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REMARKS
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WAR WITH AMERICA,

PROBABLE CONSEQUENCES' TO THAT COUNTRY.

LONDON:
JOHN OLLIVIER, 59, PALL MALL.
1840.

THOUGHTS

WAR WITH AMERICA.

There is at present very serious danger, that
the pertinacious aggression of a small and not par
ticularly respectable portion of the great Ame
rican Republic, backed by that unprincipled ambi
tion and restless jealousy of England, which unfor
tunately is so much a characteristic of the more
thoughtless (unhappily also more numerous) of the
citizens of the Union, will force us, against the
most earnest wishes and deliberate opinions of all
that is respectable on both sides of the Atlantic,
into that misfortune to civilization, to avoid which
we have made such sacrifices and suffered such in
sults, which we even now most sincerely deplore —
a war with America.
It is a melancholy consideration too that even the
peaceful settlement of the Boundary Question would
not ensure a durable peace. There is a party in
the States, flushed with the unparalleled progress
their country is making, eager to assume the

2
sovereignty of the seas and the leadership of the
civilized world, and believing it possible to do so,
who look forward to a trial of strength with the
mother country with exulting anticipation, and
whose skirmishers have already appeared on the
borders. There are plenty more too who long for a brush
anywhere and anyhow, Texas or Canada, Florida
or New Brunswick, it is all the same to them, and
these men are stirring, and energetic, and operate
heavily upon the movements of 16,000,000 of a
civilized and powerful race.
These are grave considerations for us ; but it
would be well if the Americans would be made to
feel that a terrible disaster, which they do not yet
fully understand, is menacing them, and would
learn to controul that irregular ambition which will
surely, sooner or later, bring its own punishment.
A war between these two nations can neither be
a military promenade nor an interchange of proto
cols. It must be cold, sullen, and deadly, root and
branch work.
The present matter in dispute may be briefly
stated thus —
In the treaty of peace between Great Britain
and the United States, signed at Paris in 1783
recognising the independence and defining the
boundaries of the Union, those boundaries were^
either wilfully or ignorantly, laid down in so con.

fused a manner on paper, that when it was neces'
sary to lay them down on the ground, it was found
that no less an amount than 20,000,000 acres
was doubtful property.
This total was, however, gradually reduced by
concessions by the British Government to a tract of
land north of the state of Maine, being; a right
angled triangle of about 120 miles by 100, and
containing about 11,000,000 acres.
It was not occupied nor claimed during the war
of 1814 by the Americans; but as the population
pressed upon it, the question of sovereignty was
mooted by them, and accordingly a convention was
entered into between the two Governments on the
29th of September, 1827, whereby the whole mat
ter was referred with full powers to an arbiter, the
King of Holland ; Mr. Canning, Lord Aberdeen,
and Lord Glenelg, being the Statesmen most con
cerned, while the case was prepared by Mr. Ad-
dington, Sir Stratford Canning, and Sir Charles
Vaughan. The Convention set forth that " the decision of
the arbiter, when given, shall be final and conclu
sive, and it shall be carried, without reserve, into
immediate effect."
The documents on both sides were presented to
the King of Holland on the 10th of January,
1829, and on the 10th of January, 1831, his Ma
jesty gave his final award, whereby two-thirds of
B 2

the disputed territory was to belong to Maine, and
one-third to New Brunswick,
Unfavourable as this decision was, the British
Government acquiesced; but the American Minister
at the Hague, himself belonging to the State of
Maine, and employed in getting up its case, in
stantly protested against it, and the award, after
going through various forms and delays, was in
short refused by the States.
One objection to it was, that the King of Hol
land had lost Belgium in the mean time. This,
gravely offered as a reason to a British Minister,
presents a sublimity of practical impudence, of
which no European brain is capable. Another
was, that though the King of Holland had power
to decide between the two lines, he had none to
strike out a fresh one as he did. Yet the treaty of
Ghent expressly says, that if the Commissioners do
not agree, they shall refer " whatever differences
might arise" to some friendly sovereign or state.
A third was, that he did not decide at all, which,
if it means anything, means that he did not occupy
the country in dispute with Dutch troops, and
deliver it over with proper military and civil for
malities to the several authorities, as if an arbiter
was bound to execute his own judgment.
On the 9th of February, 1831, Lord Palmer-
ston enclosed the award to Mr. Vaughan, then
Mm.ster at Washington, and wrote to say that he

was very busy (God help him), and that if the
Americans gave any trouble, he was to answer,
" You are not prepared to enter into any discussion
upon such a subject, and you can only transmit the
communication to your Government for its consi
deration." There were no Atlantic steamers in those
days, so his Lordship was pretty safe for three or
four rough parliamentary months, and took his
ease accordingly. Accordingly also, the Maine
people went to work, and in August, 1831, elected
town ofiicers at a place in the disputed territory;
but on the British side of the King of Holland's
line, called Madawaska, which act the then Go
vernor of Maine, with that grave humour which
seems to characterise all American communications
to us, calls, in a sort of apologetical note to Sir
Archibald Campbell, " organising themselves into
a corporation ;" but he says nothing about its
being an American corporation, which it was.
The principal performers were imprisoned by the
British authorities, and the Governor of Maine
sent to ask as a favour between friends that they
might be released, and Sir Archibald having no
particular fancy for keeping men, even town
ofiicers, in prison, complied, which leniency the
gentlemen in Maine, with true transatlantic logic,
instantly converted into an admission, that they
had been wrongfully imprisoned.
This sort of thing went on with variations for

6
some

years, till the outbreak in Canada produced
in the eyes of the people of Maine the proper state
of affairs for pressing their peculiar views, and they
did so with great clamour and violence. Whether
it ever entered into' their heads that the rebellion
might be suppressed and the army in Canada yet
remain doubled does not appear.
I have not entered into the geographical part of
the question, as that has already been abundantly
discussed elsewhere ; but it may be remarked, that
it is quite impossible that the British Commissioner,
Mr. Oswald, who negociated the boundaries in
1783, could have intended to give up a tract of
land which is absolutely necessary to us for our
communication with our colonies, and not likely
that the American Commissioner would have at
that time set much value upon that particular spot,
and the line claimed by the Americans is therefore
evidently an unnatural one. The object of the
foregoing observations is merely to shew that in
this case, as a.lso with respect to the piratical in
cursions into Canada during the late rebellion, we
have yielded and forborne till forbearanpe is ex
hausted, and if we now enter into a war, we at
least enter with clean hands.
Let us then look it boldly in the face, and I do
trust that the more the matter is examined and
sifted, the more ground shall we flnd for confidence
in the result.

There are not very many people in England,
and fewer still in America^ that are at all aware of
the enormous offensive power that this country pos
sesses with respect to that of America, before a single
soldier or a single sailor, is brought into action.
Most look upon hostilities against the States as some
thing resembling an attack upon an Arab tribe,
an object intangible, yet capable of doing very
serious mischief, which cannot be brought to de
cisive action, but which can and does at its own
convenience, deliver harassing attacks and wage
desultory warfare till it wearies out and finally de
feats its antagonist. They point to the fatal 1783,
and the inconclusive 1815, and predict like results
from causes that are not like. The past is not
here the mirror of the future, for the present offers
objects that the past knew not ; and those who say
that the power and resources of the Union are
quadrupled, or sextupled, should remember that its
vulnerability is centupled.
If the old deadly error of an invasion were re
newed, the same disasters would attend it in a
much more serious form than before, for the in
creased facilities of communication on the American
continent, would enable such numbers to assemble
in a few hours, that no army could maintain itself
in the country, and if the troops advanced far we
should probably be again called upon to witness
the degrading spectacle of a British army laying

8
down its arms, which God forbid we should live
to see. But the true attack upon America is not
upon her territory, but upon her export trade, and
it is to that object that these observations are
mainly directed.
It must be borne in mind, that a transatlantic
war differs, toto ccelo^ from an European one. The
bannered pomp of chivalry that stirs the nations
when kings are arming, and the trained and de
voted children of disciplined war assemble with
high hearts and a fierce gladness round the princes
and chiefs of the land, is not here and cannot be.
Commerce steam money ; money steam com
merce, are the hinges upon which this question
must turn. The way to bring a war with America
to an end is to make it not only distasteful, but as
far as possible, ruinous to every individual in the
States that can be reached. Whether the means
set forth in the following pages are equal to this
end, is for the reader to judge.
The matter divides itself into two great branches
— the defence of Canada, and the attack upon the
sea board.
With regard to the first it is to be hoped that
neither men nor money will be squandered in use
less expeditions, which will always stand a fair
chance of failure, and that nothing will be allowed
to interfere with its primary business of taking
care of itself, a task to which it is abundantly equal.

That long line of defence, stretching from the
desert to the ocean, marked and protected by a
mighty river and sea-like lakes, rests its right upon
tribes of friendly Indians, valuable allies of recently
proved fidelity, forming first-rate irregular frontier
troops, and villages of blacks, escaped from slavery
on the other side of the frontier, whose hostility
to the Americans is based on the sure foundation
of the instinct of self-preservation. These men, to
whom defeat would be a return to slavery, might,
under British officers, be rapidly organised into
formidable and trust-worthy battalions.
The necessity of instantly, on the first outbreak,
establishing a flotilla sufiiciently strong to sweep
her lakes of hostile vessels is apparent, as it cannot
be permitted that the inhabitants of the frontier
should be perpetually worried by piratical descents
as in 1838-9; and, in fact, insufiicient protection
would most seriously impair their allegiance.
In the improbable event of a regular invasion of
Canada, it may be well to recollect that the strength
of the American regular army is 12,000 men. (I am
not certain that it has not been recently augmented
to 15,000.) That of these, 7000 are engaged in an
unjust and unsuccessful war with the Seminole
Indians in Florida, as well as in an attempt to pos
sess themselves of the land of others, and the rest
are mostly in garrison in western forts. Many of
these are also British deserters. It is clear, there ^

10
fore, that any invading army must consist mainly
of militia, not only undisciplined, but who will
not submit to discipline. This advancing force,
not very formidable in itself, might easily, by the
action of the irregular bodies above-mentioned,
and of whatever colonial troops naight.be raised on
the frontier, be so kept together and compressed
that the system of tree fighting, so favourable to
the Americans in their own country, might be put
quite out of the question. They would have to
debate the matter, in masses, prpfessionally with
the British regulars, and ithe Lord have mercy on
them. A finer body of troops than those now
serving in Canada never took the field.
Before leaving this partiof th« subjiect, a measure
presents itself, which, objectionable as it rnust be
admitted to be in principle, nevertheless offers such
very large advantages in practice, that it must, at
all events, be taken into consideration in any sys
tem for the defence of Canada.
I mean that of offering a free pardon to British
deserters. The number of these unhappy men in
the States is very epnsiderable, and it is well known
that most of them would joyfully return to their
colours, if permitted.
Such an accession of trained soldiers would be
valuable in itself at such a time, and it is more than
probable that instead of increasing it would have
the effect of checking desertion for the future as

11
liheir accounts of the privations they had endured
spread through the army.
The feeble army of the States would also suffer
by this measure both in numbers and mutual con
fidence, and the war, by making the Union uncom
fortable to the innumerable British emigrants who
swarm there, would probably cause a large influx
of these persons into Canada, where they are in any
case much wanting, and where, being unemployed,
they would readily, if required, take military ser
vice for the time.
The war upon the Eastern coast would necessa
rily assume, in a great degree, a character of block
ade and privateering. I «hall not enter into a
comparison between the British and American
navies, further than to state that the Aniericans
have eleven ships of the line, of which four are on
the stocks ; seventeen frigates, of which six are on
the stocks ; and twenty-eight small craft, with num
bers of British seamen on hoard. Their steam navy
consists of one frigate, an^ I believe one building.
Now, we have no less than seventy-four war
steamei5s (and six ordered), of which twenty-four
exceed 700 tons, including the Gorgon 1190,
Cyclops 1111, &c. &c.
But it is from a comparison between the com
mercial steam marine of the two countries, that an
idea can be be^t formed of the fearful odds in fa
vour of this country, in a contest of which steam
privateering must be a most important element.

12
The number of British steamers in 1839, as given
in the Companion to the Almanac for 1840, was
810 ; tonnage, 157,840; horse power, 63,250. That
of America was 800; tonnage, 155,000; horse
power, 57,000; but these are nearly all river
steamers, and not above ten or twelve capable of
facing or keeping the sea, while of the British 280
are sea going, and even since that period the British
Queen, President, &c. &c. have appeared.
These are not fit to be converted into regular
war steamers, carrying heavy guns, though they
might even serve in regular naval war, as tugs, and
in conveying stores or men, or carrying messages,
but they could carry a suflicient armament to make
them irresistible to merchantmen, as privateers,
while they would be exposed to little damage them
selves, as their steam would enable them to get
away from any vessel of superior force they might
meet, and of course they would have orders to keep
at a respectful distance from any American pennant.
The expense of keeping these vessels at sea
would be considerable, but Joint-Stock companies
spring up so readily, that there is little doubt but
that when letters of marque were issued they would
be eagerly grasped at.
Indeed, it is currently stated that letters of
marque against the Neapolitans have already been
applied for, even by gentlemen's yachts, and re
fused ; and the effect of steamers in such a service
may be judged by the enormous number of vessels

13
captured in a few days, by Capt. Robinson, with
the Hydra.
And even the geographical bearings of this ques
tion, which at first sight appears against us, are
really in our favour. Hear what Capt. Marryat
says :
" It is remarkable that along the whole Eastern
" coast, from Halifax, in Nova Scotia, to the Gulf
" of Mexico, there is not one good open harbour.
" The majority of the American harbours are
" barred at the entrance, so as to preclude a fleet
" running in and out to manoeuvre at pleasure. In-
" deed, if the tide does not serve, there are few of
" them in which a line of battle ship could take
" refuge if hard pressed. A good spacious harbour,
" easy of access, like that of Halifax, in Nova Sco-
" tia, is one of the few natural advantages — per-
" haps the only natural advantage — wanted in the
" United States."
Now, the exclusive possession of a '* good spa
cious harbour, easy of access," in the theatre of war
is no trifle, and when the West-Indian ports to
the south are considered, it will appear that for all
practical purposes, such as taking in fuel, stores,
&c. for repair, and sending in prizes, our steamers
would be quite as near home, or what is. as good
as home, as the Americans. That is to say, if
they ever shew a steamer at sea, which is somewhat
doubtful, for amongst their other difliculties, they

14
have to set their coals from us, and a vessel could
hardly keep the sea with wood for fuel.
There can be little doubt, but, that in the early
part of the war, these privateers would make
enormous prizes ; in fact, it is difficult to conceive
how any merchantmen could escape them ; at all
events, the 2,000,000 tons, of which the American
mercantile navy consists, would afford very pretty
pickings. Many will object, upon principle, to a
war carried on by privateering, but it is always to
be remembered, that an American war differs from
any other. In this case, there is no great national
interest to be protected, no national honour to be
vindicated. The strip of land which they unjustly
— and since the arbitration of the King of Holland—
dishonestly claim, is to them utterly valueless;
they have plenty of land, and better land, to spare.
To us it is useless, except as a communication with
the provinces further west, but, in that point of
view, utterly and absolutely indispensable.
There is, in short, nothing on their side to dig
nify the war, into which their evil passions, spring
ing rankly under a powerless government, are
dragging us, and those individual passions must
be chastised and tamed, through their individual
interests. They must be starved into good conduct
by cutting off their commerce, and we have the
power to do so. Much of this evil arises from the
powerless nature of the general governmentj but

15
we are not bound to suffer, for ever, the insults and
injuries we have so long borne from the borderers ;
and if the general government cannot put down
the borderers, let it beware, lest the borderers put
down the general government.
But heavily as privateering would tell against the
Americans, there is yet worse to come. It is well
ascertained, that, in their commercial marine, very
few of the able seamen are natives. The skippers
and officers are, but, before the mast, are found
principally foreigners, of whom the great majority
are English.
The total number of men employed, is estimated
by Captain Marryat, at 8-5,000^; of whom, 45,000
are supposed to be employed as cooks, stewards,
&c. &c., or on board steamers, and worth little as
sailors ; bfut of the whole number, no less than
30,000 are English. The annexed table of wages
will explain this. Monthly Wages to Able Seamen.
American Merchant Ships , - ^3 1 0
British ditto - 2 2 to 2 10
American Men of War - - 2 0
British ditto - - 1 14
The fact is, the men go to the Americans for high
wages, and would leave them for higher, and the
offer by the British gpvernrhent of £4. a month to
able seamen, or perhaps even £5. if necessary, would
absolutely paralyze the American Navy, both mer
cantile and military ; at the same moment that it

16
would re-unite under the British flag the best of her
seamen. There wpuld.be no cheaper warfare than
that. And their movements might be quickened by
giving up as lawful prize to the captors, any vessel
that might be brought into a port in the British
dominions, by her crew, or surrendered to any
British ship of war, and by offering a free pardon to
all offenders against the laws of Great Britain,
whether convicted or not, who might assist in such
enterprises. In the last war, the Americans were in the' habit
of guarding the prisoners most strictly during the
day, but of leaving the prisons open at night ; so
the men had nothing to do but walk out, which
they did, and entered on board American vessels.
Let any man take the above figures, and deducting
those who cannot be considered seamen, and as many
as he may reasonably suppose would be induced by
the offer of higher wages to quit the service of an
enemy for that of their own country; let him
judge then how many would be left to navigate the
2,000,000 of tonnage of a country, so confessedly de
pendent upon foreign commerce, that its President
in his very last message to congress, expressly ad
mitted and complained of, the influence that the
English money market, the centre of credit of the
world, as he justly termed it, itself much influenced
by the Bank of England, it again much influenced
by the British Government, not only had upon the

17
money market and commerce of America, but in
certain contingencies might have upon the very
policy of the Union. In short, when all these
things are done, how are the Americans to get on at
All? And let it not be forgotten, that two great and
deadly questions are hanging over the heads of the
Americans, that they themselves dare scarcely look
upon. Separation and Emancipation. How will these
questions stand after two or three years war carried
on as proposed? When bale after bale of unsaleable
cotton has accumulated in the Southern States, till
the owners' eyes ache with looking at them, and
post after post brings news from Egypt and the east
of the increased production of that article, till it be
comes a doubt whether the return of peace will bring
back trade to the Mississippi. There are many
there who can yet remember the beginning of the
end in 1825.
" The great cotton speculation of 1825, took its
rise partly and chiefly from a supposed deficiency
in the supply of cotton, partly from an idea that
there was a greatly increased demand for raw cot
ton in this country, and partly from a belief that
the stocks in hand were unusually low !" The
Americans supposed, that they had a monopoly of
the article, and accordingly held back their stocks,
but they forgot Egypt and Italy ; countries which
only furnished 1,400,000 pounds of cotton in 1824,

18
but from whom 23,800,000 were obtained in 1825.
This startling increase in so short a period as one
year, should be a warning to the Americans, that a
diversion of the cotton trade which may appear
merely temporary, may become permanent. What
would the cotton owners think of the necessity of
enduring ruin to gratify the distant and unimpor
tant state that covets its neighbour's lands?
There is but one answer, the question of Separa
tion will instantly arise, not as a matter to be dis
cussed, but as a measure to be executed. The
Tariff question shook the Union pretty roughly, this
time the shake will be administered by the hand of
an enemy and a giant.
When the Emancipation question, dark and
lowering as it already shows itself to the anxious
and doubting eyes of those most nearly concerned
in it, assumes a more portentous aspect, as ru
mours of hostile tampering with slaves, of the ill-
directed efforts of native emancipists, of a design
which has already been attributed to the British
Government by American papers, that of invading
the Slave States with an army oi free blacks, avow
edly for the purpose of exciting a servile war,— when
these startling ideas are added to the distress vsfhich
must ensue from the impossibility of getting a sale
for the staple crops, and the difficulty that already
exists in the Eastern Slave States of making the land
support the slaves, till the life of the slave owner is

19
one of dbubt, and dread, and perplexity, like that
allotted to the Israelites by the Holy Writ. When
his heart fails him for fear, and ruin is present, and
a gulph Opening at his feetj what value will he then
attach to the strip of woodland in New Brunswick,
which is now convulsing the continent.
These are the inevitable results of a successful
blockade, the question to solve is, whether Great
Britain is capable of effecting it, and the perfor
mances of the Hydra have gone near to solve that
question. How will the people of Florida like assistance
being given to the Seminole Indians, who have al
ready for three years defied the whole army of the
United States, and maintained themselves, and
their families, in defence of their lands, until those,
who like their brethren in Maine, covet what does
not belong to them, unable to bring the unholy
war to a conclusion with men, have actually inlisted
Dogs in their ranks.
And how are the Americans to prevent all this ?
Their own policy of entering into no treaties of a
political nature, forbids their expecting assistance
elsewhere. It may or may not be true, and proba
bly is not, that France or Russia entertain hostile
designs against Great Britain ; but if they do, the
pear is not yet ripe, and their field of battle is not
the sea.
Can the seven ships of the line "that bear the

20
stars and stripes, meet such a squadron as we
could send forth in a general action .'' How long
does any one imagine an American pennant could
fly in the neighbourhood of Liverpool, whose mail
by the by, is carried to Dublin in powerful war
steamers. Their men of war will be abundantly
occupied at home, and for privateering, steam they
have not, and the sailing vessels would be more
probably consumed themselves before their fiery
antagonists. The suspension of our trade with America is cer
tainly a most serious consideration, but things
cannot in all cases be absolutely regulated, by con
siderations, which however respectable in them
selves abstractedly, become sordid when they are
placed in opposition to the honour and dignity of
the nation in which, most assuredly, is also involved
the interest of the nation. We sent to America in
1838, between seven and eight millions worth of
manufactures (whether they are all paid for is an
other question) ; but still the loss of that trade would
not all be dead loss. We should have an increased
carrying trade, to set off against it with the profits
of privateering, and as to the expences of the war,
they might and ought to form an item in the treaty
of peace. A large influx of British emigrants
might also be expected in Canada, as it is hardly
to be supposed, that the angry feelings which would

21
arise in the States against England, would not be
extended to individuals of that nation, and make
their position uncomfortable in the extreme.
Let no man suppose, for an instant, that these
pages are written with the slightest view of promot
ing such a fratricidal war. God forbid. They are
written, alas, in a painful conviction, that a war
with America either upon this subject or some other,
is unavoidable, unless averted by a timely display
of spirit and resolution by this country, qualities
which of late have been so little exhibited, that their
existence begins to be doubted abroad. This timid
shrinking from the slightest appearance of hostili
ties, which has so long characterised our foreign
policy, has at last produced, its natural and foretold
effects, and the tenth year of the peace government
finds us at war in India, and in " communication"
(which appears to be whig for squadron) with
China. "Negociating" per Hydra, Rhadamanthus,
and such like diplomatists, with the King of Naples,
a "negociation" which that sovereign would never
have ventured to open, had he not depended upon the
known timidity of the British cabinet ; nibbling at
something in the Levant,which nobody understands,
on indifferent terms with our fellow subjects in
Canada, and finally exchanging documents of a most
ominous courtesy with the government of the
United States.

22
In short, we have not above three or four hundred
millions of enemies in different parts of the globe,
and so of course can have no reason to complain.
All this arises from the general impression, that
England will not and cannot go to war, and the
sooner that error is corrected, the sooner shall we
again occupy our proper place among nations,
and be enabled to carry on trade unmolested
wherever we please.
I think it was Turenne, who being consulted by
a very young officer, as to whether he should fight a
duel, answered, " Fight by all means, if you do not,
every coward will insult you, and you will live in
misery, and die in a duel." If his ghost could arise
and address the same advice to a " young whig,"
in Downing-street, we should hear no more of such
things as the Boundary, the Vixen, the Mexican
pilot, Portendic, &c. &c.
There is a restless and giddy war spirit abroad
in America, which will not be laid, tmtil she has
learned a sore lesson for her national vanity; that
while there is no nation on earth that advances
more rapidly, there is also none that is more de
pendent for that advance on her good behaviour.
Her very existence as a first-rate power depends
upon her Union, and that would be most alarmingly
compromised by a collision with a first-rate Euro
pean naval power. She cannot dispense with a
commerce which she cannot protect. Neither

23
skill, courage, or devotion, possessed as these
qualities are in the highest degree by her naval
officers, nor the known excellence of her ships, nor
the seamanlike bearing of her crews, could main
tain her navy against the shock of overwhelming
numbers, which would be brought against it by
such a power, and its defeat would leave her com
merce encircled by a fiery girdle of privateers,
that would eat into the very vitals of the land.
The expense of the war too would press heavily
upon a treasury that is by no means so well sup
plied as is supposed, and upon a people extremely
sensitive of the least increase of taxation ; and
looking on it merely as a contest of the purse, it
could not last long. But the fact is, that cotton
will be at the bottom of all great events in Ame
rica for a long time to come, and war would ruin
her cotton trade.
If America will teach us a lesson of self-
government, she must first learn that of self-
restraint, and if with all this ruin and desolation
staring her in the face, she will persist in wrong
fully forcing us into a quarrel on a point upon
which we cannot yield, the consequences must be
upon her own head ; and if the image of gold and
silver, and brass and iron, and clay, which she has
set up and christened with her own name, and
worshipped, be broken to pieces in the shock, we
at least are not to blame.

24
And now let those who shrink with an unrea
sonable timidity from employing the gigantic
strength which God has given us for the good of
mankind, in asserting our just rights and our
national honour, think upon these things. Let
them reflect that we should begin such a war, in a
good cause, with formidable advantages, which
would continue and increase with the contest,
till they led to such a position of our parties as
would make peace on our terms necessary to our
adversaries. Let them remember that in these
pages there is but a slight glimpse given of the
might and resources of this country, and when all
the potent engines her© alluded to ; themselves,
nearly, if not quite equal to conquering peace,
have been set in motion, let them remember, in
exulting confidence, that there is still in reserve
the ARMY and NAVY of ENGLAND.

THE END.

6. Norman, Printer, Maiden Lane, Covent Garden.

MEW vroitKS
PUBLISHED BY J. OLLIVIER,
59, PALL MALL,
FACING MARLBOROUGH HOUSE.
New Novel by Mrs. Trollope's Brother
In Three Volumes, post 8vo.
R I Y A L E Y,
By henry MILTON, Esa.
— sX^Ts/'ooox.y.jr —
Opinions of the Press,
" We are glad to give hearty welcome to a new and pleasant novel of
ordinary life. In the clever book before us good observation is clothed
in an easy and agreeable style, and an accurate eye for the ludicrous
combined with a rare and generous inclination to the good-natured.
What we particularly admire is the natural and unartificial progress of
the story. Its treatment is delightfully easy and unconstrained. A
pleasing interest survives to the last, though the plot unwinds itself by
gradual degrees through the whole of the third volume. Mr. Milton is
the brother of Mrs. TroUope, and he has pioved himself worthy of the
relationship. He is quite as clever as his sister and much more agree
able. We shall rejoice to hear further from him." — Examiner.
" This is an amusing Novel — the style is easy and agreeable ; and
some of the scenes extremely well drawn ; we have been so much amused
by Rivalry, that we recommend our readers to become acquainted with
it." — Literary Gazette.
'' These volumes are written in a fine, frank, and gentlemanly spirit,
evincing considerable knowledge of human nature, and a keen perception
of the humourous. No wonder ! Mr. Milton is the brother of Mrs.
Trollope ; we must confess that after the mawkishness and sentimen
tality of many love novels that it has lately been our hard fate to
peruse, we have fotind " Rivalry" quite "refreshing." We must add.
that some of Mr. Milton's descriptions of mountain stenery, are
eminently graphic." — Naval and Military Gazette.

Nem Works Published hy

" This work is the production of a near relative of our old and amusing
favourite, Mrs. Trollope, and certainly the Author does no discredit to
the literary character of his family. We fihonld imagine, from the
masterly style in which tlie incidents are woven together, and the
catastrophe worked out, that it is the work of a practised band. It
ranks among the better class of novels, and is written in a very agreeable
style, with strict fidelity to character." — Weekly Chronicle.
" This novel, by the brother of Mrs. Trollope, proves that the talent
of that lady is not peculiar to berself, but a sort of family gift ; for the
Mivalry of the brother; bears a strong resemblance to the fictions of the
sister. Mr. Milton has a more extended knowledge than Mrs. Trollope of
worldly aifairs, whether of business or pleasure, which enables him to
vary his narrative with shrewd rernarks or incidental exposition. We
think, too, he possesses a more poetical eye for landscape." — Spectator,
" Mr. Milton has succeeded in producing a Novel, which will be read
with interest, and remembered with pleasure. It is evidently the pro
duction of a °entleman possessed of judgment, penetration and taste;
and is, in every respect, far superior to the host of fashionable novels
usually published in the course of a London season. The time in which
it is written is good, the moral clear, and the sentiments expressed,
just, sensible, and manly." — Britannia.
" We have never met with three more pleasant and entertaining
volumes. Mr. Milton is the brother of Mrs. Trollope, and certainly his
talent is by no means inferior to that of his gifted sister. These volumes
abound with keen and polished satires, in the broadest of which, as well
as in his most humorous scenes, we do not observe the slightest degree
of coarseness ; we may safely predict for this eifort of Mr. Milton, a
popularity as great as that of any modern work of fiction, and a lasting
place among the standard works of Miss Edgeworth, which in character
it may be said to Tesemhie."— Bell's New Weekly Messenger.
" A clever and amusing Novel." — Times.
"But that we have not before seen our present A uthor's name among the
novelists of the day, we should have inferred, from the ease and freedom
of his style, and the skilful manner in which the various lines of
mcidents are brought to a point, that he was a practised hand in this
department of Literature. His talent is equal for the serious or the
comic. The sketches of scenery betoken an eye fully alive to natural
beauties, and the Mendip hills of Somersetshire may now be visited with
newly acquired interest." — Morning Post.
" In these three volumes there is a great variety of contrasted cha
racter and mcideiit brought together, with very commendable skill and
tair literary merit. The gentle, the generous, the intelligent, the base
the desperate and the brutal are personated with consistent portraiture in
the_ action which the Author has ingeniously and vigorously worked out
in bis story. He has also mingled his serious scenes with not a little
that "S of fair comic vein, and which seems by no means out of place
while It relieves the reader from having the impressions resulting from
the former too severely sustained. He writes with an easy pen and
graceful style, and in every respect deserves an honourable place in the
literary class wherein betakes his pluee."— Morning Herald.
r„.l?M'"^ f *^l' work short as it is, sufficiently indicates its cha
racter—the interest of which never for one moment flags— The stvie is
easy, perspicuous, and in many places eloquent."— Ofoeraer

J. Ollivier, Pall Mall.

One Vol., Demy 12mo., Price 6s.. with Maps and Woodcuts,
A TOPOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORCAL
GUIDE TO THE ISLE OF WIGHT,
COMPRISING
4uthentic Accounts of its Antiquities, Natural Productions,
and Romantic Scenery.
With ample information respecting the.arrival and departure of
Steam-boats, Coaches, &o.
And a complete List of Excursions and Tours throughout the
Island.
BY THOMAS BRETTELL.

Opinions of the Press.
" The most delightful trip known to the inhabitants of the metropolis
is admirably described. The work is superior to other Guides, from
the fact of its carrying the description of the beautiful and ever-varying
island to the present day." — Sunday Times, May 24, 1840.
"This complete, intelligent, and serviceable manual for visitors to the
Isle of Wight is well-timed in its appearance ; the Southampton Railway
having brought the island within four hours of the metropolis. Its
information is full and clearly given, without pretension, or any attempt
to make more of the subject than it will bear ; in short, it is a readable
book."— Speciafor, May 24, 1840.

THE PRESENT STATE OF
THE TURKISH EMPIRE,
By MARSHAL MARMONT ;
With Notes and Observations on the Relations of England with Turkey
and Russia,
BY LIETJT.-COLONEL SIR F. SMITH, K.H.
Royal Engineers.
In One Volume, demy 8vo. price 12s.

Opinions of the Press.
" A more opportune contribution to the consideration of present cir
cumstances of importance to nations, as well as a repository on which
future historians may look back with interest, has not appeared for some
time. The notes by Sir Frederic Smith are very valuable." — Literary
Gazette. " Marshal Marmont's criticisms on the Turkish Empire — his account
of its formation, and of the causes of its defective state, as well as his
remarks upon the Turkish Government and people, are of a very
superior kind. We, think his judgment upon existing affairs is true and
sound." — Spectator. „ ^ j ¦ c -^u u
" Full of interest, novelty, and graphic skill. Sir Frederic Smith has
appended a series of just and well written notes."— Examiner.

Nem Works Published bi^

" This book is an abundant evidence that Marshal Marmont has
made excellent use of his opportunities for observation : it discloses many
facts of the highest interest, but is not yet merely made up of dry
statistical details ; they are interspersed with pleasing descriptions of
scenery, &c. &c., together with sage reflections on the power, and acute
remarks on the character of the people, through whose territories he
passed. We know of no work which is more likely to be acceptable to
the general reader, or which presents, in so small a compass, so just,, 44.
accurate, and so clear an exposition- of that, at present, all-engrossing
subject — the affairs of the East." — Britannia.
" This is one of the most interesting and most valuable works that
have recently issued from the English press, and we would earnestly
recommend it to the attention of all those who are desirous of arriving
at a correct knowledge of the character of the Turks, and the resources
of the Ottoman Empire. Marshal Mai-mont and his able translator have
both enjoyed opportunities of investigating the subject closely ; and the
result of their labours is this very able and perfect exposition." — Bell's
New Weekly Messenger.
" We have spoken of the political importance of this work, and we
would recommend it also to the attention of the general reader, who
cannot fail to be interested by the sketches of character and manners
with which it abounds. Altogether it is one of the most valuable contri
butions that have been made to the Ehglish Library." — Planet.
" Any thing which can throw light upon the affairs of Turkey or
Russia, to whose relative position public attention has been directed, by
the importance of. passing events, cannot fail to prove interesting to the
British public. Sir Frederic Smith has presented us with a translation
of Marshal Marmont's book, executed with great fidelity and ability.
He has, indeed, in several instances, stepped beyond the office of trans
lator, and ventured not only to question the deductions of his author,
but to substitute his own in away to exhibit at once great judgment and
sagacious penetration. The most interesting part, however, of Sir
Frederic Smith's performance consists of a supplement npon the ' Poli
tical Selations with Turkey and Russia,' in which he gives a brief and
lucid sketch of the most prominent and notable events that influence
those relations, and which should guide statesmen in the policy to be
pursued, in order to render them sulsservient to British Interests. The
integrity of the Turkish Empire, he argues is essential to the protection
of our commerce, and the maintenance of our influence in the East.'
— Morning Advertiser.
" Of the work before us, there can be but one opinion. It is most
opportune in its appearance, at a crisis ' big with the fate' of what once
was the Turkish Empire ; and it is fall of much important information,
blended with some ingenious, but, on the Marshal's part, erroneous rea
soning. In reference, however, to the points alluded to, the reader will
flnd an adequate corrective in the numerous and valuable Notes by the
translator. Upon the whole, the volume will be found worthy of the atten
tion both of the statesman and the soldier." — Glasgow Constitutional.
" Sir Frederic Smith, rightly judging that the Eastern portion of this
tour, recommended by the authority of so acute and competent an ob
server as Marshal Marmont, might possess a peculiar interest, undertook,
and has most successfully executed,, the task of translating and enrich
ing it with well-digested and judicious annotations. A very beautiful
plan of Constantinople and the shores of the Bosphorous is prefixed to
the volume, which reflects great credit on the judgment and taste of the
translator." — United Service Jouraal.

J. Ollivier, Pall Mall.

In One Volume, 8vo. neatly bound in cloth,
LETTERS ON THE FINE ARTS,
Written from Paris, in the Year 1815,
By HENRY MILTON, Esq.

Opinions of the Press.
" This amusing and interesting volume deserves a place with Eustace's
Classical Tour, and Forsyth's Italy. Mr. Milton records in his Letters,
which possess that free unbosoming of the mind, which renders genuine
epistolary literature so delightful, the important event, of which he was
an eye-witness, of the restoration of the works that formed the Museum
of the Louvre, to their legitimate owners. He gives a descriptive and
critical account of the magnificent and astonishing collection of the
Louvre: divided into separate and pleasing remarks on painting, sculp
ture, and architecture, with relative comparisons between the English
and French Schools. We thank Mr. Milton for the entertainment, in«
struction, and information, that he has afforded us in his very interest
ing and valuable little volume." — Annals of the Fine Arts.
" These Letters before us are the productions of a man, whose taste is
correct, and whose information is considerable. Of the paintings and
sculpture, which the interior of the Louvre once exhibited, a scientific
account is presented by Mr. Milton, and which will prove especially en
tertaining to those who have not had' an opportunity of visiting the Con
tinent, and of seeing those works of art which Mr. Milton so well
describes " — British Critic.

OX.X.IVIER'S
PARLIAMENTARY AND POLITICAL
DIRECTOR;
CONTAININO
ALPHABETICAL LISTS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE
OF PEERS AND OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
With their To-rnn Residences,
Arranged in double columns, according to the Parties to which they
belong. — Price &d..
" A most useful little publication. No one who take» an intere^ in
the Parliamentary Debates should be without it."-BelVs Weekly Neno
" Most useful lists of the Legislature."— /SiJectofor.

Nere Works Published by

NEW PAMPHLETS.

In Demy 8vo., price Is.
REMARKS ON A WAR WITH AMERICA,
AND ITS
PROBABLE CONSEQUENCES TO THAT COUNTRY.

In Demy 8vo., price Is.
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A LETTER TO THE
REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
BY A PAROCHIAL CLERGYMAN.

In demy 8vo., price Is.
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A LETTER
ADDRESSED TO THE PROPRIETORS OF BANK STOCK.
BY W. WARD, ESQ.

In Demy 8vov, price Is.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE CORN LAWS;
OR,
BREAD FOR THIRTY MILLIONS OP INHABITANTS WITHOUT
THE IMPORTATION OF A SINGLE GRAIN OP CORN,
WITHOUT LOSS TO THE PARMER, THE LANDLORD, OR
THE PUNDK OLDER.
BY CHARLES PUTT.
" We have been much pleased with this Pamphlet, and stronslv re
commend It to the attentive perusal of our readers."— ffailsLatf
Observer. . ¦ w

J. Ollivier, Pall Mall.

OPIUM TStiLDS.

In Demy Svo., price \s.
FACTS AND EVIDENCE
RELATING TO
THE OPIUM TRADE WITH CHINA.
By WILLIAM STORES, Esq.
Second Thousand.

In Demy 8vo., price 2i. 60!.
STATEMENT OF CLAIMS OF THE BRITISH
SUBJECTS INTERESTED IN OPIUM,
Surrendered to Captain Elliot, at Canton, for the Public
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THE HISTORIC All CrAME;
COMPRISING
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF PROMINENT EVENTS IN HISTORY,
With Questions and Answers thereon.
Arranged in Chronological Order, from B.C. 4000 to A.D. 444,
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Comparative Chronology," with a coloured map, cards, counters, and
travellers, complete, price Is.Gd. in a box.

THE POLL BOOK
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CONTAINING
THE NAME, RESIDENCE, AND VOTES OF THE ELECTORS,
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Svo. Price 4».

A BISCX.OSUB.I:
QF THE
PRINCIPLES, DESIGNS, AND MACHINATIONS
OF THE
POPISH REVOLUTIONARY FACTION OP IRELAND.
Bt JOHN RYAN, Esq., M.R.S.L.
Author Of " The Life of King William III.," &c. Svo. price 4..

8 New Works Published by 3. Ollivier, Pall Mall.

MEMOIRS,
HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL, OF
MADAME MALIBRAN AND MONSIEUR DE BERIOT:
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A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP SENOB GARCIA,
Embellished with a Portrait,
.\eatly bound in cloth, gilt edges, price 2«. 6rf.
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By the Rev. W. J. E. BENNETT, M.A.
Price Sixpence.

FIFTY SCRIPTURE EMBELLISHMENTS,
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