Men, vol. i. ; Life of A. H. Stephens, Johnston and Browne ; see also speech of J. A. Smith, of Tennessee, House of Representatives, April 4th. " AVashington, Feb. 3d, 1856, New York Sun, May 19th, 1889. 3 Washington, Feb. 16th, ibid. In H. H. Bancroft, vol. xviii. p. 702, bribery in the election of Banks as speaker is alluded to. CH.VII.] THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 117 who voted for Banks did so for the reason that John Sher man, of Ohio, gave. I understand Banks to take this posi tion, Sherman said before the day of the catechism, " that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was an act of great dishonor, and that under no circumstances whatever Avill he — if he have the power — allow the institution of human slavery to derive benefit from that repeal." 1 For the mem bers of whom Sherman was a type, and for the Republicans of the Northern States, the election of Banks Avas a victory of freedom over slavery. It was even asserted that it was the first victory which had been gained within the memory of men living.2 It was, moreover, a triumph of the young Republican party. Friend and foe had repeatedly on the floor of the House denominated all the supporters of Banks as Republicans. The Democrats chafed at the adoption of that name. The Republican party of which Jefferson was the father had been the forerunner of their oAvn, and to use that designation seemed like stealing their thunder. To dis tinguish, therefore, the modern party from the ancient, they called it the Black Republican ; and they maintained that the adjective was appropriate, as the Banks men were de voted to the cause of the negro. Yet if the Democrats were fond of appealing to the name of Jefferson, the Republicans were fonder still of referring to his declared principles. The discussion that was held at inter ATals between the votes for speaker turned almost entirely on some phase of the slavery question. Even the American movement was treated in its relation to the absorbing issue. Humphrey Marshall, a Kentucky Know-nothing, said that he found no American party in Washington ; that the engrossing subject was the negro.3 The long contest was marked by the absence of bitterness; good temper prevailed, and the struggle Avas conducted with dignity and forbearance. This was not due so much to the shadow of the serious situation which hung 1 Jan. 9th. ' New York Tribune, Feb. 6th. 3 Greeley to the New York Tribune, Dec. 5th, 1855. H8 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1850 over the House as it was to the good-humor of the mem bers. The dissolution of the Union was freely talked of, but the Southern threats were not considered serious. The declaration of a Virginia Hotspur, that " if you restore the Missouri Compromise or repeal the Fugitive Slave law, this Union will be dissolved," was received with " laughter and cries of ' Oh, no !' " The night session, though exciting, was characterized by no violence of speech or action. The only outrageous act of the Avhole contest was the assault upon Horace Greeley in the streets of Washington by Rust, a member of Congress from Arkansas, on account of a severe stricture in the Tribune for a resolution he had introduced. The election of Banks Avas an important event for a party whose organization dated back but one and a half years. It was the triumph of a section ; all his supporters came from the North. It gave additional point to the Republican National convention which had been called by the chairmen of the Republican State committees of Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin. Delegates from twenty -three States assembled at Pittsburgh on the 22d of February. No men were more prominent in the deliberations than the editors of the two leading Republican journals. Greeley counselled extreme caution. " Not only our acts but our words," he said, " should indicate an absence of ill-will tow ards the South." The American question must be treated "Avith prudence and forbearance. There are hundreds of whole-hearted Republicans in the American ranks. But the American as a National organization is not friendly to us."' Henry J. Raymond wrote the address which was unanimous ly adopted by the convention.2 The author related the his- 1 Speech at the convention. 2 One gets a glimpse of the rivalry between these journalists in Gree ley's letter to Dana of March 2d. " Have we got to surrender a page of next Weekly to Raymond's bore of an address ? The man who could in flict six columns on a long-suffering public, on such an occasion, cannot possibly know enough to write an address. Alas for Wilson's glorious Ch.VIL] THE PITTSBURGH CONVENTION 119 tory of slavery aggression, and foreshadowed what might be the further conquests of the slave power, unless it received a check. The address closed with a declaration of the " ob ject for which we unite in political action : " 1. We demand, and shall attempt to secure, the repeal of all laws which allow the introduction of slavery into terri tories once consecrated to freedom, and will resist by every constitutional means the existence of slavery in any of the territories of the United States. " 2. We will support by every lawful means our brethren in Kansas," and Ave are " in favor of the immediate admis sion of Kansas as a free and independent State." "3. It is a leading purpose of our organization to op pose and overthroAV the present national administration." ' The anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, the 17th of June, Avas selected as the day for holding a national conven tion at Philadelphia to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. A national committee was appointed composed of one member from each free State, one from Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri re spectively, and one from the District of Columbia. Gov ernor Robinson, as the representative of Kansas, was added to the committee. On the same day that the Republicans assembled at Pitts burgh (February 22d) the Americans came together at Phila delphia, and nominated Millard Fillmore for President and Donelson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The platform had been adopted at the National Council of Know-nothings Avhich had been in session the three days immediately pre vious. On the slavery question it was non - committal. Northern delegates tried to get a positive expression of the speech !" The Weekly Tribune of March 8th published the address, and said editorially : " We give to-day the very able and comprehensive ad dress of the Republican convention." 1 This address is printed in full in Raymond and New York Journal ism, Maverick. 120 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 convention on the subject, and, failing in that, refused to take part in the nominations. Seventy-one delegates with drew and issued a call for a convention in June. The President Avas annoyed at the long delay in the or ganization of the House of Representatives. His message Avas ready, and in it were matters of importance which he Avished to communicate to Congress and the country. Our relations with England Avere critical. The chronic discus sion regarding the construction of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty had reached the point of a wide and irreconcilable differ ence between the two governments. A more serious trouble was the persistence by British officers in the enlistment of recruits in the United States for their army engaged in the Crimean war, and the fact that no reparation for the wrong had been obtained from the English government. A Brit ish fleet had been sent to our coasts, and the inflammatory articles as to its object Avhich had appeared in the London Times, Globe, and Chronicle had caused excitement in Eng land and the United States. Buchanan in a private letter admitted that " the aspect of affairs betAveen the two coun tries had now become squally."1 Lord Palmerston was prime minister. With the message, the President intended to communicate the correspondence in reference to the Cen tral-American dispute, and included in it was a letter of Palmerston written in 1849, when he held the portfolio|of Foreign Affairs. The publication of this in England would, . the President thought, have the effect of overthrowing the Palmerston ministry, and it Avas the opinion in the State department that the Central-American question could be easily settled with any other premier.2 The precedent was against sending the message to Congress until the House Avas organized, but Stephens and Cobb advised the President 1 Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 154 ; see also Harper's letter of Oct. 26th, 1855. 2 See Life of Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 300 ; Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 162. Ch. VII.] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE 121 to transmit it. The Senate would certainly receive it, and it would thus be given to the country. " At first," Stephens relates, " he did not seem to take to it at all : he wras timid and shy ; but after a while said he would think of it and consult his cabinet. The thing Avas so unprecedented he Avas afraid of it." The President advised Avith Toombs ; he agreed with Stephens and Cobb. Stephens "found a precedent in the British Parliament when the House failed to elect a speaker for fourteen days, and the crown com municated Avith them by message." Jefferson's " Manual," which cited the precedent, was immediately sent to the President.1 The next day Avas the 31st of December, 1855, and the message was transmitted to Congress. The House Avould not hear it, but it was read in the Senate. It Avas published in the newspapers, as was also the diplomatic cor respondence relating to the Central-American question. The publication of the Palmerston letter did not have the result which the President anticipated. Palmerston remained in power two years longer ; but the disclosure of the corre spondence affected English public opinion in our favor, and Buchanan thought that the danger of a rupture was over.2 The President had more words in his message on the slavery question than on the controversy with England. He went into a labored argument draAvn from history, which was not without force, but he looked at affairs from the Southern point of view. The opposition press said that it was his bid for Southern support in the next Democratic national convention, for he was an avowed candidate. He disposed of Kansas in a short paragraph : " In the ter ritory of Kansas," he said, " there have been acts prejudicial to good order, but as yet none have occurred under circum stances to justify the interposition of the federal executive." Senator Hale criticised the President for the slight heed he 1 Letter of Alex. Stephens to his brother, Dec. 30th, 1855, Johnston and Browne, p. 300. 2 Letter of Buchanan, Jan. 25th, 1856, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 162. 122 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 paid to the matter. " The President has a great deal to say about Central America," the senator declared, " as if that Avere the engrossing subject with the people at this time. I tell the President that there is a central place in the United States called Kansas, about Avhich the people of this coun try are thinking vastly more at this time than they are about Central America." ' It is probable, hoAvever, that no man in the country was thinking more about Kansas than Franklin Pierce. The message, although dated December 31st, Avas probably writ ten by the first of the month, when the situation looked less serious than now, for the reports of the Wakarusa war had not then been received. The President Avas undoubtedlyan a strait between two ways ; but by the 24th of January, the day on Avhich he sent his special message to Congress, it was knoAvn that Jefferson Davis, Avho Avas an open friend of the Missouri party, had prevailed. The President maintained that the emigrant-aid companies were largely responsible for the troubles which had occurred ; their purposes, pro claimed through the press, Avere extremely offensive and ir ritating to the people of Missouri ; yet their operations were "far from justifying the illegal and reprehensible coun ter-movements Avhich ensued." The President then pro ceeded to plant himself squarely on the side of the Missou rians. " Whatever irregularities may have occurred in the elections," he said, " it seems too late now to raise that ques tion. At all events, it is a question as to which, neither now nor at any previous time, has the least possible legal author ity been possessed by the President of the United States. For all present purposes the legislative body thus consti tuted and elected was the legitimate assembly of the terri tory." The acts of the free-State people Avere without law, " In fact, Avhat has been done is of revolutionary character. It is avowedly so in motive, and in aim as respects the local law of the territory. It Avill become treasonable insurrec- 1 In the Senate, Jan. 3d. Oh. VII.] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE ON KANSAS 123 tion if it reach the length of organized resistance by force to the fundamental or any other federal law, and to the authority of the general government. In such an event, the path of duty for the Executive is plain." The Presi dent surrounded his meaning Avith verbiage and limitations and provisos that had a tinge of fairness ; but beyond all, it appeared plainly that his intention Avas to sustain the United States marshal in the enforcement of federal law, and the territorial authorities in the enforcement of the ter ritorial laws, and to place at their disposal United States soldiers in order to make effective their efforts. He recommended that Congress should pass an enabling act for the admission of Kansas as a State, Avhen it should have sufficient population. The reasoning of the President was worthy of a quib bling lawyer, but not of the chief magistrate. It is true that the Topeka movement had not legal authorization; the Topeka constitutional convention was but a party mass-meeting, but it had nevertheless a moral backing in that it undoubtedly represented the will of a majority of actual settlers. The territorial legislature was in form le gal; a majority of the members had received certificates in proper shape from Reeder, who was then governor ; but it is equally true that the legislature was the creature of a fraud. Franklin Pierce, in virtue of his position, should haAre looked on both sides. There Avas no great difficulty in arriving at the facts, and a calm and fair consideration of them pointed to an unerring decision. One government lacked moral, the other legal, authority. Both should have beeh^set aside and a new government instituted under regu lations that should give a fair expression to the AToice of the people. For this the power of Congress was ample. The President should have recommended that course and main tained order in the territory until Congress could mature a policy.1 1 This view was ably advocated in an editorial of the New York Times of Jan. 28th. 124 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1666 Before the special message reached Kansas, Robinson, and Lane, an associate in the free-State movement, called upon the President for assistance. They likewise appealed' for help to the governors'of New York, Rhode Island, and Ohio, Avho formally transmitted the communication to their re spective legislatures. Chase did more. He sent to the Ohio legislature a message of warm sympathy, and asked that the law-makers bring to bear upon Congress the usual in fluences on behalf of the free-State people. He, moreover, suggested that they might officially commend the cause of Kansas to the liberal contributions of their constituents;!!- < On the 11th of February, the President issued a proclama tion relating to Kansas. Couched in the usual formal and commanding language of such soA'ereign documents, and af fecting to condemn impartially . lawless acts, whether per formed by Missourians or free-State men, there Avas no dif ference of opinion as to its meaning. Every one kneAV that it was directed against the Topeka movement, and that the intent was to set firmly on the side of the territorial legis- ture and pro-slavery party the authority and power of the national government. The United States troops at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley were placed at the requisition of Governor Shannon, but he was cautioned not to call upon them unless absolutely necessary to enforce the laws and preserve the peace, and, before the soldiers Avere em ployed on any occasion, he was enjoined to have the Presi dent's proclamation publicly read. The course of the Presi dent was satisfactory to the South, and it was approved by the Northern Democrats in Congress and by the Northern Democratic press. The Boston journal of the administra tion gave the key-note to those Avho had to stand the brunt of the argument in a community where sympathy Avith the free-State settlers was widespread and irresistible. " Here is the issue," it declared : " on the one side are Robinson and his organization in Kansas — Chase and the madcaps who go with him in his overt act of treason out of Kansas —the whole band Avho advocate the sending of Sharpe's CH.VII.] REPORTS OP DOUGLAS AND COLLAMER 125 rifles to Kansas . . . and on the other side are the consti tuted autlwr ities of the United States."1- > The Democratic majority2 in the Senate did not take ^hold of the matter at once ; they waited for Douglas, their deader, to give expression to their views, but he was detained ifrom Washington by illness. . As soon, however, as he ar rived, he set himself diligently to work. That part of the iannual message which related to Kansas, and also the special 'message, had been referred to the committee on territories. iOn the 12th of March, Douglas made a report in which he discussed the question thoroughly. The Emigrant- Aid Com- spany was the scape-goat, and its operations were made to :do great service in his argument. In his view the territorial i legislature Avas a legal body, and its acts were laAvful; the i Topeka movement repudiated the laws of the territorial gov ernment, and was in defiance of the authority of Congress. ' Three senators joined with Douglas in the majority report ; one only, Senator Collamer, of Yermont, dissented. The Topeka movement, Collamer averred, had been entered into because the free-State people saw no other source of relief ; " thus far this effort for redress is peaceful, constitutional, and right." The true remedy is the entire repeal of the Kansas-Nebraska act. " But," he continued, " if Congress insist on proceeding with the experiment, then declare all the action by this spurious foreign legislative assembly ut terly inoperative and void, and direct a reorganization, pro viding proper safeguard for legal voting and against foreign force." Yet there was another Avay to end the trouble, and that was to admit Kansas as a free State under the Topeka Constitution. The two reports were read to the Senate by their ' Boston Post, Feb. 15th. The New York Journal of Commerce, the Al bany Argus, and Philadelphia Pennsylvanian take similar ground. 2 The Senate was composed of thirty-four administration Democrats, thirteen Bepublicans, twelve Whigs or Americans, all but one of whom were from the slave States. 126 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [18tj authors. When Collamer had finished, Sumner rose and said : " In the report of the majority the true issue is smothered ; in that of the minority, the true issue stands forth as a pillar of fire to guide the country. ... I have no desire to precipitate the debate on this important ques tion, under Avhich the country already shakes from side to side, and Avhich threatens to scatter from its folds civil war." . . . But I must repel " at once, distinctly and un equivocally, the assault which has been made upon the Emigrant-Aid Company of Massachusetts. That company has done nothing for Avhich it can be condemned under the laAvs and Constitution of the land. These it has not of fended in letter or spirit ; not in the slightest letter or in the remotest spirit. It is true, it has sent men to Kansas; and had it not a right to send them ? It is true, I trust, that its agents love freedom and hate slavery. And have they not a right to do so ? Their offence has this extent, and nothing more." In the calmer light of historical disquisition, we mayjap- prove every word of this indignant burst of Sumner. Meanwhile the House had resolved by 101 yeas to 100 nays that the Missouri Compromise ought to be restored,'' Whitfield had taken his seat as delegate from Kansas with out objection ; but a memorial from Reeder had been pre sented, in Avhich he claimed the place. By the middled February, Greeley was convinced that the session would be barren of legislative results. He wrote Dana : " We cannot (I fear) admit Reeder; we cannot admit Kansas as a State; we can only make issues on which to go to the peoplem the free-State settlers gave reason to be lieve that a b/ioody conflict was imminent.1 March, how ever, passed away Avithout a demonstration, and for the first part of April quiet reigned ; " a quiet," Mrs. Robinson Avrote, " which seemed almost fearful from the very stillness." a In April the congressional investigating committee, Buford and his men, and the NeAv Haven colony, arrived. The commit tee went immediately to Avork taking the testimony, which proved an invaluable document for the Republican party of 1856. It is likewise excellent evidence for the historian of the period.3 The NeAv Haven colony settled at a place on the Kansas River sixty-five miles aboAre Lawrence. They at once set to work ploughing and planting ; they surrounded themselves with all obtainable appliances of civilization, and it was their hope that in a few years they Avould have in their Kansas home the comforts to which they had been used in Connecticut.4 It was soon apparent that Buford's men knew not how to plough or to sow, but it seemed likely that they might be put to other service. In April, emigrants from the North began to arrive in large numbers ; but be sides Buford's battalion, it does not appear that there Avere accessions of consequence from the Southern States.5 On the 19th of April, Sheriff Jones came to Lawrence and attempted to arrest one of Branson's rescuers, who resisted and struck the sheriff. Four days later, Jones reappeared 1 Greeley to New York Tribune, March 1st. 2 Sara Robinson's Kansas, p. 196. 3 This report comprises 1188 pages. Much of the testimony was pub lished in the Republican newspapers at the time that it was taken. Three hundred and twenty-three witnesses were examined. Spring's Kansas, p. 108. 4 New York Independent, June 19th. 5 Sara Robinson's Kansas, p. 196; New York Independent, May 1st; Spring's Kansas, pp. 105, 165. 156 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 in the town with a detachment of Unite! States soldiers which had been furnished him by Governor Shannon. . He arrested six men on the charge of contempt of court. In the evening, Avhile sitting in the tent of Lieutenant Mcin tosh, who was in command of the soldiers, Jones was shot in the back. A public meeting of Lawrence citi sens promptly disavoAved any connection with the affair, and pledged them selves to do their best to bring the guilty party or parties to justice. The wound was not fatal, but it Avas for some time reported that Jones was dead. As he was a hero among the border ruffians, they breathed forth vengeance against Law rence, and demanded, in their forcible language, that the abolition town should be Aviped out. At this time Judge Lecompte, the chief justice of the ter ritory, came to the aid of the pro-slavery party. He charged the grand jury, in session at Lecompton, that the laws passed by the pro-slavery territorial legislature Avere of United States authority and making ;' that all Avho " resist these laws resist the power and authority of the United States, and are therefore guilty of high treason. ... If you find that no such resistance has been made, but that combinations have been formed for the purpose of resisting them, and that in dividuals of influence and notoriety have been aiding and abetting in such combinations, then must you find bills for constructive treason." The grand jury, without taking any evidence, indicted Reeder, Robinson, Lane, and others for treason ; they also recommended the abatement, as a nui sance, of the newspapers The Herald of Freedom and The Kansas Free State, published at LaAvrence ; and as the Free- State hotel in Lawrence had been constructed with a view to military occupation and defence, they recommended that it be demolished. An attempt was made to arrest Eeeder at LaAvrence while he was examining a Avitness before the congressional investigating committee, but he put himself upon his privilege, claimed the protection of the committee, 1 For an account of these laws, see p. 99. CH.VII.] KANSAS 157 told the United States deputy marshal that he would defend himself, and that the attempt to arrest him would be at tended with peril. The officer deemed it?prudent to relin quish his purpose. Reeder aftenvards escaped from the territory in disguise. Eobinson started for the East on a mission for the cause in which he Avas engaged, but he Avas stopped at Lexington, Missouri. This arrest Avas arbitrary, but he Avas detained there under guard until the proper legal papers came from Kansas ; he was then taken to Lecompton, where he was held a prisoner for four months. On the 11th of May, the United States marshal for Kan sas territory, Donaldson, issued a proclamation to the people stating that he had certain writs to execute in Lawrence ; his deputy had been resisted on such an errand and he had every reason to believe that the attempt to execute the Avrits would be resisted by a large body of armed men ; therefore he commanded all the law-abiding citizens of the territory to appear at Lecompton as soon as possible in suffi cient force to execute the laAv. No call could have better pleased the border ruffians. Now had come the long-wished- for opportunity to Avipe out the odious town of Lawrence, and send its inhabitants north to Nebraska, where they be longed. Through all the threats and fulminations of the pro-slavery party, it plainly appears that they sincerely thought that the intent of the Kansas-Nebraska act was to give one territory to slavery, the other to freedom ; there fore the settlement of Northern people in Kansas Avas a cheat and an encroachment on their rights. There Avere not, however, probably more than fifty slave-holders in Kansas, and all that kept the pro-slavery cause alive Avas the powerful backing it had from Avestern Missouri. The publication of the marshal's proclamation increased the commotion in eastern Kansas aim-western Missouri and the alarm of the Lawrence people. Their trusted leader, Eobinson, was a prisoner, and there was no one to take his place; but they decided to temporize, which was undoubt- 158 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 edly the best policy. They had already requested Gov. ernor Shannon to send them United States troops for pro tection, but this he refused to do. Now, as they heard of the gathering of the clans on the Missouri border, they held a public meeting and solemnly averred that the state ment and inference in Donaldson's proclamation were false. They also endeavored to placate the marshal, but without avail. The marshal's posse began to collect in the neighbor hood of LaAvrence. On the 19th of May a young man, returning from Lawrence, was shot by two of the pro- slavery horde, apparently for no other reason than that he was an abolitionist. Three adventurous spirits of Law rence rode out to avenge his murder, and one of them was killed. On the 21st of May, the marshal's posse gathered on the bluffs west of the town. It was composed of the Douglast County (Kansas) Militia, the Kickapoo Rangers, other com panies from eastern Kansas led by StringfelloAv, the Missouri Platte County Rifles Avith two pieces of artillery commanded by Atchison, three other companies of border ruffians, and Buford and his men. It wTas a swearing, whiskey-drinking, ruffianly horde, seven hundred and fifty in number. The irony of fate had made them the upholders of the haw, while the industrious, frugal community of Lawrence were the law-breakers. The deputy-marshal, attended with a small escort, walked into the town and made some arrests. Not the slightest resistance was offered. The business of the United States official Avas soon completed ; but the sheriff of Douglas county had work to do, and Donaldson turned over the posse to Sheriff Jones, saying : " He is a law-and-order man, and acts under the same authority as the' marshal." Jones, the idol of the pro-slavery party, was received with wild demonstrations of delight. Under his lead the posse marched into the town, dragging their five pieces of artil lery and with banners flying. No company, however, car ried the flag of the Union. One banner had a single white CH.VII.] THE DESTRUCTION OF LAWRENCE 159 star and bore the inscriptions, " Southern Rights" and "South Carolina ;" another had. in blue letters on a white ground — "Let Yankees tremble, abolitionists fall; Our motto is, Give Southern rights to all." The offices of the obnoxious newspapers were quickly destroyed ; the types and presses were broken, and, Avith the books and papers, thrown into the street or carried to the river. The Avrit against the splendid stone hotel just com pleted remained to be executed. At this point Atchison counselled moderation ; Buford also disliked to aid in the destruction of property. But Jones was implacable. His Avound still rankled and he Avas bent on revenge. He de manded of Pomeroy, the representative of the Emigrant- Aid Company, all the Sharpe's rifles and artillery in the town. The rifles Avere refused on the ground that they were pri vate property, but a cannon was given up. Four cannon were then pointed at the hotel and thirty-two shots were fired, but little damage was done. The attempt was then made to blow it up with kegs of poAvder, but without suc cess. At last the torch was applied and the hotel destroyed. The liquors and wines found in the Yankee hotel were not disdained, and the glee felt at the outcome of the movement was increased by frequent potations. The ruffians were ripe for mischief ; and when Sheriff Jones said his work was done and the posse dismissed, they sacked the toAvn and set fire to Governor Robinson's house.1 The revelry was kept up as those who composed the posse journeyed to their homes. Jubilant border ruffians Avere everyAvhere met on the routes of travel, drinking to 1 My authorities for this relation are Spring's Kansas; Sara Robinson's Kansas ; Reeder's Diary, Kansas Historical Society's Publications ; Geary and Kansas, Gihon; The Englishman in Kansas, Gladstone ; the Conquest of Kansas, Phillips; Message and Documents, 1856-57, part i.; article of Amos Townsend, sergeant-at-arms of the congressional committee, Maga zine of Western History, March, 1888; The Kansas Conflict, Charles Rob inson. The author is the Dr. Robinson and Governor Robinson referred to in the text. 160 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 the victory Avhich had crowned their efforts. But it was a victory worse than a defeat. The attack on LaAvrence took place the day before the assault on Sumner ; the neAVs of it came to the people of the North a little later. These were two startling events ; their coincidence in time Avas used with great impression by the Republican press. Freedom's representative had been struck down in the Senate cham ber ; the city dedicated to freedom on the plains of Kansas had been destroyed. Such Avere the texts on which the liberty-loving journalists wrote, and their masterly pens did full justice to the theme. The first reports Avere exagger ated. They Avere to the effect that Lawrence Avas in ruins, that many persons were killed, and that Pomeroy had been hanged by a mob.1 Nevertheless, after all misstatements had been corrected and the true history of the affair arrived at, it still remained a most pregnant Republican argument. When President Pierce heard of the motley crowd assem bled by the marshal as a posse, he feared the business Avould be managed badly, and telegraphed Governor Shannon and Colonel Sumner that the United States troops were suffi cient to enforce the laws, and that they only should be used. But before this despatch was sent, the mischief had been done. At no time had the enthusiasm for free Kansas in the North been so great as Avhen the news of this attack on Lawrence became disseminated. Meetings for the aid of Kansas were everyAvhere held. The burden of the speeches was the attempt to crush out Freedom's stronghold in Kan sas and the effort to silence Sumner in the Senate. Men enlisted in the cause, and money wras freely subscribed.8 1 See New York Weekly Tribune, May 31st. But one man was killed, and he was a pro-slavery man. A brick from the Free-State hotel fell upon him with a fatal result. Conquest of Kansas, Phillips. 2 "The raid upon Lawrence, and the blockade of the Missouri river, added to the false imprisonment of our leading men, aroused the indig nation of the North to such an extent that the freedom of Kansas was secure. From this time uo further effort was required to raise colonies. They raised themselves." — Kansas Crusade, Thayer, p. 211. Oh. VII.] JOHN BROWN 161 In the territory itself, most of the free-State party were at first dismayed ; but there were others in Avhom a spirit of bitter revenge was aroused. John Brown uoav appeared prominently on the scene. He had come to Kansas the previous October to join his sons, who had settled at Osa- watomie, but the motive Avhich led him was his powerful desire to strike a bloAv at slavery. John Brown was ascetic in habits, inflexible in temper, upright in intention. In business he was fertile in plans, but their execution brought failure. He Avas Avhat people called a visionary man. He raised sheep, cultivated the grape, made wine, and for some years was extensively en gaged in partnership with a gentleman of capital in buying and selling, as well as growing, wool. He had good oppor tunities, but missed them ; his ventures were unprofitable. Being constantly harassed Avith debts, he could not pay his creditors, and died insolvent.1 John Brown was born out of due time. A stern Calvin- ist and a Puritan, he Avould have found the religious wars of Europe or the early days of the Massachusetts colonies an atmosphere suited to his bent. He read the Bible dili gently, and he drew his inspiration from the Old Testament. His intimate letters, a curious mixture of pious ejaculations and worldly details, of Scripture quotations and the price of farm products, call to mind the puritanical jargon of Cromwell's time. Indeed, the great Protector Avas his hero. He early imbibed a hatred of slavery. He Avas anxious to gain money ; not to get comforts and luxuries, for his life 1 Brown's plan of grading wool, which engaged the support of Per kins, his wealthy partner in the wool commission business, was, however, based on correct principles, and only failed because it was in advance of his time. When disaster came and the firm was loaded with debts, these were saddled upon Perkins as the responsible partner; and while his loss was heavy, he never had the feeling that Brown's conduct had been other than strictly honest. I am indebted for this information to my friend Mr. Simon Perkins, a son of the gentleman who was in part nership with Brown. IL— 11 162 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 was of a Spartan frugality ; but he Avould fain have means to use in freeing the slaves. Brown was tender to the negro ; he admired Nat Turner as much as he did George "Washington. He had brooded for years over the wrongs of the slaves, and Avith this feel ing dominant in his mind he came to Kansas. He enlisted in the "Wakarusa war, but denounced the treaty of peace which terminated it; the action of the free-State party seemed to him pusillanimous. Brown Avas of moderate intellectual ability and narrow-minded. He despised the ordinary means of educating public sentiment ; he had no comprehension of government by discussion. In his opinion, Kansas could only be made free by the shedding of blood, and that work ought at once to begin.1 "When the attack on Lawrence was threatened, the Brown family and their folloAvers Avere called upon to aid in the defence; but, on the Avay, they heard of the destructions' Avhich had taken place, and turned back. The news made a profound impression on Brown. He felt that the acts of the pro-slavery horde must be avenged. He reckoned up that since and including the murder of Dow,2 five free-State men had been killed. Their blood must be expiated by an equal number of victims. " "Without the shedding of blood, there is no remission of sins," Avas one of his favorite texts. < A direction was given to his fanatical thoughts by remem bering that threats had been made against his family by some pro-slavery settlers at Dutch Henry's crossing of the Pottawatomie. He called for volunteers to go on a secret expedition. Four sons, a son-in-law, and two other men accompanied him. John BroAvn's word Avas laAv to his fam ily. He had the power of communicating to them his en thusiasm for the cause of freedom ; but Avhen he declared ' The facts on which I have based this characterization I have drawn from Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn ; Life of Captain John Brown, by James Redpath ; Essay on John Brown, by Von Hoist, 2 See p. 104. Ch.VII.] THE MASSACRE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 163 that the object of his mission Avas to sweep off all the pro- slavery men living on the creek, Townslev, one of the men, demurred. BroAvn said : " I have no choice. It has been decreed by Almighty God, ordained jYortT^i^nii^yyEh.ai^I shoukTm^;g_jan«, example of. these men."' Yet TE took a dayTo"persuade Townsley to continue with the expedition. On Saturday night, May 24th, the Woav Avas struck. BroAvn and his band went first to the house of Doyle, and com pelled a father and two sons to go Avith them. A surviving son afterwards testified under oath that the next morning " I found my father and one brother, "William, lying dead n the road, about tAvo hundred yards from the house. I * my other brother lying dead on the ground, about one dred and fifty yards from the house, in the grass, near a ine ; his fingers were cut off and his arms Avere cut off ; s head was cut open ; there was a hole in his breast. Will- mi's head was cut open, and a hole Avas in his jaw, as jhough it was made by a knife ; and a hole was also in his side. My father was shot in the forehead and stabbed in the breast."2 The band then went to Wilkinson's house, ' reaching there past midnight. They forced him to open the door, and demanded that he should go Avith them. His wife Avas sick and helpless, and begged that they should not take her husband away. The prayer was of no avail. The next day Wilkinson Avas found dead, " a gash in his head and in his side." a A little later in the night the band <¦ killed William Sherman in like manner. In the morning his body was found. His " skull was split open in two places, and some of his brains Avas washed out by the water. A large hole was cut in his breast, and his left hand was cut off, except a little piece of skin on one side."4 The execution was done with short cutlasses which had been brought from Ohio by John Brown. He__gave the signal; his devoted followers struck the blows. ToAvnsley, twenty- 1 Spring's Kansas, p. 144. s Oliver Report, p. 1177. 3 Ibid., p. 1180. 4 Ibid., p. 1179. 164 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 three years afterwards, stated that BroAvn shot the elder Doyle, but he himself denied that he had had a hand in the actual killing.1 The deed Avas so atrocious that for years his friends and admirers refused to believe that he had been at all concerned in it.2 They shut their eyes to patent facts, for at the time it Avas easy to get at the truth. The affida vits in regard to the affair, which Oliver, the Democratic member of the congressional committee, caused to be taken, his speech in the House, explaining and confirming the evi dence, the universal belief of free -State and pro-slavery men in the territory, established beyond any reasonable doubt that John Brown and his party were guilty of these assassinations. Considering the general character of the border settlers, those who were killed were not exception ally bad men.3 They had made threats against the Browns and maltreated a store-keeper who had sold lead to free- State men. But the Browns had also made threats; and in Kansas, in 1856, threats Avere common, and frequently unmeaning. If every word spoken by the border ruffians were taken at its proper value, Robinson and Reeder had long stood in jeopardy. It was reported that even John Sherman had been threatened." There Avas absolutely no justification for these midnight executions.6 A tender-hearted son of John Brown, who did not ac company this expedition, said to his father a day or two after the massacre : " Father, did you have anything to do 1 See Reminiscences of Old John Brown, G. W. Brown, pp. 17 and 72; Sanborn, p. 273 ; Redpath, p. 119 ; The Kansas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 265. 8 In Redpath's Life of Captain John Brown, published in 1860, this view is prominent. Sanborn's book, however, published in 1885, gives the facts freely and fairly, and the author attempts to justify the deed. 3 That is the conclusion of Professor Spring, p. 147 ; see, also, TheEausas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 484. Sanborn has a different view,sec p.25.7. * Correspondence New York Tribune, May 25th ; Sara Robinson's Kan sas, p. 272. 5 See The Kansas Conflict, Charles Robinson, chap. xl. CH.VII.] THE MASSACRE ON THE POTTAAVATOMIE 165 with that bloody affair on the Pottawatomie ?" Brown re plied : " I approved of it." The son answered : " Whoever did it, the act was uncalled for and wicked." Brown then said : " God is my judge. The people of Kansas will yet justify my course." ' In passing judgment at this day, we must emphasize the reproach of the son ; yet Ave should hesitate before meas uring the same condemnation to the doer and to the deed. John Brown's God was the God of Joshua and Gideon. To him, as to them, seemed to come the word to go out and slay the enemies of his cause. He had no remorse. It was said that on the next morning Avhen the old man raised his hands to Heaven to ask a blessing, they were still stained with the dried blood of his victims.2 What the world c^flejLmurdgr_was for him the execution of a decree of God. But of the sincerity "of "the man there~can be ho question. Of ffie~hTstorical significance of this deed and Brown's subsequent actions we may speak with great positiveness. He has been called the liberator of Kansas, but it may be safely affirmed that Kansas would have become a free State in much the same manner and about the same time that it actually did, had John Brown never appeared on the scene of action. The massacre on the Pottawatomie undoubtedly made the contest more bitter and sanguinary, but there is no reason for thinking that its net results Avere of advan tage to the free-State cause.3 As tidings of these executions became known a cry of horror went up throughout the territory. The squatters on Pottawatomie Creek, without distinction of party, met to gether and denounced the outrage and its perpetrators." The free-State men everywhere took pains to disavow any connection with such a mode of operation. The border ruf- 1 Sanborn, p. 250. * Ibid., note, p. 270. 3 Professor Spring's judgment is : " John Brown is a parenthesis in the history of Kansas."— Kansas, p. 137 ; see also pp. 140, 149, 162 ; also The Kansas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 276 et seq. 4 Spring's Kansas, p. 147; The Kansas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 275. 166 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 fians were Avild with fury. While Governor Robinson was at Leavenworth a prisoner, on the way to Lecompton, an excited mob threatened to take him from his guard and lynch him.1 Threats Avere also made to hang the free-State prisoners Avho were at Lecompton.2 Governor Shannon promptly sent a military force to the Pottawatomie region to discover, if possible, those Avho had been engaged in the massacre and arrest them. The border ruffians also took the field, eager to avenge the murder of their friends. Pate, Avho commanded the sharpshooters of Westport, Missouri/feeling confident that BroAvn was the au thor of the outrage, went in search of him. BroAvn, hearing, that he was sought, put himself in the way of the Missou- rian, gave battle, and captured the border-ruffian company. " I went to take Old Brown," wrote Pate, " and Old Brown took me." 3 All the military organizations of the free-State party made ready for Avar. Among the Northern emigrants there were adventurers who were attracted by the prevailing disorder. These, for the most part, came into the territory in the spring of 1856 ; and there were others who, under ordinary conditions, might have been made steady colonists, but whose , natural pugnacity was incited by the attack on Lawrence. The pro-slavery leaders, alarmed at the flood of North ern emigration that poured into the territory, laid an em bargo on the Missouri River, which Avas the great highway from the East to Kansas. Sharpe's rifles and other suspi cious freight Avere seized. Travellers bound for Kansas, un able, according to the Missouri standard, to give a good account of themselves, were sent back down the river.' Kansas was now in a state of civil war, a struggle of Guelphs and Ghibellines. Governor Shannon issued a proc- 1 Kansas, Sara Robinson, p. 271 ; The Englishman in Kansas, Glad stone, p. 65 ; The Kansas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 282. 2 Reminiscences of Old John Brown, G. W. Brown, p. 13. 3 Spring's Kansas, p. 156. * Ibid., p. 166. CH.VII.] THE CIVIL WAR IN KANSAS 167 lamation commanding all armed companies to disperse, and Colonel Sumner set out Avith fifty United States dragoons to execute the governor's order. He forced Brown to re lease the prisoners, but, although a deputy marshal Avas Avith him, no arrests were made. Colonel Sumner then met two hundred and fifty Missourians, under the command of Whit field, the pro-slavery delegate to Congress, and ordered them back. They went home, but on the Avay they pillaged the hated town of Osawatomie, and left behind them the dead bodies of two or three Free-soilers.1 Guerrilla bands of both parties wandered over the coun try, and whenever they met they fought.2 In a great part of the territory husbandry was neglected. Redpath, who was a newspaper correspondent and free-State war rior, relates that in the district between Osawatomie and Lawrence, men went out to till the soil in companies of five or ten, armed to the teeth.3 Phillips saAV delicately reared New England women working in the fields." " When ever two men approached each other," Redpath Avrote, " they came up pistol in hand, and the first salutation inva riably was: 'Free -State or pro -slave?' ... It not unfre- quently happened that the next sound was the report of a pistol." 6 The Topeka party kept up their organization ; their leg islature assembled July 4th. Colonel Sumner, under the requisition of the secretary of the territory, Woodson, who, in the absence of Shannon, Avas acting governor, went to To peka Avith an effective force of dragoons and artillery, and ordered the legislators to disperse. To the administration at Washington this move Avas objectionable. The President 1 Spring's Kansas, p. 162. 2 Phillips's Conquest of Kansas, p. 313. 3 Life of John Brown, p. 108. * Conquest of Kansas, p. 359. 5 Life of John Brown, p. 108; see also private letter cited by Wilson, Senate debate, July 9th. 168 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1886 and cabinet looked upon the assemblage as a " toAvn-meet- ing," and did not relish the idea of its dispersion, under their authority, at the point of the bayonet.1 1 Spring's Kansas, p. 135 ; also the endorsement, Aug. 27th, of Jeffer son Davis, Secretary of War, on Sumner's letter of Aug. lltb, Senate Documents, 3d Sess. 34th Cong. vol. iii. CHAPTER VIII The attention of the country was at this period divided between the doings at Washington and in Kansas and Pres ident-making. Astute Democratic politicians felt that suc cess depended largely upon the man whom their convention should nominate. Kansas was the question before the coun try, and a logical adherence to Democratic ideas Avould seem to demand the nomination of Douglas or Pierce. The one had inaugurated the new policy, the other had en forced it. They Avere both popular in the South, and it could not now be gainsaid that Southern principles and / Southern interests were the dominant force in the Demo-' cratic party. Pierce Avas the first choice of the South, and Douglas the second. Either would have been eminently satisfactory ; and had the President or senator concentrated the whole Southern strength, it would have made him the nominee. But there were Southern politicians who saw what the majority of Northern Democrats saw — viz., that while the South would be almost solid for any possible nominee of the party, the important consideration Avas to nominate the man who could secure the greatest number of electoral votes from the North. All except tAvo slave States, Mary land and Kentucky, which Fillmore might dispute, were cer tain to vote for the Democratic nominee ; but Northern votes were needed to elect, and the probable Democratic States were Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California. Of these, Pennsylvania was the most im portant, her vote being considered absolutely necessary. 170 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 James Buchanan was a Pennsylvanian ; he had been out of the country when the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed, therefore he now loomed as a candidate. Two adroit South ern politicians — Wise of Virginia and Slidell of Louisiana- early espoused his candidacy.1 This question, howeArer, had to be answered to the South : Avas he sound on the Kansas- Nebraska policy, as were the battle-scarred veterans Doug las and Pierce ? A private letter, written the previous De cember from London, by Buchanan to Slidell Avas published, in Avhich he said that the Missouri Compromise Avas gone forever, and the settlement made by the Kansas-Nebraska act should be inflexibly maintained.2 In May, Buchanan more precisely defined his position in a speech made to a committee from the Pennsylvania State convention, which had unanimously recommended him for the presidency.3 It is clear that it Avas the aim of the friends of Buchanan to show before the convention that he Avas in harmony with Democratic principles as understood in the South. Yet Pierce and Douglas were regarded as the Southern candidates, while Buchanan was supported by substantially all those Democrats who deprecated the repeal of the Mis souri Compromise or who had consented to it only after 1 See letters of Wise, Letters and Times of the Tylers, vol. ii. p. 521 et seq. " I have no idea," Wise writes, Sept. 23d, 1855, " that any slave-hold ing Democrat can get the next or any nomination for the presidency." Nov. 18th, 1855, he writes : " Our policy is to go in for Buchanan with all our might;" see also letter from Wise, March 5th, 1856, published in New York Evening Post, April 21st. As to Slidell, see Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 173. 8 Buchanan to Slidell, London, Dec. 28th, 1855, New York Tribune, April 5th, 1856 ; New York Times, April 8th, copied from the Washington Union. 3 The resolutions of the Pennsylvania Democratic State convention and Buchanan's remarks are printed in the Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii. p. 1195. The speech of Jones, of Pennsylvania, who had them read in the House, impresses one with the efforts made by the friends of Buchanan to curry Southern favor. CH.VIII.] THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 171 long hesitation.1 The outside pressure from the North in favor of the nomination of Buchanan was very strong. But in the preliminary work it became apparent to his support ers that if the friends of Pierce and Douglas combined, they could name the-candidate, while to secure the necessary tAvo- thirds for the Pennsylvania statesman seemed a difficult un dertaking. But as the delegates were on the way to the convention, the news of the assault on Sumner came to them,2 and before the convention got to work they heard of the destruction of Lawrence. One of these events was the natural result of the Kansas policy of Pierce and Douglas, the other seemed its logical concomitant. The responsibil ity of these tAvo for the unhappy state of affairs in Kansas was intensified, and, if the question of availability should exercise paramount influence, the nomination of either was rendered impossible. The convention met at Cincinnati the 2d day of June, and adopted its declaration of principles without opposi tion. The platform condemned the aims of the Know- nothings ; declared that " the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agita tion of the slavery question ;" and resolved that " the Amer ican Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the territories of Nebraska and Kansas as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery question." 3 On the first ballot Buchanan had 135 votes, Pierce 122, Douglas 33, and Cass 5. Buchanan received 103 votes from the North and 32 from the slave States. He had all the delegates from Virginia and Louisiana. This proved a nu cleus for Southern support, and was of importance, as the Buchanan movement Avas engineered by Wise and Slidell. ¦There was an important exception; the Hards of New York were for Buchanan ; the Softs for Pierce and Douglas. " Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. ii. p. 254. 3 See History of Presidential Elections, Stanwood, p. 200. 172 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 Pierce received 72 and Douglas 14 votes from the slave States. Fourteen ballots were taken, both Buchanan and Douglas gaining at the expense of Pierce. On the tenth, Buchanan received a majority of the votes cast. After the fourteenth trial Pierce was withdrawn. The fifteenth stood : Buchanan, 168 ; Douglas, 118. The Southern votes of Pierce, Avith the exception of those from Tennessee and three from Georgia, had gone to Douglas ; his New Eng land friends had divided.1 The sixteenth ballot showed practically no change. After it was taken Richardson ob tained the floor and read a despatch from Douglas, which stated that Buchanan, having obtained a majority of the convention, ought to be nominated, and he hoped his friends would "give effect to the voice of the majority."2 Bu chanan then received the nomination by a unanimous vote. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was chosen as the candi date for Vice-President, Kentucky being considered one of the doubtful slave States. Buchanan's nomination was the triumph of availability and a concession to Northern public sentiment. He had engaged himself to give fair play in Kansas, and it was sup posed that he desired to see that territory come into the Union as a free State.3 Until the assault on Sumner, the chances of the three candidates were apparently equal.1 Preston Brooks in Washington and the border ruffians in Lawrence turned the tide in favor of Buchanan." The party Avas afraid to go to the country Avith Douglas or Pierce as standard-bearer on account of the connection of each with the existing troubles in Kansas. 1 National Intelligencer; Boston Post; History of Presidential Elec tions, Stanwood, p. 199. * New York Tribune. ' Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. i. p. 325 ; vol. ii. p. 254. * Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men ; National Era, June 12th. The account of S. M. L. Barlow, cited by Curtis, vol. ii. p. 170, ignores the preponderance of Northern sentiment for Buchanan, but gives an interest ing history of the work done for him at Cincinnati. CaVIII.] NOMINATION OF BUCHANAN 173 The nomination of Buchanan was eminently satisfactory to Northern Democrats. The conservative and high-minded men of the party Avere pleased, believing that the Union wrould be safe in his hands. He Avas expected to attract the support of conservative Whigs, who thought Fillmore had no chance, and Avho were alarmed at the sectional char acter of the Republican party. The politicians not holding office were well satisfied, for the nomination of Buchanan seemed to insure victory. He could carry Pennsylvania, which Douglas or Pierce would probably have failed to do. The Key-stone State Avas necessary to success ; for if it did not go Democratic at the October election, little reliance could be placed on the other Northern Democratic States. Pennsylvania, said a Democratic editor who, haATing been ardently in favor of Pierce, greeted the rising sun, has long been the key-stone of the Democratic arch, and Avill now be the key-stone of the Union.1 A careful reading of the Dem ocratic journals impresses one that the convention had made the strongest nomination possible.2 The disappointed can didates early pledged their support, and this was honestly given. The arguments freely used to gain adherents for Bu chanan at the North at first threatened to hurt his cause at the South. That a man was acceptable to the feAV Free- soil Democrats Avho still encumbered the old part}7 was no recommendation to Southerners ; but when they looked into his record, they became assured that he might serve their section as well as Pierce had served it. The Richmond En quirer, a most ardent pro-slavery journal, examined the con gressional career of Buchanan and found that "he never gave a vote against the interests of slavery, and never ut- 1 Eoston Post, June 7th. 2 This was also the opinion of Republicans. Seward wrote his Avife, June 10th: "The temper of the politicians [meaning Republican politi cians], I see, is subdued by Buchanan's nomination, and indicates retreat, confusion, lout in the election." — Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 277. 174 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [m tered a word which could pain the most sensitive Southern heart." The declaration of principles adopted at Cincinnati Avas sometimes called a "Douglas platform"1 and sometimes a " Southern platform."2 The platform might be represented as looking one way and the candidate the other. But Avhen the committee notified Buchanan of his nomination, his speech in reply satisfied the South. He fully endorsed the Cincinnati platform. He said that the slavery question was paramount, and the endeavor of his administration Avould be to settle it in a manner to give peace and safety to the Union and security to the South. He believed that the Kansas- Nebraska bill was necessary as a fit supplement to the com promise measures of 1850. When Buchanan had finished his formal speech, he said : " If I can be instrumental in set tling the slavery question upon the terms I have named, and then add Cuba to the Union, I shall, if President, be willing to give up the ghost and let Breckinridge take the govern ment." s Senator BroAvn, of Mississippi, one of the commit-; tee, heard this remark, and it so aroused his enthusiasm that he wrote to a friend : " The great Pennsylvanian is as worthy of Southern confidence and Southern votes as Calhoun ever was." The nomination of Fremont Avas virtually decided upon before the Republican convention met. It was a selection reached by a full comparison of views in the press, in pri vate correspondence, and confidential conversations, and an honest and open canvass of the merits and strength of prom inent Republicans. If merit alone were considered, every thing pointed to SeAvard as the proper nominee, for no man in the country so fully represented Republican princi ples and aims. But if his unpopularity with the anti-slavery 1 See speech of Douglas, New York, June 11th ; Boston Post, June 13th, 2 National Era, June 12th. 3 Letter of Senator Brown to S. R. Adams, June 18th, published in National Era, Aug. 21st. CH.VIII.] SEWARD AND CHASE 175 Know-nothings made it seem unwise to put him up, and if the Whigs, though numerically the largest portion of the Republican party, Avere willing to sacrifice their desire of having an ancient Whig for their standard-bearer, then con sistency demanded the nomination of Chase. The more rad ical members of the party were clearly of this conviction. Dr. Bailey, of the National Era, was at first for Chase and later for Seward. For the sake of sharply defining their principles he was content to wait, if need be, until 1860 for the election of a President.1 Theodore Parker Avrote to Sumner that his first choice was Seward, and his second Chase.2 And the historian has no difficulty in affirming that as the Republican party of 1856 had more disinterest ed and sincere men in its ranks than any party in this country before or since, as its members Avere honestly de voted to a noble principle, it was not true to its constitution and aims when it passed over SeAvard and Chase and took Fremont. Had the party Avith one accord looked to SeAvard as its leader; had the majority of its prominent and influential men, after canvassing all the points and weighing all the ar guments, settled down to the conviction that the logic of the situation and the character of the party demanded his nomination, he would have accepted it gladly and entered into the contest with spirit. But personal enmities, his too Whiggish views, and the question of availability forbade. Or had he decided to make a fight for the nomination, his friends Avould have urged it Avith pertinacity and zeal ; care Avould have been taken to send delegates to Philadelphia favorable to him; and after a contest with Fremont, he ' Dr. Bailey "is eaten up Avith the idea of making Chase President," Greeley wrote Dana, Dec. 1st, 1855, New York Sun, May 19th, 1889. " Sew ard wants to be the candidate, and Dr. Bailey, of the National Era, is for him, content to wait till 1860 for a victory." — Samuel Bowles to H. L. Dawes, April 12th, 1856, Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. i. p. 172. 2 Life of Parker, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 180. 176 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [18C6 would undoubtedly have been nominated.1 Seward was bold in words, timorous in action ; he hesitated to claim the place which was rightfully his. It is possible that his own mind was warped by the reasoning of Thurlow Weed, his political mentor, Avho, regarding the situation with the nar- roAv eye of a practical politician, would not have Seward run the race when there was so little probability of his election.2 After it had been decided that he should not con test the nomination, he expressed a plaintive regret that he had taken the course marked out for him.3 Yet it is hardly supposable that even his optimism was proof against the prevailing opinion that his election was impossible ; and his confident expression in the Senate was not the judgment of cooler moments.4 By the 18th of April it was known that 1 John A. King, in his speech at the Republican convention, said: "I had hoped that circumstances would have permitted us to present to this convention the name of W. H. Seward. I believe, if that state of things could have existed, that name would have received the universal appro bation of this convention." Robert Emmet, the temporary chairman of the convention, said at a ratification meeting in New York city : " Had it not been for the refusal of Mr. Seward himself, who charged his friends not to permit his nomination, he would have been nominated ;" see also Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 245. I may add that in the contempo raneous political literature the indications are numerous that Seward would have received the nomination bad a well-directed effort been made in his behalf. See also Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, vol. i. p. 126. " See Seward's letter to Weed, April 4th ; to bis wife, June 6th, 13th, 14th, 17th, Life of Seward, vol. ii. pp. 269, 276, 277, 278. 3 See his letter of May 4th to Thurlow Weed, Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 244. * Seward said in the Senate, March 12th : " I give those honorable gen tlemen [Douglas and Toucey] notice that they have but about three hun dred and fifty days left in which they will have the power of wielding the military and naval arms of this nation." In a confidential letter to Baker in 1855, Seward shows great doubts of Republican success in 1856, and adds, " I do not want that you and I should bear the responsibility of such a disaster," and " I am by no means ready to accept the command, if tendered." — Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 252. CH.VIII.] FREMONT 177 Seward was not a candidate for the nomination.1 The dis appointment of the Democrats and conservative Americans at this virtual announcement seemed to confirm the wisdom of the decision.2 There was a common objection to Seward and Chase; they were too pronounced on the slavery question. Both were on record in favor of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and of the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, on which points it was deemed unadvisable to make an issue at the coming election. Moreover, the Chase move ment never acquired popular strength outside of Ohio, and by the middle of April he was no longer seriously consid ered a candidate. Some time during the winter the Republicans, who were casting about for an available candidate, lighted upon Fre mont. His fitness had been urged by the German press ;3 he was early nominated for President by Banks, who said, at a dinner in Boston, that Fremont would soon write a letter defining plainly his position on the Kansas question.4 Early in April this letter appeared.6 It had the earmarks of shrewd politicians. Addressed to Governor Robinson of Kansas, an old California friend, it was nothing but a warm expression of sympathy with the free-State cause in Kansas. It gave notice to the public that he was a formal candidate for the Republican nomination, and the comments to which it gave rise made the fact apparent that he had powerful backing. Francis P. Blair, John Wentworth, Banks, Thur low Weed, and Greeley were for him.6 Dan Mace, a prom- 1 See editorial in New York Times of that date. 2 See New York Times, April 22d and 25th. 3 The New York Abend-Zeitung maintained that the first suggestion of his name came from the German press. 4 Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon, p. 152. " It is printed in the campaign Life of Fremont, by John Bigelow, p. 447. 6 See Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 245. See the strong argument for an available candidate, New York Tribune, April 30th. IL— 12 178 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 inent and influential congressman from Indiana, a former Democrat, spoke for a large number when he wrote: "It will never do to go into the contest and be called upon to defend the acts and speeches of old stagers. We must have a position that Avill enable us to be the charging party. Fremont is the man for the operation." ' As an available candidate, Fremont had strong recom mendations. He had been a Democrat, and the feeling among those who were formerly Democrats Avas that one of their number ought to be the standard-bearer." The Germans, among whom were not a few educated and liberty- loving men, exiles from the fatherland after the failure of the revolution of 1848, wrere enthusiastically in his fa vor." Yet he was not obnoxious to the Know-nothings; and, as was said by Emmet, the temporary chairman of the convention which nominated him, Fremont " had no political antecedents." 4 Two days after the letter of Fremont to Robinson was published, Pike wrote to the New York Tribune from Wash ington : " Among the Republicans- there is a strong apparent current for Fremont. Some say it is all set running by the politicians and will not do." ' After the virtual Avithdrawal of Seward, the preponderance of opinion was that availability should determine the candi-» 1 This was a private letter, written April 20th, but the Indiana Courier published it, and it was copied by the New York Evening Post. 2 See, for example, the letter of Dan Mace already cited ; also article in John Wentworth's Chicago Democrat, quoted by New York Evening Post; also New York Abend- Zeitung, June 14th. 3 New York Abend- Zeitung, June 6th and 13th; Die Freie Presse, Phil adelphia, cited by Evening Post, June 18th ; New York Staats-Demohral, June 13th ; see quotations from several German papers, New York Even ing Post, June 16th. A majority of the hundred German papers in the country were for Fremont, statement made by Schneider, of the Illinois Staats- Zeitung at the convention. 4 At the ratification meeting, New York city. * Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 322. CH.VIII.] McLEAN 179 date ; but every one did not admit that the most available candidate was Fremont. Frequent mention began to be made of Judge McLean, of the United States Supreme Court.1 He had long been in public life. A cabinet officer under Monroe and John Quincy Adams, he had been ap pointed to the Supreme bench by Jackson, and this position he had filled twenty-six years. He was a man of talents and of spotless integrity ; and there can be no question that he was much better fitted for the presidency than Fremont. "When the presidential nomination now became a possibil ity, he began to define his opinions. To correct a misap prehension regarding his position, he wrote a letter stating that he had never doubted that Congress had power under the Constitution to prohibit slavery in a territory, but it was equally clear Congress could not constitutionally insti tute it.2 A few days before the Republican convention met, a second letter from Judge McLean was published. The troubles in Kansas were, in his opinion, " the fruits of that ill-advised and mischievous measure — the repeal of the Mis souri Compromise ;" and the remedy was " the immediate admission of Kansas as a State into the Union under the constitution already formed." 3 Conservative Republicans advocated McLean ; also anti- slavery Americans and those who distrusted Fremont. Pike, one of the editorial staff of the New York Tribune, and more radical than his chief, was from the first opposed to Fre mont. As soon as his candidacy was avoAved, Pike wrote from Washington to the New York Tribune : " Of the prom inent candidates, Colonel Fremont is the most questionable by his antecedents, and the one upon whom strong doubts centre. Let there be no haste, and no dropping of the sub stance in the pursuit of the shadow. The opposition to Ne- 1 McLean was from Ohio. 2 McLean to Cass, Washington, May 13th. s McLean to Chief Justice Hornblower, of New Jersey, dated June 6th, published in the New York Eoening Post, June 14th. 180 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 braskaism stands on a principle. In the selection of a can didate this must be recognized first of all. Availability is good in its place ; but let all look sharp that we do not abandon what we know to be good for that which, though promising, may prove deceptive." * When the choice was narrowed down to McLean and Fremont, Pike much preferred McLean. The rebukes that he received from his associates in New York accurately rep resent the drift of opinion. "We do not consider Judge McLean quite S. O. G. here," a wrote Greeley ; " but if you know any facts making in favor of his orthodoxy, please send them on. . . . Considering how forcibly you have written in favor of having a candidate of whose zeal and fidelity there could be no dispute, we feel that there is some thing that needs explaining in your recent zeal for McLean, Friend Pike, do you know that is a Delilah of a town in which you chance just now to be lodged ? Have you heard that it is unfavorable to the rigidity and perpendicularity of backbone ? Do you know that men have gone there honest and come away rascals ? Have you heard that a virtue less savage than mine would hardly have been proof against its manifold and persistent seductions ? Beware, 0 friend and compatriot !" s Charles A. Dana wrote to Pike in the same strain: "Do* not growl about an old fogy like McLean. One of the first of duties is to get rubbish out of the way. He belongs de cidedly to that category. With you, I do not care who is the candidate so it is not a marrowless old lawyer whose mind has illustrated itself by so many perverse and pervert ing decisions. Why do you not stick to your original idea in going to Washington — that of getting some straight-out man nominated ? For a fellow who started with that virtu- 1 April 12th, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 322. * Sound on the goose — political slang of the day. a Private letter from Greeley to Pike, May 21st, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 337. CH.VRI.] FREMONT 181 ous purpose, it seems to me you have deteriorated. You ought to rejoice at the interment of such a candidate rather than shed tears by the quart when he is done for." ' Fremont could lay claim to no experience in civil life. He had, indeed, been for a short term senator from Califor nia, but his exertions Avere wholly confined to matters of local interest. At that time (1849-51) he said he was a Democrat by principle and education ; but as he belonged to the anti-slavery portion of the party in California, he was defeated when seeking a re-election.2 What brought him before the public mind were his daring and energetic ex plorations in the West ; a halo of romance clung around his expeditions. A glamour was cast over his affairs of love. The story of his attachment to the daughter of Senator Benton, her devotion, and their romantic marriage crowned his heroic exploits. He was now but forty-three years old ; active and adventurous, he seemed a fit leader for a young and aggressive party, and it was expected that the qualities which had made him a determined explorer would make him an executive officer of decision. The movement in his favor, initiated by the politicians, took the popular heart ; in the West, wrote Bowles, it " is going like prairie fire." 3 It may be safely said that the larger portion of prom inent Republicans who thus yielded to the argument of availability were not actuated by the desire for office, or the wish to have a hand in the disposition of the patronage ; but they feared that, unless they got the executive and the command of the army, Kansas might be made a slave State. The mass of Republicans sincerely felt that the cause of freedom was bound up in the success of their party. They were therefore gratified when, on the 29th of April, Fre- ' Private letter of Dana to Pike, May 21st, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 338. 2 See Life of Fremont, Bigelow, pp. 390, 428. 3 Samuel Bowles to H. L. Dawes, April 19th, Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. i. p. 172. 182 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 mont planted himself squarely in favor of the Repuhhoan idea. He wrote a letter to a New York meeting, saying that he was inflexibly opposed to the extension of slavery.' Yet from one point of anti-slavery sentiment came the anxious inquiry of Theodore Parker to Sumner, " Do tell me how far is Fremont reliable ?"2 and from another point, Lincoln wrote E. B. Washburne, urging him and his Eepuh- lican associates in Congress to go to Philadelphia and use their exertions and influence in favor of McLean.3 The delegates who met at Philadelphia the 17th of June were not chosen by means of complicated party machinery, In their selection, there had been no strife. No animated contests between those favoring different candidates had oc curred. Other conventions have had more prominent and abler men, but no national political convention of a great party was ever composed of such a proportion of sincere, unselfish, and patriotic citizens as that which began its de liberations on this anniversary day of Bunker Hill. The Republican movement was in that state when it attracted only men of earnest convictions. In some localities, aspir ing souls made sacrifices Avhen they took part in it. The high social and trade influences of New York City and Philadelphia were arrayed against it, and even in Boston many old Whig families of aristocratic pretensions held" aloof from the new party. Where success was problemati cal, the prospect did not allure hangers-on and office-seekers. Yet it was one of the curiosities of politics that this conven tion of honest and competent men made a nomination that Republicans have not ceased to apologize for. Yet they did but register the popular will." 1 Life of Fremont, Bigelow, p. 449. 0 May 21st, Life of Parker, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 180. 3 Note of E. B. Washburne in The Edwards Papers, p. 246. * As my view of the convention and its result differs from that of E. B, Washburne, justice to my readers demands that I should quote what he says : " I was present not as a member, but as an interested spectator. The nomination of Fremont was a set-up job from the beginning, and all Oh. VIII.] THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 133 When the convention were ready to ballot, the name of Chase was formally withdrawn. Every one understood from the first day that Seward was not a candidate. The New York delegation, influenced greatly by Thurlow Weed, were enthusiastically in favor of Fremont. Judge Spalding, of Ohio, by authority withdrew the name of McLean, and Fre mont would then have been nominated with but few dis senting voices, had not the indomitable Thaddeus Stevens begged for delay. He said that the only man Avho could carry Pennsylvania, McLean, had been withdrawn, and he asked that the convention adjourn in order that the Penn sylvania delegation might have time to consult in view of the changed conditions. His wish was acceded to. He then made an impassioned appeal to his fellow-delegates from Pennsylvania, many of whom were for Fremont, to support McLean unanimously. "I never heard a man speak with more feeling or in more persuasive accents," wrote Washburne. " He closed his speech with the asser tion that the nomination of Fremont would not only lose the State of Pennsylvania to the Republicans, but that the party would be defeated in the Presidential election." 1 the opposition which was offered to that nomination by many of the most influential, judicious, and patriotic men of the party could avail nothing. . . . All chances for the election of a Republican President in 1856 were deliberately thrown away by the Philadelphia convention, and, it might be said, in the face of light and knowledge. In the state of feeling then existing in the country, Judge McLean, or any Republican statesman of national reputation, could have easily been elected. The first time I saw Dayton after the defeat of the Fremont and Dayton ticket, I told him what I believed then, and what I believe now, that if the ticket had been reversed he would have been elected President of the United States." — Note to The Edwards Papers, p. 246, written in 1884. I should have been glad to adopt this view, but, with all deference to the advantages and long political experience of Washburne, I do not believe the contemporary evidence warrants it; yet as the candid expression of a spectator, and of one who knew what little inside history there was of the contention, it should not be overlooked. 1 E. B. Washburne, The Edwards Papers, p. 246. See also article of 184 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [i8S6 The delegates reassembled. At the request of Pennsyl vania, New Jersey, and Ohio, the name of Judge McLean was again placed before the convention and an informal ballot taken. It resulted in 359 votes for Fremont and 196 for McLean. From the Republican point of view, the doubt ful States were Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois and California. Since the nomination of Buchanan, the hope of winning Pennsylvania from the Democrats seemed almost vain. A majority of the delegates from all of these States except California voted for McLean.1 A formal ballot was now taken, Fremont receiving all but 38 votes. William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, Avas nom inated for Vice-President. On the informal ballot which preceded this nomination, Abraham Lincoln received 110 votes.2 Before the nominations Avere made, the platform was unanimously adopted amidst great enthusiasm. The con vention resolved that " it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." It severely arraigned the administration for the conduct of affairs in Kansas, and demanded that Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State with her present free constitution. It " Resolved, That the highAvayman's plea, that 'might makes right,'* Russel Errett on the Convention of 1856, Magazine of Western History, vol. x. p. 257. He was present at the convention, and Avrites : " I do not think Stevens thought success probable (however possible it might be) with McLean ; but with any one else it was impossible, in hjs view." He "thought the fate of the party was bound up in his candidate." 1 From Pennsylvania, 71 delegates voted for McLean, 10 for Fremont; New Jersey, 14 for McLean, 7 for Fremont ; Indiana, 21 for McLean, 18 for Fremont ; Illinois, 19 for McLean, 14 for Frgmont. Ohio gave McLean 39 votes out of 69, and Maine 11 out of 24. Each State had a representa tion in the convention equal to three times its electoral vote. 2 In this account of the convention I have consulted the New York Evening Post, New York Times, New York Tribune, Life of Fremont by Bigelow. CH.VIIL] NOMINATION OP FREMONT 185 embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect un worthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their sanction." ' Since by common consent, availability was to determine the candidate, it seemed at the time as if the convention had acted wisely in nominating Fremont instead of McLean. The nomination of McLean would have been looked upon as a bid for the Know-nothing vote ; it would probably have lost more Germans than it attracted Americans, and would have hampered the party in its future course.2 The discus sion on a resolution that touched upon the Know-nothing question, its adoption, and the firm and enthusiastic deter mination to nominate Fremont were evidence that the Re publicans wished to cut loose from their KnoAv-nothing affil iations and make the fight on one cardinal principle. In Pennsylvania the anti-slavery and American ideas had been so closely intertwined that it seemed to Stevens and his sympathizers that all was lost if the Americans were not placated. The convention listened to their arguments with attention, but were not convinced. There was another objection to the nomination of McLean. He was on the Supreme bench, and a feeling prevailed that judges of the highest court^ lowered themselves and their court when they entered into a contest for the presidency.3 1 The platform, with all but one resolution, may be found in History of Presidential Elections, Stanwood, p. 205. 2 The New York Abend-Zeitung of June 13th said that hardly one- tenth of the Germans would vote for McLean. See also Von Hoist, vol. v. p. 363. After the election (Dec. 23d), Dana wrote Pike : " In my judg ment, we are a great deal better off as we are than we should have been with McLean elected ; but as for his coming within a gunshot of Fre mont's vote, it is all gammon. He could not have carried the North west, and would not have got over 170,000 in this State." — First Blows of the Civil War, p. 354. Fremont received in New York State 276,007 votes. 3 This view is ably argued in a leading editorial of the New York 186 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 The North Americans, as those were called who seceded from the American convention that nominated Fillmore, held a convention shortly before the Republicans and nom inated Banks for President. He declined. When the dele gates, who had adjourned pending the action of the Phila delphia convention, reassembled, they nominated Fremont.1 The country was too much excited over the assault on Sumner and the destruction of Lawrence, and too much interested in the outcome of the political conventions, to pay much attention to an important diplomatic transaction which came to a head on the 29th of May. On that day Congress was informed that the President had ceased to hold intercourse with the British minister, Crampton, had sent him his passport, and had revoked the exequaturs of the British consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincin nati. The offence was that they had conducted in this country an extensive system of recruiting for the British foreign legion, in violation of the laws and sovereign rights of the United States. The acts complained of were per formed the previous year while England was in the midst of the Crimean war.2 The withdrawal of Crampton and Tribune, June 5th. The confidential expression of a brother justice is of interest : " Judge McLean hopes, I think, to be a candidate for the office. He would be a good President, but I am not willing to have a judge in that most trying position of being a candidate for this great office."— Letter of B. R. Curtis to Geo. Ticknor, April 8th, 1856, Memoir of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. p. 180. 1 But they did not endorse the nomination of Dayton ; they named Johnston, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President. As an intimation of the different shades of opinion, it may be noted that the conservatives seced ed from the North American convention and nominated Commodore Stockton for President. The abolitionists, who believed in political ac tion, had already nominated Gerrit Smith for President and Frederick Douglas for Vice-President ; but it was well understood at this time that there were practically only three tickets in the field. Any one who wished to vote could find a representative of his principles in Buchanan, Fremont, or Fillmore. See New York Herald, June 21st. 2 See Marcy to Dallas, May 27th. CH.VIII.] DISMISSAL OF CRAMPTON 187 the three consuls had been asked for, but the request was re fused by the British government.1 Before the President had promulgated his decision, such action was in English official circles deemed probable ; and Dallas, our minister at London, felt certain that wThen the neAvs of Crampton's dismissal came, he would in turn receive his. passports from the British government.2 In one of his anxious moments he had a talk with the experienced Rus sian ambassador, who assured him that" there was no cause for worry ; that if Crampton Avere dismissed, the English government would make light of it, or their indignation would be " mildly expressed and of very short duration." "No ministry," the Russian added, " would last a month, in the present condition of England, that should quarrel with the United States." 3 By the last of May, however, " the public pulse was at fever heat " in England. Dallas wrote : "If the Times and the Post* are reliable organs, I shall probably quit England soon, never to return ; an indiscrim- inating retaliation amounts to an original insult, and will re quire many years to be forgotten. It will not surprise me if I should turn out to be the last minister from the United States to the British Court." s 1 "The President's whole cabinet felt so kindly to Crampton that they examined narrowly the evidence against him, and would gladly have be lieved that he had been innocent of violating the neutrality of America towards the contending nations, but were at last unwillingly convinced of the fact." — Life of Jefferson Davis, by his Wife, vol. i. p. 569. 8 Private letter of Geo. M. Dallas to Marcy, April 20th, Letters from London, p. 22. 3 Dallas to Marcy, May 6th, ibid., p. 33. ' The Post was the official organ of the ministry. 1 Dallas to Mr. D., June 6th, Letters from London, pp. 43, 45. "Those who endeavor to persuade themselves that we shall learn the dismissal of Mr. Crampton without enforcing the retirement of Mr. Dallas are calculat ing upon an amount of endurance totally inconsistent with the character of Englishmen." — London Times, June 5th, cited in the New York Times, June 24th. "The dismissal of Mr. Crampton must be followed by the dismissal of Mr, Dallas." — London Post, June 13th, cited in New York Times, July 1st. 188 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 But when the news came that Crampton had been dis missed, it was found that no one was in favor of war except a feAV officials and some of the newspapers. The manufact uring and mercantile classes made themselves felt as being unconditionally opposed to war with the United States.1 The Liverpool Reform Association protested against it.1 Immense placards were posted all over England by order of the Manchester peace conference, protesting in the most emphatic terms against war with America.3 The country was much relieved when Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons "announced formally the determination of the cabinet ' not to terminate their present amicable relations with Mr. Dallas.' " 4 The sentiment of the Northern States was decidedly averse to Avar with England. It was felt that nothing should be permitted to divert the attention of the country from the serious domestic question Avhich agitated it from one end to the other. During this Avhole contro versy Northern people reposed entire confidence in Marcy; they thought the honor of the country safe in his hands, and were certain that they would not be forced into war with England unless it wrere unavoidable." The party conventions had formulated their principles ' Letters from London, p. 47. 2 New York Times, July 1st. 3 New York Herald, June 23d. A Dallas to Marcy, June 17th, Letters from London, p. 50. 5 See, for example, the New York Independent, March 20th ; Pike to the New York Tribune, April 28th; see also Washington correspondence Journal of Commerce, July 8th ; and Dallas to Marcy, June 17th, Letters from London, p. 51, " Probably no greener Secretary of State ever entered upon the duties of that post; yet few or none ever filled it more effectively. Several of his State papers will long be treasured and admired, and he may be said to have reflected honor even on the administration of General Pierce— an achievement to which few men would have proved equal. That he was its good genius was very generally realized. That he never approved nor countenanced the violation of the Missouri Compromise is beyond doubt."— New York Tribune, July lltb, 1857, on the occasion of Marcy's death. Ch.VIIL] THE TOOMBS BILL 189 and put up their candidates. The vital question, from what ever side it was approached, turned on Kansas ; yet Congress had passed no act and determined on no policy in regard to the territory. Senator Crittenden proposed that a request be preferred to the President that he send Lieutenant- General Scott to Kansas — " a man," said Crittenden, " Avho in such a contest carries the sword in his left hand, and in his right, peace, gentle peace " — but the proposition did not meet the approval of the Democratic majority.1 Yet the Democrats could plainly see that if they expected to carry the doubtful Northern States at the presidential election, it was necessary that they should make an effort to allay the existing troubles in Kansas. Five days after the adjourn ment of the Republican convention, on the 24th of June, Senator Toombs introduced a bill which, in fairness to the free-State settlers, went far beyond the measure that earlier in the session had been drawn by Douglas to carry into effect the recommendations of his report and the message of the President. The bill provided that a census should be taken in Kan sas ; that all white males twenty-one years old, who were bona-fide inhabitants on the day of the census, should be registered as voters ; that the voters should proceed to elect on the Tuesday after the 1st day of November next dele gates to a constitutional convention. Irregularities and fraud at the election, and intimidation of voters, were guard ed against. There were to be five competent persons, ap pointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, to carry into effect the provisions of the act. Under their di rection the census was to be taken and the registration of 1 This proposition was made at the suggestion of R. C. Winthrop, of Boston, to whom Crittenden writes : " When it was first offered it ap peared to be received with general favor ; but the reflections and, I sup pose, the consultations of the night brought forth next day a strong op position. The source of this was no doubt in the White House and its appurtenances."— Life of Crittenden, Coleman, vol. ii. p. 129. 190 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1886 voters made. The delegates were to meet on the first Mon day of December, Avhen, if deemed expedient, they should proceed to form a constitution and State government for admission into the Union as a State. Toombs said that his object was " to preserve and protect the integrity of the ballot-box," and to have " a fair and honest expression of the opinion of the present inhabitants" of Kansas. If other means more proper and effectual could be devised by the Senate, he was willing to adopt them. He had provided for the election in November in order that there might be sufficient time to determine those Avho were justly entitled to vote; he chose the presidential-election day, as voters in adjoining States would be occupied at their own homes and unable to interfere Avith a fair expression of the popular will in Kansas. When Toombs said that he was willing to take the will of the people m a proper and just manner and abide by the result, he was sincere. An old Whig, he had the Whig love of the Union. Believing that its existence depended on the defeat of Fremont, he was willing to make concessions to Northern public sentiment for the sake of averting Bepub- lican success. In January he had delivered a lecture on slavery in Boston, where he was listened to Avith attention. The conservative Whigs turned out to hear a moderate ex position of Southern views from one whom they deemed a liberal-minded and whole-souled Southern gentleman.' A month after his return from Boston, he expressed the opin ion in the Senate that Kansas would probably be a free State.2 A few days before he introduced his bill, however, he saw Stringfellow at Washington, whom Stephens regard ed as " our main man in Kansas." Stringfellow had come direct from the territory and had given Toombs reason to believe that there Avas a fair prospect of making Kansas a 1 See extracts from the Boston Traveller and Journal, cited by the Lib erator, Feb. 1st and 15th. * Feb. 28th, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 116. CH.VIII.J THE TOOMBS BILL 191 slave State.' Toombs was an able laAvyer and an honest man; though harsh and intolerant in expression, he Avas frank in purpose.3 He undoubtedly thought that by the operation of his bill there was an even chance, but no more, of Kansas becoming a slave State. On the 30th of June, Douglas introduced from the com- j mittee on territories what was substantially the Toombs bill. He remarked that as thirty-seven of the ninety-one days of the session of the Senate since the House was or ganized had been devoted to the Kansas question, he should insist that an early vote be taken on the measure proposed. An animated and able debate followed. Hale confessed that the bill was nearly unexceptionable in its terms ; 3 Trumbull admitted that " a liberal spirit seems to be mani fested on the part of some senators of the majority to have a fair bill," and in many of its features it met his approba tion;4 Seward regarded the measure as a concession, if not a compromise ; ° and Simonton wrote to his journal that "upon its face it seems to be one of the fairest measures ever proposed to an American Congress." 6 So long as the discussion was confined to the details of the bill the Democrats had the better of the argument, and they occupied a fairer position, apparently, than the Repub licans. Wilson objected that it was unfair to register as voters only those who were now residing in the territory, when the free-State men had been plundered, outraged, and driven out of the territory, and when their leaders had been 1 Letter of A. H. Stephens to his brother, June 14th, Life of Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 309. 8 See Greeley's opinion, Letter from Washington to the Tribune, Feb. 28th. 3 July 1st, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii. p. 1520. * July 2d, ibid., vol. xxxiii. pp. 778, 781. s Ibid., p. 789; but in a letter to his wife, Seward called it "the new sham evasive Kansas bill," Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 280. 8 Letter to New York Times, July 2d ; but he prefaced that remark by saying that the bill was " an ingenious fraud." 192 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 imprisoned, or had escaped to avoid arrest. To this the reply was made that Buford's men had been expelled by Colonel Sumner, but it was easily shown that at this game the free-State party had suffered more than the other.' This objection was, however, fully obviated by an amendment'' offered by Douglas and agreed to.a The territorial laws were inveighed against by the Ee- publicans. It was understood by some senators that the bill abrogated the obnoxious laws, but as doubt remained, an amendment was adopted that did render them null and void in unequivocal terms.3 The operation of the bill would undoubtedly liberate the free-State prisoners. Another objection was that the appointment of the com missioners rested with the President, who, Wade had no doubt, would appoint Atchison and Stringfellow or men of like principles.4 This was met by the statement of Cass, in whom every one had confidence, that he felt authorized to say that the President would impartially select the commis sioners from the " different shades of party in the country," and would, moreover, appoint the best men that could be got.6 Yet if this objection, as also another that no provision was made to submit the Constitution to a vote of the people of Kansas, still remained, the Republican senators could not overlook the fact that they had been asked to amend the bill and perfect it.6 There would probably have been no difficulty in incorporating a section requiring ratification by the popular vote before the measure left the Senate. The Republican House might have proposed to name the com mission in the bill,7 and it is not certain that the Senate 1 See Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. pp. 773, 774. 8 Ibid., p. 795. 3 See Seward's remarks, ibid., p. 791, and the Geyer amendment, p. 799, 4 Ibid., p. 756 ; see also Seward's remarks, p. 792. 5 Ibid., vol. xxxii. p. 1519 ; see the reiteration of Douglas and Pugh,voI. xxxiii. pp. 295, 866. 6 So stated by Trumbull, ibid., p. 781. ' See New York Times, July 7th. CH.VIII.] THE TOOMBS BILL 193 would have objected, for in the closing days of the session a spirit of compromise between the two Houses prevailed ; or the persons the President intended to appoint might have been submitted to the leaders of both parties. It is unlikely that he would have refused to do his part towards an ad justment of the differences,' for the manifestations of North ern sentiment were having a potent effect at the White House. The difference between the Douglas bill introduced in March and the present measure was great. It showed the effect of Northern sentiment which had been stirred up by the assault on Sumner and the destruction of Lawrence. The enthusiasm at the Republican convention alarmed the Democrats, and the election of Fremont seemed not improb able.2 Under these influences, they were disposed to meet the Republicans more than half-way ; and had the Toombs bill been introduced before the startling evTents occurred which had so profoundly affected the country, the conserva tive Kepublicans would have determined the course of the party, and a successful effort Avould probably have been made to arrive at a compromise on the basis proposed.3 But now, if the Democrats had receded, the Republicans had ad vanced. Their convention had declared for congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories. While it was prob able that the Toombs bill would make Kansas a free State,4 it was not certain, and the Republicans would now only ac cept a certainty. When the Republicans in the senatorial debate passed from the criticism of details to the general principle, their 1 See letter of A. H. Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 315. 3 "The Democrats are profoundly alarmed. Hence their change from denunciation to compromise, concerning Kansas." — Seward to his wife, July 5th, Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 282. 3 See a very careful editorial in the New York Times of March 8th. * See New York Tribune, July 9th ; Kansas Crusade, Thayer, p. 245 ; Spring's Kansas, p. 210. IL— 13 194 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [185G position, in the light of history, Avas invulnerable. Seward rose to the height that the occasion demanded. He objected to the bill because " it treated the subject of slavery and freedom as if they were equal, to be submitted to a trial by the people," and he plainly intimated that no amendment Avould satisfy him unless it prohibited slavery in Kansas.' Toombs and his Southern friends thought that when they offered freedom an equal chance with slavery, the measure of justice was full. Douglas and his followers pretended to think so. Seward, on the other hand, with the approval of the Republican party, maintained that the one principle was more sacred than the other and demanded especial pro tection from the general government. This position was fraught Avith Aveightier consequences than they dreamed. Reid, of North Carolina, saw the future more clearly than did the Republicans, and told the Senate solemnly that if a majority of the Northern people became prepared to en dorse the doctrine avowed by Seward, the Union could not last an hour longer.2 The Toombs bill came to a vote the 2d of July, and was passed by 33 to 12. The nays were practically a measure of Republican strength in the Senate,3 and in that slow-chang ing body the time seemed indeed far distant when a major ity could be secured to vote for giving freedom a better* chance in the territories than slavery. The proposition of the Republicans was to admit Kansas as a State under the Topeka Constitution. A bill providing for this had been introduced early in the session by Seward, and the Republicans came gradually to take that position,' When the national convention was held, no opposition was made to the resolution declaring that policy. It was con- 1 Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 794. ! Idem, p. 792. 3 Dodge, a Democrat from Wisconsin, voted against the bill on account of instructions from his legislature ; but Fish and Sumner were absent. 4 See letter of Pike to New York Tribune, April 24th, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 322. CH.VIII.] THE TOOMBS BILL 195 sistent, therefore, that Seward should maintain that his bill was a sure and just way of settling the difficulty, for it would immediately admit Kansas as a free State. On the day after the Senate passed the Toombs measure, the Republican House gave answer by voting a bill to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution.' The alternative offered by the Republicans does not de serve the commendation that may be freely awarded to their opposition to the Toombs bill. The Topeka Constitu tion had been adopted by a self-styled convention which had not the authority of law, was irregular, and only represented a faction.2 To admit Kansas as a State with a Constitution thus framed and a government so established would have been a monstrous precedent. It is doubtful whether the trained legislators among the Republicans Avould have ad vocated such a policy, had they not known that by no pos sibility could such a measure pass the Senate.3 But defec tive as such a proposal was before Congress, it was strong before the country. It had the merit of simplicity, and a noble end in view. It must be looked upon as an election cry rather than as a serious effort by the Republicans to settle the difficulty by a legislative expedient. The House did not consider the Toombs bill. Nor did it endeavor to compose the differences between it and the Senate, for the Dunn proposition could not be called such an attempt. One section of that bill restored the Missouri restriction, which could not possibly pass the Senate ;* while other provisions were not satisfactory to many Republicans, although they voted for the measure. It was put through under operation of the previous question, and without any debate whatever." 1 The vote was 99 to 97. s See p. 103. 1 When the House bill was considered in the Senate, the Toombs bill was substituted for it, and passed a second time. * The bill is printed in the Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii. p. 1815. The vote was 89 to 77. Dunn was a Fillmore man ; he acted sometimes with the Republicans, but could not always be depended upon. 196 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 The Democrats charged that the Republicans did not desire to settle the trouble ; that " bleeding Kansas " was a thrilling party catchword which they had use for until November. " An angel from heaven," declared Douglas in the Senate, " could not write a bill to restore peace in Kan sas that would be acceptable to the abolition Republican party previous to the presidential election." ' It is true the lower motive was mixed with the higher. The Republicans were but men. As former Whigs and Democrats, politics had been the trade of many who were keenly alive to the potent effect of an expressive cry in a political campaign. They were backed by the free-State settlers of Kansas, who opposed the Toombs bill, while the pro-slavery party favored it.2 The Democrats Avere well satisfied with the advances they had made, and they adopted a resolution in the Senate to print twenty thousand copies of the Toombs bill, which they purposed to circulate as an electioneering document. The majority of the House committee which had been sent to Kansas to investigate affairs made their report July 1st, and the facts elicited contributed much to the congres sional discussion of this question. The committee had ex amined three hundred and tAventy-three witnesses,3 and the evidence Avas annexed to the report. The statement of the majority was signed by Howard and Sherman, and is an < able and fair paper. Its conclusions are indisputable, and established that — The territorial elections Avere carried by fraud ; that the territorial legislature was an illegally con- 1 July 9th, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 844.' Three years later Douglas had the same notion. He said to Cutts : " It was evident during all the proceedings that the Republicans were as anxious to keep the Kansas question open as the Democrats were to close it, in view of the approaching presidential election." — Constitutional and Party Questions, p. 108. 2 See protest of Lieut. -Gov. Roberts, New York Times, July 15th; Lawrence (Kansas) correspondence of the New York Times, July 11th and 21st ; Sara Robinson's Kansas, pp. 319, 323. 3 Spring's Kansas, p. 108 ; see p. 155. CaVIII.] OLIVER'S REPORT 197 stituted body, and its enactments were null and void ; that neither Whitfield nor Reeder was legally elected delegate ; that " in the present condition of the territory a fair election cannot be held without a new census, a stringent and well- guarded election law, the selection of impartial judges, and the presence of United States troops at every place of elec tion ; . . . the various elections held by the people of the ter ritory preliminary to the formation of the State government [*'. e. under the Topeka Constitution] have been as regular as the disturbed condition of the territory would allow ; and the Constitution passed by the convention held in pursuance of said elections embodies the will of a majority of the people." On the 11th of July, Oliver made a minority report which has historical interest : in it Avas submitted the testimony telling the story of the Pottawatomie massacre by John Brown and his party. In the speech which Oliver made elucidating his report, he stated that, although the com mittee heard of these assassinations while on the Missouri border, Howard and Sherman refused to take evidence con cerning them, on the ground that under the resolution of the House the committee had. no power to examine into trans actions which had taken place since their appointment.1 However, the report of Oliver, the testimony submitted, and the explanation of it in his speech, put the matter before the country, and it is amazing that the horrible story did not do appreciable injury to the cause of the free -State party by bringing about a reaction in public sentiment at the North. The outrages on the Northern settlers were a never-failing argument of Republican journals and speakers. Their record showed that in a year and a half seven free-"> State men had been killed by the border ruffians,3 while on the Pottawatomie in a single night five pro-slavery men had/ been deliberately and foully murdered. The evidence was 1 See amplification of this statement, and colloquy between Oliver and Sherman, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 1012; also Spring's Kansas, p. 145. 2 New York Tribune, June 14th. 198 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 brought before Congress and the country in a shape that told a clear and convincing tale ; it is the material that histori ans and biographers novv mainly use when they construct the story. Yet the Democratic press, senators, and repre sentatives, excepting Oliver, made almost no use of it. Their accounts are meagre, their allusions fragmentary and rare. The first news of the massacre Avas published equally by journals of both parties ; but soon there appeared a" free- State version which admitted the killing, but averred that a pro-slavery gang Avas caught in the act of hanging a free- State settler, and, in effecting the rescue, his friends shot five of their enemies. This explanation was Avidely circulated by the Republican journals and believed by their readers; but it was given an emphatic denial by Oliver in his report and speech ; and although the report was published by the Democratic newspapers, it was not made the subject of earnest comment, nor Avas attention called to the speech.' 1 In carefully looking over the debates on Kansas, I found, with the exception of the speech of Oliver, made July 31st, but one reference to the massacre on the Pottawatomie, that of Toombs, Congressional QUbe, vol. xxxiii. p. 869 ; but he was apparently prevented from enlarging upon it by the sharp inquiry of Fessenden : " Have you any proof of it?" I have examined or have had examined the files of the New York Jour nal of Commerce, the New York Herald, the Philadelphia Pennsyharmn (Forney's paper), the Washington Union, and the Cleveland Plain Dealer, and I am struck with the fact that substantially no use was made of this occurrence, which oflfered a good occasion for the tu quoque argument. All of these were Democratic journals, with the exception of the New York Herald, which occupied a peculiar position. It believed that Kansas ought to be a slave State, and yet it supported Fremont. For its reason for supporting Fremont, see extract from it in the Liberator of Aug. 15th. There is not an editorial comment in the Herald. The Journal of Com merce had a short editorial mention when it published the testimony (June 19th). By the Pennsylvanian, Brown is not referred to, the mas sacre is mentioned simply as a report, Oliver is spoken of twice, but no allusion is made to his speech. The Cleveland Plain Dealer published part of the testimony without comment. The Republican papers gener ally did not publish the Oliver report, says the Journal of Commeree, July 23d. CH.VIIL] OLIVER'S REPORT 199 Contrasting this treatment with the stirring articles in the Republican papers, suggested by the Howard report, one is led to the conviction that the Democrats failed to make good use of their opportunities ; for they continued to rehearse their threadbare charges against the emigrant- aid companies and the New England men who went out bearing Sharpe's rifles. The truth is that the Pottawatomie massacre Avas so at variance with the whole course and pol icy of the free-State party in Kansas up to that time that its horrible details were not credited in the East. The Kan sas outrages Avere regarded as the stock-in-trade of the Re publicans, and, until this affair took place, they Avere anxious to have full light cast on occurrences in the territory. The testimony of impartial observers was that the pro-slavery men were lawless and aggressive, and the free-State settlers submissive, industrious, and anxious for liberty and order.1 6. W. Brown, the editor of the Herald of Freedom, of Lawrence, in 1856, writes in 1879-80: "The opposition press, both North and South, took up the damning tale ... of that midnight butchery on the Potta watomie. . . . Whole columns of leaders from week to week, with start ling head-lines, liberally distributed capitals, and frightful exclamation- points, filled all the newspapers." He further states that he believes had it not been for that massacre Fremont would have been elected. See Reminiscences of Old John Brown, p. 26. If Gr. W. Brown were writing from recollection, he probably had iu mind the six border-ruffian papers, published in Kansas and on the Missouri border. The Missouri Repub lican, published in St. Louis, was also full of the matter ; but it had a correspondent who commanded a border-ruffian company in Kansas, Cap tain Pate. The Burlington (Iowa) Gazette had a fierce editorial on the subject, June 25th. But the papers I have previously named are fairly representative of the tone of the Eastern Democratic press. That the Pottawatomie massacre had a marked influence on Kansas affairs in the summer of 1856 there is abundant reason to believe (see p. 165) ; but I have not been able to discover that it had any influence detrimental to the Republicans in the presidential canvass. 1 See letter from Lawrence, Kansas, July 1st, of a conservative Whig who went there with the idea that the stories of Kansas outrages were got up for political effect. Boston Bee, cited by the Liberator, July 18th. T. H. Gladstone who, according to Olmsted, was a very impartial ob- 200 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 Their previous good character prevented the country from believing that the killing done in their name by one of their number was an unprovoked massacre.' Not having faith in the border-ruffian accounts, the line of Democratic argument was now different from what might have been supposed. They maintained that the stories of the Kansas outrages were exaggerated ; 2 that many of them were manufactured in the Republican newspaper offices;' that at election riots in Eastern cities more men were killed in twelve months than in the same length of time in Kan sas.4 The stately Democratic organ of New York city an nounced Avith satisfaction that " Kansas outrages are becom ing scarce."5 EveryAvhere may be observed Democratic anxiety to keep Kansas affairs out of sight, while the Ee- publican journals and speakers insist all the more strongly on making them a subject of continual agitation. server, writes: "Whatever testimony I gathered in Kansas was, for the most part, obtained from pro-slavery men." "Among all the scenes of violence I witnessed, it is remarkable that the offending parties were invariably on the pro-slavery side." — The Englishman in Kansas, T. H. Gladstone, pp. 12, 64. The whole book is an elaboration of these two statements. See also extract from letter of Dr. Smith, a conservative and ex-mayor of Boston, cited by Wilson, July 9th, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 856 ; also a private letter quoted ibid., p. 853. When Seward (June 11th), Wilson (July 2d, 9th), and Wade (July 9th) described and denounced in emphatic terms the Kansas outrages, it is surprising that the Demo crats did not retort with the story of the Pottawatomie massacre. See Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii. p. 1394; vol. xxxiii. pp. 755, 773,854. 1 See, for example, speech of Barclay, a Democrat, July 1st, Congres sional Globe, vol. xxxii. p. 1523. ' Stephens, June 28th, ibid., vol. xxxiii. pp. 725, 727 ; Brown, ibid,, vol. xxxii. p. 1387 ; Weller, ibM., vol. xxxiii. p. 842 ; Pugh, ibid., p. 867. 3 See the Daily Pennsylvanian, June 18th and 23d, July 1st; also Washington Union. 4 Stephens, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 725 ; Geyer, ibid,, p. 787; Albany Argus, July 1st. 5 Journal of Commerce, June 24th. CH.VIII.] STRIFE BETWEEN THE SENATE AND HOUSE 201 The committee on elections of the House had reported against the admission of Whitfield as a delegate and in favor of that of Reeder; but the House took a different view. It decided that neither was entitled to the seat, the vote against Whitfield standing 110 to 92, and against Keeder 113 to 88. The Republicans had on all occasions criticised the exec utive administration of Kansas affairs. In the closing days of the session this took shape by the House attaching to two appropriation bills riders which dictated to the President a limited policy in the interest of the free - State settlers of Kansas. After a committee of conference the House re ceded from its amendments to one of the bills, but on the army appropriation it made a stubborn fight. This amend ment had been offered by John Sherman, and virtually pro hibited the employment of United States soldiers by the President to enforce the laws of the Kansas territorial legis lature. The Senate struck it out. Three conferences failed to bring the two Houses to any agreement. On the 18th of August, while the representatives were considering the matter, the hour arrived which had, by joint resolution the preceding month, been fixed upon as the time of adjourn ment, and the speaker declared the House adjourned with out day. The army appropriation bill had thus failed to become a law. Despite the excitement attendant upon this disagreement on a question that already shook the country from side to side, the closing scenes in the Senate and House were orderly and dignified. Banks had made an efficient speaker. By his prompt decisions and impartial bearing, serious difficulties Avere tided over. The President immediately called an extraordinary ses sion of Congress, and the tAvo Houses convened August 21st. The congressional game of battledore and shuttle cock between the House and the Senate went on for a while ; but August 30th the House receded from its position, and passed the army appropriation bill without the Kansas amendment by a vote of 101 to 98. -The result was not 202 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 reached by some of the Republicans backing down, for all the supporters of Fremont voted to adhere, but the Buchanan and Fillmore men acting together were sufficient to control the House.1 Although this House has for convenience been spoken of as Republican, since it chose Banks as speaker and adopted some Republican measures, the majority was always uncertain.2 Indeed, it was only because the Democrats and Americans did not act unitedly, or were more irregular in their attendance, that the Republicans were able to carry any points Avhatever.3 With the adjournment of Congress the contest was trans ferred to the country,4 and the issue Avas clearly marked Fremont represented the people wrho emphatically con demned the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; who manded that Congress should prohibit slavery in all the ter ritories, and that Kansas should be admitted as a free State. Buchanan accepted unreservedly the Cincinnati platform and in his letter he elaborated one resolution sufficiently to show to any doubting ones at the South that he was sound on the policy inaugurated by the Kansas-Nebraska act. At the same time, he was well aware that to win the doubtful ' y Northern States some issue other than the Douglas and Pierce Kansas policy must be thrust forward into the can vass. His letter gave the key-note of the Northern cam paign, and was adroitly worded so as to rouse the enthusi asm of the moderate Democrats who had been his especial support in the convention, and also to attract conservative 1 All Fillmore men present but Dunn voted with the Democrats. 2 " This House of Representatives is like the moon. It shines bright est and smoothest at a distance. More than half the majority are Ameri cans engaged in demoralizing the Congress and the country." — Seward to Weed, April 21st ; see also letter to his wife, July 5th, Life of Seward, vol. ii. pp. 270, 282. 3 See article in New York Tribune, Sept. 3d. On the irregularity of the attendance of Southern men, see letters of A. H. Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 315. 4 The extraordinary session of Congress came to an end Aug. 30tb. CH.VIII.] "THE UNION IN DANGER" 203 "Whigs who could not fully approve the formal declarations of any one of the parties. Taking for a text an allusion in the platform, he averred that the Democratic party was strictly national; he hoped that its mission was to over throw all sectional parties ; he made reference to the warn ing of the Father of his country against forming parties on geographical lines, and maintained that the Democrats Avere devoted to the cause of the Constitution and the Union.1 In taking this ground, Buchanan operated on a powerful sentiment. It could not be denied that not only were the Eepublicans unable to carry a slave State, but that south of Mason and Dixon's line and the Ohio River their ticket would not practically receive a vote. It had long been the custom in nominating candidates for President and Vice- President to take one from the North and the other from the South. While there had been exceptions to this rule, they had occurred in a condition of country very different from the present.2 Fremont, born in Savannah, and edu cated in Charleston, South Carolina, was a citizen of Cali fornia, and Dayton was from New Jersey. The strength of Buchanan's dignified allusion lay in the fact that the sec tional character of Republican principles forced upon them, by the very nature of the case, sectional candidates. The free States had 176 electoral votes, while the slave States had but 120, and on account of the enthusiasm following the Republican convention it was not deemed improbable 1 The letter may be found in the Campaign Life of Buchanan, by Hor ton, p. 414. It is dated June 16th. Only the first portion of the letter is given by Curtis. While the letter Avas written before the Republican Convention, there was no question whatever that both the candidates nominated would be from the North. In a public letter, July 2d, to the Tammany Society, of New York city, he made his meaning specific, and spoke of the National Democratic party " rallying to defend the Consti tution and the Union against the sectional party who would outlaw fif teen of our sister States from the confederacy." 2 In 1828, Adams and Rush, who made one ticket, were from the North, and Jackson and Calhoun, who made the other, were from the South. 204 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 at the South that Fremont might carry every non-slave- holding State.' The idea caused great irritation. This feel ing was immediately typified in the action of the citizens of a Virginia county, who banished from their midst a resident because he had been a delegate to the Philadelphia conven tion.2 In a speech at Albany, Fillmore gave plain expression to the sentiment which Buchanan, in his carefully prepared formal paper, had only hinted at. "We see," Fillmore said, " a political party presenting candidates for the presidency and the vice-presidency selected for the first time from the free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candidates by suffrages of one part of the Union only to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have se riously reflected upon the consequences which must inevita bly follow in case of success ? Can they have the madness or folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a chief magistrate ? . . . I speak warmly on this subject, for I feel that we are in danger We are treading upon the brink of a volcano that is lia ble at any moment to burst forth and overwhelm the na tion." 3 The Southerners did not delay to point Buchanan's allu sion and Fillmore's statements. " The election of Fremont," wrote Senator Toombs, " would be the end of the Union, and ought to be. The object of Fremont's friends is the con quest of the South. I am content that they shall own us 1 See in Georgia Telegraph a letter from New York, July 10th, cited by New York Tribune. 2 See letter of Underwood of July 7th to New York Evening Post, cited by the Liberator, Aug. 15th. 3 This speech was made June 27th. It is printed in the New York Tribune, July 2d. The important part of it may be found in the Con gressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 716, where is also printed Fillmore's letter accepting the American party nomination. CaVIII.] SOUTHERN THREATS 205 when they conquer us, but not before." ' Governor Wise, who had supported Buchanan at Cincinnati, wrote : Fre mont's " election would bring about a dissolution of the American confederacy of (States, inevitably."2 The Rich mond Enquirer declared that " the election of Fremont would be certain and immediate disunion."3 Senator Sli dell, a trusted friend of Buchanan, wrote : " I do not hesi tate to declare that if Fremont be elected, the Union cannot and ought not to be preserved."4 Senator Mason averred that in the event of Republican success " but one course re mains for the South — immediate, absolute, eternal separa tion." 5 Quotations of like tenor from Southern public men and newspapers may be multiplied ; they came for the most part from the supporters of Buchanan.8 John Minor Botts, who was on the Fillmore electoral ticket in Virginia, took occasion to say that if Fremont were elected the South would not break up the Union ; and the Richmond Enquirer 1 To a Virginia friend, dated Washington, July 8th, printed in the New York Tribune of Aug. 13th. "Richmond, Sept. 6th, to a friend in Pennsylvania, published by the Pennsylvanian. It must be remembered that the Pennsylvanian was For ney's paper, and that he was the trusted friend of Buchanan. a Aug. 29th. 4 To the Louisiana Central Committee, New York Evening Post, Sept. 11th. 5 Sept. 29th, letter declining to be present at the Brooks dinner, New York Times, Oct. 14tb. 6 See Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. pp. 775, 792, 1206 ; Georgia Con stitutionalist, Sept. 22d; citations in National Intelligencer, Sept. 30th, Liberator, Oct. 10th, and Evening Post, Oct. 6th and 7th. The South Car olina utterances were radical. Keitt at Lynchburg, Evening Post, Sept. 22d ; Charleston Mercury, cited by the Post, Sept. 29th ; Boyce and Orr, ibid., Oct. 17th; Brooks and Butler, the Liberator, Oct. 24th. "The Southern press, of every political shade of opinion, with hardly an ex ception, threatens disunion in the event of defeat in the present contest for the presidency." — New York Times, Aug. 29th. The New Orleans Picayune and Daily Bee, however, repudiated the disunion talk, and so did Senators Houston, Bell, and Clayton. See New York Times, Sept. 19th. 206 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 demanded that he should at once quit Virginia, advising him not to " wait for honors of ostracism nor provoke the dis grace of lynching." ' The feeling of many Northern Whigs found its aptest ex pression in a letter of Rufus Choate. Of this great lawyer we have a confidential opinion from a true friend, and one who was often pitted against him in forensic contest. Eich- ard H. Dana wrote : Choate " has shown himself the brill iant, rich, philosophical orator, the scholar, and the kindly, adroit, and interesting man. He has not commanded re spect as a man of deep convictions, earnest purpose, and re liable judgment." 2 Although this characterization was writ ten three years previous to 1856, it shows that Choate from his very nature could have little sympathy Avith the aggres sive anti-slavery movement ; but, before he declared himself for Buchanan, he meditated long and earnestly, and weighed the arguments of all sides with care. Had he been less con scientious, he would naturally have drifted into the support of Fillmore, as did his intimate friends EArerett and Hillard and as did Winthrop, whose manner of envisaging a subject Avas much the same.3 But as the contest was between Fre mont and Buchanan, it seemed to Choate that the patriot must decide betAveen the two. Having decided, "silence," said he, "in such a sad state of things as environs us now is profoundly ignominious."4 There were more friends and pleasanter associations among the Republicans, but duty seemed to point the other Avay, and his declaration for Buchanan" was disinterested and sincere. He made for the Democrats a beautiful and forcible argument, and it was an element of power in the campaign that men of Avhom he was a fit expression made up their minds to support Buchanan. 1 Sept. 22d. 2 This was written in 1853, Life of R. H. Dana, by C. F. Adams, vol. i. p. 246. 3 George Ticknor was also for Fillmore, Life and Letters, vol. ii. p. 333. * Reminiscences of Rufus Choate, Parker, p. 292. CH.VIII] RUFUS OHOATE'S LETTER 207 " The first duty of Whigs," wrote Choate to the Maine Whig State Central Committee, " is to unite with some or ganization of our countrymen to defeat and dissolve the new geographical party, calling itself Republican. . . . The question for each and every one of us is . . . by what vote can I do most to prevent the madness of the times from working its maddest act — the very ecstasy of its madness — the permanent formation and the actual present triumph of a party which knows one half of America only to hate and dread it ; from whose unconsecrated and revolutionary ban ner fifteen stars are erased or have fallen; in Avhose na tional anthem the old and endeared airs of the Eutaw Springs and the King's Mountain and Yorktown, and those later of New Orleans and Buena Vista and Chapultepec, breathe no more. . . . The triumph of such a party puts the Union in danger. . . . And yet some men would have us go on laughing and singing at a present peril, the mere apprehension of which, as a distant and bare possibility, could sadden the heart of the Father of his county, and dictate the grave and grand warning of the Farewell Ad dress." If the Republican party, Choate continued, "ac complishes its objects and gives the government to the North, I turn my eyes from the consequences. To the fif teen States of the South that government will appear an alien government. It will appear worse. It will appear a hostile government. It will represent to their eye a vast region of States organized upon anti-slavery, flushed by tri umph, cheered onward by the voices of the pulpit, tribune, and press ; its mission to inaugurate freedom and put down the oligarchy; its constitution the glittering and sounding generalities of natural right which make up the Declaration of Independence. . . . Practically the contest, in my judg ment, is between Mr. Buchanan and Colonel Fremont. In these circumstances, I vote for Mr. Buchanan." ' 1 The whole letter is well worth reading. It is printed in Brown's Life of Choate, p. 321. 208 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 In this letter there was powerful reasoning. While Choate maintained that Fremont's election was certain danger, the success of Buchanan would by no means extinguish the hope of having Kansas a free State. If there were a just administration of affairs in the territory, which there was good reason to expect from Buchanan, and if it were deliv ered " over to the natural law of peaceful and spontaneous immigration," when the proper time came it would " choose freedom for itself," and it would "have forever what it chooses." It is indeed impossible to assign to Choate's letter a weighty influence, for he was not widely known out of New England and NeAv York, States Avhich went overwhelm ingly for Fremont ; yet the considerations urged were those that in various shapes determined the votes of enough Northern men to elect Buchanan. For it was a transition period in politics, and, since the two great parties had clear ly defined their position, there were many citizens still un certain which way to go.' It was to these floating voters, who were Americans or Whigs and devoted to the Union, that arguments like that of Choate appealed with irresisti ble force.2 But on those who were already Republicans the reason ing had no effect whatever, for, from their point of view, the assumption that Fremont's election would cause dis union Avas unwarranted. They did not believe that the Southern threats were sincere. Their opinion Avas repre sented by the remark of Senator Wilson. " Threats have been thrown out," said he, "that if the 'Black Republicans' triumph in 1856, the Union will be dissolved. . . . Sir, you cannot kick out of the Union the men who utter these impotent threats."3 The whole tone of the Republican 1 See on this point remarks of Seward at Auburn, Oct. 21st, Works, vol. iv. p. 278. s The letter of Choate drew out many replies; perhaps the most cele brated was that of George W. Curtis, published in the New York Times, Sept. 11th. 3 In the Senate, April 14th, cited by Von Hoist. CH.VIIL] "SOUTHERN GASCONADE" 209 canvass, the speeches on the stump, the able discussion of the situation by the press, show that these menaces were regarded as Southern gasconade. The Fremont newspapers made haste to copy the most violent speeches and articles, for it was their opinion that a wide circulation of these threats would help their cause.' After-events demonstrated that, in this respect, Fillmore and Choate understood the situation better. The private and confidential correspondence of the time shows that these expressions were not bluster. " Should Fremont be elected," wrote Buchanan, August 27th, to a friend in Boston, " he must receive 149 Northern electoral votes at the least, and the outlawry proclaimed by the Republican convention at Philadelphia against fifteen Southern States will be ratified by the people of the North. The consequences will be im mediate and inevitable." 2 Two weeks later he wrote confi dentially to Professor Read : " I am in the daily receipt of letters from the South which are truly alarming, and these from gentlemen who formerly opposed both nullification and disunion. They say explicitly that the election of Fremont involves the dissolution of the Union, and this immediate ly." 3 In a private letter, Governor Wise said : " The South ern States are going strong and unanimous. . . . They will not submit to a sectional election of a Free-soiler or Black Eepublican. ... If Fremont is elected . . . this Union will not last one year from November next. . . . The country Avas never in such danger." 4 " It is quite sensibly felt by all," wrote ex-President Tyler, " that the success of the Black Republicans would be the knell of the Union." 6 1 There is hardly a number of the New York Times or Tribune that does not support this statement. Where the matter is specifically discussed, see for example New York Times, Sept. 26th, Oct. 3d, and Oct. 14th ; New York Tribune, Aug. 13th. See also the opinion of the Springfield Repub lican, Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. i. p. 155. 2 Curtis, vol. ii. p. 180. ' Ibid., p. 182. 4 Aug. 15th, Letters and Times of the Tylers, vol. ii. p. 531. 5 Julv 21st, ibid., p. 532. II.— 14 210 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [m It was fortunate, indeed, that the Republicans could not lift the veil and peer into the future. Had that power been given them, their party would only have developed slowly and through painful effort, for, while the sentiment of free dom was now strong at the North, that of the Union was stronger. The potent reason of the grand Republican ex pansion of 1856 was that the statesmen and politicians had marked out a Avay in which the moral and intelligent feel ing of the country could assert itself without bating a jot of love for the Union or reverence for the Constitution. Never in our history, and probably never in the history of the world, had a more pure, more disinterested, and more intelligent body of men banded together for a noble polit ical object than those who now enrolled themselves under the Republican banner. The clergymen, the professors in the colleges, the men devoted to literature and science, the teachers in the schools, were for the most part Republicans. The zeal of many preachers broke out in the pulpit, and ser mons were frequently delivered on the evils of slavery, the wrong of extending it, and the noble struggle freedom was making on the plains of Kansas. The Northern people of 1856 wTere a church-going people, and it must be reckoned an element of Aveight in the campaign that so large a pro portion of the clergy exerted their influence directly or in* directly in favor of Fremont. On the Sunday before elec tion, most of the ministers of New England preached and prayed from their pulpits against the success of Buchanan.1 From the partisans of Buchanan and Fillmore came constant deprecation that ministers should so forget their holy calling as to introduce politics into the pulpit.2 1 Letter of Buchanan to Joshua Bates of London, Nov. 6th, Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii, p. 183. Choate would not have found this letter pleasant reading. Buchanan calls New England "that land of isms," and Boston " a sad place." 5 See the New York Tribune, July 12th, 19th, Aug. 13th, 16th, Oct 11th ; New York Herald, Sept. 13th, and the file of the Independent, passim; also New York Times, Sept. 30th. CH.VIII.] THE REPUBLICANS 211 In number, influence, and circulation, the religious press was overwhelmingly on the side of the party opposed to slavery-extension.' The religious journal was generally pub lished to reach the bulk of its readers on Saturday, that the subjects it discussed might be read and pondered in the quiet hours of the Sabbath. Its arguments received, therefore, the most careful attention, and the work of making voters for Fremont continued even on the day when the secular neAvs- papers did not appear. Some of the expressions call to mind the puritanical fervor of an earlier time. The Independent, the ablest religious journal of the day, recognized in the nomination of Fremont " the good hand of God ;" and as election day drew near it said: "Fellow- Christians! Re member it is for Christ, for the nation, and for the world that you vote at this election ! Vote as jtou pray ! Pray as you vote !" 2 Professors Silliman of Yale and Felton of Harvard had spoken out for Fremont in a manner which betokened that they represented the preponderant opinion of their college faculties ; and the feeling in these older colleges was a type of that prevailing in most of the institutions of learning at the North.3 Impressed by the importance of the issue, literary men forsook their quiet retreats to help the cause they deemed sacred. Emerson addressed a town meeting; Longfellow took part in a political gathering ; Bryant entered into the canvass with ardor, and advocated the election of Fremont by speech as well as by pen ; and George William Curtis frequently spoke to his fellow-citizens urging them to vote for the Republican candidates.4 Washington Irving declared 1 See New York Herald, Sept. 13th and 15th; the Independent, Sept. 18th. 2 June 26th and Oct. 16th. 3 See New York Tribune, July 19th; Life of Silliman, Fisher, vol. ii. p. 251. ' New York Tribune, July 19th ; also Life of Bryant, Godwin, vol. ii. p. 91. 212 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 his purpose of voting for Fremont.' Longfellow Avrote to Sumner that one reason why he did not want to go to Eu rope was on account of losing his vote in the autumn. "I have great respect for that now," he continued, " though I never cared about it before." " He notes in his journal that all the guests with Avhom he dined one day at Pres- cott's Avere Fremont men.3 N. P. Willis, one of the best- known litterateurs of his day, relates hoAV he drove five miles one night to hear Curtis deliver a stump-speech. He at first thought the author of the Howadji "too handsome and well- dressed " for a political orator, but, as he listened, his mis take was apparent. He heard a logical and rational address, and now and then the speaker burst " into the full tide of eloquence unrestrained." Willis declared that although fifty years old he should this year cast his " virgin vote," and it would be for Fremont.'' Harriet Beecher Stowe published another anti-slavery novel, which, though far inferior to her masterpiece, found many readers.6 Whittier in passionate verse begged votes for Fremont. The history of this phase of the campaign would not be complete Avithout extended reference to the oration of George William Curtis, delivered to the students of the Wesleyan University at Middletown, Connecticut, on the subject, " The Duty of the American Scholar to Politics and the Times." 6 " I would gladly speak to you," said he, " of the charms of pure scholarship ; of the dignity and worth of the scholar; of the abstract relation of the scholar to the State. ... But 1 Philadelphia Times, cited by the New York Times, Nov. 1st. 2 June 24th, Life of Longfellow, S. Longfellow, vol. ii. p. 282. 3 Ibid., p. 287. 4 Private letter, published in the New York Evening Post, cited by New York Times, Oct. 8th. B DredJ^ A Tale of the Dismal Swamp. The publishers stated that sixty thousand copies were sold in twelve days, New York Tribune, Oct. 18th; see also the Liberator, Oct. 3d. 6 Delivered Aug. 5th. CaVIII.] SPEECH OF GEORGE W. CURTIS 213 would you have counted him a friend of Greece Avho quietly discussed the abstract nature of patriotism on that Greek summer day through Avhose hopeless and immortal hours Leonidas and his three hundred stood at Thermopylae for liberty ?" And the American scholar of to-day must know "that freedom always has its Thermopylae, and that his Thermopylae is called Kansas. . . . Because we are scholars, shall Ave cease to be citizens ?" In the Senate, a " scholar pleads the cause dear to every gentleman in history, and a bully strikes him down. In a republic of freemen, this scholar speaks for freedom, and his blood stains the Senate floor. There it Avill blush through all our history. That damned spot will never out from memory, from tradition, or from noble hearts. ... Of what use are your books ? Of what use is your scholarship ? Without freedom of thought, there is no civilization or human progress ; and without freedom of speech, liberty of thought is a mockery." The orator continued : " There is a constant tendency in material prosperity, when it is the prosperity of a class and not of the mass, to relax the severity of principle ;" but every state has a class "Avhich by its very character is dedicated to eternal and not to temporary interests ; whose members are priests of the mind, not of the body, and Avho are necessarily the conservative party of intellectual and moral freedom. . . . The scholar is the representative of thought among men, and his duty to society is the effort to introduce thought and the sense of justice into human affairs. He was not made a scholar to satisfy the neAVspapers or the parish beadles, but to serve God and man. While other men pursue what is expedient, and watch with alarm the flickering of the funds, he is to pursue the truth and watch the eternal law of jus tice." The duty of the American scholar " in this crisis of our national affairs " is to fight the battle of liberty by re sisting the extension of slavery. " The advocacy of the area of its extension is not a whim of the slave power, but is based upon the absolute necessities of the system." But now "twenty millions of a moral people, politically dedi- 214 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 cated to Liberty, are asking themselves Avhether their gov ernment shall be administered solely in the interest of three hundred and fifty thousand slave-holders. . . . Young schol ars, young Americans, young men, we are all called upon to do a great duty. Nobody is released from it. It is a work to be done by hard strokes and everywhere. I see a rising enthusiasm, but enthusiasm is not an election ; and I hear cheers from the heart, but cheers are not voters. Every man must labor with his neighbor — in the street, at the plough, at the bench, early and late, at home and abroad. Gener ally, we are concerned in elections with the measures of gov ernment. This time it is with the essential principle of government itself." This finished oration suffers much by detached quotation, Read as a whole, one sees the argument unfolding, and is led on step by step to the point where the scholar is made to see that he would be recreant to his high calling if he did not vote and work for Fremont. It had a wide circulation,' and to college men, and men who read much, it spoke with mighty accents. The sincere and cultured orator had an earnest purpose ; he looked upon politics from a lofty plane. Certainly no candidate for President has ever had his elec tion urged in Avords that breathe forth purer aspirations, and more sublime and cogent reasons have never been given for political work. The voter who Avas influenced by that argument must have felt that he had been borne into a political atmosphere which was freed from foul exhalations. To the conservative, practical man of 1856, the formal, measured words of James Buchanan must have seemed .the essence of practical wisdom ; the ardent phrases of Curtis, while fit perhaps for professors and students, quite inade quate as a guide of political action. Yet only a few years were needed to show that the inferences drawn by Buchanan 1 It was published in the New York Weekly Tribune of Aug. 16th. The circulation of the paper that day was 173,000. The oration was after wards published in pamphlet form by a New York house. CH.YHI-] KANSAS 215 became for him a stumbling-block and a foolishness. A few years more demonstrated that the speculative truth proclaimed by Curtis was the highest practical Avisdom. It was appreciated that the first voters and the young men would be an important element on the Republican side in the campaign. Sumner, Avho, in the Avords of Seward, was " contending with death in the mountains of Pennsyl vania," ' wrote : " It is the young who give a spontaneous welcome to Truth when she first appears as an unattended stranger. . . . The young men of Massachusetts act under natural impulses when they step forward as the body-guard of the Republican party. When the great discoverer Har vey first announced the circulation of the blood, he was as tonished to find that no person upwards of forty received this important truth. It was the young only who, embraced it."2 Fillmore received an accession of strength by the endorse ment of the national Whig convention held at Baltimore September 17th. It was remembered that the day was the anniversary of Washington's Farewell Address. One of the resolutions alluded to his warning against geographical parties ; another condemned the Democrats equally with the Republicans. The position of the Fillmoreans may be described as oscillating between the other two parties. In the same speech in which Fillmore had expressed his alarm at the sectional character of the Republican party, he had severely condemned the repeal of the Missouri Com promise. Although he was first nominated by the Ameri cans, the peculiar tenets of that organization made no figure in the canvass.3 Side by side with the political canvass in the States went on the contest in Kansas. It had noAv degenerated into a 1 Letter of Seward to his wife, Aug. 17th, Life, vol. ii. p. 287. 2 Letter from Cresson, Pa., Aug. 5th, New York Weekly Tribune, Aug. 30th. 3 See Seward's speech at Auburn, Oct. 21st, Works, vol. iv. p. 279. 216 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 guerrilla warfare. The adventurous spirits among the free- State men had been worked up to violence by the destruc tion of Lawrence, and the pro-slavery party were inflamed by the massacre on the PottaAvatomie. Missouri and Kansas border ruffians robbed, plundered, and murdered their antag onists. A new route from the North by the way of Iowa and Nebraska had been opened by Avhich parties of Northern adventurers came into the territory. In their violent deeds these imitated the ruffians. Occasionally the factions would meet, and a skirmish, dignified in Kansas history with the name of a battle, Avould result. Free-State marauders rob bed frugal pro-slavery residents, and the border ruffians pillaged the industrious free-State settlers. The historian of Kansas confesses it difficult to determine " which faction surpassed the other in misdeeds." ' In the populous districts civil war raged. Women and children fled from the terri tory. Men slept on their arms. The country Avas given over to highway robbery and rapine ; " the smoke of burn ing dwellings darkened the atmosphere." 2 The Kansas of 1856 " weltered in havoc and anarchy." 3 Yet the loss of life was not so great as might be supposed. Competent authority, after systematic and thorough investigation, esti mated the loss of life from November 1st, 1855, to December 1st, 1856, at about two hundred. The destruction of prop-» erty in the same period was considered to be not less than two million dollars, of which one-half was directly sustained by the bona-fide settlers of Kansas." Reeder Avas advocating free Kansas in the Eastern States; Robinson was in prison. The direction of the free-State cause fell to James H. Lane, an erratic person, a man with out character, who sought by any means political advance ment. John Brown also figures as a leader in this guerrilla 1 Spring, p. 176. 2 Geary's farewell address. 3 Spring, p. 190. * Report of commissioners of Kansas territory, July, 1857. Reports of Committees, 2d Sess. 36th Cong., vol. iii. part i. p. 92. CH.VIII.] KANSAS 217 warfare. Urged on by a gloomy fanaticism,Jie_Jhought therejvas no way of destroying slavery except_by killing slave-holders. Although the name of Lane became a terror to the pro-slavery party, and John Brown was truly called " the old ternflerT'Tt does not appear tfraFtlieTF misdirected energy j|Ccomplished aught toAvards making~"K"arisas_ffee territory. __AHKouglTtheIFmaHiaT operations Avere directed with skill and bravery, they were in the end borne down by superior numbers with the result of "a total military col lapse of the free-State cause." ' If we confine our attention simply to the local transac tions in the territory, it cannot be maintained that any ad vantage accrued to freedom in Kansas from the time of the destruction of Lawrence to September 9th, the day of the arrival at Fort Leavenworth of Governor Geary, who took the place of Shannon. The check given to Northern emi gration by the unsettled state of affairs was but a superficial gain for the pro -slavery party, for the tale of "bleeding Kansas " was being told in eloquent accents and with pro found results at every Republican meeting east of the Mis souri river. Although Lane and Brown wTere this summer the promi nent representatives of the free-State cause, yet the North ern settlers were not united in approving of their predatory and guerrilla warfare. While it is true that one of the Kansas factions did violent deeds in the name of law and order, and the other committed crimes in the name of lib erty, it is also true that, in a balancing of acts and charac ter, the free -State adherents of 1856 stand immeasurably superior to the pro-slavery partisans in everything that goes to make up industrious, law-abiding, and intelligent citizens. The free-State men lost by far the larger amount of prop erty, and the destruction caused by the pro-slavery faction was much the greater.2 1 Spring, p. 190. 3 The destruction of property owned by pro-slavery men from Nov. 218 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 Although the influence upon the national political cam paign exerted by the conflict in Kansas can hardly be over estimated, the details of the conflict are comparatively insig nificant and need not detain us. But the story of Kansas, Avhich in our day Professor Spring has told impartially and without " a blur of theory," is not the story that the truth-seeking voter of 1856 heard at Republican meetings and read in Republican newspapers. The correspondents of the New York Tribune and New York Times furnished, for the most part, the facts on which a judgment was based. While they were diligent, able, and interesting newspaper writers, they were strong partisans, ready to believe the most atrocious outrages related of the border ruffians, and apt to suppress facts that told against their own party.' The Republican newspapers were full of Kansas news, ar ranged under startling head-lines and commented upon in emphatic editorials. That their efforts in forming public sentiment Avere effective is evident when the truth-seeking Emerson could publicly declare : " There is this peculiarity 1st, 1855, to Dec. 1st, 1856, was $77,198.99; that owned by free-State men, $335,779.04. Property taken or destroyed by pro -slavery men, $318,718.63 ; that by free-State men, $94,529.40. Awards made by Kan-* sas Territory Commissioners, 1859, Reports of Committees, 2d Sess. 36th Cong., vol. iii. part i. p. 90. My authorities for this brief sketch of Kansas history during the summer of 1856 are Spring's Kansas ; Geary and Kan sas, by Gihon; Sara Robinson's Kansas; The Englishman in Kansas, Gladstone ; Publications of the Kansas Historical Society ; Conquest of Kansas, Phillips ; Six Months in Kansas ; Letter from Lawrence, Sept. 7th, to the New York Times; Life of John Brown, Sanborn; Life of John Brown, Redpath. 1 " That the excitement in the Eastern and Southern States in 1856 was instigated and kept up by garbled and exaggerated accounts of Kansas affairs, published in the Eastern and Southern papers, is true, most true; but the half of what was done by either party was never chronicled !" — Report of Commissioners of Kansas Territory. See also an impartial article in the New York Times, Sept. 9th; also Reminiscences of John Brown, G. W. Brown, p. 48. CH.VIII.] RELIEF OP KANSAS 219 about the case of Kansas, that all the right is on one side." ' The Democratic journals and speakers had little to say about the marauding operations of free-State adventurers. There are, indeed, occasional references to the Northern army under the lead of "the notorious Jim Lane;" but in the main, when forced to meet the stories of Kansas outrages, they have, as Emerson said, " but one Avord in reply— name ly, that it is all exaggeration, 'tis an abolition lie." 2 Meetings for the relief of Kansas were continually held. Eeeder had everywhere crowded audiences when he dis: coursed on the theme nearest his heart. A convention of Kansas aid committees assembled at Buffalo to discuss the past work and arrange for future operations. It being the unanimous opinion that the efforts for raising men and money should be redoubled, Gerrit Smith immediately sub scribed fifteen hundred dollars per month during the war.3 The Tribune asked for a special subscription from their readers for the aid of freedom in Kansas, and from time to time published the names of the donors.4 At a Kansas re lief meeting held in Detroit, Zachariah Chandler, a candi date for United States Senator from Michigan, put down his name for ten thousand dollars.6 Emerson, with quaint sin cerity, said that, in order " to give largely, lavishly," to the Kansas people, " We must learn to do with less, live in a smaller tenement, sell our apple-trees, our acres, our pleas ant homes. I know people who are making haste to re duce their expenses and pay their debts, not with a view to new accumulations, but in preparation to save and earn for the benefit of the Kansas emigrants." " Indeed, one of the 1 Remarks at a Kansas relief meeting in Cambridge, Sept. 10th, the Liberator, Sept. 19th ; Miscellanies, p. 241. ¦ 2 Ibid. 3 Tribune, July 19th. He had previously given $10,000 to the cause, Life of Smith, Prothingham, p. 233. * July 24th. The amount subscribed up to Nov. 15th, as published in the Weekly Tribune of that date, was $15,523.19. 6 June 2d, Life of Chandler, Detroit Post and Tribune, p. 120. 0 Liberator, Sept. 19th ; Miscellanies, p. 243. 220 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 potent arguments for the Republican cause was summed up in the expression " Bleeding Kansas." The Democrats taunted the Republicans by saying that they were trying to elect their candidate by " shrieks for freedom." This was immediately taken up as a watchword, and when the sum mer elections went their way, they were glad to announce that " Iowa, Maine, and Vermont, shriek for freedom." Yet on the part of the Republicans it was an educational campaign of high value. Their neAvspapers were zealous and able and superior to those of the other side. New York city, then as now, took the lead in journalism, and it is an indication of how the press stood everywhere at the North, except in Pennsylvania, when we note that the four great organs of public opinion, the Tribune, Times, Herald, and Post, supported Fremont. The publication of campaign documents Avas immense, and great care was taken to circu late them freely. Never before had such serious reading- matter been put into the hands of so many voters, and never before had so many men been willing to take time and pains to arrive at a comprehension of the principles involved in a presidential canvass. An indication of Republican willing ness to repose on the wisdom of the fathers is shown by the publication of the Declaration of Independence and the Con stitution as a part of a campaign document. The wide-. spread interest is betokened by the appeal of Henry Ward Beecher in the Independent for money to print tracts which were to be sent "up and down the hills and valleys of Pennsylvania, carrying truth, by the silent page, to hun dreds and thousands of men who have never been reached by the living speaker." ' The influence of women was a factor of inestimable value. The moral side of the political question they were well fit ted to grasp. That slavery was wrong, that it ought not to be extended, seemed to them primal truths ; and the un obtrusive SAvay of mothers, wives, and sisters was exerted 1 Oct. 2d. CaVIII.] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 221 with greater effect than ever before in public affairs. Cer tainly government by the people has shown few more inspiring spectacles than the campaign of 1856 at the North. The conduct of the Republicans during the cam^ass was almost faultless. The private characters of Buchanan and Fillmore Avere above reproach ; but even had they not been so, their personal affairs Avould have attracted little atten tion, for the overpowering sway of the principles at issue was everywhere manifest. Perhaps the only charges that can be made against the Republican press are, exaggeration regarding Kansas affairs and giving currency to a supposed statement of Toombs without sufficient foundation. He was falsely reported to have said that he would yet " call the roll of his slaves under the shadow of Bunker Hill monu ment." ' Buchanan's share in the Ostend manifesto was properly used against him, but the Cuban question was so entirely swallowed up in the territorial that this line of attack attracted little attention. The Democrats, wishing to turn away Northern consider ation from the real issue, were free with personal imputa tions against Fremont. The assertion that he was or had been a Roman Catholic gave the most trouble, for the Re publicans desired to gain the Know-nothing vote. The most authoritative denials did not prevent the reiteration of the charge.2 Charges were also made against the integrity of Fremont on account of certain operations in California.3 1 See the Liberator, Feb. 15th ; Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 344 ; Life of Theodore Parker, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 223. 2 Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon, p. 154 ; New York Weekly Tribune, Aug. 9th and Oct. 18th. 3 See remarks of Toombs, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii. p. 771 ; Life of Fremont, Bigelow, chap. xiv. ; New York Tribune, Sept. 3d. The charges were believed in California, and there he was not at all popular. H. H. Bancroft, vol. xviii. p. 702. In his own State he received less than one-half of the vote of Buchanan, and a much smaller vote than Fillmore. 222 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 In the light of his subsequent career, it can not be said. that these were disproved to the satisfaction of a judicial mind ; but they were not for a moment credited by his sup porters, and did not have an appreciable influence on the result. Nor did the apparently admitted story that he was involved in California speculations, and that his notes would not sell in the New York market at even two per cent, a month, affect his popularity.1 The contest at the South between Buchanan and Fillmore was sluggish and uninteresting. There were practically but two doubtful States, and the August State election in Ken* tucky demonstrated that Fillmore could only hope to carry Maryland. The sagacious politicians of each side stated the problem thus : Of the 149 electoral votes necessary to elect, Bu chanan was sure of 112 from the South. He must get, then, the twenty-seven votes of Pennsylvania and ten more. Either Indiana or Illinois would give the required number, or New Jersey and California together. These five Avere the only doubtful Northern States. Fremont was reason ably certain of 114 electoral votes. To be elected he must also get Pennsylvania and eight more, or else carry all the doubtful States except Pennsylvania ; but the chance of securing Pennsylvania was much better than that of get-* ting all of the others. Thus the contest practically settled doAvn to the Keystone State, and it was doubly important because a State election preceded the presidential election of November. The issue was made. On both sides the conditions for success were understood. It needed only to persuade and get out the arbiters. A campaign ensued which, for en thusiasm and excitement, surpassed any the country had seen except that of 1840. The old voters Avere constantly reminded of that memorable year. There was no difficulty in getting up Republican meetings. Processions number- 1 New York Tribune, Aug. 27th. CH.VIII.] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 223 ing thousands were common; good music and inspiring campaign songs were constantly heard, and there were few gatherings not graced with the presence of intelligent and devoted women. The meetings were immense. At Pittsburgh, the number assembled Avas estimated at one hundred thousand freemen. It was said to be a greater gathering than either the Dayton or Tippecanoe meeting of 1840. " The truth is that the people are much more for us than we have supposed," wrote Dana. " I have been speaking around a good deal in clubs, and am everywhere astonished at the depth and ardor of the popular sentiment. Where we least expect it, large and enthusiastic crowds throng to the meeting and stay for hours with the thermometer at one hundred degrees. It is a great canvass ; for genuine inspiration, 1840 could not hold a candle. I am more than ever convinced that Fremont was the man for us." ! The prominent men of the country could be frequently heard. It is an indication of the varied talent enlisted in the cause that on one evening Hale and Beecher, and on the next Wilson and Raymond, addressed a large crowd of New York city Republicans. SeAvard did not speak until October 2d. The reason he assigned was that his health Avas so impaired that he needed rest.2 Dana Avrote confidentially that " Sew ard was awful grouty."3 The reflection must have come to him that he, instead of one who only began to labor in the vineyard at the eleA^enth hour, might have been the embodiment of this magnificent enthusiasm. In reply to an invitation to attend a meeting in Ohio, Sumner wrote from Philadelphia : " I could not reach Ohio except by slow stages ; and Avere I there, I should not have the sanction of my physician in exposing myself to the ex- 1 C. A. Dana to Pike, July 24th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 346. 2 Letter to Howard at Detroit, Sept. 12th, published in the New York Tribune. 3 Aug. 9th, to Pike, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 347. 224 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [18B6 citements of a public meeting, even if I said nothing. This is hard — very hard for me to bear, for I long to do some thing at this critical moment for the cause." ' A few days after this letter was published, Republicans had the op portunity of reading an account of a numerously attended banquet in South Carolina given to Preston S. Brooks by the constituents of his district, where, amid vehement cheer ing, he was presented Avith a cane on which was inscribed, " Use knock-down arguments." 2 Banks one afternoon delivered a speech in Wall Street from the balcony of the Merchants' Exchange, and Avas listened to by twenty thousand men.3 You ask me " as to Banks's speech," Avrote Greeley to an intimate friend. " I think St. Paul on Mars Hill made a better — I mean better for Mars Hill ; I am not sure that Banks's is not better adapted to Wall Street. I trust Banks himself does not deem it suited to the latitude of Bunker Hill or Tippecanoe." * Besides reading documents and listening to speeches, the enthusiasm manifested itself in street parades and torch light processions. Pioneers with glittering axes marched ahead, Rocky-Mountain glee-clubs sang campaign songs, and the air rang with shouts of " Free speech, free soil, and Fremont," the lusty bands dwelling upon " Fre'mont " with the staccato cheer." Although in liveliness and enthusiasm 1 Sumner to Lewis D. Campbell, published in the New York Times, Oct. 3d. 2 See New York Times, Oct. 8th, where is published a full account of the proceedings and speeches. This affair attracted much attention from the Republican press. 3 New York Times, Sept. 26th. * Greeley to Pike, Oct. 6th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 350. 6 A letter to the Nation of Sept. 18th, 1890, states that the staccato cheer was invented during this campaign ; but the writer is mistak en in the statement that the torchlight companies were called "Wide awakes." I have not seen that name used in any of the campaign liter ature. The "Wide-awakes" were a Republican invention of 1860 (see History of Lincoln, Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 284) ; but the term " wide awake " was used by the Know-nothings (see the " Wide-awake Gift, a Know-nothing Token for 1855 "). Ch. VIII] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 225 this resembled the 1840 campaign, there was a marked dif ference. The Whigs had then gone to the country without a platform, and the canvass was a frolic ; now the Republi cans advocated a platform which Avas so decided in its ut terances that no mistake could be made about its meaning. There was, therefore, now a serious devotion to principle, and an earnest determination that the Harrison campaign lacked. The jollity of 1840 is the delight of the humorist ; the gravity of 1856 is the study of the political philosopher. It is difficult to apportion the enthusiasm between a cause and a candidate ; but after drinking deep of the campaign literature, one is forced to the conviction that much was for the cause and little for the man ; that Republican prin ciples added lustre to the name of Fremont, while Fremont himself gave little strength to the party other than by the romantic interest that was associated Avith his record as an explorer.' His nomination was indeed received with enthusiasm. Several campaign biographies Avere published which familiarized the public with the stirring events in his life ; but Avhile his " disastrous chances," his " moving acci dents by flood and field," and his " hair-breadth 'scapes " made him a hero in the eyes of youth who fed on Cooper and Gilmore Simms, the fuller knowledge of his career was unsatisfactory to many earnest and thoughtful Republicans. The most Avas made of his being " the brave Pathfinder." The planting of the American flag on the highest peak of the Rocky Mountains Avas deemed an heroic feat. Yet practical people could not fail to inquire why the qualities of a daring explorer fitted a man to be chief magistrate of the republic at a critical juncture. Little by little, it began to be appreciated that Fremont was a vulnerable candidate, and, while the charges of corruption were not believed, it was admitted they needed explanation. He did 1 His romantic marriage added to this interest, and "Fremont and Jes sie" was a favorite campaign cry. Jessie Benton was the name of his wife. II.— 15 226 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [I866 not, therefore, stand before the country with the same char acter of absolute integrity as did Buchanan and Fillmore.' The Iowa congressional election in August was favorable to the Republicans. In September, Maine and Yermont gave unmistakable evidence of the direction in which the tide was setting in New England. Maine Avas an old Democratic State ; the Republican candidate for governor was Hannibal Hamlin, who, though voting against the Kansas-Nebraska bill, had not formally severed his connection with the Dem ocratic party until June of this year. Then from his place in the Senate he had declared that, as he considered the repeal of the Missouri Compromise the cause of all the present ills, and as the Cincinnati convention had endorsed that repeal, he could no longer act with the Democrats, but must oppose them with all his poAver. He was now elected governor of Maine by a handsome majority. In Vermont three quar ters of the votes were cast for the Republican ticket. The Republicans Avere highly elated at these results. All eyes were now turned to the " October States " — Pennsyl vania, Ohio, and Indiana. No concern Avas felt about Ohio, and much less depended upon Indiana than on the Keystone State. The election of October 14th in Pennsylvania was for minor State officers, that of canal commissioner being the most important. There Avere two tickets in the field-* one the regular Democratic, the other the Union, which was supported by Republicans, Americans, Whigs, and anti-Ne braska Democrats •? or, stated differently, one ticket had the support of the " Buchaniers," the other that of the " Fre- monters," and ostensibly of the " Fillmoreans." The con- ' My authorities on the campaign of 1856 are New York Tribune, Times, Herald, and Post, the Independent, the Liberator, Boston Post, Boston Atlas; Life of Samuel Bowles, Merriam; Political Recollections, Julian ; Reminiscences of a Journalist, Congdon. 2 There were three State officers to be elected on a general ticket. One of the candidates was an old-line Whig, another was a Republican, and the third an anti-Nebraska Democrat. CaVIII.] PENNSYLVANIA 227 test was vigorous and excited. The Republicans were ag gressive. They pointed to " bleeding Kansas ;" they charged that the civil Avar in that territory was a result of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and they demanded a policy which should incontestably make Kansas a free State. Their best speakers traversed Pennsylvania, making elo quent and able appeals, and the State was flooded with cam paign documents. It was well appreciated where the dan ger lay. West of the Alleghany Mountains, the enthusiasm for Fremont was like that in New England, NeAv York, and Ohio; but as one travelled eastward a different political atmosphere could easily be felt, and when one reached Philadelphia, which was bound to the South by a lucrative trade, the chill Avas depressing.1 The business and social influences of conservative Philadelphia were arrayed against the Fremont movement. The Pennsylvania Dutch, by whom the eastern counties were largely peopled, were set in their way of political thinking; they distrusted change. They were told that Fremont was an abolitionist ; they believed that abolitionism was dangerous to the Union ; they were attached to the Union, for its existence implied order and security ; they were thrifty and prosperous, and much pre ferred order to the liberty of the black man. Campaign work such as had stirred to the depths NeAv England, New York, Ohio, and the Northwest was carried on by the Re publicans to a greater extent in Pennsylvania. They hoped that, while this was a community slower to educate, it would yield to persistent and overflowing effort. The Democrats dodged the issue. Instead of defending the Douglas and Pierce policy, they averred that the Union was in danger. " I consider," wrote Buchanan, privately, "that all incidental questions are comparatively of little im portance in the presidential question, when compared with 1 See article by Russel Errett, Magazine of Western History, July, 1889. "There is no Republican organization or life in eastern Pennsylvania and New Jersey." — Seward to his wife, Aug. 3d, Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 284. 228 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION p8M the grand and appalling issue of union or disunion. ... In this region the battle is fought mainly on this issue. We have so often cried ' wolf ' that now, when the wolf is at the door, it is difficult to make the people believe it; but yet the sense of danger is slowly and surely making its way in this region." ' The appeal for the Union was a legitimate party cry, and it answered AA'ell in Philadelphia and the Pennsylvania Dutch counties, but there were parts of the State where an addi tional argument was needed. The manner in which this necessity was met reflects, in the light of subsequent history, discredit on Buchanan or his managers. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, who had the reputation of a straightforward man, and who in 1851 had distinguished himself by a vigorous canvass in his State against the disunion faction, and John Hickman, a congressman from Pennsylvania who had voted for the admission of Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, spoke from the stump all over the Chester valley, advocating Buchanan's election, and promising fair play in Kansas.1 At many Democratic mass-meetings in different parts of the State, banners were borne on which was inscribed "Buchan an, Breckinridge, and Free Kansas," the orators maintaining that Kansas was certain to be free if Buchanan were elected.' Forney, who was chairman of the Democratic State central committee, and at that time an intimate personal and politi cal friend of Buchanan, avers that this line of argument Avas based on a positive promise from him that there "should be no interference against the people of Kansas."4 The advo- 1 Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 180. Buchanan lived near Lancas ter, in the southeastern part of Pennsylvania. 2 Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. ii. p. 239. 3 See Wade's speech in the Senate, Dec. 4th; New York Times, Oct. 7th, Nov. 19th. "All over the country the Democratic party put upon their flags, transparencies, and banners ' Buchanan, Breckinridge, and Free Kansas.' " — John Sherman, House of Representatives, Dec. 8th. 4 See Forney's Anecdotes, vol. i. pp. 15 and 361; vol. ii. pp. 240, 421. In a speech at Tarrytown, N. Y., Sept. 2d, 1858, Forney declared that CH.VIII.] KANSAS 229 oacy of the Democratic candidates by Reverdy Johnson, an old-line Whig, and by Barclay, a Democratic congressman from western Pennsylvania, who had voted for the admis sion of Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, was an added influence in this direction. The Democrats had in their campaign the cordial assist ance of the President. Shannon's administration of Kansas affairs had become a scandal. Unsteady in habits and pur poses, he was execrated by the free-State men ; his continu ance in office gave additional force to every story of " bleed ing Kansas." In August he was removed, and John W. Geary, of Pennsylvania, a man of good standing, was ap pointed in his place. The report went that Geary had said that peace must be restored or Buchanan could not carry Pennsylvania.' The difficulty of his mission was emphasized when, on the way to Kansas, he met Shannon fleeing in abject fear, because at the last the pro-slavery leaders had taken offence as their former tool would not do their entire bidding.2 But the new governor set himself energetically during the canvass of 1856 Buchanan said to him a thousand times: "The South must vote for me, and the North must be secured; and the only way to secure the North is to convince those gentlemen that when I get in the presidential chair I will do right with the people in Kansas. I am now sixty-six years of age. I have reached that time of life when I cannot have any ambition for re-election, and if I have, the only way to secure it is to be strong with my own people at home. I watched this struggle from my retirement in London ; I have seen what I conceive to be the mistakes of others. I am not responsible for the administration of President Pierce ; therefore I will inaugurate a new system." Forney further said : " I sowed the State with private letters and private pledges upon this question. There is not a county in Pennsylvania in which myv letters may not be found, almost by hundreds, pledging Mr. Buchanan, in his name and by his authority, to the full, complete, and practical recog nition of the rights of the people of Kansas to decide upon their own af fairs."— New York Tribune, Sept. 3d, 1858. 1 Sara Robinson's Kansas, p. 339 ; The Kansas Conflict, Charles Rob inson, p. 323. ' Spring, p. 187 ; Geary and Kansas, Gihon, p. 104. 230 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1866 to work to bring back order. He took an impartial view of the situation ; in his effort at pacification, he leaned nei ther to one side nor to the other, but pursued the course he had marked out with judgment, decision, and success. On the 30th of September he sent the Secretary of State a despatch which was a splendid Democratic argument in the impending contest. " Peace now reigns in Kansas," Oeary wrote. " Confidence is gradually being restored. Citizens are returning to their claims. Men are resuming their or dinary pursuits, and a general gladness pervades the entire community. When I arrived here, eArerything was at the lowest point of depression. Opposing parties saw no hope of peace, save in mutual extermination, and they were taking the most effectual means to produce that terrible result.'" The Democratic organization in Pennsylvania was per fect. Unlike other Northern States, Buchanan was there upheld by the most influential newspapers, which were sub sidized by "a system of general and liberal advertising."1 There were many wealthy Democrats in Philadelphia and eastern Pennsylvania, and money flowed in freely from other States. Douglas, while loyally striving to keep Illinois Democratic, was also able to contribute money liberally to aid in carrying the Keystone State.1 The governor of North Carolina, with other gentlemen, issuSd a " private and confidential " circular begging for money. " Pennsylvania must be saved at every hazard," they said. " We appeal to you, therefore, as a Democrat and a patriot, to contribute forthwith whatever amount of money you can, and raise what you can from others."4 The Republican journals charged — probably with truth — that the clerks in the departments at Washington, the officers in the New York i Message and Documents, 1856-57, part i. p. 154. s Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. ii. pp. 239, 240; also article by Russel Errett, Western Magazine of History, July, 1889. 3 Life of Douglas, Sheahan, p. 443. 4 The circular was dated Raleigh, Sept. 20th, was published in the Ra leigh Register of Oct. 22d, and copied in the New York Time8,Qct. 24th. CH.VIII.] PENNSYLVANIA 231 City Custom-house, and the laborers in the Brooklyn Navy- yard were assessed for the Pennsylvania campaign fund.1 It was credibly reported that one hundred and fifty thousand dollars Avas sent into Pennsylvania from the slave -holding States; that August Belmont contributed fifty thousand dol lars ; and that other Wall-street bankers and brokers, alarm ed at Southern threats and fearing serious financial loss in the event of disunion, put into Forney's hands one hundred thousand dollars more.2 The allegations of the defeated party regarding the outlay by the other must always be taken with a grain of alloAvance, yet a fair consideration of all the circumstances makes it reasonable to suppose that the Democrats had much the larger supply of the sinews of war.3 It certainly seemed to the Republicans that the Demo crats were better provided with means. " We Fremonters of this town," wrote Greeley from New York to an inti mate friend, "have not one dollar where the Fillmoreans and Buchauiers have ten each, and we have Pennsylvania and New Jersey both on our shoulders. Each State is utter ly miserable, as far as money is concerned ; we must supply them with documents, canvass them with our best speakers, and pay for their rooms to speak in and our bills to invite them." 4 1 See New York Tribune, Oct. 2d; Evening Post, Oct. 21st; Boston Atlas, Oct. 18th. 2 New York Times, Oct. 24th; Evening Post, Oct. 21st; Boston Atlas, Oct. 23d. 3 For charges of Republican expenditure, see Life of Stephens, John ston and Browne, p. 316. Stephens writes Aug. 31st : " I understand that the Republicans have spent $500,000 on Pennsylvania. These merchants of the North, who have grown rich ont of us, are shelling out their money like corn now to oppress us." See also North Carolina circular before referred to. The report that Stephens heard was an exaggeration. The New York Times estimate of the expenditure by the Democrats for the State election was "very nearly $500,000," and I feel confident that the Democrats spent more than the Republicans. 1 Greeley to Pike, Aug. 6th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 346. The Republicans of Massachusetts sent money to Pennsylvania. Reminis cences of a Journalist, Congdon, p. 153. 232 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 The Democrats were successful in manufacturing enthu siasm for their candidate in his native State, and the abbre viation " Buck and Breck " readily lent itself to a resounding campaign cry. On the eve of election they had a serene con fidence of probable success in October and certain victory in November. Greeley advised his confidant that the fight was " hot and heavy in Pennsylvania. . . . There is everything to do there, with just the meanest set of politicians to do it that you ever heard of." ' Dana was hopeful. Nine days before the election he wrote : " The election in Pennsylvania week after next Avill go by from thirty thousand to forty thousand ma jority against Buchanan, and so on. The tide is rising with a rush, as it does in the Bay of Fundy ; and you will hear an awful squealing among the hogs and jackasses when they come to drown. ... I suppose there are about two hundred orators, great and small, now stumping Pennsylvania for Fre mont." 2 Reeder, who had been a personal and political friend of Buchanan, came out for the Republican candidates, and this was thought good for over three thousand votes in his dis trict. Dana wrote : " The Democrats are terrified and de moralized. . . . My impression now is that every free State Avill vote for Fremont." 3 Bryant wrote his brother from> New York city : " We expect a favorable report from Penn sylvania. The Buchanan men here are desponding, and it seems to be thought that if the State election goes against them, then the presidential election will go against them also. I do not think that certain, however, though it is probable." 4 The day which terminated this heated contest came, and the result of the voting was awaited with breathless anxie ty. Passion had been so wrought up that the timid feared 1 Greeley to Pike, Sept. 21st. = Dana to Pike, Oct. 5th. ¦ Ibid. 4 Letter of Oct. 14th, Life of Bryant, Godwin, vol. ii. p. 92. Ch. VII r.] PENNSYLVANIA 233 lest the contest of words should be followed by blows. They thanked God that the day in Philadelphia was raw, cold, drizzling, and uncomfortable, which kept the turbulent spirits within doors. All felt relief when it passed without blood shed. Perhaps the tension was increased by the report of the anticipated meeting of fifteen Southern governors at Kaleigh to consider what steps should be taken in the event of the election of Fremont.' The evening excitement culminated in Philadelphia. The City of Brotherly Love was in an uproar. No one went to bed. The halls where returns Avere received Avere crowded ; in the streets there was an anxious, excited throng.2 Several days elapsed before it was certain how the State had gone, but at last it became known that the Buchanan State ticket had been successful by a majority of less than 3000 in a vote of 423,000. The Republicans charged that the Democrats had carried the State by fraud and bribery. Years afterwards Forney wrote : " We spent a great deal of money, but not one cent selfishly or corruptly." 3 It is indeed difficult to believe that money was not used to purchase voters by some of Forney's henchmen, although he may not have been privy to the trans actions, for the astute party manager does not always care to inquire closely into the means by which results are reached. But there is no need of the stale cry, invariably repeated by the defeated party, to account for the success of the Demo crats.4 1 New York Times, Oct. 14th. The meeting had been proposed by Governor Wise for Oct. 13th. Only three governors actually met. 2 Ibid., Oct. 14th and 15th. 3 Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. ii. p. 240. Governor Robinson, who was a member of the Republican National Committee, writes : " The Oc tober vote of Pennsylvania was offered to the Republican National Ex ecutive Committee for a consideration ; but the money was not forth coming, and the transfer was made to the other party." — The Kansas Conflict, p. 338. * I will transcribe two references to fraud which were honest expres sions. Letcher, who was for Fillmore, wrote Crittenden, Oct. 2d : " When 234 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [18M If the State Avent Democratic, Buchanan's election was certain ; if the Union ticket Avere successful, while a great impetus Avould be given to the Fremont movement, his elec tion would not be assured. Yet fearing the influence, many conser Amative Fillmoreans, urged by. the sentiments to Avhich Choate had given expression, voted with the Democrats. It is not important whether this was brought about by collu sion between the chairman of the American State commit tee and Forney ; but it is certain that, by official direction or tacit consent, many Americans and Whigs bolted their own State ticket. If the Fusionists had been successful by a small majority, would Fremont have carried Pennsylvania in November and been elected President ? Probably not. There was no possibility of getting the bulk of Fillmore's supporters to vote the fusion Fremont-Fillmore electoral ticket which was proposed and actually adopted ; ' and the minute the oppo sition to Buchanan Avas divided, he Avas certain to carry the State by a handsome plurality.2 Buchanan himself seemed to think that in any event he would receive the electoral vote of Pennsylvania,3 a confidence based on substantial reasons.4 in Philadelphia I saw the game fully, and told our friends that money and fraud would beat us in the State elections." — Life of Crittenden, Cole man, vol. ii. p. 133. The other refers more particularly to the November election, and was written by Silliman in his diary, Nov. 19th: "There has been much fraudulent voting on the side of Buchanan. Many thou sands Irish and not a few Germans have been at the command of the slave party. But a still more important cause of defeat has been that the late President Fillmore has been in the field by his own consent."— Life of Silliman, by Fisher, vol. ii. p. 251. 1 See New York Times, Oct. 20th. '2 The vote in November was: Buchanan, 230,710; Fremont, 147,510; Fillmore, 82,175. Buchanan's majority over Fremont, 83,200; over both, 1025. The vote of Philadelphia may be of interest as illustrating some statements in the text : Buchanau, 38,222 ; Fillmore, 24,084 ; Fremont, 7993. 3 See letter, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 181. 4 See articles of Russel Errett, Magazine of Western History, July and CH.VIII.] ELECTION OP BUCHANAN 235 On the 14th of October, State elections were also held in Ohio and Indiana. Ohio went Republican, but Indiana went Democratic, thus making the assurance of Buchan an's election doubly sure. The November election registered Avhat the October elec tions had virtually decided. Buchanan carried Pennsyl vania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California, and all the slave States but Maryland, receiving 174 electoral votes. Fremont had 114 electors, and Fillmore the 8 votes of Mary land.' From the congressional elections it was apparent that the Democrats would also have a majority in the next House of Representatives. After the disappointment at failing to elect their can didates was over, the Republicans felt that they had reason for self-congratulation. In spite of the complaints of the lack of organization and money in Pennsylvania, the Re publicans of a later day could not have wished the campaign different. For it was conducted on the inspiration of a principle, and any manipulation of Pennsylvania voters would have been a blot upon this virgin purity. The im mense Fremont vote could be traced along the lines of lati tude, springing from New England influence where good and widely extended common - school systems prevailed.2 The problem noAv was simply to educate and inspire the Aug., 1889. Errett was a member of the Republican State Executive Com mittee. See the files of the New York Evening Post, the Times, Herald, and Tribune, from Oct. 14th to the November election. 1 The popular vote was: Buchanan, 1,838,169; Fremont, 1,341,264; Fill more, 874,534. Buchanan received in the free States, 1,226,290 ; in the slave States, 611,879. Fillmore received in the free States, 394,642; in the slave States, 479,892. The vote of South Carolina is not comprised in any of these totals. Those electors Avere chosen by the legislature. The only votes Frfimont received in the slave States were : Delaware, 308; Maryland, 281 ; Virginia, 291; Kentucky, 314. These figures are based on those given in Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections. 2 See New York Independent, Nov. 13th; Springfield Republican, cited in Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. i. p. 160 ; Olmsted's Texas Journey, p. xxvi. 236 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION people of the Northern States that had voted for Buchanan. Whittier expressed the general feeling when he sang : " If months have well-nigh won the field, What may not four years do ?" Considering the weakness of Fremont's character, which later years brought to light, it Avas fortunate he was not elected President. One shudders to think how he Avould have met the question of secession, which assuredly would have confronted him at the beginning of his administration. The cause being much stronger than the candidate, it is probable that Seward or Chase would have carried the same States and received substantially the same votes that went to Fremont. This is an interesting supposition, in view of Seward's ambition for the next presidential nomination; for had he made the run of 1856, he would undoubtedly have been the Republican candidate four years later. Be fore the smoke of the battle had cleared away, many jour nals, struck with the astonishing vote Fremont had received, nominated him for the standard-bearer of I860.' 1 "Nobody knew better than Seward that if he had been the candi date for the presidency in 1856, he would have received the same vote that Fremont did, and that his nomination in 1860 would have inevitably* followed, and he would have entered the White House instead of Lin coln. Seward more than hinted to confidential friends that Weed be trayed him for Fremont. " Weed himself told the following story : He and Mr. Seward were riding up Broadway, and when passing the bronze statue of Lincoln, in Union Square, Seward said, ' Weed, if you had been faithful to me, I should have been there instead of Lincoln.' ' Seward,' replied Weed,'i9 it not better to be alive in a carriage with me than to be dead and set up in bronze ?' " — Random Recollections by H. B. Stanton, p. 96. The explanation of Weed's course given in his Life (vol. ii. p. 245) is more rational. CHAPTER IX "Peace has been restored to Kansas," said Buchanan in a jubilant speech after the October victory. " As a Penn sylvanian, I rejoice that this good work has been accom plished by two sons of our good old mother State, God bless her ! We have reason to be proud of Colonel Geary and General Smith.' We shall hear no more of bleeding Kansas. There will be no more shrieks for her unhappy destiny."2 Quiet continued, and on November 7th Geary telegraphed that he had made " an extended tour of obser vation through a large portion of this territory." He was glad to report that " the general peace of the territory re mains unimpaired, confidence is being gradually restored, business is resuming its ordinary channels, citizens are pre paring for winter, and there is a readiness among the good people of all parties to sustain my administration." 3 At first the free-State people did not look upon Geary with favor; they were disposed to regard him as worse than Shannon." But when it appeared that his intention was to do justice, the influential portion of the free-State party gave him a cordial support. Lane and John Brown had left the territory, and the leadership fell again to Robin- 1 General Smith was put in command of the United States troops in Kansas, in the place of Colonel Sumner transferred. He was a pro-slavery man, but his prejudices did not interfere with a faithful and ready dis charge of duty. See Geary and Kansas, Gihon, pp. 92, 298. 2 Curtis, vol. ii. p. 176. 3 Message and Documents, 1856-57, part i. p. 172. 4 Topeka correspondence of the New York Tribune, Sept. 25th. 238 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [1856 son, who had been released from prison. At the time that the President sent his annual message to Congress, Geary still retained the good will of the administration. Pierce, in announcing " the peaceful condition of things in Kansas," commended the " Avisdom and energy of the present execu tive" of the territory. The Republican journals began to record brighter news from Kansas.1 From Washington came the welcome report of the removal of Lecompte, between whom and that cruel and unjust judge whose career had been made familiar to American readers by the glowing pen of Macaulay a likeness was frequently drawn.2 Encouraged and incited by letters from Kansas, a large number of emigrants were preparing to move in the spring ; 3 and the general belief throughout the North found expression in the public statement of Gran ger, a Republican congressman from New York : " Kansas is to come in as a free State — easy." 4 Profoundly influenced by the large Republican vote, moderate Southern men, of whom Aiken was a type, were willing to give up the contest and let Kansas enter the Union with a free constitution.6 But the Kansas conspirators had no such intention. They were contending for political preferment and power. "While they were, for the most part, adventurers without property or slaves, yet by espousing the pro-slavery cause they se cured the powerful backing of the slaAre interest of the whole 1 See New York Tribune, Nov. 27th. ! The comparison between Jeffreys and Lecompte is often made in Kansas literature. It was impressed upon the mind of John Sherman. He said in the House of Representatives, July 31st : " Let us stop the ¦ hounds of Judge Lecompte, lest our country be disgraced by another ' Campaign in the West,' so infamous in English history ; and beware lest a repetition of that historical crime shall bring again the fate of James II. and of Jeffreys." The removal of Lecompte was several times reported, and the President was on the point of making it, but it was not actually made. s New York Tribune, Dec. 27th and 30th. 4 Washington correspondence, Dec. 31st, and New York Tribune, foil. 7th, 1857. " Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 363. Ch.IX.] GOVERNOR GEARY 239 country. At an election in October, 1856, a delegate to Congress and a new territorial House of Representatives were chosen. The free-State people declined to vote, and the representatives elected were ignorant, besotted, and rab id, easily influenced by the little clique of pro-slavery agita tors at Lecompton. The legislature was determined to force slavery on the territory ; and as Geary sought " to do equal and exact justice to all men," ' they came into violent col lision. The pro-slavery faction denounced the governor's impartial policy ; he was even threatened with assassination. All the federal officers of the territory hampered him by every means in their power. In February, 1857, a deputa tion with the surveyor-general of the territory, John Cal houn, at their head, Avent to Washington, and by various in fluences succeeded in prejudicing the administration against the governor. When they returned to Lecompton, their newspaper announced that Geary was certain to be re moved. Meanwhile his despatches to Washington, giving a correct account of affairs, were not answered, and it became apparent to him that a policy of justice to Kansas Avas not what the party in power at Washington wanted. On the 4th of March he resigned his position.2 Geary had exhibited executive talents of a high order. Combining courage, firmness, and discretion, he Avas an ideal governor of the territory whose agitations he had calmed.3 Had he been supported by the outgoing and incoming ad ministrations, he could have settled the Kansas question with justice and success. It was a potent argument that Keeder and Geary, who had gone out to Kansas firm and consistent Democrats, should have ended their official career by leaning to the free-State side. It was one of many indi cations that the free-State party, in spite of its failings, de served full sympathy from the North. 1 Gov. Geary's Farewell Address. 2 See Geary and Kansas, Gihon ; Spring's Kansas. 8 Sec The Kansas Conflict, Charles Robinson, pp. 332, 337, 341. 240 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [i8H A keen observer at Washington reported that the pros pects of Kansas were " bedimmed ;" ' for the deputation from the territory had found abundant sympathy at the capital.' Their cause was that of the pro-slavery cabal of which Jef ferson Davis, by his ability and position, Avas the chief. As Secretary of War, having control of the troops in Kansas his public despatches manifest that his feelings were heartily enlisted on the side of the border ruffians. Impartiality, such as would have befitted his office, Avas lacking. His one-sided view is apparent when contrasted with the in structions of Marcy to Geary. There is even a glimmer of fairness in the orders of the President when compared!' with the communications emanating from the War Depart ment. But what Pierce thought was now a matter of small im portance. Assuming the presidential office with the best of intentions, he came to serve the slave power with faithful ness and zeal. Two Northern Presidents before him had been said to lean towards Southern interests, but Pierce went immeasurably beyond them. With him it Avas not a lean ing ; it Avas devotion. Under his administration began that complete subservi ency of the Democratic party to the South which, during the six years before the Avar, was its distinctive feature. It may be observed that Northern Democrats then began to hold the tenet that slavery was the proper and blessed con dition of the negro. The tendency of the Democratic party had for years been towards a better friendship to the South than that of the Whigs. Pierce, as a Democratic President, could not have resisted this tendency, Avhile social influence and sympathy went also for much in bearing him swiftly with the tide. The open manner in which Southerners dispensed hospital ity charmed his generous heart ; his convivial habits, < " Letter of Feb. 23d, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 363, ' See The Kansas Couflict, Charles Robinson, p. 340. Ch IX.] THE MEANING OF BUCHANAN'S ELECTION 241 sive to New England people, were a recommendation to the free-hearted gentlemen of the South; while his grosser breaches of propriety, exceeding the calls of conviviality, were by them condoned. All eyes were directed to the incoming chief. Two distinct lines of argument had been advocated to secure the elec tion of Buchanan. One was that of the Southern extrem ists. Their opinion now found expression in the statement of the Richmond Enquirer that the result was " a striking evidence of the groAving popularity of negro slavery ;" ' in the message of the governor of South Carolina, recommend ing the reopening of the African slave-trade ; 2 and also in the advocacy of this policy by a portion of the Southern press and by the delegates of three States at the Southern Commercial convention.3 It is true that a majority of South ern Democrats did not approve this advanced position. The Southern convention, by a A^ote of 67 to 18, laid on the table a resolution requesting their representatives in Congress " to use their best efforts to procure a repeal of all laws inter dicting the African slave-trade." * In the national House of Eepresentatives, moreover, only eight voted against a reso lution declaring utter opposition to the reopening of the slave-trade.5 Yet for all this, it began to be apparent that the South was going with startling rapidity the whole length demanded by the principle, Slavery is right, and ought to be extended.6 1 Cited by Von Hoist, vol. v. p. 465. 2 Message of Nov. 21st, 1856, New York Tribune, Dec. 6th, 1856. 8 De Bow's Review, vol. xxii. p. 91. It was held at Savannah, Dec. 8th, 1856. * Ibid. s This was Dec. 15th, 1856. ' See the discussion at the commercial convention, De Bow's Review, vol. xxii. p. 216. The editor remarks: "The reopening of the African slave-trade has only been proposed as a subject of discussion among the Southern people, in order that its merits and demerits may be freely can vassed, and not as a subject upon which the existing facts and informa tion would warrant at present a decided opinion." — Ibid., p. 663. See letter of Lieber to Allibone, Life of Lieber, p. 292. Lieber spent twenty- two years in Columbia. IL— 16 242 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [186) " The victory of Buchanan," wrote Francis Lieber from Columbia, S. C, "the victory of Southern bullyism, the ac knowledgment of Northern men that, right or Avrong, they yield because the South threatens to secede, will inflame and inflate pro-slavery to such enormity and tyranny over the free States, and madden it in its ungodly course of extending slavery within the United States and into neighboring coun tries where it had been extinguished. . . . Such a course will be pursued that civilization herself will avert her face and weep." ' An evidence of Lieber's statement was the undis guised Southern sympathy with William Walker, who had gone on a filibustering expedition to Nicaragua, made him self president of that republic, and issued a decree which repealed all laws against slavery, thus legally estabh'shing it on soil that had been free thirty-two years. He was im pelled to this action by the belief that the peculiar institu tion of the South needed extension for its security, and he ' likeAvise thought that such a policy would raise up for his scheme of dominion a powerful support in the slave States.' The line of argument which secured the doubtful North ern States for Buchanan was that which, as has been said before, found its aptest expression in the letter of Kufus Choate. Buchanan, he had asserted, "has large experience in public affairs ; his commanding capacity is universally acknowledged ; his life is without a stain. . . . He seems at this moment, by the concurrence of circumstances, more com pletely than any other, to represent that sentiment of nation ality, tolerant, Avarm, and comprehensive, without which— without increase of which — America is no longer America."1 Choate argued, moreover, that a policy " easy, simple, and ' Letter of Oct. 23d to Hillard, Life of Lieber, p. 290. a See Von Hoist, vol. v. chap. x. ; The Story of the Filibusters, Roche; The War in Nicaragua, Avritten by Gen. William Walker ; Walker's Ex pedition to Nicaragua, by W. V. Wells. 3 Letter of Choate to Maine Whig Committee, Life of Choate, Brown. p. 327. Ch.IX.1 CHOATE AND EVERETT 243 just " would make Kansas a free State. In December, Ed ward Everett wrote Buchanan, telling him frankly, " I did not vote for you," but congratulating him on his election, and sincerely wishing him success. " The policy of the pres ent administration," Everett continued, " has greatly im paired (as you are well aware) the conservative feeling of the North, has annihilated the Whig party, and seriously weakened the Democratic party in all the free States. . . . Tou may, even in advance of the 4th of March, do much to bring about a better state of things in Kansas, and prevent the enemies of the Constitution from continuing to make capital out of it."' The hope of Everett was undoubtedly the hope of most of the men who had voted for Fillmore ; and the belief of Choate was practically that of all intelli gent and disinterested Northern Democrats. Would the neAv President incline to the Southern extrem-i ists, or would his course meet the expectations of Northern conservatives, of whom Everett and Choate Avere types ? It was to a certain extent an arithmetical problem. The slave States had given Buchanan 112 electoral votes, and the free States 62. The Southern press did not cease to emphasize the fact that the South had elected him, and we may be sure that this argument was persistently urged by all the South ern statesmen Avho visited Wheatland 2 between the election and the coming of Buchanan to Washington. While the hopes of the Everett and Choate conservatives ran high, the Republicans expected nothing from the new President. They had not given up the cause of free Kansas, but they saw no reason for believing that his policy would be favorable to it. They felt that the problem must be worked out by the free-State party in the territory, and by the Republicans in the Northern States.3 1 Letter of Dec. 8th, 1856, Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 185. ' The name of Buchanan's home, near Lancaster, Pa. D See the files of the New York Tribune and the Independent from Nov., 1856, to Feb., 1857, inclusive. 244 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION [185? Just before the new year, Buchanan wrote John Y. Mason at Paris : " The great object of my administration will be to arrest, if possible, the agitation of the slavery question at the North, and to destroy sectional parties." ' Had the con tents of that private letter been disclosed to Everett and Choate, they Avould have said, It means free Kansas ; for to them it Avas patent that only by the "easy, simple, and just" policy of making Kansas free could the slavery agitation at the North be arrested. If that Avere the notion of Bu chanan when he penned those words, he changed his mind before the inauguration day. The "bedimmed prospects" of Kansas in February arose from the treatment of Geary by the Pierce administration ; but it then became apparent that Buchanan would use no influence on the side of free dom before he took the reins of office. Moreover, the lead ers of the South, Avho shaped the policy of the Democrats, were still determined to have Kansas a slave State ; and it seemed plain to Republican observers that unless Buchanan were an uncommon man, he would be a tool in their hands, as had been his predecessor.2 Choate and Everett overrated his capacity and firmness. The idea one gets of the Buchanan of 1857 from the faith ful story of his life by Curtis is that of a man of fair tal ents working in a groove, filling many public positions respectably, but none brilliantly. Politically, he was always ready to serve his party and willing to follow other leaders. He never desired to branch off independently. "While in Congress he did not show ability as a parliamentary leader, and his nature unfitted him to be a vehement advocate. He was an ordinary Secretary of State ; he filled the position of minister to England honorably and discreetly, as have many gentlemen before and since.3 Cold, measured, and ¦ Letter, Dec. 29th, 1856, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 185. 2 See New York Tribune, Dec. 10th, 1856, Jan. 7th, 1857 ; Pike to Trib une, Feb. 23d, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 363. 3 His great indiscretion was signing the Ostend Manifesto. See Bry- Ch. IX.] BUCHANAN'S INAUGURAL 245 reticent, he acquired a reputation for sagacity because he never committed himself until pushed for an answer. Yet he was a voluminous letter-Avriter, and filled pages with platitudes and wearisome repetitions. Decorous in manner, he may fitly be called a gentleman of the old school ; but he was not a man of culture. Not a gleam of learning appears in his familiar letters. Spending much time in Europe, enjoying the society of distinguished and educated men, the scientific development of his century and the noble literature of his language were to him sealed books. He was inferior in intelligence and power of reason ing to Jefferson Davis, in statesmanship and parliamentary talent to Douglas, in correctness and vigor of judgment to Marcy, while in decision and force of character he was infe rior to them all.' When Buchanan wrote his inaugural at Wheatland, he was probably wavering between the policy represented by Jefferson Davis and that represented by Everett and Choate, with an inclination toAvards the latter. When, after coming to Washington, he inserted a clause in his address referring to the expected decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case,2 he may have been still wavering, but the lean ing was in the direction of the Southern idea.3 He spoke to the sixty-two electoral votes of the doubtful Northern States when he said that he was convinced that he owed his " election to the inherent love for the Constitu tion and the Union which still animates the hearts of the American people;" and also when he declared that, "hav ing determined not to become a candidate for re-election, I ant's estimate of Buchanan, letter of Jan. 22d, 1858, Life of Bryant, Godwin, vol. ii. p. 105. 1 See Foote's Casket of Reminiscences, and Forney's Anecdotes of Pub lic Men. 2 Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 187. 3 New York Tribune and Times, March 5th, 1857; Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 365. 246 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1857 shall have no motive to influence my conduct in administer ing the government except the desire ably and faithfully to serve my country, and to live in the grateful memory of my countrymen." He spoke to the one hundred and twelve electoral votes of the South when he said : " A difference of opinion has arisen, in regard to the point of time when the people of a territory shall decide this question [of slavery] for them selves. This is happily a matter of but little practical im portance. Besides, it is a judicial question, Avhich legiti mately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in com mon with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, Avhat- ever this may be, though it has ever been my individual opinion that, under the Kansas-Nebraska act, the appropri ate period will be when the number of actual residents in the territory shall justify the formation of a constitution With a view to its admission as a State into the Union." Buchanan showed astounding complacency Avhen he said ; " The whole territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of popular sovereignty — a principle as ancient as free government itself — everything of a practical nature has been decided. . . . May we not, then, hope that the loifg agitation on this subject [of slavery] is approaching its end, and that the geographical parties to which it has given birth, so much dreaded by the Father of his country, will speedily become extinct ?" Two days after the inauguration the nominations for the cabinet Avere sent to the Senate. Cass was Secretary of State ; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, had the Treasury depart ment ; Floyd, whose chief recommendation seemed to be that he belonged to the first families of Yirginia, was Sec retary of War ; Toucey, of Connecticut, whose senatorial term had just expired and whose strong Southern sympa thies had debarred him from any further political prefer ment which was dependent on the popular voice, was made Ch.IX.] THE CABINET 247 Secretary of the Navy ; Thompson, a Mississippi states-rights man, had the Interior department; Brown, of Tennessee, was Postmaster-General ; and Jeremiah S. Black, one of the judges of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, a jurist of un common talent and a man of vigorous mind, Avas appointed Attorney -General. The new cabinet Avas far inferior in capacity to the retiring one. In point of political ability, Howell Cobb dominated his associates, and it was at once prophesied that he would be the master-spirit of the administration. He was a Unionist in 1850, and deemed by the Northern Whigs " sagacious and conservative." ' He was frank and genial ; but it remained a question Avhether he would like the drudgery of the Treas ury department, and it was on all sides admitted that it Avould be difficult for him to equal the brilliant administra tion of his predecessor, who had been a master of finance. Only one member of the cabinet could be said to reflect in any Avay the Northern conservative feeling typified by Everett and Choate, and that was Cass ; but he was nearly seventy-five, and Avas believed to be an indolent man. More over, his speeches in the Senate did not promise a safe and judicious conduct of foreign affairs; still, there seems to have been no alarm on this point, for it Avas understood that Buchanan would be his own Secretary of State, and Cass merely a first assistant. Cass, like Toucey, was a sen ator repudiated by his OAvn State. The place he had held for two terms was now filled by a Republican, Zachariah Chandler. Three members of the cabinet were from the free States, and four from the- slave States. The Republicans expected nothing for the cause of freedom from such a cabinet, or from a President Avhose proclivities were shown in their appointment. Considering that one Democratic President had succeeded ' Letter of B. R. Curtis to Geo. Ticknor, Feb. 27th, 1857, Life of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. u. 192. 248 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i8(ij another, the scramble for office was surprising. In less than two months after the election, the conviction was forced upon Buchanan that the pressure would be nearly as great as if he had succeeded a Whig. Rotation in office was advocated as a true Democratic principle. " I cannot mistake," wrote Buchanan in a private letter, " the strong current of public opinion in favor of changing public func tionaries, both abroad and at home, Avho have served a reasonable time. They say, and that too with considerable force, that if the officers under a preceding Democratic ad ministration shall be continued by a succeeding administra tion of the same political character, this must necessarily destroy the party." ' Soon after the inauguration it was evident that Buchanan had committed himself to the principle of rotation in office, and the report Avent : " The ins look blue, the outs hope ful." 2 When an officer was reappointed it was considered an exception, and reasons were given in the press why a change Avas not made. Marcy was said to have dryly re marked : " They have it that I am the author of the office- seeker's doctrine that ' to the victors belong the spoils,' but I certainly should never recommend the policy of pillaging my own camp." 3 Northern Democratic senators Avere ac tive in urging a distribution of the patronage Avhere it would do them the most good, for the current of Northern opinion admonished them that much management was needed to retain their places. When the great American question of the century had to be grappled Avith, Buchanan and his cabinet Avere devoting their time, strength, and ability to investigating the merits of candidates for postmasters, collectors, and tide-waiters. 1 Buchanan to John Y. Mason, Dec. 29th, 1856, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 185. * Simonton from Washington to New York Times, March 9th. See also the Times, March 13th; the New York Herald of Marcli 9th, 11th, 19th, 23d, and the Tribune of March 28th and April 18th. 3 New York Herald, March 23d. Oh. IX] ROTATION IN OFFICE 249 It would not have been so pitiable had the search been simply to find men of business ability and integrity for the positions; but that was not the problem. Hoav could the interest of the Democratic party in this State or that dis trict best be promoted? What could be done Avith the patronage in the way of preserving the political life of this Northern senator or that Northern representative? These were the questions put to the President for solution. In a short time, Buchanan, who was the very picture of health when he left Wheatland, . looked haggard and worn out, largely on account of the pressure from the hungry horde , of office-seekers.' — We have seen in the course of this work many attempts of the national legislature and the executive to settle the slavery question. We have now to consider a grave at tempt in the same line by the United States Supreme Court. The reverence for this unique and most powerful judicial tribunal of the world was profound. It is possible that from the time of the decision of the Dartmouth College case to the death of Chief Justice Marshall, the court held a loftier place in public opinion than in 1857 ; for Marshall was one of the Avorld's great judges, and he had forcibly im pressed his wonderful legal mind upon the country's juris prudence. At that time De Tocqueville had written : In the hands of the Supreme Court " repose unceasingly the peace, the prosperity, the existence even, of the Union." 2 But in 1857 the reverence for the Supreme Court was greater than noAv.3 In much of the political literature of 1 Buchanan had what was known as the National-Hotel disease, which was the beginning of his physical disability. " The National-Hotel dis ease, a disorder which, from no cause that we could then discover, had attacked nearly every guest at the house, and from the dire effects of which many never wholly recovered." — Curtis, vol. ii. p. 188, account of J. B. Henry. a De la Democratic en Amerique, vol. i. p. 252. See also Lectures on the English People, Freeman, p. 191, and American Commonwealth, Bryce, chap. xxiv. 8 1892. 250 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1357 the day it is regarded almost as a fetich ; it was looked upon as something beyond the pale of ordinary human institu tions. When men became Supreme Court judges, they were believed to be no longer actuated by the prejudices and passions of common humanity. During the slavery agitation there had been propositions of various kinds to refer disputed questions to this court, on the theory that there a Avholly impartial and severely just decision might be had. The Democrats who disagreed about the construc tion of the Kansas-Nebraska act concurred in the proposal to leave the question to the highest judicial tribunal. In 1857, the Supreme Court was composed of Chief Justice Taney, Justices Wayne, Daniel, Catron, Campbell, Demo crats from the slave States ; Grier and Nelson, Democrats, and McLean and Curtis, Whigs, from the free States. From the importance of their personality, two of these judges de serve special notice. Chief Justice Taney belonged to one of the old Roman Cath olic families of Maryland, and Avas himself a devout adherent of that religion. A good student of law, he devoted much time to history and letters ; and the thoughts, words, and style of great writers had for him a powerful charm. He especially loved Shakespeare and Macaulay. He rose to eminence at the Maryland bar ; he was an untiring worker, and allowed nothing to distract him from his professional duties and domestic life. Of a passionate nature, he had very decided political opinions. President Jackson ap pointed him Attorney- General, and he soon became the President's trusted and confidential adviser. When Duane, the Secretary of the Treasury, refused to withdraw the gov ernment deposits from the United States Bank, Jackson re moved him and put Taney in his place. Taney understood banking and finance, and, being a man after Jackson's own heart, supported the President unreservedly in his war against the bank. The Senate refused to confirm Taney as Secretary of the Treasury, and Jackson appointed him Jus tice of the Supreme Court. Chief Justice Marshall, though CH.IX] CHIEF JUSTICE TANET 251 disliking the President and his policy, had a good opinion of Taney's legal ability, and made an effort to secure his con firmation; but action on his nomination was indefinitely postponed. In July, 1835, Marshall died, and Jackson ap pointed Taney Chief Justice. As the political complexion of the Senate had changed, he did not fail of confirmation, although he had for opponents Webster and Clay. To fill the place of Chief Justice Marshall was a difficult task, and Taney suffered continually by comparison with his great predecessor; yet as the years went on, he gained solid reputation by accurate knowledge of law, clearness of thought, and absolute purity of life. His Avritten opinions are characterized by vigor of style, exemplifying the hours he passed Avith the masters of our literature.1 Curtis had the rich NeAv England culture. By nature a lawyer, he had received at the Harvard law school, sitting at the feet of Judge Story, the training which those who thirsted for legal knowledge could acquire from the instruc tions of such a teacher. He was thoroughly read in Eng lish history. He owed his appointment as justice to Web ster, who, when Secretary of State, recommended him most highly to President Fillmore.2 Curtis was an absolutely impartial judge. His reasoning was clear to laymen and a delight to lawyers. Though his style was a model of com pression, he never forgot a point nor failed to be perspicu ous. His course on the bench was a fine testimonial to the choice of Webster, whom New England lawyers regarded as the master of their art.3 In the Dred Scott case the opposing principles of slavery and freedom came sharply into conflict in the judicial opin- 1 See Memoir of R. B. Taney, Tyler ; Sumner's Jackson. ' Fillmore had also formed a very high opinion of Curtis, see corre spondence between Fillmore and Webster, Life of Webster, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 531. 3 See Life and Writings of B. R. Curtis; Life of R. H. Dana, by C. F. Adams, vol. ii. 252 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [18H ions of Taney and Curtis. The negro Dred Scott had sev eral years previously sued for the freedoni of himself and family, and the case came up to the Supreme Court in a regular way. The detailed history of the affair has for our purpose no importance ; it went through various stages, and many collateral points were involved. While the freedom or slavery of four negroes was at stake, the interest in their fate is completely overshadowed by the importance of the questions to which the suit gave rise. As a matter of fact, Dred Scott, after being remanded to slavery by the Supreme Court, Avas emancipated by his master ; ' but he had served as a text for weighty constitutional and political arguments. Standing out beyond the merits of the case and all other points involved, two questions of vast importance were sug gested by the facts. Could a negro Avhose ancestors had been sold as slaves become a citizen of one of the States of the Union ? For if Dred Scott were not a citizen of Mis souri, where he had mostly lived, he had no standing in the United States Court. The second question, Was the Missouri Compromise con stitutional ? came up in this manner. Dred Scott had been taken by his master, an army surgeon, to Fort Snelling, Avhich was in the northern part of the Louisiana territory, now Minnesota, and had remained there for a period of about two years. In this territory slavery was -forever pro hibited by the Missouri Compromise, and the counsel for Dred Scott maintained that by virtue of the restriction, resi dence there conferred freedom on the slave. Thus might arise the question, Was the Missouri Compromise constitu tional? and this carried with it the more practical question, Had Congress the power to prohibit slavery in the terri tories ? On the basis of the assertion of this power, the 1 See Seward's speech, United States Senate, March 3d, 1858. By in heritance Dred Scott became the slave of the family of a Massachusetts congressman, who emancipated him, his wife, and daughters. See His tory of Lincoln, Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 81, note. Ch.IX] THE DRED SCOTT CASE 253 Eepublican party was builded ; and if this power did not in here in Congress, the Republican party had constitutionally no reason for existence. The case was first argued in the spring of 1856. Justice Curtis wrote Ticknor, April 8th, the result of the conferences of the judges : " The court will not decide the question of the Missouri -Compromise line — a majority of the judges being of opinion that it is not necessary to do so. (This is confidential.) The one engrossing subject in both houses of Congress, and Avith all the members, is the presidency ; and upon this everything done and omitted, except the most or dinary necessities of the country, depends." ' At the term of court, December, 1856, the case was re argued, and the counsel discussed all the questions involved. Still, the judges decided to vieAv the matter only in its nar row aspect, and in its particular bearing on the status of Dred Scott and his family. To Justice Nelson, of New York, Avas assigned the duty of writing the opinion of the court. He astutely evaded the determination whether the Missouri Compromise act was constitutional ; nor did he consider it necessary to pass upon the citizenship of the negro, but in arguing the case on its merits the' decision was reached that Dred Scott was still a slave. Had this been the conclusion of the matter, the Dred Scott case would have excited little interest at the time, and would hardly have demanded more than the briefest notice from the historian. But there now began a pressure on the Southern judges, Avho constituted a majority of the court, to decide the weighty constitutional question involved in the case. The unceasing inculcation of Calhoun's doctrine regarding slav ery in the territories had noAv brought Southern Demo crats, and among them the five Southern judges, round to that notion. Of course the pressure was adroit and con siderate, for the judges Avere honest men impressed with the dignity of their position. The aim was simply to induce 1 Memoir of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. p. 180. 254 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [18w them to promulgate officially what they privately thought, It is a tradition that Justice Campbell held back This is to a certain degree confirmed by a letter of his written long after the event ; ' but if three Southern judges were decidedly in favor of pronouncing a judgment on the con stitutional question, it needed only to gain the chief justice to carry along with them Campbell, and perhaps the two Democratic judges from the North. Before the Dred Scott decision was pronounced, Taney, both in character and ability, stood much higher than any other member of the court. The chief justice 'was gained. The bait held out to his patriotic soul was that the court had the poAver and oppor tunity of settling the slavery question. He had noAv nearly reached the age of eighty, and, had he been younger, he might have detected the flaws in the reasoning Avhich led him to so decided a position. " Our aged chief justice," wrote Curtis, February 27th, 1857, in a private letter, " grows more feeble in body, but retains his alacrity and force of mind wonderfully," though he " is not able to write much."1 Certainly the Dred Scott opinion of Taney shows no weak ness of memory or abated power of reasoning ; but it may have been that age had enfeebled the will and made him more susceptible to influences that were brought to hear upon him. Before Justice Nelson read his opinion in conference, Justice Wayne, of Georgia, at a meeting of the judges, stated that the case had excited public interest, and that it was ex pected that the points discussed by counsel would be con sidered by the court. He therefore moved that the chief justice should " write an opinion on all of the questions as the opinion of the court." 3 This was agreed to, but some of the judges reserved the privilege of qualifying their as- 1 See Memoir of Taney, Tyler, p. 382. 2 Curtis to Ticknor, Memoir, vol. i. p. 192. * Letter of Justice Campbell, Memoir of Taney, Tyler, p. Ch. IX] THE DRED SCOTT CASE 255 sent. Justice Wayne had Avorked industriously to bring this about, and his efforts had an important influence in per suading the chief justice, and Judges Grier, of Pennsylvania, and Catron, of Tennessee, of the expediency of such a course.1 This determination, though shrouded in the secrecy of Su preme Court consultations, leaked out. Reverdy Johnson, whose constitutional argument had a profound influence on Taney, made his plea December 18th, 1856, and on New Year's Day of 1857, Alexander Stephens wrote to his brother : " The decision [of the Dred Scott case] will be a marked epoch in our history. I feel a deep solicitude as to how it will be. From what I hear, sub rosa, it Avill be according to my own opinion on every point, as abstract political questions. The restriction of 1820 will be held to be un constitutional. The judges are all writing out their opin ions, I believe, seriatim. The chief justice will give an elab orate one." 3 On the 5th of January, Pike wrote the New York Tribune that the rumor was current in Washington that the Supreme Court had decided that Congress had no constitutional power to prohibit slavery in the territories.3 Two days after the inauguration of Buchanan, Chief Justice Taney delivered the opinion of the court. He stated that one of the questions to be decided was : " Can a negro Avhose ancestors Avere imported into this country and sold as slaves become a member of the political community formed and brought into existence by the Constitution of the United States, and as such become entitled to all the rights and privileges and immunities guaranteed by that in strument to the citizen?" The answer is no. Negroes " were not intended to be included under the word ' citizens * 1 Memoir of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. p. 206 ; see also letter of Campbell just cited, and opinion of Justice Wayne ; also Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 352. 3 Life of Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 318; Stephens was a dis ciple of Calhoun. 8 Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 355. 256 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [W in the Constitution, and therefore can claim none of the rights and privileges Avhich that instrument provides for and secures to the citizens of the United States." More over, " In the opinion of the court, the legislation and his tories of the times, and the language used in the Declaration of Independence, show that neither the class of persons who had been imported as slaves, nor their descendants, whether they had become free or not, were then acknowledged as a part of the people, nor intended to be included in the gen eral words used in that memorable instrument. " It is difficult, at this day, to realize the state of public opinion in relation to that unfortunate race which prevailed in the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of the Declaration of Independence, and Avhen the Con stitution Avas framed and adopted. But the public history of every European nation displays it in a manner too plain to be mistaken. " They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to asso ciate with the Avhite race, either in social or political rela tions ; and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man Avas bound to respect, and that the negro might justly and laAvfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He Avas bought and sold, and treated as an ordinary artiele of merchandise and traffic, whenever a profit could be made by it. The opinion was at that time fixed and universal in the civilized portion of the white race. It was regarded as an axiom in morals as well as in politics, Avhich no one thought of disputing, or supposed to be open to dispute; and men in every grade and position in society daily and habitually acted upon it in their private pursuits, as Avell as in matters of public concern, Avithout doubting for a moment the correctness of this opinion." Citing the famous clause of the Declaration of Indepen dence Avhich asserted " that all men are created equal," the chief justice said : " The general Avords above quoted would seem to embrace the Avhole human family, and if they were Ch.IX] THE DRED SCOTT DECISION 257 used in a similar instrument at this day would be so under stood. But it is too clear for dispute that the enslaved African race Avere not intended to be included, and formed no part of the people who framed and adopted this declara tion." The chief justice put the other constitutional question plainly: Was Congress authorized to pass the Missouri Compromise act " under any of the powers granted to it by the Constitution ?" The Louisiana territory " Avas acquired by the general government, as the representative and trustee of the people of the United States, and it must therefore be held in that character for their common and equal bene fit. .. . It seems, hoAvever, to be supposed that there is a difference between property in a slave and other property, and that different rules may be applied to it in expounding the Constitution of the United States." But "the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. . . . And no wTord can be found in the Constitution which gives Congress a greater power over slave property, or which entitles property of that kind to less protection than property of any other description." It is the opinion of the court, therefore, that the Missouri Com promise act " is not warranted by the Constitution, and is therefore void." All of the judges read opinions. The four Southern judges and Grier distinctly agreed Avith the chief justice that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional ; and they con curred sufficiently in the other points to constitute his con clusions the opinion of the court, as it was officially called. It thus received the assent of two-thirds of the judges. Justice Nelson read the opinion he had prepared when it was decided to confine the judgment of the court to the merits of the case, while Justices McLean and Curtis dissent ed from the determination of the court. As Curtis covered more fully and cogently the ground, Ave have now to consider his opinion. " I dissent," he began, " from the opinion pronounced by IL— 17 258 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [m the chief justice. . . . The question is, whether any person of African descent Avhose ancestors were sold as slaves in the United States can be a citizen of the United States. . . , One mode of approaching this question is to inquire who were citizens of the United States at the time of the adop tion of the Constitution. " Citizens of the United States at the time of the adoption of the Constitution can have been no other than citizens of the United States under the confederation. ... It may safely be said that the citizens of the several States Avere citizens of the United States under the confederation. . . . To determine whether any free persons descended from Africans held in slavery Avere citizens of the United States under the confederation, and consequently at the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, it is only necessary to know Avhether any such persons were citizens of either of the States under the confederation at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. " Of this there can be no doubt. At the time of the ratifi cation of the Articles of Confederation, all free native-born inhabitants of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina, though de scended from African slaves, Avere not only citizens of those States, but such of them as had the other necessary qualifi cations possessed the franchise of electors, on equal terms with other citizens. ... I shall not enter into an examina tion of the existing opinions of that period respecting the African race, nor into any discussion concerning the mean ing of those Avho asserted in the Declaration of Indepen dence that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. My own opinion is that a calm comparison of these assertions of universal abstract truths, and of their OAvn individual opinions and acts, Avould not leave these men under any reproach of inconsistency ; that the great truths they as serted on that solemn occasion they were ready and anx- CH.IX] THE DISSENTING OPINION OF CURTIS 259 ious to make effectual whenever a necessary regard to cir cumstances, Avhich no statesman can disregard without producing more evil than good, would alloAv ; and that it would not be just to them, nor true in itself, to allege that they intended to say that the Creator of all men had en dowed the white race exclusively with the great natural rights which the Declaration of Independence asserts. But this is not the place to vindicate their memory. As I con ceive, we should deal here . . . Avith those substantial facts evinced by the Avritten constitutions of States, and by no torious practice, under them. And they show, in a manner which no argument can obscure, that in some of the origi nal thirteen States free colored persons, before and at the time of the formation of the Constitution, Avere citizens of those States." Therefore, " my opinion is that under the Constitution of the United States every free person born on the soil of a State, Avho is a citizen of that State by force of its constitution or laws, is also a citizen of the United States." In considering the power of Congress to prohibit slavery in the territories, Justice Curtis cited " eight distinct in stances, beginning with the first Congress, and coming down to the year 1848, in Avhich Congress has excluded slavery from the territory of the United States ; and six distinct instances in Avhich Congress organized governments of territories by which slavery was recognized and contin ued, beginning also with the first Congress and coming down to the year 1822. These acts were severally signed by seven Presidents of the United States, beginning Avith General Washington and coming regularly down as far as John Quincy Adams, thus including all who Avere in public life when the Constitution was adopted. " If the practical construction of the Constitution, contem poraneously Avith its going into effect, by men intimately acquainted with its history from their personal participa tion in framing and adopting it, and continued by them through a long series of acts of the gravest importance, be 260 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i86j entitled to weight in the judicial mind on a question of construction, it Avould seem to be difficult to resist the force of the acts above adverted to." Furthermore, " Slavery, being contrary to natural right, is created only by municipal law." Then, " Is it conceiva ble that the Constitution has conferred the right on every citizen to become a resident on the territory of the United States with his slaves, and there to hold them as such, but has neither made nor provided for any municipal regula tions which are essential to the existence of slavery ? . , . Whatever theoretical importance may be noAv supposed to belong to the maintenance of such a right, I feel a perfect conviction that it would, if ever tried, prove to be as im practicable in fact as it is, in my judgment, monstrous in theory." Every possible phase of this question was considered by Justice Curtis, and the conclusion arrived at was that the acts of Congress which had prohibited slavery in the terri tories, including of course the Missouri Compromise, " were constitutional and valid laws." That a man of the years of Taney could construct so vigorous and so plausible an argument Avas less remarka- able than that a humane Christian man could assert pub licly such a monstrous theory. Tet such Avork was de manded by slavery of her votaries. The opinion of Taney Avas but the doctrine of Calhoun, announced for the first time in 1847,' and now embodied in a judicial decision. As the North grew faster than the South, as freedom was stronger than slavery, it was the only tenable theory on Avhich slavery could be extended. It is a striking historical fact that in but thirteen years of our history, from 1847 to 1860, could such an opinion have been delivered from the Supreme bench. Only the conviction that slavery was being pushed to the Avail, in conjunction with subtle reasoning like that of Calhoun, who tried to obstruct the onward 1 See Vol. I. p. 94. Ch. IX] TANEY 261 march of the century by a fine-spun theory, could a senti ment have been created Avhich found expression in this opinion of Taney, outraging as it did precedent, history, ancl justice. That Taney committed a grievous fault is certain. He is not to be blamed for embracing the political notions of John C. Calhoun ; his environment gave that shape to his thoughts; but he does deserve censure because he allowed himself to make a political argument, Avhen only a judicial decision Avas called for. The history of the case shows that there was no necessity for passing upon the two questions we have considered at length. Nothing but an imperative need should have led judges, by their training and position presumably conservative, to unsettle a question that had so long been acquiesced in. The strength of a constitutional government lies in the respect paid to settled questions. ) For the judiciary to weaken that respect undermines the very foundations of the State. As Douglas sinned as a statesman, so Taney sinned as judge ; and Avhile patriot ism and not self-seeking impelled him, the higher motive does not excuse the chief justice ; for much is demanded from the man who holds that high office. Posterity must condemn Taney as unqualifiedly as Douglas.' 1 The whole argument of Taney and Curtis on the two points I have made prominent are really a part of constitutional history. All the opinions were in 1857 printed by Howard in convenient pamphlet form, taken verbatim from his reports. The Memoir of Taney by Tyler, and the Memoir of B. R. Curtis by G. T. Curtis, are simply invaluable in a study of this subject. That of G. T- Curtis has an added interest, as he was the counsel for Dred Scott who made the constitutional argument. He is, moreover, able to consider the subject from the point of view of the historian as Avell as the lawyer. Interest in this decision has been recently revived by a discussion of it in the New York Nation for April 7th and April 21st, 1892. It called attention to Governor Andrew's anal ysis of the decision, and in the issue of April 21st gave an extract from his speech. This speech, which was delivered in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, March 5th, 1858, may be found in full in The Liberator, March 26th, 1858. 262 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [m It is probable that Taney in his inmost heart regretted the part he had been made- to play, Avhen he saw that his opinion, instead of allaying the slavery agitation, gave it renewed force. The acerbity displayed in his subsequent correspondence Avith Justice Curtis grates the heart : they are extraordinary letters from a gentleman of high breed ing to one with whom he had held friendly and official rela tions ; and it is reasonable to suppose that while Taney bated not a jot of his convictions, he Avas vexed that he had de scended from his high place to no good purpose, and an noyed that so many eminent lawyers thought his argument had been crushed by the rejoinder of Curtis." If Taney spoke for Calhoun, Curtis spoke for Webster. He had on his side common-sense and justice, even as had his master Avhen disputing Avith Calhoun. If Taney fur nished arguments for the Democrats, Curtis showed that the aim of the Republicans was constitutional. It was a profound remark of Dana on the death of Webster that " he had done more than any living statesman to establish the true Free-soil doctrines." s Pike Avrote to the New York Tribune that the Supreme Court of the United States " has abdicated its just functions and descended into the political arena. It has sullied its ermine ; it has draggled and polluted its garments in the filth of pro-slavery politics." The opinion of the chief justice deserves "no more respect than any pro-slavery stump-speech made during the late presidential canvass.'" Rhetoric of this sort made a stirring neAvspaper letter, and appealed to the radical spirits of the Republican party ; but the leaders knew that this opinion of the court was a fact of 1 See Memoir of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. p. 211 et seq. Compare the letter of Taney to Curtis, Nov. 3d, 1855, Tyler's Taney, p. 327, with the cava lier manner in which he receives the letter announcing Curtis's resigna tion, Sept. 7th, 1857, Memoir of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. p. 254. * Life of R. H. Dana, C. F. Adams, vol. i. p. 223. 3 Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, pp. 368, 370. CH.IX] PUBLIC OPINION 263 tremendous import, and must be met by argument and not by declamation. If the opinion of the court were binding on the country, the Republican party must dissolve or give up its fundamental principle, for it was laboring in an un constitutional manner. Hoav, then, could the reverence of the Northern people for the highest judicial tribunal be rec onciled with a disregard of this opinion? Fortunately, Justice Curtis rose to the height of the situation, and in his opinion gave the key-note to the constitutional argument against the opinion of the court being in any Avay binding on the political consciences of the people. After mention ing the technical steps by which the court reached the ques tion of the power of Congress to pass the Missouri Compro mise act, Curtis said : " On so grave a subject as this, I feel obliged to say that, in my opinion, such an exertion of ju dicial power transcends the limits of the authority of the court, as described by its repeated decisions, and, as I un derstand, acknowledged in this opinion of the majority of the court. ... I do not consider it to be within the scope of the judicial poAver of the majority of the court to pass upon any question respecting the plaintiff's citizenship in Missouri, save that raised by the plea to the jurisdiction ; and I do not hold any opinion of this court or any court binding when expressed on a question not legitimately be fore it. The judgment of this court is that the case is to be dismissed for want of jurisdiction, because the plaintiff Avas not a citizen of Missouri, as he alleged in his declaration. Into that judgment, according to the settled course of this court, nothing appearing after a plea to the merits can en ter. A great question of constitutional law, deeply affect ing the peace and welfare of the country, is not, in my opin ion, a fit subject to be thus reached." Not Republicans alone saAV the matter in this light under the guidance of so earnest and able a jurist. Fillmore Avrote Curtis that his arguments Avere unansAverable ; ' and un- 1 Memoir of B. R. Curtis, vol. i. p. 251. 264 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION p8Bf doubtedly nearly every Northern, man Avho had A'oted for Fillmore agreed with his chief. The Southern Democrats were in high glee at the de cision. " What are you going to do about it?" they taunt ingly asked of the Republicans ; ' and they went to Avork cir culating the opinion of the court as a campaign document, Twenty thousand copies of the opinions of the judges were printed by order of the Democratic Senate. When the Ke- publicans saAV clearly their proper course, they vied Avith the Democrats in giATing wide currency to the action of the court. One of their important campaign documents con tained the full opinions of Taney and Curtis, and abstracts of the others.2 People always desire to summarize a long political paper, and Taney's opinion Avas soon condensed into the aphorism that "negroes had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." This was not fair to Taney, but the dissemination of the saying as the dictum of the court was a most effective weapon in the North against slavery, and had much to do with deepening Northern senti ment in opposition to it. Douglas soon spoke for the Northern Democrats." He emphatically endorsed the decision of the court, lauded the characters of Taney and the associate judges, and main tained that " whoever resists the final decision of the high est judicial tribunal aims a deadly bloAV to our Avhole repub lican system of government." It was perfectly plain to Southern Democrats and Kepub- licans that this decision shattered the doctrine of popular sovereignty ; for if Congress could not prohibit slavery in a territory, how could it be done by a territorial legislature, Avhich Avas but a creature of Congress ? And as, according 1 See Pike's First Blows df the Civil War. 2 This was published by the New York Tribune. 3 At Springfield, 111., at the request of the United States Grand Jurj, June 12th. This speech was published in the New York Times of June 23d, but is not inserted in any of the three biographies of Douglas. Ch. IX] DOUGLAS ON THE DRED SCOTT DECISION 265 to the decision, slaves were property the same as horses and mules, the Southern emigrant to Kansas had the same right to take his negroes there that the Northern emigrant had to take his live-stock. Both alike claimed the protection of the general government ; and if emigration went on under these conditions, the territory Avas liable to be slave terri tory before the people could in any manner be called upon to determine the question. A less adroit man than Douglas would have been daunted, but he boldly asserted that the i Dred Scott decision and his popular-sovereignty doctrine were entirely consistent. While the master's right to his slave in a territory, he said, " continues in full force under the guarantees of the Constitution, and cannot be divested or alienated by an act of Congress, it necessarily remains a barren and a worthless right, unless sustained, protected, and enforced by appropriate police regulations and local legisla tion, prescribing adequate remedies for its violation. These regulations and remedies must necessarily depend entirely upon the will and wishes of the people of the territory, as they can only be prescribed by the local legislatures. Hence the great principle of popular sovereignty and self-govern ment is sustained and firmly established by the authority of this decision." This attempted reconciliation of two irreconcilable princi ples must have provoked a smile from Southern Democrats and Bepublicans. But at the North, Douglas had been steadily gaining in popularity since January 1st, 1856 ; and as he was a consummate party leader, he was nearing the point where he only had to make a daring assertion to have it echoed by his many satellites and believed in by his followers, Avho were practically the Democratic party of the North. While he Avas ordinarily verbose, he cared not to dwell on this point; he passed at once to other points of the decision Avhich he could sincerely advocate. He could not resist referring in a triumphant tone to the fact that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, for which he had been so much abused, had now turned out to be 266 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1857 simply the abrogation of a statute constitutionally null and void. The reasoning of Taney in regard to the citizenship of the negro was amplified by Douglas in the manner that gave the key-note to his followers. Read at this day, Taney's argument impresses one with its power. It is inhuman. It Avas effectually refuted. But it Avas a great piece of specious reasoning, and, translated by Douglas into the language of the stump, it made the staple argument of Northern Demo crats from this time to the war. We have seen the course of opinion at the South — how slavery, from having been re garded an abstract evil, came to be looked upon as a posi tive good. Opinion among the Northern Democrats went through a similar evolution, for the evil Avas first endured, then pitied, and now embraced. With the approval of the principles of the Dred Scott decision, the last step was taken. Because the negro was inferior to the white man, the Northern Democrats noAv argued, slavery was his fit condition. This sentiment shows itself in the press, in the friendly discussion at the village store and by the fireside. The Northern Democrats of 1840 to 1850 thought slavery an evil in the abstract ; there Avere even devoted partisans who had conscientious scruples about supporting Polk be cause he was a slave-holder. Many of these same men were noAv gravitating to the point of thinking that a favor was done the negro when he was reduced to slavery. This argu ment, while not unknown in Northern Democratic literature before 1857, becomes prominent after the publication of the Dred Scott decision. Taney's opinion Avas swallowed by the followers of Douglas, and everywhere reproduced and paraphrased. It was the Kansas -Nebraska act and the Dred Scott opinion which made the national Democrats a pro-slavery party. Douglas was not left unansAvered. Two weeks later Abraham Lincoln, his Illinois rival, then much less widely knoAvn, an inferior orator, yet with a greater gift of expres sion, made a reply. This speech, which was published in the Ch.IX.] LINCOLN ON THE DRED SCOTT DECISION 267 East,' states the Republican position in a manner to carry conviction to those who could only be influenced by homely arguments, and at the same time its reasoning strikes the historical student with great force. It therefore deserves more than a passing notice. Who resists the decision ? Lin coln asked. " Who has, in spite of the decision, declared Dred Scott free, and resisted the authority of his master over him % . . . But we think the Dred Scott decision is erroneous. We know the court that made it has often overruled its own decisions, and we shall do Avhat we can to have it overrule this. We offer no resistance to it." The condition of the black man, Lincoln asserted, is worse now than at the time of the Declaration of Independence and the adoption of the Constitution. " In those days our Declaration of Indepen dence was held sacred by all, and thought to include all ; but now, to aid in making the bondage of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed and sneered at, and construed and hawked at and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the powers of the earth seem rapidly combining against him [the negro]. Mammon is after him, ambition follows, philosophy follows, ancl the theology of the day is fast joining the cry. . . . There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races ; and Judge Douglas . . . makes an occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the Dred Scott decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the Declaration of Independence includes all men, black as Avell as Avhite, and forthwith he boldly denies that it includes ne groes at all, and proceeds to argue gravely that all who con tend it does, do so only because they want to vote, and eat, and sleep, and marry with the negroes ! . . . Now, I protest against the counterfeit logic which concludes that, because I do not want a black woman for a slave, I must necessarily 1 In the New York Times, July 7th. It was delivered June 26th. It is printed in the Life of Lincoln by W. D. Howells, p. 170. 268 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1357 want her for a wife. I need not have her for either ; I can just leave her alone. In some respects she is certainly not my equal ; but in her natural right to eat the bread she earns Avith her own hands, Avithout asking leave of any one else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others." ' One widespread charge in reference to the Dred Scott decision must be spoken of. In 1858, it Avas given the stamp of approval by Seward and Lincoln, who had then become the two leaders of the Republican party. Seward said in the Senate, March 3d : " Before coming into office, Buchanan approached, or was approached by, the Supreme Court of the United States. . . . The court did not hesitate to please the incoming President by . . . pronouncing an opinion that the Missouri prohibition Avas void. ... The day of inauguration came — the first one among all the cele brations of that great national pageant that was to be dese crated by a coalition between the executive and judicial de partments, to undermine the national legislature and the liberties of the people." The people were " unaware of the import of the whisperings carried on between the President and the chief justice." The President " announced (vague ly indeed, but Avith self-satisfaction) the forthcoming extra judicial exposition of the Constitution, and pledged his sub mission to it as authoritative and final. The chief justice and his associates remained silent."2 The only evidence for the charge of Seward lay in the statement of the Presi dent in his inaugural, that the question as to the time when people of a territory might exclude slavery therefrom was pending before the Supreme Court, and would be speedily settled.3 Undoubtedly Buchanan then knew what would be substantially the decision of the court on the territorial question, but so did a thousand other men. The clause in the inaugural which gave rise to this charge was not in- 1 Much more copious extracts from this able speech may be found in Nicolay and Hay's History, vol. ii. chap. v. 2 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 585 et seq. a See p. 245. Ch.IX.] THE CHARGE OP CONSPIRACY 269 serted until he arrived at Washington.1 He reached Wash ington March 2d, and on that day might have read in the New York Tribune : " We learn from trustworthy sources that the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Dred Scott case, will, by a large majority, sustain the extreme Southern ground, denying the constitutionality of the Mis souri Compromise. Probably Judges Curtis and McLean Avill alone dissent." An editorial article, however carefully Avritten, is of course not absolute historical evidence, but in this case it confirms the notion we might get from the history of the decision as previously related. Other Supreme Court de cisions have leaked out. Judges have confidential friends ; and the truth is sometimes told by the pronouncing of some doubtful phrase or by an ambiguous giving-out. But hoAA'- ever Buchanan got his intelligence, his character and that of Taney are proof that the chief justice did not communi cate the import of the decision to the President-elect. That either would stoop from the etiquette of his high office is an idea that may not be entertained for a moment ; and we may be sure that with Taney's lofty notions of Avhat belonged to an independent judiciary, he would have no intercourse with the executive that could not brook the light of day.2 If any one used personal influence with Taney, it was Eeverdy Johnson, who had argued the constitutional ques tion on the pro-slavery side. His argument undoubtedly had great Aveight ; and his social relations Avith Taney Avere such that his views could be enforced in private conversa tion.3 If persuasion of that kind were used, it was probably 1 See Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 187. a For Buchanan's remarks as to this charge see Curtis, vol. ii. p. 207, note. s See remarks of George T. Curtis on the death of Reverdy Johnson, Proceedings of the Bench and Bar in memoriam, p. 12. Pike wrote to the Tribune, speaking of Reverdy Johnson : " No man is so intimate with, and 270 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [185, in the way of urging the chief justice to give to the coun try, in the form of a Supreme Court decision, political views cordially agreed on by Taney and Johnson ; and it must be admitted as unlikely that such arguments would have pre vailed had not the Democrats been successful at the presi dential election. Taney was so incensed at the speech of Seward that he told Tyler, who was afterwards his biographer, that had Seward been nominated and elected President in 1860 in stead of Lincoln, he would have refused to administer to him the oath of office.1 The contrast between Seward and Lincoln may be seen in their different treatment of this matter. The tact of Lincoln is shown in making the charge by intimation and by trenchant questions ; then, with humor and exquisite skill, giving a homely illustration which struck the popular mind so forcibly that the notion conveyed by it undoubtedly be came the belief of the Republican masses as long as the Dred Scott decision remained a question of politics. " When Ave see a lot of framed timbers," said he, " differ ent portions of which Ave know have been gotten out at dif ferent times ancl places and by different workmen — Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance2 — and when we see these timbers joined together and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices ex actly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the dif ferent pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting even scaf folding — or if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such no man possesses so much influence over, the chief justice as he." Ex- Senator Bradbury told me that the current idea among Northern Demo crats in 1857 was that it was Johnson who induced Taney to give the political decision. » Tyler's Taney, p. 391. 2 Stephen A. Douglas, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, James Bu chanan. CH.IX] ROBERT J. WALKER 271 piece in — in such a' case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all under stood one another from the beginning, and all Avorked upon a common plan or draft draAvn up before the first bloAv was struck." ' As politics go, the argument of Lincoln was perhaps al lowable. Submission to the decision of the Supreme Court, that august body reverenced by all, the department of the government which is the balance-wheel, was urged by Dong- las and all Democratic orators with great force. The escape suggested by Justice Curtis was sufficient for the most in telligent voters; but the line draAvn was technical, and some thing that could better be laid hold of seemed needed to in fluence the mass of the party. For all the Republicans of 1857 and 1858 required satisfying reasons, and the charge of conspiracy betAveen the governmental departments seemed well adapted for the purpose. While the Dred Scott decision gave a theoretical basis to slavery in the territories, it did not settle the Kansas question. But a movement of the pro-slavery party was in progress to form a State government. Instructed by the vote of those Avho took part in the election of October, 1856, the territorial legislature had fixed upon the third Monday of June, 1857, as the day for the election of delegates to a constitutional con vention. Impressed with the importance of Kansas affairs, Buchanan asked Robert J. Walker to take the position of governor. Walker in talent and reputation Avas far above the ordinary level of the territorial governor. He had been sen ator, and as Secretary of the Treasury had practically framed the tariff act of 1846 ; he had, moreover, been urged upon 1 Speech at Springfield, June 16th, 1858, Lincoln and Douglas De bates, p. 3. Douglas was- not present when this speech was made, but afterwards during the Lincoln-Douglas debates ho several times em phatically denied the charge of conspiracy between Taney, Pierce, Bu chanan, and himself. This charge was indeed unsupported by evidence, ancl was only suggested by a striking coincidence of events. 272 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i86j Buchanan for the Treasury department.1 He was born in Pennsylvania, but had long been a resident of Mississippi. "It was long before I Avould agree to go to Kansas," Walker afterwards said. " I refused two or three times verbally and once in Avriting." 2 But the President insisted, and brought every possible influence to bear upon him to change his determination. Douglas earnestly and excitedly urged him to go to Kansas. At last he said he would go, provided his wife would withdraAv her objections. To se cure her consent, the President called upon her, argued that peculiar reasons pointed to Walker as the best fitted man in the country to pacify Kansas, and succeeded in convincing her that patriotic duty demanded that he should accept the mission. He furthermore made the condition that there should be a perfect concurrence between the President and himself in regard to the policy to be adopted in Kansas ; and, without doubt for the purpose of knoAving Avhat Avould satisfy the Republicans, he had, before he left Washington, a private conference Avith Seward.3 In his judgment, the true construction of the Kansas-Nebraska act required the submission to the people of any constitution that might be framed, ancl in this opinion the agreement of Buchanan was unequivocal.4 Another condition made was that General Harney should be sent there to take command of the troops.5 Walker had a fit coadjutor. The President appointed as secretary of the territory, Frederick P. Stanton, of Tennes see, a man of character, ability, ancl decision, " of persuasive 1 See Life of Dix, vol. i. p. S22. 2 Testimony before the Covode committee, see their Report, p. 105. 3 Seward to his son, Life, vol. ii. p. 299. He also wrote : " Walker sees his way through the governorship of Kansas to the Senate, and through the Senate to the presidency.'' 4 Testimony before the Covode Committee, Report, pp. 105, 106 ; see also letter of Walker to Cass, Dec. 15th, 1857, Senate Docs. 1st Sess, 35th Cong., vol. i. p. 123 ; Speecli of Douglas, Milwaukee, Oct. 13th, 1860, 5 Walker to Cass, July 15th. CB.LX] ROBERT J. WALKER 273 address but honest ambition." ' He had had ten years' ex perience of public life, having been for that time a repre sentative in Congress. Stanton was able to reach Kansas before his chief, and he found awaiting him the important duty of making the ap portionment of delegates to the constitutional convention. The census and registration had been unfair and defective ; in more than half of the counties there was no registration. This perplexed him, but after carefully considering the mat ter, in the brief time the law allowed him, he came to the conclusion that he had no choice but to apportion the dele gates to the several counties on the returns which had been made.2 This action irritated the free-State party. "Walker arrived in Kansas May 26th, and published his inaugural the next day. It was the address of a fair-mind ed but partisan Democrat. It had been submitted to Bu chanan and Douglas, and was approved by both.3 Walker would have been glad to see Kansas a slave State ; but, on looking over the ground, he saw that this end could not be attained by fair means. As a result of all the effort, there were noAv but two or three hundred slaves in the territory. Since its certain destiny seemed to be that of a free State, he was anxious that it should be Democratic, and tow ards that end he bent his energies.1 The emigration from the free States had been large this spring ; " he estimated that there were in the territory nine thousand free-State Democrats, eight thousand Republicans, six thousand five hundred pro - slaA^ery Democrats, five hundred pro - slavery 1 Seward, Senate speech, March 3d, 1858. ' See address of Stanton, Publications of Kansas Hist. Soc., vol. i. p. 149; Spring's Kansas, p. 212. 3 Walker's testimony, Covode Committee Report, p. 106 ; Constitutional and Party Questions, Cutts, p. Ill ; Speech of Douglas, Milwaukee, Oct. 13th, 1860. 4 Walker to Cass, July 15th, Senate Docs. 1st Sess. 35th Cong., vol. i. p. 26 ; Covode Committee Report, p. 107. s New York Tribune, March 28th and April 18th. IL— 18 274 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [186, Know-nothings ; ' and his aim was to bring about a concert of action betAveen the two Democratic factions, but this could only be done on the basis of making Kansas a free State. In his inaugural, he had urged all citizens to take part in the coming election, and at Topeka, when making a manly speech, he replied to the question what he would do should the forthcoming convention refuse to submit the constitu tion to the people. " I will join you, fellow-citizens," he said, " in opposition to their course. And I doubt not that one much higher than I, the chief magistrate of the Union, will join you."2 But the free-State party were not reassured. They de clined to participate in the election of June 15th for dele gates to the constitutional convention. Out of nine thou sand two hundred and fifty-one registered voters, which was less than one-half of the actual number, only two thousand two hundred persons took part in choosing delegates to the notorious Lecompton convention.3 By July, Walker found that a Kansas governor had to tread a thorny path. While making an impression on free- State Democrats, and leading some moderate Republicans to see that he desired to measure out justice, the radicals under the lead of Lane threatened mischief at Lawrence. Trouble, however, was avoided by the promptness with which the governor collected troops in the neighbor hood of the city, and at the close of his official career he had the satisfaction of writing that not a drop of blood had been shed by the federal troops during his ad ministration." The proclamation which he issued to the people of Law rence increased the already prevailing tendency towards a 1 Private letter of Walker to Buchanan, Covode Committee Report, p. 115. a This speecli was made June 6th, Spring's Kansas, p. 213; Walker to Cass, July 15th, 1857. 3 See Stanton's message of Dec. 8th, 4 Walker to Cass, Dec. 15th. Ch.IX.] ROBERT J. WALKER 275 division in the Republican ranks. Senator Wilson had vis ited Kansas and urged the policy of voting at the October election for members of the territorial legislature, and the larger faction of Republicans under the lead of Robinson were beginning to see the wisdom of such a course.' At the same time, Walker's policy of equal and exact jus tice brought upon him the extreme displeasure of the active politicians of the Southern States. While professing that he was not disturbed by these assaults, his frequent mention of them in his despatches shows that they greatly annoyed him, especially because they threatened to prevent the union between the two Democratic factions he Avas so anxious to bring about.2 One newspaper said he had " delivered Kansas into the hands of the abolitionists." 3 Another emphatically demanded his removal in the name of the South.4 Leading politicians of South Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi, among whom Jefferson Davis and Senator Brown Avere prominent, denounced him in unmeasured terms, and some of them went so far as to censure the President for having appoint ed him ; 5 and the Democratic State conventions of Georgia and Mississippi criticised his course in strong resolutions." Still, Buchanan stood by Walker. On the 12th of July he wrote privately to the governor : " On the question of sub mitting the Constitution to the bona-fide resident settlers of Kansas, I am willing to stand or fall. In sustaining such a principle we cannot fall. It is the principle of the Kansas- Nebraska bill, the principle of popular sovereignty, and the principle at the foundation of all popular government. The more it is discussed, the stronger it will become. Should the ' Senate Docs., 1st Sess. 35th Cong., vol. i. pp. 43, 46; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 537 ; Stanton's Address, Pub. Kan sas Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 164 ; Spring's Kansas, p. 215. 8 See his despatches to Cass of July 15th, 20th, and Aug. 3d. s Richmond South, cited by New York Times, July 14th. 1 Vicksburg Sentinel, cited by New York Times, July 14th. 5 Casket of Reminiscences, Foote, p. 114 ; New York Tribune, July 30th. 6 Von Hoist, vol. vi. p. 70. 276 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i857 convention of Kansas adopt this principle, all will be settled harmoniously." ' We cannot clearly trace the workings of the President's mind to determine the time when he began to recede from this position. In August, however, he took occasion public ly to endorse the Calhoun doctrine in the strongest terms. In a letter to citizens of Connecticut he said that at the time of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act slavery existed, " and still exists, in Kansas, under the Constitution of the United States. This point has at last been finally decided by the highest tribunal known to our laws. How it could ever have been seriously doubted is a mystery. If a confedera tion of sovereign States acquire new territory at the expense of their common blood and treasure, surely one set of the partners can have no right to exclude the other from its enjoyment by prohibiting them from taking into it what ever is recognized to be property by the common constitu tion."2 This showed the startling progress of an idea destined to work great mischief. When, in 1847, Calhoun first an nounced the doctrine in the Senate, it was received with general disfavor, and he never called for a vote on the resolutions embodying this principle : it was afterwards scouted by Webster. Now the judicial and executive 'de partments of the government had given it their entire ad hesion. It must have occurred to wily Southern leaders that a President who thought it a mystery that the Calhoun doctrine could ever have been seriously doubted was a fit instrument to carry out their designs in Kansas. As late as July, or after the delegates to the constitutional convention had been elected, Walker was still popular with the pro-slavery Democrats in the territory. His course was endorsed by them, and it Avas universally understood that the constitution, when framed, would be submitted to a pop- 1 Covode Committee Report, p. 112. 9 Senate Docs. 1st Sess. 35th Cong., vol. i. p. 74. Ch. IX] SOUTHERN INFLUENCES 277 ular vote.'" But as soon as it became known in the South that the delegates to the constitutional convention were of the pro-slavery party, a systematic agitation began which demanded that the convention adopt a pro-slavery constitu tion and ask for admission into the Union.2 The leaders of this agitation were the Southern extremists, of Avhom Jeffer son Davis was a type. They soon gained a foothold in Washington with the administration or with others high in authority.3 It was generally believed that Cobb, the Secre tary of the Treasury, and Thompson, the Secretary of the Interior, were the official promoters of this movement. It is undeniable that the public sentiment of Georgia and Mis sissippi, their States, was powerfully exercised in this direc tion. The testimony of Thompson bears out this view as far as he himself is concerned ; for the hint he gave to the emissary he sent to Kansas was quite sufficient to give cre dence to the later preA'ailing opinion in the territory, that the Lecompton policy was approved, if not engineered, by the administration." But the supposed connection at this time of Cobb with the conspiracy cannot be reconciled with the story he told the Covode committee, that as late as October he urged by letter to a member of the convention the out-and-out sub mission of the Constitution to the peopled The convention met at Lecompton in September. After a session of five days, it temporarily adjourned to aAvait the result of the October election. Walker had urged the aban donment of the Topeka movement, and had succeeded in convincing the free-State men who followed Robinson that it was their duty to take part in the regular election for the territorial legislature. It was the most general and peace- ' Walker's testimony, Covode Committee Report, p. 108. 2 See Martin's and Thompson's testimony, Covode Committee Report, pp. 158, 315 ; also Walker to Cass, Dec. 15th. 8 See Walker's testimony, p. 111. 4 See Thompson's testimony, p. 314. * Cobb's testimony, p. 318. 278 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [18H ful election that had occurred in the territory, and in but two places were there glaring frauds. From Oxford there was a forged return of 1628 votes ; the town had but fifty voters. In McGee county, where there were certainly not twenty voters, 1266 pro-slavery ballots were alleged to have been cast.1 If the Oxford and McGee returns were allowed, the legislature Avould be pro-slavery ; if they Avere thrown out, it Avould be free-State. Governor Walker and Secretary Stanton visited these places, and when they saw beyond doubt that the fraud was glaring, they honorably carried out the pledges they had given the Kansas people. Having found certain technical defects, they were not obliged to go behind the returns, and they soon issued proclamations throwing out the returns from Oxford and McGee, where the astounding frauds had been perpetrated.2 This gave the free-State party nine of the thirteen councilmen and tAventy-four of the thirty-nine representatives.3 The constitutional convention reassembled the 19th of October, but three days went by before a quorum was se cured. The body was a rump. Pro-slavery delegates were going to speak for a community which was overwhelmingly in favor of a free State ; but the small Kansas clique repre sented the aim of the slavery propaganda, and were obedient to the instructions which had been brought to them from Washington. Had the convention not been protected by United States troops, it would never have been permitted to finish its work ; an outraged people would have driven the members from the territory." It was easy to see that if the constitution were submitted to the people, it would be voted down by a large majority. After much discus sion, a plan was resolved upon, Avhich showed ingenuity but entire lack of fairness. The crucial section of the consti tution which the convention adopted was : " The right of 1 Walker's testimony, p. 109 ; Spring's Kansas, p. 218. 2 Stanton's Address, Kansas Hist. Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. 153. 3 Spring's Kansas, p. 220. * Kansas Hist. Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. Oh. IX.] THE LECOMPTON CONVENTION 279 property is before and higher than any constitutional sanc tion, and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same and as inviolable as the right of the owner of any property whatever." Another provision of the constitution was that it could not be amended until after the year 1864, and even then no alteration should " be made to affect the rights of property in the ownership of slaves." An election was appointed for the 21st of December, when the people might vote for the "constitution with slavery " or in favor of the " constitution with no slavery." They were to have no opportunity to vote against the con stitution ; and even the submission of the slavery question was a delusion. If the " constitution with slavery " carried, the section above cited and others supporting it were parts of the organic act. But if " constitution with no slaArery " carried, then slavery should " no longer exist in the State of Kansas, except that the right of property in slaves now in this territory shall in no measure be interfered with." "The alternative presented was like submitting to the an cient test of witchcraft. ... If the accused, upon being thrown into deep water, floated, he was adjudged guilty, taken out and hanged ; but if he sank and was drowned, he was adjudged not guilty — the choice between the verdicts being quite immaterial." ' It Avas a shallow and wicked performance, Avorthy per haps of a border-ruffian convention, representing only twen- ty-tAvo hundred voters ; but it is astounding when we know there is reason to believe that the plan emanated from Southern politicians of high position at Washington. Be fore the vote on it was finally taken, John Calhoun, the surveyor-general of the territory, and president of the con vention, called on Walker, outlined the project and asked his concurrence, assuring him that it Avas the programme of the administration, and, if he would give it his support, the presidency of the United States lay open to him. Walker ' Spriug's Kansas, p. 223. 280 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [186} inquired of Calhoun if he had a letter from the President. " He said he had not, but that the assurance came to him in such a manner as to be entirely reliable ; that this partic ular programme [which was finally adopted in Kansas] was the programme of the administration." Walker promptly replied that he would never assent to it. " I consider," said he, " such a submission of the question a vile fraud, a base counterfeit, and a wretched device to prevent the people voting even " on the slavery question. " I will not support it," he continued, " but I will denounce it, no matter whether the administration sustains it or not." ' Buchanan was not privy to this project. His confidential letter to Walker of October 22d 2 shows that at that time he knew nothing of the plot which was hatched under his very eyes ; and his " solemn, grave, and serious " assurances to the same effect in November convinced Walker and must satisfy the historian.3 But after the constitution had been adopted by the convention, the President became its persist ent advocate. Cobb Avas easily won, if he needed winning, and he had more influence over Buchanan than any mem ber of the cabinet." He was undoubtedly the mouthpiece of the Southern junto, and knew how to play upon the feel ings of his venerable chief. Buchanan had great admiration for the Southern politicians, and with it there Avas mingled a sentiment of fear.6 Ambition had no part in determining his action, for in his inaugural he had pledged himself not to be a candidate for re-election ; but he was timid, and in his intercourse with the Southerners, the feebleness of his will is plainly apparent. He told Forney that he " changed his course because certain Southern States had threatened that if he did not abandon Walker and Stanton they would 1 Walker's testimony, Covode Committee Report, p. 110. ' Printed in Nicolay and Hay's History, vol. ii. p. 110. 5 Walker's testimony, p. 114. 4 See Memorial volume of Howell Cobb, p. 29 ; Casket of Reminiscences, Foote, p. 113. ° Casket of Reminiscences, Foote, p. 113. Cb.IX] THE FINANCIAL PANIC 281 be compelled either to secede from the Union, or take up arms against him." ' The public interest at the North in Kansas had largely died out. " Bleeding Kansas," which had been the topic of discussion everywhere in 1856, was no longer heard of. Kan sas, indeed, had ceased to bleed. The firm and just rule of Governor Walker, supported by the presence of the United States troops, maintained the peace which had been restored by Geary. Little occurred during the spring and summer on which an agitation might be based, and by the time the conspiracy of making Kansas a slave State began to be sus pected, the country was in the distress of a financial panic. The failure of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company, August 24th, was a symptom of overtrading, and a precursor of the ruin that followed. While bankers Avere concerned about their honor, merchants and manufacturers straining their credit, and clerks and laborers losing their places, the trouble in Kansas seemed far distant. But the trouble at home was an actual affair that weighed on every moment. "The revulsion in the business of the country," wrote Bu chanan to Walker, " seems to have driven all thoughts of ' bleeding Kansas ' from the public mind." 2 The Kansas plot of 1857 was that of a junto, and indeed it only came to light shortly before the assembling of Con gress. It was a conspiracy under constitutional guise, and the only place where this battle could be fought was on the floor of Congress. The fall elections were favorable to the Democrats, and before the Lecompton policy was sprung upon the people they seemed to have regained the popular ascendency that had been trembling in the balance since the Kansas-Nebraska policy was inaugurated. 1 Forney's testimony, Covode Committee Report, p. 296. The States were Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi ; see Forney's Vindication, Phil adelphia Press, Sept. 30th, 1858. 9 Oct. 22d, Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 111. See also Philadelphia Press, Oct. 10th. In a future volume, I purpose to consider the panic of 1857 more fully. 282 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1MJ Many Northern Democrats, however, were excited when they learned of the Lecompton scheme. Forney opposed it in his Philadelphia newspaper,1 and the Democratic press of Illinois immediately denounced the action of the conven tion. The sentiment among the Democrats of Ohio and the Northwest was in general the same, but the opposition would have protested vainly against the scheme had not the ablest leader of the Democratic party, Douglas, put himself at its head. On receipt of the news at Chicago, he immedi ately made it known that he should strenuously oppose the pro-slavery plan. On arriving at Washington to attend the session of Congress, he called on the President to discuss the matter. The radical difference between the two became apparent. When Buchanan said he must recommend the policy of the slave power, Douglas said he should denounce it in open Senate. The President became excited, rose and said : " Mr. Douglas, I desire you to remember that no Dem ocrat ever yet differed from an administration of his own choice without being crushed. Beware of the fate of Tall- madge and Rives." Douglas also rose, and in an emphatic manner replied : " Mr. President, I wish you to remember that General Jackson is dead." 2 The Senate, which met December 7th, Avas composed of thirty -seven Democrats, twenty Republicans, and five Americans. In two years the Republicans had increased their number by five. To name all the Republican senators will convey a good idea of the growth of the party since its organization ; for while the changes in the Senate are slow, it is a body in which may be traced the progress of a movement that is steady and sure. Fessenden and Hamlin represented Maine; Hale and Clark, New Hampshire ; Collamer and Foot, Vermont ; Sum ner and Wilson, Massachusetts ; Foster and Dixon, Connect- 1 Forney's testimony, p. 296. 2 Speech of Douglas, Milwaukee, Oct. 13th, 1860, cited by Nicolay and Hay; see Washington National Intelligencer. CH.IX] DOUGLAS OPPOSES THE LECOMPTON SCHEME 283 icut ; Simmons, Rhode Island ; SeAvard and Preston King, New York ; Simon Cameron, Pennsylvania ; Wade, Ohio ; Trumbull, Illinois ; Zachariah Chandler, Michigan ; Durkee and Doolittle, Wisconsin ; and Harlan, Iowa. When Congress assembled, it was well understood that the President had espoused the cause of the Southern junto ; but when he delivered his annual message, the time had not arrived to state clearly his position.' He, hoAvever, dilated on Kansas affairs, and said that while he had ex pected that the convention would submit the constitution to the people, it really had decided to give them a chance to express their opinion on slavery, which was the only impor tant question at issue. On December 9th, Douglas spoke boldly and resolutely against the Lecompton scheme. At the time the delegates to the constitutional convention were chosen, he said, it was understood by the national government, by the territorial government, and by the people of the territory that they were to be elected only to frame a constitution and to sub mit it to the people for their ratification or rejection. " Men high in authority, and in the confidence of the territorial and national government, canvassed every part of Kansas during the election of delegates, and each one pledged him self to the people that no snap judgment was to be taken. . . Up to the time of meeting of the convention, in October last, the pretence was kept up, the profession was openly made, and believed by me, and I thought believed by them, that the convention intended to submit a constitution to the people, and not to attempt to put a government in operation without such a submission." But instead of that, ", All men must vote for the constitution, whether they like it or not, 1 Alexander Stephens writes, Nov. 29th : " The administration have staked their all upon sustaining the Kansas Constitution as it may be ratified;" and Dec. 1st: " The administration is for the Kansas Constitu tion ;" and Dec. 4th : Douglas " is against us— decidedly but not extrav agantly."— Johnston and Browne, p. 326. 284 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [mi in order to be permitted to vote for or against slavery That would be as fair an election as some of the enemies of Napoleon attributed to him when he was elected First Con sul. He is said to have called out his troops and had them reviewed by his officers with a speech, patriotic and fair in its professions, in which he said to them: ' Now, my soldiers, you are to go to the election and vote freely just as you please. If you vote for Napoleon, all is well ; vote against him, and you are to be instantly shot.' That was afuw election. This election is to be equally fair " exclaimed the senator, in a tone of exquisite irony.' "All men in favor of the constitution may vote for it — all men against it shall not vote at all. Why not let them vote against it ? ... I have asked a very large number of the gentlemen who framed the constitution, quite a number of delegates, and a still larger number of persons who are their friends, and I have received the same answer from every one of them. . . . They say if they allowed a negative vote, the constitution would have been voted down by an overwhelming majority, and hence the fellows shall not be allowed to vote at all." It was a manly speech. His language was courteous, but his manner was bold, haughty, and defiant. " Henceforth," wrote Seward to his wife, " Douglas is to tread the thorny path I have pursued. The administration and slave power* are broken. The triumph of freedom is not only assured, but near." 2 " He never seemed to have so much heart in any of his public discussions as now," wrote Simonton to the New York Times ; " never was he more resolute and scorn fully defiant of all assaults or opposition." s " He met the issue fairly and manfully," wrote the correspondent of the Independent, " and acquitted himself triumphantly. It was the forensic effort of his lifetime, and will live long after himself and his opponents in his party have passed from the 1 See Washington correspondence New York Independent, Dec. 12th. s Letter of Dec. 10th, Life of Seward, vol. ii. p. 330. 3 Dec. 12th. Ch. IX.] DOUGLAS OPPOSES THE LECOMPTON SCHEME 285 stage of political action." ' This speech will " mark an im portant era in our political history." "The struggle of Douglas with the slave power will be a magnificent spec tacle to witness," wrote the correspondent of the Tribune? It seemed curious to read his praises in the Tribune and Independent, yet he was far from coming on to Republican ground. For he declared: "If Kansas wants a slave-State constitution, she has a right to it ; if she wants a free-State constitution, she has a right to it. It is none of my business which way the slavery clause is decided. I care not whether it is voted down or voted up." The usual explanation of the course of Douglas is that as his senatorial term would soon expire, and as a legislature would be chosen in 1858 to elect his successor, he saAv clearly that if he espoused the Lecompton cause, he would surely be defeated. To insure' his political life, therefore, it was necessary to opposeirne scheme.3 This explanation is true as far as it goes, hut it does not compass the Avhole sub ject nor the whole man. The course of Douglas had been such that men had lost faith in his political consistency and honesty ; so it is not surprising that when he came to do a noble act, it was generally supposed he did it from purely interested motives. But apart from politics, Douglas was a man of honor; his word was as good as his bond, and he was true to his friends." He loved fair dealing, and this senti ment was outraged by the proceedings in Kansas ; the honesty of his nature could not brook such a course. Had he acted entirely from the interested motive, he might have waited until the President formally recommended the Le compton Constitution before he took it upon himself to make a breach in his party, hoping meanwhile that the dif- 1 Dec. 12th. * Dec. 9th and 10th. 3 See New York Tribune, Dec. 19th ; Simonton to New York Times, Dec. 12th; Nicolay and Hay, vol.ii. p. 123; Life of Jefferson Davis, Alfriend, p. 103 ; Three Decades, Cox, p. 58 ; Twenty years of Congress, Blaine, vol. i. p. 140 ; speech of Schurz, Sept., 1860, Speeches, p. 168. 4 See Herndon's Life of Lincoln, p. 404. 286 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION p8Bj ferences might be compromised. It was intimated by his Democratic opponents that he had acted rashly and thrust this question upon Congress. The immediate decision, the prompt burst of indignation, the speech spoken rapidly and without preparation,' seem the actions of an honest man. In the bitter debates he had with Democratic senators, he appears at times inspired by noble thoughts ; as he went over the platitudes of his popular-sovereignty principle, there was a sound of sincerity and fair dealing. Popular sovereignty in 1854 was indeed a sham ; yet the doctrine had a vital meaning when applied to the present state of affairs in Kansas. He spoke with candor, and exhibited a true appreciation of the correct principles of government. tie was too good a partisan not to know what he had undertaken when he set himself against the South and the Democratic machine of the North. He had served one and had had a hand in engineering the other long enough to know that it Avas not the primrose path he had begun to tread. At the close of the speech of December 9th, as he spoke of the possibility of his party relations being severed by the course he had marked out for himself, he grew deep ly affected ; 2 but he asserted emphatically that, come what may, he should follow the principle of popular sovereignty. For a statesman to head a revolt against his party required moral courage ; and as this action of Douglas Avas a severe blow to the slave power, and probably insured Republican success in 1860, it would be gratifying to believe that he was prompted by noble as well as by interested motives.' The Democratic party of 1857 was a powerful machine, strongly intrenched in all three departments of the govern ment. No Democrat but one of rare courage and indom itable energy would have set himself in opposition to it. In 1 See remarks of Douglas, Dec. 16th. 2 See the Liberator, Dec. 18th. 3 See a thoughtful article in the New York Tribune of July 12th, 1858, where the course and probable motives of Douglas are fairly discussed. Ch.IX] DOUGLAS OPPOSES THE LECOMPTON SCHEME 2 8 7 the North, before the Lecompton scheme was broached, no Democrat stood higher than Cass; he apparently repre sented the moderate element of the party. Foote says that Cass " confessed frankly his entire condemnation of Buchan an's conduct in the Lecompton matter." ' But he did not publicly protest ; and though he was rich and not dependent on his place, he held his portfolio, and registered the decrees of the slave- power in the most pitiable despatches. It is only by comparison with Buchanan and Cass that the conduct of Douglas can be seen in its true light. Four years before he had committed a grievous fault ; he was now beginning the atonement. After the speech of December 9th, the breach between Douglas ancl the administration was complete. Threats were given out that the patronage would be remorselessly used against those who followed the Illinois senator. The Southerners denounced him without stint, the hot-headed menacing him with personal violence.2 The press controlled by the administration was bitter against him. Every pen sioned letter -Avriter, said Douglas, intimates that I have " deserted the Democratic party ancl gone over to the Black Kepublicans ; " and the report is circulated everywhere " that the President intends to put the knife to the throat of every man who dares to think for himself on this question and carry out his principles in good faith." 3 Different senators Avere set upon Douglas. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, made a personal defence of the President; Green, of Missouri, a labored technical argument ; and Fitch, of Indiana, a bitter personal attack. The debate between Douglas and Fitch Avas spirited, and excited great interest. Douglas struck the key-note of the opposition to the Lecompton scheme when he said he regarded it " as a trick, a fraud upon the rights of the people." 4 1 Casket of Reminiscences, p. 117. 5 Washington correspondence NeAv York Tribune, Dec. 11th. 3 See remarks of Douglas, Dec. 21st. 1 This debate took place Dec. 22d. 288 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [185, The independent Democratic press sustained Douglas and some public meetings were held to express approval It was apparent before the new year that the Western De mocracy would stand by him.1 In November, Governor Walker came to Washington on a leave of absence. He found that his action in throwing out the fraudulent returns, made under the auspices of the pro-slavery party, had lost him the favor of the administra tion. He was persistently opposed to the Lecompton policy, and nothing was left for him but to resign. Plis letter of resignation re-enforced powerfully the argument of Doug las. " I state it as a fact," he wrote, " based on a long and intimate association with the people of Kansas, that an overwhelming majority of that people are opposed" to the Lecompton Constitution, " and my letters state that but one out of twenty of the press of Kansas sustains it. . . . Any attempt by Congress to force this constitution upon the people of Kansas will be an effort to substitute the will of a small minority for that of an overwhelming majority of the people." Before concluding he made a passing allusion to " the peculiar circumstances and unexpected events which have modified the opinions of the President upon a point so vital as the submission of the constitution." 2 Meanwhile, Stanton, who in the absence of Walker was acting governor, did effectual work for the free-State cause. The excitement at the result of the Lecompton convention was great. Threats were freely made by the people that they would not submit to such an outrage. There was one loud call on the governor to convene at once in extra session the territorial legislature, in which the free-State men had a majority. After some hesitation, Stanton yielded to the popular will. The free-State party considered the proposed election of the 21st of December as a sham, and would take 1 See New York Times, Dec. 16th; Remarks of Douglas, Dec. 21st. 2 This letter is dated Dec. 15th, Senate Docs., 1st Sess. 35th Cong., vol i. p. 122. Oh. IX.] WALKER'S FILIBUSTERING EXPEDITION 289 no part in it. The legislature, therefore, provided for an election to be held January 4th, 1858, at which a fair and proper vote might be taken on the constitution. When the news of Stanton's action reached Washington, he was at once removed and Denver appointed in his place. The election decreed by the Lecompton convention took place. The vote stood : For the constitution with slavery, 6226 ; for the constitution without slavery, 569. Later in vestigation showed that 2720 of these votes Avere fraudu lent. On January 4th, 1858, the other election took place. The ;vote stood : For the constitution with slavery, 138 ; for the constitution without slavery, 24; against the constitution, ; 10,226. > . A comparison of the two elections made clear a fact known to those best informed, that a handsome majority : of the people in Kansas Avere in favor of a free State. i The territorial legislature was now master of the situa- j tion. When it began to investigate the election frauds, "John Calhoun and his associates, who had been concerned i in them, fled from the territory.1 Despite the anxious endeavors of the President to serve his masters, all was not harmony between him and the Southern men. There were lengths to which even he would not go. The propaganda wanted not only Kansas, but they cast longing eyes on Central America. William Walker,, s having failed in his first attempt, to hold possession of Nic aragua, had gone on another filibustering expedition; but as soon as he began operations he and his party were arrested by Paulding, an American naval commander, and brought to the United States. Buchanan thought that Paulding, while acting from pure and patriotic motives, had commit ted a grave error. Yet although disapproving his action, 1 See Reports of Committees, 1st Sess. 35th Cong., vol. iii. ; Stanton's Address, Kansas Hist. Soc. Pub. ; Spring's Kansas. IL— 19 290 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION pg58 the President was none the less determined to execute the neutrality laws of the United States.' " The Walker and Paulding imbroglio just now embar rasses us," wrote Alexander Stephens, Avho was the leader of the Lecomptonites in the House. "Our sympathies are all with the filibusters. We do not now agree with the administration on this Central- American question; but if we denounced it as we feel it deserves to be, Ave endanger their support of our views of the Kansas question." A little later he wrote : " The Walker-Paulding affair I look upon as a great outrage." The reason of the administration " line of policy and opposition to Walker was their hostility to his enterprise, because, if successful, he would introduce African slavery there." 2 But Buchanan was loyal to the South in the Kansas affair. He was so obtuse that he could not see Avhat one of his ear liest and warmest Southern supporters plainly saw. Gov ernor Wise, of Virginia, wrote a public letter December 30th, 1857, in which he took substantially the ground of Douglas ancl Walker. Three Aveeks later he wrote private ly : " If Congress adopts that Lecompton schedule, Democ racy is dead; and the administration can save it now; it cannot after that act. . . . The game of the disunionists is to drive off every Northern Democrat from Buchanan on the Kansas question. . . . and they will succeed unless the President alters his conclusions very soon. Walker, Doug las, and Forney are all nothing to me. I wish to serve and save the administration." 3 The contest was Avearing out Buchanan. Simonton wrote of him as " perplexed, harassed, and wearied," and subject to "eccentric outbursts of choler" when discussing Kansas affairs ; that he abused the Illinois senator for having got the country into a predicament by his Kansas-Nebraska bill 1 See special message of Jan. 7th, 1858. 2 Letters of Jan. 3d and 20th, Johnston and Browne, p. 328. 3 Wise to Robert Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, vol. ii. p. 543. CH.IX] BUCHANAN AND THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 291 and for noAv refusing to face its legitimate consequences.1 Stephens went to see the President the 2d of February, and wrote : " He is run down and worn out with office-seekers and the cares which the consideration of public affairs has brought upon him. He is now quite feeble and wan. I was struck with his physical appearance ; he appears to me to be failing in bodily health." 2 On the 2d of February, Buchanan took the final step. He sent to Congress a copy of the Lecompton Constitution which he had received from John Calhoun, and a message recommending the admission of Kansas under that organic act. He argued that " the Lecompton convention, accord ing to every principle of constitutional law, was legally con stituted, and was invested with power to frame a constitu tion. . . . They did not think proper to submit the whole of this constitution to a popular vote, but they did submit the question whether Kansas should be a free or slave State to the people." This was " the all-important question." " Do mestic peace will be the happy consequence of its admis sion." " It has been solemnly adjudged by the highest judi cial tribunal known to our laws that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States. Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Geor gia or South Carolina. Without this the equality of the sovereign States composing the Union would be violated, and the use and enjoyment of a territory acquired by the common treasure of all the States wTould be closed against the people and the property of nearly half the members of the Confederacy." What must Bufus Choate have thought as he read this message and* remembered the glowing periods in which he had advocated the election of Buchanan ! In the previous November, when the public began to see that the President 1 Simonton to New York Times, Jan. 30th. 2 Letter of Feb. 3d, Johnston and Browne, p. 329. 292 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [lm was about to throw himself into the arms of the South Choate had begged Everett to write a series of papers that "would bless mankind and rescue Buchanan. I entreat you to give him and all conservative men an idea of a pa triot administration. Kansas must be free, and the nation kept quiet and honest." ' Judge Elmore, a prominent pro -slavery man of Kansas and a member of the Lecompton convention, went to Wash ington, at the instance of Governor Denver, to urge the President not to send the Lecompton Constitution to Con gress ; he was furnished with a letter from the governor arguing strenuously against the proposed policy. Buchanan was sorry he had not had this information earlier, but he had already prepared his message and shown it to several senators ; it must therefore go to Congress.2 It was a pitiable message to come from a Northern man. Pierce had served the South well, but it could now be truth fully said that Buchanan was serving her still better. When the web of subterfuge was brushed away, the position of the President amounted to this : It is determined by the slavery propaganda that Kansas shall be a slave State. There is now one more free than slave State in the Union, and Kansas is needed to restore the equilibrium. To make it a slave State by fair means is impossible. We have now a chance to make it one under the color of law, and this opportunity we are going to use to the best of our ability. The President would have shrunk from such a statement of his reasoning. He was probably deluded by his own ar gument, but he did not deceive many. " I confess," Senator Hammond afterwards said, " my opinion Avas that the South herself should kick that constitution out of Congress."1 " Scarcely a Democrat can be found who will attempt to 1 Letter of Nov. 17th, Life of Choate, Brown, p. 344. 2 Denver's address, Kansas Hist. Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. 170. 3 Speech at Barnwell Court-house, S. C, Oct. 29th, 1858, Hammond's Speeches and Letters, p. 327. CH.IX] KANSAS AND THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 293 vindicate the Lecompton movement per se" wrote Ray mond from Washington.' " Every intelligent man with whom I have conversed," wrote Letcher from Kentucky to Crittenden, " thinks Douglas has the right on his side." 2 The message of the President went to the committee on territories, and gave rise to three reports. That of the ma jority, presented by Green, was a lawyer's technical argu ment for an injustice. Collamer presented the Republican view, and his report was signed by Wade ; while Douglas offered an unanswerable argument. " The Lecompton Con stitution," he averred, " is not the act of the people of Kan sas, and does not embody their will." By a " system of trickery in the mode of submission, a large majority, prob ably amounting to four-fifths of all the legal voters of Kan sas, were disfranchised and excluded from the polls on the 21st of December ;" and at the election of the 4th of Jan uary, a lawful and valid one, " a majority of more than ten thousand of the legal voters of Kansas repudiated and re jected the Lecompton Constitution." The debate on the bill for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution elicited little that has not been touched upon. The argument on one side was bare techni cality, and on the other justice. Many of the Republican senators spoke ; and Crittenden, of Kentucky, opposed the bill in a speech of power. The arguments of Southern senators were notable for the use they made of the Dred Scott decision. Benjamin, one of the ablest lawyers of the South, asserted : " It is obvious that since the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case, it is decided that from the origin, all this agitation of the slaArery question has been directed against the consti tutional rights of the South ; and that both Wilmot provisos and Missouri-Compromise lines were unconstitutional." 3 1 To the New York Times, March 24th. 3 Life of Crittenden, Coleman, p. 141. 3 Speech of Feb. 8th. 294 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i858 Brown, of Mississippi, maintained that if Douglas had stood by the President, there wTould have been no agita tion. " There would not have been a ripple on the sur face," he said ; " or if there had been, it would have subsided and died away in the great ocean of oblivion where other ripples have gone, and we should almost Avithout an effort introduce Kansas into the Union. Sir, the senator from Illinois gives life, he gives vitality, he gives energy, he lends the aid of his mighty genius and his poAverful will, to the opposition on this question." ' The remarks of Jefferson Davis deserve more than a pass ing allusion, as he was the ablest senator from the South, and was one of the triumvirate of Davis, Toombs, and Hun ter, who assumed the direction of Southern affairs. More over, we see by means of his speech whither the South was drifting. Sick in body, he dragged his weak and attenuated frame to the Capitol in order to give vent to the extremest sentiments of his section. " A man not knowing into what presence he was introduced," said he, "coming into this Chamber, might, for a large part of this session, have sup posed that here stood the representatives of belligerent States, and that instead of men assembled here to confer together for the common welfare, for the general good, he saw here ministers from States preparing to make war upon each other. . . . Sir, we are arraigned day after day as the aggressive power. What Southern senator during this whole session has attacked any portion or any interest of the North ? In what have we now or ever, back to the earliest period of our history, sought to deprive the North of any advantage it possessed ? The whole charge is, and has been, that we seek to extend our own institutions into the common territory of the United States. Well and wisely has the President of the United States pointed to that common territory as the joint possession of the coun try." . . . The Southern States " present a new problem, 1 Speech of Feb. 4th. CH.IX] JEFFERSON DAVIS 295 one not stated by those who wrote on it in the earlier pe riod of our history. It is the problem of a semi-tropical climate, the problem of malarial districts, of staple prod ucts. This produces a result different from that which would be found in the farming districts and cooler climates. \ A race suited to our labor exists there. Why should we care whether they go into other territories or not ? Simply because of the war that is made against our institutions ; simply because of the want of security which results from the action of our opponents in the Northern States. Had you made no political war upon us, had you observed the principles of our Confederacy as States, that the people of each State were to take care of their domestic affairs, or, in the language of the Kansas bill, to be left perfect-] ly free to form and regulate their institutions in their} own way, then, I say, within the limits of each State the population there would have gone on to attend to their \ own affairs, and have had little regard to whether this, species of property or any other Avas held in any otheij portion of the Union. You have made it a political) war. We are on the defensive. How far are you to pushl us?'" The irreconcilable nature of the difference between the Southerners and Republicans was shoAvn by a colloquy be tween Toombs and Wade. "The Wilmot -proviso man," said Toombs, "holds that you can prohibit slavery for ever in the territories. That means that you can cram freedom, whether the people want it or not ; but take care how you cram slavery." " That is it," promptly replied Wade. The executive patronage was used to push the bill through Congress. The political guillotine wras set in motion, and office-holders who sympathized with Douglas were removed without ceremony. The whole business of the Post-office department was said to be the turning-out of the apostates Remarks of Feb. 8th. 296 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i868 and supplying their places with the faithful.1 There was, said Forney, " a series of proscriptions such as no civilized country has ever seen exercised upon independent men." 2 As the contest thickened, the denunciation of Douglas grew more bitter at the South. " Traitor" was the favorite term applied to him. The Southern Democrats, wrote Eay- mond from Washington, " have transferred their hatred of the Republicans to him. ... I have very little doubt that if compelled to choose between Douglas and Seward for President, the whole band of pro -slavery fire-eaters, with Toombs at their head, would vote for the latter."' The Washington Union called him " traitor," " renegade," and " deserter ;" 4 but the Liberator praised him.5 The entire West Avas enthusiastic in the support of Doug las. In the Middle and Eastern States executive patronage and dictation were powerful enough to divide the sentiment of the party.6 The Republicans were at first disposed to re gard the fight as a factional contest, and they did not feel implicit confidence in Douglas ; but as it went on, they con fessed his boldness and consistency, and saw that, although his principles were different from theirs, both were battling in unison for freedom in Kansas. He Avas now the central figure of the country. He was compared to a lion holding his opponents at bay. In every debate he held his own, He was more than a match for any of his opponents. While the excitement in Washington was very great— perhaps greater than when the Missouri Compromise was repealed ' — the agitation in the country did not compare with the feeling aroused at the time the Kansas-Nebraska act ' New York Times, Feb. 5th, 16th, 23d ; the Independent, March 18th; Life of Douglas, Sheahan, p. 387. 3 Forney's testimony, Covode Committee Report, p. 296 ; Forney's Vindication, Philadelphia Press, Sept. 30th, 1858. 3 New York Times, March 26th. 1 See Congressional Globe, vol. xxxvii. p. 199. * See issue of Feb. 26th. 6 See Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 383. ' New York Times, Feb. 23d. CH.IX.] ACTION OF CONGRESS 297 was pending. Sumner had resumed his seat in the Senate ; he could not debate, but at important juncture's he was able to vote. He Avrote to Parker : " What is doing in Massa chusetts ? Is everybody asleep ? No resolutions vs. Lecomp ton." ' The reason of this comparative apathy was partly that the contest seemed to be one between Democratic fac tions, and partly that the public had grown weary of the Kansas question. Moreover, the public mind was not en grossed with politics. The hard times which followed the financial panic were the every-day consideration. A wide spread religious revival also absorbed the attention and ener gy which would otherwise have been devoted to politics.2 The day before the vote was taken, Douglas rose from a sick-bed to make another bold and manly protest against the action proposed. He resented executive dictation, aver ring that he should vote according to his sense of duty, ac cording to the Avill of his State, and according to the inter ests of his constituents. March 23d, the bill for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution passed the Senate by 33 yeas to 25 ' nays. Broderick of California, Pugh of Ohio, and Stuart of Michigan, Democrats, and Bell and Crittenden, Southern Americans, voted with Douglas and the Republicans in the negative. It was strange enough to see Douglas voting on a political question with Hale, Seward, Sumner, and Wade. It now remains to consider the action of the House. The House was composed of one hundred and twenty-eight Dem ocrats, ninety -two Republicans, and fourteen Americans, Orr, of South Carolina, being speaker. It was moved to refer the President's Lecompton message to a special com mittee of fifteen. This gave rise to a heated session, lasting all night. A violent altercation occurred between Keitt, of South Carolina, and Grow, of Pennsylvania. Keitt was the aggressor, and it was commonly reported that GroAv knocked 1 March 5th, Life of Parker, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 219. ' In a future volume I shall give an account of this revival. 298 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1868 him down ; but the South Carolinian, in making an apology afterwards, said he was utterly unconscious of having re ceived any blow.' Stephens wrote : " Last night we had a battle-royal in the House. Thirty men at least were en- 1 gaged in the fisticuff. Fortunately no weapons were used. ; Nobody was hurt or even scratched, I believe ; but bad feel- ing was produced by it. It was the first sectional fight ever had on the floor, I think ; and if any weapons had been on hand it would probably have been a bloody one. All things here are tending to bring my mind to the conclusion that i the Union cannot or will not last long." 2 The political atmosphere of Washington was highly charged. Shortly after this affray in the House, Came ron, of Pennsylvania, and Green, of Missouri, had a contro versy in the Senate, and each gave the other the lie. The Yice-President interfered with decision, and a per sonal encounter was prevented, but Green threatened to settle the affair five minutes after the Senate should adjourn.3 But no challenge was sent, and the following • day both gentlemen made the usual personal explanations. Out of this affair, however, grew an agreement between Cameron, Wade, and Chandler, in which they asserted that in the event of any Republican senator receiving gross personal abuse, they would make his cause their own and " carry the quarrel into a coffin." 4 The President's message was afterwards referred to a select committee of fifteen in the House, and three reports were made representing the different shades of opinion. Stephens Avrote the majority report, and averred that a large number of States would look upon the rejection of Kansas " with extreme sensitiveness, if not alarm." The 1 See New York Times correspondence, Feb. 26th ; Congressional Globe, vol. xxxvi. p. 623 ; Recollections of Mississippi, R. Davis, p. 371. 2 Letter of Feb. 5th, Johnston and Browne, p. 329. 3 Congressional Globe, vol. xxxvii. p. 110. 4 See Life of Chandler, p. 144; Life of Wade, Riddle, p. 250. Ch.IX.]. THE ENGLISH BILL 299 Senate bill being under consideration, Montgomery, a Dem ocrat of Pennsylvania, on the 1st of April, offered an amendment wmich was substantially the same as one which had been proposed by Crittenden in the Senate ancl which had been rejected by that body. It provided that the Le compton Constitution should be submitted to a vote of the people of Kansas ; if assented to, Kansas should become a State on the proclamation of the President ; if rejected, the inhabitants of the territory were authorized and em powered to form a constitution and State government. This amendment was carried in the House by a vote of 120 to 112. Every member but one was in his seat when the vote was taken : * ninety-two Republicans, twenty-tAvo Democrats, and six Americans voted for the amendment ; one hundred and four Democrats and eight Americans voted against it.2 The Senate would not accept this amendment ; it asked for a committee of conference. The House voted to adhere, but agreed to the conference. In this committee, English, a representative from Indiana, who had voted for the Crit tenden-Montgomery amendment, proposed a compromise which was agreed to, accepted by both Houses and became a law. This measure offered Kansas a large grant of gov ernment lands, and provided that the proposition should be voted on by the people of Kansas. If a majority voted for acceptance, Kansas should be admitted into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution by proclamation of the Presi dent. If the people rejected the offer, then the territory could not be admitted as a State until its population equalled the ratio required for a representative. It was in effect a bribe of land to induce the people of Kansas to accept the Lecompton Constitution. The bill was acceptable to the Lecomptonites ; Green, Hunter, and Stephens having, with English, signed the conference-committee report, while Sew ard and Howard dissented. When this measure was pre- 1 New York Independent, April 8th. s New York Times, April 2d. 300 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1868 sented, Douglas, according to Wilson, wavered.' In his speech he said he had hoped to find in it such provisions as would enable him to give it his support ; but he did not consider it "a fair submission to the people under such cir cumstances as to insure an unbiassed election and fair re turns."2 Douglas voted against the English bill, and so did Brod- erick, Stuart, and Crittenden, Avhile Pugh sided with the majority. There were 31 yeas and 22 nays. Broderick gained laurels in the controversy. The adroit use of the patronage of the administration diminished gradually the number of Northern Democrats Avho had set out to oppose the Lecompton policy, but he remained steadfast and ear nest. Forney regarded him as the soul of the little party; Wilson speaks of him as "ever bra\Te and true;" and Sew ard wrote that the moral influence of Stuart and Broderick, especially Broderick, was prodigious.3 The English bill passed the House by a vote of 120 to 112 ; of the tAventy-two anti-Lecompton Democrats twelve voted against it, while nine gave their votes in its favor, and one failed to record his vote. The administration and its agents had been busy in drumming up supporters. The Secretary of the Treasury was especially active." The patronage of the government was used in an unblushing manner ; large contracts for supplies for the military expe dition to Utah were distributed to influence votes of repre sentatives ; and money was directly employed to aid in the passage of the measure.5 Haskin, of New York, Avas tempt ed Avith the grant of a township of land, but he spurned the 1 Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 563 ; see also speech of Carl Schurz, Sept., 1860, Speeches, p. 169. 2 Speech of April 29th. 3 Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. i. p. 25 ; Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 563 ; Seward to Pike, April 15, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 417. 4 Casket of Reminiscences, Foote, p. 118. s See Covode Committee Report and testimony of Wendell, Bean, and Walker ; Atlantic Monthly, vol. iii. p. 478 ; Forney's Vindication, Phila delphia Press, Sept. 30th, 1858. CH.IX] THE ENGLISH BILL 301 offer.' It would not be just to infer that all the anti-Le- compton Democrats Avho changed did so from interested motives, for Governor Walker gave an honest opinion in favor of the English bill ; * and there were, undoubtedly, congressmen who regarded the matter from the same point of view. Nor were the patronage and money all used to secure the passage of the English measure, for from the time that the Lecompton Constitution Avas sent to Congress these agencies were at work on the members of the House to procure the adoption of the administration policy. We may anticipate the chronological order of events and relate that on August 2d a vote was taken in Kansas in ac cordance Avith the act that' had passed Congress ; 13,088 votes were cast, and 11,300 of them were against the Eng lish proposition.3 This disposed of the Lecompton Consti tution, and effectually determined that slavery should not exist in Kansas. But the question left an irreconcilable breach in the Democratic party which Avas big Avith conse quences for the Republicans and for the country. 1 See letter of Haskin to Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 565. 2 See letter to Congressmen Cox and Lawrence, April 27th, New York Times, May 4th. 3 Spring's Kansas, p. 236. CHAPTER X In the summer and fall of 1857, the prospects of the Ee- publican party did not seem bright. There was a natural reaction from the high enthusiasm which characterized the campaign of the preceding year. The Tribune argued elab orately to prove that the Republican party was not dead, but admitted that the failure to achieve success in 1856 had caused a dropping-off of those who had gone into the move ment, thinking it Avould carry the country and give them a chance at the offices.1 In the Northwest, the outlook for the new party Avas especially gloomy.2 The result of the fall elections all over the North was discouraging. A large falling-off of the Republican vote, due to apathy and the engrossing attention caused by the financial stringency, was nearly everyAvhere noted. It is undeniable that, until it be came known that Douglas intended to oppose the policy of the administration, the future looked very unpromising for the Republicans. But after the contest was fairly entered upon, a general cheerfulness might be observed in Republi can circles. Senator Wade wrote to Pike : " My opinion is that the end of the old Locofoco party is at hand. It gives ' signs of woe that all is lost.' They are hopelessly broken and must die. The party is in the same fix that the old Whig party was in on the repeal of the compromise— di vided in the middle, North and South. I hope to be able, during the session, to preach its funeral sermon."3 No mat- 1 See New York Weekly Tribune, Aug. 6th. " Life of Douglas, Sheahan, p. 383. 3 Jan. 10th, 1858, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 378. Ch.X] SEWARD ON THE ARMY BILL 303 ter what might be the result, the fight could only inure to the benefit of the Republicans. The Republican party, said a New Orleans journal, " seemed on the brink of dissolution, but has recently been galvanized into renewed symptoms of vitality and vigor " by the apostasy of Stephen A. Douglas. And another said, " Only the other day the hopes of the Black Republicans were down to zero ; now they are ap parently up to vernal heat. " ' When Republicans gathered together, president-making became a favorite topic of discussion. The names in every one's mouth, as possible candidates in 1860, were Seward, Fremont, Banks, Chase, or Bissell.2 It was quite apparent that Seward thought the Republican nomination worth striv ing for ; yet his course during the winter leaves one in doubt as to the theory upon which he was working. But his ca reer is full of inconsistencies. In 1850 he Avas the radical of radicals, and in the higher-law doctrine reached a more ex treme position than he ever afterwards took ; in 1854 he held back from the formation of the Republican party ; Avith the advance in 1855 and 1856, he now veered round to the con servative side. His course on the army bill Avas a surprise. On account of difficulties with the Mormons in Utah, that seemed to re quire an additional military force, it Avas proposed to increase the army. Seward, separating himself from all of his Re publican friends except Cameron, supported the bill for this purpose. The main objection of the Republicans arose from the fear that the army would be improperly employed in Kansas. Seward's remarks in favor of the bill drew an indignant rebuke from Hale. " I have listened," Hale said, "with extreme pain and disappointment and mortification 1 The New Orleans Bee and the New Orleans Delta, cited by Von Hoist, vol. vi. p. 177. a New York Courier and Enquirer, cited by the New York Times, Jan. 1st, 1858. Bissell had been elected governor of Illinois over Richardson in 1856. 304 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 to the speech Avhich he has made — a pain equal to that with which I heard the great statesman of New England, Daniel Webster, some eight years ago, with the ripe honors of near ly threescore and ten years, bring himself and his fame and his reputation, and lay them down as an offering at the footstool of the slave power. ... Is it a time for my friends, is it a time for the distinguished senator from NeAv York, upon whom the eyes and the hearts of the friends of liberty have centred and clustered, when such dangerous and fatal and damnable doctrines are proclaimed and practised upon by the Executive of the United States, to vote seven thou sand extra men to him V Seward said in reply : " I know nothing, I care nothing— I never did, I never shall — for party ;" and then his optimism, ever a prominent feature of his character, broke forth. " I am very sorry," he exclaimed, " that the faith of the honora ble senator from NeAv Hampshire is less than my own. He apprehends continual disaster. He wants this battle con tinued and fought by skirmishes, and to deprive the enemy of every kind of supplies. Sir, I regard this battle as al ready fought ; it is over. All the mistake is that the honor able senator and others do not know it. We are fighting for a majority of free States. They are already sixteen to fifteen ; ancl whatever the administration may do — whatever anybody may do — before one year from this time we shall be nineteen to fifteen." ' Fessenden was disgusted, and on the day of this debate wrote confidentially : " Seward, I understand, is to make a speech for the bill. He is perfectly bedeviled. He will vote alone, so far as the Republicans are concerned ; but he thinks himself Aviser than all of us." 2 1 Seward reckoned on the admission of Minnesota, Oregon, and Kansas. This debate took place Feb. 2d. " Fessenden to Pike, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 379. Seward wrote his son, Feb. 5th : " The onslaught upon me was a breaking-out of discontent among my associates. I treated it with kindness and without Ch.X] SEWARD ON POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY 305 Whether the course of Seward Avas dictated by a noble in dependence of party trammels, or whether he was trimming to catch the moderate element among the Republicans and Democrats at the North, it seems impossible to decide. In his speech on the Lecompton question, he gave his adhesion to the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and said that he would cheerfully co-operate with Douglas, Stuart, and Brod erick, "these new defenders of the sacred cause in Kansas'." ' This speech drew from Chase a mild protest. " I regret ted," he wrote, " the apparent countenance you gave to the idea that the Douglas doctrine of popular sovereignty will do for us to stand upon for the present." 2 The expressions of Seward indicated a harmony of feeling between Douglas and the Republicans that at one time promised an impor tant combination and perhaps a new party. Greeley was willing to go a great way in that direction, and possibly among the mixed motives for his course was the desire to head off Seward from the presidency. The letter of Gree ley dissolving the firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley had been written and delivered, but it had not been made pub lic ; yet one might see in the columns of the Tribune a stud ied distrust of the New York senator.3 An inside rumor at Washington was current that the Tribune was for Douglas for President." Those who knew Greeley's despair of elect ing a candidate on the straight Republican issue, and his in tense predilection for an available man,6 were quite ready to feeling in my private conversation and bearing, and, on the whole, it has done no harm and much good. It needed this to avert the tendency of our party to make a false issue on this Mormon question." — Life of Sew ard, vol. ii. p. 335. 1 March 3d, Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 596. 8 Letter of March 11th, Life of Chase, Warden, p. 343. 8 See editorial in the New York Times, Feb. 9th. 4 Letter of Israel Washburn to Pike, March 16th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 403. 6 Illustrating this, see letter of Greeley to George E. Baker, Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 255. IL— 20 306 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 believe the report. Many Southerners were of the opinion that Douglas Avas willing to be the candidate of the Repub licans.1 But Douglas Avas practical. A legislature was to be elected in Illinois this fall to choose a senator in his place, Avhile the presidential contest was two years off. The friendly rela tions that existed during the winter between him and the Republicans, and their frequent conferences, had for a result that all the leading Eastern Republicans, nearly every sena tor, and many representatives were anxious that their party should make no opposition to Douglas in Illinois. Wilson, Burlingame, and Colfax were especially active in urging this policy.2 Israel Washburn, a congressman from Maine, wrote confidentially that he was willing Douglas should be anything else but President.3 Greeley and Bowles, with their powerful journals, warmly favored his return to the Senate, unopposed by the Republicans." The Times, which had been the NeAv York city organ of Seward, thought the formation of a new party probable. It Avould be composed of Douglas Democrats and Republicans, who were not abolitionists, and Douglas would be its leader. This journal approved the purpose of Seward to act cordial ly with Douglas, and maintained that the recognition of the principle of popular sovereignty was all that was needed to allay the slavery agitation.5 1 Speeches and writings of Clingman, p. 450. 5 Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 567 ; Life of Bowles, Mer riam, vol. i. pp. 229 and 232 ; Life of Lincoln, Herndon, p. 394 ; Life of Colfax, Hollister, p. 119. See also speech of Kellogg, of Illinois, in the House, March 13th, 1860, Appendix to Congressional Globe, 1st Sess. 36th Cong., cited by Von Hoist. s Washburn to Pike, March 16th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 403. * Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. i. p. 229 ; Recollections of a Busy Life, Greeley, p. 358 ; New York Tribune, June 24th ; see also Life of J. R Giddings, Julian, p. 351. 5 See New York Times, March 5th, Feb. 9th, and April 27th. Ch. X.] PROMINENCE OF DOUGLAS 307 Seward, however, had no mind to stand aside for Douglas ; but the notion then prevalent, that success could not be achieved on the radical platform of 1856, had probably lodged in his brain. Moreover, no lawyer could have the same confidence in the principle of congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories, after the Dred Scott decision, that he had before. It may be that SeAvard thought he could use Douglas for his own benefit and that of the coun try. He told Herndon there was no danger of the Repub licans taking up Douglas, for they could not " place any re liance on a man so slippery ;" ' and his personal friend, James "Watson Webb, denied in June that Seward was in favor of the return of Douglas to the Senate.'" It is nevertheless true that in the spring of 1858, Douglas was the best-known and most popular man at the North, where his popular-sovereignty doctrine was deemed a Avon- derful political invention that was certain to settle the slavery question in the interest of freedom.3 Chase, Avho had the preceding year been elected a second time governor of Ohio, protested, in an emphatic letter, against the tendency of the prominent Eastern Republicans. " That Douglas acted boldly, decidedly, effectively, I agree," he wrote ; " that he has acted in consistency with his own principle of majority-sovereignty, I also freely admit. For his resistance to the Lecompton bill as a gross violation of his principle, and to the English bill for the same reason, he has my earnest thanks. I cannot forget, however, that he has steadily avowed his equal readiness to vote for the admission of Kansas as a slave or a free State, . . . and that he has constantly declared his acquiescence in the Dred Scott de- 1 This was probably some time in March. See Life of Lincoln, Hern don, p. 394. 2 History of Lincoln, Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 139. 3 As illustrating this, see Political Recollections, Julian, p. 166. " Chase to Pike, May 12th, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 419. 308 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1868 But more important still, the Republicans of Illinois, un der the lead of Abraham Lincoln, their candidate for sena tor, protested. We have already had glimpses of Lincoln ; it is now time to describe him more fully. His mother, a natural child of a Virginia planter, was a woman of strong intellect. Be lieving that he had inherited from her his mental power, it was a favorite theory, perhaps suggested to him by Shake speare, that natural children were often abler than those born in wedlock. His father wras a shiftless, poor white of Kentucky, who Avas taught by his Avif e to read painfully and Avrite clumsily. Abraham Lincoln's family moved to Indi ana when he was seven ; when he had just passed his tAventy- first birthday, they forsook Indiana and settled in Illinois. When he was nominated for President, a Chicago jour nalist, desiring to write a campaign biography, asked him for facts concerning his early life. "It can all be con densed," he replied, " into a single sentence, and that sen tence you will find in Gray's ' Elegy ': " ' The short and simple annals of the poor.' " ' His school education was meagre, his business ventures unprofitable. He neglected his shop to read Shakespeare and Burns, and preferred discussing politics with his custom ers to selling them goods ; but he had a fine sense of honor in money matters, and was scrupulous in discharging debts which the mismanagement and misfortune of others threAV upon him. He studied law, and at the age of twenty-eight began practice ; but he loved politics better than law. In his study of the one and his devotion to the other may be seen the efforts at self-education that made up in some de gree his lack of scholastic training. Lincoln was not a reader of wide range, but he studied thoroughly the Bible and Shakespeare. The moral, philo sophic, and literary quality of these works so permeated his ' Herndon, p. 2. Ch.X.] CHARACTER 0E LINCOLN 309 soul and gave such vigor to his speech that it might be said of him, " Beware of the man of one book." Learning the surveyor's art as a means of livelihood, he nurtured at the same time his innate love of mathematics, and later, in private study, he mastered the six books of Euclid. The Bible, Shakespeare, and Euclid furnished strong mental dis cipline, and were perhaps the best of all books for self-edu cation. Lincoln's emotional nature Avas touched by the poems of Burns, and by others written in his own day. He delighted in the physical sciences, and liked fiction, but cared little for history, and thought biographies were lies. " The life of the streets " taught Lincoln, as it did Socra tes.' He loved and belie\red in the common people, but the common people whom he- amused with his anecdotes were American-born and country and village residents. Think ing that the finest humor could be found among the lower orders of the country people, he garnered up their jokes for use on a larger stage. The stories he told to the admiring and gaping crowd of the tavern were of the bar-room order ; if witty, it mattered not to him that they were broad. Lov ing leisure, he might have been called in those days (1830- 1835) a loafer ; but his personal morals remained unscathed. He used neither liquor nor tobacco, although he took pleas ure in a horse-race and a cock-fight. Lincoln, like Socrates, was odd in his personal appearance, though with a different grotesqueness of exterior. And to Lincoln, as to Socrates, were denied the felicity of domes tic life and the pleasures of a quiet home. He loved the practice of law on the circuit, where he had the constant and congenial society of brother attorneys ; and when Sun day came, instead of going home as did his companions, he lingered to pursue his Socratic studies among the loungers of the tavern. But after beginning the study of law and interesting himself in politics, he found that while he had 1 This comparison is suggested by a thoughtful review in the Nation of the Life of Lincoln by Herndon, vol, xlix. p. 173. 310 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 ideas, it was necessary to grope about for words to express them. He therefore took time from his beloved mathemat* ics to give to the study of grammar. Devotion to politics made him a member of the Illinois legislature ; and in 1837, with one associate only, he made a protest against certain resolutions Avhich had passed main taining " that the right of property in slaves is sacred to the slave-holding States." These two caused to be spread upon the journal their opinion that slavery was " founded on both injustice and bad policy." Six years before, Avhile at NeAv Orleans, Lincoln had seen a comely mulatto girl put up at auction. The examination of her qualities by expectant buyers moved him profoundly, and he said to his com panion : " If I ever get a chance to hit slavery, I will hit it hard." ' Keenly appreciating humor, he was yet subject to deep fits of melancholy. The humorist afterwards known as Pe troleum Y. Nasby saw him for the first time in 1858, and thought his the saddest face he had ever looked upon. In spite of his life passing, as it were, open to public gaze, Lin coln was reticent about the deepest feelings of his nature, and had hardly a friend to whom he opened his whole soul. His searching self-examination calls to mind Marcus Aure- lius. He was simple, candid, kind, but rarely praised anoth er. Deemed physically lazy, he Avas intellectually energetic, and had great power of application. Reading few books, he thought on Avhat he read long and carefully ; his opin ions were wrought out by severe study and patient reflec tion. In 1846 he was elected to Congress, and gratified his hatred of slavery, during the single term he served, by vot ing for the Wilmot proviso forty-two times. His two years at Washington made him realize the power Avhich a knowl edge of literature gives a man in public life. Afterwards, in travelling on the circuit, he carried, besides his constant com- ' Herndon, p. 76. Ch.X.] CHARACTER OF LINCOLN 311 panion Euclid, a copy of Shakespeare, to the study of which he again assiduously devoted himself. He reached eminent rank in his profession, being esteemed the strongest jury-lawyer in the State; but he was a bad ad vocate in an unjust cause. His clearness of statement was remarkable, and his undoubted sincerity carried conviction. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise diverted Lincoln's attention from law to politics. Prominent in the Illinois canvass of 1854, he became, on the election of an anti-Ne braska legislature, a candidate for United States senator. But there were five anti-Nebraska Democrats whose choice was Lyman Trumbull. These would not, under any circum stances, vote for Lincoln or another Whig. Although he could control forty-seven votes, which Avas within four of the necessary number to elect, yet, rather than risk the elec tion of a Democrat, he, with rare judgment and magnanim ity, advised his friends to go for Trumbull, who accordingly Avas chosen on the tenth ballot. Lincoln felt deep disappointment at failing to secure the coveted place, for his ambition was great. When a young man, in a fit of profound depression, he said to the most in timate friend he ever had : " I have done nothing to make any human being remember that I have lived. To connect my name with events of my day and generation, and so im press myself upon them as to link my name with something that Avill redound to the interest of my fellow-men, is all that I desire to live for." ' From that time on he had thirst ed for fame. Fie would gladly feed on popularity, and had confidence in his ability to do mighty things, should the opportunity offer. Yet his speech was modest. In the de bates of 1858 with Douglas, when seemingly overtopped by the greatness of his rival, his expressions of self-deprecia tion were so marked as now to strike one painfully, even as with a dim suggestion of the humbleness of Uriah Heep. How keenly he felt his failure to obtain a hearing is illus- ' Hemdon, p. 217. 312 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1868 trated by an occurrence in 1857. Associated with Edwin M. Stanton and another attorney in a case of great impor tance that was to be tried in the United States Circuit Court before Judge McLean at Cincinnati, it lay between Lincoln and. Stanton as to who should make the second ar gument. It was finally decided in favor of the Pennsylva nian. Lincoln thought Stanton purposely ignored him and treated him with rudeness; while Stanton was little im pressed with the ability of the other, whose appearance, manner, and garb, suited perhaps to the prairie, were but ill adapted for intercourse with the serious attorneys and grave judges of the East.1 Ungainly as Lincoln appeared, he had the instincts of a gentleman. In a speech at Springfield this year he said : I shall never be a gentleman " in the outside polish, but that which constitutes the inside of a gentleman I hope I under stand, and am not less inclined to practise than others." ' When Lincoln entered upon political life he became reti cent regarding his religious opinions, for at the age of twenty - five, influenced by Thomas Paine and Yolney, he had written an extended essay against Christianity Avith a view to its publication. A far-seeing friend, however, took the manuscript from him and consigned it to the flames. At the period that our story covers, Lincoln did not believe in the inspiration of the Scriptures or the divinity of Christ, and in moments of gloom, or when wrestling with deep re flection, he doubted the existence of a personal God and a future life. The religious writer whom he chiefly read, and whose influence he felt most, was Theodore Parker. The argument in Chambers's "Vestiges of the Creation " struck him with force ; his scientific mind laid fast hold of the doc trine of evolution hinted at in that famous work. Standing out beyond all other characteristics of Lincoln, manifesting itself in private life, in business, during legal 1 See Herndon, p. 353. ¦ Speech at Springfield, July 17th, 1858. Ch.X.] LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 313 consultation, in forensic contest, and illuminating his strife for political place and power, is his love of truth and justice. When twenty-four years old he was called " honest Abe." At no time, and in no circumstances of his life, did he do aught that threw the faintest taint of suspicion upon this title spontaneously given in a rude village of Illinois. Such was Lincoln at the age of forty-nine, when he stood forth to contest the senatorship with the most redoubtable debater of the country. He and Douglas had first met in 1834, and the rivalry between them, begun early, did not end until 1860. Both aspired to the hand of the same woman, and Lincoln's manly and rugged qualities proved more attractive than the fascinations of the eloquent and dashing Douglas. Yet in the race for political preferment, Douglas far outstripped the other. Though four years younger, he went to Congress four years earlier ; and when Lincoln was a representative, he was a senator, with ap parently many years of political honors before him. This greater success was largely due to the fact that Douglas be longed to the dominant party in Illinois. In 1858, Douglas had a great national reputation, while Lincoln's name had only begun to reach beyond the confines of his own State.1 Douglas, however, knew his rival better than did the people of the East. On hearing that Lincoln would be his opponent, he said to Forney : " I shall have my hands full. He is the strong man of his party — full of wit, facts, dates — and the best stump-speaker, with his droll ways and dry jokes, in 1 My authorities for this characterization of Lincoln are the Life by Hemdon ; the History by Nicolay and Hay ; the biographies of Lamon, Arnold, Holland, Raymond, and Stoddard ; and the Reminiscences pub lished by the North American Review. On his religious views especially, sec Herndon, p. 435 et seq. ; Lamon, pp. 486, 496, 499 ; and for a different view from that taken in the text, though relating to a later period of Lin coln's career, see Holland, p. 236 ; Nicolay and Hay, vol. vi. p. 339 ; Ar nold, p. 179 ; Recollections of President Lincoln, by L. E. Chittenden, pp. 219, 223, 382, 428, and chapter xlvi. ; see also The Nation, June 4th, 1891. 314 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 the West. He is as honest as he is shrewd ; and if I beat him, my victory Avill be hardly won." ' Douglas, in his first speech of the campaign, paid to Lincoln a generous compli ment. " I have known," said he, " personally and intimate ly, for about a quarter of a century, the worthy gentleman who has been nominated for my place, and I will say that I regard him as a kind, amiable, and intelligent gentleman, a good citizen, and an honorable opponent."2 The Republican State Convention, meeting at Springfield, June 16th, unanimously nominated Lincoln as the senatorial candidate of the party. He addressed the delegates in the most carefully prepared speech he had ever made.3 Fully aware for some time previous what the action of the con vention would be, he had thought earnestly on the princi- ciples he should lay down as the key-note of the campaign. As ideas occurred to him, he wrote them down on scraps of paper, and when the convention dreAv near, after weighing every thought, scrutinizing each sentence, and pondering every word, he fused them together into a connected whole. Esteeming that this would be for him a pregnant oppor tunity, he paid great attention to the art as well as the mat ter of his discourse. Drawing inspiration from a careful reading of the greatest of American orations, he modelled the beginning of his speech after Webster's exordium." Lincoln began: "If we could first know where we are and whither Ave are tending, we could better judge what to do and hoAV to do it. We are noAv far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated AArith the avowed object, and con fident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it Avill not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and ' Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. ii. p. 179. 2 Douglas at Chicago, July 9th, Lincoln and Douglas Debates, p. 9. 3 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 136. 4 Herndon, pp. 397 and 400. Ch.X.] LINCOLN'S OPENING SPEECH 315 passed. ' A house divided against itself cannot stand.' 1 believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis solved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slaArery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate ex tinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." ' No Republican of prominence and ability had advanced so radical a doctrine. Lincoln knew that to commit the party of his State to that belief was an important step, and ought not to be taken without consultation and careful re flection. He first submitted the speech to his friend and partner, Herndon. Stopping at the end of each paragraph for comments, wrhen he had read, " A house divided against itself cannot stand," Herndon said : " It is true, but is it wise or politic to say so ?" Lincoln replied : " That expres sion is a truth of all human experience, ' A house divided against itself cannot stand.' ... I want to use some uni versally known figure expressed in simple language as uni versally well known, that may strike home to the minds of men in order to raise them up to the peril of the times ; I do not believe I would be right in changing or omitting it. I would rather be defeated with this expression in the speech, and uphold and discuss it before the people, than be victo rious without it." When we consider Lincoln's restless ambition, his yearn ing for the senatorship, and his knowledge that he Avas start ing on an untrodden path, there is nobility in this response. Two years before he had incorporated a similar aArowal in a speech, and had struck it out in obedience to the remon strance of a political friend. Now, however, actuated by Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 1. 316 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 devotion to principle, and perhaps feeling that the startling doctrine of 1858 would ere long become the accepted view of the Republican party, he was determined to speak in ac cordance with his own judgment. Yet as he wanted to hear all that could be said against it, he read the speech to a dozen of his Springfield friends, and invited criticism. None of them approved it. Several severely condemned it. One said it was " a fool utterance," another that the doctrine Avas " ahead of its time," while a third argued that " it would drive aAvay a good many voters fresh from, the Democratic ranks." Herndon, who was an abolitionist, alone approved it, and exclaimed : " Lincoln, deliver that speech as read, and it will make you President." After listening patiently to the criticisms of his friends, Avho ardently desired his political advancement, he told them that he had carefully studied the subject and thought on it deeply. " Friends," said he, " this thing has been re tarded long enough. The time has come when these senti ments should be uttered ; and if it is decreed that I should go clown because of this speech, then let me go down linked to the truth — let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right.'" After his startling exordium, Lincoln described the ad vance made by the cause of slavery in virtue of the Dred Scott decision, related how different events led up to the announcement of the opinion of this court, and intimated by his well-known allegory that there was a conspiracy be tween high parties in the State.2 He then addressed him self to the argument uoav frequently maintained, that the slave power could be best opposed by Republicans enrolling themselves under the leadership of Senator Douglas. " There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends," said he, " and yet whisper us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is " to overthrow " the poAver of the present political dynasty. . . . They wish us to infer all See Herndon, pp. 398, 400. 2 See p. 267. Cg.X.] LINCOLN'S OPENING SPEECH 317 from the fact that he now has' a little quarrel with the pres ent head of the dynasty ; and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point upon which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But ' a living dog is better than a dead lion.' Judge Doug las, if not a dead lion for this work, is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advance of slavery ? He does not care anything about, it. His avowed mission is impressing the public heart to care nothing about it. . . . He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to one of a mere right of property. . . . Clearly he is not noAv with us — he does not pretend to be, he does not promise ever to be. /'Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own undoubted friends — those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work — who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, Avith every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, under the con stant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and pampered ene my. Did we brave all then to falter now? — now when that same enemy is Avavering, dissevered, and belligerent ? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail — if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it, but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to come." ' On the 9th of July, Douglas reached his Chicago home. He had a magnificent and enthusiastic reception, in strik ing contrast to the one of four years previous. It was a worthy tribute on account of the determined fight he had made against the administration ; nor was the friendly feel- Lincoln-Douglas Debates, pp. 4, 5. 318 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 ing towards him confined to the Democrats. Besides his present political popularity, his hold on Chicago people was strong, for he was an eminent citizen of this city of enter prise, devoted to its prosperity, and giving gages of his faith by large investments in its real estate. He was generous, too, and had made a gift of ten acres of valuable land to he used as the site for the University of Chicago. Chicago on this day delighted to do honor to its distinguished citizen, and Douglas was proud of his " magnificent welcome." His speech was in his best manner. He exulted that the Lecompton battle had been won, and that the Republicans had come around to the doctrine of popular sovereignty. In arguments that are familiar to my readers, he vindicated this principle, and pointed to his record from 1854 as dis playing consistency and fidelity. He complimented Lincoln personally' and then seized upon his " house-divided-against- itself " doctrine to show the issue that lay between them. With much ingenuity he construed this declaration to mean a desire for uniformity of local institutions all over the country, and as an attack upon State sovereignty and per sonal liberty. In truth, Douglas averred, " Variety in all our local and domestic institutions is the great safeguard of our liberties." The direct and unequivocal issue between Lincoln and himself was : " He goes for uniformity in our domestic institutions, for a war of sections until one or the other shall be subdued ; I go for the great principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the right of the people to decide for, themselves." In regard to Lincoln's criticism of the Dred Scott deci sion, Douglas said : " I have no idea of appealing from the decision of the Supreme Court upon a constitutional ques tion to the decisions of a tumultuous town meeting ;" and " I am free to say to you that, in my opinion, this govern ment of ours is founded on the Avhite basis. It was made by the white man, for the benefit of the white man, to be ' See p. 314. Ch.X] LINCOLN'S REPLY TO DOUGLAS 319 administered by white men in such manner as they should determine." ' Lincoln heard this speech, and the next evening replied to it. But his argument was much inferior in force and in dic tion to that of his speech at Springfield ; it showed a want of careful preparation, without which he was never at his best. Douglas replied to him at Bloomington, July 16th, and had much to say about the doctrine of the " house di vided against itself." It invited, he maintained, a warfare of the States. Lincoln " has taken his position," he contin ued, "in favor of sectional agitation and sectional warfare. I have taken mine in favor of securing peace, harmony, and good-Avill among all the States." 2 In this speech, Douglas praised the New York Tribune and the Republicans for the course they had taken during the last session of Congress. At Springfield, the next day, Lincoln rejoined. He de clared that the doctrine of popular sovereignty, as expound ed by Douglas, Avas "the most arrant humbug that had ever been attempted on an intelligent community." He de nied the charge that he invited a war of sections. He had only expressed his expectation as to the logical result of the existence of slavery in the country, and not his wish for such an outcome. Moreover, he had again and again expressly disclaimed the intention of interference with slavery in the States. He then charged Douglas himself with being the cause of the present agitation. " Although I have ever been opposed to slavery," said he, " up to the introduction of the Nebraska bill I rested in the hope and belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. For that reason it had been a minor question with me. I might have been mistaken ; but I had believed, and now believe, that the whole public mind — that is, the mind of the great majority — had rested in that belief up to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise." He again criticised the Dred Scott decision and exclaimed : " I adhere to the Declaration of Indepen- 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, pp. 10, 11, 12. " Ibid., p. 31. 320 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 dence. If Judge Douglas and his friends are not willing to stand by it, let them come up and amend it. Let them make it read that all men are created equal except ne groes." ' The opening notes of the campaign were favorable to Douglas. Coming to his home with well -won prestige, the hearty and sincere reception of Chicago seemed to foreshadow that the people of Illinois would say by their votes in November, " Well done, good and faithful ser vant." The usual means to rouse campaign enthusiasm Avere not lacking, and at every place he had an ovation. Cannon thundered out a welcome, bands of music greeted him, every evening meeting ended with a display of fire works. Special trains were at his disposal, and commit tees of escort attended his every movement. In the dec orations of the locomotive that hauled his train and the car on which he rode, on every triumphal arch under Avhich he passed in the cities that welcomed him, and on the banners borne in the processions that turned out to do him honor, was emblazoned the motto " Popular Sov ereignty." Money Avas not lacking to produce the blare and flare of the campaign ; for, lavish himself, and mortgag ing his Chicago real -estate for means to meet his large expenses, Douglas felt free to accept the contributions of liberal friends.2 Lincoln's " house-divided-against-itself " declaration A\Tas received Avith joy by the Democrats. By the Republican party workers it was deemed a great mistake. To them, at best, the contest seemed unequal. Their candidate had no right to handicap himself by the assertion of a principle far in advance of his party and of what the occasion demanded. It was apparent to Lincoln and his advisers that the current was setting against him ; nevertheless, he had not the slight- 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, pp. 57, 59, 60, 63. 2 See Life of Douglas, Sheahan ; Life of Douglas, by H. M. Flint; Lin coln-Douglas Debates, p. 55. Ch.X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 321 est regret for the positive manifesto he had put forth. Thinking that the adroit and plausible Douglas could be better answered if they spoke from the same platform, it was determined that Lincoln should challenge him to a series of joint debates. The challenge Avas accepted and the arrangement made for seven meetings — one in each con gressional district, except those districts containing Chicago and Springfield, where both had already spoken. The places selected Avere Ottawa and Freeport, which were in strong Republican districts, whose congressmen Avere Lovejoy and Washburne ; Galesburg, representing a locality of moderate Republican strength; Quincy and Charleston, situated in districts that gave fair Democratic majorities; and Alton and Jonesboro, strong Democratic localities. Jonesboro Avas in what was known as " Egypt ;" it gave that year to John A. Logan, the Democratic candi date for congressman, more than 13,000 majority. In 1856 the Arote in Illinois was : For Buchanan, 105,348 ; for Fremont, 96,189 ; and for Fillmore, 37,444. The Republi can hope of success lay in securing a large proportion of the vote that had been cast for Fillmore. Northern Illinois, in conformity with the general trend of Western settlement, had been peopled from NeAv England, NeAv York, and northern Ohio, and was strongly Republican ; while southern Illinois, receiving its population mainly from Virginia and Kentucky, Avas as strongly Democratic. The central part of this State was the battle-ground. Douglas had an ad vantage in that of the tAvelve State senators holding over, eight were Democrats ; moreover, the legislative apportion ment was based on the census of 1850, but the State census of 1855 had shoAvn a much larger proportional increase in the northern part of the State than in the southern. Lincoln had to win the favor of the abolitionists of whom Lovejoy was a type, of the moderate Republicans, and of the old-line Whigs and Americans. He had to contend against the opposition of many Eastern Republicans, of whom Greeley wras the most outspoken, and against the IL— 21 322 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 lukewarmness of others.' But as the canvass proceeded and the issue became clearly defined, the New York Trib une could not consistently do aught but give Lincoln a hearty support.2 Appreciating the importance of the old Whig vote, and hoping that his former devotion to that party and its prin ciples Avould prove a potent influence to attract support, Lincoln was grieved Avhen he learned that Senator Critten den, of Kentucky, Avhom he highly esteemed, was favorable to the election of Douglas, and Avould not remain silent when asked for sympathy.3 Douglas also {ried to Avin the favor of the old-line Whigs, and he gladly referred to his efforts Avhen he " acted side by side with the immortal Clay and the godlike Webster " in favor of the compromise measures of 1850.4 It seemed at first as if it Avould be a desperate struggle to keep intact the Democratic vote ; for while Douglas had the machinery of the party and practically all of the Democratic press, the patronage of the administration was powerfully used against him. The proscription of Douglas Democrats holding office Avas relentless. The organ of the adminis tration saAV little choice between Lincoln and Douglas, and thought that true Democrats stood in the position of the Avoman Avho looked on at the fight betAveen her husband and the bear.6 The rancor of Buchanan against Douglas had by no means abated with the adjournment of Congress, and it Avas whispered that the bitter abuse of the Little . Giant in the editorial columns of the Union Avas directly inspired by the President from his summer retreat. The administration party had legislative tickets in nearly every 1 See Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 140 ; Herndon, pp. 391 and 413 ; and the file of the New York Times during the contest. 2 See editorial in New York Tribune, July 12th, and the file of that paper to the end of the campaign. 3 Life of Crittenden, Coleman, vol. ii. p. 162. * Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 39. 5 Washington Union, Aug. 28th. Ch.X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 303 district, and while they avowed that their object and hope were to elect enough members to hold the balance of power and secure an administration Democrat for senator, every one knew that the only appreciable result of their action was to divide the Democratic party and help the Republi cans.' Douglas several times spoke bitterly of the war that was made upon him within his party. " The Washington Union" he said on one occasion, " is advocating Mr. Lincoln's claim to the Senate. . . . There is an alliance between Lincoln and his supporters, and the federal office-holders of this State and presidential aspirants out of it, to break me doAvn at home."2 In the last debate, referring to the trouble be tween Douglas and the administration, Lincoln declared : " All I can say noAv is to recommend to him and to them to prosecute the war against one another in the most vig orous manner. I say to them, 'Go it, husband! Go it, bear !' " s The two leaders met first at Ottawa, August 21st. That Lincoln Avas willing to pit himself against Douglas in joint debate showed an abiding confidence in his cause and in his ability to present it. For he had to contend Avith the ablest debater of the country, the man who in senatorial discussion had oA'ermastered Seward, Chase, and Sumner, and Avho more recently had discomfited the champions of Lecompton. Lincoln had less of the oratorical gift than Douglas, and he lacked the magnetism that gave the Little Giant such a personal following. Tall, lean, gaunt, and aAvkward, his appearance as he rose to speak was little fitted to win the sympathy of his hearers. " When he began speaking," Avrites Herndon, " his voice was shrill, piping, and unpleasant. Flis manner, attitude, his dark, yellow face, wrinkled and dry, his oddity of pose, his diffident movements " " — all seemed 1 Life of Douglas, Sheahan, p. 431. 2 At Freeport, Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 105. 3 At Alton, ibid., p. 223. * Life of Lincoln, p. 400. 324 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 against him. But when he got into the heart of his subject, he forgot his ungainly appearance; his soul, exalted by dwelling upon his cause, illumined his face with earnest ness, making it lose " the sad, pained look due to habitual melancholy ;" ' and his voice and gestures became effective. In every speech of Lincoln breathed forth sincerity and de votion to right. Whatever other impressions were received by the crowds who gathered to hear him in the summer and fall of 1858, they were at one in the opinion that they had listened to an honest man. The conditions of the Ottawa debate were that Douglas should open with an hour's speech, Lincoln to follow for one hour and a half, and Douglas to have thirty minutes to close. In the succeeding debates, the time occupied was the same, but the privilege of opening and closing alternated between the two speakers. In the speech beginning the discussion, Douglas again sneered at the " house -divided -against -itself " doctrine, charged Lincoln Avith being an abolitionist because he had opposed the Dred Scott decision and had construed the "all -men -are -created -equal" clause of the Declaration of Independence to include the negro. " I do not believe," declared Douglas, " that the Almighty ever intended the negro to be the equal of the white man. . . . He belongs to an inferior race, and must always occupy an inferior position." 2 In calling Lincoln an abolitionist at Ottawa, it was not Avholly for the effect it Avould have on the immediate au dience — for the district that sent Lovejoy to Congress, and the people Avho cheered the doctrine of the " divided house " Avhen Douglas repeated it to condemn it,3 Avere not to be affected by that name — but it was rather for the Avider au dience Avho would read- the speeches in print. If Douglas could fasten on Lincoln the name abolitionist, it would have 1 Ibid., p. 405. 2 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 71. 3 Ibid., p. 70. Ch. X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 325 an influence in the central part of the State, where the old- line Whigs might turn the scale either Avay. The Illinois abolitionist differed from those who acknowledged Garrison and Phillips as their leaders, in that he believed in political action, and Avas not a disunionist; yet political definitions are frequently confused, and if a man were deemed an abolition ist, it would not be unnatural to think that he subscribed to Garrison's dogmas — " The United States Constitution is a covenant Avith death and an agreement Avith hell," and " No Union with slave-holders." In Illinois as a whole, and, for that matter, generally throughout the North, it was a bar to political preferment to be known as an abolitionist. Lincoln was not, however, in any sense of the word an abolitionist. He quoted from his Peoria speech of 1854 to show exactly his position, then added : " I have no pur pose to introduce political and social equality between the Avhite and the black races. There is a physical difference between the two which, in my judgment, Avill probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the su perior position. I have never said anything to the contrary ; but I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the Avhite man." ' He continued in the strain, and in almost the words, of his Springfield speech of 1857.2 Lincoln replied to the criticism on his " house-divided- against-itself " doctrine. "The great variety of the local institutions in the States," said he, " springing from differ ences in the soil, differences in the face of the country and in the climate, are bonds of union. They do not make ' a ' Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 75. s See p. 266. 326 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 house divided against itself,' but they make a house united. If they produce in one section of the country what is called for by the Avants of another section, and this other section can supply the Avants of the first, they are not matters of discord, but bonds of union — true bonds of union. But can this question of slavery be considered as among these va rieties in the institutions of the country ? I leave it to you to say whether, in the history of our government, this in stitution of slavery has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary, been an apple of discord, and an element of division in the house." ' It was in the Ottawa speech, when alluding to the vast influence of Douglas, that Lincoln made an oft-quoted re mark — the assertion, indeed, of an old political truth, yet a truth not always comprehended, and at this time an im portant lesson for Republicans to learn. The forcible ex pression of it by their Illinois leader shows how profoundly he had grasped the situation. " In this and like commu nities," said he, " public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment nothing can fail ; Avithout it, nothing can succeed. Consequently, he who moulds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces de cisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impos sible to be executed." 2 The importance of the Freeport debate, which occurred six days after that at Ottawa, arises from the catechising of each candidate by the other. Lincoln answered frankly the seven questions put to him by Douglas. The four im portant statements were : he was not in favor of the un conditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law ; was not pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, nor to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States; but he did belieATe it was the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the territories.3 The crowd of people that listened to the debate at Freeport 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 76. ¦ Ibid., p. 82. 3 Ibid., p. 88. Ch. X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 327 inclined as strongly to abolitionism as any audience that could be gathered in Illinois, and Lincoln's answers regard ing his position on the Fugitive Slave law and the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia must have been un palatable to many who heard him. It was ground much less radical than Seward, Chase, and Sumner had taken at different times ; for the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, and the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, were, after 1850, the demands of Free-soilers and conscience Whigs. But Lincoln had never been through the Free-soil stage. As a Whig, following Clay and in fluenced by Webster, he had acquiesced in the compromise of 1850,' and his belief in making political action turn on the slavery question was born of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. His never-varying principle, to which at all times and in all places he adhered, was the prohibition by Congress of slavery in the territories. Lincoln likewise asked Douglas four questions. In the ansAver to one, Douglas enunciated Avhat is known as the Freeport doctrine. The question of Lincoln was : " Can the people of a United States territory, in any lawful way, against the Avish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State con stitution?"2 It was necessary for Douglas, in his reply, to reconcile his principle of popular sovereignty Avith the Dred Scott decision. " It matters not," he said, " what Avay the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a terri tory under the Constitution ; the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legis lature ; and if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 120. 2 Ibid., p. 90. 328 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 legislation effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legis lation Avill favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave terri tory or a free territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill." ' This ansAver attracted more attention throughout the country than any statement of Douglas during the cam paign ; and, Avhile he could not have been elected senator Avithout taking that position, the enunciation of the doc trine Avas an insuperable obstacle to cementing the division in the Democratic party. The influence of this meeting at Freeport is an example of the greater interest incited by a joint debate than by an ordinary canvass, and illustrates the effectiveness of the Socratic method of reasoning. Dur ing this same campaign, Douglas had twice before declared the same doctrine in expressions fully as plain and forcible,2 but without creating any particular remark ; while now the country resounded with discussions of the Freeport theory of " unfriendly legislation." During this debate, Douglas lost the jaunty air that had characterized his previous efforts. Brought to bay by the remorseless logic of Lincoln, he was nettled to the point of interlarding his argument with misrepresentation ; and, as the audience was lacking in sympathy with him, his abuse of the " Black Republican party," and of Lincoln and Trumbull, provoked running comments from the crowd, until, at last, apparently losing his temper, he was drawn into an undignified colloquy Avith some of his hearers. A passage from Lincoln's concluding speech at Freeport ' Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 95. 2 At Bloomington, July 16th, where he spoke of legislation being "un friendly;" and at Springfield, July 17th, when he said, " Slavery cannot exist a day in the midst of an unfriendly people Avith unfriendly laws." —Ibid., pp. 35, 49. Ch. X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 329 must be cited, as it shows a prevalent opinion about Douglas in Illinois, and Avas, moreover, not controverted by him dur ing these debates ; it likewise confirms what has been pre viously stated. Judge Douglas, affirmed Lincoln, at the last session of Congress, " had an eye farther North than he has to-day. He was then fighting against people Avho called him a Black Republican and an abolitionist. . . . But the judge's eye is farther South now. Then it was very peculiarly and decidedly North. His hope rested on the idea of visiting the great 'Black Republican' party, and making it the tail of his new kite. He knows he was then expecting from day to day to turn Republican and place himself at the head of our organization." ' It is interesting to follow these debates in their chrono logical order as the country in 1858 followed them. It was an intellectual duel between him Avho represented the best element of the Democratic party and the man who was building up principles, facts, and arguments into a well- defined and harmonious political system. " It was no ordi nary contest, in which political opponents skirmished for the amusement of an indifferent audience," said McCler- nand, Avho had taken part in the campaign on the side of Douglas ; " but it was a great uprising of the people, in which the masses were politically, and to a considerable extent socially, divided and arrayed against each other. In fact, it was a fierce and angry struggle, approximating the character of a revolution." " It is not, however, necessary for our purpose to consider every meeting in detail. There was in the debates much of an ephemeral and personal character. In the personal controversy, Lincoln displayed more acerbity than his oppo nent. This Avas not surprising, since Douglas did not show entire fairness. When a charge was refuted, he had a Avay of making it in another shape, so that it Avas impossible to 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, pp. 108, 109. 2 House of Representatives, March 13tb, 1860. 330 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 get him to admit that he was mistaken. Although fre quently exhibiting a hasty temper, he Avas usually brimming over Avith good feeling, and this circumstance, together with his effective manner of reiterating a charge, gave him an evident superiority over Lincoln in this feature of the dis cussion. There Avas a great desire, on the part of the de baters, to get the better of one another in the immediate judgment of the actual audience ; and this gave rise to per sonal repartees. Here Lincoln did not appear to advantage, on account of his ungainly way of putting things ; nor was Douglas altogether happy, because of his great desire to gain immediate points by employing the debater's tricks. Douglas, better practised in the amenities of debate, paid Lincoln more than one graceful compliment, but Lincoln had no words of unmeaning praise for his opponent. In his hits at Douglas there are touches of sullen envy mixed with self -depreciation, and laments that fortune should have show ered gifts on the Little Giant, while bestowing but meagre favors on himself. He had long envied Douglas, and it galled him that his early rival had succeeded so well in win ning fame, while he, conscious of equal intellectual power and of higher moral purpose, should be little known beyond his own State.' But when the discussion turned on principles, the advan tage of Lincoln is manifest. As the contest proceeded it grew hotter; and his bursts of eloquence, under the influence of noble passion, are still read with delight by the lovers of humanity and constitutional government. The positions that Douglas had advanced required a cool head to maintain ev erywhere an appearance of consistency between them. In the increasing heat of the controversy, he sometimes over looked this, and was influenced too much by his immediate audience, forgetting for the moment that the whole country Avas looking on, and would read in tranquil hours his every Avord. 1 See, besides the Debates, Lamon, p. 341 ; Holland, p. 155. Ch.X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 33 1 In all the debates, Douglas had little to say on the Le compton question, although, when he did touch upon it, he spoke well ; but, in the main, he seemed again the Douglas of 1854. The radical difference between him ancl the Re publicans appears in every debate; they could agree on anti- Lecompton, but on nothing else ; and now that the Lecomp ton question was settled, it left the former contention in full vigor. Divested of oratorical flourish, there is little variety in the speeches of Douglas. He scouted continually the idea that the " all-men-are-created-equal " clause of the Declaration of Independence referred to the negro. He charged the Re publicans Avith having formed a sectional party, and in every debate condemned his opponent's doctrine of the "house divided against itself." His most forcible expression on this subject was at Charleston.1 "Why should this govern ment," he asked, " be divided by a geographical line — array ing all men North in one great hostile party against all men South ? Mr. Lincoln tells you that ' a house divided against itself cannot stand.' . . . Why cannot this government en dure divided into free and slave States, as our fathers made it % When this government was established by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, Franklin, and the other sages and patriots of that day, it was composed of free States and slave States, bound together by one common Constitution. We have existed and prospered from that day to this, thus divided. . . . Why can we not thus con tinue to prosper ?" 2 Lincoln's reply Avas forcible : " There is no way," he said, " of putting an end to the slavery agitation amongst us but to put it back upon the basis Avhere our fathers placed it ; no way but to keep it out of our new territories — to restrict it forever to the old States where it now exists. Then the public mind will rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. That is one way of putting an end to Sept. 18th. * Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 155. 332 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 the slavery agitation. The other way is for us to surrender, and let Judge Douglas and his friends have their way and plant slavery over all the States ; cease speaking of it as in any way a Avrong ; regard slavery as one of the common mat ters of property, and speak of negroes as we do of our horses and cattle. But while it drives on in its state of progress as it is now driving, and as it has driven for the last five years, I have ventured the opinion, and I say to-day, that Ave Avill have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other. I do not mean that Avhen it takes a turn towards ultimate extinction, it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peaceful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at least ; but that it will occur in the best Avay for both races, in God's own good time, I have no doubt." ' In the Jonesboro debate, Lincoln had made clear the fallacy of the Freeport doctrine. But in the rejoinder, Douglas showed Avhat a powerful argument the Dred Scott decision was against the cardinal Republican principle of prohibition by Congress of slavery in the territories.2 The great historical importance of these debates lies in the prominence they gave Lincoln. The distinction was well deserved. In the Peoria speech of 1 854, the Springfield address of 1857, and his published speeches of the 1858 cam paign, Ave have a body of Republican doctrine which in con sistency, cogency, and fitness can nowhere be equalled. Lin coln appealed alike to scholars, men of business, and the common people, for such clearness of statement and irref ragable proofs had not been known since the death of Webster. The simple, plain, natural unfolding of ideas is common to both Lincoln and Webster ; and their points are made so clear that, Avhile under the spell, the wonder groAVS how doubts ever could have arisen about the matter. But Avhile it is the sort of reasoning that seems easy for the 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 157. * Ibid., pp. 127, 135. Cn.X] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 333 hearer or reader, it is the result of hard Avork on the part of the author. A distinguished thinker has said that mathe matical studies are of immense benefit to the student " by habituating him to precision. It is one of the peculiar ex cellencies of mathematical discipline that the mathematician is never satisfied Avith a peu pres. He requires the exact truth ;" and the practice of mathematical reasoning " gives wariness of mind ; it accustoms us to demand a sure foot ing." ' Undoubtedly the days and nights given by Lincoln to Euclid had much to do with fitting him so well for this contest. His simple and forcible vocabulary was due to the study of the Bible and Shakespeare. In the habitual use of words that were in our vernacular before the eighteenth century, Webster and Lincoln are alike. With Webster this was a deliberate choice, but Lincoln had found the Elizabethan language a fit vehicle for his thoughts, and his studies had gone no further. Some further extracts from Lincoln's speeches are neces sary in order fully to understand the historical importance of these debates. He said at Galesburg:2 "The real differ ence between Judge Douglas and the Republicans ... is that the judge is not in favor of making any difference be tween slavery and liberty — that he is in favor of eradicating, of pressing out of view, the questions of preference in this country for free or slave institutions; and consequently every sentiment he utters discards the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. Everything that emanates from him or his coadjutors in their course of policy carefully ex cludes the thought that there is anything wrong in slavery. If you Avill take the judge's speeches, and select the short and pointed sentences expressed by him — as his declaration that he ' don't care whether slavery is voted up or doAvn ' — you will see at once that this is perfectly logical, if you do 1 Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy, by John Stuart Mill, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311. 2 0ct- 7th. 334 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 not admit that slavery is Avrong. If you do admit that it is wrong, Judge Douglas cannot logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted down. Judge Doug las declares that if any community want slavery, they have a right to have it. He can say that logically if he says that there is no wrong in slavery ; but if you admit that there is a wrong in it, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do wrong. He insists that, upon the score of equal ity, the owners of slaves and owners of property — of horses and every other sort of property — should be alike and hold them alike in a new territory. That is perfectly logical if the two species of property are alike, and are equally found ed in right. But if you admit that one of them is wrong, you cannot institute any equality between right and wrong.'" Lincoln had no patience with the new construction of the Declaration of Independence. " Three years ago," he de clared, " there had never lived a man Avho had ventured to assail it in the sneaking way of pretending to believe it, and then asserting it did not include the negro. I believe the first man who ever said it was Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the next to him Avas our friend Ste phen A. Douglas. And now it has become the catchword of the entire party." 2 This remark wTas made during the last debate at Alton.3 In this city, Avhich looked across the river upon the State of Missouri, Avhere Southern sympathy was strong, and which was famous in abolition annals as the place where Lovejoy had been murdered by a pro-slavery mob, Lincoln reached a greater height of moral power and eloquence than he had attained since his opening Springfield speech. " When that Nebraska bill was brought forward, four years ago last January, was it not," he asked, "for the avowed object of putting an end to the slavery agitation? . . . We were for a little while quiet on the troublesome 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 181. 2 Ibid., p. 225. 3 Oct. 15th. Ch. X] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 335 thing, and that very allaying plaster of Judge Douglas's stirred it up again. . . . When Avas there ever a greater agita tion in Congress than last Avinter ? When was it as great in the country as to-clay? There Avas a collateral object in the introduction of that Nebraska policy, which was to clothe the people of the territories with a superior degree of self-government beyond Avhat they had ever had before. . . . But have you ever heard or known of a people anywhere on earth who had as little to do as, in the first instance of its use, the people of Kansas had with this same right of self-government? In its main policy and in its collateral object, it has been nothing but a living, creeping lie from the time of its introduction till to-day." ' Lincoln made a good argument drawn from the letter of the Constitution. " The institution of slavery," he said, " is only mentioned in the Constitution of the United States tAvo or three times, and in neither of these cases does the word. ' slavery ' or ' negro race ' occur ; but covert language is used each time, and for a purpose full of significance ; . . . and that purpose was that in our Constitution, which it was hoped and is still hoped will endure forever — Avhen it should be read by intelligent and patriotic men, after the institu tion of slavery had passed from among us, there should be nothing on the face of the great charter of liberty suggest ing that such a thing as negro slavery had ever existed among us. This is part of the evidence that the fathers of the government expected and intended the institution of slavery to come to an end. They expected and intended that it should be in the course of ultimate extinction. And when I say that I desire to see the further spread of it ar rested, I only say I desire to see that done Avhich the fathers have first clone. When I say I desire to see it placed Avhere the public mind Avill rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, I only say I desire to see it placed where they placed it. It is not true that our fathers, as Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 228. 336 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 Judge Douglas assumes, made this government part slave and part free. . . . The exact truth is, they found the insti tution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the government they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of the difficulty, the absolute impossibility, of its immediate removal. And when Judge Douglas asks me Avhy we cannot let it remain part slave and part free, as the fathers of the government made it, he asks a question based upon an assumption which is itself a falsehood ; and I turn upon him and ask him the question, Avhen the policy that the fathers of the government had adopted in relation to this element among us was the best policy in the world — the only wise policy — the only policy that we can ever safely continue upon — that will ever give us peace, unless this dangerous element masters us all and becomes a national institution — / turn upon him and ask him why he coidd not leave it alone." ' The stock complaint about the agitation of slavery was effectively answered. " Judge Douglas has intimated," said Lincoln, " that all this difficulty in regard to the institution of slavery is the mere agitation of office-seekers and am bitious Northern politicians. ... Is that the truth? How many times have we had danger from this question? . . . Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up in every avenue of society — in politics, in religion, in litera ture, in morals', in all the manifold relations of life? Is this the work of politicians ? Is that irresistible power which for fifty years has shaken the government and agitated the people to be stilled and subdued by pretending that it is an exceedingly simple thing, and Ave ought not to talk about it ? If you will get everybody else to stop talking about it, I assure you I will quit before they have half done so. But 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 229. Ch.X.] THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 337 where is the philosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that disturbing element in our society which has disturbed us for more than half a century, Avhich has been the only serious danger that has threatened our institutions ? I say, Avhere is the philosophy or statesman ship based on the assumption that we are to quit talking about it, and that the public mind is all at once to cease be ing agitated by it ? Yet this is the policy here in the North that Douglas is advocating — that Ave are to care nothing about it ! I ask you if it is not a false philosophy ? Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes to build up a system [ of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about the very thing that everybody does care the most about ? — a thing which all i experience has shown we care a very great deal about ?" ' The real issue, Lincoln affirmed, is whether slavery is right or Avrong. " That is the issue that will continue in this country Avhen these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles — right and wrong — throughout the Avorld. They are the tAvo principles which have stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right of kings. It is the same principle, in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, ' You work and toil and earn bread, and I'll eat it.' No matter in Avhat shape it comes, Avhether from the mouth of a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live by the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle." 2 The excitement in Illinois mounted up to fever heat. Never had there been such a campaign. That of 1856 was calm by comparison. The debates did not take place in halls, for no halls were large enough. These meetings were held in the afternoon, in groves or on the prairie, and the 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, pp. 230, 231. • Ibid., p. 234. IL— 22 338 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1868 audiences were from five thousand to ten thousand. At the Charleston meeting it was estimated twenty thousand were present.1 EveryAvhere women vied with men in their interest in the contest. The joint meetings and the speeches of which mention has been made by no means measure the Avork of the two can didates. Lincoln spoke incessantly. In the hundred days of the campaign, Douglas made one hundred and thirty speeches.2 As the Little Giant had the Republicans and the influence of the administration to fight, his efforts seemed heroic ; and during the campaign the opinion was universal that, if successful, it Avould be because his personal prowess had overcome great odds, while defeat might mean his po litical death. A host of lesser Illinois aspirants Avere constantly engaged in campaign work. Members of Congress were to be chosen at the same election, and the candidates stumped thoroughly their districts. Candidates for the legislature occupied a more conspicuous place than usual, for on the successful party Avould fall the duty and honor of naming for senator one of the two men who Avere making Illinois famous. Cor- win and Chase came from Ohio, and Colfax from Indiana, to assist Lincoln in this memorable struggle. Money Avas used on both sides more freely than common in a senatorial campaign, but it was employed only for legitimate purposes." Listening to the arguments of Lincoln and Douglas, the meanest voter of Illinois must have felt that he was one of 1 Arnold, vol. i. p. 147. 5 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 146. 5 Greeley wrote in 1868 : "While Lincoln had spent less than a thou sand dollars in all, Douglas in the canvass had borrowed and dispensed no less than eighty thousand dollars, incurring a debt which weighed him down to the grave. I presume no dime of this was used to buy up his competitor's voters, but all to organize and draw out his own; still, the debt so improvidently, if not culpably, incurred remained to harass him out of this mortal life." — Century Magazine, July, 1891, p. 375, when this paper of Greeley was first published. I believe this to be a correct statemeut. Ch.X.] THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN 339 the jury in a cause of transcendent importance, and that, inasmuch as the ablest advocates of the country were ap pealing to him, he would have deemed it base to traffic in his vote. The party managers knew that success lay only in convincing the minds of men. The contemplation of such a campaign is inspiriting to those who have faith in the people ; for, although Lincoln did not succeed, the Republicans made a material gain over 1856, and paved the way for a triumph in 1860. Personal popularity saved Douglas from defeat ; he had a majority of eight in the legislature. But the Republican State ticket was elected, the head of it receiving 125,430 votes, while the Douglas Democrat polled 121,609, and the Buchanan Democrat 5071. The total vote had increased over that of the presidential election — an unusual occur rence. This was due to the great interest aAvakened by the battle of the giants. The Republicans gained more of the increased vote than the Democrats ; ' but many sincere friends of Lincoln thought that the announcement of the "house-divided-against-itself " doctrine had caused his defeat.2 The exultation of Douglas at his triumph was loud and deep. Lincoln ardently desired a seat in the United States Senate, but, accustomed to defeat, he gave way to no ex pressions of bitter disappointment. Indeed, he had hardly expected a better result, but he was glad he had made the race. He wrote : " It gave me a hearing on the great and durable question of the age which I could have had in no other way ; and though I now sink out of view and shall be forgotten, I believe I have made some marks which Avill tell for the cause of civil liberty long after I am gone." 3 Lincoln had no regrets about his first Springfield speech. Sumner asked him a few days before his death if at the time he had any doubt about that declaration. He replied : " Not 1 Democratic gain measured by the vote for the Douglas ticket, 16,261 ; Republican gain, 29,241. 2 See Lamon, p. 407. s Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 169. 340 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 in the least. It was clearly true." ' Although he had failed to win the senatorship, his speeches had impressed his Illi nois friends with the notion that he was a possible candidate for the presidency, and they broached the subject to him. Lincoln's reply was modest and sincere : " What," said he, " is the use of talking of me Avhilst we have such men as SeAvard and Chase, and everybody knows them, and scarcely anybody outside of Illinois knoAvs me. Besides, as a matter of justice, is it not due to them ? . . . I admit that I am am bitious and would like to be President . . . but there is no such good luck in store for me as the presidency of these United. States." 2 But there was no question in the mind of Douglas regarding the fitness of Lincoln. Being asked his opinion of his late antagonist by Senator Wilson on the first opportunity after the election, Douglas said : " Lincoln is an able and honest man, one of the ablest men of the nation. I have been in Congress sixteen years, and there is not a man in the Senate I would not rather encounter in debate." s Important in its bearing on the future was the impression made by these debates beyond the State of Illinois. The speeches Avere published in full in the Chicago journals; many of them found a place in the St. Louis, Cincinnati, and NeAv York neAvspapers,4 and beyond all else, a Western Republican looked for the verdict of New York and New England. Illinois, in 1858, Avas politically and socially as far from New York city and Boston as Nebraska is to-day.s The readers of the New York journals were, however, kept well informed as to the progress of the campaign, and enough speeches on each side were published to convey a correct idea of the issue betAveen the debaters. Yet public attention centred in Douglas. He had now 1 Sumner's Eulogy on Lincoln, Sumner's "Works, vol. ix. p. 380. 2 Arnold, p. 155 ; The Lincoln Memorial, pp. 473-476. 3 Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 577. * See Arnold, p. 142 ; New York Tribune, Times, and Post. 6 In 1892. Cfl. X.] DOUGLAS 341 with him nine-tenths of the Northern Democrats, and they followed his progress with intense interest. " On the occa sion of our recent visit to New York," wrote the editor of the Philadelphia Press, " we had an opportunity of com mingling freely Avith citizens from all parts of the Union, especially during the Cable Carnival,' and almost the first questions propounded were : ' What is your neAvs from Illi nois ? When have you heard from Senator Douglas ? God speed him ! May he be successful !' And this was the lan guage of all parties, almost without exception. The inter est of the American people in the extraordinary contest in which Judge Douglas is engaged increases with every day."2 Even among Republicans of the East the contest seemed noteworthy only because Douglas was engaged in it. Be fore making the Springfield speech that opened the cam paign, Lincoln was generally regarded as a backwoods law yer who had more temerity than discretion in offering to contest the senatorship with Douglas, against the advice of the wisest Republicans of the East. But with the publication of the " house-divided-against- itself " speech in the Tribune, the eyes of Eastern observers began to be opened to the fact that a neAv champion had ap peared ; and when Lincoln challenged Douglas to a joint de bate, the public realized that a worthy foeman had entered the lists. The Tribune, in spite of Greeley's deprecating the contest, and the Post gave Lincoln a loyal support. The Times, on the contrary, obviously sympathized Avith Douglas ; while the Springfield Republican only came re luctantly to the support of Lincoln.3 Lincoln had attentive readers in NeAv England.4 Twenty- 1 The celebration over the completion of the Atlantic cable. 2 Issue of Sept. 7th. Forney was editor of the Press, and probably wrote this article. "Upon Illinois the eyes of the whole Union are now fixed with intense interest."— Forney's Vindication, Philadelphia Press, Sept. 30th. s See Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. i. p. 234. 4 See the Boston Atlas during the campaign. 342 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 three years afterwards, LongfelloAv Avrote that he well re membered the impression made upon him by Lincoln's speeches in " this famous canvass." ' Parker Avrote in Au gust, 1858 : " I look with great interest on the contest in your State, and read the speeches, the noble speeches, of Mr. Lincoln with enthusiasm."2 A few days later, however, Parker showed that he did not comprehend the need of sinking unimportant issues, in order that the immediate and practical question should stand clearly forth. "In the Ottawa meeting," he wrote, "to judge from the Trib une report, I thought Douglas had the best of it. He questioned Mr. Lincoln on the great matters of slavery, and put the most radical questions . . . before the people. Mr. Lincoln did not meet the issue. He made a technical eArasion. . . . Daniel Webster stood on higher anti-slav ery ground than Abraham Lincoln noAv. Greeley's con duct I think is base. . . . He has no talent for a leader. If the Republicans sacrifice their principle for success, then they will not be lifted up, but blown up. I trust Lincoln Avill conquer. It is admirable education for the masses, this fight !" 3 The contest was Avatched with respect and admiration by every one at the North except by the administration party. A thorough discussion of the issues before the country, Avhich was certain in a debate between two representative men, was by no means desired by the President and his friends. His organ thought the debates a " novel and vicious procedure," the campaign disgraced by " indecencies " and "disreputable vituperation." There was little choice be tween Lincoln and Douglas. Douglas was a 'renegade, Lin coln " a shallow empiric, an ignorant pretender, or a politi cal knave," and the two "a pair of depraved, blustering, mischievous, low-down demagogues."4 1 Arnold, p. 142. - To Herndon, Aug. 28th, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 240. 3 To Herndon, Sept. 9th, Weiss, vol. ii. p. 241. 4 Washington Union, Sept. 2d, 3d, 8th, 16th, 22d. Ch. X] DOUGLAS 343 After the election the tone of the Eastern Republican press was that of pgeans to the victor because his success was a severe blow to the administration. Yet sympathy did not lack for the vanquished, who had made for himself, so one heard on all sides, a national reputation.' As Doug las had won this hard-fought field, he was now the most glorious son of his country. No one came near him in popular estimation; it was generally conceded that he Avould be the Democratic candidate for President in 1860, and would probably be elected. Since " nothing succeeds like success," it was for the most part supposed in the East that as Douglas had won the prize, he had overpowered his antagonist in debate. This remained the prevalent opinion until, in 1860, the debates were published in book form. Since then the matured judg ment is that in the dialectic contest, Lincoln got the better of Douglas. No one Avould now undertake to affirm the contrary ; but Lincoln had an immense advantage in having the just cause, and the one to which public sentiment Avas tending. Douglas showed great power, and, had chance or disposition put him on the anti-slavery side, it is certain he would have been an effective champion. This Ave know in view of the speeches he made in the Lecompton debate when he pleaded for justice and fairness. But we cannot in imagination transpose the two contestants. It is impos sible for the mind to conceive Lincoln battling for any cause but that of justice. The October elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa were decidedly adverse to the administration. That in Pennsylvania attracted especial notice. It was a strong condemnation when the President's own State, usu ally counted on for a good Democratic majority, emphati cally censured his policy. The Republicans, Americans, and anti-Lecompton Democrats united, and won a complete vic tory. Of twenty-five members of Congress, the administra- See the New York Tribune, Times, Post, and Independent. 344 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 tion party elected but three, while in the previous House the Democrats had fifteen. " We have met the enemy in Penn sylvania, and we are theirs," wrote Buchanan to his niece. To her this cold reticent man more nearly opened his mind than to any other person. He proceeded to relate that a number of congenial friends had dined Avith him, and " we had a merry time of it, laughing, among other things, over our crushing defeat. It is so great that it is almost absurd." In this letter he reflects on the causes of the change. " Poor bleeding Kansas is quiet," he continued, " and is behaving herself in an orderly manner ; but her wrongs have melted the hearts of the sympathetic Pennsylvanians, or rather Philadelphians. In the interior of the State the tariff Avas the damaging question." ' Between the October and November elections occurred an event of prime importance. SeAArjard delivered at Roch ester his celebrated irrepressible-conflict speech; it Avas a philippic against the7 Democratic party and its devotion to slavery. As the slave-holders, he said, contributed " in an overwhelming proportion to the capital strength of the Democratic party, they necessarily dictate and prescribe its policy." He exposed the injustice of the slave system, and contrasted the good of freedom with the evil of slavery. He averred that between the two there was a collision. " It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave-holding nation or entirely a free-labor nation." 2 Pew speeches from the stump have attracted so great at tention or exerted so great an influence. The eminence of the man combined with the startling character of the doc trine to make it engross the public mind.3 The Democrats ! Buchanan to Miss Lane, Oct. 15th, Curtis, vol. ii. p. 241. a This speech was delivered Oct. 25th. Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 289. 5 The same notion may be found in previous speeches of Seward (Life, Ch.X.] SEWARD AND THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT 345 looked upon Seward as the representative Republican. When, in the Illinois canvass, Douglas referred to a suppo sitional Republican President, it Avas to Seward by name.1 Jefferson Davis called him " the master mind " of the Re publican party.2 The Republicans looked upon the doctrine announced in the Rochester speech as the well-weighed conclusion of a profound thinker and of a man of wide experience, who united the political philosopher with the practical politician. It is true that four months previously the same idea had been expressed by Lincoln, but the promulgation of a prin ciple by the Illinois lawyer was a far different affair from the giving of the key-note by the NeAv York senator. It is not probable that Lincoln's " house-divided-against-itself " speech had any influence in bringing Seward to this posi tion.3 He would at this time have certainly scorned the notion of borrowing ideas from Lincoln ; and had he studied the progress of the Illinois canvass, he must have seen that the declaration did not meet Avith general favor. It must also be borne in mind that in anti- slavery sentiment the people of New York were far in advance of the people of Illinois, and Seward spoke to a sympathetic audience. " The unmistakable outbreaks of zeal which occur all around me," he began, " show that you are earnest men." In February of this year there had been bodied forth in Seward the politician who sought to discern in Avhich way the tide of opinion was settling. Now, a far-seeing states man spoke. It would, indeed, be difficult to harmonize the speech of February in the Senate with the declaration at Rochester in October ; one was compared to Webster's 7th -of -March speech, and the other commended by the vol. ii. p. 352) ; but it is in the shape rather of a suggestion than a forci ble and precise declaration. ' Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 48. 2 Speech at Jackson, Miss., Nov. 11th, the Liberator, Dec. 3d. 3 See Lincoln's remarks on this subject at Columbus, Sept., 1859, Lin- coln-Qpuglas Debates, p. 244. 346 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1868 abolitionists. The most that can be said is that the earlier expression was a burst of inconsiderate optimism, while the later speech was the earnest conviction of many years, which Seward deemed opportune to proclaim after the sig nal strength the Republicans had displayed in the October elections. In conclusion, the speaker replied to the charge of scoffers that the Republican party was a party of one idea. "But that idea," he exclaimed, "is a noble one— an idea that fills and expands all generous souls. ... I know, and you know, that a revolution has begun. I know, and all the Av.orld knows, that revolutions neA^er go backwards." ' The November elections emphasized what was fore shadowed in October. The North condemned unmistaka bly the administration, and, except in Pennsylvania, there was but one question before the public mind. There the prostration of the iron industry, a result of the panic of 1857, was charged by the Republicans to the tariff bill en acted in March of that year, and the responsibility of the reduction of duties was cast upon the Democrats.2 Such an argument, presented to laborers Avho neither had work nor the prospect of any, undoubtedly aided the opposition in carrying the State.3 In New England, NeAv York, and the Northwest, where the defeat of the administration party was overwhelming, the tariff question was regarded with indifference. There was but one explanation of the result. The people intended to censure the Lecompton policy of the President and to show their disapproval at his evident Southern leaning." To trace the decomposition of political parties which has been going on since 1852, and the formation of new com- 1 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 302. 2 In a future volume I purpose to discuss the tariff of 1846, and the tariff of 1857, in connection with the material prosperity of the decade of 1850-60. 3 See New York Tribune, Oct. 16th ; Washington Union, cited by New York Times, Oct, 26th. * See New York Times, Nov. 5th. Ch.X.] JEFFERSON DAVIS 347 binations which began in 1854, has been a complicated mat ter, for there have been many streams, seemingly running in independent channels. From the close of 1858 to the beginning of the war, however, the political history is easier to grasp, for the reason that leaders have arisen under whom the people have arrayed themsehres, looking to them for guidance. Four leaders represented substantially the political sentiment of the country. Douglas, Seward, Lin coln, and Jefferson Davis were the exponents ; and all but former old -line Whigs, Americans, and abolitionists recog nized in one of them a leader whom they looked to for ed ucation on the issues of the day. Jefferson Davis, now the leader of the Southern Demo crats, was regarded by them with somewhat of the venera tion that had been accorded to Calhoun. Like Calhoun, he could depend on a following beyond the Democratic ranks, on account of being the special representative of Southern interests. It was not a vain boast of Senator Hammond Avhen he said that the South " is almost thoroughly united." As he explained, " The abolitionists have at length forced upon us a knowledge of our true position, and compelled us into union — a union not for aggression, but for defence." ' If the peculiar institutions of the South Avere threatened, Davis might reckon practically on the support of that whole section ; and that being the case, it is of little impor tance that a party organization in opposition to the regular Democrats was kept up. Davis had passed the summer at the North, and his speeches in several of the cities had made a profound and favorable impression. He had sought the bracing climate of New England for the improvement of his health, al though an unfriendly Southern biographer states that he had 1 Speech at Barnwell Court-house, S. C, Oct. 29th. Speeches and Let ters of J. H. Hammond, pp. 352, 356. The Southerners rarely made a distinction between Republicans and abolitionists; but the difference was clear, and always recognized at the North. 348 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 caught the presidential fever, and his journey through the North was intended to work up sentiment in his favor.' His speech at Portland, Maine, called out by a serenade, was a graceful response to people who had shown him " gentle kindness," who had given him a "cordial Avelcome" and a " hearty grasp." He spoke in eloquent terms of the common possession by the North and the South of the Revolutionary history, praised the Constitution, appealed for the Union, and complimented in felicitous terms Yankee skill and enterprise.2 He addressed the Democrats of Boston and New York, both of which cities received him with en thusiasm. If he had indulged in dreams of the presidency, they were ruthlessly dispelled by the result of the fall elec tions, which demonstrated that no Southern Democrat could be elected President. It was also said that his Mississippi constituents found fault Avith the fervent union sentiments he had uttered at the North, and he therefore made a speech at Jackson, Mississippi, to define his position.3 He then as serted that if an abolitionist were elected President — and, in his view, Seward, Lincoln, and Chase were abolitionists— it would be the duty of Mississippi to secede from the Union.4 The Republicans of New York State and New England wTere by no means unanimous in endorsing Seward's Roch ester speech. The NeAv York Times, once his organ, called the assertion that all the States must ultimately become free or slave a glittering generality. It further maintained that, although the Fremont campaign had been fought out on the platform of demanding congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories, and although it was true that most Republicans thought it the correct principle, yet the Su preme Court in the Dred Scott opinion had denied that right, 1 Life of Jefferson Davis, Pollard, p. 51. 2 This speech, not at all partisan in its nature, is printed in the Life of Davis, Alfriend, p. 122. 3 Boston Atlas, cited by the Liberator, Dec. 3d. 4 The Liberator, Dec. 3d. Ch. X] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE 349 and the point must be considered settled. The only way now that slavery could be constitutionally prohibited in the territories was through the operation of the Douglas doc trine of popular sovereignty. Yet there was comfort in the 1 fact that Kansas Avas certain to be free, and that no dispute now existed regarding the establishment of slavery in any territory. It even appeared that the agitation of slavery was subsiding, and it was quite probable that the campaign of 1860 would be made on other issues.' The Springfield Republican thought Seward's irrepressible-conflict declara tion impolitic, and liable to do him and his party damage.2 The President sent his message to Congress at the usual time. He showed great satisfaction that the Kansas ques tion no longer troubled the country, and said that Ave had much reason for gratitude to Almighty Providence that our political condition Avas calmer than one year ago, for then "the sectional strife between the North and the South on the dangerous subject of slaArery had again become so in tense as to threaten the peUce and perpetuity of the Con federacy." In his discussion of the Kansas question, not the faintest intimation appears that he and the pro-slavery party had made a mistake in their endeavor to force slavery upon Kansas. On the contrary, his action was viewed Avith com placency, and he maintained that had his advice been fol- loAved, the agitation would have been sooner allayed and Kansas would noAv be a free State instead of a free terri tory. Referring to his Lecompton policy, the President said : " In the course of my long public life, I have never performed any official act Avhich, in the retrospect, has af forded me more heartfelt satisfaction." The lesson of the elections was lost upon him ; he had learned nothing. His discussion of the Kansas matter Avas a tissue of misrepresen tations, although it is probable they imposed on feAV but himself and his office-holding satellites. It is impossible to 1 See the Times of Nov. 9th, 16th, 19th, 26th, and Dec. 3d. 8 Life of Bowles, vol. i. p. 243. 350 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1858 deny to Buchanan a certain measure of sincerity in his extraordinary utterances ; but if he were sincere, he was strangely dull and perverse. The President referred to the business condition of the country. The hard times, a sequel of the panic of 1857, still continued, but he thought the effects of the revulsion Avere sloAvly but surely passing away. The revenue of the government, however, had fallen short of the expenditure, and he recommended an increase of the duties on imports. In dilating upon internal affairs beyond the domain of poli tics, the President neglected to allude to the yellow-fever epidemic that had visited Mobile and New Orleans. In this he did not follow the example of his predecessor, Avho had made a sympathetic mention of the ravages caused in 1853 by the dread disease. But there was abundant reason for the difference. The mortality this year was less than in 1853 ; for while the fever was of the malignant type, it had not so many fresh subjects to prey upon, and was apparently more skilfully treated.1 In any event, therefore, it Avould not have produced the impression on the public mind that Avas discernible five years before; and it failed even in the effect its importance warranted, on account of the minds of men being engrossed with political and financial affairs. The President showed that he was anxious to acquire Cuba, and, with fatuity rather than disingenuousness, he as signed for a reason that as Cuba Avas " the only spot in the civilized world Avhere the African slave-trade is tolerated," its cession to this country Avould put an end to that blot upon civilization. Buchanan can now only be looked upon as the tool of Southern Democrats. Every one, except ap parently the President, knew that their restless longing for Cuba was prompted by the desire to extend their political power and offset the new free States that were coming into the Union; that, far from wishing the African slave-trade 1 American Almanac of 1860, p. 386 ; The Diary of a Samaritan, p. 322. Ch. X.] THE CUBA BILL 35! suppressed, they Avere now chafing against the United States statutes which forbade it and made it piracy. While the President said plainly that our national char acter would not permit us to acquire Cuba in any way ex cept by honorable negotiation, yet he suggested that cir cumstances might arise where the law of self-preservation would compel us to depart from this course, thereby faintly reaffirming the doctrine of the Ostend Manifesto. As he purposed negotiating for the purchase of the island, he asked Congress for an appropriation of money to be used as an advance payment immediately on the signature of the treaty Avith Spain, so that he might nail the bargain without waiting the ratification of the Senate. The response of the Southern Democrats Avas prompt. Slidell reported a bill from the committee on foreign rela tions to appropriate thirty million dollars for the purpose requested by the President. On the same day the news came from Spain of the sensation caused by the President's message. It had been made the subject of an interpella tion in the Cortes, to which the Minister of State had re sponded, amidst the enthusiastic cheers of the delegates, that a proposition to dispossess Spain of the least part of her territory would be considered an insult. The Cortes voted unanimously that it wTould support the government in pre serving the integrity of the Spanish dominions.' SeAvard called the attention of the Senate to the reception of the President's message in Spain. Had the project been one of honorable negotiation for a peaceful purchase, it would of course have gone no further ; but there was an ulterior intention, and the bill was consequently made a special order for the first day of the following week. The subject gave rise to considerable discussion, in which the aims of the an nexation party were clearly disclosed. It had been a favor ite theory that Spanish officials could be bribed to do what they would emphatically disclaim in the open Cortes ; and See New York Tribune, Jan. 24th, 1859. 352 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 Doolittle, of Wisconsin, charged that this thirty million dol lars was intended to be used in this manner as secret-ser vice money.1 It came out in the debate that the Southerners were will ing to give from one hundred and twenty-five to two hun dred millions for the island ; but if they could not buy it, they Avere prepared, as Mallory, of Florida, disclosed, to take Cuba and talk about it aftenvards, as Frederic the Great did when he marched into Silesia.2 The Cuban question was the occasion of one of those bit ter controversies betAveen Northern and Southern senators that Avere now characteristic of every session.3 The Home stead bill had passed the House, and the Republicans were eager to have it considered in the Senate ; the 25th of Feb ruary had come ; the short session was drawing to a close, and the Cuban bill, Avhich could by no possibility pass the House, had the precedence. Seward urged that it should be laid aside, arguing that the Homestead bill " is a ques tion of homes, of lands for the landless freemen," while " the Cuba bill is the question of slaves for the slave-hold ers." This irritated Toombs, Avho, as soon as he could get 1 Congressional Globe, vol. xxxviii. p. 907. 2 Von Hoist, Congressional Globe, vol. xxxviii. p. 1332. I have not dis cussed foreign relations under the Buchanan administration. Curtis, in his Life of Buchanan, has devoted chapter x. vol. ii., to that subject. For the very important controversy on the right of search, asserted in 1858 by Great Britain in reference to merchantmen suspected of being engaged in the slave-trade, see, also, International Law Digest, Wharton, vol. iii. sect. 327; Letters from London, Dallas, vol. ii. p. 28. 3 " In 1859, there was an unspoken feeling of avoidance between the political men of the two sections, and even to some extent between siich of their families as had previously associated together. Unconsciously, all tentative subjects were avoided by the well-bred of both sections ; it was only when some ' bull in a china shop ' galloped over the barriers good-breeding had established that there was anything but the kindest manner apparent. Still, the restraint was unpleasant to both sides, and induced a rather ceremonious intercourse." — Life of Jefferson Davis, by his wife, vol. i. p. 574. Ch. X.] THE CUBA BILL 353 the floor, exclaimed : " Mr. President, there is one class of people whom I despise as American senators, and that is, demagogues ; but there is another class that I despise a great deal more, and that is the people Avho are driven by demagogues. . . . When you have a great question of na tional policy which appeals to the patriotism of the Avhole American people, a plain and naked question, then Ave hear of ' land to the landless.' If you do not wish to give thirty millions for the acquisition of Cuba, say so by your vote, aye or no ; and then I Avill take up your ' land for the land less.' . . . But we do not want to be diverted from a great question of public policy by pretences or by pretexts, or by the shivering in the wind of men in particular localities." Wade, who knew no fear, and was ever ready to take up the gauntlet thrown down by a fiery Southerner, sprang to his feet, excited by worthy passion,' and exclaimed ; " I am very glad that this question has at length come up. I am glad, too, that it has antagonized with this nigger question. We are 'shivering in the wind,' are we, sir, over your Cuba. question ? You may have occasion to shiver on that ques tion before you are through with it. . . . The question will be, shall we give niggers to the niggerless, or land to the landless? . . . When you come to niggers for the nigger less, all other questions sink into perfect insignificance. But, sir, we will antagonize these measures. I appeal to the country upon them. I ask the people, do you choose that we should go through the earth hunting for nig gers, for really that is the Avhole purpose of the Democratic party. They can no more run their party Avithout niggers than you could run a steam-engine without fuel. That is all there is of Democracy ; and Avhen you cannot raise >niggers enough for the market, then you must go abroad fishing for niggers through the whole Avorld. Are you going to buy Cuba for land for the landless? What is there? You will find three quarters of a million of nig- ¦ Life of Wade, Riddle, p. 262. IL— 23 354 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1869 gers, but you will not find any land — not one foot, not an inch." ' At the close of the debate this day, for the purpose of testing the sense of the Senate, a motion was made by a friend of the measure to lay the bill on the table. This was negatived by a vote of 30 to 18. The next day Slidell withdrew the bill, as he was satisfied it could not be pressed to a vote without a sacrifice of the appropriation bills, 'thereby involving an extra session. He asserted, however, that the Senate on the preceding day had as clearly ex pressed its opinion on the subject as if there had been a final vote. The Lincoln-Douglas debates had put an end to the proj ect of a union between Douglas and the Republicans. While Eastern men and Republican journals might regret that such a combination had not been effected, it was apparent that after the positions Douglas had been forced to take by the inexorable logic of Lincoln, there remained but little common ground between them. Now, however, as the Lecompton question was out of the way, and the Kansas question no longer before the country, it was a matter of moment Avhether the breach in the Democratic party could be healed. Shortly after the close of the Illinois canvass, Douglas made a trip through the South and was received with enthusiasm at Memphis and New Orleans, where he made formal speeches. His journey was not so much a bid for support from the South in his presidential aspirations as it was an endeavor to make converts to his doctrine. His line of argument was the same in Tennessee and Loui siana as it had been in Illinois, and there Avas entire con sistency between his speeches.2 It was stated, however, that only a coterie of public men Avelcomed him at New 1 Congressional Globe, vol. xxxviii. p. 1354. ¦ The New York Times, which still inclined to Douglas, published the Memphis and New Orleans speeches. See the Times of Dec. 17th, 1858, and the Tribune, Dec. 6th, 1858. Ch. X.] DOUGLAS 355 Orleans, and that the prominent members of the party, being devoted to the administration, held aloof. From the tone of the Southern press, it is evident that in many sec tions of the South, Douglas would have been coldly re ceived, for he was looked upon as a traitor to Southern interests.' The pro-slavery faction at Washington Avas like wise bitterly opposed to him. The President was repre sented as implacable ; he justly laid at the door of Douglas his mortifying defeat in the attempt to force the Lecompton Constitution upon Kansas, and the repudiation of his policy by the Northern people. The Freeport doctrine of the Illinois senator seemed heresy to those Avho implicitly be lieved in the Calhoun principle, especially as they were now preparing to give that principle a further extension. These two forces working together, resentment and a sincere dif ference in views, resulted in the Democratic caucus deposing Douglas from the chairmanship of the committee on terri tories, a position he had held ever since he had been in the Senate. This action was taken while Douglas was on his Southern tour. When he returned to the North, he received ovations at New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and was cordially Avelcomed at Washington. He apparently seemed disposed to submit to his removal in silence. It began to be said that his presidential aspirations were so potent that he was AviUing to yield some of the points in dispute; and his support of the thirty -million Cuba bill gave color to this belief.2 But those who thought or hoped that the division in the Democratic party might be cemented Avere undeceived by the fierce debate of February 23d in the Senate, Avhen it became apparent that the difference was irreconcilable. An amendment by Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, to an appropriation bill, offered probably for the purpose of 1 See extracts from Southern journals. The Liberator, Jan. 7th, 1859. ¦ New York Times, Feb. 22d ; see also letter of Letcher to Crittenden, Life of Crittenden, Coleman, vol. ii. p. 170. 356 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1869 bringing to the surface the slumbering disagreement, fur nished the text for the discussion. The Yice-President, Breckinridge, who more than once had contributed his ef forts in the direction of harmony, tried to have a vote taken promptly on the amendment, hoping that as only nine days of the session remained, they might pass without making more pronounced the schism in the party ; but Brown, of Mississippi, demanded a hearing, and his sincere expressions were the beginning of a hot debate between the Democratic factions. " I neither want to cheat nor to be cheated in the great contest that is to come off in 1860," he said. He therefore proposed to give his opinion on a question that would have a most important bearing on the presidential election. " We have," he averred, " a right of protection for our slave prop erty in the territories. The Constitution, as expounded by the Supreme Court, awards it. We demand it, and Ave mean to have it." If the territorial legislature will not protect us, " the obligation is upon Congress. ... If I cannot," he continued, " obtain the rights guaranteed to me and my people under the Constitution, as expounded by the Supreme Court, my mind Avill be forced irresistibly to the conclusion that the Constitution is a failure, and the Union a despot ism, and then, sir, I am prepared to retire from the con cern." Brown Avished, moreover, to say that he utterly re pudiated the Avhole doctrine of squatter sovereignty.' He understood the position of Douglas, since the statement, at Freeport of the theory of " unfriendly legislation," but he Avanted to know how the other Northern Democratic sen ators stood on this question.2 Perhaps if Douglas had been ruled only by his wish to be President, he Avould have remained silent ; but it was not ' By opponents the principle Douglas advocated was often called squat ter sovereignty. He himself made a distinction between '-' squatter" and "popular" sovereignty. See Cutts, p. 123. 2 Congressional Globe, vol. xxxviii. p. 1241. Ch.XJ DOUGLAS AND DAVIS 357 his nature to allow such an avowal to pass unnoticed. As soon as Brown sat down, Douglas leaped to the floor, de manded recognition, and defended his doctrine of popular sovereignty in earnest arguments, familiar to the readers of this work. He made the emphatic declaration : " I tell you, gentlemen of the South, in all candor, I do not believe a Democratic candidate can ever carry any one Democratic State of the North on the platform that it is the duty of the federal government to force the people of a territory to have slavery Avhen they do not want it." ' ¦' Jefferson Davis replied to Douglas : " The senator asks," said he, " will you make a discrimination in the territories ?" that is, Avill you give slave property a greater measure of protection than you would dry-goods, liquors, horses, or cat tle? Davis boldly answered: "I say yes. I would dis criminate in the territories wherever it is needful to assert the right of a citizen. ... I have heard many a siren's song on this doctrine of non-intervention ; a thing shadowy, fleet ing, changing its color as often as the chameleon." If the Democratic party, he continued, " is to be wrecked by petty controversies in relation to African labor ; if a few Africans brought into the United States, where they haAre been ad vanced in comfort and civilization and knowledge, are to constitute the element which Avill divide the Democratic party and peril the vast hopes, not only of our own country but of all mankind, I trust it will be remembered that a few of us, at least, have stood by the old landmarks of those who framed the Constitution and gave us our liberty ; that we claim nothing more now from the government than the men who formed it were AviUing to concede. When this shall become an unpopular doctrine, when men are to lose the great States of the North by announcing it, I wish it to be understood that my vote can be got for no candidate who will not be so defeated. I agree with my colleague that we are not, with our eyes open, to be cheated." 1 Congressional Globe, vol. xxxviii. p. 1247. 358 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 After several senators had spoken, Douglas got an oppor tunity to rejoin: "The senator from Mississippi," he ex claimed, " says if I am not willing to stand in the party on his platform, I can go out. Allow me to inform him that I stand on the platform, and those that jump off must go out of the party." An acrimonious colloquy between Douglas and Davis en sued. Davis spoke of men Avho sought "to build up a po litical reputation by catering to the prejudice of a majority to exclude the property of a minority ;" and Douglas retort ed by saying he hated " to see men from other sections of the Union pandering to a public sentiment against what I conceive to be common rights under the Constitution. ... I hold," he continued, "that Congress ought not to force slav ery on the people of the territories against their will." " I wish to say," Davis replied, " that what the government owes to person and property is adequate protection, and the amount of protection which must be given will necessarily vary Avith the character of the property and the place Avhere it is held ; that any attempt, therefore, to create a preju dice by talking about discrimination between different kinds of property is delusive." 1 tell you, Davis said, addressing himself to Douglas, you, with your opinions, Avould have no chance to get the vote of Mississippi to-day. " I should have been glad," he continued, " if the senator, when he had appeared in the Senate, had answered the expectation of many of his friends, and by a speech here have removed the doubt which his reported speeches in the last canvass of Illinois created. . . . He has confirmed me, however, in the belief that he is nowT as full of heresy as he once was of ad herence to the doctrine of popular sovereignty, correctly con strued." ' Pugh, Broderick, and Stuart, senators from Ohio, Califor nia, and Michigan, agreed with Douglas, and the Southern senators agreed with Davis. This neAv doctrine of the slave 1 For this debate see Congressional Globe, vol. xxxviii. p. 1255 et seq. Ch.X.] DOUGLAS AND DAVIS 359 power had been broached in the press before the assembling of Congress ; ' now it Avas given the seal of approval by the party leaders. In the view of the Southern Democrats, it was simply the logical extension of the Calhoun doctrine and the Dred Scott opinion, yet to the Northern mind it was a startling advance. Calhoun and Taney had main tained that Congress had no right or power to prohibit slavery in the territories, while Davis now held that Con gress was bound to protect it. One was the denial of a power, the other the assertion of a positive duty. If we ' recall the steady encroachment of the slave power, no der tailed argument will be necessary to show that Douglas and his adherents were nearer to the Democratic faith of 1848- 1850 than Davis and his followers. The assertion of this novel doctrine Avas one more arrogant pretension ; it Avas one step farther towards the nationalization of slavery, and it made permanent the division in the Democratic party. Davis and his followers broke up the Democratic party as a prelude to breaking up the Union. The country fully appreciated the importance of this de bate of February 23d, and the general opinion of the public was that it had made the schism irreconcilable. The forma tion of an independent Northern Democratic party, which would either carry the country or give the victory to the Republicans, was presaged, and a split in the next Demo cratic national /convention, appointed at Charleston, was prophesied.2 Besides what has been mentioned, other events of the session demonstrated a lack of affinity between Northern and Southern Democrats. The Pacific Railroad scheme, dear to the North, was killed in the Senate by indirection. The Homestead bill passed the House, with, however, only three 1 Richmond Enquirer, cited by New York Times, Nov. 16th, 1858; Rise and Pall of the Slave Power, Wilson, vol. ii. p. 656. 2 See Pike in the New York Tribune, Feb. 28th ; the New York Times, Feb. 25th ancl March 1st; New York Herald, Feb. 25th. 360 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 members from the slave States voting in favor of it ; but in the Senate it Avas overslaughed by the appropriation bills and the Cuba thirty-million measure, and, although persist ent efforts Avere made, it was impossible to get it considered. The Southern Democratic senators were successful in pre venting an increase of the tariff, which had been recom mended by the President. Although it was represented to them with great force that unless the duties on iron manu factures were raised, Pennsylvania, which the Democrats had lost at the last election, could not be recovered, the argu ment was unavailing.1 The Fugitive Slave law was this year brought promi nently before the public mind. The difficulty in capturing fugitives, the doubt about a decision, the expense and risk of conveying the adjudged slave from communities whose sympathy was aroused in his behalf, had the effect of mak ing rare the pursuit of a runaway negro. The South held it a grievous wrong that fugitives could seldom be regained save at a greater cost than the negro's worth, but the opinion was noAv settling down that no remedy existed for the evil. Attempts Avere made in New York and Pennsylvania to crystallize the public sentiment into personal-liberty laAvs; and although the proposed measures failed of enactment, they had strong supporters. In Massachusetts, a bill which went far beyond the existing personal-liberty law, and spe cifically forbade the rendition of fugitive slaves, was only defeated in the House of Representatives by a majority of three.2 Great excitement was caused in Philadelphia regarding an alleged fugitive Avho had been arrested. A tumult was raised in the street near the court-house, and an immense croAvd assisted at every stage of the proceedings. Never had that community been so stirred up over a runaway ne- 1 See New York Herald, Jan. 30th, Feb. 1st, 3d, 4th, and 7th; Pike to the New York Tribune, Feb. 2d. See Debate on Bigler's Resolutions. 2 The Liberator, April 2d, 8th, 15th ; New York Times, April 15th. Ch. X.] THE OBERLIN-WELLINGTON RESCUE 36i gro. It is possible that an attempt at rescue Avould have been made, had not the commissioner found a technical de fect in the proof and discharged the prisoner.' One of the most notable prosecutions under the Fugitive Slave act took place in Cleveland, Ohio, in the months of April and May. Cleveland Avas the business and political centre of the Western Reserve, and nowhere in the country outside of Massachusetts was the anti-slavery sentiment so strong as in this district. The population was made up of Connecticut and Massachusetts people, and the puritanical love of liberty, law, and order existed in a marked degree, while the narrowness of spirit common to provincial com munities of New England had been broadened by the neces sity of adopting larger methods in the freer atmosphere of the West. Oberlin was a conspicuous place in this district, and an important station on the Underground Railroad.2 Oberlin College had fame abroad, not for deep learning and Avide culture, but for its radical methods. The feature of co-edu cation of boys and girls was adopted without reserve. Of the twelve hundred students Avho yearly resorted there, five hundred were, as the catalogue called them, ladies." If the college did not make profound scholars, it sent forth into the world earnest men ancl women. In 1859, Oberlin College Avas especially known as a cen tre of strong anti-slavery opinions and deep religious convic- 1 New York Tribune and Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, cited by the Liberator, April 15th; New York Times, April 8th. * Oberlin, by Fairchild, p. 114. The authorities of a neighboring township, sneering at the anti-slavery zeal which distinguished Oberlin, showed this feeling in an unmistakable manner. The guide-board on the Middle Ridge Road, six miles from Oberlin, indicated its direction, " not by the ordinary index finger, but by the full-length figure of a fugi tive running with all his might to reach the place." — Ibid., p. 117. 3 In the catalogue for 1858-59, for which I am indebted to Mr. Root, the librarian, the number is set down as 736 " gentlemen " and 513 " ladies." 362 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 tions. Actuated by those sentiments, the reception given to the higher-laAV doctrine as a rule of action towards the Fugitive Slave act was zealous and complete. By its friends, Oberlin was called a highly moral and severely religious town, "an asylum for the oppressed of all God's creation, without distinction of color." ' By its enemies it was stig matized as a hot-bed of abolitionism, and as " that old buz zards' nest where the negroes Avho arrive over the Under ground Railroad are regarded as dear children." 2 In September, 1858, a slave-catcher whose manner and appearance called to mind Haley in " Uncle Tom's Cabin,"3 while at Oberlin seeking some of his own escaped slaves, lighted upon a negro by the name of John, who had, more than two years previously, fled from a Kentucky neighbor. After having procured the necessary papers and the assist ance of the proper officers, fearing that there might be trouble if the arrest were attempted in the village, Jennings, the slave-catcher, had the negro decoyed a short distance from Oberlin, when he was seized and taken to Wellington, a village nine miles distant and a station on the railroad to Columbus. Here it was proposed to take the fugitive for examination before a United States commissioner. The long stay of Jennings in Oberlin had already excited suspicion as to the nature of his visit. The news of this capture quickly spread, and the people of Oberlin were ready to act in the manner that, according to their view, the occasion demanded. A large crowd of men, many of whom Avere armed, proceeded rapidly to Wellington, and took the negro from his captors Avithout firing a shot or harming a person. The negro was promptly driven off in a wagon and escaped effectually from the clutches of his claimant. Thirty-seven men were indicted under the provisions of the 1 Remark of Spalding, attorney for defence, Oberlin -Wellington res cuers' trial, Oberlin-Wellington Rescue, p. 77. 2 Remark of Bliss, attorney for prosecution, ibid., p. 166. 3 Cleveland Herald, April 7th, 1859. Ch. X.] THE OBERLIN-WELLINGTON RESCUE 363 act of 1850 for the rescue of the fugitive. Among them was a superintendent of a sabbath-school, a professor, and several students of Oberlin College. Never had a more respectable body of prisoners appeared at the bar than the gentlemen who were now arraigned in the United States District Court at Cleveland ; nor did they lack defenders. Four eminent attorneys of Cleveland volunteered for the defence. Sym pathy and interest combined to induce them to give their services without a fee. All of them had political aspira tions, and three were eager for the next Republican nom ination to Congress in this district, where that nomination was equivalent to election. The sympathy of the community was so completely with the prisoners that the path to polit ical preferment lay through efforts on their behalf. On the other hand, there was no lack of energy on the part of the prosecution, who had the sympathy of the judge, and the active countenance of the administration at Washington. The district attorney associated with himself an able law yer, and professional pride actuated them to extraordinary efforts. The first person tried Avas Simeon Bushnell. A struck jury was demanded. TAvelve worthy citizens from different parts of the judicial district were the panel : all were Democrats. Some of them, indeed, were representative men of their communities, Avho reverenced the Constitution of the United States, and believed that all laAvs made in pursuance thereof should be rigidly executed ; yet they had warm feelings, and were willing to give the benefit of the doubt to the accused. The scene in the court-room was worthy of memory. A judge Avho had a high idea of the dignity of his office ; attor neys who were fighting for reputation ; the prisoner, a man of unsullied character ; a remarkable jury composed of men whom only a sense of duty could have induced to leave their homes and business ; the court-room crowded with intelli gent people, Avhose sympathy was warm for the prisoner — all combined to make this trial an important episode in the anti-slavery struggle of the decade before the war. 364 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 The law was plain, the evidence clear, and the verdict of the jury, as might have been expected, was " guilty." The interesting pleas of the attorneys were heard by a crowd of men and women who filled the court-room to overflowing. The attorney for the prosecution sneered at the fact that Avhen the Oberlin people went to Wellington for the rescue of the negro, they proclaimed that they were acting under the higher laAv. Riddle, Avho spoke first for the defence, and who, the forthcoming year, Avas elected to Congress from the Cleveland district, boldly declared : " I am a vo tary of that higher laAv ; " and Avhen he said, " If a fugitive comes to me in his flight from slavery and is in need of . . . rest and comfort and protection, and means of further flight, so help me the great God in my extremest need, he shall have them all," the court-room, resounded with the most enthusiastic applause.' Spalding, who also spoke for the defence, and was elected to Congress from the Cleveland district in 1862, maintained that Bushnell was in danger of losing his liberty for nothing else than " obeying the injunction of Jesus Christ, c What soever ye would men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' " 2 It was with some reason that the district attor ney grimly asked : " Are we in a court of justice, or are we in a political hustings ?" And when, yielding to passion, he abused the Republican press of Cleveland and the audi ence of the court-room, he had further evidence of the pre vailing sentiment in unmistakable hisses.3 Until the end of the Bushnell trial, each man under indict ment had been released on his own recognizance ; but now, as the result of an outrageous decision of the judge and consequent wrangling between the attorneys, the Oberlin people determined not to enter recognizance or give their Avord of honor to the marshal that they would appear in the court-room when wanted, and they were therefore taken 1 Oberlin- Wellington Rescue, p. 56. ! Ibid., p. 63. 3 Ibid., pp. 82, 83. Ch. X.] THE OBERLIN- WELLINGTON RESCUE 365 to jail. It was a self-imposed martyrdom; but the fact could not be ignored that these respectable people Avere in prison, and the preaching on Sunday of Professor Peck from the jail-yard produced a remarkable sensation. The court proceedings were called political trials, but Avhen contrasted with state-cases in Europe, except in Eng land, and when compared with English political trials before this century, it is impossible for the historian to draAv a stern picture of governmental tyranny. The men in jail were regarded by the community as heroes ; the judge and district attorney, whose impolitic course had led them to accept imprisonment, were objects of execration. The second person tried was Charles Langston, a colored man, who has since done honor to his race. The technical points in his favor were made the most of by his attorneys, but the jury, a fresh panel, found him guilty. Bushnell was sentenced to pay a fine of six hundred dol lars and costs, and to be imprisoned in the county jail for sixty days. Before Langston was sentenced, availing him self of the usual privilege, he made an eloquent speech. It was a pathetic description of the disabilities under Avhich the negro labored, of the prejudices against himself on ac count of his color shared by judge, prosecutors, and jury, and from Avhich even his able and honest counsel Avere not free. It was indisputable, he maintained, that he had not been tried by his peers. The audience that filled the court room listened to these remarks which by turns produced sensation and gained applause. When Langston finished, the room rang with loud and prolonged demonstrations of approval. Langston's sentence was a fine of one hun dred dollars and costs, and imprisonment for twenty days. The impression produced by these trials deepened. Meet ings of sympathy were held all over the Western Reserve, and on May 24th an immense mass-convention assembled at Cleveland, and heartily cheered the orators of the day as they denounced slavery and the fugitive law. Governor 366 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 Chase made a discreet speech. While he was strongly anti- slavery in feeling, he urged upon his audience that the great remedy for the evils they felt lay in the people themselves, at the ballot-box." The Oberlin and Wellington delegations, headed by their bands, marched to the jail, and were ad dressed from the jail-yard by Langston, Professor Peck, and other prisoners.2 In the meantime, the grand jury of Lorain county — the county in which Oberlin and Wellington are situated — had indicted, under a statute passed in 1857,3 the men who had captured the fugitive, for kidnapping and attempting to carry out of the State in an unlawful manner the negro John, and they were arrested. After lengthy negotiations, a compromise was made by Avhich the Lorain county author ities agreed to dismiss the suits against the alleged kidnap pers. The United States were to enter a nolle prosequi in the remaining rescue cases. The Oberlin prisoners were released ; a hundred guns Avere fired in Cleveland in their honor, and Oberlin gave them an enthusiastic reception. A feAV days later Bushnell, having served out his sentence, was given, on his return home, the welcome of a conquering hero." The sentiment excited by these events is worthy of study, for they made a profound impression on the people of the Western Reserve, and had a material influence on the Re publican party of the State. At their convention, held in June, they demanded the repeal of the Fugitive Slave act.' Nor was the influence confined to Ohio, for in all the West ern States the proceedings were watched with great interest; and NeAv England was, of course, concerned in the result of action that might fitly be ascribed to her influence.6 These manifestations were not from sympathy with the negro ' New York Times, May 31st. 2 Oberlin- Wellington Rescue, p. 257. 2 Laws of Ohio, vol. liv. p. 186. • See Oberlin- Wellington Rescue. a Cleveland Herald, June 3d. 5 See the Liberator of 1859, pp. 66, 73, 84, 88, 90. Ch. X.] THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE 367 John, Avho was known to be a stupid and Avorthless fellow. A humane feeling for the oppressed race was, indeed, aroused by the manly bearing of Langston, but the overshadowing cause of these outbursts of sentiment arose from the fact that the execution of the fugitive law was a badge of the dominion of the slave power over the North ; and the ma jority of the people of Ohio Avere ready to resolve that they would no longer be the servants of the Southern oligarchy. This feeling found fit expression in the Avords of Governor Chase, who, better than any other Republican, represented the sentiment of Ohio.' While the compromise that put a stop to the further prosecution of the prisoners was properly regarded a victory for the Oberlin people, yet the conviction ancl imprisonment of Bushnell and Langston demonstrated that the most obnoxious federal law to the inhabitants of the Western Reserve could be executed among them, and proved the law-abiding character of the people. A far different course of events may be noted at the South. In August, 1858, the slaver Echo, bound for Cuba, with more than three hundred African negroes on board, was captured by a United States vessel and taken to Charleston, South Carolina. An arrangement was made by the President Avith the Colonization Society for the transportation of the ne groes to Africa. The federal authorities made an endeavor to prosecute the crew of the Echo. At first the grand jury found no bill against them ; but on a later consideration they were indicted for piracy under the United States stat ute of 1820. They were tried in the United States Circuit Court at Charleston, and the jury brought in a verdict of not guilty. Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, admitted in the Senate that the sentiment of his State was against the execution of the laws referring to the slave-trade, and the Charleston Mercury thought the action of the jury rea sonable, because it would have been "inconsistent, cruel, and hypocritical in them to condemn men to death for 1 See his speech, New York Times, May 31st. 368 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 bringing slaves into a community where they are bought and sold every day." ' A more flagrant violation of United States law is seen in the case of the yacht Wanderer. She landed over three hun dred negroes, direct from Africa, at BrunsAvick, Georgia. They were sent up the river and sold, being distributed throughout the State, and some of them were taken as far as Memphis. Measures were instituted by the attorney- general and the federal authorities in Georgia to punish the offenders ; the owner and the captain of the yacht and others were indicted, but a jury could not be found to convict them.2 It is undeniable that many negroes were smuggled into the South and sold as slaves, in spite of the United States statutes, Avhich were as stringent as Avords could make them. There are men in every community whose cupidity will tempt them to evade the law, and the temptation Avas noAv very great. A succession of good crops, Avith a large demand for cotton at a high price, had made the South very prosperous. Labor was scarce, and the only source open for a supply Avas Africa. Slaves in the United States were sell ing at exorbitant prices, for their value had risen one hun dred per cent, in fifteen years. " The very negro," said Sen ator Hammond, " Avho, as a prime laborer, would have brought four hundred dollars in 1828, would now, with thirty more years upon him, sell for eight hundred dol- 1 De Bow's Review, vol. xxvii. p. 362 ; Remarks of Senator Hammond, May 23d, 1860. See the Liberator, Dec. 24th and 31st, 1858, and the New York Times, April 19th, 1859; the President's Message, Dec, 1858. 5 J. S. Black to the President, Senate Docs. 2d Sess. 35th Cong., vol. vii.; the President's Message, Dec. 19th, 1859; the debate in the Sen ate, May 21st and 23d, 1860; the Savannah Republican, cited by New York Tribune, Dec. 17th and 24th, 1858 ; the Tribune, March 14th, 1859; the Washington Union, cited by New York Times, Dec. 24th, 1858; the New York Times, April 19th and May 6th, 1859 ; the Liberator, Jan. 14th, 1859 ; Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society for the year ending May 1st, 1860, p. 22. Ch.X] THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE 369 lars."1 In Africa, negroes were ridiculously cheap, and, could the slave-trader escape the clutches of the law, the profit was enormous.2 Public sentiment Avinked at the in fraction of the laAv ; Southern officials, though clothed Avith federal authority, were lax in its enforcement, and a United States judge of South Carolina came to the support of the offenders by a preposterous decision.3 The governmental investigation of this illicit traffic was perfunctory. When a large number of slavers for the Cuban sla\Te-trade were fitted out in New York city, and suffered to depart unmolested,4 it is easy to believe that Southern offi cials closed their eyes to the smuggling of negroes into their districts. The assurance of the President that no Africans, except those on the Wanderer, had been imported into the South cannot be accepted as historic truth.5 A reported statement of Douglas in a private conversation, although the conversation is only vouched by anonymous authority, is so fully characteristic, and the discussion Avas one so natur ally suggested by attendant circumstances, that we may be lieve it is in substance correctly related ; and, while the facts may not be accepted as absolute, the impression conveyed is fully warranted. Douglas stated that no doubt could exist that the African sla\Te-trade had been carried on for some time ; he confidently believed that fifteen thousand Africans were brought into the country last year, which Avas a greater number than had been imported in any year Avhen the traffic 1 Speeches and Letters, p. 345. 2 De Bow's Review, vol. xxv. pp. 166, 392, 493 ; vol. xxvi. p. 649. 3 New York Courier and Enquirer and Boston Atlas, cited by the Lib erator, Jan. 14th ; Debate between Senators Wilson and Hammond, May 23d, 1860 ; Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, May 1st, 1860, p. 28. 4 Von Hoist, vol. vi. p. 323; Rise and Fall ot the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 618; Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, May 1st, 1860, p. 24; De Bow's Review, vol. xxii. p. 430 ; vol. xxiii. p. 53. s See President's Message, Dec. 19th, 1859; also Harper's Monthly, Oct., 1859, p. 695. IL— 24 370 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 was legal. He had seen " with his own eyes three hundred of those recently imported miserable beings in a slave-pen at Vicksburg, Mississippi, and also large numbers at Mem phis, Tennessee." ' That Douglas considered it a vital ques tion is evident from a statement he made in a letter replying to an inquiry Avhether his name Avould be presented to the Charleston convention as a candidate for the presidential nomination. " I could not accept the nomination," he wrote, "if the revival of the African slave-trade is to become a principle of the Democratic party."2 Thinking that this declaration was not sufficiently em phatic, he later wrote a letter devoted almost exclusively to this question. Believing that the perpetual prohibition of the African slave-trade after 1808 Avas an obligation groAving out of an essential compromise of the Constitu tion, he Avrote : " I am irreconcilably opposed to the revival of the African slave-trade in any form and under any cir cumstances." 3 These expressions were called forth by the growing sen timent of the South. The subject is freely discussed in Be "'A Native Southerner " to the New York Tribune, Avriting from Wash ington, Aug. 20th. The Tribune, Aug. 26th, editorially remarks of the statement of Douglas : " We presume that this is perfectly true ; at any rate, we must believe that Mr. Douglas has ample means of knowing whereof he affirms." " A Native Southerner,'' alluding to the conversation he had reported, writes to the Tribune, Aug. 24th : "I owe an apology to the gentleman who gave me the details of that conversation for making it public, as I have since been informed it was strictly a private aud con fidential conversation, and was imparted to me with no idea that it would go any further ; and it certainly should not, had secrecy been enjoined on me." For a number of instances of importation of Africans, see Re port of the American Anti-Slavery Society, May 1st, 1860, p. 21 et seq. As to the dereliction of duty of the United States government regarding the suppression of the slave-trade, and the reported action of England re monstrating against the reopening of the slave-trade between the United States ancl Africa, see New York Tribune, Aug. 26th. 3 Letter to J. S. Dorr, June 22d, Life of Douglas, Flint, p. 168. * Letter to Peyton, Aug. 2d, New York Times, Aug. 16th. Ch.X.] THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE 371 Bow's Review of 1857 and 1858. In August, 1858, it was the . opinion of the editor that a very large party in the cotton . States, large enough in some of them to control sentiment and policy, believed that a limited revival of the African slave-trade was indispensable to the South in order to main tain her political position.' In January, 1859, the editor could complacently say : " No cause has ever grown with greater rapidity than has that of the advocates of the slave-trade." 2 The Southern convention 'which met at Vicksburg in May demonstrated that De Bow had not failed to read aright the signs of the times. It Avas a fine body of men, morally and intellectually, who came together to deliberate on the interests of their section.3 After a thorough discussion of the question, they resolved that " all laAvs, State or federal, prohibiting the African slave-trade, ought to be repealed." The vote was 44 to 19, each State casting its electoral vote. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas voted for the resolution, while Tennessee and Florida voted against it, and South Carolina Avas divided.4 The contrast between the way in which obnoxious fed eral laws were enforced in the Western Reserve of Ohio and, on the other hand, in South Carolina and Georgia, is significant. Although, under Pierce and Buchanan, the execution of a law that bore hard upon the anti- slavery sentiment of a community was more rigorous than the exe cution of a law offensive to pro-slavery feeling, yet had the administration been so disposed it could not have enforced its will against the dominant sentiment of the South, for its own officers were faithful to their own States rather than to the nation they represented. While mobs in the South did not attend the attempted execution of the laws against 1 De Bow's Review, vol. xxv. p. 166. 2 Ibid., vol. xxvi. p. 51. For Southern sentiment see also Wilson's re marks in Senate, May 23d, 1860; and the Annual Report of the- Ameri can Anti-Slavery Society, May 30th, 1860, p. 15. 8 De Bow's Review, vol. xxvi. p. 713. 4 Ibid. 372 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 the slave-trade, as had happened at the North in certain Fugitive-Slave-law cases, the Southern people had a quiet and determined way of asserting their demands. Opposk tion would have been dangerous ; and opposition was not made. When it came to action on the slavery question, a Southern community moved as one man ; the dissenters Avere terrified into silence. At the North opinion was al ways divided. The Republican convention of Ohio and the Vicksburg Southern convention may be regarded as representing the extreme political sentiments of the North and the South. Their official declarations are characteristic of the emotions inspired by freedom and by slavery. One demanded the repeal of a federal law repugnant to justice ancl mercy; the other demanded the abrogation of United States stat utes that Avere an expression of the sublime humanity of the century. Jefferson Davis spoke, July 6th, to the Democratic State convention of Mississippi. We certainly should strive, he said, for the repeal of the 1820 act, Avhich makes the slave- trade a piracy; ,but he considered it impracticable to at tempt the abrogation of the law of 1818 that prohibited the traffic. Yet, as a matter of right, legislation regarding the importation of Africans ought to be left to the States. As suming that to be the case, he did not believe it the interest of Mississippi to have more negroes ; but the conclusion for Mississippi is not applicable to Texas, NeAv Mexico, or to future acquisitions to be made south of the Rio Grande. Ten years ago, men might have been found at the South who asserted that slavery was wrong, but such has been the progress of "truth and sound philosophy" that now " there is not probably an intelligent mind among our own citizens Avho doubts either the moral or the legal right of the institution of African slavery, as it exists in our coun try." He affirmed* and elaborated his ideas of Southern rights in the territories. The umpire, the Supreme Court, he averred, " has decided the issue in our favor ; and though Ch.X.] DOUGLAS IN "HARPER'S MAGAZINE" 373 placemen may evade, and fanatics rail, the judgment stands the rule of right, and claims the respect and obedience of every citizen of the United States." He thought the ac quisition of Cuba eminently desirable, and in addition to the usual reasons for it he urged another — " the importance of the island of Cuba to the Southern States if formed into a separate confederacy." This was not a mere theoretical consideration, for, he declared, " in the contingency of the election of a President on the platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union be dissolved." ' ' In the letter of June, Douglas not only made clear his position regarding the African slave-trade, but he averred that if the doctrine that ascribed to Congress the poAver of establishing slaA^ery in the territories should be foisted into the Democratic creed, he could not accept the nomination for President from the Charleston convention.2 It is worth while calling attention to the fact that whatever ambiguity ancl inconsistency there may have been in the utterances of Douglas previous to the Lecompton dispute, his expressions after his revolt against the President were unequivocal. He did not resort to silence, a not uncommon refuge of po liticians when divisions in their own party are manifest, but he made occasions to enunciate his principles, for he deemed their acceptance necessary to the welfare of the country. In this portion of his career, history" must concede that Doug las was actuated by a bold and sincere patriotism. Southern politicians like Clingman, anxious to see the breach in the party repaired, Avere amazed that after the adjournment of Congress, Douglas would not let the question rest, but must appear as a controversialist in the columns of Harper's Magazine? His article entitled " Popular Sovereignty in the Territories " appeared in the September number. It was a heavy and labored essay, far different from the 1 This speech was published in the New York Tribune of Aug. 31st. ! Letter to Dorr, Life of Douglas, Flint, p. 168. 3 Speeches and Writings of Clingman, p. 450. 374 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 quality of his speeches, which were commonly bright and pungent. While, from his point of vieAV, the doctrine that Congress could prohibit slavery in the territories Avas as false as the one that Congress must protect it, his argument in the main Avas directed against the position the Southern Democrats had taken under the lead of Davis. Opening with an allu sion to the irrepressible-conflict declaration of Seward and the " house divided against itself " of Lincoln, he maintained, in the course of the article, that if the Southern proposition were true, the idea of the irrepressible conflict would be realized, ancl it Avould not be an idle dream that the United States might become "entirely a slave-holding nation." He wrent into a long historical argument to show that his prin ciple of popular sovereignty Avas as ancient as Jefferson, and believed in by the fathers of the Constitution; and he de fended the compromise measures and the Kansas-Nebraska act with the main purpose of showing that the present doc trine of the Southern Democrats was an innovation in the Democratic creed. The appearance of an article in the most popular maga zine on the vital question agitating the public mind, by the foremost man of the country, was a political event ; and the more remarkable as it Avas then a thing almost unknown for distinguished public men fro write in the magazines. Attor ney-General Black undertook to answer Douglas in an article published in the organ of the administration at Washing ton.' Douglas replied and a pamphlet controversy followed. The discussion excited attention ; but events now moved with such rapidity that the issues discussed were soon neg lected, and the controversy left no lasting impression. Between the administration and the Douglas Democrats at the East it Avas a Avar of pamphlets ; in California it Avas war to the death. In Senator Broderick, the leader of the 1 This article appeared anonymously in the Washington Constitution of Sept. 10th. Ch. X.] BRODERICK 375 anti-Lecomptonites, Ave see a man Avhose rise to a conspic uous position was only made possible by the peculiar condi tions of American life. He Avas of obscure origin, and the year of his birth was doubtful.' His father had been a stone-cutter at Washington. When Broderick, in the Senate, replied to Hammond's sneer at the manual laborers of the North, he pointed to the capitals which crowned the pilasters of the Senate chamber as his father's handiwork. The son of an artisan, he had himself been a mechanic, and he felt no shame in replying thus to the aristocrat of South Caro lina, who could see nothing but degradation in Avork by the hands. His youth was passed in New York city. When he became a man, his business was keeping a grog-shop. He Avas a Tammany leader of the roughs, and foreman of a fire- engine company in the days before steam fire-engines, when volunteer firemen in New York were a potent political force. Notwithstanding such antecedents, his habits were correct, his morals good, his integrity unquestioned. Better than the society of firemen and Tammany braves did he love the quiet of his room, where, among his books, he sought to rem edy the defects of early training. Political disappointment drove him in 1849 to California. He was a member of the convention that framed the constitution of that State, and he afterwards served in the legislature. The Democratic party in California, owing principally to the strife for patronage and influence, was divided into two factions. Gwin was already the leader of one ; Broderick became the leader of the other. When the Lecompton dis pute occurred, Gwin, Southern in birth and feeling, and his followers, Avho Avere called the chi\Talry, naturally gravitated to the side of the administration. Broderick, the son of an Irishman, hating aristocracy, marshalled his adherents, who were for the most part Irish and German laborers, called mudsills, under the anti-Lecompton banner. The struggle was intensified by a quarrel regarding the disposition of 1 Variously given as 1818 and 1819. 376 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 the federal patronage under President Buchanan. GAvin,in return for Broderick's assistance in his second election as senator, sold to his former opponent the patronage of the State ; but this, even before the Lecompton dispute, Bucha nan would not deliver. In Washington, Broderick stood high. The purity of his life and his scrupulous honesty, associated with pride, energy, ancl ambition, commanded respect from men of both sections ancl of all parties. Fearless and frank, the serious and re flective cast of mind of this man, alone in the Avorld, with out relatives or family, Avas an added charm for those who kneAV best his early circumstances. One cannot but wonder Avhether, had fortune bestowed upon him opportunities for education in an environment of refining influences, his career might not have been an unalloyed benefaction to his country. In California, his reputation was that of a managing poli tician who knew how to put to use the lessons he had learned from the Tammany organization. Yet, though surrounded by corruption and willing to bribe others, he would not him self touch the spoils. Believing that if he entered into the game of politics in California, he must employ the tricks in vogue, he played one opponent against another in a discred itable Avay ; yet he remained faithful to his Avord, and Avas always better than the men Avho surrounded him. In a society reeking with foulness, his personal morals were unscathed. The fiercest conflict between the two factions in Califor nia was at hand. Broderick was advised to go to Europe to avoid an apparently hopeless contest with malignant ene mies. But, although his senatorship Avas not at stake, he would not shirk from the responsibility that leadership thrust upon him. On leaving the East he Avas much de pressed. Shortly before sailing for San Francisco he said to Forney : " I feel, my dear friend, that we shall never meet again. I go home to die. I shall be challenged, I shall fight, and I shall be killed." The campaign in California was unsurpassed for bitter- Ch. X.] BRODERICK 377 ness. Men in that State were not accustomed to mince their words ; to them, common courtesy in a political con flict seemed strangely out of place. The most violent abuse, the most insolent vituperation, were the best of arguments. On such a canvass Broderick entered, trying at first to be decent and to demean himself according to the fashion of the East. It soon appeared that the Lecompton men Avould give no quarter and were determined to crush their most powerful enemy. Judge Terry, of the California Supreme Court, had referred to Broderick in an insulting manner, and this Broderick had resented in an expression of like tenOr. An insignificant person, hearing Broderick's words, chal lenged the senator to fight. He replied June 29th, that until the canvass was over he would neither notice an insult nor fight a duel. Although suffering from a prostrating disease, Broderick engaged in the campaign with ardor. Knowing that his enemies Avere hounding him to death, he no longer spared them. His denunciation of Gwin was bitter in the extreme. He said his colleague Avas " dripping Avith corruption." Though no orator, Broderick had a blunt and effective Avay of putting things, and it was a stinging blow to the chivalry and their leader when he told the Avhole story of the senatorial bargain, and described GAvin as cring ing to him for support. The election took place. September 7th. The defeat of Broderick's party Avas overwhelming. On the day after election, Terry resigned his position as judge and sent a challenge to Broderick on account of the mildly offensive words used in June. The senator hesitated, but finally ac cepted the challenge. The duel took place September 13th, ten miles from San Francisco. By Terry's Avinning the toss, his duelling pistols were used. Terry was a Texan, a dead shot, accustomed to affairs of honor; his pistols Avere set with hair triggers. By intention or accident, Broderick got the one more delicate on the trigger. He Avas ill, Aveak, and consequently nervous, but stood his ground with the courage of a martyr. The duel Avas at ten paces. After the com- 378 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 batants should say they were ready, the word would be given, " Fire — one — tAvo." The pistols Avere not to be raised until the Avord " fire." When that was pronounced, Brode rick raised his pistol, but, owing to the delicacy of the trig ger, it went off prematurely, and the ball entered the ground about four paces in advance of him. A second later Terry, taking deliberate aim, shot him through the breast. In tAvo days Broderick Avas dead and California in mourn ing. His funeral at San Francisco was imposing. Ten thou sand people were mourners. Colonel Baker, the most elo quent orator of the State, with the dead body coffined before him, delivered the funeral oration, paying a noble tribute to the man who was his friend. " Fellow-citizens," Baker said, " the man that lies before you was your senator. From the moment of his election his character has been maligned, his motives attacked, his courage impeached, his patriotism assailed. It has been a system tending to one end. And the end is here. What Avas his crime? RevieAv his history — consider his public acts — Aveigh his private character — and before the grave encloses him forever, judge betAveen him and his enemies. As a man to be judged in his private relations, who was his superior ? It Avas his boast — and, amidst the general license of a new country, it Avas a proud one — that his most scrutiniz ing enemy could fix no single act of immorality upon him. Temperate, decorous, self-restrained, he had passed through all the excitements of California unstained. No man could charge him with broken faith or violated trust. Of habits simple and inexpensive, he had no lust of gain. He over reached no man's weakness in a bargain, and Avithheld no man his just dues. Never in the history of the State has there been a citizen who has borne public relations more stainless in all respects than he. But it is not by this stand ard that he is to be judged. He Avas a public man, and his memory demands a public judgment. What was his public crime ? The ansAver is in his own words : ' They have killed me because I was opposed to the extension of slavery and a Ch. X.] BRODERICK 379 corrupt administration.' " The orator made a manly protest against the duello. " The code of honor," said he, "is a de lusion and a snare ; it palters Avith the hope of a true cour age, and binds it at the feet of crafty and cruel skill. ... It substitutes cold and deliberate preparation for courageous and manly impulse ; ... it makes the mere 'trick of the Aveapon ' superior to the noblest cause and the truest cour age." The funeral oration was pathetic and caused profound emotion ; at its close orator and people wept in sympathy. It was calculated to stir up men's hearts, and it impressed in gloAving words the conviction that Broderick had been hunted to the death by his antagonists. Baker, in 1861, met an heroic end at the battle of Ball's Bluff ; but before he fell, the martyrdom of Broderick had borne fruit. It produced a mighty revolution in public opinion. The " chivalry," the Southern party, lost forever their power in the State. In the legislature elected the next year, the Douglas Democrats and Republicans together had a large majority, and Avhen the Southern States began to secede, they passed a resolu tion pledging that California Avould remain faithful to the Union. Although Terry's life Avas prolonged thirty years, he never lived down what people called the deliberate murder of Broderick. At length, having grossly assaulted Justice Field, of the United States Supreme Court, he met his death from the shot of the marshal who, on account of threats breathed out by Terry, had been assigned to the protection of the judge. The death of Broderick created a profound sensation in the East. All knew that he was a victim to the Avrath of the slavery propaganda. A journalist at Washington, who both reflected and guided public opinion, looked upon his loss as a public calamity. In New York city he was mourned as a citizen, and appropriate obsequies were held to pay him the last tribute of respect and affection." 1 My authorities for this account are the San Francisco journals of the 380 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 The most noticeable political campaign of the year east of the Mississippi River Avas in Ohio. That State, unlike most of the others, had an exciting election every year, for the governor and congressmen Avere elected in alternate years. Moreover, the State and congressional elections came in October, anticipating by one month most of the contests, so that, next to Pennsylvania, Ohio was the most important State of the Union as indicating the direction of popular sentiment. Though generally Republican, hard struggles for mastery Avere frequent. The Republican candidate for governor Avas William Dennison, of Columbus. The Democrats nominated Judge Ranney, of Cleveland. Ranney wielded a good and poAver- f ul influence in his community ; but as he lived in districts at first strongly Whig and afterwards Republican, he Avas rarely elected to office, although frequently a candidate, and the only national reputation he gained was that of a great lawyer. But in his own State he was known to be more than an able advocate ; he was. a profound jurist. The bent of his mind was legal, and, surmounting the obstacles of poverty and lack of opportunities, he acquired a partial education in school and college. When, in course of time, he came to the laAvyer's office and the law library, he there mastered the principles which were the basis of his science. As a member of the Ohio constitutional convention, he had a great share in making the organic law ; as judge of the Ohio Supreme Court, he interpreted it in a series of deci sions which for sound doctrine, clearness of thought and expression, are probably not surpassed in the court records day, copious extracts from which are copied into the New York Tribune and Herald ; the editorial articles in each journal ; a tribute by Broderick's friend, George Wilkes, cited by the Tribune of Oct. 19th; H. H. Ban croft, vol. xviii. chaps, xxiii. and xxiv., and vol. xxiv. pp. 251 and 272; Royce's California, p. 495; Forney's Anecdotes of Public Men, vol. i. p. 27 \ Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 446. " Editor's Easy Chair," Harper's Magazine, Jan., 1860. In the account of the duel, I follow mainly the sworn testimony before the coroner's jury. Ch. X.] THE OHIO ELECTION 381 of any State. In his own community, he was esteemed for his honesty and, purity of life. He loved to settle disputes outside of the courts. He was the champion of the poor and of those who lacked social distinction, yet he com prehended the rights of property as well as the rights of man.1 This canvass was different from most of the other exciting campaigns of Ohio in that the candidates for the governor ship met one another several times in joint debate. As a speaker and reasoner, Ranney was much superior to Den- nison ; but Dennison had the better cause, and the one to which Ohio opinion Avas strongly tending. The Democrats of Ohio, with the exception of the office-holders, Avere fol lowers of Douglas, whose principles Ranney expounded with vigor. But Ranney hated slavery worse than did his leader. He maintained that under the operation of popular sov ereignty, all the territories were certain to come into the Union as free States. The shadow of the Oberlin persecu tion being over the canvass^ the exact measure of obedience to the Fugitive Slave law entered into the discussion. Den nison was apparently affected by the speeches of Lincoln the previous year, and took a position calculated to attract the Fillmoreans of 1856.2 Lincoln and Douglas were also brought into the canvass. Though not meeting in joint discussion, their speeches were to a certain extent a continuation of the debates of 1858. Lincoln came out as a party leader more prominently than in the preceding year.3 He asserted at Columbus that the most imminent da'nger threatening the purpose of the Re publican organization was the "insidious Douglas popular sovereignty." 4 In this speech he utterly demolished as a 1 See Western Magazine of History, vol. ii. p. 205. 2 See debate at Cleveland, Sept. 15th, Cleveland Plain Dealer and Eerald. '' See also Lincoln's letter to Colfax, Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 178. 4 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 242. 382 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 logical and constitutional argument the doctrine which Douglas so earnestly advocated. But that doctrine, like many other political principles, was stronger in practical working than in theory. When Ranney stated at Cleveland. that Nebraska, Utah, and NeAv Mexico would undoubtedly be free, he stated the well-matured conviction of people best informed. It Avas true that the legislature of New Mexico had passed an act to provide for the protection of slaves, but no slaves Avere in the territory, and none were expected ; the enactment was simply for political effect and to further the fortunes of a few adventurers.1 Nor did the South ex pect to derive any benefit from this action." It Avas idle to talk of sending slaves to the barren wastes and rocky re gions of NeAv Mexico, when not enough negroes could he had to cultivate the cotton fields and rice and sugar planta tions of the South. It is clear that under the operation of natural forces, if the executive administration Avere fair and inclined to freedom, every territory would remain free and become a free State. A great many people held this opinion in 1859. There were, indeed, Republicans who thought they had no issue left.3 If the Southern States had remained in the Union, congressional prohibition of slavery in the terri tories after the election of Lincoln Avould at first have been impossible, for the Republicans would have been in a mi nority in Congress. The action of the New Mexico legislature was, however, a good argument for Republicans to use with anti-slavery men against the proposition that popular sovereignty would ef fectually prevent the extension of slavery.' But Lincoln used a better one in his Cincinnati speech when he intimated that 1 Arizona and New Mexico, H. H. Bancroft, p. 683. In spite of the efforts of the slave-holders, said Seward at Lawrence, Kan., Sept. 26th, 1860, they have got "freedom in Kansas, and practically in New Mexico, in Utah, and California." — Seward's Works, vol.iv. p. 392. 2 See De Bow's Review, vol. xxvi. p. 601. 3 See New York Times, July 29th ; Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 445. Ch. X.] JOHN BROWN'S RAID 333 it Avould be preposterous for those wishing to prevent the spread of slavery to enlist under the Douglas banner, for Douglas had never said that slavery was wrong, but asserted rather that he did not care Avhether it Avas " voted up or voted down." ' In truth, Douglas, both at Columbus and Cincinnati, had rejoiced as much at the action of New Mexico in establishing slavery on paper as at the action of Kansas in repealing the slave code foisted upon her by the first leg islature.2 The strong partisan arguments of Lincoln in his two Ohio speeches were justifiable from his point of view, and in the light of after-events may probably be so regarded. He showed greater self-confidence than he had displayed in his Illinois speeches. He was obviously complimented to have his name linked with Seward's as an expounder of Republican doctrine, and he impressed upon his hearers the absolute need of a national party that should oppose the extension of slavery by action of Congress. In the Colum bus speech he addressed himself to the Harper's Magazine article, finding little difficulty in pointing out material facts of history which Douglas had overlooked or suppressed. But in the Cincinnati speech Lincoln himself twisted our constitutional history, though we may be sure it was from lack of correct information and not with the intention to deceive. Dennison was elected governor of Ohio by thirteen thou sand majority ; the Democrats- were defeated in Pennsyl vania, and the Republicans carried Iowa. While the Republicans of the October States were rejoic ing at their success, and those of the November States were preparing for the last electoral contest of the year, John Brown startled the country by making a violent attack on 1 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 257. 2 These speeches of Douglas were published in the New York Times, Sept. 9th and 13th. The one at Columbus was telegraphed entire, an unusual thing in those days, and it was considered a remarkable news paper feat. -384 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1869 slavery in Yirginia. On Monday, October 17th, the news came that a large body of abolitionists and negroes had captured the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry, had taken possession of the bridge Avhich crosses the Potomac, fortifying it with cannon, had cut telegraph wires, stopped trains, killed several men, and had seized many prominent citizens Avho were held as hostages. It was also reported that the slaves in the neighborhood had risen and that the surrounding country was in a high state of alarm, expecting all the horrors of a servile revolt. Later in the day more correct information Avas obtained. It became known that Captain Brown Avas the leader and that his force did not exceed twenty-two men. On the following morning the welcome intelligence came that the Yirginia militia and the United States troops had suppressed the insurrection, and that most of the insurgents had been killed or taken prisoners. This event, Avhich struck the country with amazement and distracted public attention from all other concerns, was not the result of a sudden impulse, but had been long in prepa ration. More than twenty years before, John Brown had told his family that the purpose of his life Avas to make Avar on slavery by force and arms. He asked his children if they were AviUing to join him and do all in their power to " break the jaws of the wicked and pluck the spoil out of his teeth ;" and when they signified assent, he administered to them a solemn oath of secrecj^ and devotion.' Brown's family was large ; their unquestioned obedience and the consecration of their lives to his service call to mind the story of the patriarchs. He had long been satisfied that the " milk-and- 1 Sanborn, p. 39. Letter of Sanborn to the Nation, Dec. 20th, 1890, communicating a letter of John Brown, Jr. This letter was drawn out by an article in the Andover Review for Dec, 1890, by Wendell P. Garrison, which questioned whether the Harper's Ferry scheme or one similar to it had long been entertained. Sec also Garrison in the Andover Review for Jan., 1891, p. 59. Ch.X.] JOHN BROWN'S RAID 385 water principles " of the abolitionists, as he called their be lief in moral suasion, would effect nothing. Happening to be in Boston in May, 1859, he became an attentive listener to the speeches made at the New England anti-slavery con vention. At its close he passed judgment on their method by saying: "These men are all talk; what is needed is action — action !" Nor, in his opinion, could anything be expected from the Republicans, for they were opposed to meddling with slavery in the States where it existed.' The Kansas experience of BroAvn had convinced him that he could get followers in any undertaking, no matter how desperate. It had also brought him into contact with men of means and influence, who were willing to back him in his peculiar crusade against slavery. Not the least astonishing thing in this strange history is the manner of men whom he induced to aid him in the conspiracy against the laws of their common country. Gerrit Smith, the rich philanthro pist; Theodore Parker, the noted preacher; Dr. S. G. Howe, an enthusiast in the cause of suffering humanity ; Thomas W. Higginson, the pastor of a free church at Worcester"; Stearns, a successful business man of Boston ; Sanborn, fresh from college, ready to give his income and sacrifice his small property for the cause — these were Brown's trusted friends. That he could attach to himself men of such differing aims, holding such positions in society, and make out of them fellow - conspirators, is proof of the strong personal mag netism he exerted on sympathetic natures. John A. An drew, a man of parts who afterwards distinguished himself as the war governor of Massachusetts, once casually met Brown, and, though seeing him but a feAV minutes, "was very much impressed by him," and thought him " a very magnetic person." * 1 Life of Frederick Douglass, p. 279 ; Testimony of William F. M. Arny before the Mason Committee ; Sanborn, p. 421 ; Life of Garrison, vol. iii. p. 488. 8 Testimony of John A. Andrew before the Mason Committee, p. 192. II.— 25 386 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION Brown's occupation in Kansas seemingly gone, he deemed the time had come to strike a blow in another quarter. Leaving a little company of folloAvers in Iowa, to whom little by little he had imparted his plans, and who Avere de voting the leisure of the winter to military drill, he came East in January, 1858, seeking the sinews of war. Wishing a full and complete conference with his friends, he asked Parker, Higginson, Stearns, and Sanborn to meet him at Peterboro', New York, the home of Gerrit Smith. Sanborn only could make the journey ; he reached the house of the philanthropist on the evening of February 22d. After dinner Brown disclosed his plan. With a small body of trusty men he proposed to occupy a place in the mountains of Yirginia, Avhence he would make incursions down into the cultivated districts to liberate slaves. As they were freed he would arm them. He would subsist on the enemy, fortify himself against attack, and by his mode of operation make slavery insecure in the country in which he should first raise the standard of revolt, so that masters would sell their remain ing slaves and send them away. Then operations might be indefinitely extended until his name should become a terror all through the South, and the tenure of property in man precarious. At the same time', his success would attract from the North and from Canada recruits, eager to take part in this movement for the destruction of slavery. As his adherents might increase to a great number, he had pre pared a scheme of provisional government which he submit ted to his friends. At the worst, he would have a retreat open to the North. Arms were already provided for his enterprise, and with eight hundred dollars in money he could begin operations in May.' As Brown unfolded his plan to the little council, amaze ment sat on every brow. To attempt so great an enterprise with means so small seemed unspeakable folly. His friends 1 Sanborn, p. 439 ; Life of Frederick Douglass, pp. 279, 420 ; Mason Re port. Ch. X] JOHN BROWN'S RAID 387 discussed the project and criticised it in detail, but every ob stacle had been foreseen by Brown, and to each objection he had a ready answer and a plausible argument. When the hopelessness of defying the slave power and making war upon the State of Yirginia with so small a band was urged, he replied : " If God be for us, who can be against us ?" ' The council sat until after midnight. The discussion was renewed the next day. The enthusiasm and confidence of Brown almost persuaded his friends ; at any rate, they saw it would be vain to oppose him, and it seemed equally clear he must be renounced or assisted. At last, when apart from the rest of the company, Gerrit Smith said to Sanborn: " You see how it is ; our dear old friend has made up his mind to this cause, and cannot be turned from it. We cannot give him up to die alone ; we must support him. I will raise so many hundred dollars for him; you must lay the case before your friends in'Massachusetts, and perhaps they will do the same. I see no other Avay." This Avas in accord ance with Sanborn's own view, and he returned at once to Boston to perform his part in the undertaking. A letter from Brown to Sanborn, shortly after, gives us a glimpse of his inmost thoughts. The words are such as could only come from "a regular old Cromwellian dug up from two centuries." 2 " I have 'only had this one opportunity in a life of nearly sixty years," BroAvn Avrote ; " and could I be continued ten times as long again, I might not again have another equal opportunity. God has honored but compara tively a very small part of mankind Avith any possible chance of such mighty and soul-satisfying rewards. ... I expect nothing but to ' endure hardness ;' but I expect to effect a mighty conquest, even though it be like the last victory of Samson." 3 When Sanborn apprised Theodore Parker of the project, 1 Sanborn, p. 439. 2 Wendell Phillips at Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, Nov. 1st, 1859. 3 Sanborn, p. 444. 388 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 the latter became anxious to see Brown, who, on that sug gestion, made a visit secretly to Boston. There, in a room of the American House, the Massachusetts friends and the old Puritan plotted together. Brown deser\Ted that name as Avell by lineage as by character. He was a direct de scendant of Peter Brown, one of the Pilgrims who had come over in the Mayflower, and both of his grandfathers had fought in the Revolutionary War. He wrote from Boston to his son, giving the result of his visit : "My call here has met with a most hearty response, so that I feel assured of at least tolerable success. I ought to be thankful for this. All has been effected by a quiet meeting of a few choice friends, it being scarcely known that I have been in the city." ' A fund of one thousand dollars was raised. In many of their communications, the conspirators used a cipher. Brown assumed the name of Hawkins. When begging his daughter to consent that her husband should accompany him, he called his followers scholars and their Avork would be going to school.2 The enterprise was also spoken of as the wool business, and Sanborn wrote that Hawkins " has found in Canada several good men for shepherds, and, if not embarrassed by want of means, expects to turn his flock loose about the 15th of May." 3 After Parker's failing health had driven him to Europe, he asked in a letter from Rome : " Tell me how our little speculation in wool goes on, and what dividend accrues therefrom."4 But the immediate execution of the plan was checked by an untoward circumstance. Brown had previously made the acquaintance of Forbes, a European adventurer, had engaged him as drill-master on account of his military ex perience, and had injudiciously confided to him his purpose of attacking slavery in one of the border States. Being unable to draw money from the friends of Brown, Forbes 1 Sanborn, p. 440. ¦ Ibid., p. 441. 3 Ibid., p. 457 ; see also p. 447. * Life of Parker, Frothingham, p. ¦ Ch.X.] JOHN BROWN'S RAID 389 divulged to Senators Seward and Wilson at Washington that Brown had an unlawful object in view, for which he Avas going to use rifles belonging to the Massachusetts State Kansas committee. Wilson immediately wrote to Dr. Howe, protesting against any such employment to be made of the arms, and advising that they be taken from the custody of BroAvn. Stearns, the chairman of the Massachusetts State Kansas committee, then warned Brown that no use must be made of the arms other than for the defence of Kansas. A few days later Smith, Parker, HoAve, Stearns, and Sanborn held a meeting at the Revere House, Boston, and decided that the attack on slavery in Yirginia must be postponed. They also determined that Brown ought to go at once to Kansas.1 He appeared in the territory in June. Having hereto fore been smooth-shaven, his long white beard now served as a disguise to many who had known him in other days.2 Although peace had been nominally restored in Kansas, the most terrible deed of blood the territory had knoAvn Avas perpetrated in the spring of 1858. Hamilton, a Georgian leader of a pro-slavery band, soured at the triumph of the free-State party, had made a black-list of persons Avhom he deemed deserving of death on account of their exertions for the free-State cause. Near Marais des Cygnes, he had in a raid taken a number of prisoners. Selecting eleven, he had them drawn up in a line, and, without trial or ceremony, shot in cold blood. Five fell dead and five were wounded.3 When Brown reached Kansas, the country resounded Avith the horror of this massacre, but opportunity for retaliation did not occur until late in the year. Hearing that a negro, his wife, two children, and another negro were to be sold and sent aAvay from a Missouri plantation, Brown, with a 1 Sanborn, p. 456 et seq. ; testimony of Seward, Wilson, and Howe be fore the Mason committee. 2 Life of Captain John Brown, Redpath, p. 199. 3 Spring's Kansas, p. 246 ; Sanborn, p. 481 ; Redpath, p. 200. 390 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 small company, crossed the Missouri line, liberated the five slaves to whose aid he Avent, and also set six others free. In the accomplishment of this work, one of the slave-holding party was killed. The governor of Missouri put a price of three thousand dollars on Brown's head and he was pursued ; but he defeated one party of pursuers in a fight, eluded others, and, bringing his party of freedmen safely through Kansas, Nebraska, IoAva, Illinois, and Michigan, he saw them on the 12th of March, 1859, ferried across from Detroit to Windsor in Canada.' The Kansas exploit delighted the friends of Brown, with the exception of Dr. Howe, Avho disapproved of his taking property from the slave-holders, Avhich he had done to give the fugitives an outfit. During the winter, Howe had ac companied Theodore Parker to Cuba, and on his return had made a stay in South Carolina, where he accepted the hos pitality of Wade Hampton and other rich planters. It was some time before he Avas willing to render Brown any aid. The idea of a slave insurrection, in which such noble man sions as he had visited should be given to the torch and their inmates to the knife, struck him with horror. Parker was aAvay, and Higginson, since the postponement of the plan had not met his approval, thereafter took less interest in it ; thus the burden of the financial part of the undertak ing fell upon Smith, Stearns, and Sanborn. They, however, made up in zeal what they lacked in number.2 More than four thousand dollars was contributed in aid of the Yirginia enterprise. Most of this sum passed through the hands of the secret committee, and nearly all the donors knew for what purpose the money Avould be used. Of this amount, Smith contributed seven hundred and fifty dollars, and Stearns one thousand dollars. But although it was known that a foray wTould be made in Yirginia, no one of the com mittee, except Sanborn, had an intimation that the blow Sanborn, p. 482 et seq. ; Spring's Kansas, p. 252. 1 Sanborn, pp. 491, 493. CaX] JOHN BROWN'S RAID 391 might be struck at Harper's Ferry.' Brown was secretive, and men like Smith and Stearns did not, for obvious reasons, desire to be apprised of the full details of the project. That Brown was going to make a raid into Yirginia was probably not known to more than fifty persons besides his family and armed followers, though a thousand may have had good reason to suspect that he intended to attack slavery by force in some part of the South.2 It must be borne in mind that at this time the steadfast friends of BroAvn refused to credit the charge that he had been concerned in the Pottawatomie executions.3 For arms he had two hundred Sharpe's rifles, two hundred revolvers, and nine hundred and fifty pikes.4 The pikes were to arm the slaves who should fly to his standard. " Give a slave a pike and you make him a man " was one of his maxims.5 The Republican members of the Senate com mittee that investigated the Harper's Ferry invasion re ported that Brown perverted the fire-arms from the purpose for which he had received them.6 While this is a warrant able inference from the testimony before the committee, later disclosures show that the rifles and revolvers had be come the individual property of Stearns ; that he was in full sympathy Avith the Yirginia scheme as the Massachusetts friends understood it, and had willingly given the arms to Brown.7 Brown, having decided that he would strike the blow at Harper's Ferry, rented in July two houses on the Kennedy farm, on the Maryland side of the Potomac, four miles from 1 See Sanborn, p. 450. Sanborn says : Whether Smith " knew that Har per's Ferry was to be attacked is uncertain ; for this was communicated only to a few persons except those actually under arms " (p. 545). Smith wrote in 1867: "I had not myself the slightest knowledge nor intima tion of Brown's intended invasion of Harper's Ferry." — Life of Smith, Prothingham, p. 254 ; see also p. 259 et seq. 2 Sanborn, pp. 418, 496. 3 See p. 164. * Blair's testimony, Mason Report. 6 Redpath, p. 206. 6 See Report, p. 23. ' Sanborn, p. 464. 392 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 the United States armory in the Yirginia village. He collect ed his munitions of Avar at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. The fire-arms were sent by his son from Ohio, and the pikes by the manufacturer from Connecticut, both being shipped to I. Smith & Sons, and so delivered by the railroad com pany. It was also a place of meeting for the volunteers, and thence the men and materials were quietly conveyed to the Kennedy farm. A notable circumstance in these days of preparation was the conference between Brown and Frederick Douglass in an old stone quarry near Chambers burg. They had long been intimately acquainted, and met at Brown's request to consider the work in hand, of Avhich Douglass had an inkling. Noav the old Puritan declared that it Avas his settled purpose to take Harper's Ferry, for the capture of a place so well known " would serve as notice to the slaves that their friends had come and as a trumpet to rally them to his standard." Douglass combated the design with the strongest of arguments. You not only at tack Yirginia, he urged, but you attack the federal govern ment, and you will array the whole country against you ; furthermore, you are going into a perfect steel-trap ; once in, you Avill never get out aliA'e ; you will be surrounded and escape will be impossible. But the cogent reasoning and earnest manner of Douglass failed to shake the purpose of Brown. After he had flatly refused to join the expedition, the old Puritan, giving him a fraternal embrace, said: " Come with me, Douglass ; I will defend you with my life. I want you for a special purpose. When I strike, the bees will begin to SAvarm, and I shall want you to help hive them." ' Many of Brown's followers remonstrated with him when the Harper's Ferry plan was disclosed. One of his sons said : " You know how it resulted with Napoleon when he rejected advice in regard to marching Avith his army to Moscoav." But in the end, by persuasion and by Life of Frederick Douglass, p. 325 et ante ; Sanborn, p. 538 et i Ch. X.] THE ATTACK 393 threatening resignation as their leader, he silenced all ob jections.' The Kennedy farm was in an unsuspecting neighborhood. The gathering of the forces, the load of very heavy boxes, excited no suspicion ; the presence of so many strangers whose ostensible occupations were but a thin disguise, aroused little curiosity. In August, the Secretary of War received an anonymous letter from Cincinnati, in which the plot was disclosed, the leader's name given, ancl the proposed point of attack correctly stated ; but Floyd only gave it a passing notice and set afoot no investigation.2 The moment for Avhich Brown had waited twenty years had noAv come. Everything was ready for the blow. On the cold, dark Sunday night of October 16th, he mustered eighteen followers, five of whom were negroes. After giv ing them his orders, he said : " Now, gentlemen, let me press this one thing on your minds. You all know how dear life is to you, and how dear your lives are to your friends ; and in remembering that, consider that the lives of others are as dear to them as yours are to you. Do not, therefore, take the life of any one if you can possibly avoid it ; but if it is necessary to take life in order to save your own, then make sure work of it." 3 With the command, " Men, get on your arms ; we will proceed to the Ferry," they started from the Kennedy farm. Each man Avas armed Avith a rifle and revolvers. Men were sent ahead to tear down the telegraph wires on the Maryland side. Soon the whole party arrived at the covered bridge across the Poto mac which connected Maryland and Yirginia, and was jointly used by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the citizens. This was taken possession of, the watchman made a prisoner, and the bridge left guarded. Reaching the Yir ginia side, Brown and two followers broke into the United Sanborn, p. 541. 1 See testimony before the Mason committee. 1 Cook's confession, New York Tribune, Nov. 26th, 1859. 394 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1869 States armory, and, seizing the watchmen, remained there on guard. Other men took the arsenal near by, where the public arms were deposited, and the rifle-works half a mile aAvay on the Shenandoah River. These buildings were all national property, but not under military guard ; the men in charge were civic police engaged by the War Depart- 1 ment.' By midnight Brown was master of Harper's Ferry. The lights in the town were put out and the telegraph wires cut. Desiring hostages and to make a beginning of conferring freedom on the slaves, he sent out a party to bring in some prominent citizens of the surrounding country with their negroes. To give dramatic force to the exploit, the house of Colonel Lewis Washington, the great-grandson of a brother of George Washington, was visited, and the owner arrested. The sword of Frederick the Great and the pistols of Lafayette, presented by them to the Father of his coun try, were taken. Brown, in his war of liberation, wanted to bear the sword of him Avho had gained the country's inde pendence, and to set free, first of all, the slaves of a Wash ington. The result of this midnight incursion was the ar rest of two proprietors, and the bringing into the armory of several slaves.2 At half -past one in the morning, the mail train from Wheeling to Baltimore arrived and was stopped by the guard on the bridge. The negro porter employed at the station, a freeman, went out to look for the watchman, and, not heeding an order to halt, turned to run back, was shot and mortally Avounded. Before sunrise the train was al- loAved to go forward, but the conductor first assured himself that the bridge was safe by walking across it with Brown. As the train proceeded toAvards Baltimore, the news of the foray spread far and wide.3 ' Mason Report, and testimony ; Sanborn, p. 552. 2 Washington's testimony before the Mason committee ; Sanborn, p. 552. 3 Mason Report ; New York Herald and Tribune ; Sanborn, p. 555. Ch.X] JOHN BROWN'S RAID 395 When the people of Harper's Ferry aroused themselves in the morning, they found a hostile force in possession of the strongholds of their town and holding most of the avail able fire-arms. Men on their Avay to work, citizens passing through the streets, Avere taken prisoners. The church bells were rung; the citizens gathered together; such as had squirrel-rifles and shot-guns organized themselves into com panies ; the alarm spread, and militia companies from neigh boring towns hastened to the scene. Fighting began. Men fell on both sides, among them the mayor of Harper's Ferry and a landed proprietor, a neighbor and friend of Washington, who had gone to the village to attempt his liberation. For four or five hours after daybreak, Brown might have retreated to the mountains. This he was urged to do by his trustAvorthy men, but before noon his retreat into Mary land was cut off, and by the middle of the afternoon all the men except those in the armory under Brown's immediate command were killed, captured, or dispersed. At midday Brown withdrew the remnant of his force, with his principal hostages, into the engine-house in the armory yard. The doors and windows were barred, and port-holes were cut through the brick wall. The firing from the outside now became terrible. When the assailants could be seen, their shots wrere returned by the besieged. One of Brown's sons had been mortally wounded, and the other was instantly killed in the fight of the afternoon.' Colonel Washington, Avho was a prisoner in the engine-house, afterwards said : " Brown Avas the coolest and firmest man I ever saw in de fying danger and death. With one son dead by his side, and another shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son with one hand and held his rifle with the other, and com manded his men with the utmost composure, encouraging them to be firm and to sell their lives as dearly as they 1 Three of Brown's sons were engaged in the raid ; one escaped. 396 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1869 pould." ' Yet the remorseless spirit which governed the stern Puritan that terrible night on the Pottawatomie had de parted. He was humane to his prisoners. Instead of (wreaking vengeance on them because his sons Avere dead i and dying by his side, he urged them to seek sheltered cor- ' ners out of the reach of the flying bullets. Not one of them was harmed. Nor would he allow his men to fire on non- combatants outside. " Don't shoot," he would say ; " that man is unarmed." 2 On Monday evening, when Colonel Robert E. Lee, a man who later was destined to win imperishable fame, arrived with a company of United States marines, the force in the engine-house was reduced to Brown himself and his six men, tAvo of whom were wounded. Not wishing to put the lives of the prisoners in jeopardy in the confusion of a midnight assault, Lee delayed operations until daylight Tuesday. Then his summons to surrender having been met with a refusal, his men, using a heavy ladder as a battering-ram, forced an entrance into the engine-house. Brown Avas cut down by the sword, receiving several wounds on the head, and also bayonet thrusts in the body. He and his followers who remained were quickly taken into custody. Of the nineteen men who had left the Kennedy farm, ten were killed, five taken prisoners, and four had escaped. Two of i these Avere afterwards arrested in Pennsylvania. Of the in habitants and attacking parties, five Avere killed and nine Wounded.3 Yirginia was in an uproar. While the baser sort would 'gladly have lynched Brown and treated him like a dog, gentlemen of education and position could not repress the Instinct to admire his courage. It had long been a jeer at 1 Statement to Governor Wise, Speech of Wise at Richmond, Redpath, p. 273. ¦ The article of Dangerfield, one of the prisoners, in the Century Maga zine, cited by Sanborn, p. 556 ; Speech of Governor Wise, Redpath, p. 273 J John Brown, Von Hoist, p. 134. 3 Lee's Report ; Sanborn. Ch. X.] JOHN BROWN 397 the abolitionists that they did not dare to preach their doc trine at the South ; now men had come into their midst to bear testimony with the sword against the Avrong of slav ery. But any regard for Brown's personal qualities was merged into wonder and alarm at the possible extent of the conspiracy, and the desire was great to know who had been his backers in this expedition. Senator Mason arrived at Harper's Ferry the afternoon of Tuesday, October 18th, and put many questions to the old Puritan, who was lying on the floor of the armory office, his hair matted, and his face, hands, and clothes stained with blood. Brown was asked Avho had sent him here % Who had furnished the money? How many Avere engaged with him in the move ment ? When did he begin the organization ? and where did he get the arms ? To these questions of Mason and Yallandigham, a congressman from Ohio who assisted in this examination, Brown had but one reply : " I will answer freely and faithfully about what concerns myself — I will answer anything I can with honor, but not about others." This conversation was set down word for word by a New York Herald reporter, and immediately given to the world. It revealed an heroic spirit with an ideal passing comprehen sion. Such a spirit seemed strangely out of place in a coun try devoted to material aims and in a century of positive scepticism. Our object in coming, he said, was " to free the slaves, and only that." When asked by Mason, " Hoav do you justify your acts ?" he replied : " I think, my friend, you are guilty of a great wrong against God and humanity — I say it Avith out wishing to be offensive — and it Avould be perfectly right for any one to interfere with you so far as to free those you wilfully and wickedly hold in bondage. ... I think I did right," the old Puritan continued, " and that others will do right Avho interfere Avith you at any time and all times. I hold that the golden rule, ' Do unto others as ye would that others should do -unto you,' applies to all who Avould help others to gain their liberty." He considered his enter- 398 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 prise " a religious movement " and " the greatest service man can render to God;" he regarded himself "an instru ment in the hands of Providence." " I want you to under stand, gentlemen," he explained, "that I respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of colored people oppressed by the slave system just as much as I do those of the most wealthy and powerful. That is the idea that has moved me, and that alone. We expected no reward except the satis faction of endeavoring to do for those in distress and greatly oppressed as we would be done by. The cry of distress of the oppressed is my reason and the only thing that prompt ed me to come here. ... I wish to say, furthermore," he afterwards said, "that you had better — all you people at the South — prepare yourselves for a settlement of this ques tion, that must come up for settlement sooner than you are prepared for it. . . . You may dispose of me very easily. I am nearly disposed of now ; but this question is still to be settled — this negro question, I mean ; the end of that is not yet." ' Governor Wise, who came to Harper's Ferry the day of this conversation, was impressed with the bearing of Brown. In a public speech at Richmond, he said : " They are mis taken Avho take Brown to be a madman. He is a bundle of the best nerves I ever saw, cut and thrust, and bleeding and in bonds. He is a man of clear head, of courage, forti tude . . . and he inspired me with great trust in his integ rity, as a man of truth. He is a fanatic, vain and garru lous, but firm and truthful and intelligent." 2 Emerson, struck Avith the intercourse between Wise and Brown, said : " Governor Wise, in the record of his first interviews Avith his prisoner, appeared to great advantage. If Governor Wise is a superior man, or inasmuch as he is a superior man, he distinguishes John Brown. As they confer, they understand each other swiftly ; each respects the other. If 1 New York Herald, Oct. 21st ; Sanborn, p. 562. 2 Redpath, p. 273. Ch.X.] JOHN BROWN 399 opportunity allowed, they would prefer each other's society and desert their former companions." ' John Brown's dream of many years had been shattered. The result Avas what any man of judgment would have foreseen. In the light of common-sense, the plan was folly ; from a military point of view it Avas absurd. The natural configuration of the ground, the accessibility of Harper's Ferry to Washington and Baltimore, doomed him in any event to destruction. To attack with eighteen men a vil lage of fourteen hundred people, the State of Yirginia, and the United States government seems the work of a madman. Only by taking into account his unquestioning faith in the literal truth of the Bible can any explanation of his actions be suggested, for Brown was in ordinary affairs as sane a man as ever lived, and of no mean ability as a leader in a guerrilla war. To Emerson he seemed " transparent," a " pure idealist." 2 Gerrit Smith thought of all men in the world, John Brown was " most truly a Christian," and that he did not doubt "the truth of one line of the Bible."3 Like the Puritans of two centuries before, he drew his most impressive lessons from the Old Testament ; he loved to dwell upon the wonders God had wrought for Joshua and for Gideon. His plan seemed no greater folly than was the attempt of Joshua to take a walled city by the blowing of trumpets and by shouts of the people; nor was he more foolish than Gideon, Avho went out to encounter a great army with three hundred men bearing only trumpets and lamps and pitchers. Yet the walls of Jericho had fallen flat at the noise, and Gideon had put to flight, amidst great confusion, Midianites and Amale- kites, who were like the grasshoppers for multitude. And as the old Puritan was doing God's work, he felt that God 1 Lecture on " Courage," Nov. 8th, 1859. " Remarks at a meeting for the relief of John Brown's family, Boston, Nov. 18th, 1859. 3 Life of Gerrit Smith, Frothingham, pp. 237, 258. 400 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 would not forsake him.1 The evasive replies he gave when pressed to account for his military folly make plain that he held something back which he deemed too sacred to put into categorical ansAvers to an unfriendly examination. To this was likeAvise due a lack of coherence in his apology. He did not expect " a general rising of the slaves ;" he expected " to gather them up from time to time and set them free." The Southerners could not comprehend that Brown was sincere Avhen he discoursed in this wise. In their view he had " whetted kniATes of butchery for our mothers, sisters, daughters, and babes." 2 To Northern states men it was clear that he could attain success only by in citing a servile war and letting passions loose such as had made the tale of San Domingo one over which civilization weeps. Nor is it surprising that practical men could have no other idea Avhen Gerrit Smith, the trusted friend and helper of John Brown, had in the August previous publicly written : " Is it entirely certain that these [slave] insurrec tions Avill be put down promptly, and before they can have spread far ? . . . Remember that telegraphs and railroads can be rendered useless in an hour. Remember, too, that many who would be glad to face the insurgents would be busy in transporting their wives and daughters to places where they Avould be safe from that Avorst fate which hus bands and fathers can imagine for their wives and daugh ters." 3 Brown knew the history of San Domingo, and in the career of Toussaint he took delight. When he should strike a signal blow such as the capture of Harper's Ferry, he ex pected the slaves of Yirginia and the free negroes of the North to flock to his standard." He brought Avith him arms for thirteen hundred men, ancl the stored equipments of the 1 See letter to Sanborn, p. 457. 2 Governor Wise to Mrs. Child, Oct. 29th, New York Tribune, Nov. 8th. » Frothingham, p. 241. 4 Testimony of Realf, Mason committee. Ch.X.] JOHN BROWN 401 arsenal Avere sufficient for an army. His provisional con stitution shows that he was anxious to avoid the horrors of San Domingo. One article granted to every prisoner a fair and impartial trial, and another provided that " persons con victed of the forcible violation of any female prisoner shall be put to death." ' But the negroes would not rise. The captured slaves, into whose hands he put the pikes, held them listlessly, making common cause with their masters, and Avere glad when the fight Avas over to return to their bondage.2 The feeling of the South towards John BroAvn may be imagined ; it need not be described. Consider how men of property would now feel at a violent attack of anarchists on their houses and goods, and one will have a partial concep tion of the horror and indignation that in 1859 prevailed at the South. The sensation at the North was profound. The conspirators were alarmed, for their complicity was suspect ed and they immediately destroyed all questionable corre spondence.3 It was reported that Governor Wise had made a requisition on the governor of New York for Gerrit Smith. His house Avas guarded, and his friends said that nothing less than a regiment of soldiers would suffice to take him from his home." The nervous tension on the philanthropist was so great that his mind gave way, and he was taken to a mad-house.D Dr. Howe, Stearns, Sanborn, and Frederick Douglass went to Canada ; Higginson pursued the even tenor of his way.6 Yet, in truth, the Southern leaders cared little for the ap prehension of these amiable conspirators, who were rightly 1 Article XLI. See Mason Report, p. 57. 2 Testimony of Washington and Allstadt, Mason committee. 3 Sanborn, p. 514. * See letter of a New York Herald correspondent from Peterboro, Oct. 31st; Frothingham, p. 243. " Frothingham, p. 245. 6 Frothingham, p. 243 ; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. ii. p. 605 ; Sanborn, p. 514. IL— 26 402 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 judged to have no political influence. But if they could fasten active support of the enterprise on prominent Repub lican leaders, an important point would be gained. As the November elections were pending, Northern Democrats were alive to the injury their opponents would sustain could it be shown that Seward, Chase, Sumner, and Hale had in any way been engaged in the conspiracy. There Avas not the slightest evidence to that effect ; but the charge was not effectually silenced until the following year, Avhen the thorough investigation by a Senate committee of the sub ject showed that these Republican leaders knew no more of John Brown's plan than the rankest Democrats of the South. In the excitement of the moment, however, the charge was made Avith impudent assertion, and the story invented that Seward and other prominent Republicans had met John Brown at Gerrit Smith's house in the spring of 1859.' By way of varying the charge of direct knoAvledge, it was maintained that Brown had only practically applied Seward's doctrine of the irrepressible conflict. As a significant argu ment, the New York Herald, on the Wednesday after the Harper's Ferry raid, when the excitement was at the high est, printed Seward's " irrepressible-conflict " speech by the side of the startling news from Yirginia. a The next day the editor averred that " Seward is the arch-agitator who is responsible for this insurrection," 3 and a few days later ar gued that he should be prosecuted as a traitor." This line of discourse, though for the most part intended to influence the coming elections, was by some men taken seriously.6 Seward, being in Europe, made no reply to these Demo cratic arguments. The Republican press and speakers met them in a dignified way, taking occasion to reiterate that their party had no intention of interfering with slavery in the States, and condemning the raid at Harper's Ferry, ' New York Herald, Nov. 2d and 4th. "- Ibid., Oct. 19th. 3 Ibid., Oct. 20th. * Nov. 1st. 5 See, for example, letter from 29 Wall Street to the Herald of Nov. 2d. Ch. X.] TRIAL OF BROWN 403 yet at the same time heaping no abuse upon the head of Brown. During the excitement of the first neAvs, when it was supposed that Brown himself had been killed, Greeley best expressed the feeling of sympathetic Republicans. " There will be enough," he wrote, " to heap execration on the memory of these mistaken men. We leave this work to the fit hands and tongues of those -who regard the funda mental axioms of the Declaration of Independence as ' glit tering generalities,' believing that the Avay to universal emancipation lies not through insurrection, Avar, ancl blood shed, but through peace, discussion, and the quiet diffusion of sentiments of humanity ancl justice. We deeply regret this outbreak ; but remembering if their fault was grievous, grievously have they answered for it, we will not by one reproachful word disturb the bloody shrouds wherein John Brown and his compatriots are sleeping. They dared and died for what they felt to be right, though in a manner which seems to us fatally wrong. Let their epitaphs remain unwritten until the not distant day when no slave shall clank his chains in the shades of Monticello or by the graves of Mo/mt Yernon." ' The, elections Avere favorable to the Republicans. The John Brown raid undoubtedly had some influence in dimin ishing their vote, but the effect was not great. " Do not be downhearted about the Old Brown business," Greeley Avrote Colfax before the election. " Its present effect is bad, and throws a heavy load on us in this State . . . but the ulti mate effect is to be good. ... It Avill drive on the slave power to new outrages. ... It presses on the ' irrepressible conflict ;' and I think the end of slavey in Yirginia and the Union is ten years nearer than it seemed a feAV weeks Brown was taken prisoner October 18th ; the preliminary examination was had the 25th. He was immediately indict ed by the grand jury, and on Wednesday, the 26th, arraigned 1 New York Tribune, Oct. 19th. 2 Life of Colfax, Hollister, p. 150. 404 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 for trial before the circuit court of Jefferson county, Yir ginia, which was sitting at Charlestown, ten miles from Harper's Ferry. The reason afterwards given to Brown, by the attorney for the prosecution, for the unusual haste Avas that the regular term of the court began immediately after the capture of the prisoners ; if not tried then, they could not be tried until the spring term.' But the public senti ment of the community called for a speedy trial, and, with newspapers and people demanding summary vengeance by lynch-law, the authorities were right in any event to take prompt action." Yet it seemed cruel to sympathizers with the old Puritan that the process must go on before he had recovered from his wounds, and while he was obliged from Aveakness to lie upon a pallet in the court-room. Wednesday was consumed in getting a jury, and on Thurs day the examination of witnesses began. Counsel for Brown were at first assigned by the court ; later, laAvyers came from Boston and Cleveland and volunteered their services for his defence, Avhile, on the fourth day of the trial, Chilton, an attorney of eminent ability from Washington, appeared. Chilton had been retained by John A. Andrew, of Boston, and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland ; he was a native of Yirginia, had represented his State in Congress, and now made an able plea for the prisoner on technical grounds.3 The counsel for Brown assigned by the State desired at the commencement to make the defence on the ground of in sanity. Brown, raising himself from his pallet, said : " I am perfectly unconscious of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am capable, any attempts to interfere in my behalf on that 1 See paper on the Trial and Execution of John Brown, by General Marcus J. Wright, Papers of the American Historical Association, vol. iv. p. 121. 2 See citations from the Southern press by the Liberator, Nov. 11th; Wright, p. 115. 3 Testimony of John A. Andrew before the Mason committee ; Wright, p. 117 ; see plea of Chilton as published in New York Herald of Nov. 1st. Ch.X.] TRIAL OF BROWN 405 score." ' On Monday, October 31st, the fifth day of the trial, the jury, after a deliberation of three quarters of an hour, brought in a verdict of " Guilty of treason, and conspiring and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and murder in the first degree." The trial was fair;2 no other result was possible. Two days afterwards, Brown was brought into court to receive his sentence.3 When asked whether he had anything to say why sentence should not be pronounced upon him, he arose and in a distinct voice said : " I deny everything but Avhat I have all along admit ted, of a design on my part to free slaves. ... I never did intend murder or treason or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrec tion. . . . Noav, if it is deemed necessary that I should for feit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children and with the blood of millions in this slave country, whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust exactments, I say, let it be done. ... I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it has been more generous than I ex pected ; but I feel no consciousness of guilt." 4 The judge then sentenced him to be hanged in public oh Friday, the 2d of December. The case was taken to the Court of Appeals by Chilton and a Richmond attorney, but a writ of error to the judgment rendered by the Circuit Court was refused." From the end of the trial until the execution took place, Charlestown, though under martial law, was in a state of excitement bordering on frenzy. All Yirginia was in alarm, 1 New York Herald, Oct. 28th. 2 The paper of General Wright was written to establish that fact ; see also Greeley's American Conflict, vol. i. p. 294 ; and John Brown, by Von Hoist, p. 154. 3 New York Herald, Nov. 1st. * Ibid., Nov. 3d. 6 New York Tribune, Nov. 21st; testimony of J. A. Andrew, Mason committee. 406 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1359 and Richmond at one time in a panic of fear. The wide belief that an attempt to rescue Brown would be made, the burning of several barns at night in the vicinity of Charlestown, which was construed to be the prelude to an extended slave insurrection, made the people nervous and apprehensive.1 There was no ground for the fear of a res cue,2 or for a rising of the slaves ; though Governor Wise kept a large body of troops constantly on the ground, it is improbable that he shared the fears of the citizens.3 The replies of Brown in the conversation Avith Mason, his bearing, and the sincere and pregnant expressions of his let ters between the verdict and the execution, showed him a hero, and Avon him that admiration of choice spirits that is granted only to those who dare much and sacrifice much in the cause of humanity. Most of his letters Avere published in the Tribune, Liberator, and other newspapers of the North, and their utterances set people to pondering on the cause that this man was Avilling to die for. " Everything that is said of John Brown," remarked Emerson, " leaves people a little dissatisfied ; but as soon as they read his own speech es and letters they are heartily contented — such is the sin gleness of purpose Avhich justifies him to the head and heart of all." " To his brother Brown wrote : " I am quite cheerful in Ariew of my approaching end, being fully persuaded that I am worth inconceivably more to hang than for any other purpose.6 ... I count it all joy. ' I have fought the good fight,' and have, as I trust, ' finished my course.' " 6 To his 1 See the files of the New York Herald and Tribune. - See Report of Collamer and Doolittle, p. 23. 3 See remarks of Senator Wilson, Senate, Dec. 8th. * Speech at Salem, Jan. 6th, 1860. 5 " The saying of this true hero, after his capture, that he was worth more for hanging than for any other purpose, reminds one, by its combi nation of wit, wisdom, and self-devotion, of Sir Thomas More." — Auto biography of John Stuart Mill, p. 268. 6 Nov. 12th, Sanborn, p. 588. Ch.X.] JOHN BROWN 407 old teacher he wrote : " As I believe most firmly that God reigns, I cannot believe that anything I have done, suffered, or may yet suffer will be lost to the cause of God or human ity. And before I began ray work at Harper's Ferry, I felt assured that in the Avorst event it Avould certainly pay. . . . I have been a good deal disappointed as it regards myself in not keeping up to my own plans ; but I now feel entirely reconciled to that even — for God's plan was infinitely bet ter, no doubt, or I should have kept to my own. Had Sam son kept to his determination of not telling Delilah Avhere- in his great strength lay, he would probably have never overturned the house. I did not tell Delilah, but I was in duced to act very contrary to my better judgment." ' Mak ing suggestions to his wife regarding the education of their daughters, he said at the close of a letter to her : " My mind is very tranquil, I may say joyous." 2 To his cousin he expressed himself as content with his fate. " When I think how easily I might be left to spoil all I have done or suffered in the cause of freedom, I hardly dare wish another voyage, even if I had the opportunity." To his younger children, to take from them the thought that the manner of his death would be ignominious, he wrote : " I feel just as content to die for God's eternal truth on the scaffold as in any other way ;" 3 and on the same day he assured his older children that "a calm peace seems to fill my mind by day and by night." With pro phetic soul he added : " As I trust my life has not been thrown away, so I also humbly trust that my death Avill not be in vain. God can make it to be a thousand times more valuable to his own cause than all the miserable service (at best) that I have rendered it during my life." 4 To a cler gyman who had sent him sympathizing words he wrote : " I think I feel as happy as Paul did when he lay in prison. He knew if they killed him, it would greatly advance the ' Nov. 15th, Sanborn, p. 590. " Nov. 16th, ibid., p. 593. 3 Nov. 22d, ibid., p. 596. 4 Ibid., p. 597. 408 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 cause of Christ ; that was the reason he rejoiced so. On that same ground ' I do rejoice.' . . . Let them hang me ; I forgive them, and may God forgive them, for they know not Avhat they do. I have no regret for the transaction for which I am condemned. I went against the laws of men, it is true, but ' whether it be right to obey God or men, judge ye.' " ' In his letter to Judge Tilden, of Cleveland, he said : " It is a great comfort to feel assured that I am per mitted to die for a cause ;" 2 and among the last Avords to his family, was : " John Brown Avrites to his children to ab hor Avith undying hatred that sum of all villanies — slavery." s The sun rose bright and clear on the morning that the old Puritan was to die. Fears of a rescue still prevailed ; cannon were in position before the jail, and several companies of in fantry guarded the place. It was nearly eleven o'clock Avhen BroAvn was taken from his prison. He had handed to one of the guards a paper on which was written : " I, John Brown, am hoav quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. I had, as I now think vainly, flattered myself that without very much blood shed it might be done." 4 Soldiers marched ahead of the wagon in Avhich the old Puritan, seated on his coffin, rode. As his glance went from the sky to the graceful outlines of the blue mountains, he said : " This is a beautiful country." To those who Avere Avith him, he declared that he did not dread death, nor had he ever in his life known what it was to experience physical fear. As he got out of the wagon at the galloAvs, his manner was composed, and he mounted the steps of the platform Avith a steady tread. Around the scaf fold fifteen hundred Yirginia troops were drawn up in bat tle array. HoAvitzers were placed to command the field, a force of cavalry was posted as sentinels, while scouts and rangers Avere on duty outside of the enclosure. Citizens were not allowed to approach the scene of execution, and » Nov. 23d, Sanborn, p. 598. 2 Nov. 28th, ibid., p. 609. 3 Nov. 30th, ibid., p. 615. 4 Ibid., p. 620. Ch. X.] EXECUTION OF BROAVN 409 strangers had been warned to keep away from Charlestown. Brown made no speech. When he had occasion to say any thing to the sheriff, his voice was strangely natural. He stood blindfolded on the platform, the noose was adjusted about his neck. Everything was ready, still the sheriff did not receive the signal. The colonel in command was wait ing until the escort of the prisoner had taken its proper place. It was a trying ten minutes, but Brown stood, so wrote Colonel Preston, an officer on duty, " upright as a sol dier in position, and motionless. I was close to him and watched him narrowly, to see if I could detect any signs of shrinking or trembling in his person, but there was none." At last the sheriff received the signal, the rope that held up the trap-door was cut, and John Brown was sent into eter nity. Solemnity and decorum ruled. Colonel Freston broke the awful silence around him : " So perish all such enemies of Yirginia ! All such enemies of the Union ! All such foes of the human race !" ' It was the undoubted sentiment of every man present. "Brown died like a man," wrote Francis Lieber, "and Virginia fretted like an old woman. . . . The deed Avas irra tional, but it will be historical. Yirginia has come out of it damaged, I think. She has forced upon mankind the idea that slavery must be, in her oAvn opinion, but a rickety thing." 2 As reflecting the sentiment of Concord, Louisa Alcott set down in her diary that, " The execution of Saint John the Just took place December second ;" 3 and Longfellow con- 1 In this account of the execution I have in the main followed the let ter of Colonel Preston, an officer of the corps of cadets, written from Charlestown, Dec. 2d, 1859, the day of the execution. This letter was made part of General Wright's paper before the American Historical As sociation. I have drawn some facts from Sanborn and have carefully con sulted Redpath and the correspondents of the New York Herald and Tribune. Six companions of Brown, who had been taken prisoners, were afterwards hanged. 2 Private letter, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 307. 3 Life and Letters yf Louisa M. Alcott, p. 105. 410 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I859 tided to his journal : " This Avill be a great day in our his tory ; thft date of a new revolution, quite as much needed as the old one. Even now, as I write, they are leading old John Brown to execution in Yirginia for attempting to rescue slaves ! This is sowing the wind to reap the whirl wind, which will come soon." * Much sympathy was expressed with the old Puritan in many parts of the North. Churches held services of humil iation and prayer at the hour the execution was to take place ; in some cities funeral bells were tolled and minute- guns were fired ; large meetings were held to lament the martyr, glorify his cause, and aid his family. In both houses of the Massachusetts legislature a motion was made to adjourn on account of the execution.2 For the most part, these public manifestations were under the auspices of the abolitionists, and of those who inclined to their views. It was recognized by the Garrison abolitionists that incon sistency lay betAveen their homilies against the use of force and their admiration for John BroAvn ; but the touch of nature was too strong for fine-spun theories, and the follow ers of Garrison were active and earnest in all of these dem onstrations. The Liberator had columns of eulogy to a par agraph of deprecation. The American Anti-slavery Society designated a period of its calendar " The John BroAvn Year," and in its report pages Avere devoted to the glorification of the old Puritan, while three sentences sufficed for the disap proval of his method.3 The deed of John Brown, which engrossed public attention to such an extent that the death of the most celebrated writer 1 Life of Longfellow, Samuel Longfellow, vol. ii. p. 347. 2 The motions were, of course, defeated. In the Senate the vote stood 11 to 8, ancl in the House 141 to 6. For an account of the various dem onstrations, see especially the New York Tribune and the Liberator. 3 See especially the Liberator of Nov. 25th. The twenty-seventh an nual report of the American Anti-slavery Society was called " The Anti- slavery History of the John Brown Year;" see particularly p. 130. Ch.X.] OPINIONS OF STATESMEN 411 of America, Washington Irving, passed comparatively un heeded,' gave rise to comments and opinions out of which may be evolved a judgment of what place he will fill in history. The four representative men of the country spoke positive ly. Jefferson Davis called it " the invasion of a State by a murderous gang of abolitionists," who came " to incite slaves to murder helpless women and children . . . and for which the leader has suffered a felon's death." He asserted that Seward's " irrepressible-conflict " speech contained the germ that may have borne this bloody fruit.2 Douglas intimated that BroAvn was a horse-thief,3 and spoke of him as " a no torious man Avho has recently suffered death for his crimes upon the galloAvs." It was his " firm and deliberate convic tion that the Harper's Ferry crime was the natural, logical, inevitable result of the doctrines and teachings of the Re publican party ;" and he asserted that the " house-divided- against-itself " doctrine of Lincoln and the " irrepressible- conflict " principle of Seward tended to produce such acts as the raid of John Brown." Before SeAvard and Lincoln expressed their views, the Harper's Ferry invasion had been the subject of several days' debate in the Senate. The debate arose on the resolu tion to appoint a committee to investigate the affair, ancl continued on the resolution of Douglas, wThich had in view legislation to prevent such attempts in the future. There had been a free interchange of opinions. The Southerners were aggressive ; the Republicans judicious but firm ; they regretted and disapproved of the act, yet sympathized with 1 Thoreau, Last Days of John Brown, North Elba, July 4th, 1860; see also New York Herald and Tribune. 2 Senate, Dec. 8th, 1859. 3 The basis of this charge was the fact that Brown, in his Missouri ex ploit, captured men who pursued him on horseback, and that, though he released the men, he kept the horses and afterwards sold them in Ohio. 4 Senate, Jan. 23d, 1860. See Congressional Globe, 1st Sess. 36th Cong., pp. 553, 554. 412 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I859 the man. The mass of Republicans were nevertheless per plexed, and looked to their leaders for guidance." Lincoln spoke at the Cooper Institute, February 2Tth, 1860, and re ferred to John Brown in cold, measured, and proper Avords : "John Brown's effort was peculiar," said he. " It Avas not a slave insurrection, it Avas an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it Avas so absurd that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not suc ceed. That affair in its philosophy corresponds with the many attempts related in history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the op pression of a people, until he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than in his OAvn execution." 2 Two days later, Seward spoke in the Senate more sympa thetically, and in words better calculated to meet with favor from those whose feeling for the man balanced their con demnation of the violent breach of the law. " The gloom of the late tragedy in Yirginia," said he, "rested on the Capitol from the day when Congress assembled." Brown "attempted to subvert slavery in Yirginia by conspiracy, ambush, invasion, and force. The method we have adopted, of appealing to the reason and judgment of the people, to he pronounced by suffrage, is the only one by which free gov ernment can be maintained anywhere, and the only one as yet devised which is in marked harmony with the spirit of the Christian religion. While generous and charitable nat ures Avill probably concede that John Brown and his asso- ' ciates acted on earnest, though fatally erroneous, convictions, yet all good citizens Avill nevertheless agree that this attempt to execute an unlawful purpose in Yirginia by invasion, in- 1 An admirable statement of public opinion may be found in the At lantic Monthly for March, 1860, p. 378, in a criticism by C. E. Norton of Redpath's Life of John Brown. 2 Life of Lincoln, Howells, p. 206. Ch.X.] OPINIONS OF PHILOSOPHERS AND POETS 413 vol ving .servile war, was an act of sedition and treason, and criminal in just the extent that it affected the public peace and Avas destructive of human happiness and life." We la ment, the senator continued, " the deaths of so many citi zens, slain from an ambush and by surprise." We may re gret " the deaths even of the offenders themselves, pitiable, although necessary and just, because they acted under delir ium, which blinded their judgments to the real nature of their criminal enterprise." ' That Lincoln and Seward both represented and shaped the dominant opinion of their party is evident from the declaration of the National Republican convention, meeting in the May following, that the Harper's Ferry invasion was " among the gravest of crimes." TLad philosophers ancl poets remained dumb, these expres sions from men of affairs would have ended the chapter, and it might have been left for after-years to question the pro saic judgment of statesmen, rendered in the piping times of peace. But men who lived in the spirit, on Avhom rested no responsibility for the march of government, who, as Thoreau expressed it, Avere not obliged to count " the votes of Penn sylvania & Co.," had already spoken. They put into words the feeling of many abolitionists and of many men Avho regularly voted the Republican ticket. " I wish we might have health enough," said Emerson, " to know virtue when Ave see it, and not cry with the fools ' madman ' when a hero passes ;" and this Avas greeted with prolonged applause by the Boston audience who had gathered to hear his lecture on " Courage." 2 The same evening he further spoke of Brown as " that new saint, than whom none purer or more brave was ever led by love of men into conflict ancl death — the new saint awaiting his martyrdom, and who, if he shall suffer, will make the galloAvs glorious like the cross ;" and this sentiment was responded to with enthusiasm by the im mense audience of Tremont Temple.3 ' Works, vol. iv. p. 636. 2 The Liberator, Nov. 18th. ' Memoir of Emerson, Cabot, p. 597; the Liberator, Nov. 11th. This 414 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 " Some eighteen hundred years ago," said Thoreau, "Christ was crucified ; this morning, perchance, Captain Brown was hung. These are the two ends of a chain which is not with out its links. He is not old Brown any longer ; he is an an gel of light. ... I foresee the time Avhen the painter will paint that scene [the interview of Brown and Senator Ma son], no longer going to Rome for a subject ; the poet will sing it, the historian record it ; and, with the Landing of the Pilgrims and the Declaration of Independence, it will be the ornament of some future national gallery, when at least the present form of slavery shall be no more here. We shall then be at liberty to weep for Captain Brown." ' Yictor Hugo, the greatest genius living, an exile for the cause of liberty, thus wrote of the event upon which Eng land and France were looking Avith wonder: "In killing Brown, the Southern States have committed a crime which Avill take its place among the calamities of history. The rupture of the Union will fatally folloAv the assassination of BroAvn. As to John BroAvn, he was an apostle and a hero. The gibbet has only increased his glory and made him a martyr."2 The poet who compassed all history wrote for the old Puritan this epitaph : Pro Christo sicut Christus? A century may, perchance, pass before an historical esti mate acceptable to all lovers of liberty and justice can be made of John BroAvn. What infinite variety of opinions may exist of a man who on the one hand is compared to Socrates and Christ, and on the other hand to Orsini and lecture was delivered Nov. 8th. Emerson also delivered two set speeches on John Brown, published in vol. xi. of his Works. 1 A plea for Captain John Brown, read at Concord, Oct. 30th. 2 Cited in the twenty-seventh annual report of the American Auti- slavery Society, p. 161. 3 Actes et Paroles pendant l'Exil, in which may be found two eloquent tributes to John Brown. " Pour nous, qui preferons le martyre au succes, John Brown est plus grand que Washington." — Jean Valjean, vol. v. Les Miserables. Ch.X.] JOHN BROWN AND HIS WORK 415 Wilkes Booth ! The likeness drawn between the old Puri tan and these men who did the work of assassination re volts the muse of history ; yet the comparison to Socrates and Christ strikes a discordant note. The apostle of truth and the apostle of peace are immeasurably remote from the man whose work of reform consisted in shedding blood ; the teacher who gave the injunction " Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's," and the philosopher whose long life was one of strict obedience to the laws, are a silent re buke to the man whose renoAvn was gained by the breach of laAvs deemed sacred by his country. As time went on, Emerson modified his first exuberant judgment, and, when printing ten years later his lecture on " Courage," omitted the expressions here cited as his opinion of the old Pu ritan.' Of the influence of the Harper's Ferry invasion something remains to be said. It does not appear that it gained votes for Lincoln in the presidential contest of 1860 ; nor did it, as was at first feared, injure the Republican cause. It is a notable circumstance that John A. Andrew, who presided at a John Brown meeting and said that Avhether the enterprise Avas wise or foolish, " John Brown himself is right," 2 was elected governor of Massachusetts by the Republicans in 1860 by a very large majority, his vote falling but two thousand behind that of Lincoln. On the other hand, it is certain that if John Brown had never lived, Lincoln Avould have been elected President, and secession would have en sued ; although the Harper's Ferry raid did indeed furnish a count of the indictment of the Southern States against the ( North,3 and may have been one of the influences impelling Yirginia to join the Southern Confederacy. After the Avar began, the Avords full of meaning and the 1 Life of Emerson, Cabot, p. 597. 2 The Liberator, Nov. 25th. 3 For example, see letter of A. II. Stephens to Lincoln, Dec. 30th, 1860, Letters and speeches, Cleveland, p. 153. Also De Bow's Review, Jan. and March, 1860. 416 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1869 stirring music of the John Brown song inspired Northern soldiers as they marched to the front ; and it Avas a dramatic incident, and one that excited many emotions, when the Webster regiment, of Massachusetts, Avhose quartet had composed the words and adapted them to the music of a Methodist hymn, burst out at Charlestown, March 1st, 1862, on the spot where the old Puritan was hanged, with " John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave, But his soul goes marching on." ' And who can say that the proclamation of emancipation would have met as hearty a response, that Northern patriots would have fought with as much zeal, and the people sus tained Lincoln in the Avar for the abolition of slavery as faithfully, had not John BroAvn suffered martyrdom in the same cause on Yirginia soil ? 2 1 The John Brown song originated in the spring of 1861. For an ac count of its origin and development, see A Famous War Song: A Pa per read before the United Service Club, Philadelphia, by James Beale, late of Twelfth Mass. Vol. Regimeut, the Webster Regiment (Philadelphia, 1890). " I said to a great gathering in the South in 1881 that I expected to live to see Confederate soldiers or their children erect a monument to John Brown at Harper's Ferry, in token of the liberty which he brought to the white men of the South." — Edward Atkinson, in the Boston Herald of Nov. 1st, 1891. 2 For a consideration of John Brown from another point of view, see Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. chap. xi. For a reply, see John Brown, edited by F. P. Steams, which includes the essay of Von Hoist. On the subject generally see Whittier's poem " Brown of Ossawatomie ;" Blaine, vol. i. pp. 155, 156; Garrison, vol. iii. p. 493; Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 258; W. P. Garrison, Andover Review, Dec, 1890, and Jan., 1891 ; Life of Bowles, vol. i. p. 251 ; Political Recollections, Julian, p. 169 ; S. S. Cox, p. 50. CHAPTER XI John Brown was hanged Friday, December 2d. The ex citement Avas still intense when, on the following Monday, the Thirty -sixth Congress assembled. " Yirginia is arming to the teeth," wrote ex-President Tyler from his plantation. " More than fifty thousand stand of arms already distrib uted, and the demand for more daily increasing. Party is silent and has no voice. But one sentiment pervades the country : security in the Union, or separation. An indis creet move in any direction may produce results deeply to be deplored. I fear the debates in Congress, and, above all, the speaker's election. If excitement prevails in Congress, it will add fuel to the flame which already burns so terrifi cally." ' The Senate was composed of thirty -eight Democrats, twenty-five Republicans, and two Americans.2 Since the meeting of the previous Congress, the Republicans had gained five senators. Two new States had been admitted by the last Congress. Minnesota, Avith a constitution pro hibiting slavery, had come into the Union without objection from the Southerners, although she made one more Aveight in the balance of free against slave States. But her first senators and representatives were Democrats. Oregon, too, was admitted with a free constitution. The main opposition to her admission came from the Republicans, for the reason that her population was not equal to the number required for ' John Tyler to his son, Dec. 6th, 1859, Letters and Times of the Ty lers, vol. ii. p. 555. 2 There was one vacancy. IL— 27 418 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1859 a representative, and as Kansas was held to this rule, it was deemed unjust to admit Oregon unless Kansas should also be made a State ; moreover, the constitution of Oregon was criticised in that it forbade the entrance of free negroes or mulattoes into the State. Another objection, not so clearly expressed, was that Oregon being strongly Democratic, it was expected that she would furnish the coining year three electoral votes for the Democrats, besides at once notably increasing their strength in the Senate. In the House the admission of Oregon only commanded the votes of fifteen Republicans, none of them but Colfax being prominent in the councils of his party.' Although regarded as a Demo cratic victory, it Avas really an anti-slavery gain. There Avere now eighteen free to fifteen slave states, ancl Oregon as well as Minnesota cast her vote in 1860 for Lincoln. No- Avhere in the existing territory of the country was there a possibility of carving out another slave State. The House Avas composed of one hundred and nine Re publicans, eighty-eight administration Democrats, thirteen anti-Lecompton Democrats, and twenty-seven Americans; all but four of the Americans were from the South.2 No one party having a majority, a contest for speaker was in evitable. On the first ballot the Republicans divided their votes between John Sherman, of Ohio, and Grow, of Penn sylvania ; but immediately after the ballot was announced, Grow Avithdrew his name. Clark, of Missouri, soon obtained the floor ancl offered a resolution that no representative Avho had endorsed and recommended the insurrectionary book, Helper's " Impending Crisis," was fit to be speaker of this House. 1 The vote for admission was: 92 Lecompton Democrats, 7 Anti-Lecomp ton Democrats, 15 Republicans — total, 114: against admission, Republi cans, 73; Southern Democrats, 18 ; South Americans, 10 ; anti-Lecompton Democrats, 2— total, 103. See analysis of vote by New York Tribune, Feb. 14th, 1859. 2 This classification is corrected from those in the Congressional Qhbe and Tribune Almanac. CH.XI.] HELPER'S "IMPENDING CRISIS" 419 " The Impending Crisis of the South : Hoav to Meet It," Avas the title of a book Avritten by a poor Avhite of North Carolina, to shoAV that slavery was fatal to the interests of the non-slaveholding whites of the South. Although the writer's manner was highly emotional, sincerity flowed from his unpractised pen. The facts were in the main correct ; the arguments based on them, in spite of being disfigured by abuse of the slave-holders and Aveakened by threats of violent action in a certain contingency, were unanswerable. The book Avas an arraignment of slavery from the stand point of the poor white, and in his interest. " Uncle Tom's Cabin " was full of burning indignation at the wrong done the slave, and John Brown sacrificed his life willingly for him ; while Helper, though he had the prejudices of his class against the black, made a powerful protest against the in stitution in the name of the non-slaveholding Avhite. " Oli garchial despotism must be overthrown ; slavery must be abolished," he declared ; but " we long to see the day ar rive" Avhen the negroes shall be removed from the United States, and their places filled by Avhite men.' This book, published in 1857, had not at first a large cir culation, but in 1859 it began to attract attention from those earnestly in favor of the Republican cause. A com- pend of its contents was published in cheap form for gra tuitous distribution, and this enterprise received the written approval of many members of Congress, among Avhom were Sherman and GroAv. The burden of Helper's argument was that the abolition of slavery Avould improve the material interests of the South by fostering manufactures and com merce, thus increasing greatly the value of land, the only property of the poor whites, and giving them a larger market for their products. The country and the cities Avould grow ; there would be schools, as at the North, for the education of their children, and their rise in the social scale Avould be marked. The reasoning, supported as it Avas Helper, pp. 345, 381. 420 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I859 by a mass of figures, could not be gainsaid. Had the poor white been able to read and comprehend such an argu ment, slavery Avould have been doomed to destruction, for certainly seven voters out of ten in the slave States were non-slaveholding whites. It was this consideration that made Southern congressmen so furious, for to retain their power they must continue to hoodwink their poorer neigh bors. The second day of the session was exciting. Clark spoke on his resolution, and had extracts from the Helper com- pend read to show that it was an incendiary publication. Millson, of Yirginia, declared that " one who consciously, deliberately, and of purpose lent his name and influence to the propagation of such Avritings is not only not fit to be speaker, but is not fit to live." These remarks were aimed at Sherman, now the sole Republican candidate for speaker, and he deemed it proper to make a reply. He had read neither book nor compend, and did not recollect signing the recommendation ; to a pointed question he made the frank answer: "I am opposed to any interference whatever by the people of the free States with the relations of master and slave in the slave States." Keitt, of South Carolina, charged upon the Republicans the responsibility of Helper's book and John Brown's foray, exclaiming : " The South here asks nothing but its rights. ... I would have no more ; but, as God is my judge, as one of its representatives, I Avould shatter this republic from turret to foundation-stone before I Avould take one tittle less." Thaddeus Stevens, Avith grim humor, replied : " I do not blame gentlemen of the South for the language of intimidation, for using this threat of rending God's creation from the turret to the foundation. All this is right in them, for they have tried it fifty times, and fifty times they have found weak and recreant tremblers in the North who have been affected by it, and who have acted from those intimidations." An angry colloquy between Crawford, of Georgia, and Stevens ensued ; the House was in an uproar ; the clerk was power- CH.XL] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER 421 less to preserve order ; members from the benches on both sides croAvded down into the area, and it was feared that a physical collision between Northern and Southern represent atives would take place.' Morris, of Illinois, who exerted himself to allay the tumult, said the next day : "A few more such scenes . . . and Ave shall hear the crack of the revolver and see the gleam of the brandished blade." Yet the dignity of the place and their position restrained men from violence, and quiet was at length restored. It was not, however, until near the close of the proceedings of the following day that the House took the second ballot. Sherman then received 107, nine votes short of an election ; Bocock, a Democrat of Yirginia, had 88 ; Gilmer, an American of North Carolina, 22 ; while 14 votes Avere scattering. The House, proceeding Avithout rules, unrestricted by the formalities of legislation, and lacking the guidance of chair men of committees, with the clerk in the chair who had neither the authority nor the dignity of a speaker, became a great debating society in which the questions for debate Avere : Is slavery right or wrong ? Ought it to be extended or restricted ? The 'greater part of the talking was done by Southern men, and their feelings were wrought up to the highest pitch. Lamar, of Mississippi, declared that the Re publicans Avere not " guiltless of the blood of John Brown and his co-conspirators, and the innocent men, the victims of his ruthless vengeance." Helper's book, said Pryor, of Yirginia, riots " in rebellion, treason, and insurrection," ancl is " precisely in the spirit of the act which startled us a few weeks since at Harper's Ferry." The leader of the Repub lican party, Seward, was an especial object of attack, and his declaration of the irrepressible conflict received hot cen sure. Lamar suspected that he was implicated in the John Brown invasion.2 Reuben Davis, of Mississippi, called him a 1 Congressional Globe; New York Tribune. 2 Remarks of Dec. 7th. This suspicion in regard to Seward was com mon at the South. When part of Brown's party took possession of the 422 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1889 traitor.1 From such expressions there followed naturally the threat to dissolve the Union in case the Republicans elected a President. "We will never submit to the inauguration of a Black Republican President," declared CraAvford, of Georgia, amidst applause from Southern Democrats, and he averred, " I speak the sentiment of every Democrat on this floor from the State of Georgia." This sentiment was reiter ated in many forms ancl at every stage of the proceedings. " The Capitol resounds with the cry of dissolution, and the cry is echoed throughout the city," Avrote Senator Grimes.2 The speeches of Southern members may be summed up in abuse of John Brown, Helper, Seward, Greeley, and John Sherman, and in threats of disunion. The choice of Sherman for speaker, said Pry or, will be a presage of "the ultimate catastrophe, the election of William H. Seward" for Presi dent. The Republicans, for the most part, held aloof from the discussion ; they were always ready for a ballot, but it Avas impossible to get a vote every day. Corwin, an orator who never failed to command attention, made a moderate and Avitty speech, Avhich for the time being put the House in good humor; but the political atmosphere Avas sultry, and in the arena of the representatives' hall, men swayed by poAverful emotions had a chance to vent them, unhampered by the most intricate of parliamentary rules. Applause and hisses on the floor, echoed almost unchecked by the crowded galleries, added fuel to the flame. The arrangement of the hall had a tendency to increase the excitement. By resolution adopted at the previous session, the desks were ordered to be removed from the floor of the House, and such a rearrangement of the seats of members made as Avould bring them together into the small est convenient space. The committee who had reported schoolhouse near Harper's Ferry, the schoolmaster asked if Seward were concerned in the raid. Testimony Mason committee. 1 Remarks of Dec. 8th. 2 To his wife, Life of Grimes, Salter, p. 121. Ch. XI.] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER 423 this resolution thought the change expedient and desirable, and an important step towards many legislative reforms. The chief argument for retaining the desks, the committee said, " is the strongest reason for their abolition — namely, the convenient facility which they afford members for writ ing letters and franking documents. It would certainly seem as if the very first duty of a representative in Con gress was not simply to attend bodily in his place, but to listen to, and understand, and, when occasion requires it, to participate in the discussions and proceedings of the body of which he is a member." The immense size of the hall, the committee continued, made it difficult to hear a member when speaking; and if members came into nearer contact, greater attention could be paid to the discussions. The British House of Commons,' of six hundred and fifty-four members, it was stated7held its sessions in a much smaller hall than our House of Representatives, which had to ac commodate only tAvo hundred and thirty-six. Under this order, benches were arranged so that the House was brought into the smallest possible compass consistent with convenient and comfortable seats, and about one third of the space of the hall was left vacant. The new arrangement, however, did not suit the majority of the members. Three Aveeks after the election of a speaker, they ordered the benches taken out and the desks and chairs restored ; but this was not actually done until after the close of this Congress. It is a matter of regret that the experiment was not given a longer trial. The desks were not, however, brought back on ac count of the heated debates of this session, but because the members missed their convenience. The closer physical contact, the enforced attention to every remark, undoubtedly added to the excitement of the daily meetings. The participants in an angry colloquy could easily meet. One day Kellogg and Logan, both of Illinois, had an altercation growing out of a charge made against Senator Douglas ; on another, a hot personal dis pute on the floor of the House between Branch, of North 424 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 Carolina, and Grow, of Pennsylvania, led to a virtual chal lenge to a duel from Branch, Avhich met a dignified refusal from GroAV. Both were afterwards arrested and placed un der heaA'y bonds to keep the peace.1 Another day, Avhen Haskin, an anti-Lecompton Democrat from New York, was making excited and bitter personal remarks about a col league, a pistol accidentally fell to the floor from the breast pocket of his coat. Some members, believing that he had drawn the weapon Avith the intention of using it, were wild Avith passion. Many Democrats rushed toAvards the centre area near which Haskin stood. The loud cries for order, the nervous demands for the sergeant-at-arms, and the clam or of excitement, made a scene of pandemonium.2 A bloody contest that day Avas imminent. " The members on both sides," wrote Senator Grimes, of Iowa, " are mostly armed with deadly weapons, and it is said that the friends of each are armed in the galleries." 3 Senator Hammond told the same story. " I believe," he wrote to Lieber, " every man in both houses is armed with a revolver — some with two— and a bowie-knife."4 The practice among Southerners of carrying concealed weapons was not uncommon. Among Northern men it was rarer, though they were led to it by the domineering tone and menacing words they were every day obliged to hear. They were determined not to fight duels ; the moral sense of every Northern community was opposed to that manner of settling disputes. With the shadow of Broderick's death resting over the Capitol, it Avas seen that they Avere invited to an unequal contest ; for in the code of honor and the art of duelling the slave-holders were adept, and had the advan tages of skill over inexperience. Nevertheless, Republican 1 New York Tribune, Jan. 2d and 4th, 1860. 7 See Congressional Globe and New York Tribune, Jan. 13th, I860. 8 Grimes to his wife, Salter, p. 121. 4 Life of Lieber, p. 310; see also New York Tribune, Jan. 13th, 1860; Recollections of Mississippi, Reuben Davis, p. 383. CH.XI.] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER 425 members were resolved to defend themselves if attacked, and carried weapons in order to be ready for an emergency. The gravity of the situation Avas felt. Men Avere aware of the consequences that might flow from a bloody affray on the floor of the House, and counsels of forbearance from both sides were frequent. The Republicans showed great moderation ; it Avas rare that one of them spoke ; they were anxious to organize the House ; and rather than lose time they let extravagant assertions pass uncontradicted, and bore in silence taunts and gibes from those who displayed plan tation manners in the assembly of the nation. The House remained in session the week betAveen Christ mas and New-Year's Day. During the intervals of debate, ballots were taken. On the twenty-fifth ballot, January 4th, 1860, Sherman came within three votes of election, and he came no nearer in any subsequent trials. The plurality rule was proposed but not pressed to a vote, as the Repub licans knew the Southern members Avould filibuster against its adoption. Nor were any night sessions held, although Greeley thought the Republicans should have insisted on a vote on the plurality rule, and held night sessions if neces sary to accomplish the purpose.1 Such procedure, however, Avould have increased the friction betAveen the parties and sections. In spite of the bitter personal attacks made upon him, Sher man maintained during the contest a dignified composure. Corwin had taken pains to explain the difference betAveen Republicans and abolitionists ; but Sherman Avas frequently called an abolitionist, perhaps with the design of vilifying him at the South as Seward was vilified. General Sherman, then at the head of a military academy in Louisiana, relates how he was looked upon Avith suspicion on account of being the brother of the "abolition candidate" for speaker.2 On January 20th, John Sherman was able to explain how his 1 See Greeley to Colfax, Life of Colfax, Hollister, p. 153. 2 Sherman's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 148. 426 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 name had come to be signed to the recommendation of the compend of Helper's book. It was done by proxy.' He that day declared : " I am for the Union and the Constitution, with all the compromises under which it was formed and all the obligations Avhich it imposes." When I came here, he continued, " I did not believe that the slavery question Avould come up ; and but for the unfortunate affair of Brown at Harper's Ferry I did not believe that there would be any feeling on the subject. Northern men came here Avith kind ly feelings, no man approving the foray of John Brown, and every man AviUing to say so ; every man willing to ad mit it as an act of lawless violence ; . . . but this question of slavery was raised by the introduction of the resolution of the gentleman from Missouri. It has had the effect of exciting the public mind Avith an irritating controversy." A combination of Democrats and Southern Americans would have been able to name the speaker, but this seemed impossible to effect. Still, Smith, an American of North Carolina, received, January 27th, 112 votes, Avithin three of an election, and Sherman's vote on the same ballot fell to 106. The House then adjourned from Friday to Monday, January 30th. When it met, Sherman Avithdrew his name, and Pennington, of NeAv Jersey, was placed in nomination by the Republicans. Five ballots were taken on three suc cessive days. February 1st, on the forty-fourth trial, Pen nington received 117 votes, exactly the number necessary to elect. Three representatives, who Avould not vote for Sher man, had come to his support to end the contest.2 Penning- 1 For full explanation, see Congressional Globe, 1st Sess. 36th Cong., p. 547. 2 They were Adrian, anti-Lecompton Democrat from New Jersey; Briggs, American, New York ; Henry Winter Davis, American, from Maryland. Three anti-Lecompton Democrats — Hickman and Schwartz, from Pennsylvania, and Haskin, from New York — voted most of the time for Sherman ; and Reynolds, anti-Lecompton Democrat from New York, was ready to join them if his vote would elect. All four voted for Pen- niugtou. CH.XI.] THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER 427 ton Avas sent to Congress by the People's party, but was re garded as a conservative Republican, and had constantly voted for Sherman Avhile Sherman was a candidate. The contest lacked three days of being as long as that which terminated in the election of Banks ; but then one hundred and thirty ballots Avere taken, while now there had been only forty -four. Good -humor and courtesy had marked the previous contest, where now were acrimony and defiance. There was then a suspicion that bribery had brought about the result ; now passions more intense than avarice ruled supremely. Both times the discussion turned on the slavery question, but it was now a more strongly marked feature of the contest, and characterized by greater bitterness. Threats of disunion were then received with laughter; now they Avere too frequent and earnest to be treated lightly, even by those Republicans who believed they were uttered for mere effect. In the four years the divergence of the North and the South had grown into strong antagonism. The excitement in the House extended throughout the country. Congressmen received a significant and hearty support in their threats of disunion from the Southern press.' Senator Bigler, of Pennsylvania, Avrote : " The ex citement seems to abate slightly in Congress, but it is on the rise in nearly every Southern State. . . . Nothing has made so much bad blood as the endorsement of the Helper book, and the attempt now making to promote a man Avho did this to the responsible station of speaker of the House. The next most offensive thing is the sympathy manifested for old Brown." 2 The speakership contest had made Help- 1 See Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 1st, 6th, 20th, 1860 ; Washington Con stitution (the administration organ), Jan. 5th, 13th ; Raleigh Standard, cited by Constitution, Jan. 14th; see the Mobile Tribune, Demopolis (Ala.) Gazette, New Orleans Courier, and Richmond Whig, cited by the Liberator, Jan. 6th. 8 To Robert Tyler, Dec. 16th, 1859, Letters and Times of the Tylers, vol. ii. p. 255. 428 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 er's book famous, and given it an astounding circulation. Although the book could not openly be sold at the South, and a Methodist minister, a native of North Carolina, Avas imprisoned for circulating the book, yet many copies found their way by stealth to that region.1 But the ignorance of the poor Avhite Avas too profound for Helper's arguments to penetrate, and they had little, if any, appreciable influence on the South. At the North great piles of "The Impending Crisis " might be seen on the counter of every book-store, news-depot, and neAvspaper-stand. It proved a potent Re publican document, especially in the doubtful States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois, where it was easier to arouse sympathy for the degraded white than for the oppressed negro.2 General Scott wrote Senator Crittenden confidentially: " The state of the country almost deprives me of sleep." ! Union-saving meetings Avere held in the Eastern cities to deplore the Avidening breach between the two sections, and to condemn equally the abolitionists and the fire-eaters of the South, as the advocates of secession began to be called. Wendell Phillips, with a certain degree of justice, thus char acterized these gatherings : " The saddest thing in the Union meetings Avas the constant presence, in all of them, of the clink of coin — the Avhir of spindles — the dust of trade. You Avould have imagined it was an insurrection of peddlers against honest men."4 The Union-saA^ers, wrote Bryant, " include a pretty large body of commercial men." 6 The Southern trade, always of importance to the Eastern cities, Avas now of especial consequence, for the South had scarce ly felt the effects of the panic of 1857, while the West still labored under great business depression. " The Southern 1 Helper's Impending Crisis, p. 395 ; New York Tribune, April 12th. 2 Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 469. 3 Life of Crittenden, Coleman, vol. ii. p. 182. 4 Speeches and Lectures, p. 316. 5 Life of Bryant, Godwin, vol. ii. p. 128. CH.XI] "THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT" 429 trade is good just now," wrote Bryant to John BigeloAv, " ancl the Western rather unprofitable. Appleton says there is not a dollar in anybody's pocket west of Buffalo." ' A black list of New York merchants, called abolition houses, and a white list, called constitutional houses, Avere published in the South, and Southern buyers Avere adA'ised, and even Avarned, to place their orders Avith the proper parties.2 Northern business men and agents of Eastern houses re ceived Avarning at Savannah that they had better return home, as it would be useless for them to solicit orders on account of the sentiment now prevailing. Gratified at the success of this move, Southerners argued that "non- intercourse is the one prescription for Northern fanaticism and political villany." 3 Health-seekers accustomed to go South, to avoid the rigor of the Northern Avinter, were counselled to change their plans and visit the West Indies or Europe, as the mere fact of hailing from the North might subject them to annoyance or insult from the South ern populace.4 The gravity of the situation demanded an expression from the four representative men of the country, especially as three of them were avowed candidates for the presidency. The differences betAveen Douglas and the Southern senators coming up in the Senate, he declared to them : " I am not seeking a nomination. I am AviUing to take one, provided I can assume it [the nomination] on principles that I believe to be sound ; but in the event of your making a platform that I could not conscientiously execute in good faith if I were elected, I will not stand upon it and be a candidate. . . . I have no grievances, but I have no concessions. I have no 1 Life of Bryant, Godwin, vol. ii. p. 128. " New York Tribune, Jan. 23d. 3 Savannah Republican; see also Memphis Avalanche, cited by New Orleans Picayune, Jan. 26th ; also Picayune, Feb. 15th, and Charleston Courier, Jan. 6th and March 17th. 4 New York Tribune, Jan. 21st. 430 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 abandonment of position or principle ; no recantation to make to any man or body of men on earth." ' The responsibility of leadership imposed upon Jefferson Davis a comparatively guarded expression of his views. But he gave the Senate to understand that the Union would be dissolved in the event of the election of a radical Repub lican like Seward on the platform of the " irrepressible-con flict" speech.2 On the 2d of February Davis introduced a series of resolutions to define the position of Southern Dem ocrats. The fourth Avas the crucial one ; it declared that neither Congress nor a territorial legislature, by direct or indirect and unfriendly legislation, had the power to annul the constitutional right of citizens to take slaves into the common territories ; but it was the duty of the federal gov ernment to afford for slaves, as for other species of prop erty, the needful protection.3 These declarations of Douglas and Davis had more than usual significance in view of the approaching national Dem ocratic convention, and seemed to show that the breach in the party Avas irreconcilable. Davis said, in effect, to Doug las, You must come on to our platform or you will get no Southern support in your candidature for President ; while Douglas had declared that he would not yield a jot, and that he Avas backed by two-thirds of the Democratic party.4 Lincoln, on invitation of the Young Men's Central Re publican Union of NeAv York city, obtained, to his great de light, a hearing in the East, delivering a speech, February 27th, in the Cooper Institute to a brilliant audience.5 " Since the days of Clay and Webster," said the Tribune the next morning, "no man has spoken to a larger assemblage of the intellect and mental culture of our city." Lincoln had a ; Remarks of Jan. 12th. 2 Congressional Globe, 1st Sess. 36th Cong., pp. 574, 577. a These resolutions may be found in the Congressional Globe, 1st Sess. 36th Cong., p. 658. 4 Ibid., p. 424. 5 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 216. Ch.XL] LINCOLN 431 long time to prepare his address, and to no previous effort of his life had he devoted so much study and thought. But on appearing before the New York city audience, he was at first a little dazzled, and, moreover, disconcerted at his per sonal appearance. The new suit of clothes that had seemed so fine in his Springfield home was in awkward contrast with the neatly fitting dress worn by William Cullen Bry ant, the chairman of the meeting, and other New York gen tlemen who graced the platform.' But the earnest manner and power of expression overcame the effect produced by his ungainly appearance. The speech Avas a success. " No man," said the Tribune, " ever before made such an impres sion on his first appeal to a NeAv York audience." The speech is worthy of great praise, and ought to be read entire by him who would fully understand the history of the year I860.2 " I do not hesitate to pronounce it," Avrote Greeley some years later, " the very best political address to Avhich I ever listened — and I have heard some of Webster's grandest." 3 Lincoln showed conclusively that the fathers held and acted upon the opinion that Congress had the poAver to pro hibit slavery in the territories ; that the Republican party, therefore, was not revolutionary but conservative, for it maintained the doctrine of the men who had made the Con stitution. Addressing himself to the Southern people, he said : " Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade ; some for Congress forbidding the territories to prohibit slavery within their limits ; some for maintaining slavery in the territories through the judiciary ; some for the ' great principle ; that ' if one man Avould enslave another, no third man should object,' fantastically called popular sovereign ty ; but never a man among you in favor of federal prohi- 1 Herndon, p. 454. 2 It is given in full in the Life of Lincoln by Howells, and in the Life by Raymond. Liberal extracts are made by Nicolay and Hay. 3 Century Magazine, July, 1891, p. 373. An address of Greeley, Avritten about 1868, and first published in 1891. 432 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 bition of slavery in federal territories, according to the prac tice of our fathers Avho framed the government under Avhich we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a prec edent or an advocate in the century within Avhich our gov ernment originated. . . . You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but Ave deny that we made it so. It was not wre, but you, who discarded the old policy of the fathers." Alluding to the Southern threats of disunion, he said : " Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you Avill destroy the government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution as you please, on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule or ruin in all events." Addressing himself to the Republicans, he referred to the encroaching demands of the slave power and asked, What will satisfy the South % " This, and this only," he answered : " cease to call slavery wrong and join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly — done in acts as well as in words." The South thinking slavery right and " our thinking it Avrong is the precise fact urjon which de pends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition as be ing right ; but thinking it wrong as Ave do, can Ave yield to them ? Can we cast our votes Avith their view and against our oAvn? In view of our moral, social, and political respon sibilities, can Ave do this ? Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone Avhere it is, because that much is clue to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation ; but can we, while our votes Avill prevent it, alloAV it to spread into the national territories, and to over run us here in these free States? . . . Let us not be slan dered," Lincoln continued, " from our duty by false accusa tions against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of de struction to the government. . . . Let us have faith that right makes might ; and in that faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as Ave understand it." Ch. XI.] SEWARD 433 Two days later, Seward spoke in the Senate. Of an un- imposing physical figure, with a husky voioe, angular gest ures, and a dry didactic manner, he held spell-bound for two hours the Senate chamber and galleries, crowded Avith the distinguished and intellectual men and the graceful Avomen of the nation's capital. It Avas the pregnant matter of the discourse and the commanding position of the speaker that attracted this profound attention. Almost at the outset Seward said : " It will be an over flowing source of shame as Avell as of sorrow if we, thirty millions, . . . cannot so combine prudence with humanity, in our conduct concerning the one disturbing subject of slavery, as not only to preserve our unequalled institutions of free dom, but also to enjoy their benefits Avith contentment and harmony." ' " Men, States and nations," he continued, " di vide upon the slavery question, not perversely, but because, owing to differences of constitution, condition, or circum stances, they cannot agree." He alluded to the encroach ments of the slave power, mentioning the governor's veto of the act of the Nebraska legislature dedicating that territory to freedom, the legal establishment of slavery in New Mexico, and he referred to the fact that " savage Africans have been once more landed on our shores." He asked, " Did ever the annals of any government show a more rapid or more complete departure from the wisdom and virtue of its founders ? . . . There is not," he declared, " over the face of the Avhole Avorld to be found one representative of our country Avho is not an apologist for the extension of slav- ' I11 connection with this remark and the general drift of Seward's speech, the opinion of Professor Bryce is interesting. "It is possible that a higher statesmanship might have averted " the civil war. — Amer ican Commonwealth, vol. ii. p. 201. Bryce also expresses the conjecture that cabinet government might have solved the slavery question without war. "But it was the function of no one authority in particular to dis cover a remedy, as it would have been the function of a cabinet in Eu rope." — Ibid., p. 317. See abstract of Von Hoist's criticism of this state ment, The Nation, April 24th, 1890. IL— 28 434 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 ery." Noav, " we hear menaces of disunion, louder, more distinct, more emphatic than ever," so that, Avhile hitherto the question for the Republican party has been, "How many votes can it cast?" it is noAv, " Has it determination to cast them?" Nevertheless, Ave should "consider these extraordinary declamations [for disunion] seriously and Avith a just moderation." The motto inscribed on the ban ner of the Republican party will be " Union and Liberty ;" but " if indeed the time has come Avhen the Democratic party must rule by terror, instead of ruling through con ceded public confidence, then it is quite certain it cannot be dismissed from power too soon." Yet, " I remain now in the opinion . . . that these hasty threats of disunion are so unnatural that they will find no hand to execute them." ' This speech, the calm, temperate discussion of an exciting question by a statesman, Avas one of great power. SeAvard, of all leading Republicans the most obnoxious to the South, and thought to be assured of the Republican nomination, owed it to his party to allay if possible, Avithout abating a jot of principle, the unnecessary fears of what Avould happen should he become President ; and for that purpose this speech was calculated. It was likeAvise a frank exposition of his ideas for the benefit of the Republican national con vention soon to assemble at Chicago, and an outline of the spirit and principles in wThich he Avould administer the gov ernment should he be nominated and elected President. The speech was severely criticised by the abolitionists, be cause it was not a vigorous enforcement of the " irrepress ible-conflict " doctrine. They appealed from Seward in the Capitol to Seward on the stump. " The temptation which pro\red too powerful for Webster," Avrote Garrison, "is se ducing Seward to take the same downward course." 2 " Sew ard makes a speech in Washington on the tactics of the Republican party," said Wendell Phillips, " but he phrases 1 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 619 et seq. 2 The Liberator, March 9th. Ch.XL] THE ABOLITIONISTS 435 it so as to suit Wall Street." ' This Avas the captious criti cism of men who, far in the vanguard of public opinion, Avere impatient because political leaders did not keep pace with them. They failed to recognize that SeAvard and Lin coln, in their opposition to slavery, Avere going just as far and as fast as the people Avould follow. The influence of the abolitionists in the decade between 1850-60 Avas by no means commensurate with their ability and zeal. Their meetings Avere frequent, their conventions Avell attended, their resolutions Avordy and emphatic. Yet they rejected the most feasible and regular means of checking the slave power, for the reason that the Republicans did not go far enough. They only proposed to prohibit slavery in the territories, while the abolitionists Avere for its abolition in the States. To take no part in elections was a tenet of Gar rison and Phillips ; and they Avere apt to criticise Repub licans as severely as they did Democrats. An earnest writer and organizer like Garrison ancl an orator like Phillips could hardly devote themselves to a Avork for ten years Avithout making themselves felt. Yet the only practical result of their labor lay in the fact that, having convinced men that slavery was Avrong, they made Republican voters ; though they were urging their followers not to vote. The work of Garrison and his disciples between 1831-40, in arousing the conscience of the nation, had borne good fruit ; but that work Avas done. The public mind had hoav to grapple Avith the question, How could the sentiment that slavery was Avrong accomplish results and stop the spread of the evil ? The abolitionists said, By disunion ; while the Republicans, intending to preserve union and liberty, proposed constitu tional and regular methods. Yet it Avas better for the cause that Garrison and Phillips wrought outside of the Repub lican party. Their radical notions could not be fettered by platforms, nor could they follow a political leader. It was a frequent charge of Southerners that Garrison and Phillips 1 New York Tribune, Marcli 22(1. 436 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 were apostles whom the Republicans delighted to honor, while in the Republican literature Ave see long explanations and emphatic denials that Republicans are abolitionists, or have anything in common with them. The party that had for exponents two such men as SeAv ard ancl Lincoln was indeed fortunate. That their speeches of 1858 and 1860, made absolutely without consultation, so closely resembled each other is evidence that two great political minds ran in the same channel. And, as both in terpreted acutely popular sentiment, it is evidence, too, of the length to which Republican voters were Avilling to go. Both men appreciated that an effort should be made to at tract the Fillmore voters of 1856 ; and although neither re affirmed his declaration of 1858, nothing in these speeches indicated the smallest change of opinion. Lincoln's speech received far less attention than Seward's. Every sentence of the senator Avas dissected and every word weighed. " I hear of ultra old Whigs in Boston," Avrote Bowles to Thur low Weed, " who say they are ready to take up SeAvard upon his recent speech." ' When Ave consider that Seward and Lincoln were promi nent candidates for the presidential nomination, and that the convention Avould assemble in tAvo months and a half, such able and bold discussion by them of the issue before the country commands our admiration. Understanding the character of Lincoln as Ave do now, the combination of moral feeling and political sagacity which marks the Cooper Institute address seems entirely in keeping Avith the man. The veering course of Seward makes students of history doubt Avhether he had strong convictions. But his public speeches guided opinion, and were conceiATed in a higher moral atmosphere than he breathed when engaged in polit ical manipulation. For some time after the election of the speaker, peace had reigned in the House of Representatives, but on the 5th of Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 260. Ch. XI.J LOVEJOY 437 April a violent scene took place. In committee of the whole, Lovejoy had the floor and proceeded to make an anti-slavery speech. " Slave-holding," he asserted, " is worse than rob bing, than piracy, than polygamy. . . . The principle of en slaving human beings because they are inferior ... is the doctrine of Democrats, and the doctrine of devils as well ; and there is no place in the universe outside the five points of hell and the Democratic party where the practice and prevalence of such doctrines would not be a disgrace." As Lovejoy spoke, his manner as boisterous as his Avords were vehement, he advanced into the area and occupied the space fronting the Democratic benches. Pryor, of Yirginia, left his seat, moved quickly toAvards Lovejoy, ancl, with gesture full of menace, exclaimed, in a voice of anger : " The gen tleman from Illinois shall not approach this side of the House, shaking his fists and talking in the way he has talked. It is bad enough to be compelled to sit here and hear him utter his treasonable and insulting language ; but he shall not, sir, come upon this side of the House shaking his fist in our faces." Potter, of Wisconsin, stepped towards Pryor and shouted : "We listened to gentlemen on the other side for eight weeks, when they denounced the members upon this side with violent and offensive language. We listened to them quietly and heard them through. And now, sir, this side shall be heard, let the consequences be what they may." The point of order I make, replied Pryor, is that the gentleman shall speak from his seat ; " but, sir, he shall not come upon this side shaking his fist in our faces and talk ing in the style he has talked." " You are doing the same thing," cried Potter. " You shall not come upon this side of the House," said Barksdale, of Mississippi, menacingly to the face of LoArejoy. "Nobody can intimidate me," uttered Lovejoy, with a loud voice. And now thirty or forty members had gathered in the area around Lovejoy and Pryor, shouting and gesticulating. 438 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 The confusion was great; men trembled with excitement and passion ; rage distorted many faces ; it seemed as if the long-dreaded moment of a bloody encounter on the floor of the House had come. Above the din might be heard the voice of Potter, saying, " I do not believe that side of the House can say where a member shall speak, and they shall not say it ;" also the cries of a member from Mississippi and a member from Kentucky insisting that Lovejoy could not speak on their side," let the consequences be what they will." " My colleague shall speak," said Kellogg. The chair man of the committee, having in vain tried to preserve or der, called the speaker to the chair and reported the disorder to the House. The speaker begged gentlemen to respect the authority of the House and take their seats. " Order that black-hearted scoundrel ancl nigger-stealing thief to take his seat, and this side of the House will do it," shouted Barks- dale. The efforts of the speaker were at last successful; order was restored, the chairman of the committee resumed the chair, and Lovejoy Avent on. The speech was inter spersed Avith remarks from Barksdale, calling Lovejoy " an infamous, perjured villain," " a perjured negro-thief," and from another Mississippi member terming him a " mean, despicable Avretch." Nothing daunted Lovejoy. " You shed the blood of my brother on the banks of the Mississippi tAventy years ago," he cried to the Southerners, " and what then % I am here to-day, thank God, to vindicate the prin ciples baptized in his blood. . . . But I cannot go into a slave State," he continued, " and open my lips in regard to the question of slavery — " " No," interrupted a Yirginia mem ber, " we Avould hang you higher than Haman." " The meanest slave in the South is your superior," cried Barksdale. Lovejoy was, however, permitted to finish his speech, and for a few days the story of his bearding the slave-holders in the representatives' hall of the nation filled the North.' 1 My account is taken from the Congressional Globe and the New York Tribune. Ch.XL] ' POTTER AND PRYOR 439 Out of the proceedings of this day a quarrel grew be tween Pryor and Potter. Pryor demanded " the satisfaction usual among gentlemen for the personal affront you offered me in debate." Potter accepted the challenge, and, using his privilege, named bowie-knives as the Aveapons. The sec ond of Pryor, without consulting him, refused to alloAV his principal to engage in combat by " this vulgar, barbarous, and inhuman mode." ' This incident produced a greater sensation at the North than its intrinsic importance warranted. The reason is not far to seek. In Washington, Northern congressmen were taunted as cowards because they would not practise the code of honor, and in the Southern States the boast that one Southron could thrash four Yankees frequently accompanied the threats of disunion. Neither Lovejoy nor Potter had quailed before the menaces of the fire-eaters. Such action awakened the feeling in the breasts of many Northern men that they were as ready to fight for their own proper rights as Avere the vaunting Southerners ; that on equal terms they were equally brave. Potter's choice of the boAvie-knife had a grim fitness, for it was a popular implement of the South. and might be considered slavery's contribution to the prac tice of single combat, although not recognized by the code. Potter was the hero of but a day. Public attention, taken for the moment from the approaching Charleston convention, returned to it with renewed force. We all know the absorbing interest taken beforehand in the convention of a great party Avhose platform or candidates are matters of uncertainty ; but never before or since has there been such a mingling of curiosity, interest, and concern as now prevailed regarding the action that would be taken by the national Democratic convention. ^ A Southern view of the situation from a conservative standpoint is best given in a confidential letter of Senator 1 The correspondence was published in the New York Tribune of April 17th. 440 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION ¦ [i860 Hammond to Francis Lieber. " The Lovejoy explosion," he Avrote, April 19th, "and all its sequences which were so threatening last Aveek, has been for the present providen tially cast in the shade by the intensified and utterly ab sorbing interest in the Charleston convention. ... I assure you . . . that unless the slavery question can be wholly eliminated from politics, this government is not worth two years', perhaps not two months', purchase. . . . Unless the aggression on the slave-holder is arrested, no poAver short of God's can prevent a bloody fight here, and a disruption of the Union. . . . While regarding this Union as cramping, the South, I will nevertheless sustain it as long as I can. . . . I firmly believe that the slave-holding South is now the con trolling power of the world — that no other poAver would face us in hostility. Cotton, rice, tobacco, and naval stores command the world ; and we haATe sense to knoAV it, and are sufficiently Teutonic to carry it out successfully. The North without us would be a motherless calf, bleating about, and die of mange and starvation." ' It was unfortunate both for the Northern Democrats and the Union that at this critical juncture the national con vention should meet at Charleston, the hot-bed of disunion. The place had been selected four years previously,2 when harmony prevailed in the party and Douglas was a favorite of the South. Although having a population of but forty thousand, Charleston Avas marked by wealth and refine ment, and tinctured with more of the aristocratic spirit than any other city of the country. Its citizens were gen erous and hospitable, but their entertainment was for people of their own way of thinking ; it does not appear that they opened their houses to Northern delegates who came to ad vocate the cause of Douglas. The appearance and conduct of the Tammany delegation excited disgust in the minds of 1 Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 310. 2 Greeley's American Conflict, vol. i. p. 309 ; Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 26th. Ch. XI.] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 441 the elegant residents, Avho had only known by hearsay their Northern allies ; while to Northern Democrats the haughty bearing they encountered seemed little in keeping Avith the character of their party, which they regarded essentially as the party of the people. The appearance of wealth and luxury shoAvn in the mansions, in gay equipages, and in the rich dress of the ladies was a novel sight to all Northern visitors except to those living in a few of the Eastern cities ; the forced economy of the West for the last three years was in painful contrast with the lavish display that might be seen any pleasant afternoon on the fashionable drive of Charleston.' At this time Southern travel was exclusively confined to health-seekers and Eastern business men, so that most of the Northern delegates saw, for the first time in their lives, slavery face to face. Many of them, curious to look into the workings of the institution, availed themselves of sev eral opportunities to visit the slave mart, and were present at a slave auction. A delegate who has given a graphic ac count of his investigations, expressed surprise at the mani festation of so little feeling by negroes about to be sold. He saw none of the indecent and outrageous scenes de scribed in abolition prints, yet the strange spectacle of hu man beings sold like horses Avas one of the most revolting sights he had ever seen.2 The exuberant prosperity of the South did not seem an object of envy to the Northern visit ors, because it was attended with slavery, and they were shocked to hear men rated wealthy on account of the high price of negroes. The delegates were a strong body of men. The politi cians who came were of the better class ; lawyers, men of ' New York Tribune, April 23d. My mother, who accompanied my fa ther to Charleston, he being a delegate, has given me a lively description of her impressions of the city and people. 2 J. W. Gray to the Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 20th and 30th ; see also National Political Conventions of 1860, Halstead, p. 61. 442 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 business, and planters of large influence and high character in their respective communities, though little known beyond their own States, were glad to have the honor of assisting in the deliberations of their party's national council. The selections had for the most part been made with care, and, except in New York and Pennsylvania, the action of the minor conventions that met to choose delegates Avas little disturbed by the operations of machine politics. But few senators or congressmen had seats in the convention. It actually seemed as if one of the conditions the constitutional fathers had hoped to secure in providing for the choice of a President by electors was fulfilled in this nominating assem blage of the great party. " It was desirable," wrote Hamil ton, in defending the mode of appointment of the chief mag istrate, " that the sense of the people should operate in the choice of the person to whom so important a trust was to be confided. This end wiH be answered by committing the right of making it, not to any pre-established body, but to men chosen by the people for the special purpose, and at the particular conjuncture. It was equally desirable that the immediate election should be made by men most capa ble of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station. ... A small number of persons, selected by their fellow-citizens from the general mass, wall be most likely to possess the in formation and discernment requisite to such complicated in vestigations." ' The convention was composed of about six hundred delegates ; but three hundred and three, the exact number of electors, was the total vote, each State casting its electoral vote. Another condition, however, that the constitutional fa thers had deemed of vital importance Avas completely set at naught by the convention system. " It was also peculiarly desirable," Hamilton argued, " to afford as little opportunity as possible to tumult and disorder. . . . And as the electors chosen in each State are to assemble and vote in the State 1 The Federalist. No. lxviii. CH.XI.] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 443 in which they are chosen, this detached ancl divided situa tion will expose them much less to heats and ferments, Avhich might be communicated from them to the people, than if they Avere all to be convened at one time, in one place." Yet many evils now attendant upon the national political conventions did not accompany the one at Charleston. As the city was small, the local outside pressure Avas not heavv ; and, not being easy of access, only a small number of stran gers came from different parts of the country to shout for their particular candidate and increase the difficulty of care ful procedure. The hall in which the sessions were held could only accommodate two thousand people. Delibera tive action Avas more feasible there than in the monstrous buildings where now the delegates play their parts to an au dience of many thousands. The antagonism betAveen the delegates from the cotton States and those from the West Avas the main feature of the situation.' It proclaimed in an emphatic manner the schism in the party. The sections divided on a man, Doug las being the pivot on which the convention turned. As he stood for a principle, the minute the making of a platform began, the radical difference was obvious. The West, from personal loyalty and enthusiasm, determined to have Doug las, and they carried nearly the whole North with them, for it was patent that he could poll more votes in the free States than any other candidate. His nomination implied a cer tain platform, and meant resistance to the domination of Southern extremists in the party. On the other hand, the delegates from the slave States thought Douglas as bad as Seward, and popular sovereignty as hateful as Sewardism, and in their demand for a plain statement of principles and not one facing both Avays, they asked for a platform on Avhich Douglas could not possibly stand, and which Avould render his nomination impossible. These differences came to the surface before the convention met, and were promi- 1 The cotton States had fifty-one votes, the West sixty-six. 444 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 nent in the first day's proceedings. The agitation of the whole country centred at Charleston. Men asked, Would there be wisdom enough in the convention to do something towards allaying the agitation, or would it only be increased, as had been the result of the actual session of Congress? The difficulty seemed insurmountable. It Avas evident that unless the delegates from the cotton States could frame the platform or name the candidate, they would secede from the convention, and it was just as apparent to the North that the Douglas men could concede neither. But this the Southerners did not see. They generally had the privilege of dictating the declaration of principles and controlling the nomination ; and although the Western opposition Avas fiercer than any they had previously met, they could not doubt that it would eventually give Avay. You deny us our rights in the territories, complained the South. We will stand by you in all of your just claims, but the de mands of the fire-eaters Ave Avill not concede, replied those whom the slogan of Douglas had called to the contest.1 The gravity of the situation was appreciated by all. Union meant probable success, disagreement implied cer tain defeat. It was noted that intemperate drinking, so fre quent Avhere a mass of men gathered on a political errand, Avas absent. Boisterous merriment would have seemed a discordant note while the shadow of dissolution hung over the convention. The delegates felt the weight of responsi bility resting upon them ; their faces Avere serious, even sad. " In this convention," said the Charleston Mercury, " where there should be confidence and harmony, it is plain that men feel as if they were going into a battle." 2 Charleston being a religious community, the old Episcopal Church of St. Michael was open daily, and specially ordered prayers 1 " Dinna hear the slogan ? 'Tis Douglas and his men,'' was a favorite expression of the Douglasites. 2 April 21st, cited by Cleveland Plain Dealer. Ch.XL] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 445 for the success of the Southern cause were offered up. The supplications of the priest were responded to by a goodly number of Avomen. On the day of the most exciting debate, when the critical period had arrived, the clergyman who opened the session prayed for a happy and harmonious con clusion of the present deliberations.' At the same time, fer vent abolition preachers at the North Avere praying for a disruption of the Charleston convention.2 The convention met Monday, April 23d. The Douglas men had a majority in number of the delegates, but as Cali fornia and Oregon acted with the South, the anti-Douglas men had seventeen States out of thirty-three. Thus, havino- a majority on the committees, they were able to name the president of the convention. Caleb Cushing Avas chosen for the position. Both factions were anxious to have the plat form settled before balloting for a candidate, a course de cided upon the second day. The committee on resolutions, composed as usual of one member from each State, went in dustriously to work. They were anxious to agree ; their ses sions were protracted and earnest. It seemed as if the fate of the party lay in the hands of those thirty-three men, but they were really only representatives of Douglas and Jeffer son Davis. The Southern delegates had in caucus deter mined to stand by the Davis Senate resolutions ; the North ern delegates Avere committed to the position of Douglas. The irrepressible conflict had invaded the Democratic party, and its convention was a house divided against itself. On the fifth day the committee on resolutions made known their disagreement, and presented a majority and minority report. The platform of the majority of the committee declared that the territorial legislature has no poAver to abolish slavery in a territory, to prohibit the introduction of slaves 1 Charleston Daily Courier, April 27th. * See Cleveland Plain Dealer, June 2d. 446 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 therein, or destroy the right of property in slaves by any legislation Avhatever ; and that it is the duty of the federal government to protect, Avhen necessary, slavery in the terri tories. The platform of the minority in committee reaf firmed the Cincinnati platform. In substance, it asserted that the Democratic party was pledged to abide by the Dred Scott decision, or any future decision of the Supreme Court on the rights of property in the States or territories. Henry B. Payne, of Ohio, submitted the minority report, ancl defended it in an earnest speech. He Avas a lawyer of culture and a gentleman of refinement who loved the Union and his party and reverenced the Constitution. Always an impressive speaker, his mien was especially solemn as he made a conciliatory appeal to the South. Every gentleman Avho had signed the minority report, he said, " had felt in his conscience and in his heart that upon the result of our deliberations and the action of this convention, in all human probability, depended the fate of the Democratic party and the destiny of the Union." This was not the usual clap-trap exaggeration of convention oratory, but it was the expres sion of the sincere feeling of thoughtful Northern men. We" should have been no patriots, Payne continued, if Ave had brought into our deliberative conference any but an earnest and honest desire to adjust the differences that exist in our party. Citing the opinion of many Southerners to show that once the Southern idea of popular sovereignty Avas the same as that of the North, he declared, " The Northern mind is thoroughly imbued with the principle of popular sovereignty. . . . We ask nothing for the people of the ter ritories but what the Constitution allows them, for we say Ave abide by the decision of the courts, Avho are the final in terpreters of the Constitution. The Dred Scott decision, having been rendered since the Cincinnati platform was adopted, renders this proper. We will take that decision and abide by it like loyal, steadfast, true-hearted men. . . . I would appeal to the South to put no weights on the North — to let them run this race unfettered and unhampered. If Ch.XL] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 447 the appeal is answered, the North will do her duty in the struggle." ' Payne's speech Avas received Avith loud demonstrations of approval from the Northern delegates and with respect by those of the South. But the eloquence of a Demosthenes could not have persuaded them to take the platform advo cated by Payne, unless coupled with the condition that they might name the candidate. At the afternoon session, Yan cey, of Alabama, the champion of the fire-eaters and the most eloquent orator of the South, took the floor amid deaf ening and prolonged cheers. The Southern gentlemen rose to their feet, and the ladies in the galleries waved their handkerchiefs as he advanced to the platform.2 He Avas tall and slender, with long black hair, a mild ancl gentlemanly manner, and an habitual expression of good humor ; dressed in pronounced Southern style, his appearance was pictu resque. As he opened his mouth, his words of passion, uttered in a soft, musical voice, gave him the rapt attention of the audience. " We came here," he said, " with one great pur pose. First, to save our constitutional rights, if it lay in our power to do so. . . . We are in the minority, as Ave have been taunted here to-day. In the progress of civilization, the Northwest has grown up from an infant in swaddling- clothes into the free proportions of a giant people. We therefore, as the minority, take the rights, the mission, and the position of the minority. What is it Ave claim? We claim the benefit of the Constitution that Avas made for the protection of minorities; that Constitution Avhich our fathers made that they and their children should always observe — that a majority should not rely upon their num bers and strength, but should loyally look into the written compact and see where the minority was to be respected and protected. The proposition you make [those favoring 1 These citations are taken from the speech as published in the Charles ton Courier and compared with the report of the Charleston Mercury. 2 Charleston Courier. 448 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 the minority report] will bankrupt us 'of the South. Ours is the property invaded — ours the interests at stake. The honor of our children, the honor of our females, the lives of our men, all rest upon you. You would make a great seething caldron of passion and crime if you were able to consummate your measures. . . . You acknowledged that slavery did not exist by the laAv of nature or by the law of God — that it only existed by State laAv ; that it was wrong, but that you were not to blame. That was your position, and it was Avrong. If you had taken the position directly that slavery Avas right and therefore ought fo be . . . you Avould have triumphed, ancl anti-slavery would noAv have been dead in your midst. But you have gone down be fore the enemy so that they have put their foot upon your neck ; you will go lower and lower still, unless you change front and change your tactics. When I Avas a schoolboy in the Northern States, abolitionists Avere pelted with rotten eggs. But now this band of abolitionists has spread and grown into three bands — the Black Republican, the Free- soilers, and squatter-sovereignty men — all representing the common sentiment that slavery is wrong. I say it in no dis respect, but it is a logical argument that your admission that slavery is wrong has been the cause of all this discord." ' The extreme demands of the South had been formulated, and as soon as Yancey closed, Senator Pugh, of Ohio, Avho was very near to Douglas, and noAv his only folloAver in the Senate, sprang to his feet. He thanked God that a bold and honest man from the South had at last spoken and told the Avhole truth of the demands of the South. The exaction Avas made of Northern Democrats that they should say slavery is right and ought to be extended. " Gentlemen of the South," declared Pugh, "you mistake us — you mistake us : wTe will not do it." 2 Excitement and fatigue compelled 1 These extracts are taken from the Charleston Courier ; see also Poli tics and Pen Pictures, Henry AV. Hilliard, p. 286 et ante. 2 National Political Conventions of 1860, Halstead, p. 49. CH.XI.] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 449 the convention to adjourn before he had concluded ; but he returned to the charge in the evening, ancl spoke with ani mation and energy. A demand by a Connecticut delegate for the previous question, so that a vote might be taken on the platform, set the convention in an uproar. The tumult was not checked until the chair recognized a motion of ad journment, Avhich, on a vote by States, Avas carried by a small majority.1 The debate had demonstrated that agreement was impossible ; but on Saturday, the following day, and the sixth day of the convention, Senator Bigler, a friend of Bu chanan, made an attempt to pour oil upon the troubled Ava- ters, and moved that both platforms be recommitted. This was carried, and at four o'clock in the afternoon the com mittee reported again two platforms, slightly changed in phraseology, but in essence unaltered. A dreary debate followed. Then the Douglas men tried hard to get a vote. The Southerners filibustered, and confusion prevailed to the extent that the president threatened to leave the chair un less his authority were respected. In the end, the convention decided to adjourn. And now Sunday interArened. The most gloomy anticipa tions had been realized. The delegates were brought face to face Avith a condition of things Avhich indicated that one side or the other must yield or the convention Avould break up. It was idle to attempt to carry a Northern State on the Yancey platform, but Avhy could not the South accept the Douglas declaration of principles ? It Avas more favor able to the slave States than any platform ever adopted by a Democratic national convention. Unquestionably if a Southern man, sound according to the ideas of the slavery propaganda, or another Pierce or Buchanan, could have been nominated, the Southern delegates would have ceased their ado about the platform. But this Avas precisely what the Douglas men could not concede. No ultra pro-slavery man, no Northern man with Southern principles, could carry National Political Conventions of 1860, Halstead, pp. 50, 51. IL— 29 450 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 a Northern State, no matter what was the platform. After all discussion and innumerable suggestions, the delegates were back where they started from. Douglas was the only man who could make a strong contest at the North, and his strength lay in the fact that he represented opposition to the slave poAver. The followers of Douglas were justified in adhering strictly to their platform and candidate, for the two were inseparable. Having temperately explained their reasons, they Avere bound to pursue the course marked out ancl use the power that a majority of the convention gave them. They did indeed resent being called abolitionists, a favorite taunt of the Southerners ; but from the Southern standpoint, any one who opposed the programme of the ex tension of slavery deserved that name. On Monday, after the day of rest and reflection, the dele gates met. They no longer ventured to hope that an agree ment might be reached. The two factions could now only logically carry out that which their previous action had determined. The Douglas platform Avas adopted by a vote of 165 to 138. The division Avas practically on Mason and Dixon's line, only twelve from the slave States voting for it and thirty from the free States voting against it. Bu chanan's malice against Douglas knew no bounds, and his power had been directed to securing anti-Douglas delegates from the North. Administrative patronage had dictated their choice in California and Oregon, and had obtained a portion of the delegations of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. But although they were accompanied by a large body of office-holders,1 their influence Avas not great, and served little more than to deceive some Southern ers regarding the practical unanimity of Democratic senti ment at the North. After the adoption of the platform, the chairman of the Alabama delegation rose, and, protesting against the action ' "Five hundred and seven office-holders at Charleston." — J. W. Gray, a delegate, to the Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 30th. Ch. XL] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 451 of the convention, announced that Alabama would formally withdraw. Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas protested in the same strain, and de clared their purpose of secession. Before each delegation left their seats, one of their number made a short speech to justify their course ; the remarks of Glenn, of Mississippi, were especially thrilling. Pale with emotion, his eyes glar ing with excitement, he averred that the solemn act of the Mississippi delegation Avas not conceived in passion or car ried out from mere caprice or disappointment. It was the firm resolve of the great body they represented. The people of Mississippi ask, What is the construction of the platform of 1856 ? You of the North say it means one thing; Ave of the South another. They ask which is right and which is wrong ? The North have maintained their position, but, Avhile doing so, they have not acknowledged the rights of the South. We say, go your way and we will go ours. But the South leaves not like Hagar, driven into the Avilderness friendless and alone, for in sixty days you will find a united South standing shoulder to shoulder.' The cheers and prolonged applause greeting the speaker as he finished his speech, and the demonstrations of approval that came from the ladies, who had turned out in numbers to see the first act in the drama of secession played, were evidence that disunion was popular. Yet to all but the most enthusiastic fire-eaters and a few Northern men dis posed to levity, the moment was supremely solemn. Men looked alarmed as they thought to Avhat this action might lead. Their eyes were suffused with tears, feeling that they were witnessing the disruption of the great party of Jeffer son and Jackson. They trembled when asking themselves, was this the prelude to the dissolution of the Union ? — that Union, strong and great ; for they felt that 1 National Political Conventions of 1860, Halstead, p. 66 ; Richmond Enquirer. 452 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 " Humanity with all its fears, With all the hopes of future years, Is hanging breathless on thy fate !" On the next day the convention decided that two-thirds of the whole electoral vote was necessary to nominate, and then proceeded to ballot. Georgia in the meantime having withdrawn, only 253 votes were cast, and 202 were neces sary to a choice. On the first ballot, Douglas received 145f ; Hunter, of Yirginia, 42 ; Guthrie, of Kentucky, 35£; scattering, 30. In two days the convention cast fifty-seven ballots, Douglas several times receiving 152£ votes, a ma jority of the Avhole electoral vote, and under a majority rule he would have been nominated. On May 3d, the tenth clay of the convention, the delegates, seeing that it was impossible to reach any result, adjourned to meet at Bal timore the 18th of June. The • seceders meamvhile had formed themselves into a convention and adopted a plat form. Now they terminated their proceedings by a reso lution to meet again at Richmond on the second Monday of the same month.' Gloomy thoughts were the portion of Northern and bor der-State men as they wended their way homeward. They had assisted in the disruption of the party to Avhich they Avere devotedly attached, and in whose fortune, it seemed to them, was bound up the fate of the country. They saAV the immense patronage and power of the administration of the government, which they had held so long, receding from their grasp. They could not noAv ignore the strong prob ability that the Republican convention at Chicago would name the next President, ancl in that event they could have little doubt, after what had taken place at Charleston, that the Southern extremists would lead their States into seces sion. The f olloAvers of Yancey were so bitter against Doug- 1 In this account of the convention, besides the authorities already quoted, I have consulted the files of the Liberator, the Philadelphia Press, the Washington Constitution, and the New Orleans Picayune. Ch. XI.] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 453 las that they must have felt exultation at preventing for the moment his nomination. But all prominent men at the South did not share their sentiments. Alexander Stephens understood the motives underlying their action ancl ex pressed himself frankly in a private letter to his friend. " The seceders intended from the beginning to rule or ruin," he wrote ; " and wrhen they find they cannot rule, they will then ruin. They have about enough power for this pur pose ; not much more ; and I doubt not but they will use it. Emry, hate, jealousy, spite — these made war in heaven, which made devils of angels, and the same passions will make devils of men. The secession movement was insti gated by nothing but bad passions. Patriotism, in my opinion, had no more to do with it than love of God had with the other revolt." ' Yet Stephens was not blind to what the secession at Charleston tended. In conversation with his friend John ston shortly after the adjournment of the convention, he said : " Men will be cutting one another's throats in a little while. In less than tAvelve months we shall be in a war, and that the bloodiest in history. Men seem to be utterly blinded to the future." " Do you not think that matters may yet be adjusted at Baltimore?" asked his friend. "Not the slightest chance of it," was the reply. " The party is split forever. Doug las will not retire from the stand he has taken. . . . The only hope was at Charleston. If the party could have . agreed there, we might carry the election. . . . If the party would be satisfied with the Cincinnati platform and Avould cordially nominate Douglas, we should carry the election:; but I repeat to you that is impossible." " But why must we have civil war, even if the Republican candidate should be elected?" Johnston inquired. "Be cause," answered Stephens, " there are not virtue and pa- 1 Letter to R. M. Johnston, June 19th, Life by Johnston and Browne, p. 365. 454 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 triotism and sense enough left in the country to avoid it. Mark me, when I repeat that in less than twelve months we shall be in the midst of a bloody war. What is to become of us then God only knows. The Union will certainly be disrupted." ' On the 9th of May, the remnant of old-line Whigs and Americans calling themselves the Constitutional Union par ty met in convention at Baltimore. It was a highly respect able body, and not to be despised in point of ability. An absence of the younger men was noticeable. The delegates were, for the most part, venerable men Avho had come down from a former generation of politicians, and who, alarmed at the growth and bitterness of the sectional controversy, had met together to see if their efforts might avail some thing to save the endangered Union. A patriotic spirit in spired the assemblage. Fully recognizing the impending peril of the country, their action, from their point of view, was calculated to allay the trouble. But their remedy for the sore Avas a plaster, when it rather needed .cauterization. Their platform Avas : " The Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laAvs ;" and they nominated — For President, Bell, of Tennessee ; and for Yice-President, Everett, of Massachusetts ; men of honesty and experience, Avho Avere a fit expression of the patriotic and conservative sentiments animating a large number of citizens that looked to this convention for guidance.2 The contest at Charleston Avas now transferred to the floor of the Senate, where the principals could speak in per son. Jefferson Davis, Avith an arrogant manner3 all his ' This remarkable conversation is given by Johnston and Browne, p. 355. 2 See National Political Conventions of 1860, Halstead; the New York Tribune. One gets a good idea of the spirit animating this party from the confidential correspondence of Crittenden, see Life, by Coleman, vol. ii. pp. 182 to 212. 3 " Publfc sentiment proclaims that the most arrogant man in the Ch. XL] DAVIS AND DOUGLAS 455 own, asserted : " We claim protection [for slavery in the territories], first, because it is our right ; secondly, because it is the duty of the general government;" and he de manded, What right has Congress to abdicate any power conferred upon it as trustee of the States ? But we make you no threat, he said ; Ave only give you a warning.' Douglas, in replying to Davis several days later, took occasion to ex plain his position in reference to the Democratic convention. "My name never would have been presented at Charles ton," said he, " except for the attempt to proscribe me as a heretic, too unsound to be the chairman of a committee in this body, where I have held a seat for so many years with out a suspicion resting on my political fidelity. I Avas forced to allow my name to go there in self-defence ; and I will now say that had any gentleman, friend or foe, received a majority of that convention over me, the lightning would have carried a message withdrawing my name." Douglas intimated that Yancey and his folloAvers had begun in 1858 to plan disunion, and that the secession movement at Charles ton was their first overt act. The Davis resolutions in the Senate were substantially the Yancey platform of Charles ton, and while senators who advocated them might not mean disunion, those principles insisted upon "will lead directly and inevitably to a dissolution of the Union." 2 On the 17th of May, a heated debate between Douglas and Davis took place, which at the end was attended with personalities. " I have a declining respect for platforms," Davis said. " I would sooner have an honest man on any sort of a rickety platform you could construct than to have a man I did not trust on the best platform Avhich could be United States Senate is Jefferson Davis. Nor does there seem to be much doubt that in debate he is the most insolent and insufferable. The offence consists not so much in the words used as in the air and mien which he assumes towards opponents." — Editorial, New York Tribune, April 14th. 1 Davis made an elaborate speech May 7th. 2 Speech of Douglas, May 16th. 456 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 i made." "If the platform is not a matter of much conse quence," demanded Douglas, " Avhy press that question to the disruption of the party ? Why did you not tell us in the beginning of this debate that the whole fight was against the man and not upon the platform ?" After several days a vote on the Davis resolution Avas reached, and though the phraseology of the crucial proposition had been changed, its essence Avas the same as when originally introduced.1 Every Democratic senator but Pugh 2 voted for it ; but the appearance of harmony was illusory, for the position of Douglas and Pugh had more Democratic adherents among the people than the Davis resolution could muster. While Douglas and Davis were Avrangling in the Senate, the Republicans Avere holding their convention at Chicago. It was fitting that the party, that had its origin in the Northwest, should now meet in the typical city, which, Avith a population of little more than one hundred thousand, had already made the word Chicago synonymous with that of progress. Six slave .States — DelaAvare, Maryland, Yirginia, ' Kentucky, Missouri, and Texas — were represented, and four hundred and sixty-six delegates made up the convention. They met in a " Avigwam " 3 built for the occasion, which, it was said, would hold ten thousand people. By the second day of the convention thirty thousand to forty thousand strangers, mostly from the Northwest, had flocked to the city, eager to be associated with the great historic event that was promised, and thinking perhaps to affect the result by their presence and their shouts." For since the disrup tion of the Charleston convention the Republicans had felt that if they took advantage of the situation, they would 1 See p. 430. - Douglas was not present. 3 The building called a wigwam was a temporary frame structure, ancl the name is still applied in Western cities by Republicans to buildings used for party purposes. 1 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 264 ; National Political Conventions, Hal- stead, p. 140. Ch.XI.] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 457 surely elect their candidate for the presidency. Yictory was in the air, and office-seekers, who, since 1858, had formed a noticeable part of the Republican organization,1 were noAv on hand in number, for the purpose of making prominent their devotion to the party and its principles. The contrast between this and the national convention of 1856 is worthy of remark. Then a hall accommodating two thousand was quite sufficient, now a Avigwam holdino- ten thousand Avas jammed, and twenty thousand people out side clamored for admittance ; then the wire-pullers looked askance at a movement Avhose success Avas problematical, now they hastened to identify themselves Avith a party that apparently had the game in its oavu hand ; then the dele gates were liberty-loving enthusiasts and largely volunteers, now the delegates had been chosen by means of the organ ization peculiar to a powerful party, and in political wisdom were the pick of the Republicans ; then the contest to follow seemed but a tentative effort and the leading men Avould not accept the nomination, while now triumph ap peared so sure that every one of the master spirits of the party was eager to be the candidate. And the most potent cause of this change Avas the split in the Democratic party, which began Avith the refusal of Douglas to submit to Southern dictation. " The convention is very like the old Democratic article," wrote an observer; and he has also told the tale of the bibulous propensities of the outsiders who had come to exert a pressure in favor of Seward or Lincoln. Though a Re publican himself, he Avas forced to confess that greater sobriety had characterized the assemblage at Charleston.2 ' No convention had ever attracted such a crowd of lookers- on. Never before had there been such systematic efforts to create an opinion that the people demanded this or that candidate. Organized bodies of men were sent out day and 1 See Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 230. ' Halstead, pp. 121, 122, 132. 458 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 night to make street demonstrations for their favorite, or were collected to pack the audience-room in the convention hall, so that vociferous cheers might greet each mention of his name. These procedures were very different fr.om those of similar Whig gatherings heretofore, Avhich had been marked by respectability and decorum. Before Lincoln made his Cooper Institute speech, the mention of his name as a possible nominee for President by the Chicago convention would have been considered a joke anywhere except in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and IoAva. That New York address, however, had gained him many friends, among whom Avas William Cullen Bryant.1 His speeches in New England that followed made it patent at the East that he might become a formidable opponent of Seward. The reception he had in New York and NeAv England con- Arinced Lincoln himself that the Chicago nomination was attainable, and, ceasing to take interest in his law practice, he set himself at Avork to secure the prize. An acute ob server of the drift of opinion, a good judge of men in the face of large events, Lincoln was clumsy in the attempt to manipulate a delegation and aAvkward in the use of money to promote his candidacy.2 The movement in Illinois, Avhich had been growing since the debates of 1858, culmi nated in giving him a most enthusiastic endorsement at the State convention held at Decatur the 9th of May. Lincoln himself Avas present, and John Hanks marched in among the croAvd in the Avigwam, bearing on his shoulder the two his toric rails, on which was inscribed : " From a lot made by Abraham Lincoln and John Hanks in the Sangamon bottom in the year 1830." 3 Loud and prolonged cheers bore testi mony to the effect of this manoeuvre. The following week at Chicago the continued hurrahs for " honest old Abe, the rail-splitter," told the Seward men of unlooked-for strength in one of the competitors for the nomination. 1 Life by Godwin, vol. ii. p. 123. ' Herndon, p. 457. 3 Lamon, p. 445 ; Herndon, p. 460. Ch. XL] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 459 Before the delegates assembled at Chicago, the condition of the contest was expressed in sporting parlance as " SeAv ard against the field." But by the first day of the con vention it became evident that the struggle Avould be be tAveen Seward and Lincoln. Chase had been unable to secure the united delegation of his oAvn State, and his can didacy did not assume the prominence that Avas due to his ability and position.1 A month and a half before the con vention met he had little hope of securing the nomination,2 and was prepared to acquiesce in that of SeAvard. "There seems to be at present," he Avrote, "a considerable set towards SeAvard. Should the nomination fall to him, I shall not at all repine." 3 Edward Bates, of Missouri, had the powerful support of Greeley and the New York Trib une, and also of Francis P. Blair and his sons. Knowing him to be eminently sound on the slavery question, they thought his nomination would please better than any other the conservative Republicans. Moreover, it Avould deprive of force the charge that their partjr was sectional, and give them a chance of carrying Missouri, a slave State. Penn sylvania was nearly united in support of Cameron, but the vote she would give him on the first ballot would be well understood as only the usual compliment to a favorite son. A few Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana men wanted Mc Lean,4 while Senator Wade had friends who hoped that the time might come when he could be sprung upon the convention as a dark horse. 1 The year before the convention, Chase had been looked upon as a possibly successful contestant against Seward. "My impression is," wrote Dana to Pike, June 23d, 1859, "that we had better concentrate on Chase, and that he is the only man we can beat Seward with."— Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 441. 2 See letter of April 2d to Pike, Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 505. 3 Letter of March 19th, ibid., p. 503. 4 Regarding preferences of Thaddeus Stevens and other Pennsylvania delegates for McLean, see account of A. K. McClure, Boston Herald, Sept. 6th, 1891. 460 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 Seward's claim for the nomination was strong. He was the representative man of the party, and Avell fitted both by ability and experience for the position to which he as pired. Intensely anxious for the nomination, and confident ly expecting it, he was alike the choice of the politicians and the people.' Could a popular vote on the subject haA'e been taken, the majority in the Republican States would have been overwhelmingly in his favor. One day at Chicago sufficed to demonstrate that he had the support of the ma chine politicians. What was urged as the most serious ob jection to Seward Avas his weakness in the doubtful States of Pennsylvania, NeAv Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois. Penn sylvania and one of the others must be carried to insure the election of a Republican President. These States, situated on the border, were strongly tinctured with conservatism. In all four of them Seward was weak, for the reason that he Avas regarded as the exponent of the radical element of the party. His " irrepressible-conflict " speech had done much to lessen his availability. Why Lincoln's " house-divided- against-itself " declaration should not also have precluded his nomination is one of the curiosities of politics. And yet it is easily explicable. SeAvard paid the penalty of the great er fame, for a hundred men had read his speech where one had looked at Lincoln's. Yet it is true that the notion of Seward's greater radicalism had a basis in the fact that he had averred the higher-law doctrine — a position from which Lincoln especially held himself aloof. Seward stood in so marked a degree for the radical element of the party that eight of the Illinois delegates, who had been chosen from the northern part of the State, and represented advanced anti-slavery communities, were at heart for him, though they loyally carried out their instructions and voted for Lincoln.2 1 Pike, Washington, May 20th, p. 517. 2 Letter of Leonard Swett to J. H. Drummond, May 27th, 1860, pub lished in the Portland (Me.) Express, and copied into the New York Sun of July 26th, 1891. Ch. XL] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 461 Moreover, Seward was especially objectionable in Pennsyl vania, from having been outspoken against the Know-noth ing movement, which had been strong in that State. The former American element, deemed an important part of the People's party, had to be placated, for it had not been deemed wise even to assume the name Republican in the Keystone State. And there were men more radical than Seward — men who sympathized with him in his opposition to Know-nothingism, who were nevertheless averse to his nomination, because they did not like his political associa tions. A man of unquestioned integrity himself, Seward had intimate connections with men who were full of schemes requiring public grants. For these his vote and influence were frequently used. " He is a believer in the adage," said Pike, " that it is money makes the mare go." ' " I Avas not without apprehensions," wrote Bryant, when congratu lating Lincoln, " that the nomination might fall upon some person encumbered with bad associates," ' and it was Sew ard he had in mind. " There were reasons," wrote Charles A. Dana in the Tribune, a month after the convention, " against Seward's nomination connected with the peculiar state of things at Albany, and the possibility of its transference to Washington."3 In March, Dana, in a private letter to Pike, had hinted at the connection between " Seward stock " and " New York city street railroad " schemes in Albany.4 Bry ant had, in the December previous, mentioned to BigeloAV why Seward's prospects were not brightening. " This iter ation," he wrote, " of the misconstruction put on his phrase of ' the irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery ' has, I think, damaged him a good deal ; and in this city there is one thing Avhich has damaged him still more. I mean the project of Thurlow Weed to giAre charters for a set of city 1 First Blows of the Civil War, p. 518. ' Letter of June 16th, Life by Godwin, vol. ii. p. 142. * New York Tribune, June 18th. * First Blows of the Civil War, p. 501. 462 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1860 railways, for which those Avho receive them are to furnish a fund of from four to six hundred thousand dollars, to be expended for the Republican cause in the next presidential election." ' These expressions represented a widespread sentiment,2 to which many allusions may be found in the political literature of 1850-60. The objection based on that feeling was little mentioned in the newspaper discussions previous to the convention, for, the general presumption be ing that Seward would secure the nomination, the Republi cans wished to avoid furnishing arguments to the enemy. While much of the outside volunteer attendance from New York and Michigan favoring SeAvard Avas Aveighty in character as well as imposing in number, the organized body of rough fellows from New York city, under the lead of Tom Hyer, a noted bruiser, made a great deal of noise with out helping his cause. Their appearance, as they marched through the streets headed by a gaily uniformed band, was in a certain Avay striking, but their arguments when not on parade were little fitted to Avin support from New England and the West. " If you do not nominate Seward, Avhere will you get your money ?" 3 they considered an unanswera ble question ; and the assurance that SeAvard's friends would put up money enough to carry Pennsylvania, in their opin ion, settled the doubt that existed about the Keystone State.1 All the outside pressure was for Seward or Lincoln, there being practically none for the other candidates. While many of Seward's followers were disinterested and sincere, others betrayed unmistakably the influence of the machine. Lincoln's adherents were men from Illinois, Indiana, and IoAva, who had come to Chicago bent on having a good time and seeing the rail-splitter nominated, and while traces of ' Letter of Dec. 14th, 1859, Life, by Godwin, vol. ii. p. 127. 2 See also Recollections of a Busy Life, Greeley, p. 312 ; and Lincoln and Seward, Gideon Welles, p. 27. 3 Horace Greeley, New York Tribune, May 22d. 4 Halstead, p. 142. CH.XL] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 463 organization might be detected among them, it was such organization as may be seen in a mob. Thus stood affairs when the convention organized on Wednesday morning, May 16th. David Wilmot, of Penn sylvania, the author of the Wilmot proviso, was the tempo rary chairman ; George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, the friend of Webster, who had labored hard for his nomination in 1852, was chosen for the permanent presiding officer. When the platform was reported on the second day of the pro ceedings, Giddings offered as an amendment to the first res olution the oft-quoted assertion of the Declaration of Inde pendence. Giddings represented the abolitionist element of the party ; and, lest the convention should go too far in that direction, it was attempted to choke him off. However, respect for fair play conquered, and he was allowed to pre sent his amendment, but it Avas voted down. Giddings then left the convention in sorrow and anger. A little later, George William Curtis obtained the floor and offered as an amendment to the second resolution the clause of the Dec laration beginning "all men are created equal" — substan tially the same that Giddings had proposed — advocating it in earnest Avords. " I have to ask this convention," he said, " whether they are prepared to go upon the record and be fore the country as voting doAvn the Avords of the Declara tion of Independence ? I ask gentlemen graArely to consider that in the amendment which I have proposed I have done nothing that the soundest and safest man in all the land might not do ; . . . and I ask gentlemen to think well be fore, upon the free prairies of the West, in the summer of 1860, they dare to wince and quail before the men of Phila delphia of 1776— before they dare to shrink from repeating the words that these great men enunciated." ' The effect of this speech was electric ; it was greeted with deafening applause, and no further objection Avas made to reasserting the principles of the Declaration of Independence. This 1 Halstead, p. 137. 464 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 action conciliated Giddings and, through him, the radical element of the party. The platform was prepared with care. The aim of the committee had been to allow the greatest liberty of senti ment consistent with an emphatic assertion of the cardinal Republican doctrine. In this they succeeded admirably.' The platform paid a tribute to the Union ; asserted that the rights of the States should be maintained inviolate; de nounced the John Brown invasion " as among the gravest of crimes ;" censured the attempt of the Buchanan administra tion to force the Lecompton constitution upon Kansas ; de nounced the new dogma that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into the territories ; declared the Dem ocratic doctrine of popular sovereignty a " deception and fraud ;" denied " the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individual to give legal existence to slavery in any territory ;" branded " the recent reopening of the African slave-trade ... as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age ;" demanded the admission of Kansas; asserted that sound policy re quires the adjustment of duties upon imports so as " to en courage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country ;" demanded a homestead bill ; and opposed any change in the naturalization laws. The authors of the platform, by steering clear of disputed questions, gave it throughout an aggressive tone. There is but one plank, said the NeAv York Tribune, editorially, " that on the tariff — which will be likely to give rise to objections in any quar ter ;" 2 and when that resolution was read, Pennsylvania, the pre-eminently doubtful State, went Avild Avith joy.3 The silence on the Fugitive Slave law, on personal liberty bills, and on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, also the avoidance of mentioning the Dred Scott decision, 1 See Horace Greeley, New York Tribune, May 22d. Greeley was one of the committee on resolutions. 5 May. 18th. " Halstead, p. 135. Ch. XL] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 465 was significant. The platform received the enthusiastic support of the followers of Seward, Lincoln, and the other candidates. After the vote had been taken on its adoption, the great hall rang with applause and with cheers from ten thousand lusty throats. It was noAv six o'clock of Thursday, the second day, and the convention adjourned without taking a ballot. E\Tery- thing seemed to point to the nomination of Seward on the morrow. Just before midnight, Greeley, who sat as a dele gate from Oregon, persistently advocated Bates, and yet Avas earnestly in favor of almost anything to beat Seward, telegraphed the Tribune : " My conclusion, from all that I can gather to-night, is that the opposition to Governor Sew ard cannot concentrate on any candidate, and that he Avill be nominated." ' Halstead sent the same word to his jour nal.2 The Seward canvass had been made Avith vigor and, on the whole, with discretion. Thurlow Weed, Seward's trusted friend and counsellor, was the leader of the forces. No man of the opposition equalled him in adroitness and political management. On the floor of the convention, the cause was intrusted to William M. Evarts, of NeAv York, Austin Blair, of Michigan, and Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin, Avho were backed by their respective delegations. The episode of which Curtis had been the hero redounded to, the credit of Seward.3 The New-Yorkers were exultant. At their headquarters, the Richmond House, champagne flowed freely in celebration of the expected victory, and Seward bands of music went the rounds, serenading the different delegations from whom support was expected." But during this night, made hideous by bacchanalian shouts, the blare of brass instruments and the noise of the drum, earnest men, believing that success depended on the ' Date of despatch, Thursday, May 17th, 11:40 p.m., published in Fri day morning's New York Tribune. °- Halstead, p. 142. 3 Ibid., p. 141. 4 Ibid. IL— 30 466 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 nomination of some other man than Seward, were indefati- gably at Avork. Prominent among them were Andrew Cur- tin, the nominee of the People's party for Governor of Pennsylvania, and Henry S. Lane, the Indiana Republican candidate for governor, Avho urged, in accents of undoubted sincerity, that if Seward were the standard-bearer they could not carry their respective States at the State elections in October, Avhich Avould determine the national contest. Noth ing could be done with Ohio, another October State ; she would not unite on any candidate, on either the first or sec ond ballot.1 An impression was made on Yirginia; and New England, really for Seward, was influenced by the argument of availability especially and strongly urged by Greeley, whose political influence Avas never greater than now. All this opposition effort pointed either to Lincoln or Bates. Could it be concentrated on one or the other? Although Bates had earnest supporters in Indiana,2 that State natur ally inclined to Lincoln, and it was eminently desirable that her entire vote should be cast for him on the first ballot. Any Avavering or hanging back was this night overcome by the promise of David Davis, the manager for Lincoln, of a cabinet position to Caleb Smith, one of the Indiana dele gates at large, in case of Lincoln's election.3 All but a few of the Pennsylvania delegates would vote for Cameron on the first ballot. The question was, to Avhom would her vote go on the second ? Cameron himself, although not at Chicago, was for SeAvard,4 and it had been expected before the meeting of the convention that his influence would bring most of the delegates over to the support of the New York 1 Greeley, New York Tribune, May 22d. 2 Letter of Swett, May 26th, 1860, Life of Colfax, Hollister, p. 142. 3 Herndon, p. 471 ; Lamon, p. 449. See also Political Recollections, Julian, p. 182; and Life of Colfax, Hollister, p. 175. 4 See Seward's letters to Weed, April 29th and March 15th, 1860, Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. pp. 256, 261 ; note in Halstead, p. 142. See Cameron's speech, May 25th, 1860, reported in Philadelphia Press. Ch. XL] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 467 senator.1 But it became early apparent that the followers of Seward in Pennsylvania were few, and that her second choice lay between Lincoln and Bates, a vote of the delegates being 60 for Lincoln to 45 for Bates as their second choice.2 To win the support of the close followers of Cameron, David Davis promised that he should have a cabinet posi tion in the event of Lincoln's election ; and this, in addition to the other influences that had been used, secured nearly the whole vote of Pennsylvania.3 Lincoln himself kneAv nothing of these bargains at the time,4 and they were made against his positive direction. A careful and anxious ob server of what was taking place at Chicago, he sent to his friends this word in writing, which reached them the day before the nomination : " I agree," he said, " with Seward in his ' irrepressible conflict,' but I do not endorse his ' higher- law ' doctrine ;" then, underscoring the words, he wrote : " Make no contracts that will bind me." 5 Greeley, either ignorant of these bargains, or distrusting that the Pennsylvania and Indiana delegations could be brought to fulfil their part, thought, Avhen the convention met Friday morning, that there could be no concentration of the anti-Seward forces. The Seward managers them- 1 Lincoln and Seward, Welles. Welles was the chairman of the Con necticut delegation. 2 Greeley, New York Tribune, May 22d. Although Pennsylvania cast but fifty-four votes, she had one hundred and eight delegates on the offi cial roll of the convention, Halstead, p. 125 ; see also account of A. K. McClure, Boston Herald, Sept. 6th, 1891. 3 Herndon, p. 471 ; Lamon, p. 449. Article of A. K. McClure, New York Sun, Dec. 13, 1891. See also Political Recollections, Julian, p. 182 ; and Swett's account, Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 292 ; but Swett did not know of the promises in regard to Cameron and Smith, for he wrote Drummond privately, May 27th: "No pledges have been made, no mort gages executed, but Lincoln enters the field a free man." 4 " The responsible position assigned me comes without conditions." — Lincoln to Giddings, May 21st, 1860. Life of Giddings, Julian, p. 376. 5 Herndon, p. 462. 468 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 selves felt so confident that they sincerely asked, and with no idea of bravado, whom the opposition would like for Yice-President.1 The convention met and the candidates were put in nom ination without the speeches of eulogy that have since be come the rule. At the mention of the name of Seward or Lincoln, the great hall resounded with applause and cheers; but the Lincoln yell far surpassed the other in vigor. Tom Hyer's men had this morning marched through the street to the music of victorious strains, and had so prolonged their march that Avhen they came to the Avigwam they found the best places occupied by sturdy Lincoln men ; all of Seward's folloAvers were not able to get into the wigwam, and much of the effect of their lusty shouts was therefore lost. In many contemporaneous and subsequent accounts of this convention, it is set doAvn as an important fact, con tributing to the nomination of Lincoln, that on this day the Lincoln men out-shouted the supporters of Seward. One wonders if those wTise and experienced delegates interpreted this manipulated noise as the voice of the people. While the shouts for " old Abe " were in a considerable degree spontaneous, due to the fact that the convention was held in his own State, art was not lacking in the production of these manifestations. The Lincoln managers, determined that the voice of Illinois should be literally heard, engaged a Chicago man whose shout, it Avas said, could be heard above the howling of the, most violent tempest on Lake Michigan, and a Doctor Ames, a Democrat living on the Illinois river, who had similar gifts, to organize a claque and lead the cheering and applause in the convention hall.2 "As long as conventions shall be held, I believe," wrote Greeley, " no abler, wiser, more unselfish body of delegates 1 Greeley, New York Tribune, May 22d. 2 Life of Lincoln, Arnold, p. 167. See also letter of Leonard Swett, May 27th, 1860 ; also Raymond's inside history of the convention, Life of Thurlow Weed, vol. ii. p. 276. CH.\XL] THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 469 from the various States will ever be assemblecTthan'Tfiat which met at Chicago." ' The vigor of the young men was tempered by the caution and experience of the graybeards. Sixty of the delegates, then unknown beyond their respec tive districts, were afterAvards sent to Congress, and many of them became governors of their States.2 That a convention composed of such men — men who had looked behind the scenes and understood the springs of this enthusiasm — should have had its choice of a candidate dictated by the cheers and shouts of a mob, passes comprehension. The convention was now ready to ballot. As the calling of the roll proceeded, intense interest was manifested by leaders, by delegates, and by spectators. New England came first, and did not give the number of votes for SeAvard that had been anticipated, but NeAv York's plumper of 70, an nounced dramatically by Evarts, almost neutralized this ef fect. All but 6^ votes of Pennsylvania went to Cameron. Yirginia gave surprise by casting 14 votes out of her 23 for Lincoln ; and the entire Indiana delegation (26 in number), declaring for the rail-splitter of Illinois caused a great sen sation. The secretary announced the result of the first bal lot : Seward, 173J ; Lincoln, 102 ; Cameron, 50^ ; Chase, 49 ; Bates, 48 ; scattering, 42 ; necessary to a choice, 233. 1 New York Tribune, June 2d. 5 See Twenty Years of Congress, Blaine, vol. i. p. 164. There were many noted men, or men who afterwards became so, in the convention. Among them were E. H. Rollins, of New Hampshire ; John A. Andrew, Geo. S. Boutwell, Edw. L. Pierce, and Samuel Hooper, of Massachusetts ; Senator Simmons, of Rhode Island ; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut ; Evarts, Pres ton King, and Geo. W. Curtis, of New York ; Fred. T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey; Wilmot, Thaddeus Stevens, and Reeder, of Pennsylvania; Francis P. Blair and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland ; Cartter, Corwin, Monroe, Delano, and Giddings, of Ohio ; Judd, David Davis, and Brown ing, of Illinois; Schurz, of Wisconsin; John A. Kasson, of Iowa; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana; Austin Blair and T. W. Ferry, of Michigan; Fran cis P. Blair, Jr., and B. Grate Brown, of Missouri. Greeley and Eli Thayer sat for Oregon. 470 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 The confidence of the Seward managers was not shaken.' Intense excitement prevailed. " Call the roll ! Call the roll !" fairly hissed through the teeth of the delegates, fiercely im patient for the second trial.2 Yermont gave the first sur prise by throwing her whole vote, which before had compli mented Senator Collamer, to Lincoln; Pennsylvania gave him 48, and Ohio 14. The secretary announced the second ballot. Seward had 184J ; Lincoln, 181 ; and all the rest, 99-J votes.. Seward's hopes were blasted. On the third bal lot he had 180, while Lincoln had 23LJ, lacking but 1£ votes of the necessary number to nominate. Before the result Avas declared, Cartter, of Ohio, mounted his chair, and, gain ing the breathless attention of the convention, announced the change of four votes of Ohio from Chase to Lincoln. Many delegates then changed their votes to the successful candidate, and as soon as Evarts could obtain the floor he moved, in melancholy tones, to make the nomination unani mous. A confidential letter of Greeley to Pike, written three days after the nomination, gives an inkling of the fluctua tions of the contest. "Massachusetts," he wrote, "was right in Weed's hands, contrary to all reasonable expecta tion. ... It was all we could do to hold Yermont by the most desperate exertions ; and I at some times despaired of it. The rest of NeAv England was pretty sound, but part of New Jersey was somehoAV inclined to sin against light and knowledge. If you had seen the Pennsylvania delegation, and known how much money Weed had in hand, you would not have believed we could do so Avell as we did. Give Curtin thanks for that.3 Ohio looked very bad, yet turned out well, and Yirginia had been regularly sold out ; but the 1 Greeley, New York Tribune, May 22d. 2 Halstead, p. 147. 3 " The wheels of the machine did not at any time in Pennsylvania run smooth. On nearly every ballot, Pennsylvania was not in readiness when her name was called, and her retirements for consultation became a joke."— Halstead, p. 143. Ch. XL] LINCOLN'S NOMINATION 47 1 seller could not deliver. We had to rain red-hot bolts on them, however, to keep the majority from going for SeAv ard, who got eight votes here as it was. Indiana was our right bo Aver, and Missouri above praise. It was a fearful week, such as I hope and trust I shall never see repeated." ' The nomination of Lincoln was received in the wigwam with such shouts, cheers, and thunders of applause that the report of the cannon on the roof of the building, signalling the event, could at times hardly be heard inside. The ex cited masses in the street about the wigwam cried out with delight. Chicago was wild with joy. One hundred guns were fired from the top of the Tremont House. Processions of " Old Abe " men bearing rails were everywhere to be seen, and they celebrated their victory by deep potations of their native beverage.2 The sorroAv and gloom of Seward's supporters were pro found and sincere. Thurlow Weed shed bitter tears.3 Men thought that talent and long service had been set aside in favor of merely an available man borne into undue promi nence by the enthusiasm of the mass over a rail-splitting episode ; and that the party of moral ideas had sacrificed principle for the sake of success. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for Yice-Pres- ident, and the Avork of the convention was done.4 ' Pike, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 519. John D. Defrees wrote Colfax : " Greeley slaughtered Seward and saved the party. He deserves the praises of all men, and gets them now. Wherever he goes he is greeted with cheers. . . . We worked hard [for Bates], but could not make it. . . . We Bates men of Indiana concluded that the only way to beat Seward was to go for Lincoln as a unit. We made the nomination." —Life of Colfax, Hollister, p. 148. On the action of New Jersey, see let ter of Thomas H. Dudley, a delegate from New Jersey, Century Magazine, July, 1890. 2 Halstead, p. 153. 5 Life, vol. ii. p. 271. 4 Besides the authorities already cited, the controversy, after the nom ination, between Raymond and Weed on one side and Greeley on the 472 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 General delight prevailed in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and IoAva at the nominations ; Pennsylvania regarded gleefully the defeat of Seward, but the first feeling among the Re publicans of the other States was one of disappointment that the New York senator had not been chosen.1 Lowell spoke for a large number when, in the October Atlantic Monthly, he Avrote : " We are of those Avho at first regretted that another candidate was not nominated at Chi cago. . . . We should have been pleased with Mr. Seward's nomination for the very reason we have seen assigned for passing him by — that he represented the most advanced doc trines of his party." 2 On hearing of the nomination, Douglas said to a knot of Republicans who gathered round him in the Capitol : " Gen tlemen, you have nominated a very able and a very honest man."8 Nevertheless, at that time no high opinion of Lin coln's ability existed outside of Illinois. But it Avas not long before the North came to regard the choice at Chicago as other throws light on the history of the convention. Seward and his in timate New York friends thought Greeley " the chief leader " in the move ment that beat him. See letter of Seward to Weed, May 24th, Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 270. Greeley, in the Tribune, disclaimed the weighty influence ascribed to him. See also Recollections of a Busy Life, p. 390. The controversy had for a result the publication, on Greeley's persistent demand, of his letter, written in 1854, dissolving the firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley. It may be found in the Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 277, and in Greeley's Recollections of a Busy Life, p. 315. I have also used, in this account of the convention, Russel Errett's article in the Magazine of Western History, Aug., 1889, and the Chicago correspondence of the Cleveland Plain Dealer. 1 See Washington Constitution and its citations from the Albany Atlas and Argus, Utica Observer, New York Evening Express, and Boston Cou rier. Franklin H. Head, then living in- Wisconsin, attended the conven tion, and has vividly described to me his heart-sinking when it became certain Lincoln would be nominated. s This article is printed in Lowell's Political Essays, p. 34. 3 John B. Alley, Reminiscences, published by North American Publish ing Co., p. 575. CH.XL] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION 473 the wisest that could have been made.1 It is an indication of public sentiment that the abolitionists were grieved at the nomination of Lincoln.2 Wendell Phillips, in a speech, said : " For every blow that Abraham Lincoln ever struck against the system of slavery, the martyr of Marshfield may claim that he has struck a hundred." 3 And later the uncompro mising abolitionist called Lincoln " the slave-hound of Illi nois," supporting the statement by a misrepresentation of a praiseworthy effort of his congressional career." The adjourned Democratic convention met at Baltimore, June 18th. The interim between the two meetings had af forded time for reflection, and the enthusiastic Republican convention, with the noAv generally cordial approval of its work, had shown the necessity of a united Democratic party. But the animosity between the Charleston seceders and the Douglas men of the Northwest had not been allayed in the slightest degree. Some of the delegates Avho had withdrawn at Charleston were ready to ask for admittance again to the convention, or at any rate their right to seats was advocated by the remaining anti-Douglas men. This was now the rock 1 See Albany Journal (Weed's paper), cited by the Tribune, May 21st; Philadelphia Press, May 23d; New York Tribune, June 2d. The Boston Courier wrote, on May 18th : " Since the death of Webster we have not seen men so sober and so sad in this city." The sorrow was among Re publicans, and the cause Lincoln's nomination. But A. A. Lawrence, a Bell and Everett man, wrote confidentially to J. J. Crittenden, May 25th : "The whole public sentiment which appears on the outside is in favor of ' Old Abe ' and his split rails. The ratification meeting here last night was completely successful. Faneuil Hall was filled, and the streets around it." — Life of Crittenden, Coleman, vol. ii. p. 206. " The nomina tion of Lincoln strikes the mass of the people with great favor. He is universally regarded as a scrupulously honest man, and a genuine man of the people." — J. W. Grimes to his wife, June 4th, Life of Grimes, Salter, p. 158. * Life of Garrison, vol. iii. p. 502. 3 The Liberator, June 8th. 4 Ibid., June 22d. 474 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 on which the convention split ; for the Douglas faction of Alabama and Louisiana had sent delegates to Baltimore and asked for admission. After wrangling for four days in for mal session by day and hurling defiance at each other by Avell-attended mass-meetings at night, the quarrel came to a head on the fifth day of the convention. The Douglas delegates from Louisiana and Alabama were admitted, and other action unpalatable to the minority was taken in re gard to credentials. Yirginia led a new secession, folloAved by most of the delegates from North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Maryland ; and finally the chairman, Caleb Cushing, resigned his position and joined the Southern fac tion. Before the secession, New York, with her thirty- five unanimous votes, held the balance of poAver. Many of her delegates were eminent men of business, anxious for peace ; others were adroit politicians adept at a trade and eager to hold the party together by any means ; and many were the expedients devised to bring about harmony. But it was to attempt the impossible. The Southerners were exacting, the delegates from the Northwest bold and defiant. The party still remained a house divided against itself. It might have seemed that, as the contention turned on Douglas, his Avithdrawal would have paved the way for a reconciliation. This he well understood. On June 20th, the third day of the convention, he wrote to Richardson from Washington : " While I can never sacrifice the principle [of non-interven tion] even to obtain the presidency, I will cheerfully and joyfully sacrifice myself to maintain the principle. If, therefore, you and my other friends . . . shall be of the opin ion that the principle can be preserved, and the unity and ascendency of the Democratic party maintained ... by AvithdraAving my name and uniting with some other non intervention, Union-loAring Democrat, I beseech you to pur sue that course. ... I conjure you to act with a single eye to the safety and welfare of the country, and without the slightest regard to my individual interest or aggrandize- CaXI.] NOMINATION OF DOUGLAS 475 ment." ' As Richardson did not make this letter public, Douglas, at half-past nine in the morning of the day that the disruption occurred, sent a despatch similar in purport to Dean Richmond, the leader of the NeAv York delegation, but this was also suppressed. Richardson afterwards ex plained that the action of the Southerners had put it out of his power to use Douglas's letter. After the dissatisfied had withdrawn, David Tod, of Ohio, by request of his associate vice-presidents, took the chair. The convention proceeded to ballot, and, after the second trial, when Douglas had received all the votes but thirteen, he was by resolution declared nominated on the ground that he had received the votes of two-thirds of the dele gates present. Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was nomi nated for Yice-President. When he afterwards declined the nomination, the national committee named Herschel Y. Johnson, of Georgia, for the position. The Baltimore seceders, joined by most of the seceders from the Charleston convention, met in another hall, adopt ed the Southern platform, and nominated Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Lane, of Oregon, for Yice- President.2 Although Congress adjourned in June, the House had done a large amount of work since its organization. It passed a bill for the admission of Kansas under the Wyan dotte free constitution, which had been ratified by a large majority of the popular vote. The Senate, however, refused to take up the bill. The House repealed the slave code of New Mexico,3 but to this the Senate did not agree. The 1 Life of Douglas, Flint, p. 212. 2 See National Political Conventions of 1860, Halstead; New York Tribune ; Pike's First Blows of the Civil War. The Charleston seceders had adjourned to Richmond, but, on meeting there, adjourned to await the action of the Baltimore convention; ancl when they afterwards reas sembled, they endorsed the nominations of Breckinridge and Lane. " House Journal, 1st Sess. 36th Cong., Part I. pp. 220, 303 ; Part II. p. /815. The vote was : Yeas, 97 ; nays, 90. 476 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1860 House also passed a homestead bill. This the Senate amend ed, making it a less liberal measure for the landless. The House, on the principle that half a loaf is better than none, accepted the Senate's modifications; but the bill was ve toed by the President, and the necessary two-thirds vote to pass it over the veto could not be commanded in the Senate. The Morrill tariff bill, providing for a revision, and in some cases an increase, of tariff duties, went through the House, but was not acted upon by the Senate. A House committee, whose chairman was Covode, investigated the action of the administration in its attempts to carry first the Lecompton bill and then the English bill through the House of Representatives in 1858, bringing to light facts that redounded little to the credit of Buchanan and his cabinet.1 At the North, the administration had sunk so low in public estimation, and the interest in the conventions and preparations for the presidential campaign had so en grossed public notice, that the report of the Covode com mittee, and the criticism by the President of its manner of procedure, did not attract the attention that their impor tance perhaps warranted.2 After the debate between Douglas and Davis, the most important event in the Senate was an oration by Sumner on the " Barbarism of Slavery." Sumner had returned from Europe just before the opening of the session. His former health and strength were restored sufficiently for him to give again systematic attention to the duties of a senator, and this was his first speech in the Senate since the one delivered four years previously, that had provoked the outrageous as sault. He delivered a courageous invective against slavery, employing a line of argument now hardly necessary for Northern people, but then especially irritating to the South. He took up the question where he had left off at the close 1 See p. 300. 2 For an account of this friendly to the President, see Life of Buchanan, Curtis, vol. ii. chap. xii. Ch. XI.] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 477 of his speech, " The Crime against Kansas ;" but he ap parently failed to comprehend the progress of anti-slavery sentiment, and the direction it had taken during his three and a half years of enforced absence. " We have just had a four hours' speech from Sumner on the 'Barbarism of Slavery,' " wrote Senator Grimes, an earnest Republican ; " in a literary point of Ariew it was of course excellent. As a bitter, denunciatory oration, it could hardly be exceeded in point of style and finish. But to me many parts sounded harsh, vindictive, and slightly brutal. It is all true that slavery tends to barbarism ; but Mr. Sumner furnishes no remedy fqr the evils he complains of. His speech has done the Republicans no good. Its effect has been to exasperate the Southern members, and render it impossible for Mr. Sumner to exercise any influence here for the good of his State." ' The campaign of 1860 was not so animated as that of 1856, yet the problem concerning the division of the elec toral votes was substantially the same. Fremont had had 114 electors ; of these, and of the 4 of Minnesota, Lincoln was reasonably certain, but he needed 34 more, which must be had from some combination of the votes of the following States : Pennsylvania, which cast 27 ; New Jersey, 7 ; In diana, 13 ; Illinois, 11 ; Oregon, 3 ; California, 4. While not arithmetically necessary to carry Pennsylvania, it was, as in 1856, practically so ; for if the Republicans could not obtain the vote of Pennsylvania, they certainly could not hope for that of New Jersey, and one or the other was absolutely required. Had Douglas been the candidate of the united Democracy on the Cincinnati platform, the contest would have been close and exciting and the result doubtful. Doug las himself boasted that had that been the case he Avould have beaten Lincoln in every State of the Union except 1 Grimes to his wife, June 4th, Life of Grimes, Salter, p. 127; see also editorial in New York Tribune, June 5th. 478 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 Yermont and Massachusetts.' Had the Democrats been united on Breckinridge and the Southern platform, the only conceivably different result would have been larger Lincoln majorities in the Northern States. But with the actual state of affairs, after the two nominations at Baltimore, the success of the Republicans seemed to be assured. The split in the Democratic party doomed it to certain defeat before the people ; but as the contest went on, a glimmer of hope arose that while it Avas absolutely impossible for Douglas, Breckinridge, or Bell to obtain a majority of the electoral votes, it was within the bounds of possibility to defeat Lin coln and throw the election into the House of Representa tives. Then Breckinridge might be elected, or, the House failing to make a choice, Lane Avould become President by virtue of having been chosen Yice-President by the Senate.2 This contingency created some alarm among the Repub licans, whose elation had been great at the failure of the Democrats to cement at Baltimore their divided party. Pennsylvania and Indiana still held their State elections in October, and it was generally conceded that if they went Republican, nothing could prevent the election of Lincoln. Pennsylvania was the more important, and at first the more doubtful, of the two ; so that, as in 1856, the contest again hinged on the State election in the Keystone State. Now, however, a new issue had been brought into the canvass, A sequence of the panic of 1857 was great depression in the iron trade. As the Democrats in Congress had voted al most unanimously against the Morrill tariff bill, which, from the Pennsylvania point of view, was expected to cure the 1 Speech at Baltimore, Sept. 6th, Baltimore Daily Exchange. 2 In the event of the election going to the House, the voting would have been by States, and it was conjectured that Lincoln would have 15; Breckinridge, 12; Bell, 2; and 4 were divided or doubtful— New York Tribune, July 16th. Another estimate was : Lincoln, 15 ; Breck inridge, 1 1 ; Douglas, 2 ; Bell, 1 ; doubtful, 4— New York Tribune, Oct. 4th. Ch. XL] PENNSYLVANIA 479 present trouble, Democrats in that State were lukewarm. Republicans, on the other hand, Avere aggressive and went to work in earnest to secure the doubtful vote, by showing the greater devotion of their party to the material interests of the State. The Chicago convention, as Ave have seen, recognized this sentiment by adopting a tariff plank, which, although it Avas called ambiguous in expression, had been satisfactory to the Pennsylvania delegation.' But there was no doubt about the Democratic position. Both the Douglas and the Breckinridge conventions had reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856, which declared in favor of "progressive free trade throughout the Avorld." AndreAv G. Curtin, the People's candidate for governor, a man of ability and energy, and a thorough -going protectionist, gave the key-note to the Pennsylvania campaign by pushing into prominence the tariff question. Protection to home indus try, and freedom in the territories, were the watchwords ; but the promise of higher duties on iron appealed more powerfully to the doubtful voters than did the plea for free soil.2 Many speeches Avere made in which the sole issue dis cussed was the tariff, and it is safe to say that no Pennsyl vania advocate of Lincoln and Curtin made a speech in his State without some mention of the question that now domi nated all others in the Pennsylvania mind. The effect of this mode of conducting the canvass was so marked that by September it became apparent that, although the Demo cratic candidate for governor was supported by the adher ents of Douglas, Breckinridge, and Bell, the chance of elec tion lay decidedly on the side of Curtin. The fusion in 1856 had been against the Democrats ; now the Lincoln 1 " The Evening Post says the tariff plank in the Chicago platform means free trade ; the Tribune says it means protection. . . . The tariff resolution was intended to conciliate support in Pennsylvania and New Jersey without offending free-trade Republicans in other States." — New York World, Oct 19th, then an independent journal inclining to Bell. !Iu 1860 Pennsylvania produced one -half of the iron made in the whole country. 480 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 party breasted the combined opposition. Douglas himself Avas affected by the drift of sentiment. Although he had ahvays been regarded as inclining to free trade, he argued in a speech made in Pennsylvania in favor of protection to the industries of that great manufacturing State.' But outside of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one hardly heard the tariff question mentioned. The theoretical dif ference betAveen the contending parties Avas regarding slav ery in the territories ; but so far as the existing territory of the country was concerned, it can hardly be called a practi cal issue.2 No " bleeding Kansas " gave point to Republi- 1 See New York Tribune, Sept. 8th and 10th. " The October contest in Pennsylvania will settle the future tariff policy of the government."— Stump speech of Alex. K. McClure, Sept. 6th. The tariff plank " con stitutes the essential plank in the platform " of the Lincoln and Hamlin party. — Philadelphia North American. In Southern Pennsylvania, "they are all tariff men and will vote solid for Curtin." — Ibid., Sept. 3d. The iron industry, said W. D. Kelley, languishes under the legislation of the free-trade Democracy. — Ibid., Sept. 4th. A club in Philadelphia was called the " Mercantile Tariff Men." A banner at a great meeting at German- town bore the inscription, " Pennsylvania demands adequate protection to her great iron, coal, and manufacturing interests." — Ibid., Oct. 2d and 5th. At a great demonstration in Pittsburgh, " the manufacturing estab lishments were well represented, and the men carried mottoes relating chiefly to a protective tariff." — National Intelligencer, Oct. 2d. Instances like these may be multiplied. "The people of Pennsylvania, like those of New Jersey, are nearly unanimous in favor of a protective tariff. Ques tions concerning slavery and all other political topics hold a subordinate place in their regard to this one, ' By what action on our part shall we secure the effective Protection of Home Industry ?' " — New York Tribune, Sept. 26th. 2 The editor of the Memphis Appeal, after a trip to New Orleans, wrote a well-considered article from which I extract: "There are not enough slaves in the slave States to cultivate the States which border on the in land sea, two-thirds of the area of each of which has never yet been pressed by the foot of a slave. For centuries to come, unless other sources of supply of Southern labor are opened up, there cannot and will not be, in the possibility of things, another slave territory added to the Union. ... If men must extend slavery, let them come out for the Afri can slave-trade, but do not be quarrelling about the miserable twaddle of Cn. XL] THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE 481 can arguments, as had been the case in 1856. Yet the Re publican canvass was a protest against the policy of Pierce and Buchanan, who had used the executiA^e influence imTari- ably against freedom ; it Avas opposition to acquiring more slave territory ; it was opposition to the revival in any shape of the African slave-trade, which, if accomplished, would make the territorial question as vital as ever Kansas affairs had done. The speech of Gaulden, a Georgia dele gate in the Charleston convention, which had been received with demonstrations of approval, was widely published at the North, and, being regarded as the sincere avoAval of one who spoke for many planters, it had produced a marked effect on Northern sentiment. " I am a Southern states- rights man," he had said ; "lam an African slave-trader. I am one of those Southern men Avho believe that slavery is right, morally, religiously, socially, and politically. I be lieve that the institution of slavery has clone more for this country, more for civilization, than all other interests put together. ... I believe that this doctrine of protection to1, slavery in the territories is a mere theory, a mere abstrac tion. . . . We have no slaves to carry to these territories. We can never make another slave State with our present supply of slaves. ... I would ask my friends of the South to come up in a proper spirit, ask our Northern friends to give us all our rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of slaves from foreign lands. ... I tell you, fellow-Democrats, that the African slave-trader is the true Union man. ... If any of you Northern Democrats Avill go home with me to my plantation in Georgia, I will show you some darkies that I bought in Maryland, some that I bought in Yirginia, some in Delaware, some in Flor ida, some in North Carolina, and I will also shoAV you the pure African, the noblest Roman of them all." ' slavery protection by Breckinridge, or of intervention to destroy it, on the other hand, by Lincoln."— Cited by New York World, Oct. 8th. 1 New York Tribune, May 7th. A large part of this speech is pub lished in Greeley's American Conflict, vol. i. p. 316. IL— 31 482 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 " We can extend slavery into new territories," said Sew ard, at Detroit, September 4th, " and create new slave States only by reopening the African slave-trade." ' " The same power that abrogated the Missouri Compromise in 1854," said he at Madison, September 12th, " would, if the efforts to estaJblish slavery in Kansas had been successful, have been, after a short time, bold enough, daring enough, des perate enough, to have repealed the prohibition of the Afri can skive - trade. And, indeed, that is yet a possibility noAv." 2 " I have said that this battle was fought and this victory won," declared Seward, at St. Paul, September 18th. "There is one danger remaining — one only. Slavery can never more force itself or be forced, from the stock that ex ists among us, into the territories of the United States. But the cupidity of trade and the ambition of those whose in terests are identified with slavery are such that they may clandestinely and surreptitiously reopen, either within the forms of law or without them, the African slave-trade, and may bring in new cargoes of African slaves at one hundred dollars a head, and scatter them into the territories ; and once getting possession of new domain, they may again re new their operations against the patriotism of the American people." 3 The slave States, Seward averred at New York city, November 2d, " are going to say next, as they logically must, that they should reopen the African slave-trade, and so furnish the supplies for slavery." 4 While the divided opposition made Republican success almost certain, the lack of a common enemy, Avho took the same form and advocated the same principles everywhere, deprived the canvass of the vigor and excitement that pre vail when a line is sharply drawn between two parties on one decided issue. In New England — excepting Connecti cut — and in the Nortlwest, the contest lay between Lincoln 1 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 317. " Ibid., p. 325. 5 Ibid., p. 346. * Ibid., p. 418; see also speech at Seneca Falls, ibid., p. 408. CH.XL] THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 483 and Douglas. The other candidates were barely mentioned, and as Douglas had no chance whatever of election, the con test could not be called spirited. In New York, Pennsyl vania, NeAv Jersey, and Connecticut, Breckinridge and Bell had a following ; ' but in those States there was little en thusiasm, except that draAvn out by Republican meetings. In the slave jStates outside of Missouri, the contest lay be tween Breckinridge and Bell. Douglas had supporters everywhere, but it Avas recognized he could carry no slave State but Missouri, and his candidacy in the South resulted only as a diversion which redounded to the advantage of Bell, for the supporters of Douglas and Bell agreed in pro nounced devotion to the Union ; while it was practically true, Avhich Douglas intimated at Baltimore, that, although every Breckinridge man was not a disunionist, every dis- unionist in America was a Breckinridge man.2 As the can vass proceeded, Lincoln, as representing the more positive resistance to Southern domination, drew to himself Douglas Democrats at the North ; Avhile Breckinridge, as represent ing the logical Southern doctrine, drew from the adherents of Douglas at the South. More political machinery was employed in the Republi can canvass than in 1856. Office-seekers had been present in force at the Chicago convention, and, as the prospect of success increased, their number grew and they were on hand everywhere to do the necessary work of party organ ization. The Wide-awakes, in their inception merely a happy accident, were turned to good account in arousing enthusiasm. Companies and battalions of them, wearing capes and bearing torches, were a necessary feature of every Republican demonstration.3 Lincoln's early occupation was ' Bell had a considerable following in Massachusetts. 1 Baltimore Daily Exchange, Sept. 7th. 3 For the origin of the Wide-awakes, see Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 284; see also New York Tribune, June 2d, and New York Herald, Sept. 19th. The Herald of that date estimated that there were over four hun- 484 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 glorified, and men bearing fence-rails might be seen in every procession. In Boston, a significant feature of a parade was a rail-splitters' battalion composed of men averaging six feet tAvo inches in height. The Sumner Blues, a com pany of colored men from Portland, took part in the same procession, for it was not overlooked that the result of the election might affect the lot of the negro.' Lincoln meet ings, large and small, addressed by men of character and ability, were a feature of the summer and autumn ; in every village, town, and county, there was frequent opportunity for the inquiring voter to familiarize himself with the issue before the people. Nearly all the educational features of the campaign of 1856 were repeated ; the published debates of Lincoln and Douglas were read with interest and effect ; yet less reliance was placed on newspapers ^nd campaign documents than in the previous presidential canvass.2 The religious element, with the active personal participation of the clergy, which was one of the characteristics of 1856, dred thousand drilled and uniformed Wide-awakes, and the number was constantly increasing. 1 Boston Evening Transcript, Oct. 17th. ¦ "While the circulation of speeches, campaign lives, and pamphlet essays has not been remarkably large, the number of meetings and oral addresses in this canvass has been beyond precedent. We judge that the number of speeches made during the recent campaign has been quite equal to that of all that were made in the previous presidential canvasses from 1789 to 1856 inclusive." — New York Tribune, Nov. 8th. I will men tion some of the men who spoke frequently from the stump : Seward, Chase, Senator Wade, Senator Wilson, Greeley; David D. Field, William M. Evarts, George W. Curtis, Conkling, Fenton, Charts A. Dana, C. M. Depew, and Stewart L. Woodford, of New York; Thaddeus Stevens, John Hickman, Grow, Covode, Wilmot, and Reeder, of Pennsylvania; Dayton, of New Jersey; Corwin, John Sherman, and Schenck, of Ohio; Burlingame and Charles F, Adams, of Massachusetts; Morrill and Fes senden, of Maine ; Caleb B. Smith, Henry S. Lane, and Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana ; Trumbull, Browning, Lovejoy, and David Davis, of Illinois ; Howard, of Michigan ; Senator Doolittle and Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin; Francis P. Blair, of Missouri ; and Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky. Ch. XL] CAMPAIGN WORK 485 was not noAv so obtrusive or pronounced ; ' but in New Eng land and along the lines of New England influence, the hearty wishes and fervent prayers of most Protestant min isters were for Republican success. Henry Ward Beecher, and Dr. Chapin, the eminent Universalist, did not scruple to deliver political speeches from their pulpits the Sunday evening before the election. The young men and first vot ers, who had been studying the slavery question since 1852, took a vital interest in this campaign. They read the po litical literature with avidity. Filled with enthusiasm, they were glad to enroll themselves in the Wide-awake order, and make manifest their determination to do all in their power to avert the longer misrule of the Southern oligarchy. " The Republican party," said Seward at Cleveland, Octo ber 4th, " is a party chiefly of young men. Each succes sive year brings into its ranks an increasing proportion of the young men of this country." 2 Northern school-teach ers, under the inspiration of the moral principle at stake, impressed upon eager listening boys that they were living in historic times, and that a great question, fraught with weal or woe to the country, was about to be decided. The torch-bearers of literature were on the side of Lincoln. " I vote with the Republican party," wrote Holmes to Motley ; " I cannot hesitate between them and the Democrats." a Whittier offered the resolutions at a Republican meeting at Amesbury ; * William Cullen Bryant was at the head of the Lincoln electoral ticket of New York, and George Will iam Curtis spoke frequently from the stump. Few political 1 See New York Herald, Sept. 11th. A poll of voters showed that all the clergymen of Springfield, 111., but three, were against Lincoln. Hern don, p. 466. 2 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 384. On the importance of young men, see New York Tribune, July 30th; for a prediction made in December, 1856, of the Republican vote in 1860, see Olmsted's Texas Journey, p. xxvi. a Motley's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 341. * The Independent, Sept. 20th. 486 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [i860 arguments have been more cogent, or expressed in choicer phrase, than that of James Russell Lowell, published in the Atlantic Monthly for October. It may be said to repre sent the opinion of the men of thought and culture of the country. "The slave - holding interest," he wrote, "has gone on step by step, forcing concession after concession, till it needs but little to secure it forever in the political su premacy of the country. Yield to its latest demand — let it mould the evil destiny of the territories — and the thing is done past recall. The next presidential election is to say yes or no. . . . We believe this election is a turning-point in our history. ... In point of fact ... we have only two parties in the field : those who favor the extension of slav ery, and those who oppose it." The Republican party "is not unanimous about the tariff, about State rights, about many other questions of policy. What unites the Repub licans is ... a common resolve to resist the encroachments of slavery everywhen and everywhere. ... It is in a moral aversion to slavery as a great wrong that the chief strength of the Republican party lies." The question that needs an answer in the election is : " What policy will secure the most prosperous future to the helpless territories which our decision is to make or mar for all coming time ? What will save the country from a Senate and Supreme Court where freedom shall be forever at a disadvantage ?" ' Dr. Francis Lieber, Avho for years held a chair in the University of South Carolina, and was now a professor in Columbia College, presided over a German Republican meet ing in New York city. When the news reached South Carolina, the Euphradian Society of the college expelled him from honorary membership, and his bust and portrait were removed from the halls of the society.2 " I am de nounced at this moment at the South in very virulent lan guage," wrote Lieber to his son. s See Political Essays, p. 21 et seq. 1 New York Evening Post, Oct. 30th. s Life and Letters, p. 313. Ch. XL] THREATS OF DISUNION 487 But one argument was used with any show of success by the opponents of the Republicans at the North. The sec tional character of the Republican party Avas urged, with the averment that if Lincoln were elected, the cotton States would certainly secede from the Union. Southern speakers of ability and influence made such declarations freely, and the press teemed with threats of like tenor. The menaces were no more arrogant than those of 1856, but they seemed more grave and sincere. It may be that the Southern lead ers had little idea that Lincoln could be elected, and used the threats of disunion as an electioneering cry ; ' but the less prominent speakers were terribly in earnest, and avowed themselves ready to make good their Avords.2 The slave holders whom they addressed Avere persuaded that Lincoln's election would mean emancipation; the poor whites were con vinced that negro equality and citizenship would follow. At the South, the Wide-awakes Avere regarded as a semi-military organization whose determination was to see Lincoln inau gurated if elected ; and soon companies of minute-men as a counter-demonstration began forming in the cotton States.3 In judging these events, it is impossible to divest ourselves of the knowledge of the end, yet there certainly seems in the Southern threats a seriousness that foreboded trouble, and thus to many Avell-informed men they appeared in 1860. Douglas, since his nomination, had spoken in several South ern States. He knew more of the aims of the secessionists than any other Northern man, and he was sincere when he declared at Chicago : " I believe that this country is in more 1 See A. H. Stephens, War between the States, vol. ii. pp. 275, 277. . 2 See Recollections of Mississippi, Reuben Davis, p. 390 ; Iron Furnace, pp. 15,19. 3 Richmond Enquirer, Sept. 28th and Oct. 19th ; Charleston Mercury, Oct. 2d, 15th, 19th ; New York Evening Post, Oct. 17th ; Georgia Chronicle, cited by the Washington Constitution, Oct. 16th; Charleston Courier, Oct. 25th ; Washington correspondence of the New York Herald, Oct. 30th; speech of H. W. Hilliard, New York, Sept., 1860, Politics and Pen Pictures, p. 295. 488 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 danger now than at any other moment since I have known anything of public life." ' The supporters of Douglas and Bell made no attempt to conceal their fears, but the cry of " wolf" was so obviously in their interest that Republicans could not be blamed for regarding it as an effort to frighten people from voting for Lincoln. And for the most part it Avas so looked upon. SeAvard said at St. Paul : " Slavery to-day is for the first time not only powerless, but without influence in the American republic. For the first time in the history of the United States, no man in. a free State can be bribed to vote for slavery. . . . For the first time in the history of the republic, the slave power has not even the ability to terrify or alarm the freeman so as to make him submit, or even to compromise. It rails now Avith a feeble voice, instead of thundering as it did in our ears for twenty or thirty years past. With a feeble and muttering voice they cry out that they will tear the Union to pieces. . . . 'Who's afraid?' Nobody's afraid. Nobody can be bought." 2 " For ten, aye for twenty, years," declared Sew ard at NeAv York, four days before the election, " these threats have been reneAved, in the same language and in the same form, about the first day of November every four years when it happened to come before the day of the presi dential election. I do not doubt but that'these Southern statesmen and politicians think they are going to dissolve the Union, but I think they are going to do no such thing." s LoAvell spoke of " the hollowness of those fears for the safe ty of the Union in case of Mr. Lincoln's election," and called to mind that false alarms had been sounded before. " The old Murnbo-Jumbo," he asserted, "is occasionally paraded at the North, but, however many old women may be fright ened, the pulse of the stock-market remains provokingly calm." 4 A certain support for this view was found in the expression of the Douglas and Bell newspapers at the South 1 Oct. 5th, National Intelligencer. 2 Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 344. 3 Ibid., p. 420. " Political Essays, pp. 26, 41. Ch.XI.] THREATS OF DISUNION 489 that deprecated any move in the direction of secession until an overt act had been committed by the coming Republican administration.' There were Republicans who knew too much of the South to regard these threats as gasconade, yet Avho Avere deter mined to force the issue. They had not forgotten that the cry of "The Union is in danger" had elected Buchanan; and they could see no hope for the country if the Southern party were always going to be able to frighten voters from opposing the extension of slavery. Therefore, in their opin ion, the North was bound to answer the threat of the South by a defiance. " We are summoned to surrender," said Carl Schurz at St. Louis. " And what price do they offer to pay us for all our sacrifices if we submit ? Why, slavery can then be preserved !" 2 Dr. Lieber, who knew by long actual contact the people of both sections, and Avho was linked to the South and the North by ties of family and friendship, judged the situa tion with remarkable insight. " As to the threats of dis solution of the Union should Mr. Lincoln be elected," he wrote to his son, " I do not reply, ' Try it, let us see ;' on the contrary, I believe the threat is made in good earnest, and that it is quite possible to carry it into execution. . . It sometimes has occurred to me that what Thucydides said of the Greeks at the time of the Peloponnesian War applies to us at present. ' The Greeks,' he said, ' did not under stand each other any longer, though they spoke the same language ; words received a different meaning in different parts.' " 3 1 See "Occasional" from Washington (probably J. W. Forney) to the Philadelphia Press, cited by New York Evening Post, Oct. 12th; New York World, Oct. 8th ; extracts from Southern papers cited, and edito rial comments on the same, New York World, Oct. 19th; also World, Oct. 27th. 2 Speeches by Carl Schurz, p. 144. 3 Lieber added, "I quote from memory."— Life and Letters, p. 314. This letter has a peculiar interest, as it was written to his son Oscar, then Southern in sympathy, who afterwards entered the Confederate army and 490 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 In truth, Avhen Senator Hammond wrote, " Everv sensible man in the country must know that the election of Mr. Lin coln Avill put the Union at imminent and instant hazard ;" ' when James L. Orr said that " the honor and safety of the South required its prompt secession from the Union in the event of the election of a Black Republican to the presi dency ;" 2 and when Alexander Stephens declared that the success of Lincoln Avas certain, and the result would be " un doubtedly an attempt at secession and reATolution," 3 North ern men' of discretion were forced to pause and ask whether there Avere not as much sincerity as bravado in the threats that were heard from all parts of the South. Efforts were not lacking to bring about a union of the opponents of the Republicans. As has been stated, the folloAvers of Douglas and of Bell and Breckinridge sup ported the same ticket in Pennsylvania. In Indiana, where Bell had but little support, the Douglas and Breckinridge factions united on a candidate for governor. A partial fusion on an electoral ticket was accomplished in Pennsyl vania and New Jersey ; a more perfect one in New York. Jefferson Davis tried to concentrate the opposition to Lin coln on a single candidate. Bell, " profoundly impressed by the danger which threatened the country," was willing to withdraw in conjunction with Douglas and Breckinridge, provided some man more acceptable than any of the three could be put forward, and he gave Davis an authorization to open negotiations with that end in view. Breckinridge gave Davis similar authority. The matter Avas broached in an amicable spirit to Douglas. " He replied that the scheme proposed was impracticable, because his friends, died from wounds received in battle. Two of Lieber's sons served in the Union army during the war. 1 Letter of Aug. 5th to J. T. Broyles, published in the Charleston Mer cury, Aug. 25th. * National Intelligencer, Sept. 27th. ' Interview with a special correspondent of the New York Herald, Sept. 29th. Ch. XL] DOUGLAS 49 1 mainly Northern Democrats, if he were withdrawn, would join in the support of Lincoln rather than of any one who should supplant him ; that he was in the hands of his friends, and was sure they would not accept the proposition." ' But at no time had Douglas any hope of election. Early in the canvass he told Wilson and Burlingame that Lincoln would be elected.2 And Ave may believe him sincere when in Sep tember he declared : " Believing that the Union is in dan ger, I will make any personal sacrifice to preserve it. If the withdraAval of my name would tend to defeat Mr. Lin coln, I Avould this moment withdraw it." 3 When he had this conference Avith Wilson and Burlingame, he told them that he Avas going South to urge submission to the probable verdict, and after his stumping tour in New England he wended his way south ward. At Norfolk, Yirginia, he had an opportunity to avoAv his sentiments. The head of the Breckinridge electoral ticket for Yirginia asked him : " If Abraham Lincoln be elected President, will the Southern States be justified in seceding from the Union ?" " To this I answer emphatically no," said Douglas. " The election of a man to the presidency by the American peo ple, in conformity with the Constitution of the United States, would not justify any attempt at dissolving this glorious confederacy." Another question Avas put : " If they, the Southern States, secede from the Union upon the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln, before he commits an overt act against their consti tutional rights, will you advise or vindicate resistance by force to their secession ?" Douglas replied : " I answer em phatically that it is the duty of the President of the United States, and all others in authority under him, to enforce the laws of the United States as passed by Congress and as the 1 The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Jefferson Davis, vol. i. p. 52. 2 Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, Wilson, vol. ii. p. 699 ; also, New York Tribune, Aug. 31st. s New York Tribune, Sept. 13th. 492 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 court expound them. And I, as in duty bound by my oath of fidelity to the Constitution, would do all in my power to aid the government of the United States in maintaining the supremacy of the laws against all resistance to them, come from what quarter it might. In other words, I think the President of the United States, whoever he may be, should treat all attempts to break up the Union by resistance to its laws as Old Hickory treated the nullifiers of 1832. . . . I acknowledge the inherent and inalienable right to revolu tion whenever a grievance becomes too burdensome to be borne." But the election of Lincoln " is not such a griev ance as would justify revolution or secession."' This dec laration brought down upon the head of Douglas a shower of abuse from the secessionist faction at the South. The Charleston Mercury contemptuously called him " a regular old John Adams- federalist and consolidationist." s Noth ing daunted, however, and in spite of the remonstrance of Senator Clingman, a political friend,3 Douglas repeated as sertions similar in emphasis and vigor at other places in the South. At Baltimore he still further elaborated his posi tion and warned his hearers of impending danger. " States that secede," he declared, " cannot screen themselves under the pretence that resistance to their acts ' would be making war upon sovereign States.' Sovereign States cannot com mit -treason. Individuals may. ... I tell you, my fellow-citi zens," he continued, " I believe this Union is in danger. In my opinion, there is a mature plan through the Southern States to break up the Union. I believe the election of a Black Republican is to be the signal for that attempt, and that the leaders of the scheme desire the election of Lincoln so as to have an excuse for disunion." 4 Douglas took the unusual course for a presidential candi- 1 National Intelligencer, Sept. 1st. The speech was made Aug. 25th. 2 Sept. 3d. 3 Clingman's Speeches and Writings, p. 513. * Speech at Baltimore, Sept. 6th, Baltimore Daily Exchange. Ch. XL] SEWARD 493 date of visiting different parts of the country and discussing the political issues and their personal bearing. Speaking on all occasions— from the platform of the railroad .car, the bal cony of the hotel, at monster mass-meetings, frequently jaded from travel, many times Avithout preparation and on the suggestion of the moment— he said much that Avas triv ial and undignified ; but he also said much that Avas patri otic, unselfish, and pregnant with constitutional Avisdom. His love for the Union and devotion to the Constitution in spired all his utterances. The cynosure of all eyes, he taught lessons that were destined to bear important fruit. Coldly received at the South, looked upon as a renegade, he aroused great enthusiasm everywhere at the North, and his personal presence was the only feature that gave any life to the strug gle against the Republicans. Apart from the rail-splitting episode, the personality of Lincoln counted for little in the campaign. It was eA^ery- where conceded that he was thoroughly honest, but his op ponents sneered at his reputed capacity, and, outside of his own State, few regarded his nomination as other than the sacrifice of commanding ability in favor of respectable me diocrity. In popular estimation his great merit consisted in being able to carry the doubtful States. Schurz deemed it necessary to assure his constituents at Milwaukee that Lincoln was not merely an available candidate, "a second or third rate man like Polk or Pierce," but that the debate Avith Douglas had shown that he had a " lucid mind and honest heart." ' The campaign went on without direction, with hardly a suggestion even, from the Republican stand ard-bearer.2 Seward filled the minds of Republicans, at tracting such attention and honor, and arousing such enthu siasm, that the closing months of the campaign were the most brilliant epoch of his life. It was then he reached the climax of his career. His grief and sense of humilia- 1 Speeches by Schurz, p. 113. 2 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ii. p. 287. 494 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 tion at not receiving the nomination in Chicago Avere poig nant. " I am," he wrote, " a leader deposed by my own party, in the hour of organization for decisive battle." ' In common with his intimate friends, he charged his defeat chiefly to Greeley. He felt towards that influential editor as much vindictiveness as was possible in a man of so amia ble a nature.2 But he did not retire to his tent. At the time of the meeting of the convention he had left the Senate and gone to his home in Auburn, Avhere he expected to re ceive the news of his success surrounded by the friends and neighbors whom he loved, and Avho repaid his love by ven eration. When the news of Lincoln's nomination came, and when his friends were quivering with disappointment, and no one in Auburn had the heart to write the conventional editorial endorsing the nomination, SeAvard, smiling, took pen in hand and wrote the article for the Republican even ing journal. " No truer or firmer defenders of the Republi can faith," he declared, " could have been found in the Union than the distinguished and esteemed citizens on whom the honors of nomination have fallen." 3 He also gave at once, over his OAvn signature, a public and emphatic support to platform ancl candidates ;" and, while then of the opinion that he would soon seek the repose of private life,6 he came, when time had assuaged his grief, to a better conclusion, and devoted his hearty and energetic efforts to the success of the cause. " The magnanimity of Mr. Seward, since the result of the convention was known," wrote Lowell, " has been a greater ornament to him and a greater honor to his party than his election to the presidency would have been."" 1 Letter of Seward to his wife, May 30th, Life of Seward, by Frederick W. Seward, vol. ii. p. 454. 2 See Seward's letter to Weed, May 24th, Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 270. " Life of Seward, by Frederick W. Seward, vol. ii. p. 452. - See letter of May 21st, published in the Evening Post, cited by the New York Tribune,~M.ay 25th ; also Seward's Works, vol. iv. p. 79. s Letter to Weed, May 24th. 6 Atlantic Monthly, Oct., 1860 ; Lowell's Political Essays, p. 34. Ch. XL] SEWARD 495 Seward's friends followed the example set them. " We all feel that New York and the friends of Seward have acted nobly," wrote Swett to Weed, after the election.1 In the early part of September, Seward began a tour of speech -making at Detroit. He went as far west as St. Paul and Lawrence, Kansas, ending with an address to his townsmen the night before election. The sincere and hearty demonstrations wherever he went were an earnest tribute." 2 The croAvds that gathered to hear him felt what Schurz had put in words, that Seward was " the intellectual head of the political anti-slavery movement," and had " in the hearts of his friends a place which hardly another man in the nation could fill."3 As. the people of the sure Republican States, where he for the most part spoke, heard the Avords of wis dom, they could not but feel a profound regret that he was not their standard - bearer. When Ave consider the great moral question involved, the variety of presentation, the many-sided treatment, the fearlessness of statement, the ap peal to reason and the highest feelings, the absence of any attempt to delude the people by the smallest misrepresenta tion, Seward's efforts in this campaign are the most remark able stump-speeches ever delivered in this country. While he paid Lincoln well-chosen compliments, the references to the opposing candidates were courteous. The speeches are a fit type of the campaign — a campaign conducted on a great moral principle. Seward reaffirmed almost everywhere the declaration of the " irrepressible conflict," maintaining that the Republicans simply reverted to the theory and 1 Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 301. "- New York Tribune, Sept. 4th and 5th ; New York Evening Post, Sept. 5th ; New York Times, Sept. 8th ; New York Herald, Sept. 8th and Oct. 20th; St. Louis Democrat, cited by Evening Post,' Oct. 2d; New York World, Nov. 3d. "Listen to Mr. Seward on the prairies ! Notice how free and eloquent he has been since the Chicago convention! And this change is not due to age."— Wendell Phillips, Nov. 7th. 3 Speeches of Schurz, p. 109. 496 . BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 practice of the fathers. He made appear at all times the political, social, and moral evil of slavery. "There is no man," he said, " who has an enlightened conscience who is indifferent on the subject of human bondage." ' Yet he spoke Avith forbearance of the people of the South. " You must demonstrate the wisdom of our cause," he affirmed, "with gentleness, with patience, with loving-kindness, to your brethren of the slave States." 2 He maintained that " most men . . . are content to keep the Union with slavery if it cannot be kept otherwise." 3 At Chicago he shoAved what a bulwark of freedom wTas the great Northwest, by its prosperity and commercial importance ; * and he prophesied that " the last Democrat is born in this nation . . , who will maintain the Democratic principles which constitute the present creed of the Democratic party.'" The night before election he averred that the question to be decided was : " Shall freedom, justice, and humanity ultimately and in the end prevail ; are these republican institutions of ours safe and permanent ?" Referring to the threats of disunion, and while expressing no defiance, 'he declared : " Fellow-citi zens, it is time, high time, that we knoAV whether this is a constitutional government under which we live. It is high time that we knoAV, since the Union is threatened, who are its friends and who are its enemies." 6 At the beginning of the canvass no doubt existed on the part of the Republican managers of any of the important States but Pennsylvania and Indiana. Occasional fears were expressed about Indiana as late as August,7 but that State soon came to be regarded as reasonably sure. By 1 At Chicago, Oct. 3d, Works, vol. iv. p. 350. 2 At Madison, Sept. 12th, ibid., p. 327. s At Chicago, Oct.»d, ibid., p. 355. ¦ * Ibid., p. 360. Ibid. 6 At Auburn, Nov. 5th, ibid., pp. 422, 429. 7 See letter of David Davis to Thurlow Weed, Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 299. Ch.XL] NEW YORK 497 the latter part of August, also, owing to the vigorous and effective canvass under the leadership of Curtin and Mc Clure, there were adequate grounds for believing that Penn sylvania would elect the People's candidate for governor in October, and choose Lincoln electors in November. Then Republican alarm began to be excited in regard to the State of New York. " Brethren in the doubtful States, trust New York; you may do it undoubtingly," said the Tribune in July ; ' but a different tale had to be told in September, when it announced that " the opposition are going to concentrate their efforts on NeAv York."2 "I think," Avrote Lincoln to Thurlow Weed, " there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State think the effort can not succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will require close Avatching and great efforts on the other side." 3 Without the thirty -five electoral votes of the Empire State, Lincoln could not be chosen President ; and a deter mined effort now began to be made to carry that State against him. Negotiations were had with a view of a fusion electoral ticket ; and after protracted conferences, some end ing in failure, but renewed again with hope, a scheme of fu sion was at last completed. Supporters of Douglas, Bell, and Breckinridge were to vote for common electors ; of these, eighteen were apportioned to Douglas, ten to Bell, and seven to Breckinridge.4 This combination had a show of success, but it had the faults of a negative programme. No intelli gent opponent of Lincoln could for a moment think it pos sible to elect by the people any one of the other candidates, 1 July 27th. - 2 Sept. 4th. 3 Letter of Aug. 17th, Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 297. 4 New York Tribune, Sept. 25th : " New York, especially, was the arena of a struggle as intense, as vehement and energetic, as had ever been known."— Greeley's American Conflict, vol. i. p. 326. " It was only after a most determined canvass that fusion was defeated in New York."— Recollections of a Busy Life, Greeley, p. 392. IL— 32 498 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [1860 and the movement, divested of subterfuge, was simply one to throw the election into the House of Representatives. Many men, alarmed at the condition of affairs, thought the election of Lincoln a lesser evil than to have the contest continued in Congress. In spite of the union of the opposi tion, the chances Avere all Avith the Republicans. " I find no reason to doubt," wrote Seward to Lincoln, after his return from the Western tour, " that this State will redeem all the promises we have made." ' The Germans strongly support ed Lincoln. ' Carl Schurz was making speeches everywhere in his favor.2 The majority of the Fillmoreans of 1856 were also on his side.3 The elections of Maine and Yermont in September increased the encouragement of the Republicans, but as New England was considered strongly Republican, the result had little effect on the opposition. Although great confidence was felt and expressed in the success of Curtin at the October State election," yet so much depended on the result in Pennsylvania that the Republi cans felt a nervous anxiety until the votes had been counted. This was especially the case, since the Aveek before election the Democrats had sent considerable money into Pennsyl vania, making a last desperate effort to carry the State.5 But October 9th decided the contest. Curtin carried Penn sylvania by thirty - tAvo thousand majority, and Lane in Indiana had nine thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven more \Totes than his competitor. The prominence given the tariff question, and the undoubted position of the supporters of Lincoln on that issue, contributed more than any other 1 Life of Seward, F. W. Seward, vol. ii. p. 471. 2 Now York Tribune, June 30th, Aug. 15th, 17th, Sept. 3d, Oct. 19th. 3 New York Tribune, July 17th. "The names of eighty-one thousand New York men who voted for Fillmore in 1856 are inscribed on Repub lican poll-lists." — Letter to Baltimore Patriot, cited by Tribune, Sept. 11th. G. T. Curtis was amazed at the number of conservative men for Lincoln, Tribune, July 28th ; also see New York Evening Post, Sept. 11th. 1 See, for example, New York Evening Post, Sept. 28th and Oct. 2d. 5 Now York World, Oct. 10th. Ch. XL] PENNSYLVANIA 499 one factor to the result in Pennsylvania.' After the Oc tober elections it was conceded, South as well as North, that nothing could prevent the election of Lincoln. " Eman cipation or revolution is now upon us," said the Charleston Mercury? There began a stampede of floating voters, Avhose desire to be on the winning side overpowered other motives. The Republican National Committee in a public address considered that the October elections settled the presidential contest, but urged unabated effort in order that a majority of the House of Representatives in the next Con gress might be secured.3 From this time on the contest had the flavor rather of a congressional than a presidential canvass, except in so far as imposing Wide-awake demon strations implied larger contrivance and greater expense than usual. The conditions in New York were somewhat different from those existing in the other Northern States. A faint hope lingered that the fusionists might there be successful. The commercial and property interests of New York city, honestly fearing secession in the event of Republican suc cess, bestirred themselves to use their most potent weapon in averting the threatened clanger. It was reported that William B. Astor had contributed one million dollars, and wealthy merchants a second million, in aid of the fusion ticket." A systematic effort to frighten business and finan- 1 " The Pennsylvania journals, without distinction of party, admit that the result of the recent election held in that State was mainly determined by politico-economical considerations growing out of the tariff policy to be pursued by the federal government."— National Intelligencer, Oct. 13th. The Philadelphia American and Gazette (Rep.) said: " Our election on Tuesday determined that the vital and absorbing question in this State is protection to American industry."— Cited by National Intelligencer. But see also the New York Evening Post, Oct. 10th. 2 Oct. 18th. 3 New York Evening Post, Oct. 11th. 4 Charleston Mercury, cited by National Intelligencer, Nov. 1st; Rich mond Enquirer, Nov. 2d. 500 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 cial interests was made with the result of causing a stock- panic in Wall Street during the last days of October. The grave charge was made that the Secretary of the Treasury, on a visit to New York city at this time, had abetted this movement by avoAving repeatedly, and with no attempt at concealment, that Lincoln's election would be followed by disunion and a general derangement of the monetary con cerns of the country.' Three days before the election Thurlow Weed wrote Lin coln : " Since writing you last Sunday, the fusion leaders have largely increased their fund, and they are noAv using money lavishly. This stimulates and to some extent inspires confidence, and all the confederates are at work. Some of our friends are nervous. But I have no fear of the result in this State."2 Election day came and passed off quietly. In New York city, where excitement and trouble were expected — for in the decade between 1850-60 turbulent elections Avere not infrequent — the election was the most orderly and quiet that could be remembered. Even the newspaper reporters Avere forced to confess that the clay was intolerably dull.3 The Republicans were successful. Lincoln and Hamlin carried States which would give them one hundred_and_eighty elec toral votes ; Douglas would receive twelve, Breckinridge seventy-two, and Bell thirty-nine. Lincoln had carried every free State but New Jersey, whose electoral vote was divided, Lincoln receiving four, and Douglas three of her votes." Of the popular vote Lincoln had 1,857,610 ; Doug- 1 See New York World, Oct. 29th, 30th, 31st. The World asked the Journal of Commerce, which constituted itself the defender of Secretary Cobb, to deny these imputations, but it did not satisfactorily meet the charges. See Journal of Commerce, Nov. 1st ; New York Evening Post, Oct. 29th, Nov. 2d ; Boston Evening Transcript, Oct. 29th and 30th. ' Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 300. s New York World, Nov. 7th. 4 This arose from the fact that a number of Douglas men would not support the whole of the fusion ticket, composed of three Douglas, two Ch.XL] THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN 501 las, 1,291,574; Breckinridge, 850,082 ; Bell, 646,124. Lincoln had 930,170 votes less than all his opponents combined.' But while all the members of the next Congress had not been elected, enough was known to make it certain that in neither the House nor the Senate would the Republicans have a majority.2 This was understood and admitted to be the case at the South.3 While the electoral vote Douglas received was insignifi cant, his popular vote was a triumph. With the influence and patronage of the administration against him, holding the machinery of the party in most of the Northern States only by protracted struggles, fighting Breckinridge at the South and Lincoln at the North, waging a hopeless battle, and attracting hardly any votes by the prospect of success, it was a high tribute that so many turned out on election day to show their confidence and do him honor. On election day, Longfellow wrote in his journal : " Yoted early," and the day after : " Lincoln is elected ; overwhelm- Bell, and two Breckinridge electors, with the result that four of the Lin coln electors received more votes than the two Bell and two Breckinridge electors. 1 Greeley's American Conflict, vol. i. p. 328, where a sufficiently exact attempt is made to apportion the fusion vote. Other interesting data are given. Lincoln received in the slave States 26,430 ; Douglas, 163,525. Breckinridge received in the free States 279,211 ; Bell, 130,151. Lincoln's majority over Douglas was 566,036. Breckinridge lacked 135,057 of a majority in the slave States. 2 The estimate of the National Intelligencer was — Senate : Republicans already elected, 24; to be elected, 5 — total, 29. Opposition already elected,. 30; to be elected, 7 — total, 37; opposition majority, 8. House: Republi cans already elected, 99 ; to be elected, 9 — total, 108. Opposition already elected, 54; to be elected, 75 — total, 129; opposition majority, 21. The estimate of the New York World was the same for the Senate, and made the opposition majority in the House 17. The representatives that were to be elected were nearly all from the Southern States, so that practically an exact estimate could be made. 1 See speech of A. H. Stephens, Nov. 14th, 1860, The War between the States, Stephens, vol. ii. p. 282. 502 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION [I860 ing majorities in New York and Pennsylvania. This is a great victory ; one can hardly overrate its importance. It is the redemption of the country. Freedom is triumphant." ' Motley, from across the sea, wrote, when the news reached him : "Although I have felt little doubt as to the result for months past, . . . yet as I was so intensely anxious for the success of the Republican cause, I was on tenterhooks till I actually knew the result. I rejoice at last in the triumph of freedom over slavery more than I can express. Thank God it can no longer be said, after the great verdict just pronounced, that the common law of my country is slavery, and that the American flag carries slavery with it wher ever it goes.2 The meaning of the election Avas that the great and powerful North declared slavery an evil, and insisted that it should not be extended ; that Avhile the institution would be sacredly respected where it existed, the conduct of the national government must revert to the policy of the fathers and confine slavery within bounds ; hoping that, if it were restricted, the time might come Avhen the Southern people would themselves acknoAvledge that they Avere out of tune Avith the enlightened world and take steps gradually to abolish the system. The persistent and emphatic statement by the opposition that the Republicans were the radical party had fixed that idea in the public mind ; but in truth they represented the noblest conservatism. They simply advocated a return to the policy of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. The North had spoken. In every man's mind rose un bidden the question, What would be the answer of the South?3 ¦ 1 Life of H. W. Longfellow, S. Longfellow, vol. ii. p. 358. 2 Motley to his mother, Motley's Correspondence, vol.i. p. 355. 3 Besides authorities already named, I have, in this story of the cam paign, consulted Life of Buchanan, Curtis; Twenty Years of Congress, Blaine ; Life of Dix ; Political Recollections, Julian ; Life of Bowles, Merriam ; De Bow's Review, vol. xxix. ; Life of Bryant, Godwin ; Raymond and Journalism ; Buchanan's Defence ; Pike's First Blows of the CivilWar. INDEX TO VOLS. I AND II Abolition, i. 73; Webster on, i. 152; promoted by Christianity, i. 372; obstacles to, i. 381; in Cuba, Lord Palmerston on, i. 394. Abolitionists, work of, i. 58; and Con gress, i. 67; attitude of, towards Kossuth, i. 242; increasing popu larity of, i. 495 ; burning of the Constitution by, ii. 57; hold aloof from Republican party, ii. 98; at titude of, towards John Brown, ii. 410; Corwin on, ii. 425; desire dis union, ii. 435; distinct from Re publicans, ii. 436. Adams, Charles Francis, supports Hale in 1852, i. 264 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Adams, Henry, on Calhoun and Jef ferson, i. 380 n. Adams, John, on Webster, i. 138 n. Adams, John Quincy, i. 41 ; on Chan- ning, i.64 n. ; on abolition, i. 69; in Congress, i. 69 ; character and diary of, i. 71 ; friendship of, with Sew ard, i. 162; supported by Fillmore, i. 178; on Everett, i. 291; on Jef ferson Davis, i. 390; on slavery, i. 494; Seward on, ii. 147. Agassiz, Louis, on the negro race, i. 402. Aiken, character of, ii. 114; defeated by Banks, ii. 115 ; acknowledges election of Banks, ii. 116; position of, on Kansas, ii. 238. Alcaldes in California, i. 113. Alcott, Louisa, on John Brown, ii. 409. Allen attacks Webster's character, l. 213-215. Amalgamation, i. 335, 336, 340-342. American minister rescues Kossuth, i. 231. ' _ American Party, name of Know- nothing party, ii. 55; ii. 91; Gree ley on, ii. 118. Ames, Dr. , in convention of 1860, ii. 468. Ampere, J. J., on Fugitive Slave law, i. 208 n. ; on reception to Kossuth, i. 236 n. ; at dinner to Kossuth, i. 238 n. ; on Douglas, i. 245, 246 n. ¦ on Everett, i. 294 n. ; on Fillmore, i. 297 n. ; on slavery, i. 326 ; on New Orleans, i. 360 n. ; on condition of slaves, i. 374 n. Andrew, John A. , on John Brown, ii. 385, 415 ; Chilton retained by, ii. 404 ; in convention of 1860, ii. 469. Anglo-Saxon race, "the invincible," i. 93. Anti-Nebraska convention, in Ohio, ii. 93; against slavery, ii. 93. Anti-Nebraska elections, Douglas on, ii. 66, 67. Anti- Nebraska party in Ohio and Indiana, ii. 60. Anti-slavery, in the South, i. 19 ; So ciety, i. 59; in New England, i. 58- 66. Appeal of Independent Democrats, ' i. 441-444. Appleton quoted by Bryant, ii. 429. Appletons' Complete Guide of the AVorld criticised at the South, i. 351. Arc, Joan of, Mrs. Stowe compared to, i. 280. Arkansas, secession of, from the Charleston convention, ii. 451. Army appropriation bill in 1856, ii. 201. Arnold, Benedict, Douglas compared to, i. 496. Ashburton, Lord, and Webster, i. 140. Ashmun, George, in Whig conven- 504 INDEX tion of 1852, i. 253; in convention of 1860, ii. 463. Atchison, David R., votes on Texas boundary, i. 181 ; protests against admitting California, i. 182; Doug las not influenced by, i. 431, 432; Davis on, i. 432 n. ; desires slavery in Kansas, i. 440; on Missouri Com promise, i. 468; mob led by, ii. 81; on Kansas, ii. 100 ; in Kansas strug gle, ii. 101 ; in Wakarusa war, ii. 105 ; advises peace, ii. 106; Stringfellow on, ii. 106 n. ; Sumner on, ii. 133; appeal of, to slave States, ii. 150 ; in raid on Kansas, ii. 158, 159. Athens, South contrasted with, i. 348. Atkinson, Edward, on John Brown, ii. 416 n. Aurelius, Marcus, Lincoln compared to, ii. 310. Austria, resents sympathy for Hun gary, i. 205 ; Webster on, i. 205, 206. Badgee, of North Carolina, reply of Wade to, i. 452, 453 ; on Chase, i. 462 ; amendment of, to Nebraska act, i. 476. Bailey, Dr., on Seward, ii. 46; for Chase and Seward, ii. 175; Gree ley and Bowles on, ii. 175 n. Baker, Edward D., in Whig conven tion of 1852, i. 253; oration of, on Broderick, ii. 378, 379 ; at Ball's Bluff, ii. 379. Balize, English settlement at, i. 200; W. R. King on, i. 201. Baltimore, Democratic convention at, i. 244, ii. 473-475; Whig conven tion at, i. 252. Bancroft, Frederic, acknowledgment to, i, 208 n. Bancroft, George, honors Kossuth, i. 235, 236. Bancroft, H. H, on debt of Texas, i. 189 n. Banks, N. P., character of, ii. 108; supported by Greeley, ii. 109, 112, 113, 116;' position on the slavery question, ii. Ill; elected speaker, ii. 115; Sherman on, ii. 117; tri umph of, ii. 118; Fremont's nomi nation desired by, ii. 177; nomi nated by North Americans, ii. 186; as speaker, ii. 201; speech of, in Wall Street, ii. 224. Barksdale, of Mississippi, interrupts speech of Lovejoy, ii. 437, 438. Barrere, of Ohio, defends Corwin i 298 m. Bates, Edward, supported by Greeley and Blair, ii. 459,465; balloting for ii. 469. Bates, Joshua, letter of Buchanan to ii.,210. Baxter on slavery, i. 8. Beecher, Henry Ward, honors Kos suth, i. 236; denounces Kansas-Ne braska bill', i. 465 ; political opinions of, ii. 73; pledges Sharp's rifles, ii. 153; in campaign of 1856, ii. 220, 223; in campaign of 1860, ii. 485. "Beecher's Bibles," meaning of, ii. 153. Bell, John, in committee on Clay res olutions, i. 172; Clay's reply to, i. 175; on New Mexico, i.180; against bill for admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, ii.297; nominated by Constitutional Union conventi on, ii. 454; contest between Breckinridge and, ii. 483; proposes to withdraw from campaign of 1860, ii. 490 ; votes received by, in 1860, ii. 500. Belmont, August, at The Hague, ii. 3; contribution of , in campaign of 1856, ii. 231. Benjamin, Judah P., position of, ou Cuban question, ii. 25-27; on Dred Scott decision, ii. 293. Benton, Jessie, wife of Fremont, ii. 225 n. Benton, Thomas H., on abolitionists, i. 67; on the Texas question, i. 78, 85, 87 ; on Calhoun, i. 94 ; not alarmed in 1850, i. 131 ; hears Sew ard, i. 166; criticises Southern ad dress, i. 170; related to Fremont, i. 170 n. ; quarrel of. with Foote, i. 169-171; votes on Texas boundary, i. 181 ; for California bill, i. 182 ; not re-elected to the Senate, i. 229; on Cushing, i. 393 n. ; against Kan sas-Nebraska bill, i. 426 n. ; Douglas criticised by, i. 489. Berkeley, Bishop, a slave-owner, i. 6. Berrien, in committee on Clay reso lutions, i. 172. Bigelow, John, denounces Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 463; letter of Bry ant to, ii. 461. Bigler, of Pennsylvania,Buchanande- INDEX 505 fended by, ii. 287; on John Brown's raid and "The Impending Crisis," ii. 427 ; in Charleston convention, ii. 449. Birney, James G., i. 83. Bissell, Governor, possible presiden tial candidate in 1860, ii. 303. Black Death, the, Hecker on, i. 414 n. Black Hawk war, Davis in, i. 390. Black, J. S., in Buchanan's cabinet, ii. 247; controversy of, with Doug las, ii. 374. Black Republicans, ii. 117, 208, 209. Black Warrior affair, the, ii. 16, 17, 23, 31, 35, 42. Blair, Austin, in convention of 1860, ii. 465, 469 n. Blair, Francis P., supports Fremont, ii. 177; Bates supported by, ii. 459; in campaign of 1860, ii. 469 n., ii. 484 to. Blair, Francis P., Jr., in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. Blair, Montgomery, Chilton retained by, ii. 404; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. Blue Lodges in Missouri, ii. 79. Bocock, of Virginia, in contest for speaker, ii. 421. Booth, arrest of, for rescuing fugitive slave, i. 499. Booth,Wilkes, John Brown compared to, ii. 415. Booth, the elder, in New Orleans, i. 401. Borland insulted in Central America, ii. 9. Boston, Webster on, i. 263. Boston Public Library, acknowledg ment to, i. 208 n. Botts, John Minor, rebukes Choate, i. 255; produces letter from Scott, i. 256; on Fremont, ii. 205. Bourgogne, Marguerite de, Mme. de Soule compared to, ii. 12. Bourne, Edward G., Professor, ac knowledgment to, i. 383 n. Boutwell, G. S., in convention of 1860, ii. 469. Bowles, Samuel, denounces Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 463; reports pro ceedings of Know-nothings, ii. 90 n. ; on Seward and Bailey, ii. 175 n. ; on Fremont, ii. 181 ; on Douglas, ii. 306; on Seward, ii. 436. Bradbury, James W., on the Compro mise of 1850, i. 194; on Taney and Johnson, ii. 270 n. Branch, challenges Grow, arrest of, ii. 4.24. Branson,' Jacob, rescue of, ii. 104. Breckinridge, John C, on Cutting, i. 480,481; nominated for Vice-Presi dent, ii. 172; Vice-President, in Senate, ii. 356; nomination of, ii. 475 ; campaign of, ii. 478; Bell and, ii. 483 ; in Campaign of 1860, ii. 490 497, 500, 501. Bremer, Frederika, on negroes, i. 373. Brett, of Cleveland library, acknowl edgment to, i. 208 n. Bright, in committee on Clay resolu tions, i. 171. British Honduras, See Balize. Broderick, David C. , on poor whites in South Carolina, i. 345; against Lecompton bill, ii. 297 ; against English bill, ii. 300; Seward and, ii. 305; agrees with Douglas, ii. 358; early life of, reply of, to Hammond, ii. 375; contest with Gwin, ii. 375, 376; remark of, to Forney, ii. 376; on Gwin, ii. 377; duel with Terry, ii. 377, 378; death of, ii. 378, 424; mourning for, ii. 379. Brook Farm, community of, i. 360. Brooks, Preston, related to Butler, ii. 134; Sumner assaulted by, ii. 139, 140; Sumner's attitude towards, ii. 141; Olmsted on, ii. 143 n., 147; ovation to, ii. 145; challenges Bur lingame, ii. 146; resignation of, ii. 148; defended by Butler, ii. 149; in fluence of, on Buchanan's nomina tion, ii. 172; presentation to, ii. 224. Brown, of Indiana, character of, i. 118. Brown, of Mississippi, Walker de nounced by, ii, 275; on Douglas, ii. 294; on the Constitution, ii. 356. Brown, of Tennessee, in Buchanan's cabinet, ii. 247. Brown, B. Gratz, in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. Brown, G. W., on Pottawatomie massacre, ii. 199 n. Brown, John, partnership of, with Perkins, ii. 161 n. ; character of, ii. 161, 162; in Wakarusa war, ii. 162; in Pottawatomie massacre, ii. 162, 163; reply of, to his son, ii. 164, 165; sincerity of, ii. 165; Pate capt ured by, ii. 166; prisoners released 506 INDEX by, ii. 167; report of Oliver on, ii. 197; fanaticism of,ii.216,217; leaves Kansas, ii. 237; raid of, ii. 383-397; at Harper's Ferry, ii. 384, 394, 395 ; plans of, ii. 384,385; friends of, in Massachusetts, John A. Andrew on, ii. 385-415 ; conference of, with Sanborn and Smith, ii. 386, 387 ; letter of, to Sanborn, ii. 387; an cestry of, fund raised for, ii. 388 ; betrayed by Forbes, ii. 388, 389 ; returns to Kansas, ii. 389; slaves liberated by,, pursuit of, ii. 390; assisted by Smith, Stearns, and Sanborn, ii. 390, 391; rejects ad vice of Frederick Douglass, ii. 392; arsenal seized by, ii. 394 ; retreat of, to engine-house, Colonel Wash ington on, ii. 395; cut down by the sword, ii. 396 ; replies of, to Mason and Vallaudigham, ii. 397, 398 ; Emerson on Wise and, ii. 398 ; Emerson and Smith on, ii. 399; influenced by history of San Do mingo and Toussaint, ii. 400; in dignation at South against, ii. 401 ; said to have applied Seward's doc trine, ii. 402; Greeley on, impris onment of, ii. 403; rejects plea of insanity, ii. 404; receives his sen tence, ii. 405 ; Emerson on, ii. 406, 413 ; compared to Sir Thomas More, ii. 406 n. ; letters of, ii. 406, 408; execution of, ii. 408,409; Lie ber and Miss Alcott on, ii. 409 ; Longfellow on, ii. 409, 410; Gar rison abolitionists on, ii. 410; Davis on, Douglas on, ii. 411; Lincoln and Seward on, ii. 412, 413, 415; Thoreau and Hugo on, ii. 414 ; compared with Socrates and Christ, ii. 414, 415; song of, ii. 416; At kinson on. ii. 416 n.\ Helper com pared with, ii. 419; Lamar on, ii. 421 ; John Sherman on raid of, ii. 426; Bigler on, ii. 427; Republican convention of 1860 on invasion of, ii. 464. Brown, Peter, ancestor of John Brown, ii. 388. Browning in campaign of 1860, ii. 469, 484. Brownlow, Parson, debate between Pryne and, i. 354; on immigration, i. 355. Bryant, William Cullen, supports Pierce, i. 269 ; friendship of, for Lincoln, ii. 458 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 485. Bryce, "American Commonwealth" of, quoted, i. 115 n. ; on American temperament, i. 236 n. Buchanan, James, i. 202 ; as candi date in convention of 1852, i. 244; early life of, elected to Congress, supports President Jackson, made Secretary of State, i. 246; defeated in convention of 1852, 247, 248; de feat of, foreseen, i. 252; letter of Pickens to, i. 360 n. ; letters of, to Pierce, on Cuba, 387, 393 ; appoint ed minister to England, offered $100,000,000 for Cuba, i. 393 ; letter of, on the presidency, i. 424 ; absence of, from House of Lords, ii. 5; costume of, ii. 6; on Marcy, ii. 7; Marcy's instructions to, ii. 11 ; signs Ostend manifesto, ii. 38 ; influenced • by Soule, ii. 40; on disagreement" with Great Britain, ii. 120, 121 ; letter of, to Slidell, ii. 170 ; nomination of, ii. 171, 172; political position of, ii. 173 ; on Kansas-Nebraska act, on Cuba, ii. 174; letter of, ou Demo cratic party, ii. 202, 203 ; to Tam many, ii. 203 n. ; Slidell's friend ship for, ii. 205 ; Choate declares for, ii. 206-208; letter of, to Read, ii. 209 ; Northern clergymen against, ii. 210 ; integrity of, ii. 221, 226; con test between Fillmore and, ii. 222 ; on the danger of disunion, ii. 227, 228 ; Geary on, ii. 229 ; supported by press of Pennsylvania, ii. 230; States carried by, ii. 235 ; on Kansas, ii. 237; Choate on, ii. 242 ; sympa thies of, ii. 243 ; letter of, to Mason, ability of, ii. 244 ; cabinet of, ii. 246, 247; on rotation in office, ii. 248 ; pressed by office-seekers, ii 249 ; Seward on inaugural of, ii. 268 ; relations of, with Taney, ii. 269; Lincoln on.ii. 270; Walker in duced to go to Kansas by, ii. 271, 272 ; on Kansas-Nebraska act, ii. 275, 276 ; on Calhoun doctrine, ii. 276 ; influenced by Southerners, ii. 280 ; letter of, to Walker, ii. 281 ; difference of, with Douglas, ii. 282; position of, on Lecompton scheme, ii. 283 ; position of, on arrest of William Walker, ii. 289, 290 ; let ter of Stephens on, ii: 291 ; mes- INDEX 507 sage of, on Kansas, ii. 291 ; Doug las hated by, ii. 322, 355 ; defeated in Pennsylvania, ii. 343, 344 ; pol icy of, condemned at the North, ii. 346; on Kansas, ii. 349; on Cuba, ii. 350, 351 ; increase of tariff rec ommended by, ii. 360 ; agreement of, with Colonization Society, ii. 367; refuses patronage to Brode rick, ii. 376 ; Bigler a friend of, ii. 449 ; criticised by Covode com mittee, ii. 476. Buckingham on condition of slaves, i. 334. Buena Vista, J. Davis at, i. 390. Buford, Colonel, company raised by, ii. 151, 152 ; in sacking of Law rence, ii. 158, 159 ; expulsion of men of, ii. 192. Bull, Ole, in New Orleans, i. 401. Bulwer, Henry Lytton, concludes treaty with Clayton, i. 200, 201. Bunker Hill, negro soldiers at, i. 13. Burke, Webster compared with, i. 160; remark of, ii. 32. Burlingame, Anson, on assault of Brooks, ii. 145 ; challenged by Brooks, ii. 146 ; policy of, as to Douglas, ii. 306 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. ; remark of Doug las to, ii. 491. Burns, Anthony, interview of R. H. Dana, Jr., and Parker with, i. 500; sympathy for, i. 501 ; ii. 77; at tempt of Higginson to rescue, i. 503 ; delivered to owner, i. 504 ; ransom of, i. 505 n. -* Bushnell, Horace, on Douglas, i. 496. Bushnell, S., trial of, ii. 363; defend ed by Spalding and Riddle, ii. 364; imprisonment of, ii. 365, 367; ova tion to, ii. 366. Butler, of South Carolina, on Fugi tive Slave law, i. 188; on Sumner, ii. 132 n. ; Sumner on, ii. 134, 135; Atchison defended by, character of, ii. 136 ; gives Wilson the lie, ii. 145 ; on attack of Brooks, ii. 149, 150; death of, ii. 150. Calderou, dislikes Soule, ii. 15; cor respondence of, with Soule, ii. 19- 21, 34, 35. Calhoun, J., of Kansas, influence of, with administration, ii.239; pledges of, to Walker, ii. 279, 280 ; flight of, from Kansas, ii. 289. Calhoun, John C, i. 41; on nullifica tion, i. 44, 47; on the tariff, i. 45; and Clay, i. 48; and Webster, i. 50; on Texas, i. 79-85 ; on the Oregon question, i. 86; on the Texas ques tion, i. 87; a closet theorist, i. 94; last term of, i. 119; last speech of, i. 127-129; on condition of South, i. 128; on fugitive slaves, i. 129; on California, i. 129; fears of, for the Union, i. 130: reply of Webster to, i. 146; compliments Webster, i. 157; hears Seward, i. 166; succeeded by Davis, i. 168, 390; views of, i. 169; difficulties attending publication of his works, i. 353 ; compared with Jefferson, i. 379, 380 ; Lieber on, Adams on, i. 380 n.; doctrine of, as to slavery, i. 460 ; on Missouri Compromise, i.468; Buchanan com pared to, ii. 174; doctrine of, ii. 253, 260, 262, 276; Davis compared to, ii. 347; position of, on slavery, ii, 359. California, in 1848, i. 92; slavery in, i. 94; under military rule, i. 110; routes to in 1849, i. 112 ; De Quincey on, i. 113; immigration to, anarchy in, i. 114; convention in, i. 115; Clay on, i. 122, 124; Calhoun on, i. 129; California, admission of, i. 135, 136, 181, 182, 184, 188, 191, 196; Seward on, i. 163; in compromise measures, i. 189. Cameron, Simon, in Senate, ii. 283 ; difference of, with Green, ii. 298 ; army bill supported by, ii. 303 ; bargain of David Davis with friends of, ii. 466, 467 ; balloting for, ii. 469. Campbell, James, in Pierce's cabinet, i. 388. Campbell, Justice, in Supreme Court, ii. 250 ; in Dred Scott case, ii. 254. Campbell, Lewis D., assists Burlin game, ii. 146 ; against Kansas- Nebraska act, i. 484, 486. Canaan, curse of, applied to negroes, i. 332, 371, 372. Cartter in convention of 1860, ii. 470. Cass, Lewis, nominated for Presi dent, i. 97 ; in Senate, i. 108, 109 ; hears Seward, i. 166 ; in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 171 ; sup ports compromise scheme, i. 173 ; supports Clayton-Bulwer treaty, i. 508 INDEX 201 ; on Kossuth, i. 237; honors Kossuth, i. 239 ; supports Kossuth, i. 242 ; early life of, governs Mich igan territory, Nicholson letter of, invents doctrine of popular sovereignty, i. 244 ; paper of Mc Laughlin on, i. 244 n. ; Anglo phobia of, i. 245 ; Douglas con trasted with, i. 246 ; Clay on, i. 247 ; defeat of, in convention of 1852, i. 247, 248 ; Dickinson on, i. 248 ; defeat of, foreseen, i. 252 ; favors doctrine of manifest destiny, i. 295 ; on Cuban letter of Ev erett, i. 296 ; Corwin's reply to, i. 300; Douglas and, i. 424; on Missouri Compromise, i. 436 n. ; position of, on Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 458, 459 ; on political insti tutions, i. 459, 4:60 ; on speech of Sumner, ii. 138 ; on intentions of Pierce, ii. 192 ; position of, on Le compton scheme, ii. 287. Catechism for slaves, i. 332 n. Catholic Church denounced by Know-nothings, ii. 90. Catholic priests in yellow fever of 1853, i. 412. Catholics persecuted by Know-noth ings, ii. 52, 57. Catron, Justice, in Supreme Court, ii. 250 ; in Dred Scott case, ii. 255. Central-American question, the, ii. 120, 121. Chambers, William, on slave-trade, i. 320-322. Chandler, Zachariah, succeeds Cass, ii. 247 ; in Senate, ii. 283. Chapman, of Connecticut, defends Corwin, i. 298 n. Charleston, in 1860, ii. 441 ; conven tion in, ii. 440-452. Chase, Salmon P., elected senator, i. 108 ; first appearance of, in Senate, i. 120 ; on disunion, i. 131 ; votes on Texas boundary, i. 181 ; for California bill, i. 182 ; urges Wil mot proviso, i. 192 ; opposed to Clay Compromise, i. 193 ; personal appearance of, i. 227, 449 ; works with Wade and Seward, i. 229 ; political bias of, i. 265 ; on Sum ner, i. 268 ; votes for Sumner's amendment, i. 269 ; Appeal of Independent Democrats framed by, i. 441 ; attacked by Douglas, i. 444, 445 ; defends Appeal of In dependent Democrats, i. 448 ; speech of, against Kansas-Nebras ka bill, i. 449-452 ; on Missouri Compromise, i. 450, 451 ; com pared with Seward, i. 453 ; -on Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 460, 462 answered by Douglas, i. 474,475 remark of, to Sumner, i. 476 favors formation of new party, ii 45 ; letters of, to Grimes, ii. 59 prejudice against, ii. 68 ; elected governor of Ohio, ii. 93 ; position of, on Kansas, ii. 124 ; Greeley on, ii. 92 ; letter of, to Pike, ii. 92 n. ; Parker on, ii. 175 ; position of, on slavery, ii. 177 ; withdraws from presidential contest, ii. 183 possible presidential candidate in 1860, ii. 303 ; letter of, to Seward ii. 305 ; on Douglas, ii. 307 ; com pared with Lincoln, ii. 327 ; as. sists Lincoln, ii.- 338 ; Jefferson Davis's opinion of, ii. 348 ; speech of, on Oberlin- Wellington rescue, ii. 366, 367 ; accused of assisting John Brown, ii. 402 ; on Seward, ii. 459 ; Dana on, ii. 459 n. ; bal loting for, ii. 469 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Chatham, Corwin compared to, i. 300 ; effect of his speeches on Frederick Douglass, i. 351. Chilton, Brown defended by, ii. 404; Brown's case taken to Court of Appeals by, ii. 405. Choate, Rufus, in convention of 1852, i. 253 ; personality of, i. 254; speech of, on compromise meas ures, 254, 255 ; his reply to Botts, his eulogy of Webster, i. 255 ; Botts influenced by, i. 256 ; his interview with Webster after con vention of 1852, i. 260 ; on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 280 ; on Southern literature, i. 348 n. ; holds aloof from Republican party, ii. 97 ; declares for Buchanan, ii. 206, 207; letter of, ii. 208 ; reply of George William Curtis to, ii. 208 n.; on Buchanan, ii. 242, 292 ; Buchanan overrated by, ii. 244. Cholera in 1854, ii. 58. Christ, silence of, on slavery, i. 370 ; John Brown compared with, ii.415. Christianity, influence of, on aboli tion, i. 372, 373. Clarendon, Lord, on Cuba, ii. 26 ».,32. INDEX 509 Clark, of New York, election of, ii. 63, 64. Clark, of New Hampshire, in Senate, ii. 282. Clark, of Missouri, John Sherman de nounced by, ii. 418-420. Clarke, James Freeman, i. 64 ; on slave-breeding, i. 317 ; anecdote told by, ii. 75. Clay, Cassius M., in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Clay, Henry, on slavery, i. 31, 303, 333 ; on the tariff, i. 48 ; defeated by Polk, i. 84 ; on the Texas ques tion, i. 87 ; invited to Free-soilers' convention, i. 108 ; last appearance of, with Webster and Calhoun, i. 119; described, embraces religion, inconsistent on slavery question, i. 120 ; his opinion of Taylor, i. 121 ; Lincoln's visit to, i. 121 n. ; speech of, on compromise resolutions, i. 123-125 ; on admission of Califor nia, i. 124 ; ou New Mexico, i. 124, 125 ; on Texas, on the Fugi tive Slave law, i. 125, 126, 187, 188 ; prophecies of, i. 127 ; fears of, for the Union, i. 130 ; on dis union, i. 137 n. ; and Webster, i. 143, 149 ; on Seward, i. 166 ; views of, i. 169 ; elected chairman of committee of thirteen, i. 171 ; Greeley on, i. 173, 464 n. ; remarks of, i. 175 ; recommends Webster for Secretary of State, i. 179 ; on New Mexico, i. 180 ; on secession, i. 190, 191; on Missouri Compro mise, i. 191 ; justification of, i. 191, 192 ; on ship canal from Atlantic to Pacific, i. 199 ; supports Clayton- Bulwer treaty, i. 201 ; pledge of, concerning compromise, i. 207; on execution of Fugitive Slave law, i. 208 ; age of, when candidate for presidency, i. 244 ; declares for Fillmore, i. 253 ; death and funeral of, i. 261 ; dies before decline of Whig party, i. 285 ; remark of, re futed, i. 334 ; on fugitive slaves, i. 378 ; vice-president of Coloniza tion Society, i. 382 n. ; efforts of, for peace, i. 428 ; Douglas com pared to, i. 430, 431 ; Douglas on, i. 446 ; against Taney, ii. 251 ; re ferred to by Douglas, ii. 322 ; Lincoln influenced by, ii. 327. Clayton, John M., secretaryship of, i. 199; concludes treaty with Bul wer, i. 200; consults W. R. King as to British Honduras, i. 201 ; defends treaty, Cass censures, i. 202 n. ; in Whig convention of 1852, i. 253 ; amendments of, i. 476, 490; on British influence with Spain, ii. 26; on Cuba, ii. 33 n. ¦ on Kansas, ii. 100. Clayton-Bulwer treaty, the, i. 199; supported by Webster, Clay, Sew ard, Cass, and Everett, i. 201 ; ambiguity of, i. 201, 202; Douglas criticises, i. 202 n. ; difficulties raised by, ii. 120. Clemens, Jeremiah, on disunion, i. 242; on Sumner, i. 268. Cleveland, Grover, nomination and election of, i. 3. Cleveland, Ohio, characteristics of, ii. 361. Clingman, Thomas L., against Cali fornia bill, i. 182; scheme of, con cerning Cuba, ii. 23; acknowledges election of Banks, ii. 116; disap proves of Douglas, ii. 373, 492. Cobb, Howell, elected speaker, i. 117; pledge of, concerning compromise, i. 207; advises Pierce, ii. 120, 121; in campaign of 1856, ii. 228; in Buchanan's cabinet, ii. 246. 247; in fluence of, in Kansas, ii. 277; Bu chanan influenced by, ii. 280; panic caused by, ii. 500. Cobden, Richard, on Cuba, ii. 31, 32. Colfax, Schuyler, policy of, as to Douglas, ii. 306; assists Lincoln, ii. 338; letter of Greeley to, ii. 403; in the House, ii. 418; letter of De- frees to, ii. 471 n. Collamer, Jacob, Greeley on, ii. 130; speech of, published, ii. 131 ; in Senate, ii. 282; on Kansas, ii. 293; complimented by Vermont, ii. 470. Colonization Society, i. 381; Garri son on, i. 382; H. Martineau on, i. 382 n. • Buchanan and, ii. 367. Colton, Walter, on California, i. Ill; made alcalde of Monterey, i. 113. Columbia College welcomes Kos suth, i. 235. " Columbian Orator," the, bought by Frederick Douglass, i. 351. Compromise of 1850, i. 1, 122-129, 172 ; discussed in Senate, i. 173 ; Taylor opposes, i. 175; Fillmore's cabinet favors, i. 179; completion 510 INDEX of, i. 181-183; Mann on, i. 189 n. ; a credit to Clay and Webster, i. 191, 192 ; opposed by Seward, Mann, and others, i. 193; a relief to the North, i. 193-195; Fillmore on, i. 207, 230; Mississippi favors, i. 227 ; resolution of Foote con cerning, i. 243 ; conventions of 1852 on, i. 249, 253; Choate favors, i. 254, 255; Corwin's position on, i. 300; Clay's speech on, quoted, i. 333; Davis against, i. 388; Doug las on, i. 426, 427, 433, 446, 447; generally accepted, i. 428; Dixon on, i. 433; Washington Union on, i. 437 n. ; Toombs on, i. 461. Compromise resolutions, of Clay, i. 122, 123; speech of Clay on, i. 123- 127; speech of Calhoun on, i. 127- 129; committee on, i. 171, 172. Congdon, Charles T., on Douglas, i. 492 ; on Gardner, ii. 65, 66. Congress on slavery, i. 23; debates in, i. 35 n. Congressional Library, acknowledg ment to, i. 208 n. Conkling, Roscoe, in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Conrad, Charles M., made Secretary of War, i. 179. Constitution of the United States, Gladstone on, i. 16; Lowell on, i. 20; a covenant with death, i. 74; used in campaign of 1856, ii. 220; Lincoln on, ii. 335; convention of 1860 on, ii. 464. Constitutional Union party, conven tion of, ii. 454. Cooper, of Pennsylvania, in commit tee on Clay resolutions, i. 171. Cooper Institute speech, of Lincoln, ii. 458. Cortes, the, vote of, on Cuban ques tion, ii. 351. Cortez, Scott compared to, i. 259. Corwin, Thomas, on slavery in the territories, i. 96; hears Seward, i. 166 ; made Secretary of the Treas ury, i. 179; attacked by A. John son and Olds, defended by Barrere, Chapman, and Stevens, i. 298 n. ; becomes attorney for Dr. Gardiner, charges against, i. 298; character of, i. 299 ; anecdote of, i. 299 n. ; speech of, on Mexican war, retort of, to Cass, position of, on com promise of 1850, i. 300; Seward on, i. 300 n. ; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 301; Sargent on, i. 301 n.; as sists Lincoln, ii. 338 ; speech of, in House, ii. 422 ; on abolitionists, ii. 425 ; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Costume, diplomatic, ii. 1, 2. Cotton-gin and slavery, i. 19, 25. "Cotton Kingdom, the," quoted, i. 303; composition of, i. 304 n. Cousin, Victor, on Everett, i. 291. Covode, John, in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Covode committee, the, Cobb and, ii. 277; report of, ii. 476. Cox, Samuel S.*, on Douglas, i. 439 n. Crackers, of Georgia, Olmsted on, i. 344. Crampton, withdrawal of, requested, ii. 186 ; Pierce's cabinet and, ii. 187 n. ; dismissal of, ii. 188. Crawford, George W., urges Galphin claim, i. 202, 203 ; receives interest on claim, i. 203 ; Seward on, i. 203 n. ; charges against, i. 204; Taylor's confidence in, i. 205. Crawford, Martin J., colloquy of, with Stevens, ii. 420; on Seward, ii. 422. Creoles, of Cuba, i. 217; ii. 29. "Crime against Kansas, the," circu lation of, ii. 147. Crimean war, recruiting for, in Unit ed States, ii. 186. Crittenden, Col., capture and shoot ing of, fate of followers of, i. 219; excitement at New Orleans over fate of, i. 220; letters of, i. 220 n. Crittenden, John J., Life of, quoted, i. 134 n. ; made Attorney-General, i. 179 ; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 188; on General Scott, ii. 189; in debate on Kansas, ii. 293 ; against bill for admission of Kansas under Lecompton Constitution, ii. 297 ; amendment of, ii. 299 ; Lincoln disappointed in, ii. 322 ; letter of Scott to, ii. 428 ; letter of Lawrence to, ii. 473 ra. Crystal Palace, the, of New York, i. 414-416; G. W. Curtis on, 414, 415, 416. Cuba, proposed conquest of, i. 193, 295 ; expedition of Lopez to, i. 216-222 ; Fillmore against expe dition to, i. 218 ; Captain-General of, i. 220, 221 ; sympathy for, i. / INDEX 511 222; speech of Everett on, i. 294; Pierce on, i. 385, ii. 17, 18; Buchan an on, i. 387, ii. 25 n., 174; offer of Buchanan for, i. 393 ; Soule on, Lord Palmerston on, i. 394; Marcy desires, i. 423 ; ii. 10, 11, 41 ; sup posed attempts to Africanize, ii. 25-27; Lord Clarendon on, ii. 26 m., 32; plans to attack, ii. 28-30; Cob- den on, ii. 31, 32; Clayton on, ii. 33«.; proposed purchase of, ii. 37; Ostend manifesto on, ii. 39, 40; Spanish minister on, ii. 42; Davis on, ii. 373. Cuba bill, discussion of, ii. 351-353; withdrawal of, ii. 354. Cuban exiles visit Kossuth, i. 235. Curtin, Andrew G., against Seward, ii. 466; Greeley on, ii. 470; tariff question urged by, ii. 479, 480 n. ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 497, 498. Curtis, Benjamin R., on Clay Com promise, i. 195; on McLean, ii. 186 n. ; in Supreme Court, ii. 250; training of, Webster's confidence in, ii. 251; in Dred Scott case, ii. 252; letter of, on Missouri Com promise question, ii. 253; on Ta ney, ii. 254; in Dred Scott deci sion, ii. 257-260; on Declaration of Independence, ii. 258, 465; on pow ers of Congress, ii. 259; on slavery, ii. 260; correspondence of, with Taney, ii. 262; on the authority of the Supreme Court, ii. 263. Curtis, George Ticknor, on Webster, i. 155, 156; negro brought before, i. 209; orders arrest of Sims, i. 211 ; his monograph on Webster, i. 289 n; his Life of Buchanan, ii. 244; on Lincoln campaign, ii. 498 n. Curtis, George William, on Olmsted, i. 304 n. ; on journal of Fanny Kemble, i. 305 n. ; on the Crystal Palace, i. 414, 415, 416; reply of, to Choate, ii. 208 n. ; supports Fremont, ii. 211, 214; oration of, in campaign of 1856, ii. 212, 215 ; speech of, in convention of 1860, ii. 463; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 ra., 485. Cushing, Caleb, in Pierce's cabinet, i. 388, 389; influence of, in Pierce's nomination, i. 390-391; intellect of, letter of quoted, early life of, writings of, secures treaty with China, serves in Mexican War, i. 391 ; scholarship of, writes for North American Review, for Wash ington Union, insincerity of in pol itics, Lowell on, i. 392; desires ap pointment of Davis, i. 393; Benton on, i. 393 n. ; on abolitionism, i. 420, 421 ; influence of, with Pierce, i. 482; supports Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 483; a friend to Soule, ii. 24; in Charleston convention, ii. 445. Cutting, of New York, contends with Richardson, i. 480 ; Breckinridge on, i. 480, 481. Cutts, James Madison, remark of Douglas to, ii. 196. Dallas, on dismissal of Crampton, ii. 187; Lord Palmerston on, ii. 188. Dana, Charles A., denounces Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 463 ; honors Kos suth, i. 236 ; letters of Greeley to, ii. Ill, 112, 113, 116, 126, 130 ; letter of, to Pike, on McLean, ii. 180, 181 ; on Fremont and Seward, ii. 223; on campaign of 1856, ii. 232; on Chase and Seward, ii. 459 n. ; on Seward, ii. 461 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Dana, Richard H., interview of with Anthony Burns,! 500; extract from Diary of, ii. 95 n. ; on Choate, ii. 206; on AVebster, ii. 262. Daniel, Justice, in Supreme Court, ii. 250. Davis, David, bargain of, with friends of Caleb Smith, ii. 466 ; with friends of Cameron, ii. 467; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Davis, Henry Winter, at celebration of Lundy's Lane, i. 270. Davis, Jefferson, letter of General Taylor to, i. 135; on speech of Webster, i. 157; states Southern claim, i. 168; demand of, i. 169; votes on Texas boundary, i. 181; protests against admission of Cali fornia, i. 182; against territorial bills, i. 184; on situation in 1850, i. 189 ti. ; refuses command of Cu ban expedition, i. 217; canvass be tween Foote and, i. 226; defeated in gubernatorial contest, i. 227, 390; on slavery, i. 371; influenced by Calhoun, i. 380 ; appointed Secre tary of War, i. 388; in House, i. 389, 390 ; military career of, intel lect of, J. Q. Adams on, at Buena 512 INDEX Vista, in Senate, becomes leader of Southern people, i. 390 ; Cush ing favors Pierce's appointment of, i. 393; friendship of, with Pierce, i. 421; on Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 432 n. ; assists Douglas, i. 437; trusted by Pierce, i. 438; Pierce influenced by, i. 482; favors Kan sas-Nebraska act, i. 483; desires to uphold Soule, ii. 24; friendship of, with Quitman, ii. 27 ; promotes cause of filibusters, ii. 28; sympa thy of, with Missourians, ii. 85; on Reeder, ii. 86 ; favors Missouri par ty in Kansas, ii. 122; position of, on Kansas, ii. 240; James Buchan an compared with, ii. 245; speech of, in debate on Kansas, ii. 294, 295; Walker denounced by, ii. 275; influence of, in Kansas affairs, ii. 277; compared to Calhoun, ii. 347; Northern tour of, ii. 347, 348; speech of, at Jackson, ii. 348: dis cussion of, with Douglas, ii. 357, 358; position of, on slavery, ii. 359; on the slave-trade, ii. 372; on Cuba and disunion, ii. 373 ; on John Brown, ii. 411; resolution intro duced by, ii. 430; influence of, in Charleston convention, ii. 445; ar rogance of, in Senate, ii. 454 n.\ speech of, ii. 455; debate between Douglas and, ii. 455, 456; tried to concentrate opposition to Lincoln on a single candidate, ii. 490. Davis, Mrs., on negroes, i. 375. Davis, Rev. N, i. 364, 365. Dawes, Henry L., in Whig conven tion of 1852, i. 253; refuses to vote for Webster, i. 258; letter of Bowles to, ii. 175 n. Dayton, William L. , Washburne on, ii. 183 ?i.; nomination of, ii. 184; home of, ii. 203; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. De Bow, Professor, on condition of slaves, i. 306 ; on cotton culture, i. 311 ; on condition of South, i. 313 n. ; ability of, i. 353. De Bow's Review, on text - books, i. 351; character of, i. 353. Declaration of Independence, the, in campaign of 1856, ii. 220; Taney on, ii. 256, 257; B. R. Curtis on, ii. 258; Lincoln on, ii. 319, 320; G.W. Curtis on, ii. 463. De Foe," Great Plague of," i. 409. Delano, Columbus, in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. "Delta," New Orleans, gives spuri ous accounts of Cuban expedition, i. 220. Democratic Convention of 1852, i. 243; platform of, i. 249. Democratic Convention of 1856, ii. 171, 172; platform of, ii. 171. Democratic party, strengthening of, i. 185; spoils system urged by, i. 399; supremacy of, in 1853, i. 422; Douglas on, i. 430; weakened by Kansas-Nebraska act and Ostend manifesto, ii. 44; position of, on slavery, ii. 240; broken up by Davis and his followers, ii. 359. Democrats, the, on Texas question, i.77; restoration of, to power, 1853, i. 385, 386. Dennison, William, contest of, with Ranney, ii. 381 ; elected governor, ii. 383. Denver, Stanton succeeded by, ii. 289; against Lecompton Constitu tion, ii. 292. Depew, Chauncey M., on New York Tribune, ii. 72 n. ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 7i. Dew, Prof., pro-slavery argument of, i. 316 ; essay of, on slavery, i. 368. De Witt, A., signs Appeal of Inde pendent Democrats, i. 442. Dickinson, Daniel S., in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 171; favors Fugitive Slave law, i. 183; on slave owners, i. 209 ti.; refuses to be a candidate for nomination, on Cass, i. 248. District of Columbia, Clay resolution respecting, i. 122; Clay on, i. 125; slave-trade in, i. 182, 183, 184. 196. Disunion, Clemens on, i. 242; threats of, ii. 487; Seward on, Lowell on, ii. 488; Lieber on, ii. 489. Disunionists and the Fugitive Slave law, i. 187, 188. Dix, John A., is offered a secretary ship, i. 387; releases Pierce, i. 388; French mission offered to, politi cal bias of, i. 395 ; on Pierce, i. 482. Dixon, of Connecticut, in Senate, ii. 282. Dixon, of Kentucky, offers amend ment to Nebraska, bill, on Missouri INDEX 513 Compromise, and compromise measures, i. 433; Douglas accepts amendment of, promises to sup port Douglas, i. 434; Pierce op posed to amendment of, i. 437; on Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 441. Dobbin, J. C. , in Pierce's cabinet, i. 388. Dodge, Sen., restrains Benton, i. 171. Donaldson, United States marshal, proclamation of, on Lawrence, ii. 157; Jones supported by, ii. 158. Donelsou, nominated by Americans, ii. 119. Doolittle, James R.,in Senate,ii.283; and Cuban bill, ii. 352 ; in cam paign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Douglas, Stephen A. , supports com promise scheme, i. 173; quoted, i. 173 71. ; bill of, on admission of California, i. 181 ; absent from Washington when Fugitive Slave law was passed, i. 183; on fugitive slaves, i., 187; address of, at Chi cago, i. 197; criticises Clayton-Bul- wer treaty, i. 20271. ; in convention of 1852, i. 244; early life of, cre ated judge, elected senator, J. Q. Adams on, adaptability of, fore sees growth of West, i. 245; Am pere on, i. 245 n. ; views of, on Cuba, Mexico, etc., Whig journal on, i. 246; lives of, i. 246 n. ; de feat of, i. 247, 248,252; favors doc trine of manifest destiny, i. 295; on Cuban letter of Everett, i. 296; rivalry between Cass and, i. 424; desires 'support of South, i. 424, 425 ; report of, on territories, i. 425-428; on slavery in Nebraska, i. 426 ; on Missouri Compromise, i. 427, ii. 265; on Compromise of 1850, i. 427, 433 ; proposition of, concerning Nebraska, i. 428; am bition of, i. 429; imitates Clay, i. 430; compared withClay.i. 431; not influenced by AtchisoD, Toombs, or Stephens, i. 431, 432; on Ne braska bill, i. 431 n. ; discussion of, with Dixon, i. 433, 434; hesitates to set aside Missouri Compromise, i. 435; speech of , on Compromise measures, quoted, seeks aid of President, i. 436; seeks aid of Da vis, i. 437; Washington Union on, i. 437 m. ; Pierce promises support to, i. 438; Kansas-Nebraska bill of, IL— 33 i. 439, ii. 127; Cox on, i. 439 n.; course of, endorsed by administra tion, i. 441 ; false methods of, i. 443; attacks Chase, i. 444, 445; on Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 446-448, 470-475; on Clay and Webster, i. 448; on Chase, Seward, and Sum ner, i. 454, and Kansas - Nebraska bill,i. 461,462; distrust of, at South, i.468; personality of, i. 471; Seward on, i. 474, ii. 284 ; answers charge of Chase and Sumner, i. 474, 475; on speech of Everett, i. 474 ; in vents doctrine of popular sover eignty, i. 476, 477; on clergymen in politics, i. 479 ; supported by Richardson, i. 480; desires help of administration, i. 481; pertinacity of, i. 483; criticised by Benton, i. 489, 490; political opinions of, i. 491; intellect of, i. 492; compared with other statesmen, i. 493; civil war precipitated by, i. 494; Bush nell on, i. 496; on Know-nothings, ii. 56 ; refuted by Lincoln, address of at Chicago, ii. 61 ; reply of Lincoln to, at Springfield, ii. 62 ; assertions of, ii. 66, 67 ; compared with Seward, ii. 69; disturbed by Lincoln, ii. 70; influence of, ii. 79; warned by Lincoln, ii. 80, 81 ; in Virginia, ii. 88 ; on situation in Kansas, ii. 125; Kansas bill of, ii. 127; described by Mrs. Stowe, ii. 127-129; Greeley on, ii. 129, 338 n. ; on Sumner, ii. 134, 138, 139: Sum ner on, ii. 135,137, 138; on assault of Sumner, ii. 148, 149 ; political strength of, ii. 169, 170; votes re ceived by, ii. 171, 172; urges nom ination of Buchanan, ii.172; speech of Seward to, ii. 176 n. ; introduces Kansas bill, ii. 191; offers amend ment to Toombs bill, ii. 192; posi tion of, on slavery, ii. 194 ; on Kansas, ii. 196 ; in campaign of 1856, ii. 230; Buchanan compared with, ii. 245; Taney compared to, ii. 261 ; on Dred Scott decision, ii. 264 ; on Missouri Compromise, ii. 265 ; urges submission to Su preme Court, ii. 271 ; urges Walker to go to Kansas, ii. 272 ; alterca tion of, with Buchanan, ii. 282 ; on Lecompton scheme, 283, 284 ; on Kansas, ii. 285 ; Lecompton scheme opposed by, ii. 286, 287; 514 INDEX Wise on, ii. 290 ; on Lecompton Constitution, ii. 293; Brown on, ii. 294; removal of friends of, ii. 295; Raymond on, ii. 296; against Le compton bill, ii. 297; against Eng lish bill.ii. 300 ; against Buchanan's policy, ii. 302, 303; co-operation of Seward with, ii. 305-307; Chase on, ii. 307; on Lincoln, ii. 313,314,340, 472, 491, 492 ; Lincoln on, ii. 316, 317, 334, 335, 336, 337; ovation to, in Chicago, ii. 317, 318 ; gift of, to University of Chicago, ii. 318; Lin coln's reply to, ii. 319,320; debates of, with Lincoln, ii. 321-343; chal lenged by Lincoln, ii. 321 ; disliked by Buchanan, ii. 322; first debate with Lincoln, ii. 323; on the ne gro, ii. 324; catechises Lincoln, ii. 326; catechised by Lincoln, ii. 327; compared with Lincoln, ii. 329,330; on disunion, ii. 331,487.488 ; Lin coln defeated by, ii. 339; Parker on, ii. 342 ; Southern tour of, ii. 354 ; removal of, from chairmanship, ii. 355; discussion between Davis and, ii. 357, 358; political position of, ii. 359; on the slave-trade, ii. 369, 370; article of, on Popular Sovereignty, ii.373, 374 ; controversy of, with Black, ii. 374; Lincoln on article of, ii. 383; on John Brown, ii. 411 ; al tercation concerning, ii. 423 ; dec laration of, to Southern senators, ii.429,430; influence of, in Charles ton convention, ii. 440, 443,444,445; Buchanan against nomination of, ii. 450; Yancey against, ii. 452; Ste phens on,ii.453; reply of, to Davis, ii. 455; debate between Davis and, ii. 455,456; attitude of, towards the South, ii. 457; letter of, to Richard son, ii. 474, 475; nomination de clined by, ii. 475; on the tariff, ii. 480; contest between Lincoln and, ii. 483; debates of, with Lincoln, ii. 484; on withdrawing his name, ii. 490, 491; catechised by Southern ers, ii. 491, 492 ; tour of, in cam paign of 1860, ii.493; votes received by, in 1860, ii. 500, 501. Douglass, Frederick, on condition of slaves, i. 305 ; life of, quoted, i. 310, 317, 330 ; on slavery, i, 343 ; reads Columbian Orator, i. 351 ; on Uncle Tom, i. 364 ; his early notions of geography, i. 378 ; nomination of, by abolitionists, ii. 186 n. ; confer ence of, with John Brown, ii. 392 ; goes to Canada, ii. 401. Dow, murder of, ii. 104, 162. Downs, of Louisiana, in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 172. Doyle, family of, murdered, ii. 163. " Dred," publication of, ii. 212. Dred Scott decision, Stephens on, ii. 255 ; Douglas on, ii. 265, 307, 318; effect of, on Democratic party, ii. 266 ; Lincoln on, ii. 267, 268, 270 271, 316, 319 ; Seward on, ii. 268 ; Benjamin on, ii. 293; influence of, ii. 332, 334, 348. Duane removed by Jackson, ii. 250. Duello, the, in Southern States, i.SGl, 362. Duels, Northern sentiment opposed to, ii, 424. Durkee, of Wisconsin, in Senate, ii. 283. Dutch, of Pennsylvania, ii. 227. Echo, the, capture of, ii. 367. Edmundson, of Virginia, excitement of, in debate on Kansas-Nehraska bill, i. 486; supports Brooks, ii. 144. Education, condition of, at South, i. 350-352. Edwards, Jonathan, a slaveowner, i. 5. Elgin, Lord, treaty of, with Marcy, ii. 8. Eliot, Samuel, against Kansas -Ne braska bill, i. 466. Elmore, Judge, hardships of, in win ter, ii. 154 ; attempts to influence Buchanan, ii. 292. Emancipation, Lyell on, i. 382. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, on philan thropists i. 60 ; on Webster, i, 159 ; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 207, 208 ; on Parker, i. 290 ; on climate, i. 358 n. ; on African race, i. 372; on Kansas-Nebraska act, i. 498 ; sup ports Fremont, ii. 211 ; on Kansas, ii. 218, 219 ; on John Brown and Governor AVise, ii. 398 ; on John Brown, ii. 399, 406, 413, 415. Emigrant- Aid Company, in Kansas, ii. 78,79; Reeder on, ii. 85, 86; Lawrence settled by, ii. 102 n. ; ii. 103 ; Pierce on, ii. 122 ; Douglas on, ii. 125, 129 ; Sumner on, ii. 125. Emigration, Brownlow on, i. 355. INDEX 515 " Emile," publication of, i. 284 ; ef fect of, ou the young, i. 285. Emily, sale of quadroon girl, i. 337. Emmet, Robert, on Seward, ii. 176 n. ; on Fremont, ii. 178. Emperor of France, intimation of, to Mason, ii. 4. England, assists in rescue of Kossuth, i. 231 ; proposition of, as to Cuba, i. 294 ; Everett's reply to, i. 295 ; defiance of, in America, i. 419 n. English Bill, passage of, ii. 299, 300 ; rejected in Kansas, ii. 301 ; Chase on, ii. 307; connection of Buchanan with, ii. 476. English opinion of slavery, i. 7. "Englishman in Kansas, The," ii. 200 n. Errett, Russel, on Stevens, ii. 184 n. Eugenie, Empress, position of, on Cuban question, ii. 32. Evarts, William M., in Whig conven tion of 1852, i. 253 ; in convention of 1860, ii. 465, 469. 470 ; in cam paign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Everett, Edward, on Webster, i. 138 n. ; supports Clayton-Bulwer treaty, i. 201 ; letter of Webster to, i. 260 n. ; on death of Webster, i. 287 ; appointed Secretary of State, early life of, becomes a Unitarian preach er, at Gottingen, Victor Cousin on, Story on, J. Q. Adams on, King on sermon of in the capitol, i. 291 ; in Congress, made governor, letter of Webster to, becomes minister to England, chosen president of Har vard, i. 292 ; Hillard on, letters of Webster to, edits works of Web ster, i. 293 ; deals with Cuban ques tion, i. 294 ; Ampere on, i. 294 n. ; reply of, to England and France, in regard to Cuban question, i. 295, 296; Cass on Cuban letter of, Doug las on Cuban letter of, i. 296; Har per's Magazine on Cuban letter of, i. 296 ti.; Marcy compared to, i. 417 ; speech of, against Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 455-458; on Com promise of 1850, i. 455, 457 ; letter of, to Greeley, i. 456 n. ; Webster interpreted by, i. 457; Douglas on, i. 474 ; presents protest of clergy men against Kansas-Nebraska act, i. 478 ; on Kansas election, ii. 83, 84; on assault of Sumner, ii. 143 ; supports Fillmore, ii. 206; letter of, to Buchanan, ii. 243 ; Buchanan overrated by, ii. 244; nominated by Constitutional Union convention ii. 454. Ewing, Thomas, Seward consults, i. 166 ti.; at celebration of Lundv's Lane, i. 270. Examiner, Richmond, quoted, i. 350 n. Exiles, Marcy on protection of, i. 418. Faneuix Hall, assembly at, to dis cuss compromise measures, i. 195 ; assembly at, promises protection to negroes, i. 198 ; Mann on exclusion from, i. 212 ; Webster on exclusion from, i. 213. Felton, Prof., supports Fremont, ii. 211. Fenton, Reuben E., in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Ferry, T. W., in convention of 1860 ii. 469 re. Fessenden, William P., in Whig con vention of 1852, i. 253 ; question of, to Toombs, ii. 198 n. ; iu Senate, ii. 282 ; on Seward, ii. 304 ; in cam paign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Field, David Dudley, in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Field, Maunsell B., on authorship of Ostend manifesto, ii. 40 ; delivers letter to Soule, ii. 41. "Figures of the Past," quoted, i. 320 m. Filibusters at work, ii. 27 ; connec tion of, with Soule, ii. 28. Fillmore, Millard, in House, supports J. Q. Adams, as Vice-President, in favor of Clay's compromise, Web ster on, i. 178; differs from Sew ard, i. 178 ; cabinet of, i. 179 ; ap proves the Fugitive Slave law, i. 188, 189 ; consults Crittenden, i. | 188 ; on compromise, i. 206, 207 ; on Northern views, i. 207 ; proc lamation of, to enforce Fugitive Slave law, i. 210 ; concurs in pro posed reduction of postage, i. 216; endeavors to prevent Cuban ex pedition, i. 218 ; recommends in demnification of Spanish consul, i. 222 ; sends officers and troops to Christiana, Pa., i. 223 ; on slavery agitation, i. 230, 231 ; Curtis ap pointed justice by, ii. 251 ; his can didacy for nomination, Clay de clares for, i. 253 ; votes received by, 516 INDEX in convention of 1852, i. 256, 257 ; Southern delegates pledged to, i. 258 ; accepts his defeat with equa nimity, i. 260 ; on negro coloniza tion, i. 296 ; character of, i. 297 ; address of Gen. Wilson on, Am pere on, made a member of Coloni zation Society, i. 297 ns. ; general opinion of, i. 301 ; his execution of Fugitive Slave law, compared to Arthur, i. 302 ; nominated by Americans, ii. 119 ; on campaign of 1856, ii. 204 ; supported by Hillard, Winthrop, and Everett, ii. 206 ; supported by Ticknor, ii. 206 m ; on Missouri Compromise repeal, ii. 215 ; integrity of, ii. 221, 226 ; in campaign of 1856, ii. 222 ; supported by Letcher, ii. 233 n. ; letter of, to Curtis, ii. 263. Finality, Chase on doctrine of, i. 268. Fish, Hamilton, presents petition of clergymen, i. 477. Fishery question, settled by Marcy, ii. 8. Fitch, of Indiana, Douglas attacked by, ii. 287. Fletcher, John, "Studies on Sla very " of, i. 370 7i. Florence, plague of, i. 409, 413 m. Florida, secession of, from the Charleston convention, ii. 451. Floyd, John B., on fugitive slaves, i. 136 ; appointed Secretary of War, ii. 246 ; ignores John Brown con spiracy, ii. 393. Foot, of Vermont, in Senate, ii. 282. Foote, Henry S., praises Webster, i. 157 ; defends Southern address, i. 170 ; quarrel of, with Benton, i. 169-171 ; supports compromise scheme, i. 173 ; canvass between Davis and, i. 226 ; defeats Davis, i. 227 ; on Kossuth, i. 237, 242 ; on compromise measures, i. 243 ; on Cass, ii. 287. Forbes, John Brown betrayed by, ii. 388, 389. Foresti, calls on Kossuth, i. 231. ' Ford, Gordon L., acknowledgment to, i. 456 m. Ford, Paul L., acknowledgment to, i. 456 n. Forney, John W., presides over House, ii. 115 ; Buchanan quoted by, ii. 228; sums received by, in campaign of 1856, ii. 231 ; on cam paign of 1856, ii. 233 ; remark of Buchanan to, ii. 280 ; Lecompton scheme opposed by, ii. 282 ; Wise on, ii. 290 ; on misuse of pa tronage, ii. 296 ; on Broderick, ii. 300 ; remarks of Douglas to, ii. 313, 314 ; remark of Broderick to, ii. 376. Foster, of Connecticut, in Senate, ii. 282. Fox, effect of his speeches on Fred erick Douglass, i. 351. France, proposition of, as to Cuba, i, 294 ; Everett's reply to, i. 295. Franklin, Benjamin, diplomatic cos tume of, ii. 2, 11. Frederick the Great, quoted, i. 430 ; sword of, taken by John Brown, ii. 394. Free-soil Party, i. 97, 387, 389. Free-soilers, i. 108 ; number of, in 31st Congress, i. 117 ra. ; their atti tude towards Clay compromise, i. 192 ; principles of, i. 264. Free-soilism, Pierce accused of, i. 420. Free Speech, effect of slavery on, i. 375. Frelinghuvsen, F. T., in convention of 1860,"ii. 469 n. Fremont, John C, elected senator, i. 116 ; related to Benton, i. 170 n.; nomination of, ii. 174 ; letter of, to Gov. Robinson, friends of, ii. 177 ; Dan Mace on, ii. 177, 178 ; supported by Germans, Emmet on, ii. 178; Pike on, ii. 178, 179; character of, ii. 181 ; letter of, on slavery, ii. 182 ; Washburne on, ii. 182 ra. ; Stevens on, ii. 183 ; nomi- . nation of, ii. 184, 185; nomina ted by North Americans, ii. 186 ; Toombs on, ii. 190, 204 ; political position of, ii. 202 ; birth of, ii. 203 ; Wise, Slidell, and Botts on, ii. 205 ; Choate decides against, ii. 206, 207, 208 ; Buchanan and Wise on, ii. 209 ; supported by North ern clergy, ii. 210 ; supported by literary men, ii. 211, 212 ; support ed by Northern press, ii. 220; charges against, ii. 221, 222, 225, 226 ; Dana on, ii. 223 ; enthusiasm for, ii. 224, 225 ; distrust of, in Pennsylvania, ii. 227 ; Reeder de clares for, ii. 232 ; election of, feared by Southern governors, ii. INDEX 517 233 ; supported by New England, ii. 235, 236 ; popularity of, ii. 303 ; campaign of, compared with that of 1860, ii. 477. French, attempt of, to construct Pan ama Canal, i. 202. French consul-general, Koszta deliv ered to, i. 417. Friends, Society of, Sumner presents memorial of, i. 265. Frothingham, O. B., on Parker's ser mon on Webster, i. 289 n. Fugitive Slave law, Seward on, i. 163, 188, 506 n. ¦ passed, i. 182, 183 ; exposition of, i. 185-189 ; compared with Roman law, i. 186 ; cotton States not greatly affected by, i. 186-188 ; Clay on, i. 187 ; Butler on, Crittenden on, Webster on, i. 188 ; meeting's at New York, Philadelphia, Concord, approve, i. 195 ; convention at Georgia insists on, i. 196 ; meetings at Lowell, Syracuse, Springfield, Mass., and Faneuil Hall condemn, i. 196, 197 ; C. F. Adams, J. Quincy, W. Phil lips, T. Parker, and common coun cil of Chicago denounce, Douglas defends, i. 197 ; Sumner on, i. 197, 198, 208 ; denounced by the pulpit, i. 198 ; negroes at North alarmed by, promised protection against, i. 198; approved by Fillmore, i. 188, 189, 302; Seward Whigs on, aboli tionists resist, i. 207; Emerson on, i. 207, 208, 498 ; Clay on execution of, Parker on, i. 208 ; Mason on execution of, i. 208, 209 ; Ampfire on, i. 208, 7i.; Fillmore's proclama tion to enforce, i. 210 ; protests of Boston citizens against, i. 212 ; in free States, i. 222, 223, 225, 226 ; denounced by G. Smith and S. May, i. 225 ; as a touchstone, i. 230 ; supported by Whig conven tion of 1852, i. 253 ; attitude of Scott towards, i. 256 ; N. Y. Tri bune on, i. 259 ; memorial of Friends concerning, i. 265 ; pro posed repeal of, i. 266 ; Sumner's oration on, i. 266-268 ; W. C. Bry ant on repeal of, i. 269 ; general acquiescence in, i. 278, 279, 428 ; Mrs. Stowe's opinion of, i. 279 ; Whittier on, i. 280 ; " Uncle Tom's Cabin " directed against, i. 284 ; Corwin on, tolerated at North, i. 301 ; St. Paul quoted in support of, i. 370 ; position of Pierce on, i. 385 ; supported by clergymen, i.f 479 ; becomes a dead letter, i. 490 ; revulsion of feeling as to, Lincoln's intention to enforce, i. 499 ; effect of Kansas-Nebraska act on, i. 500 ; position of Repub licans on, ii. 48 ; bill of Toucey to enforce, ii. 77 ; in Kansas, ii. 99 ; disagreement of Sumner and Butler on, ii. 136 ; position of Lincoln on, ii. 326, 327 ; prominence of, ii. 360, 361 ; repeal of, demanded, ii. 366. Fugitive Slave laws, i. 18, 24. Fugitive slaves, in Clay compro mise, i. 122 ; Clay on, i. 125, 126, 378 ; Calhoun on, i. 129 ; Floyd's proposition as to, i. 136 ; Webster on, i. 147, 152, 153, 187 ; Seward on, i. 167, 187 ; identification of, i. 185; statistics of, i. 187 m. ; Doug las on, i. 187; discussed in Senate, i. 208, 209 ; United States marshal paid for delivering, i. 209 n. ; trial of rescuers of, in Boston, i. 210 ; action of Boston common council respecting, i. 211; placard concern ing hunters of, i. 211 n., 212 ; pro posed appropriation for capture of, i. 266 ; letter of Washington on, i. 267; Parker on, i. 290; number of, i. 378; why so few, i. 379; in com promise of 1850, i. 427 ; rescued at Milwaukee, i. 499 ; sympathy with, ii. 74-77; bill in Massachusetts leg islature regarding, ii. 360 ; sympa thy for, at Oberlin, ii. 361. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, political po sition of, ii. 110. Fusion party in Vermont, ii. 59. Fusionists, efforts of, in 1860, ii,499 ; Weed on, ii. 500. "Fuss and Feathers, " sobriquet of Scott, i. 273. Gadsden Treaty, with Mexico, ii. 7. Galphin Claim, urged by G. W. Craw ford, i. 202; adjusted, i. 203. Gardiner Claim, i. 298; debate on, i. 298, 301. Gardner, elected governor of Mass., ii. 65 ; vetoes Personal Liberty bill, ii. 77. Garrison, William Lloyd, begins abo litionist movement, establishes Lib- 518 INDEX erator, i. 53; apostle of abolition, i. 55; did not advocate physical re sistance by slaves, indicted by North Carolina, reward offered for arrest of by Georgia, i. 57 ; efforts of, at the North and in Boston, i. 58; mobbed in Boston, i. 61; influ ence of, i. 62, 63, 65, 496, ii. 435 ; favored a purely moral movement, i, 74; tributes to, by Lowell and Whittier, i. 75; protests against Fu gitive Slave law, i. 212; work of, did not favor political action, i. 291 ; remark of, to negroes, i. 323; early efforts of, i. 327 ; judged as infidel, i. 331 ; burns the Constitu tion, ii. 56, 57; a United States mar shal on, ii. 75; on Seward, ii. 434; influence of. Gaulden, speech of, on slavery, ii. 481. Geary, J. W., succeeds Shannon, ii. 217, 229 ; despatch of, on Kansas, ii. 230; Buchanan on, ii. 237; Pierce on, ii. 238; resignation of, ii. 239. GSnet, Kossuth compared to, i. 235. George III. favors slavery, i. 8. Georges, Mdlle., her impersonation of Marguerite de Bourgogne, ii. 12. Georgia, convention in, declares they will abide by the Compro mise, i. 196; contrasted with New York, i. 354; secession of, from Charleston Convention, ii. 452. German colony, in Texas, Olmsted on, i. 358. German deputation, Scott's reply to, i. 276. German vote, increasing importance of, i. 273. Germans opposed to Kansas-Nebras ka act, i. 495. Giddings, Joshua R. , against slavery, failed to support Winthrop, i. 117; on Brown of Indiana, i. 118 ; thought cry of dissolution gascon ade, i. 132 ; error of, respecting Webster, i. 149 n. ; on Webster, i. 154, 158 ; against Texas Bounda^ bill, i. 189; why opposed to Clay compromise, i. 193 ; forms partner ship with Wade, i. 228; sustains Hale, i. 264; Parker writes to, i. 289; appeal of Independent Demo crats framed by, i. 441; amend ment of, in convention of 1860, ii. 463; conciliation of, ii. 464. Gilmer, of North Carolina, in contest for speaker, ii. 421. Gladstone on the Constitution, i. 16. Gladstone, T. H., Olmsted on, ii 199 ti. Glenn, speech of, in Charleston Con vention, ii. 451. Godwin, Parke, honors Kossuth, i. 236. Gold discovered in California, i. 111. Gorsuch, pursues two fugitive slaves, i. 222; is shot, i. 223; letter of son of, i, 224 m. Gottschalk in New Orleans, i. 401. Graham, W., made Secretary of the Navy, i. 179. Great Britain and the Texas ques tion, i. 81, 87; Pierce on, i. 422; in Cuban question, ii. 25. Greeley, Horace, editorial of, i. 108. on Clay and Webster, i. 173; sus tains Scott, i. 264; at celebration of Lundy's Lane, i. 270; views of, on slavery, i. 271 ; denounces Kan sas-Nebraska bill, i. 463; on Clay, i. 464 7i. ; on Pierce and Douglas, i. 495 ; resolutions of anti-Nebraska convention reported by, ii. 63; on Seward, ii. 68 ; opinions of, ii. 71 ; ambition of, ii. 72 ; Seward on, ii. 72 ra. ; on Chase, ii. 92 n. ; on Know- nothingism, ii. Ill ; on election of Banks, ii. 116 ; assaulted by Rust, on American party, ii. 118 ; on Ray mond, ii. 118 n. ; on Kansas, ii. 126; on Douglas, ii. 129, 338 n. ; on Sew ard and Collamer, ii. 130; on Bailey and Chase, ii. 175 ; supports Fre mont, ii. 177 ; letter of, to Pike, on McLean, ii. 180; on Banks, ii. 224; letter of, in campaign of 1856, ii. 231 ; on campaign of 1856, ii. 232 ; letter of, dissolving firm of Seward, Weed & Greeley, ii. 305,472 n.; fa vors return of Douglas to Senate, ii. 306 ; on contest in House, ii. 425 ; on Lincoln's speech at Cooper Insti tute, ii. 431 ; Bates supported by, ii. 459; in convention of 1860, ii. 465; on convention of 1860, ii. 467, 468, 470, 471 ; Def rees on, ii. 471 m. ; as a stump-speaker, ii. 484 m. ; defeat of Seward caused by, ii. 494; on New York in campaign of 1860, ii. 4'J7 n. Green, Duff, organizes Southern Lit erary Company, i. 351. INDEX 519 Green, of Missouri, against Douglas, ii. 287; in debate on Kansas, ii. 293; affray between Cameron and, ii. 298; favors English bill, ii. 299. Greytown. See San Juan. Grier, Justice, tries Hanaway, i. 224; in Supreme Court, ii. 250; in Dred Scott case, ii. 255; on Missouri Compromise, ii. 257. Grimes, James W., on slavery, elected governor of Iowa, letters of Chase to, ii. 59; on House of Representa tives, ii. 424; on Lincoln, ii. 473 n. ; on Sumner, ii. 477. Grimke, Sarah, rebuked for slave- instruction, i. 330 ra. Grow, of Pennsylvania, attacked by Keitt, ii. 297; "Impending Crisis" endorsed by, ii. 419; challenged by Branch, arrest of, ii. 424. Guadalupe Hidalgo, treaty of, ii. 7. Guthrie, James, in Pierce's cabinet, i. 388. Gwin, W. M., elected senator, i. 116; contest of, with Broderick, ii. 375, 376; Broderick on, ii. 377. Hale, John P., hears Seward, i. 166; votes on Texas boundary, i. 181; for California bill, i. 182; on Wil mot proviso, i. 193; on Kossuth, i. 242; nominated by Free-soilers, supported by Wilson, Adams, and Giddings, i. 264; on Sumner, i. 268; votes for Sumner's amendment, i. 269; denounces Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 465; on Pierce, ii. 121, 122; Greeley on, ii. 130; speech of, pub- . lished, ii. 131; on Toombs bill, ii. 191 ; in campaign of 1856, ii. 223 ; in Senate, ii. 282; against Lecompton bill, ii. 297; Seward rebuked by, ii. 303, 304; discussion of amendment of, ii. 355, 356 ; accused of assisting John Brown, ii. 402. Hall, Basil, on abolition, i. 366. Hall, N., made Postmaster-General, i. 179. Halstead, on Seward, ii. 465. Ham argument, in defence of slavery, i. 372. Hamilton, Alexander, on negro sol diers, i. 14; Webster's eulogy of, i. 161 ; article in the Federalist quot ed, ii. 442, 443. Hamilton, raid and massacre of, ii. 389. Hamlin, Hannibal, letter from, i. 134; relations of, with President Taylor, i. 175; elected governor of Maine, ii. 226; in Senate, ii. 282; nomina tion of, ii. 471 ; elected Vice-Presi dent, ii. 500. Hammond, senator of South Carolina, on panic of 1857, i. 313; on state of society at South, i. 347 ; in "Pro- slavery Argument," i. 367; on Le compton Constitution, ii.. 292 : ou the South, ii. 347; on slave-trade, ii. 367, 368: reply of Broderick to, ii. 375; on House of Representatives, ii. 424 ; on convention at Charles ton, ii. 440 ; on Lincoln's election, ii. 490. Hampton, Wade, entertains Theodore Parker and Dr. Howe, ii. 390. Hanaway, C, Gorsuch warned by, i. 223; acquittal of, i. 224. Hanks, John, in Illinois convention of 1860, ii. 458. Hapsburg, House of, Webster on, i. 206; New York journal accused of favoring, i. 235. "Hards," Democrats called, i. 389; in New York, i. 481. Harlan, elected senator from Iowa, ii. 59; in Senate, ii. 130, 283; speech of, published, ii. 131. Harney, General, sent to Kansas, ii. 272. Harper, Chancellor, on slave-labor, i. 308 ; Pro-slavery argument of, i. 314 n. ; on slave instruction, i. 329; on negro women, i. 333; on slavery, i. 341, 347 n. ; in " Pro-slavery Ar gument," i. 367. Harper's Ferry. See John Brown. Harrison, General, political success of, i. 259 ; Scott compared with, i. 269; speeches of, i. 275. Harrison campaign compared with campaign of 1856, ii. 225. Harvard Library, acknowledgment to, i. 208 m. Harvey, Sumner on, ii. 215. Haskin, of New York, attempt to bribe, ii. 300; excitement over, in House, ii. 424. Haven, F., letter of, to Boston Tran script, i. 215 7i. Hawthorne, at Salem, i. 103; quoted, i. 104 71. ; his biography of Pierce, i. 250, 251; on Scott, i. 274; his in timacy with Pierce, i. 277; on J. 520 INDEX Y. Mason, i. 395 ; appointed con sul at Liverpool, letter of Sumner to, character of, i. 396 ; dedicates to Pierce " Our Old Home," i. 396, 397; letter of on Pierce, his" Scar let Letter," i. 397; his "Marble Faun," i. 398 ; Motley on, i. 398, 399; on office-seekers, i. 399. Hayne, Webster's reply to, i. 140. Head, F. H., on nomination of Lin coln, ii. 472 71. Helper, "The Impending Crisis" of, ii. 418, 420, 421, 426, 428 ; abused in Congress, ii. 422. Henry, Patrick, on overseers, i. 307. Herndon, remark of Seward to, ii. 307; Life of Lincoln reviewed by the Nation, ii. 309 n. ; remarks of, to Lincoln, ii. 315, 316. Hickman, John, in campaign of 1856, ii. 228 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 m. Higginson, Thomas W., protests against Fugitive Slave law, i. 212; attempt of, to rescue Burns, i. 503; befriends John Brown, ii. 385, 390; unmolested after John Browu raid, ii. 401. Higher-law doctrine, proclaimed by Seward in 1850, i. 163; in Oberlin- Wellington rescue, ii. 364. Hildreth, Richard, novel of, i. 326 n. Hillard, George S., on Everett, i. 292, 293; position of, on Fugitive Slave law, ii. 76 ; supports Fillmore, ii. 206. Holmes, Oliver Wendell, on assault of Brooks, ii. 147; on the Repub lican party, ii. 485. Holt, Chief-Justice, decision on sla very, i. 9. Homestead bill, urged by Seward, ii 352; failure of, ii. 360. Hooper, S., in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. House of Representatives, the, criti cises Crawford, Meredith, and John son, i. 204; benches introduced into, ii. 423. House-divided-against-itself speech , the, of Lincoln, ii. 339, 374. Houston, General, plots with Jack son, i.76; for California bill, i. 182; remark of, to Kossuth, i. 239; cir culates speech of Seward, i. 453; against repeal of Missouri Compro mise, i. 475. Howard, Cordelia, her impersonation of Eva, i. 282, 283. Howard, Mrs., acting of, i. 282. Howard, William A., in committee on Kansas affairs, ii. 127; on Kan sas, ii. 196; and Sherman, Oliver on, ii. 197; English bill opposed by, ii. 299; in campaign of 1860 ii. 484 ra. Howden, Lord, in Soule's difficultv, ii. 13. Howe, Dr. S. G. , John Brown assist ed by, ii. 385, 389; reluctance of, to assist Brown, ii. 390; goes to Can ada, ii. 401. Howell, C. N, on Cuban expedition, i. 220 n. Hughes, Bishop, interference of, in public schools, ii. 51. Hugo, Victor, on John Brown, ii. 414. Hulsemann, correspondence of Web ster and, i. 205 ; letter of, i. 221, 233; demands satisfaction for de fence of Koszta, i. 417 ; reply of Marcy to, i. 417, 418. Hungarian Revolution of 1848, Kosz ta in, i. 417. Hupgary, revolt of, i. 205, 238 n. ; cause of, i. 231, 240, 241; flag of, displayed in New York, i. 232 ; views of Americans concerning, i. 233; Kossuth on, i. 234; sympathy in Plymouth Church for, i. 236; Webster on, Kossuth on salt mines of, i. 241. " Hunkers," Democrats called, i. 389. Hunt, appeal of, to Richardson, i.485. Hunter, of Virginia, in Southern tri umvirate, ii. 294; favors English bill, ii. 299. Huszar, the, captivity of Koszta on, threatened by the Saint Louis, i. 417. Hyer, Tom, at convention of 1860, ii. 468. Immigration to California, from for eign countries, i. 114, ii. 90 n. Indian chief, remark of, to Kossuth, i. 231. Indians in Nebraska, i. 425,426 n. ; in cursions of, in Mexico, ii. 7. Indians, Mosquito, i. 200. Iudigo-culture under slavery, i. 5. Ingraham, Captain, demands release of Koszta, i. 417 ; upheld by Mar- INDEX 521 cy, i. 418 ; Congress confers medal on, i. 419. Insurrection, servile, fears of, i. 376 377. Intervention, American, New York Tribune favors, i. 234 ; New York Democrats in favor of, i. 236 ; dis cussed in Senate, i. 237; Webster on, i. 238 ; House of Representa tives on, i. 241 ; Kossuth fails to se cure, i. 240, 242. Irish vote, increasing importance of, i. 273. Irishmen, Scott on, i. 273. Iron-trade, the, depression of, ii. 478; in Pennsylvania, ii. 479 m. ; Kelley on, ii. 480 7t. Irrepressible-conflict speech, the, of Seward, ii. 344-346, 402, 411, 460. Irving, Washington, supports Fre mont, ii. 211, 212; death of, ii. 411. Isabella, Queen of Spain, in 1854, ii. 37. Italian soldier, anecdote of, i. 408. Italy, slavery in, Mommsen on, i. 382, 383. Jackson, Andrew, and Calhoun, i. 48; on a ship-canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific, i. 199 ; supported by Buchanan, i. 246; invents spoils system, i. 400 ; diplomatic costume modified by, ii. 2; Duane removed by, confidence of, in Taney, ii. 250; disliked by Marshall, ii. 250, 251 ; Taney appointed Chief Justice by, ii. 251 ; referred to by Douglas, ii. 282; decay of his party, ii. 451. Jackson, Mich., Republican conven tion at, ii. 48. Jackson, "Stonewall," cause sus tained by poor whites, i. 347. Japan, treaty with, ii. 8. Jay, Judge, on negro burnings, i. 326 7i. Jay treaty, debate on, i. 33. Jefferson, Thomas, on slavery, i. 10- 13 ; ordinance of, i. 15 ; estate of, i. 316 ; ou negro temperament, i. 322 position of, on slavery, i. 343, 379 South rejects philosophy of, i. 348 criticised by Hammond, i. 367; Ad ams, Henry, on, i. 380 n. ; founder of Democratic party, i. 483 ; influ ence of, on political parties, ii. 117; decay of party of, ii. 451 ; policy of, ii. 502. Jefferson's Manual consulted by Pierce, ii. 121. Jennings, negro arrested by, ii. 362. Jerry, befriended by Gerrit Smith, i. 224; rescued, i. 225. Jewett, Captain, letter of Webster to, i. 297 n. John, rescue of negro, ii. 362, 366. Johnson, Andrew, contrasted with Fillmore, i. 302 ; attacks Corwin, i. 298 n. Johnson, Herschel V., nomination of, ii. 475. Johnson, Reverdy, connected with Galphin claim, i. 203; Seward on, i. 203 n. ; charges against, i. 204 ; plea of, in Dred Scott case, ii. 255; Taney influenced by, ii. 269, 270. Johnston, of Pennsylvania, nominated by North Americans, ii. 186 m. Johnston, R. H., remarks of Stephens to, ii. 453. Jones, Sheriff, Branson arrested by, ii. 104; message of, to Shannon, ii. 105 ; injuries of, ii. 155, 156 ; in raid on Lawrence, ii. 158, 159. Judd, in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. Julian, did not vote for Brown, i. 118 m. ; against Texas and New Mex ico bills, i. 182 ; candidate for Vice- President, i. 264 ; on Know-noth ings, ii. 56. Kansas, Atchison on, i. 440, ii. 100 ; effort to make a free State, i. 496; Emigrant-Aid Company in, ii. 78, 79 ; mob-law in, ii. 81, 82 ; Reeder on, ii. 83 ; interest in, at South, ii. 84, 85 ; Pierce on, ii. 85, 121, 238 ; contest over, ii. 87 ; Seward on, ii. 99 ; Clayton on, ii. 100 ; convention at Topeka, ii. 103 ; request of, for admission, ii. 107; Raymond on, ii. 119; Hale on, ii. 122; message of Pierce on, ii. 122, 123; proclama tion of Pierce on, ii. 124; Collamer on, ii. 125; Douglas on, ii. 125, 285; House committee on, ii. 127, 196 ; Sumner on, ii. 132; preparations at South for war in, ii. 150 ; Northern press on, ii. 152 ; Bryant on, ii. 153; Mrs. Robinson on, ii. 154 ; struggle in, ii. 166, 167 ; McLean on, ii. 179; Republican convention of 1856 on, ii. 184 ; bill of Toombs on, ii. 189- 196 ; protest against employment of troops in, ii. 201 ; G. W. Curtis 522 INDEX on, ii. 213 ; guerrilla warfare in, ii. 216, 217 ; story of, told by Prof. Spring, ii. 218; efforts to relieve, ii. 219, 220; Geary on, ii. 230; Bu chanan on, ii. 170, 174, 237, 275, 276, 344 ; fraudulent returns in, ii. 278 ; Walker on, ii. 288 ; message of Buchanan on, ii. 291, 292; debate on admission of, ii. 293 ; Stephens on, ii. 298; English bill rejected by, ii. 301 ; convention of 1860 on, ii. 464. " Kansas Crusade," quoted, ii. 160 n. Kansas-Nebraska act, the, i. 425; At chison on, Davis on, Butler on, i. 431 ns. ; Douglas on, i. 431 n., ii. 318; Northern press on, i. 432; Dixon offers amendment to, i. 434; Sumner offers amendment to, i. 433, 434 ; Douglas accepts Dixon's amendment to, i. 434; Douglas con sults Davis on, i. 437 ; introduced, i. 439 ; Dixon on, i. 441 ; Appeal of Independent Democrats on, i. 443 ; Northern press on, i. 444, 463 ; speech of Chase against, i. 449-452; speech of Wade against, i. 452 ; speech of Seward against, i. 453, 454; speech of Sumner against, i. 454, 455; speech of Everett against, i. 455-458 ; Cass on, i. 458, 459 ; Chase on, i. 460 ; urged by Doug las, i. 461, 462; denounced by Beech er and Hale, i. 465 ; resolutions re questing the President to veto, i. 465, 466 ; protests against, i. 467, 468; advocated at South, i. 469, 470; Douglas closes debate on, i. 470-475; clergy against, i. 477-480; Richardson urges, i. 480, 483, 484; supported by Pierce's cabinet, i. 482,483; excitement over, in House, i. 485, 486 ; protest against, in New York City, i. 487 ; number of speech es on, i. 487, 488 ; Benton against, i. 489 ; consequences of, i. 490, 491 ; Southern opinions of, i. 496, 497 ; Emerson on, i. 498 ; Fugitive Slave law stifled by, i. 500 ; effect of, on Cuban question, ii. 33; Democratic party weakened by, ii. 44 ; forma tion of party opposed to, ii. 47 position of Republicans on, ii. 48 effect of, on Iowa elections, ii. 59 Lincoln on, ii. 62, 334, 335 ; Colla mer on, ii. 125 ; interpretation of in Kansas, ii. 157 ; referred to Su preme Court, ii. 250 ; influence of ii. 266. Kant, his enjoyment of "Nouvelle Heloi'se," i. 282. Kasson, J. A., in convention of 1860 ii. 469 ti. Keitt, Simonton threatened by, ii. 144; Grow attacked by, ii. 297, 298; on disunion, ii. 420. Kelley, W. D., on the iron-trade, ii. 480 m. Kellogg, of Illinois, quarrel of, with Logan, ii. 423; defends Lovejoy, ii. 438. Kemble, Fanny, journal of, i. 305; G. W. Curtis on, i. 305 n. ; quoted, i. 307 m. ; on slave-labor, i. 308; ex tract from journal of, i. 310; on ne gro women, i. 311 ; on preaching to negroes, i. 331; on social evil at South, i. 336; on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 363; on negro insurrec tion, i. 376. Kentucky, secession of, from Balti more convention, ii. 474. Kettell, T. P., on condition of South, i. 213 m. " Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 319, ns. Keystone State, name for Pennsyl vania, ii. 173. Kickapoo Rangers, in Kansas, ii. 107. King, J. A., on Seward, ii. 176 ti. King, Preston, in Senate, ii. 283; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 m. King, Rufus, on Everett, i. 291 ; Sew ard on, ii. 147. King, T. B., sent to California, i. 110. King, William R. , in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 172; on British Honduras, i. 201; nominated for Vice-President, i. 249. Know-nothings, principles of, ii. 50- 52; methods of, ii. 53, 54; on Ro man Catholicism, ii. 54; popular ity of, ii. 55; denounced by Wise, ii. 56, 88; position of, on slavery, ii. 56; attacked by Irishmen, ii. 57, 58; influence of, in Pennsylvania election, ii. 60 ; denounced by Douglas, ii. 61; grand council of, in New York, ii. 63, 64; strength of, ii. 64; Gardner elected by, ii. 65, 66 ; combated by Beecher, ii. 73; Union degree adopted by, ii. 87; division of, on slavery, ii. 89, 90 ; secrets of, exposed, ii. 91 ; con- INDEX 523 demned by New York Republican State convention, ii, 93 ; Greeley on, ii. Ill ; Fillmore nominated by, ii. 119 ; condemned by Democratic platform, ii. 171. Kosciusko, Lopez and Crittenden compared to, i. 394. Kossuth, Louis, leadership of, i. 205; flight of, rescue of, arrives at Stat- en Island, i. 231 ; ovation to, speech of, i. 232, on Hungarian revolution, New York press on, i. 234; com pared with Washington, receives delegations, honored' by Bancroft and Bryant, i. 235; toasted by Ban croft, Godwin, Beecher, and Dana, i. 236; Ampere on reception of, i. 236 n. ; Foote, Cass, Sumner, and Seward on, i. 237; Webster on, re ceived at Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington, met by Seward and Shields, presented to Fillmore, i. 238; Ampere on, i. 238 n.\ re ception of, in Senate, meets Gen eral Houston, speech of Webster at banquet to, i. 239; received in House, at the West, decline of in terest in, i. 240; vote on amend ment to resolution of welcome to, i. 240, 241; complaint of, at Pitts burgh, reason of interest in, i. 241; Mann on opposition to, at variance with non-intervention doctrine, ex penses of suite of, i. 242; abstemi ous habits of, i. 243. Koszta, Martin, protected by United States Government, i. 416, 417 ; de fended by Ingraham, i. 417; defend ed by Marcy, i. 418 ; release of, i. 419. Lafayette, reception to, i, 233, 263; Kossuth compared to, i. 235; re ception by Senate, i. 239; Lopez and Crittenden compared to, i. 394; sword of, taken by John Brown, ii. Lamar, of Mississippi, on John Brown, ii. 421. Lane, Henry S., against Seward, u. 466; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n., ii. 498. c .. Lane, James H., indictment of, ii. 156; represents free-State cause, n. 216, 219 ; leaves Kansas, ii. 237; in Kansas troubles, ii. 274 Lane, Joseph, nomination of, n. 47o; campaign of, ii. 478. Langston, Charles, speeches of, ii. 365, 366; imprisonment of, ii. 365, 367. Law-and-order party, in Kansas, ii. 103. Lawrence, Kansas, plan to attack, ii. 103-106, 156, 157; sacking of, ii. 158, 159. Lawrence, Amos A., on mob in Kan sas, ii. 82; letter of Robinson to, ii. 105; on Lincoln, ii. 473 n. Lecompte, Judge, charge of, to grand jury, ii. 156 ; reported removal of, ii. 238. Lecompton, convention at, ii. 278, 279. Lecompton constitution, the, Doug las on, ii. 283, 284, 286-288, 318; recommended by Buchanan, ii. 291, 349 ; Elmore and Denver against, ii. 292; debate on, ii. 293; rejected by Kansas, ii. 301 ; speech of Seward on, ii. 305; Chase on, ii. 307; Broderick and, ii. 375; Re publican convention of 1860 on, ii. 464. Lee, of Massachusetts, refuses to vote for Webster, i. 258. Lee, Robert E., refuses command of Cuban expedition, i. 217; and poor whites, i. 347 ; captures John Brown, ii. 396. Letcher, letter of, to Crittenden, ii. 233 ra. Liberator, the, established by Garri son, i. 53; motto of, i, 55; Nat Tur ner insurrection not influenced by, stringent laws against circulation of at South, demand for suppres sion of i, 57 ; influence of, i. 62; criticises opposing faction of abo litionists, i. 74; Garrison in, i. 327. Liberals, English, commend Hiilse- man letter, i. 206. Liberia, negro colony at, i. 382. Liberty, desire of negroes for, i. 377. Lieber, Francis, on slavery, i. 94 n. ; letter of, to Hillard, i. 350 m. ; on Southern poople, i.359ra. ; on Sum ner, ii. 142 7i. ; on election of Bu chanan, ii. 242; on John Brown, ii. 409; letter of Hammond to, ii. 424, 440; denounced at the South, ii. 486 ; letter of, to Oscar Lieber, ii. 489. Lieber, Oscar, death of, ii. 489 n. Lincoln, Abraham, i. 1 ; on the Mex ican war, i. 92; on Seward, i. 101; 524 INDEX applies for office under Taylor, i. 103; visits Clay, i. 121 n. ; watch word of, i. 161 ; reference to slave- dealers, i. 325 ?i. ; mental discipline of, i. 492 ; on anti-Nebraska elec tions, ii. 61 ; reply of, to Douglas, at Springfield, ii. 62; speech of, at Peoria, Douglas disturbed by, ii. 70; on popular sovereignty, ii. 80, 81, 381 ; letter of, to Washburne, ii. 182; votes for Vice-President, in convention of 1856, ii. 184; reply of, to Douglas, ii. 266-268; on Dec laration of Independence, ii. 267, 334; supports charge against Su preme Court, ii. 268; on Dred Scott decision, ii. 270, 271 ; early life of, ii. 308 ; character of, ii. 309 ; on slavery, ii. 319, 326, 331, 332, 335- 337, 381, 432; in Congress, ii. 310; defeated by Trumbull, ii. 311; en counters Stanton, religious opin ions of, ii. 312; opening speech of, ii. 314-317; conversation of, with Herndon,ii. 315; on Douglas, ii. 316, 317 ; Douglas on, ii. 313, 314, 318, 340, 472,477; reply of, to Douglas, ii. 319, 320; debates of, with Doug las, ii. 321-343, 354, 484; at Ottawa, ii. 324-326; on the negro, ii. 325; catechised by Douglas, ii. 326; Douglas catechised by,ii.327; com pared with Douglas, ii. 329, 330; compared to Webster, ii. 332, 333; at Galesburg, ii. 333; at Alton, ii. 334; assisted by Corwin, Chase, and Colfax, ii. 338; defeated by Doug las, remark of, to Sumner, ii. 339, 340 ; supported by New York press, ii. 341 ; Longfellow and Parker on, ii. 342; Jefferson Davis's opinion of, ii. 348; Ohio speeches of, ii. 382, 383; on John Brown, ii. 412; Coop er Institute address of, ii. 430^432, 436,458; Greeley on, ii. 431 ; on dis union, ii. 432 ; criticised by aboli tionists, ii. 435; supported by Bry ant, in Illinois State convention, ii. 458; struggle between Seward and, ii. 459; compared with Seward, ii. 460; letter of Bryant to, ii. 461 ; fol lowers of, ii. 462, 465; positions in cabinet of, ii. 466,467; Swett on, ii. 467 m. ; letter of, to Giddings, ii. 467 n. ; enthusiasm for, ii. 468; bal loting for, ii. 469, 470 ; joy over nomination of, ii. 471 ; Head on, ii. 472 n.; Phillips on, ii. 473; Law rence on, Grimes on, ii. 473 n.; against slavery, ii. 481 m. ; contest between Douglas and, ii. 482, 483; clergymen against, ii. 485 n. ; South on,ii.487; Hammond and Stephens on election of, ii. 490; Douglas on election of, ii. 491,492,494; Schurz on, ii. 493; letter of, in campaign of 1860, ii. 497; supported by Carl Schurz, ii. 498; and Fugitive Slave law, ii. 499; the popular vote for, ii. 500; Longfellow on election of, ii. 501, 502; Motley on election of, ii. 502. Lines, C. B., company raised by, ii. 153. "Little Giant," Douglas called, i. 245. Lobos Islands, Webster in affair of, i. 297. Logan, John A., acknowledgment to, i. 493 m. ; success of, in Illinois, ii. 321; quarrel of, with Kellogg, ii. 423. London, great plague of, i. 409, 413. Longfellow; on "Uncle Tom's Cab in," i. 280; on Sumner, ii. 142 n. ; supports Fremont, ii. 211, 212; ou Lincoln, ii. 342: on John Brown, ii. 409, 410; on Lincoln's election, ii. 501. Lopez, N, expedition to Cuba of, i. 216-220; becomes tool of specula tors, i. 217; embarks for Cuba, i. 218; lands near Havana, garroted, i. 219; fate of followers of, i. 219, 220; Soule on, i. 394. Loring, Commissioner, and Burns, i. 504; unpopularity of, i. 505 n. Louisiana, secession of.from Charles ton convention, ii. 451. Lovejoy, Elijah P., killed at Alton, i. 72, ii. 334. Lovejoy, Owen, a typical abolition ist, ii. 321 ; anti-slavery speech of. ii. 437, ' 438, 439 ; Hammond on speech of, ii. 440 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Lowell, Free -soil meeting at, i. 196. Lowell, James Russell, on Garrison, i. 75; on the Mexican war, i. 87,88; remark of, on slavery, i. 152; on Mrs. Stowe, i. 279; on"UncleTom's Cabin , " i. 280 ; on Olmsted.i. 304 ti. ; on Cushing, i. 392; dn Seward, ii. f INDEX 525 472, 494; on the Republican party, ii. 486; on disunion, ii. 488. Lucretius, plague described by, i. 405. Lundy's Lane, celebration of battle of, i. 270. Lyell, Sir Charles, quoted, i. 113 m. ; on condition of slaves, i. 334; on illegitimacy, i.339, 340; on slavery, i. 373; on Southern hospitality, i. 374; on emancipation, i. 382. Macatjlay, on "Uncle Tom's Cab in," i. 279; his portrait of Jeffreys ii. 238. McClelland, R., in Pierce's cabinet, i. 388. McClure, A. K. , on the tariff, ii. 480 ti. McDuffie on slavery, i. 68, 366, 367. Mace, Dan, on Fremont, ii. 177, 178. Mackay, Charles, on slave-owners, i. 325 n. ; on negroes, i. 373, 377. McLaughlin, A. C, paper of, on Cass, i. 244 m. McLean, Judge, letters of, on Kansas, ii. 179; Greeley and Dana on, ii. 180; supported by Lincoln, ii. 182; speech of Stevens on, ii. 183; votes received by, in convention of 1856, ii. 184 ; objections to, ii. 185 ; in Supreme Court, ii. 250; in Dred Scott decision, ii. 257; Lincoln in case tried beforeji. 312; had friends in convention of 1860, ii. 459. Madison, James, on slavery, i. 21, 41, 60; "on the Union, i. 52; slaves of, i. 316; on negro women, i. 336; on race question ,i. 383 ; policy of , ii . 502. Maine, Republican success in, in 1854, ii. 59, 60. Mallory, of Florida, on Cuban ques tion, ii. 352. Mangum, of North Carolina, in 'com mittee on Clay resolutions, i. 172. Manifest destiny, doctrine of, i. 295, 395. Mann, Horace, on Cobb, elected to Congress, votes for Winthrop, i. 118; on Wilmot proviso, i. 132; his faith in Webster, i. 149; on Web ster, i. 154, 158; against Texas and New Mexico bills, i. 182; on House of Representatives, i. 184; on com promise measures, i. 189 «., 193: on exclusion from Faneuil Hall, i. 211, 212; on Kossuth, i. 242; on Congress in 1852, i. 265 ; on Sum ner, l. 268; on the human race, i. 371 m. Mansfield, Lord, his decision on slavery, i. 9, 10. Manumission of negroes, i. 378. Marais des Cygnes, massacre of, ii. 389. "Marble Faun, The," i. 397; Motley on, i. 398. Marcy, William L., candidate in con vention of 1852, i. 244 ; bias of, in Mexican war, i. 246, 247 ; Mt. Mar cy named for, i. 247 ; fails to se cure nomination, i. 247, 248 ; in Pierce's cabinet, i. 388, 389 ; chief of the " Softs," opposes Free-soil movement, character of, i. 389 ; re ply of, to Hulsemann, i. 417, 418 ; popularity of, justifies Ingraham, on protectiou of exiles, i. 418 ; po sition of, sustained, i. 418, 419 ; Von Hoist on, i. 419 n. ; influence of, in cabinet, i. 420 ; ambition of, i. 423 ; Buchanan on, i. 423, ii. 7; position of, on Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 481, 483 ; reforms diplomatic costume, ii. 1,2; concludes reciprocity treaty with Canada, ii. 8 ; in affair of Black Warrior, ii. 18 ; against Cu ban expedition, ii. 31 ; confidence of North in, ii. 33, 188 ; position of, on Cuban question, ii. 34, 37 ; reply of, to Calderon, ii. 35 ; letter of, to Soule, ii. 38 ; on Ostend manifesto, ii. 41 ; and Soule, ii. 42 ; Jefferson Davis compared with, ii. 240, 245 ; on rotation in office, ii. 248. Marshall, Chief Justice, supplements Webster, i. 137 ; ability of, ii. 249 ; Taney supported by, ii. 250, 251 ; death of, ii. 251. Marshall, Humphrey, on slavery con test, ii. 117. Marshals, U. S., and Fugitive Slave law, i. 185, 209 n. Marshfield farmers at funeral of Webster, i. 288. Martineau, Harriet, i. 44, 54 ; on cot ton culture, i. 312 ; on slaves of Madison, i, 316 ; on state of society at South, i. 336, 338, 374 ; Simms on, i. 342, 367. Maryland, secession of, from Balti more convention, ii. 474. Mason, James M., Calhoun's speech read by, i. 127 ; in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 172 ; votes on 526 INDEX Texas boundary, i. 181 ; protests against admission of California, i. 182; on execution of Fugitive Slave law, i. 208, 209 ; on disunion, ii. 205 ; replies of John Brown to, ii. 397, 398, 406, 414. Mason, John Y, appointed minister to France, Hawthorne on, contempt of for abolitionists, discourtesy of to Sumner, i. 395 ; uniform of, at French court, ii. 4 ; rebuked by Marcy, ii. 5 ; signs Ostend mani festo, ii. 38 ; influenced by Soule, ii. 40; letter of Buchanan to, ii. 244. Massachusetts, represented in cabi nets of Pierce and Polk, i. 391 ; hatred of, at South, ii. 84. May, Samuel J., i. 65 ; befriends Jerry, i. 224 ; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 225; on Underground Rail road, ii. 75. Mephistopheles, Seward called, i. 262. Meredith, Secretary, pays interest on Galphin claim, i. 203; Seward on, i. 203 m. ; denies knowledge of Craw ford's interest, charges against, i. 204. Mesilla Valley ceded to United States, ii. 7. Methodist Episcopal Church, Web ster on, i. 145. Mexican War, i. 87-93 ; Webster on, i. 145 ; Marcy's attitude in, i. 246 ; Scott in, i. 259 ; Corwin on, i. 300 ; how regarded at South, i. 387 ; Jef ferson Davis in, i. 390. Mexico, protests against slavery in Texas, i. 93 ; mooted conquest of, i. 193 ; payment to, i. 213, 214 ; Gar diner claim against, i. 298 ; treaty with, ii. 7. Michigan Republican convention, the, ii. 49. Millson, John Sherman denounced by, ii. 420. Minnesota, admission of, ii. 417. Minute-men at the South, ii. 487. Mississippi, Union party in, i. 388 ; Davis defeated in, i. 390 ; secession of, from Charleston convention, ii. 451. Mississippi, the, Kossuth embarks on, i. 231. Missouri Compromise, i. 36-39,. 96 ; Webster on, i. 98; Clay on, i. 191; Nashville convention on, i. 196 ; Douglas on, i. 427, 436, 446-448 ; moral force of, i. 428, 429 ; set aside by Nebraska bill, i. 432 ; discussed by Dixon and Douglas, i. 433, 434; Douglas hesitates to override i! 435 ; repeal of, i. 436 m., 466 ;' ii 67, 68, 73, 202, 311 ; appeal of Inde pendent Democrats on, i. 442, 443 ; Seward on, i. 454 ; Chase on, i. 450,' 451 ; Calhoun on, i. 468 ; Atchison on, i, 468, 469 ; Benton ou, i. 489 ; Lincoln on, ii. 70 ; Sherman on, ii.' 117 ; Buchanan on, ii. 170 ; Fill more on, ii. 215 ; bearing of, on Dred Scott case, ii. 252 ; Taney on ii. 257; Curtis on, ii. 260, 263; Ben jamin on, ii. 293. Missouri River, the, embargo on, ii. 166. Missourians, mob of, in Kansas, ii. 81 ; in Wakarusa war, ii. 105, 106. Mommsen, on the Civil War, i. 1 ; on slavery, i. 382, 383. Monroe, in convention of 1860, ii. 469 m. Monroe doctrine, the, position of Pierce on, i. 385. Monterey, gold frenzy in, i. 111. Montez, Lola, in New Orleans, i. 401. Montgomery, amendment of, to Le compton bill, ii. 299. Montijo, Countess of, criticises Mme. Soule, ii. 12. " Morals of Slavery," Harriet Marti- neau's, i. 342. Morehead, C. S., quoted, i. 136 71. Morley, John, on Arthur Young, i. 304 m. Mormons, difficulties with, ii. 303. Morrill, of Maine, in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 m. Morrill tariff bill, the, ii. 476,478. Morris, of Illinois, on uproar in House, ii. 421. Mortality in 1853, i. 404, 413, 415. Morton, O. P., in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 m. • Mosaic law, slavery authorized by, i. 370. Motley, John Lothrop, letter of, on Webster, i. 288 m. ; on "Marble Faun," i. 397, 398; his " Rise of the Dutch Republic," ii. 133 ; on Lin coln's election, ii. 502. Mulattoes, proportion of, in slave States, i. 340, 341 ; proportion of, in United States, i. 339-341. INDEX 527 Murat, Achille, on slavery, i. 373, 374. Nasby, Petroleum V., on Lincoln ii 310. Nashville convention, i. 173, 174; dis satisfied with compromise, claims right of secession, i. 196. Natick Cobbler, the, name applied to Henry Wilson, ii. 96. National Era, the, "Uncle Tom" published in, i. 279. Nativism, Scott accused of, i. 272. Naturalization, letter of Scott on, i. 273; position of Know-nothings oo, ii. 52. Nebraska, extent of, Douglas on, i. 426^28. Negro, the, Agassiz on, i. 402. Negro colonization, Fillmore on, i. 296. Negroes, civil rights of, i. 365, 366; Emerson on, i. 372; desire of, for freedom, i. 377; transported to Li beria, i. 382; Madison on, i. 383; in Cuba, ii. 29; in Kansas, ii. 100; ex cluded from Kansas, ii. 107; Taney on, ii.255,256; free.ii. 258,259; Lin coln on, ii. 267, 325 ; Douglas on, ii. 324; Davis on, ii. 357; value of slaves, ii. 368, 369 ; liberated by Brown, ii. 389, 390; conduct of, in John Brown's raid, ii. 401 : sale of, ii. 441. Nelson, Justice, in Supreme Court, ii. 250; in Dred Scott case, ii. 253, 254, 257. Neutrality, American, i. 236; Pierce enforces, ii. 31. New England compared with South, i. 349. / New Grenada concludes treaty with Polk, i. 199. New Mexico, in 1848, i. 92; slavery in, i. 93, 94; Clay on, i. 124; ap peals to United States for protec tion, i. 125; Webster on, i. 149; former area of, i. 150 n. ; declares against slavery, i. 151, 180; Clay on, John Bell on constitution of, i. 180; Taylor on, i. 190; Ranney on.ii. 382; legislature of, establishes slavery, ii. 382; Douglas on, ii. 383. New Mexico bill, language of, ap plied in Nebraska bill, i. 428. New Orleans, meeting at, i. 196; ex cited over Cuban expedition, i. 220; rioting in, i. 221; indemnification of Spanish subjects at, i. 222; Am pere on, i. 360 n. ; yellow fever in, i. 400, 402-413; actors and musi cians in, in 1853, i. 401 ; Howard As sociation in, i. 403, 404, 407, 412 413 ; mortality in 1853 of, i. 404, 413- press of, on yellow fever, i. 408; soil of, i. 409, 410. New York City, meeting at, declares for the Fugitive Slave law, i. 195; citizens of, defray expenses of slave-owners, i. 209; spoils system in, i. 399; summer-heat of 1853 in, i. 415. New York State, contrasted with Georgia, i. 354; position of, in 1860, ii. 474, 497 n. ; efforts of fu- sionists in, ii. 499. Niagara Falls, celebration of battle of Lundy's Lane at, i. 270. Nicaragua, proposed route through, i. 199; England captures San Juan from, pledges not to molest, i. 200; Walker in, ii. 242, 289. Nicaragua Transit Company, settle ment of, ii. 9. Nicholson letter of Cass, i. 244. Noah, curse of, quoted by Southern writers, i. 371, 372. North, prosperity of, i. 193. North American Review, edited by Everett, i. 292. North Americans, the convention of, ii. 186. North Carolina, secession of, from the Baltimore convention, ii. 474. North Carolina, the, salutes Kossuth, i. 232. Northern society compared with Southern, i. 360. Northwest, the, growth of, i. 193, 194. "Notes on Uncle Tom's Cabin," Stearns's, i. 315 m. "Nouvelle Heloi'se, La," "Uncle Tom's Cabin " compared with, i. 282, 284; effect of, on revolution ists, i. 285. Nullification, i. 40-45; ii. 74. Obeklin College, character of, ii. 361, 362. Oberlin-Wellington rescue, the, ii. 362-367. Office-seekers, Hawthorne on, i. 399. Ohio, the, salutes Kossuth, i. 232. Oglethorpe on slavery, i. 5. Olds attacks Corwin, i. 298 n. 528 INDEX Oliphant, Laurence, on city of Wash ington, ii. 9 n. Oliver, Mordecai, in committee on Kansas affairs, ii. 127; investigates Pottawatomie massacre, ii. 164; re port of, ii. 197, 198. Oliver Twist, negroes compared to, i. 305. Olmsted, Frederick Law, on slave labor, works of, i. 303 n.\ Lowell on, G. W. Curtis on, i. 304 71.; on condition of slaves, i. 305, 306, 318; on overseers, i. 308; reply of over seer to, i. 309; on cotton culture, i. 312; on slave labor, i. 314; ou slave-breeding, i. 317 ; on slave- whipping, i. 325 m. ; on slaves in Virginia, i. 327 ; on slave instruc tion, i. 330; on social evil at South, i. 337 ; on effect of slavery on the young, i. 343; on poor whites, i. 344; on slave-holders, i. 349; on German colony of Texas, i. 358; on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 363; remark of slave-holder to, i. 369; on Charleston, i. 377; on Under ground Railroad, ii. 74; on Preston Brooks, ii. 143 m. Onesimus, Southern writers on, i. 370. Ordinance of 1787, i. 15, 16, 31. Oregon, admission of, ii. 417; consti tution of, ii. 418. Oregon question, the, i. 86, 95, 96. Orr, James L., confession of Brooks to, ii. 150; in debate on Lecompton message, ii. 297; on election of Lin coln, ii. 490. Orsini, John Brown compared to, ii. 414. Osawatomie, sacking of, ii. 167. Ostend Manifesto, the, substance of, ii. 38-40; Marcy on, ii. 41; anti- slavery and European opinions of, ii. 43; Democratic party weakened by, ii. 44 ; Republican convention of 1856 on, ii. 185; used against Bu chanan, ii. 221; reasserted, ii. 351. Overseers, Patrick Henrv on, i. 307 ; brutality of, i. 308. Pacific Railroad, the, i. 422 ; ii. 359. Paine, Thomas, Lincoln influenced by, ii. 312. Palmerston, Lord, on Webster, i. 222 ; on " Uncle Tom," i. 282 ; on abo lition in Cuba, i. 394 ; correspon dence of, ii. 120, 121 ; on Dallas ii. 188. Pampero, the, Lopez embarks in, i, 218 ; runs aground in Cuba, i. 219. Panama Canal, the, Clay on, i. 199 ; Great Britain and, i. 200, 201. Panic of 1857, ii. 281. Parker, Theodore, quoted, i. 132 n. ; on Webster, i. 155, 156, 158 ; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 197, 208; book owned by, i. 208 ; extract from journal of, i. 210 ; address of, on Sims, i. 211 ; doggerel from scrap-book of, i. 271 n. ; sermon of, on Webster, i. 288 ; writes to Sum ner and Giddings, character of, extract from diary of, i. 289 ; Cur tis and Frothingham on sermon of, i. 289 n. ; Emerson on, extract from diary of, held Webster re sponsible for Fugitive Slave law, effect of his sermon on Webster, i. 290; letter of, to Sumner, i. 291 n. ; against repeal of Missouri Com promise, i. 466 ; influence of, in anti-slavery cause, i. 496 ; inter view of, with Anthony Burns, i. 501; on arrest of Burns, i.502; con nection of, with Underground Rail road, ii. 75 ; letters of Sumner to, ii. 132, 297; on Seward and Chase, ii. 175 ; on Fremont, ii. 182 ; Lincoln influenced by, ii. 312 ; accused of being an infidel, i. 331 ; on Lincoln, ii. 342 ; Brown assisted by, ii. 385, 388, 389 ; journey of, to Cuba, ii. 390. Parley, Peter, criticism of his writ ings at the South, i. 352. Pate captured by John Brown, ii. 166. "Pathfinder, The Brave," Fremont, ii. 225. Patronage, Pierce's use of, i. 420. Patti, Adelina, in New Orleans, i. 401. Paul, St., quoted by Southern writ ers, i. 370. Paulding, Walker arrested by, ii. 289. Payne, Henry B., speech of, in Charleston convention, ii. 446, 447. Peck, Professor, in Oberliu-Welling- ton rescue, ii. 365, 366. Pennington, of NeAv Jersey, Greeley on, ii. 112 ; elected speaker, ii. 426. Pennsylvania abolition society, i. 22. Perkins, partnership of, with John Brown, ii. 161 n. INDEX 529 Perkins, Warren & Co. not aboli tion merchants, i. 195 n. Perrin, Raymond S., his "Religion of Philosophy " quoted, i. 370 ti. ; acknowledgment to, i. 383 m. Perry, Commodore, treaty of, with Japan, ii. 8 n. Perry, H. J., aids in settling Black Warrior affair, ii. 42 m. Personal Liberty laws, ii. 73, 74, 76, 77. Phelps, of Vermont, in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 171. Philadelphia, meeting at, on Fugitive Slave law, i. 195. Phillips, Wendell, becomes an aboli tionist, i. 72; never voted, i. 74; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 197 ; address of, on arrest of Sims, i. 211 ; an exponent of abolitionism, i. 290 ; influence of, i. 496 ; on arrest of Burns, i. 502 ; on Kansas, ii. 167 ; on the Union-savers, ii. 428 ; on Seward, ii. 434, 495 m. ; influence of, ii. 435 ; on Lincoln, ii. 473. Pickens, F. W., on agriculture, i. 360 7i. Pierce, Edward L., his memoir of Sumner, i. 228 n. ; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. Pierce, Franklin, his address at Con cord, i. 195 ; Clayton - Bulwer treaty, in administration of, i. 202 ; nomination of, i. 248 ; early life of, elected senator, i. 249 ; declines appointments, serves in Mexican war, supports compromise meas ures, Hawthorne's biography of, i. 250 ; character of, Democrats surprised by nomination of, i. 251 ; accepts nomination, i. 252 ; Van Buren declares for, i. 264 ; Chase refuses to support, i. 264 ; slanders against, i. 271 ; doggerel contrast ing Scott and, i. 271 n. ; charges against, inclined to side with South, i. 272 ; Scott's defence of, i. 274 ; his intimacy with Haw thorne, his tribute to Webster, his election, i. 277 ; inaugural of, af fliction of, i. 384 ; criticised by Whig journals, i. 384, 385 ; on Cuba, on patronage, position of, on Fugitive Slave law, i. 385 ; pop ularity of, position of on slavery, i. 386 ; letter of Buchanan to, offers secretaryship to Dix, i. 387 ; appoints Davis Secretary of War, II.— 34 cabinet of, i. 388 ; offers position to Marcy, i. 389 ; friendship of, with Davis, i. 390, 422 ; Cushing influences nomination of, i. 391 ; letter of Buchanan to. appoints Buchanan minister to England, i. 393 ; Benton on, i. 393 ti. ; desires Cuba, i. 394 ; Hawthorne dedicates a work to, i. 396, 397 ; letter of Hawthorne on, i. 397 ; distribu tion of offices by, i. 399 ; opens exhibition in Crystal Palace, i. 415; unpopularity of, i. 419, 420, 423 ; lack of firmness of, accused of Free-soilism, i. 420 ; Cushing on, i. 420, 421 ; regarded as au aboli tionist, connection of with John Van Buren, i. 421 ; on relations with Great Britain, on reduction of tariff, on Pacific Railroad, i. 422 ; vanity of, i. 423 ; Douglas on election of, i. 430 ; on report of Douglas, i. 436 ; influenced by Davis, receives Douglas, i. 437 ; promises support to Douglas, con fidence of in Davis, i. 438 ; posi tion of his cabinet on Kansas-Ne braska bill, i. 482, 483 ; influenced by Davis, Cushing, and Marcy, Dix on, i. 482 ; criticised by Lon don Examiner, ii. 6 ; message of, on affair of Black Warrior, ii. 17, 18 ; inaction of, in case of Soule, ii. 24 ; indecision of, in Cuban question, ii. 30 ; warning of, to filibusters, ii. 31 ; criticised by Calderon, ii. 35 ; connection of, with Ostend manifesto, ii. 44; and Reeder, ii. 80 ; interviews of, with Reeder, influenced by Davis, ii. 85 ; desires resignation of Reeder, ii. 86 ; encourages Aiken, ii. 114 ; criticised by Hale, ii. 121, 122 ; message of, on Kansas, ii. 122,123 ; telegram of, to Shannon, ii. 160 ; his view of Topeka legislature, ii. 168 ; political strength of, ii. 169, 170 ; votes received by, in Cincin nati convention, ii. 171, 172 ; in structed by riders, ii. 201 ; Bu chanan on policy of, ii. 229 n. ; on Geary, ii. 238 ; devotion of, to South, ii. 240, 241 ; Lincoln on, ii. 270 7t.; Buchanan compared to, ii. 292 ; policy of, ii. 481 ; Schurz on, ii. 493. Pike, James S., letter of Chase to, ii. 530 INDEX 92 n. ; on Fremont, ii. 178, 179 ; rebuked by Greeley and Dana, ii. 180 ; on Supreme Court, ii. 255, 262 ; on Reverdy Johnson, ii. 269 m. ; letter of Wade to, ii. 302 ; let ter of Dana to, ii. 459 n. ; on Sew ard, ii. 461 ; letter of Greeley to, ii. 470, 471. Pilgrim Fathers, Cass on, i. 460. Pinkney, William, i. 34. Plymouth, Mass., anti-slavery vote, i. 71. Plymouth Church aids Kossuth, i. 236. Poland, Ostend manifesto on, ii. 39 ; division of, ii. 43. Polk, Bishop, methods of, with slaves, i. 331; on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 363. Polk, James K., elected President, i. 84; on the Oregon question, i. 86; concludes treaty with New Gra nada, i. 199; and Pierce, i. 250; Bu chanan in cabinet of, i. 393; ob jections to supporting, ii. 266 ; Schurz on, ii. 493. Polygamy, Republican convention of 1856 on, ii. 184. Pomeroy refuses to yield Sharpe's rifles, ii. 159. Pompadour, allusion to, i. 284. Poor whites, condition of, i. 344 ; oppressed by slave-holders, i. 345, 346; in war of 1861, i. 346, 347, 380 ; slave-holders imitated by, i. 362; Helper on, ii. 419. Pope, the, "Uncle Tom's Cabin" suppressed by, i. 282; influence of, in elections, ii. 55 ; gift of, demol ished by mob, ii. 57. Popular Sovereignty, doctrine of, i. 244, 476, 477; 'ii. 79, 110, 264, 305- 307; Lincoln on, ii. 319; Douglas on, ii. 357, 373, 374; Republican convention of 1860 on, ii. 464. Postage, reduction of, i. 215, 216. Pottawatomie massacre, the, ii. 163, 165, 391 ; Oliver's report on, ii. 197- 199. Potter, quarrel of, with Pryor, ii. 437^39. Preston, Colonel, at execution of John Brown, ii. 409. Preston, Senator, on San Jacinto vic tory, i. 93. "Pro-slavery argument," the, i. 367. Pryne, debate between Brownlow and, i. 354. Pryor, on Helper's " Impending Cri sis," ii. 421; on Seward, ii. 422; interrupts Lovejoy, ii. 437; chal lenges Potter, ii. 439. Publishing facilities at South, i. 353. Pugh, of Ohio, against Lecompton bill, ii. 297; favors English bill, ii. 300; agrees with Douglas, ii. 358; reply of, to Yancey, ii. 448; against Davis resolution, ii. 456. Puritan, the, De Tocqueville on, i. 357. Quadroon girls, life led by, i. 338, 339. Quakers on slavery, i. 24 m. Quincy, Edmund, becomes an aboli tionist, i. 72. Quincy, Josiah, letter of, on Fugitive Slave law, i. 197; questions Ran dolph, i. 320 n. Radicals influenced by Seward, i. 168. Railroads, extension of, i. 416. Randolph, John, remark of, i. 320 ti. ; on dread of negro insurrection, i. 376 ; Wise, Henry A., compared to, ii. 88. Ranney, Rufus P., associated with Wade, i. 229 ; a great lawyer and profound jurist, ii. 380; contest of, with Dennison, ii. 381 ; on the ter ritories, ii. 382. Rantoul votes on Foote resolution, i. 243 m. Raymond, Henry J., honors Kos suth, i. 236 ; denounces Kansas- Nebraska bill, i. 463 ; position of, on formation of new party, ii. 46; opinions of, ii. 63; envied by Gree ley, ii. 72 ; address of, at Pitts burgh, ii. 118, 119 ; in campaign of 1856, ii. 223 ; on Lecompton Constitution, ii. 293 ; on Douglas, ii. 296 ; in convention of 1860, ii. 471m. Raynor, efforts of, to build up Know- nothings, ii. 87. Read, letter of Buchanan to, ii. 209. Reciprocity treaty negotiated by Marcy, ii. 8. Redpath, James, on Kansas, ii. 167. Reeder, Edwin, appointed governor of Kansas, ii. 80; on Kansas elec tion, ii. 83; criticised by Pierce, ii. 85; removal of, ii. 86, 99; elected INDEX 531 delegate, ii. 102 ; claims seat in House, n. 126 ; attempt to arrest, n. 156 ; escape of, election of ille gal, n. 197; exclusion of, ii. 201 • advocates free Kansas, ii. 216-219; declares for Fremont, ii. 232; po- - litical sympathies of, ii. 239 ; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 m. ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 ti. Reid, of North Carolina, on Seward ii. 194. Religious Herald, the, slaves adver tised in, i. 324. Republican convention of 1856, ii. 118, 182-184 ; of 1860, ii. 456-471. Republican party, triumph in 1860, i. 2, ii. 500; anti-slavery basis of, i. 285; formation of, i. 490, ii. 45-49; early victories of, in the States, ii. 59, 60; Seward on, ii. 95; two ele ments in, ii. 97, 98; expansion of, ii. 210; Seward on, Holmes on, ii. 485; Lowell on, ii. 486; conserva tism of, ii. 502. Republicans distinct from abolition ists, ii. 436. "Resources of the South and West," De Bow's, i. 306 ra. Rice, Dan, in New Orleans, i. 401. Rice culture under slavery, i. 27 ra. Richardson, urges Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 480, 483, 484,488; appealed to by Hunt, i. 485; nominated for speaker, ii. 108, 109 ; opinions of, ii. 110; defeated by Banks, ii. 114; reads dispatch from Douglas, ii. 172 ; letter of Douglas to, ii. 474, 475. Richmond, Dean, despatch of Doug las to, ii. 475. Riddle, A. G. , his biography of Wade, i. 229 m. ; on higher law, ii. 364. River and Harbor bill, opposed by Douglas, ii. 61. Rives, allusion of Buchanan to, ii. 282. Robinson, Dr. Charles, in Kansas struggle, ii. 102; on rescue of Bran son, ii. 104; on Sharpe's rifles, ii. 105 ; in Wakarusa war, ii. 106 ; elected governor of Kansas, ii. 107; on national committee, ii. 119 ; ap peals to President Pierce, ii. 124; indictment of, ii. 156; arrest of, ii. 157; burning of house of, ii. 159; threatened with lynching, ii. 166; letter of Fremont to, ii. 177; im prisonment of, ii. 216; on campaign < of 1856, ii. 233 m. ; release of, ii 237; followers of, ii. 277. Robinson, Mrs., on Kansas, ii. 154 155. Rocky Mountains, Fremont in, ii.225. Roger de Coverlev, imaginary plan tation of, i. 374," 375. Rogers, Thorold, on immigrants, i. 355. Rollins, E. H., in convention of 1860, ii. 469 7i. Roman Catholicism, crusade of Know- nothings against, ii. 50-52. Roman Empire, slavery in, i. 370. Rome, slavery in, i. 381. Root, of Ohio, resolution of, i. 135 ra. Rotation in office, Buchanan and Marcy on, ii. 248; as conducted by Buchanan, ii. 249. Rothschilds, the, and Mexican in demnity, i. 214. Rousseau, effect of his " Nouvelle Heloi'se," i. 282, 284, 285. Russia, assists Austria, i. 231; inter ference of, i. 234, 240. Rust, Greeley assaulted by, ii. 118. Salt-mines of Hungary, i. 241. "Samaritan," the, diary of, i. 404; on purification of atmosphere, on yellow-fever symptoms, i. 405; an ecdotes from, i. 406-413. Sanborn, F.B., friend of John Brown, ii. 385; conference with Brown and Gerrit Smith, ii. 386; letter to, from Brown, ii. 387 ; at Revere House meeting, ii. 389; Smith, Stearns, and, aid John Brown, ii. 390; goes to Canada, ii. 401. Sanford, disagreement of, with Ma son, ii. 3, 4. San Jacinto victory, Preston on, i. 93. Houston in, i. 239. San Juan, captured by British, i. 200; bombardment of, ii. 9, 10. Sardinia, representative of, befriends Kossuth, i. 231. Schenck, in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 ra. Schurz, Carl, supports Seward in convention of 1860, ii. 465 ; in con vention, ii. 469 ra. ; in canvass of 1860, ii. 484 ra., 498; on the South, ii. 489. Scott, Dred, case of, ii. 245, 251-256. Scott, Winfield, foresees civil war, i. 131 ; thwarted by Marcy, i. 247; 532 INDEX desires nomination, i. 253; support ed by Botts, i. 255 ; his opinion of Fugitive Slave law, i. 256; South ern supporters of, i. 258 ; character of, in Mexican war, autobiography of, i. 259; nomination of, i. 262; supported by Wade, Seward, and Greeley, i. 264; military glory of, i. 269, 270; disproves charges against Pierce, i. 271 ; charges against, i. 272; letter of, on naturalization, i. 272, 273 ; anecdotes of, i. 273 ; Haw thorne on, Van Buren on, Western tour of, i. 274 ; at Pittsburgh, at Cleveland, i. 275; at Columbus, i. 275, 276 ; speeches of, published by New York Herald, i. 276; Critten den on, ii. 189 ; letter of, to Crit tenden, ii. 428. Secession, Webster and Clay on, i. 190, 191 ; of Southern States from Charleston and Baltimore conven tions, ii. 452, 474 ; Douglas on, ii. 491, 492. Senate, the United States, i. 33; in last term of Webster, Clay, and Cal houn, i. 119. Seventh-of -March speech of Webster, i. 144-148. Seward, William H. , i. 101 ; Influence of, over Taylor, i. 109,178; first ap pearance of, in Senate, i. 120; did not fear disunion in 1850, i. 131; quoted, i. 133 m. ; on Webster, i. 138 7i., 139 ra.; twice governor of New York, his speech at Cleveland in 1848, i. 162; higher-law doctrine of, i. 163, 164; compared with Web ster, Clay, and Calhoun, i. 165; not the mouthpiece of President Tay lor, i. 166; influenced by J. Q. Ad ams, i. 167; radicals follow, i. 168; opposes compromise scheme, i. 173; on death of Taylor, i. 177; votes on Texas boundary, i. 181 ; absence from Senate of, i. 184; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 187, 188 ; insists on Wilmot proviso, i. 192, 193 ; sup ports Clayton-Bulwer treaty, i. 201 ; on Galphin claim, i. 203 n. ; works with Chase and Wade, i. 229; on Kossuth, i. 237; receives Kossuth, i. 238, 239; sympathy of, for Kos suth, i. 242 ; his influence in Whig convention of 1852, i. 258; public letter of, i. 262; influence of, i. 263: supports Scott, i. 264; on Corwin, i. 300 ; on domestic slave - trade, i. 321 ra. ; visit of, to Culpepper Court house, i. 328 m. ; conversation of, with governor of Richmond, i. 342; on negroes in Virginia, i. 373; speech of, on Kansas - Nebraska bill, i. 453, 454; on Missouri Com promise, Douglas on, i. 454; on op position to Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 463; on Douglas, i. 474, ii. 284; desires to preserve Whig party, ii. 46; influence of, ii. 63; Greeley on, ii. 68,130; compared with Doug las, ii. 69; on Greeley, ii. 72 ra.; de nounces fugitive-slave legislation, ii. 77; Albany speech of, ii. 93-95; on slave-holders, ii. 94, 95; on po litical parties, ii. 95; against South ern oligarchy, ii. 97,98; on Kansas, ii. 99; publication of speech of, ii. 131; on condition of Sumner, ii. 140 m. ; on assault of Brooks, ii. 147 ; political strength of, ii. 174- 176; T. Parker on, ii. 175 ; Bowles on, ii. 175 ra., 436; J. A. King on, Emmet on, to Douglas and Toucey, ii. 176 m; influenced by Weed, ii. 176; letter of, to Baker, ii. 176 ra.; position of, on slavery, ii. 177 ; withdraws from presidential con test, ii. 183 ; on Toombs bill, ii. 191, Reid on, ii. 194 ; letter of, to Weed, ii. 202 ra. ; on Sumner, ii. 215; Dana on, ii. 223, 459 ra., 461; letter of, in campaign of 1856, ii. 227; anecdote of, ii. 236 m.; on Bu chanan and the Supreme Court, ii. 268; Taney on, ii. 270; conference of Walker with, ii. 272, 273; in Senate, ii. 283; Raymond on,ii.296; votes against Lecompton bill, ii. 297 ; English bill opposed by, ii. 299; on Stuart and Broderick, ii. 300; letter of, to his son, ii. 304 n. ; army bill supported by, ii. 303; re ply of, to Hale, ii. 304 ; letter of Chase to, ii. 305 ; embraces doc trine of popular sovereignty, ii. 305-307; Chase on, ii. 307, 459; compared with Lincoln, ii. 327 ; irrepressible-conflict speech of, at Rochester, ii. 344, 346 ; Davis's opinion of, ii. 348; Northern press on, ii. 348, 349; on Cuba bill, ii. 352; Davis on speech of, ii. 373; on the territories, ii. 382 ra. ; informed of movements of John Brown, ii. 389; INDEX 533 accused of assisting John Brown, ii. 402 ; on John Brown, ii. 412, 413; suspicions concerning, ii. 421 n.; suspected by Lamar, ii. 421 ; de nounced by Crawford and Pryor, ii. 422 ; speech of, on disunion, ii. 433, 434; Garrison on, ii. 434,435; Phillips on, ii. 434, 435, 495 ra.; at titude of South towards, ii. 443 ; efforts to nominate, ii. 459; position of, in 1860, ii. 460, 461 ; Pike on, ii. 461; Bryant on, ii. 461, 462: Gree ley against, supported by Weed, ii. 465; opposed by Curtin and Lane, supported by Cameron, ii. 466 ; Lin coln on, ii. 467; enthusiasm for, ii. 468; defeat of, ii. 469, 470; grief of Weed over defeat of, ii. 471 ; Low ell on, ii. 472, 494; Weed and Gree ley, firm of, ii. 472 m. ; on the Afri can slave-trade, ii. 482 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 m. ; on the Republi can party, ii. 485 ; on disunion, ii. 488; on his failure to be nominated president, ii. 493, 494 ; article of on nomination of Lincoln, ii. 494 ; Swett on, Western tour of, ii. 495; on the "irrepressible conflict," ii. 495, 496; letter of, to Lincoln, ii. 498. Sewardism, dread of, in Georgia, i. 262. Seymour, Horatio, nominated for governor, ii. 63. Shadrach, case of negro named,! 209, 210; Parker on, i. 210, 290. Shannon, made governor of Kansas, ii. 103 ; in Wakarusa war, ii. 105 ; asks for United States troops, ii. 106; instructions of Pierce to, ii. 124; Buford's men armed by, ii. 152 m. ; refuses protection to Law rence, ii. 158 ; telegram of Pierce to, ii. 160; troops sent to Pottawat omie region by, proclamation of, ii. 166 ; succeeded by Geary, ii. 217 ; flight of, ii. 229 ; Geary compared with, ii. 237. Sharpe's rifles, in Wakarusa war, n. 105. , J. Sherman, General, on the discovery of gold in California, i. Ill ra. ; on condition of slaves, i. 310, 334 ; on slave-trade, i. 337. Sherman, John, acknowledgment to, i 493 n ¦ on Banks, ii. 117; in com mittee on Kansas, ii. 127 ; threats against, ii. 164; on Kansas, ii. 196; quoted, ii. 228 ra. ; on Lecompte, ii. 238 7i. ; denounced by Clark, ii. 418, 420; "Impending Crisis" recom mended by, ii. 419 ; reply of, to Clark, ii. 420 ; abuse of, ii. 422 ; General Sherman on, ii. 425 ; in contest for speaker, ii. 418, 421, 425, 426 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 m. Sherman, William, murder of, ii. 163. Shields, receives Kossuth, i. 238, 239 ; sympathy of, for Kossuth, i. 242. Silliman, Prof., supports Fremont, ii. 211 ; on campaign of 1856, ii. 234 m. Simmons, of Rhode Island, in Senate, ii. 283 ; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 ra. Simonton, J. W., on Wade and Sew ard, ii. 130 ; threatened by Keitt, ii. 144 ; on Toombs bill, ii. 191 ; on Douglas, ii. 284, 290 ; letter of, on Buchanan, ii. 290. Sims, T., case of negro named, i. 211 ; addresses on surrender of, i. 211-213. Simms, William Gilmore, on slavery, i. 68 ; apology of, for slavery, i. 341 ; on Harriet Martineau's "Mor als of Slavery," i. 342, 343 ; in "Pro -slavery Argument," i. 367, 368 ; works of, i. 348 ra. Sisters of Charity, in yellow fever of 1853, i. 407. Slave labor, Olmsted on, i. 303 ; contrasted with white labor, i. 314. " Slave Laws," Stroud's, i. 309. Slave marriages, position of the Church on, i. 317, 318. Slave-dealers, contempt for, i. 324, 325 ra. Slave-holders, tyranny of, i. 345, 346. Slavery becomes the dominating question, i. 2 ; early features of, i. 3-7; Oglethorpe on, i. 5; White- field on, i. 5 ; William Penn on, i. 6 ; in New England, i. 6 ; English views of, i. 7 ; considered an evil, i. 6 ; Baxter on, i. 8 ; in Virginia and Maryland, i. 8 ; Wesley on, i. 10 ; Jefferson on, i. 10-13, 15 ; Burke on, i. 11, 12 ; extent of, in 18th century, i. 11 ; Massachusetts Supreme Court on, i. 14 ; Metho- 534 INDEX dists on, i. 14 ; not named in the Constitution, i. 17 ; Madison on, i. 21-23, 40; Webster on, i. 27; Clay on, i. 31 ; Seward on, i. 39, ii. 194, 433 ; Garrison on, i. 55, 59, 62, 63 ; in the West Indies, i. 60 ; Chan ging on, i. 64-66, 379; Emerson on, Benton on, Simms on, McDuffie on, i. 68 ; in 1837, i. 72; in Mexico, i. 76 ; attitude of California tow ards, i. 116 ; in territories, Clay resolution respecting, i. 122 ; feel ing in New England against, i. 132 ; Webster on, i. 145-148 ; Davis on, i. 168 ; Clay on, i. 303 ; M. C. Butler on, i. 313 ra. ; Brown low on, i. 354 ; de Tocqueville on, i. 356, 357 ; declaration of German colony regarding, i. 359 ; influence of, on social intercourse, i. 361 ; Herbert Spencer on, i. 362 ra. ; de fended by clergymen, i. 363, 364 ; Southern defence of, Simms on, i. 366 ; essays on, by Southern writ ers, i. 367, 368 ; Prof. Dew on, i. 368 ; scriptural arguments in sup port of, i. 370-372 ; Lincoln on, i. 381, ii. 319, 326, 331, 332, 335, 336, 432; Mommsen on, i. 382, 383; po sition of Pierce on, i. 386 ; in Ne braska, Douglas on, i. 4.26; in Ne braska, provision concerning, i. 427; Douglas on, i. 447, ii 327, 331, 333; Chase on, i. 449, ii. 93; Sumner on, i. 455, 490, ii. 132, 133, 135 ; J. Q. Adams on, i. 494 ; reaction in Boston as to, i. 506 ; Clayton on, ii. 33 n. ; in Ostend manifes to, ii. 43 ; party opposed to, ii. 47 ; position of Republicans on, ii. 48 ; position of Know-nothings on, ii. 89 ; legislation in Kansas on, ii. 99 ; prohibited by Topeka- Kansas convention, ii. 103 ; Banks on, ii. 112 ; discussion of, in Con gress, ii. 117 ; Raymond on, ii. 119 ; Republican convention of 1856 on, ii. 184 ; Buchanan on, ii. 246 ; Taney on, ii. 256, 257 ; Cur tis on, ii. 260 ; Lecompton con vention on, ii. 279 ; John Brown on, ii. 397, 398 ; Republican con vention of 1860 on, ii. 464; Motley ou, ii. 502. " Slavery as It Is," Weld's, i. 309 ra. Slaves, whipping of, i. 309, 325 ; breed ing of, i. 310, 311 ; market value of, i. 315; instruction of , i. 327-330; religious training of,i. 330-332; im morality among, 333, 335, 336. Slave-States, climate of, i. 358. Slave-trade, African, ii. 367-372 ; scheme to reopen, i. 497, ii. 241 ; Douglas on, ii. 369, 370 ; discussed in convention at Vicksburg, ii. 371 ; Davis on, ii. 372. Slave-trade, Cuban, the, ii. 369. Slave-trade, domestic, i. 315 ; in Virginia, i. 316 ; Seward on, i. 321 ;i. ; Chambers on, i. 320-322 ; advertising methods of, i. 323. Slidell, John, on neutrality, ii. 23; as sault of Sumner witnessed by, ii. 148, 149 ; letter of Buchanan to' ii. 170 ; on Cuba bill, ii. 354. Smith, Caleb B., promised cabinet position, i . 466 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 ra. Smith, Gerrit, befriends Jerry, i. 224; denounces Fugitive Slave law, i, 225; nomination of. ii. 186 ra. ; sub scribes money for Kansas, ii. 219; John Brown assisted by, ii. 385- 387, 389, 390, 391 ra. ; on John Brown, ii. 391 n., ii. 399; insanity of, ii. 401. Smith, General, Buchanan on, ii. 237. Socialists, Kossuth's reply to, i. 235. " Society in America," Harriet Mar ti neau's, i. 342. Socrates, Lincoln compared to, ii. 309 ; John Brown compared with, ii. 415. "Softs," Free-soilers merged in, Marcy chief of, i. 389 ; in New York, i. 481. Soule, Mme., criticised by Duke of Alba, ii. 12. Soule, Nelville, duel of, with Duke of Alba, ii. 12, 13. Soule, Pierre, appointed minister to Spain, on Cuba, on abolition, i. 394; Spain hesitates to receive, i. 394, 395; London Times on, speech of to Cuban exiles, i. 395; instructions of Marcy to, ii. 10, 11, 18; costume of, at court of Madrid, ii. 11 ; duel of, with Turgot, ii. 13; position of, at Madrid, ii. 15; letter of, to Cal deron, ii. 19 ; correspondence of, ii. 24, 25; and filibusters, u. 28; letter of Calderon to, ii. 34, 35; compared with Marcy, ii. 35; trying position of, ii. 36 ; letter of President to, protects queen dowager of Spain, INDEX 535 ii. 37; signs Ostend manifesto, ii. 38; Buchanan influenced by, ii. 40; letter of, to Marcy, ii. 41; resigna tion of, ii. 42. South Carolina, convention atCharles- ton, in favor of secession, i. 226; Lieber on, i. 350 m. ; secession of,' from Charleston convention, ii. 451. Southern Literary Company, i. 351. Southern Oligarchy, the, i. 345, 346; represented by Calhoun and Davis, i. 380; Seward on, ii. 98 ra. Southern Pacific Railroad; the, ii. 7. Southern people, character of, i. 359; Lieber on, i. 359 ra. ; how regarded in England, i. 360. Southern prosperity, compared with Northern, i. 354. Southern Rights convention, i. 226. Spain, assured of friendship of United States, i. 218 ; followers of Lopez sent to, i. 220; Soule appointed minister to, i. 394; hesitates to re ceive Soule, i. 395 ; Marcy on, ii. 10, 11; queen of, ii. 14; crisis in, ii. 16; roads of, in 1854, ii. 18; rev olution in, ii. 37; Ostend manifesto on, ii. 39. Spalding, Rufus P., in Republican convention of 1856, ii. 183 ; Bush nell defended by, ii. 364. Spanish army, of Cuba, i. 217. Spanish flag, insult to, i. 221. Spanish minister, demands redress, i. 221 ; note of Webster to, i. 221, 222. Speaker, contest for, in 1855-1856, ii. 108-115. Spencer, Herbert, on climate, i. 358 71. ; on slavery, i. 362 ra. Spoils System, Pierce's rule of, i. 399, 400. Spring, Prof., his story of Kansas, ii. 218. Springfield, Massachusetts, meeting at, condemns Fugitive Slave law, i. 197. St. Michael's Church, in Charleston, ii. 444. Stanton, Edwin M., early encounter of, with Lincoln, ii. 312. Stanton, Frederick P., sent to Kan sas, ii. 272, 273 ; displeases free- State party, ii. 273; in Kansas elec tion, ii. 278 ; removal of, ii. 288, 289. Stanwood, Presidential Elections of, i. 249 m. Stearns, George L., warning of, to John Brown, ii. 389; Brown assist ed by, ii. 390, 391; goes to Canada, ii. 401. Stephens, Alexander H., defends sla very, i. 118, 133 ; criticises Presi dent Taylor, i. 176; pledge of, con cerning compromise, i. 207; sup ports Webster, i. 257; refuses to support Scott, i. 262 ; defends Cor win, i. 298 ra.; Douglas not influenced by, i. 432; on factious opposition, i. 484; in debate on Kansas-Ne braska bill, i. 485; motion of, i. 488 ; on Kansas -Nebraska act, i. 496; on election of Banks, ii. 113; offers advice to Pierce, ii. 120, 121 ; on use of money in 1856, ii. 231 n. ; on Dred Scott case, ii. 255 ; en Walker-Paulding affair, ii. 290; on fight between Keitt and Grow, ii. 298; favors English bill, ii. 299; on secession, ii. 453; on Lincoln's elec tion, ii. 490. Steveus, Thaddeus, against Texas and New Mexico bills, i. 182 ; re mark of, i. 183 ; why opposed to Clay compromise, i. 193 ; pleads cause of Hanaway, i. 224; speech of, on McLean, ii. 183; reply of, to Keitt, ii. 420; in convention of 1860, ii. 469 m. ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 ra. Still, W., on Jerry rescue, i. 224 n. ; "The Underground Railroad "of, ii. 75. Stockton, Commodore, nomination of, ii. 186 ra. Stoddard, R. H, letter of Hawthorne to, i. 399 ra. Stone, George H., acknowledgment to, i. 493 n. Stowe, Harriet B., struggles of, i. 279; Sumner on, i. 280; admired by George Sand, i. 281 m. ; at play of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 282; crit icised, i. 363-365; her description of Douglas, ii. 127-129 ; publica tion of her "Dred," ii. 212. See also "Uncle Tom's Cabin." Stringfellow, on Kansas, ii. 100; in Kansas struggle, ii. 101 ; on Atchi son, ii. 106 m. ; in sacking of Law rence, ii. 158; Stephens on, Toombs influenced by, ii. 190. Stroud, "Slave Laws" of, i. 309. " Studies on Slavery," i. 369. 536 INDEX Stuart, A., made Secretary of Inte rior, i. 179. Stuart, Charles E. , votes against bill for admission of Kansas, ii. 297 ; English bill opposed by, ii. 300; co operation of Seward with, ii. 305 ; agrees with Douglas, ii. 358. Sumner, Charles, address of, on sla very, i. 108 ; on Webster, i. 139 ; on Fugitive Slave law, i. 197, 198, 208, 266-268, 499 ; character of, visits Europe, i. 227 ; views of, on sla very, i. 228, 334 m. ; elected sena tor, i. 228 ; speech of, on Kossuth, i. 237; supports Kossuth, i. 242; presents memorial of Society of Friends, i. 265 ; Clemens on, Hale on, Chase on, Mann on, i. 268 ; on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i. 280; Par ker writes to, i. 289 ;Mason'sdiscour- tesy to, i. 395 ; letter of, to Haw thorne, i. 396 ; signs Appeal of In- dependentDemocrats, i. 442 ; Doug las on, i. 454, ii. 134, 138, 139 ; speech of, against Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 454, 455 ; Douglas answers charge of, i. 474, 475 ; on Kansas-Nebraska act, i. 490; favors formation of new party, ii. 45; amendment of, ii. 77; supplemented by Wilson, ii. '96 ; speech of, on Kansas, ii. 131-135 ; letter of, to Parker, ii. 132 ; Butler on, ii. 132 m. ; on Atchison, ii. 133; Quarterly Review on, ii. 133 n. ; on Butler, ii. 134, 135 ; on Douglas, ii. 135, 137 ; disagreement of, with But ler, ii. 136 ; assaulted by Brooks, ii. 139, 140 ; Seward on condition of, ii. 140 ra. ; return of, to Senate, char acter of, ii. 141, 142 ; Everett on assault of, ii. 143 ; "The Crime against Kansas" of, ii. 147; wit nesses of assault on, ii. 148, 149 ; letters of Parker to, ii. 175, 182; letter of Longfellow to, ii. 212 ; on young men, ii. 215 ; letter of, in campaign of 1856, ii. 223, 224 ; in Senate, ii. 282 ; letter of, to Parker, ii. 297; more radical than Lincoln, ii. 327 ; conversation of, with Lin coln, ii. 339, 340 accused of assist ing John Brown, ii. 402; oration of, on slavery, ii. 476, 477, Grimes on, ii. 477. Sumner, Colonel, sent to Soule, ii. 34; denies request of Shannon for troops, ii. 106; legislature dispersed by, Brown coerced by, ii. 167; Bu ford's men expelled by, ii. 192. Supreme Court, the, De Tocqueville on, ii. 249; members of, in 1857, ii. 250. Swett, Leonard, on Lincoln, ii. 467 ra. Syracuse, meeting at, denounces Fu gitive Slave law, i. 196. Tallmadge, of New York, amend ment of, i. 30, 32. Tammany in convention of 1860, ii. 440. Taney, Chief Justice, character of, Jackson supported by, ii. 250 ; ap pointed Chief Justice, ii. 251 ; in Dred Scott case, ii. 252, 254 ; on Dred Scott decision, ii. 255-257; on Missouri Compromise, ii. 257; er ror of, ii. 260-262; correspondence of , with Curtis, ii. 262; Douglas on, ii. 264; reasoning of, ii. 266; resents charge of Seward, ii. 270; Lincoln on, ii. 270 n., 334 ; position of, on slavery, ii. 359. Tariff question, the, inNewEngland, i. 194; Pierce on, i. 422 ; Buchanan on, ii. 360 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 464, 498, 499 n. ; urged by Curtin, ii. 479; Douglas on, ii. 480; McClure on, ii. 48071. Taylor, Zachary, in Mexico, i. 87 ; elected President, i. 97 ; his char acter, i. 99 ; his cabinet, i. 100 ; on rotation in office, i. 102 ; his change of views, i. 109, 134, 135; on gov ernment of California, i. 110; on California and New Mexico, i. 119; his relations with Clay, i. 121; firm ness of, towards Southern Whigs, i. 133, 134 ; answers Toombs, i. 133; opposes compromise scheme, i. 175 ; illness of, criticised by Ste phens and Toombs, i. 176 ; death of, mourning for, Seward on,i. 177; on Texas and New Mexico, i. 190 ; charges against cabinet of, i. 204; European agent of, i. 205 ; thwart- • ed by Marcy, i. 247 ; political suc cess of, i. 259. Tehuan tepee, proposed route through, i. 199, 201. Tell, William, Kossuth compared to, i. 237. Temperance legislation in Maine, ii. 49 ; in other States, ii. 50. INDEX 537 Tennessee, secession of, from Balti more convention, ii. 474. Territorial question, the, Seward on i. 163, 164. Territories, slavery in, i. 93-98; report of Douglas on, i. 425-428. Terry.duel of , with Broderick, ii. 377 378; death of, ii. 379. Texas, Webster opposed to annexa tion of, i. 77, 78, 79, ii. 33; admis sion of, i. 85 ; public debt of, Clay resolution as to, i. 122; Clay on, i. 125, 126 ; Webster on, i. 152 ; Tay lor's attitude towards, i. 190 ; debt of, i. 189; H. H. Bancroft on debt of, i. 189 ra. ; Stephens on, i. 190 ; Ev erett on, i. 295; German colony of, i. 358; annexation of, i. 386, 387 ; secession of, from Charleston con vention, ii. 451. Texas boundary bill, discussed, i. 181; passed, i. 182 ; Giddings against, i. 189. Texas question, the, i.75; Congresson, i. 77, 81 ; Democrats on, i. 77; Web ster on, i. 77, 86 ; Upshur on, i.78; Great Britain on, i. 81 ; Clay on, i. 83. Thackeray, William M., on slaves, i. 374 ra. ; letter of, from Richmond, i. 377 ra. Thayer, Eli, efforts of, in Kansas, sustained by Greeley, ii. 78 ; meth ods of, ii. 79 ; in convention of, 1860, ii. 469 m. Thompson, of Mississippi, in Bu chanan's cabinet, ii. 247; influence of, in Kansas, ii. 277. Thoreau on John Brown, ii. 413, 414. Thorwaldsen, group of, in Crystal Palace exhibition, i. 415. Thucydides, plague described by, i. 405 ; quoted, ii. 489. Ticknor, George, on Channing, i. 64; on gold fever, i. 113 m. ; on "Un cle Tom's Cabin," i. 284; letters of B. R. Curtis to, ii. 186 n., 253; Fillmore supported by, ii. 206 m. Tod, David, in Baltimore convention, ii. 475. Toombs, Robert, in favor of slavery*, i. 118, 133, 194; criticises President Taylor, i. 176; against California bill, i. 182; pledge of, concerning compromise, i. 207; supports Web ster,! 257; refuses to support Scott, i. 262; Douglas not influenced by, i, 431, 432; on compromise of 1850, i-461 ; advises Pierce, ii. 121; sees assault of Sumner, ii. 148; bill of, on Kansas, ii. 189, 196 ; lecture of, in Boston, ii. 190; character of,ii.l91; on Fremont, ii. 204 ; in Southern triumvirate, ii. 294 ; colloquy of, with Wade, ii. 295 ; Raymond on, ii. 296; on Cuba bill, ii. 353. Topeka Constitution, ratification of, ii. 107; illegality of, ii. 195. Tocqueville, de, on amalgamation, i. 335 ; on mulattoes, i. 339, 340; on slavery,! 356, 357; on abolition, i. 366; on negro insurrection, i. 376 ; on the Supreme Court, ii. 249. Toucey, of Connecticut, bill of, to enforce Fugitive Slave law, ii. 77; remark of Seward to, ii. 176 ; in Buchanan's cabinet, ii. 246, 247. Toussaint, influence of, i. 352, ii. 401. Townsley,in Pottawatomie massacre, ii. 163. Tribune, New York, influence of, ii. 71, 72; anecdotes of, ii. 72 ra. Trumbull, Lvman, elected senator, ii. 62 ; in Senate, ii. 130, 283 ; on Toombs bill, ii. 191 ; Lincoln de feated by, ii. 311; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 ra. Turgot, Marquis de, challenged by Pierre Soule, wounded by Soule, ii. 13; instructed to crush Soule, ii. 14. Turkey releases Kossuth, i. 231. Turkish governor and Koszta, i. 417. Turner, Nat, insurrection of, i. 57, 327 ; Douglass, Frederick, threat ened with fate of, i. 330 ; effect of insurrection of, i. 377; admired by John Brown, ii. 162. Tyler, President, and Texas, i. 79,85, 87; character of, i. 79; cabinet of, i. 143; contrasted with Fillmore, i. 302; appoints Cushing minister to China, i. 391; on disunion, ii. 209. Tyler, Samuel, remark of Taney to, ii. 270 Ullman, Know-nothing candidate for governor, ii. 64. "Uncle Tom's Cabin," influence of, i. 278; publication of, Macaulay on, sale of in England, Whittier on, Longfellow on, Lowell on, Choate on, Garrison on, Sumner on, i. 280; Emerson on, i. 280 n. ; reception of, in Paris, i. 281 ; letter in N. Y. 538 INDEX Tribune on, Heine and George Sand on, i. 281 m. ; Lord Palmer ston on, suppressed in Italy, dra matized, i. 282; acted in London and Paris, i. 283; G. Ticknor on, effect of, on young men, i. 284, 285; criticised, i. 324 ; Fanny Kemble and Olmsted on, i. 363; Frederick Douglass on, i. 364; circulation of, in South, i. 376; fidelity of, i. 377; on Underground Railroad, ii. 76; influence of, ii. 131; compared with Helper's "Impending Crisis," ii. 419. Underground Railroad, the, routes of, ii. 74; book of William Still on. May on, ii. 75; work accomplished by, ii. 76, 77; atOberlin, ii. 361,362. Union, the, fears of Webster and oth ers for, i. 130-132; Seward on main tenance of, i. 165. Union, La, of New Orleans, de nounces Cuban expedition, i. 220; mob attacks office of, i. 221. Union degree adopted by Know- nothings, ii. 87, 88. Union-savers, the, Phillips on, Bry ant on, ii. 428. United States Bank, war of, with Jackson, ii. 250. Upshur on the Texas question, i. 78. Utah, slavery not prohibited in, i. 181 ; Douglas on New Mexico and, i. 448. Utah bill, i. 182 ; language of, ap plied in Nebraska bill, i. 428. Utrecht, treaty of, and slavery, i. 7. Vallandigham, C. L., address of, at Dayton, i. 195; reply of Brown to, ii. 397. Van Buren, John, influence of, with Pierce, i. 421 ; ietter of, on report of Douglas, i. 429. Van Buren, Martin, nominated for President, i. 97 ; declares for Pierce, i. 264; on Scott and Pierce, i. 274. Vanderbilt, Commodore, interested in the Nicaragua Canal, i. 199. Vechteu, Van, Philip, lieutenant un der Lopez, i. 220 ra. Vindication, Forney's, quoled.ii. 341m. Virginia, Professor Dew on, i. 368; secession of, from the Baltimore convention, ii. 474. Virginians, the, the nation established by, i. 379. Volney, Lincoln influenced by, ii. 312. Wade, Benjamin F., compared with Sumner, i. 227 ; early life of, forms partnership with Giddings, i. 228 ; works with Seward and Chase, i.' 229; supports Scott, i. 264; votes for Sumner's amendment, i. 269; speech of, against Kansas-Nebras ka bill, character of, i. 452; reply of, to Badger, i. 452, 453; favors formation of new party, ii. 45; on Toombs bill, ii. 192; in Senate, ii. 283; in debate on Kansas, ii. 293; reply of, to Toombs, ii. 295; against Lecompton bill, ii. 297; agreement of, with Cameron and Chandler, ii. 298; letter of, to Pike, ii. 302; re ply of, to Toombs, ii. 353; nomina tion of, desired, ii. 459; in cam paign of 1860, ii. 484 m. Wade, Edward, signs Appeal of In dependent Democrats, i. 442. Wakarusa war in Kansas, ii. 105, 106. Walker, Francis A., on class mulat to, i. 341 ra. Walker, Robert J., appointed gov ernor of Kansas, ii. 271, 272; proc lamation of, ii. 274; denounced by Davis and Brown, letter of Bu chanan to, ii. 275; popularity of, ii. 276; in Kansas election, ii. 277, 278; reply of, to John Calhoun, ii. 280; firmness of, ii. 281; resigna tion of, ii. 288; favors English bill, ii. 301. Walker, William, in Nicaragua, ii. 242; arrested by Paulding, ii. 289; Stephens on, ii. 290. Wall Street, panic in, of October, 1860, ii. 500. Wallace, Kossuth compared to, i. 237. Wanderer, the, negroes landed by, ii. 368; Buchanan on, ii. 369. Warner, Charles Dudley, on New York Tribune, ii. 71 ra. Washburn, Israel, on Douglas, ii. 306. Washburne, E. B., letter of Lincoln to, ii. 182; on convention of 1856, ii. 182 ra. ; on McLean, ii. 183. Washington, city of, Oliphant on, ii. 9 ra. Washington, Colonel Lewis, arrested INDEX 539 by John Brown, ii. 394 ; on John Brown, ii. 395. Washington, George, on negro sol diers, i. 13, 14; as a slave-owner, i. 21; Kossuth compared to, i. 237; non-intervention doctrine of, i. 242; letter of, on fugitive slave, i. 267; Sumner on precept of, i. 268; slaves of, i. 315, 316; letter of, i. 316 ra. ; on price of land, on slavery, i. 356 ; civil dress of, ii. 5 ; saying of, ii. 51; position of, on slavery in territories, ii. 259; policy of, ii. 502. Washington, Mrs., escaped slave of. i. 267. Washington Treaty, work of Web ster on, i. 140, 143. Wayland's "Moral Science" criticised at South, i. 351, 369. Wayne, Justice in Supreme Court, ii. 250; urges Taney to write an opin ion, ii. 254, 255. Webb, James Watson, denounces Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 463; on Seward, ii. 307. Webster, Daniel, on Ordinance of 1787, i. 16 ; on cotton interest, i. 26; on nullification, i. 42 ; and Calhoun, i. 50 ; on the Union and the Consti tution, i. 51 ; on slavery, in 1837, i. 72 ; on the Texas question, i. 77, 87; and Lord Ashburton, i. 78 ; on the Oregon question, i. 86; on the Mex ican war, i. 91, 145 ; on the Cal houn theory, i. 98 ; last term of, in Senate, i. 119; anxiety of, for the Union, i. 131 ; intellectual endow ment of, i. 137 ; Marshall on, i. 138; Ticknor on, i. 138, 140, 142; Sumner on, Hallam on, Carlyle on physique of, Quincy on, i. 139 ; early life of, reply of to Hayne, work of on Washington treaty, Harriet Martineau on, i. 140; at Marshfield, i. 141 ; couplet on, i. 141 m. ; ambition of, i. 142 ; in Ty ler's cabinet, resists Clay, charges against, i. 143, 157, 158; his seventh- of -March speech, i. 144-148; on Methodist Episcopal Church, 1. 145 ; on slavery, i. 145-147 ; supports Clay's compromise, i. 149; on New Mexico, i. 149, 152; Giddings on, i. 149 154,158; on Northern abolition ists] i. 152; on fugitive slaves,! 147 153 153,187; Fugitive Slave bill of, i. 153 ti. ; Whittier on, i. 155 ; testimonials to, i. 156 ; Calhoun on, Foote on, 1 157; Emerson on, i. 159; denies inconsistency, i. 159 ra. ; com pared with Burke, i. 160, 161 ; on Hamilton, i. 161 ; influence of, on civil war, i. 161 m. ; Seward re buts argument of, ! 164; on Sew ard, i. 166 ra. ; views of, i. 169 ; in committee on Clay resolutions, i. 171 ; supports compromise scheme, Greeley on, i. 173 ; on Nashville convention, i. 174; on Fillmore, i. 178 ; made Secretary of State, fa vors compromise, i. 179, 184; sup ports Fugitive Slave law, 1 188; on secession, i. 190, 191 ; cabinet ob jects to paper of, i. 190 m. ; justifi cation of, i. 191, 192; supports Clay- ton-Bulwer treaty, i. 201; Htilse- mann letter of, i. 205, 206; and Mexican debt, i. 213 ; vindicated by House of Representatives, i. 214 ; gift to, i. 214, 215 ; salary of, Al len's attack on,.i. 215; on Spain and Cuba, i. 218 ; corresponds with Spanish minister, i. 221 ; praised by Lord Palmerston, i. 222 ; declines to attend banquet to Kossuth in New York, i. 236 ; on Kossuth, i. 238 ; speech of, at banquet to Kos suth in Washington, i. 239, 240 ; age of, when desiring presidency, i. 244; approves Whig platform of 1852, i. 253; Choate on, i. 255; votes received by, i. 256 ; supported by Toombs and Stephens, i. 257 ; at tempt to nominate, i. 257, 258 ; de feat of, i. 260; literary project of, letter of to Everett, i. 260 m. ; at Boston, tribute to Boston of, i. 263; extract from Parker's scrap-bopk, i. 263 ra. ; death of, i. 285 ; last words to his family, i. 286 ; mourning for, Everett on funeral of, i. 287 ; ser- monson, i. 288; letter of Motley on, i. 288 m. ; Parker's sermon on,i. 288, 289, 290; secures appointment for Everett, i. 292 ; letter of, to Ev erett, i. 292, 293 ; in affair of Lo- bos Islands, i. 297 ; letter of, to Cap tain Jewett, i. 297 ra. ; quoted, i. 365 ra. ; Marcy compared to, i. 417; interpreted by Everett,! 457; Doug las on Everett's interpretation of, i. 474; influence of, ii. 74; against Taney, recommends Curtis, ii. 251 ; 540 INDEX Dana on, ii. 262; scouts Calhoun doctrine, ii. 276 ; Hale on, ii. 304; Lincoln inspired by, ii. 314, 327; referred to by Douglas, ii. 322; com pared with Lincoln, ii. 332, 333, 342 ; Garrison on, ii. 434; supported by Ashmun, ii. 463. Webster regiment, sings John Brown song, ii. 416. Weed, Thurlow, i. 101; Memoirs of, quoted, i. 134 ra. ; on seventh-of- March speech, i. 166 ?i. ; autobiogra phy of, quoted, i. 205 ; denounces Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 463 ; Sew ard influenced by, ii. 46, 68, 176 ra. ; influence of, ii. 63; letter of Sew ard to, ii. 72 ra. ; sympathy of, with fugitive slaves, ii. 75; supports Fremont, ii. 177, 183; on Seward, ii. 236 ra. ; on firm of Seward, Weed and Greeley, ii. 305; letter of Bowles to, ii. 436; project of, ii. 461, 462: in convention of 1860, ii. 465 ; Gree ley on, ii. 470 ; grieved at defeat of Seward, ii. 471 ; letter of Swett to, ii. 495; letter of Lincoln to, ii. 497; on the f usionists, ii. 500. Welles, Gideon, in convention of 1860, ii. 469 n. Wentworth, John„supports Fremont, ii. 177. Western Reserve, bar of, i. 229. Whig Convention of 1852, i. 243, 252; platform of, I 253; speech of Choate in, i 254, 255; nominates Scott, i. 256. Whig party, dissolution of, i. 185; extinction of, i. 285; principles of, ii. 47; Seward on, ii. 95. Whigs, Northern, for and against compromise, I 184, 207. Whigs on slavery, I 107, 108. Whigs, Southern, on admission of California, I 133 ; influenced by Clay, i. 135 ; support Clay, i. 192. Whitefield on slavery, i. 5, 10. Whitfield, election of, ii. 80; in House, ii. 126; Missourians com manded by, ii. 167; illegal elec tion of, ii. 197; exclusion of, ii. 201. Whitney's cotton-gin, i. 19, 25. Whittier, on Garrison, i 75; poem of, on Webster, i. 155; on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," i 280; Fremont sup ported by, ii. 212; quoted, ii. 236; in campaign of 1860, ii. 485. Wide-awakes, the, origin of, ii. 224 ra. ; organization of, ii. 483; how re garded at the South, ii. 487. Wilkinson, murder of, ii. 163. William III. and slavery, i. 7. Willis, N. P. , declares for Fremont ii. 212. Wilmot, David, in convention of 1860, ii. 463; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. Wilmot proviso, i. 89, 90; Mann on, i. 132; Southern feeling respecting, i. 134-136 ; not applied to New Mexico, i. 182 ; excluded from Compromise measures, i. 191 ; Hale on, i. 193 ; stifled by Kansas-Ne braska act, i. 498; Benjamin on, ii. 293 ; voted for by Lincoln, ii. 310. Wilson, General, address of, on Fill more, i. 297 m. Wilson, Henry, quoted, i. 134 ra. ; against Fugitive Slave law, i. 212; on election of Sumner, i. 228 n. ; supports Hale, i. 264 ; elected to Senate, ii. 66 ; and Northern Know- nothings, ii. 90; rise of, ii, 96; leaves Know-nothing party, ii. 97; speech of, on Kansas question, ii. 130; speech of, published, ii. 131; chal lenged by Brooks, ii. 145 ; on Toombs bill, ii. 191 ; on disunion, ii. 208; in campaign of 1856, ii. 223; visit of, to Kansas, ii. 275; in Senate, ii. 282; on Douglas and Broderick, ii. 300 ; policy of, as to Douglas, ii. 306 ; letter of, to Howe, ii. 389; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484; re mark of Douglas to, ii. 491. Winthrop, Robert C, Whig candi date for speaker, i. 117; succeeds Webster in Senate, against Fugi tive Slave law, i. 182; at celebra tion of Lundy's Lane, i. 270; holds aloof from Republican party, ii. 97; on Kansas, ii. 189 71. ; supports Fillmore, ii. 206. Wise, Henry A., on Know-nothings, ii. 56, 88 ; supports Buchanan, ii. 170, 171; on Fremont, ii. 205; on campaign of 1856, ii. 209; public letter of, ii. 290; on John Brown, ii. 398; demand of, for Gerrit Smith, ii. 401. Wood, Dr., attends Taylor, i. 176. Woodford, S. L., in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. INDEX Woodson, instructions of, to Colonel Sumner, ii. 167. Wortley, Lady, on condition of slaves, 1. 373. Yale College welcomes Kossuth i. 235. Yancey, William L., speech of, in 541 Charleston convention, ii. 447, 448- against Douglas, ii. 452. Yates, Edmund, letter of, to the wom en of England, i. 319 ra. Yellow fever, in New Orleans, i. 400, 402-413 ; compared with plague of fourteenth century, i. 413 ra. • in 1858, ii. 350. END OF VOL. II. When Miss Dawes's Life of Sumner, Trent's Life of William Gilmore SimrJi, and Page's The Old South were published, the work of the printer was so far advanced that I was unable to make use of them. I am sensible that there are two sides to the question which divided the North and the South. I have tried to look fairly upon the Southern side ; but as a com mentary on much that I have written, and especially on Chapter IV., I am glad to commend to my readers chapter vi. of Trent's Simms and the chapters of Page's book entitled "The Old South," "Authorship in the South before the War," and " Social Life in Old Virginia before the War." YALE UNIVERSITY a39002 002506310b .. :. !Si$$&&i$ ¦;:.'¦ ^.¦r,-::-:-''?':'V:^0\.. '$"0\