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MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES

BY
ELIHU ROOT
COLLECTED AND EDITED BT
ROBERT BACON
AND
JAMES BROWN SCOTT

CAMBRIDGE
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OSTOSO DNIVEB3ITT PsSSa
1917

COPTBIGHT, 1917
HAKVAED UNI^TEBSITT PHESS

CONTENTS

PAGE

Inteodtjctoey Note  vii
The Iroquois and the Struggle foe Ameeica .... 3
Address at the tercentennial celebration of the discovery of
Lake Champlain, Plattsburg, July 7, 1909.
Samuel Kiekland: Foundee of Hamilton College . . 17
Address at the exercises attending the laying of the corner
stone of the new Dartmouth Hall and the ¦visit of the Earl of
Dartmouth to Dartmouth CoUege, October 26, 1904.
The Centenary of Hamilton College  23
Historical Address at the centennial celebration, at Clinton,
New York, June 17, 1912.
Address as Honoeaey Chancellor of Union Uni
versity, Schnectady, New York, June 10, 1914 . . 45
The Home of the Oneidas  61
Address before the Society of the Sons of Oneida, New York
City, March 14, 1903.
James Schoolcraft Sherman  65
Address at the memorial exercises. United States Senate,
February 15, 1913.
Inauguration of President Brown  71
Response for the Educational Foundations at the inauguration
of Dr. Elmer Ellsworth Brown as Chancellor of New York
University, November 9, 1911.
Tee Object and the Opportunity of Columbia Uni
versity  75
Remarks upon the conferring of the doctorate of law, June 8,
1904.
The Supreme Treasure of Our Country  81
Remarks upon receiving the degree of doctor of laws from the
University of the State of New York, October 22, 1915.
The Dutch Founders of New York  85
Remarks at the sixty-first anniversary dinner of the Saint
Nicholas Society of the City of New York, December 7, 1896.

iv CONTENTS
John Hay  91
Address at the dedication of the John Hay Library, Brown
University, November 11, 1910.
Geover Cleveland  105
Memorial Address at the College of the City of New York,
March 18, 1909.
Chester Alan Arthur  109
Address at the unveiling of a statue of President Arthur in
Madison Square, New York, June 13, 1899.
William Tecumseh Sherman  115
Address at the unveiling of St. Gaudens' statue of General
Sherman, in New York, May 30, 1903.
The Great Reconciliation  119
Address at a reunion of the Union and Confederate veterans
who fought at Fort Fisher. Utica, New York, September 9,
1909.
The Union League Club  123
Address at a meeting of the club to celebrate its fortieth anni
versary, February 6, 1903.
The City of New York  129
Remarks at the celebration of the two hundred and fiftieth
anniversary of the founding of its municipal government.
May 26, 1903.
The Old and the New New York  133
Address at a dinner of the Lotos Club in honor of the Secre
tary of War, New York, May 9, 1903.
Benjamin Franklin  141
Address on presenting to France the gold medal authorized by
Congress. The Franklin Bicentennial, Philadelphia, April 20,
1906.
Reply of M. Jusserand, the French Ambassador . . . 143
Jules Maetin Cambon  145
Address at a farewell dinner to the French Ambassador,
November 15, 1902.
The Assassination of President Carnot  149
Remarks in the New York constitutional convention on a
resolution tendering to the Government of France the sjrm-
pathy of the convention in the death of President Carnot by
assassination, June 26, 1894.

CONTENTS V
Canada and the United States  1^
Address at a dinner given by the Pilgrims of the United
States in honor of the Right Honorable Earl Grey, Governor-
General of Canada, New York, March 31, 1906.
The Builders of Canada  157
Address at a banquet of the Canadian Club of Ottawa,
Canada, January 22, 1907.
The Canadian Reciprocity Agreement  163
Address in the United States Senate upon the bill to promote
reciprocal trade relations with the Dominion of Canada, June
21, 1911.
Art and Architecture in America  189
Remarks at the annual dinner of the American Institute of
Architects, Washington, D. C, January 11, 1905.
Charles Follen McKim  197
Address at a memorial meeting. New Theater, New York,
November 23, 1909.
Charles Follen McKim  198
Address at a memorial meeting of the American Institute of
Architects, Washington, D. C, December 15, 1909.
Francis Davis Millet  205
Address at a memorial meeting of the American Federation
of Arts, Washington, D. C, May 10, 1912.
The Place of Cardinal Gibbons  211
Address at the Cardinal Gibbons Civic Demonstration, Balti
more, June 6, 1911.
Joseph G. Cannon  213
Remarks at a dinner in his honor at Washington, D. C, Feb
ruary 15, 1913.
A Tribute to Theodore Roosevelt  217
Address at a banquet in honor of the Secretary of War. The
Union League Club, New York, February 3, 1904.
John Pieepont Moegan  227
Address at the memorial meeting of the Chamber of Com
merce of the State of New York, April 3, 1913.
John Marshall Haelan  233
Address at the memorial exercises in the United States
Supreme Court, December 16, 1911.

vi CONTENTS
Melville Weston Fuller  237
Address at the proceedings of ¦the bar and officers of the
Supreme Court of the United States, December 10, 1910.
Judge John Davis  239
Address at a memorial meeting of the bar of the Court of
Claims, May 16, 1902.
Justice Geoege Caetee-Baerett  241
Address at the meeting of the bench and bar in memory of the
Honorable George Carter-Barrett, New York City, Novem
ber 10, 1906.
Justice Charles H. Van Brunt  245
Address in presenting to the Appellate Di^vision of the Supreme
Court of the State of New York in the First Department, a
portrait of the Honorable Charles H. Van Brunt, first presid
ing justice of the court, June 8, 1897.
Business and Politics  249
Address at a reception of the Union League Club of Philadel
phia, in his honor, March 23, 1915.
The Preservation of American Ideals  259
Address at a dinner of the Union League Club, Chicago,
Illinois, in commemoration of the birthday of Washington,
February 22, 1904.
The Monroe Doctrine  267
Address at the ninety-ninth annual banquet of the New Eng
land Society of New York, December 22, 1904.
The Causes of War  275
Address at a dinner of the New York Peace Society, in recog
nition of the services of the Secretary of State to international
peace, February 26, 1909.
The Effect of Democracy on International Law . . 281
Presidential address at the eleventh annual meeting of the
American Society of International Law, Washington, D. C,
AprU 26, 1917.
The Spread of International Law in the Americas . 295
Remarks at a dinner of the Division of International Law of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the
Pan-American Scientific Congress, Washington, D.C., Decem
ber 30, 1915.
Index  301

INTRODUCTORY NOTE
The collected addresses and state papers of Elihu Root, of
which this is one of several volumes, cover the period of his
service as Secretary of War, as Secretary of State, and as
Senator of the United States, during which time, to use his
own expression, his only client was his country.
The many formal and occasional addresses and speeches,
which will be found to be of a remarkably wide range, are
followed by his state papers, such as the instructions to
the American delegates to the Second Hague Peace Confer
ence and other diplomatic notes and documents, prepared
by him as Secretary of State in the performance of his duties
as an executive officer of the United States. Although the
official documents have been kept separate from the other
papers, this plan has been shghtly modified in the volume
devoted to the military and colonial policy of the United
States, which includes those portions of his official reports as
Secretary of War throwing light upon his pubhc addresses and
his general military poKcy.
The addresses and speeches selected for publication are
not arranged chronologically, but are classffied in such a way
that each volume contains addresses and speeches relating
to a general subject and a common purpose. The addresses
as president of the American Society of International Law
show his treatment of international questions from the
theoretical standpoint, and in the light of his experience as
Secretary of War and as Secretary of State, unrestrained and
uncontrolled by the limitations of official position, whereas
his addresses on foreign affairs, delivered while Secretary of
State or as United States Senator, discuss these questions
under the reserve of official responsibility.

viii INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Mr. Root's addresses on government, citizenship, and
legal procedure are a masterly exposition of the principles
of the Constitution and of the government estabhshed by
it; of the duty of the citizen to understand the Constitu
tion and to conform his conduct to its requirements; and
of the right of the people to reform or to amend the Con
stitution in order to make representative government more
effective and responsive to their present and future needs.
The addresses on law and its administration state how legal
procedure should be modified and simplffied in the interest
of justice rather than in the supposed interest of the legal
profession. The addresses delivered during the trip to South America
and Mexico in 1906, and in the United States after his return,
with their message of good will, proclaim a new doctrine —
the Root doctrine — of kindly consideration and of honorable
obligation, and make clear the destiny common to the
peoples of the Western World.
The addresses and the reports on military and colonial
policy made by Mr. Root as Secretary of War explain the
reorganization of the army after the Spanish-American War,
the creation of the General Staff, and the establishment of the
Army War College. They trace the origin of and give the
reason for the policy of this country in Cuba, the Philippines,
and Porto Rico, devised and inaugurated by him. It is not
generally known that the so-called Piatt Amendment,
defining our relations to Cuba, was drafted by Mr. Root, and
that the Organic Act of the Philippines was likewise the work
of Mr. Root as Secretary of War.
The argument before The Hague Tribunal in the North
Atlantic Fisheries Case is a rare if not the only instance of a
statesman appearing as chief counsel in an international
arbitration, which, as Secretary of State, he had prepared
and submitted.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE ix
The miscellaneous addresses, including educational, his
torical, and commemorative addresses, the political speeches
in days of peace, and the stirring and prophetic utterances
in anticipation of and during our war with Germany, deliv
ered at home and on special mission in Russia, should make
known to future generations the literary, artistic, and emo
tional side of this broad-minded and far-seeing statesman of
our time.
The publication of these collected addresses and state
papers will, it is believed, enable the American people better
to understand the generation in which Mr. Root has been a
commanding figure, and better to appreciate during his life
time the services which he has rendered to his country.
Robert Bacon.
James Brown Scott.
Septembeb 16, 1917.

MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES

THE IROQUOIS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR
AMERICA
ADDRESS AT THE TERCENTENNIAL CELEBRATION OF THE
DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, PLATTSBURG,
JULY 7, 1909
The four addresses with which this volume opens, are intimately associated in
that they have to do with the early history of New York State, the relations between
the white settlers and the aborigines, and the efiforts to educate the Indians under
the devoted guidance of Eleazar Wheelock and particularly of Samuel Kirkland, the
founder of the Hamilton Oneida Academy, out of which grew Hamilton College, at
whose centennial celebration in 1912 Mr. Root made the historical address.
IT is no ordinary event that we celebrate. The beauty of
this wonderful lake, first revealed to the eye of civilized
man by the visit of Samuel de Champlain three hundred
years ago; the powerful personaUty, noble character, and
romantic career of the discoverer; the historic importance
of this controlling line of strategic military communication,
along which have passed in successive generations the armies
whose conflicts were to determine the control and destinies
of great empires; the value to Canada and to the United
States of this natural pathway of commerce; the growth and
prosperity of the noble states that have arisen on the oppos
ing shores; their contributions to the wealth of mankind, to
civil and religious hberty, to the world's progress in civiliza
tion — all these withdraw the first coming of the white man
to Lake Champlain from the dull and uninteresting level of
the commonplace: while comparative antiquity, so attractive
and inspiring to the people of the New World, lends dignity
and romance to the figures and the acts that have escaped
obhvion through centuries.

4 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Even a dull imagination must be stirred, as it dwells upon
the influence which the events attending the discovery were
to have upon the issue of the great struggle between France
and Great Britain for the control of the continent; the
struggle between the two white races for the opportunity to
colonize and expand, and between the two systems of law
and civil polity, for the direction and development of civiliza
tion among the millions who were to people the vast region
extending from the Atlantic to the Pacffic and from the Rio
Grande to the frozen limits of the North.
Authentic history records that late in June, 1609, Cham
plain, accompanied by several white companions and by a
great array of Algonquin Indians of the Saint Lawrence
Valley, left the French station on the site of the old Indian
village of Stadacona, where now stands the city of Quebec,
upon an expedition intended by the Indians for war and
by the whites for exploration. They proceeded in canoes up
the Saint Lawrence and turned south into the Richelieu,
and, in the early days of July, after many vicissitudes and
the desertion of the greater part of the Indians, they dragged
their canoes around the rapids of the river and came to the
foot of the lake on whose shores we stand. They proceeded
up the lake with all the precautions of Indian warfare in an
enemy's country. As they approached the head of the lake,
they rested concealed by day, and urged forward their
canoes by night. At last, in this month of July, three hun
dred years ago, they came upon a war party of the Iroquois.
Both parties landed, in the neighborhood of the present
Ticonderoga, and, with the coming of the dawn, joined
battle. Protected by the hght armor of the period, Cham
plain advanced to the front in full view of the contending
parties, and, as the Iroquois drew their bows upon him, he
fired his arquebus. One of his white companions also fired.
The Iroquois chief and several of his warriors fell, killed or

THE IROQUOIS AND THE COLONIES 5
wounded; and the entire band, amazed and terror-stricken
by their first experience with the inexplicable, miraculous,
and death-dealing power of fire-arms, fled in dismay. They
were pursued by the Algonquins, some were killed, some
were taken prisoners, and the remainder returned to their
homes to spread through all the tribes of the Iroquois the
story that a new enemy had arisen bringing unheard of and
supernatural powers to the aid of their traditional Algonquin
foes. The shot from Champlain's arquebus had determined
the part that was to be played in the approaching conflict
by the most powerful military force among the Indians of
North America. It had made the confederacy of the Iroquois
and all its nations and dependencies the implacable enemies
of the French and the fast friends of the English for all the
long struggle that was to come.
A century or more before the white settlement, five Indian
nations of the same stock and language, under the leadership
of extraordinary poUtical genius, had formed a confederacy
for the preservation of internal peace and for common
defense against external attack. Their territories extended
in 1609 from the Saint Lawrence to the Susquehanna; from
Lake Champlain and the Hudson to the Genesee, and, a few
years later, to the Niagara. There dwelt side by side the
Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, and
the Senecas, in the firm union of Ho-de-no-saunee — the
Long House of the Iroquois.
The Algonquin tribes that surrounded them were still in
the lowest stage of industrial life, and for their food added
to the spoils of the chase only wild fruits and roots. The
Iroquois had passed into the agricultural stage. They had
settled habitations and cultivated fields. They had extensive
orchards of the apple, made sugar from the maple, and
raised corn and beans and squash and pumpkins. The sur-
roimding tribes had only the rudimentary political institution

6 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
of chief and followers. The Iroquois had a carefully devised
constitution, well adapted to secure confederate authority in
matters of common interest, and local authority in matters
of local interest.
Each nation was divided into tribes, the Wolf tribe, the
Bear tribe, the Turtle tribe, etc. The same tribes ran
through all the nations, the section in each nation being
bound by ties of consanguinity to the sections of the same
tribe in the other nations. Thus a Seneca Wolf was brother
to every Mohawk Wolf, a Seneca Bear to every Mohawk
Bear. The arrangement was like that of our college societies
with chapters in different colleges. So there were bonds of
tribal union running across the lines of national union; and
the whole structure was firmly knit together as by the warp
and woof of a textile fabric.
The government was vested in a council of fifty sachems,
a fixed number coming from each nation. The sachems
from each nation came in fixed proportions from specffic
tribes in that nation; the office was hereditary in the
tribe; and the member of the tribe to fill it was elected
by the tribe.
The sachems of each nation governed their own nation in
all local affairs. Below the sachems were elected chiefs on
the nuKtary side and keepers-of-the-faith on the religious side.
Crime was exceedingly rare; insubordination was unknown;
courage, fortitude, and devotion to the common good were
universal. The territory of the Long House covered the watershed
between the Saint Lawrence basin and the Atlantic. From
it the waters ran into the Saint Lawrence, the Hudson, the
0elaware, the Susquehanna, and the Ohio. Down these
lines of communication the war parties of the confederacy
passed, beating back or overwhelming their enemies until
they had become overlords of a vast region, extending far into

THE IROQUOIS AND THE COLONIES 7
New England, the Carolinas, the valley of the Mississippi,
and to the coast of Lake Huron.
They held in subjection an area including the present
states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, West Virginia, northern Virginia
and Tennessee, and parts of New England, Ilhnois, Indiana,
Michigan and Ontario.
Of all the inhabitants of the New World, they were the
most terrible foes and the most capable of organized and
sustained warfare; and of all the inhabitants north of
Mexico they were the most civilized and intelligent.
The century which followed the voyages of Columbus had'
been for the northern continent a period of exploration and
discovery, of search for gold and for fabulous cities and for
a passage to the Indies, of fugitive fur trade with the natives,
of fisheries on the Banks, and of feeble, disastrous attempts-
at occupation, but not of permanent settlement. Ponce de
Leon and DeSoto and Verrazano, Cartier and the Cabots
and Drake and Frobisher and Gilbert and Gosnold, had
brought the western coast of the Atlantic out from the mists.
of fable; but they had left no trace upon its shores. Jean
Ribaut and his French Huguenots had attempted to do for
their religion in Florida what the Pilgrims did in the follow
ing century on the coast of Massachusetts; but their colony
was destroyed with incredible cruelty, in the name of religion,
by the ferocious Spaniard, Menendez; and the colony of
Menendez was in turn destroyed by the Gascon, De Gour-
gues, save a feeble remnant on the site of Saint Augustine.
Raleigh, with noble constancy and persistency, had wasted his
fortune in repeated and vain attempts to establish a colony in
Virginia. On the sites of the modern Quebec and Montreal,
at Tadousac, at the mouth of the Saint Croix, and at Port
Royal, Jacques Cartier and Roberval, Pontgrave and De
Monts, Poutrincourt and Lescarbot, had seen their heroic

8 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
and devoted efforts to establish a new France brought to
naught by cold and starvation and disease. In that month
of July, 1609, in all the vast expanse between Florida and
Labrador, no settlement of white men held its place or
presaged the coming of the future multitude, save at James
town, behind the Capes of Virginia, where Christopher New
port's handful of colonists had barely survived two years of
privation, and at Quebec, where the undaunted Pontgrave
and Champlain only one year before had again gained a
foothold. At Jamestown, the mournful record of the winter
of 1609 to 1610 shows us that in the spring but sixty of the
colonists were hving. At Quebec, twenty-eight Frenchmen
with Champlain had braved the rigors of a Canadian winter,
and in the spring of 1609 but eight remained alive.
In this same month of July, 1609, the Half Moon of
Henry Hudson was repairing damages in Penobscot Bay
after her voyage across the Atlantic, and preparing to sail
on to the noble river that still bears her commander's name.
The field was open; the hands upon the margin that
reached out to grasp control seemed few and feeble; but the
period of preparation was past. The mighty forces that were
to urge on the most stupendous movement of mankind in
human history had already received their direction. The
time was ripe for the real conflict to begin, and it had its
momentous beginning when the Chief of the Mohawks fell
before the arquebus of Champlain at Ticonderoga.
The conditions which limited the powers and directed the
purposes of the various countries of Europe in the early
years of the seventeenth century, made it inevitable that the
struggle for American control should ultimately become a
single combat between France and Great Britain.
It is true that Spain had overturned the tribal govern
ment of the Aztecs and held possession along the northern
shores of the Gulf of Mexico, a vantage ground from which

THE IROQUOIS AND THE COLONIES 9
she might well have pressed to the northward successful
plans of occupation. But Spain had no such plans. When
the search for treasure had failed, and it was plain that no
more Perus and Mexicos were to be found, the dark forests
of the North Atlantic offered no attractions to the Spanish
conquistador es, who sought the spoils of conquest rather
than the rewards of labor.
With the death of Philip the Second, the decline of Span
ish power had already begun. His successors were feeble and
incapable. The stern, repressive, and despotic control over
body and soul effected by the union of military and reli
gious organization during the first century of united Spain
was accompanied by a marvelous efficiency and energy that
made Spain for a time the foremost maritime and colonizing
power of the world. The price of that efficiency, how
ever, was the loss of the only permanent source of national
energy, the independence and free initiative of individual
character among her citizens. Thenceforth Spain was no
longer to sway the rod of empire, but, holding it weakly in
feeble hands, was to lose one by one the world-wide pos
sessions of Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second, until the
time when the penalty of her national sin against civil and
rehgious freedom should have been paid, and the native
strength and nobility of her character should be able to
reassert themselves in a period of renewed growth and
reestabhshed power and prosperity; a time which we hope
and trust has already come.
Portugal, still clinging to the fruits of her explorers'
genius, and sturdy Holland, strong in her newly won free
dom, were looking not to North America but to Brazil and
to the Orient for their opportunities to expand; and the
future colony of New Amsterdam was destined to be readily
transferred to the English for the sake of greater opportuni
ties to the Dutch East India Company.

10 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Germany was not yet a maritime power. Loosely com
pacted under the failing hegemony of the House of Austria,
she was upon the threshold of the Thirty Years' War in
which the most frightful slaughter and devastation were
to destroy her cities, lay waste her fields, reduce her popu
lation from thirty millions to twelve millions, and set back
her civilization for centuries.
Into that vortex of destruction Sweden also was about to
be drawn, and her forces were to be engrossed in the struggle
for national existence, so that the hopes of Gustavus Adol-
phus for a new Sweden, upon the banks of the Delaware,
were to fail of fruition, and the Swedish colony in America
was to pass with hardly a struggle into the hands first of the
Dutch and then of the Enghsh.
Prussia was a dependent dukedom. Russia had still
three-quarters of a century to wait before Peter the Great
was to begin to lead her from semi-barbarism into the ranks
of civilized powers. Italy was a geographical expression
covering a multitude of petty states.
Of all the peoples of Europe, only the French and the
English possessed the power, the energy, the adventurous
courage, the opportimity and the occasion, for expansion
across the Atlantic. The field and the prize were for them,
and for them alone.
Upon the throne of France was Henry the Fourth, the
greatest of French kings. In the governing class of French
men, political and rehgious, were the virile strength, the
intellectual acumen, the romantic chivalry, the strong pas
sions, the love of glory, the capacity for devotion to ideals;
which were to make possible the rule of Richeheu, the
ascendency of Louis the Fourteenth, the political idealists of
the eighteenth century, the tremendous social forces whose
outbreak in the French Revolution appalled the world, and
the armies of Napoleon.

THE IROQUOIS AND THE COLONIES 11
In England the reign of great Elizabeth had just closed.
It was the England of Spenser and Shakspere and Bacon;
of Cecil and Raleigh; of Drake and Frobisher. John Hamp
den and Cromwell and Milton were in their childhood. For
four centuries since Magna Charta Englishmen had become
accustomed to the assertion of individual rights of the citizen
against arbitrary power. Since the repudiation of Roman
supremacy over the national church, by Henry the Eighth,
three generations had become wonted to the assertion of
religious freedom. King James's translation of the Bible
was in progress and nearly completed. The deep religious
feeling of the Puritan reaction against both Roman and
royal Episcopacy that was to cost Charles the First his life
and James the Second his throne, had already become a con
trolling motive among a great multitude of the English
people. From these two coimtries, each possessed of great powers,
each endowed with noble qualities, proceeded the colonists
who were to dispute for the possession of America. The
French movement was in the main governmental, aristo
cratic, proceeding from State and Church, designed to extend
and increase the power, dominion, and glory of the King,
to convert the Indians to the true faith, and to extend over
them and over all the lands through which they roamed,
and over all who should come after them and take their
place, the same iron rule of conformity against which the
Huguenots of France were vainly contending. The English
movement was in the main popular, proceeding from the
people of England who wished to escape either Church or
State at home and to fiind freedom in a new world for the prac
tice of their religion or the pursuit of their fortunes according
to their own ideas. Some of the English colonies braved
the hardships of exile rather than conform against their con
sciences to requirements of practice and doctrine which the

12 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Enghsh Church imposed. Some sought for fortune in the
New World because the State had so distributed the prop
erty and so closed the avenues for advancement in England
that they must needs seek opportunities elsewhere if at all.
For centuries the struggles between civil and religious
absolutism on the one hand and individual liberty on the
other were waged alike in France and in England. The
attempt to colonize America came from one side of the con
troversy in France and from the other side of the same
controversy in England. The virtues of the two systems
were to be tried out and the irrepressible conflict between
them was to be continued, in the wilderness.
For capable and efficient leadership, for far-sighted and
comprehensive plans, for clear understanding of existing
conditions and prevision as to the future, for conspicuous
examples of heroic achievement and self-devotion, the palm
must be awarded to the French over their English com
petitors. There are few chapters in history so full of roman
tic interest, so compelling in their demands for sympathy
and admiration, as the record of the century and a half
that began with the wooden fortress of Champlain under
the bluff at Quebec, and ended with the fall of Montcalm
on the Heights- of Abraham.
The world owes many debts to France. Not the least of
these is the inspiration the men of every race can find in
the noble examples of such explorers as Nicollet and Joliet
and La Salle; such leaders as Champlain and Frontenac and
Duquesne and Montcalm; and such missionaries as La Caron
and Breboeuf and Marquette. They strove for the execu
tion of a great design, holding hardship and suffering and
life of little account, in their loyalty to their religion and
their king. With infinite pams they won the friendship of
the Indians of the Saint Lawrence and the far Northwest;
they carried the flag of France to the mouth of the Missis-

THE IROQUOIS AND THE COLONIES 13
sippi; they drew a cordon of military posts up the Saint
Lawrence, across to the Mississippi, and down to the Gulf,
well designed to bar the westward advance of the English
colonies, to save the great West for their race, and thence
to press the English backward to the sea. Their soldiers
were, as a rule, better led, better organized, and moved on
more definite and certain plans than the Enghsh. Occa
sionally some born fighter on the Enghsh side would accom
plish a great deed, like Pepperell at Louisburg, or some man
of supreme good sense would bring order out of confusion,
as did Franklin and Washington; but as a rule colonial
legislatures were slow and vacillating; colonial governors
were indifferent and short-sighted; and colonial movements
were marked by a lack of that definite responsibility, coupled
with power, so essential to successful warfare.
Fortunately for England, between the two parties all along
the controlling strategic line from this Lake Champlain to
the gateway of the West at Fort Duquesne, stretched the
barrier of the Long House and its tributary nations. They
were always ready, always organized, always watchful.
They continually threatened and frequently broke the great
French military line of communication. Along the whole
line they kept the French contiaually in jeopardy. Before
the barrier the French built forts and trained soldiers —
behind it the English cleared the forests and built homes and
cultivated fields and grew to a great multitude, strong in
individual freedom and in the practice of seK-govemment.
Again and again the French hurled their forces against the
Long House, but always with little practical advantage.
At one time De Tracy, the viceroy, burned villages and laid
waste the land of the Iroquois with twelve hundred French
soldiers. At another, De La Barr, the governor, with eigh
teen hundred; at another, De Nouville with two thousand;
at another, Frontenac with six hundred; at still another.

14 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Frontenac with a thousand. Always there came also a cloud
of Algonquin allies. Always the Iroquois retired and then
returned, rebuilt their villages, replanted their fields, resumed
their operations, and in their turn took ample revenge for
their injuries.
So, to and fro the war parties went, harrying and burning
and killing; but always the barrier stood, and always with
its aid the English colonies labored and fought and grew
strong. WTien the final struggle came between the armies of
France and England, the French had the genius of Mont
calm and soldiers as brave as ever drew sword; but behind
WoKe and his stout English hearts was a new people, rich
in supplies, trained in warfare, and ready to fight for their
homes. South Carolina, the records show, furnished twelve
hundred and fifty men for the war; Virginia, two thousand;
Pennsylvania, two thousand seven hundred; New Jersey,
one thousand; New York, two thousand six hundred and
eighty; New Hampshire and Rhode Island, one thousand;
Connecticut, five thousand; Massachusetts, seven thou
sand. It was not merely the army — it was that a nation
had arrived, too great in numbers, in extent of territory, in
strength of independent, individual character, to be over
whelmed by any power that France could possibly produce.
The conclusion was foregone. A battle lost or won at
Quebec or elsewhere could but hasten or retard the result a
httle. The result was sure to come as it did come.
In all this interesting and romantic story may be seen
two great proximate causes of the French failure and the
English success; two reasons why from Quebec to the
Pacffic we speak English, follow the course of the common
law, and estimate and maintain our rights according to the
principles of English freedom.
One of these was the great inferiority of the Indian allies
of the French, and the great superiority of the Indian allies of

THE IROQUOIS AND THE COLONIES 15
the English; the effective and enduring organization, the
warhke power, of the Iroquois, and their fidelity to the
" covenant chain " which bound them to our fathers. The
other cause hes deeper: It is that peoples, not monarchs,
settlers, not soldiers, build empires: that the spirit of abso
lutism in a royal court is a less vital principle than the spirit
of hberty in a nation.
In these memorial days let there be honor to Champlain
and the chivalry of France: honor to the strong free hearts
of the common people of England; and honor also to
the savage virtues, the courage and loyal friendship of the
Long House of the Iroquois.

SAMUEL EIRKLAND: FOUNDER OF
HAMILTON COLLEGE
ADDRESS AT THE EXERCISES ATTENDING THE LAYING OF THE
CORNER STONE OF THE NEW DARTMOUTH HALL AND THE VISIT
OF THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO DARTMOUTH COLLEGE,
OCTOBER 26, 1904
The President of the College, in introducing Mr. Root, said:
The relation of Dartmouth College to Hamilton College has been far
deeper than may appear on the surface. The relation has been one of
a conMnon motive, and as each college has taken its own way it has acted
under the impulse of that common motive. I present to you tonight a
trustee and benefactor of Hamilton College; and, in presenting him to
you, I express the sentiment of every American citizen, that we honor
Hamilton College in its graduate, who illuminates every subject in politics
upon which he thinks and concerning wliich he speaks or acts. We feel
that when he puts his hand to any political problem, that problem is
solved, not violently, but surely. I present to you the Honorable Elihu
Root. AFTER all the charming, eloquent, and interesting
speeches to which we have hstened, I feel like that
inmate of an insane asylum who inquired of a visitor passing
through his ward if he had a piece of toast about him. The
visitor said, " No, I have no toast about me." " I am
sorry," said the patient, " that you have not a piece of toast.
I am a poached egg, and I want to sit down." But I cannot
sit down on my toast without saying something about it.
Few men, either of Dartmouth or Hamilton, know how
conspicuous an illustration the two colleges are of that
power of transmission which President Eliot has so clearly
set before us tonight. In the year 1761, Samson Occom, the
Indian student whose brilliant receptivity of education led
17

18 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Eleazar Wheelock to give his life to the lines of instruction
that ultunately produced Dartmouth College, taking up his
life-work, went as a missionary to his own people and estab
hshed himself among the Oneidas on the banks of the
Oriskany as it flows into the Mohawk.
In that year, 1761, Samuel Kirkland, a Connecticut boy,
became a student in Eleazar Wheelock's school at Lebanon.
There he learned the Indian tongue; there he devoted him
self to a like mission with Samson Occom. In the year
1766, that year in which Samson Occom, with Nathaniel
Whitaker, was the vogue in London, preaching before princes
and nobles and creating a notable interest in the cause of
Indian education, — that year, in which he, with Nathaniel
Whitaker, was getting from the King his gift of two hundred
pounds and making the Earl of Dartmouth the patron
and promoter of the new enterprise, Samuel Kirkland
followed his friend and became in his turn a missionary
to the Oneidas.
Shortly after, came to the same place James Deane, a grad
uate of Dartmouth in the first class, — a member of the college
before the buildings were erected, living in the wilderness and
gathering from Wheelock's inspiration the same spirit.
For years these three, the students of Wheelock at Lebanon
and at Hanover, labored together with the Oneidas, —
Samuel Kirkland the leading spirit of the three. Patient,
enduring, persistent, through perils of river and perils of
forests, amid cruel and savage foes, enduring the heats of
summers and the deep snows of winters, living in a log hut,
travelling through the vast and trackless wilderness, one by
one he gained the friendship and the confidence of those
fierce warriors, until he became the friend and the father of
them all. War swept to and fro in the valley of the Mohawk;
but in due time, when peace had come, when civilization had
approached near enough to the wilderness, he in his turn

SAMUEL KIRKLAND 19
put into practice the lessons he had learned from WTieelock
and imitated Wheelock's example.
We find him in the year 1792 attending the commence
ment of Dartmouth, bringing with him the Indian chieftain
Onandago; and in that same autumn of 1792 he applied to
the newly-formed Board of Regents of the University of the
State of New York, at Albany, for a charter for an academy,
in which he had enlisted the interests of Alexander Hamilton
and the patroon Stephen Van Rensselaer.
The charter was granted, and on the plot of land granted
him by the faithful Indians he planted his institution. In
the deed of conveyance of the land he expressed his purposes
and breathed the hberal and generous sentiments of his pre
ceptor, — so far, so widely different from the sour and nar
row characteristics which have too often appeared in New
England religious life. He said it was his purpose to estab
lish an academy for the benefit of the young settlements and
of the confederated tribes of Indians, " earnestly wishing
that the institution may grow and flourish, that the advan
tages of it may be extensive and lasting, and that, under the
smiles of the God of wisdom and goodness, it may prove an
eminent means of diffusing useful knowledge, enlarging the
bounds of human happiness, aiding the reign of virtue and
the kingdom of the blessed Redeemer."
And for more than a century, upon the hillside from which
the college spire looks down to the north over the lands
granted by the Oneidas to James Deane, and to the south
over the lands granted by the Oneidas for the work of Samson
Occom, standing on the lands granted by the Oneidas to
Samuel Kirkland, across the two ranges of mountains, beyond
the Adirondack wilderness, the spirit of Eleazar WTieelock,
the spirit that founded Dartmouth and has made Dartmouth
what it is, has been doing the same work that the spirit of
Wheelock has been doing here.

20 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
The specffic purpose of these pious men has apparently
failed. The work which they sought to do for the Indian
has been of but little apparent effect. The savage tribes they
fondly dreamed they could civilize have passed away. But
great results, nevertheless, flowed from their work. The five
great tribes of the Iroquois were the most formidable warriors
and the most highly civilized and advanced Indians of our
continent. They occupied a strategic point in the continent
of North America. From their homes flowed to the south,
the Allegheny, the Susquehanna, the Delaware, and the
Mohawk. To the north their waters ran into the Great
Lakes and into the Saint Lawrence. Five thousand warriors
gathered for the security and the extension of their dominion.
They controlled the Indian tribes south to the Carolinas,
west to the Mississippi, north to the Lakes and the Saint
Lawrence, and east farther than the place where we are
now standing. Vital to the success of the American forces
in the Revolution was the aid or the neutrality of this
formidable band of warriors, — men not merely savages, but
with a highly developed political organization, politicians
and statesmen; and in the great struggles which ended in
American independence these three sons of Dartmouth —
Kirkland, Deane, and Occom — held the Oneidas firm as a
rock to the American cause and prevented the powerful
infiuence of that confederacy from waging war upon Wash
ington and his forces in the rear.
The greatest strategic movement of the Revolution upon
the British side was that in which Burgoyne, passing down
Champlain and the vaUey of the Hudson, St. Leger, passing
from Lake Ontario to Oneida Lake, through Wood Creek,
across the carry, and down the valley of the Mohawk, and
Howe, ascending the Hudson, were to concentrate at Albany,
cut the confederacy in twain, and defeat its armies in detail.

SAMUEL KIRKLAND 21
It was the work of these sons of Dartmouth in the valley of
the Oriskany that held the Oneidas friendly to the American
cause and enabled Herkimer to turn back St. Leger from
Fort Stanwix and defeat that branch of the strategy, leaving
Burgoyne to faU helpless at Saratoga.
Inscrutable are the dispositions of Providence. Man pro
poses, but God disposes. King George, giving his two hun
dred pounds to promote the cause of Indian education, sets
on foot an influence which avails greatly to cast down and
destroy his dearest hopes of overcoming resistance in America.
The Earl of Dartmouth, broad-minded and far-seeing, giv
ing his patronage and assistance to the new enterprise,
serves to contribute greatly to the success of that Washing
ton whose blood runs in his own veins and to make his own
ancestors among the most illustrious upon the earth. A
controversy about the control of a little college in New
Hampshire brings the genius of Webster to bear upon the
mighty mind of Marshall and produces a decision in the Dart
mouth College case which stands as a bulwark of property
and the rights of contract, as a bulwark to the national
power and the true meaning and force of the American
Constitution for all time. The pious impulse of WTieelock,
seeking to redress the Indian wrongs suffered in one hun
dred and forty years of warfare, and to make some recom
pense for the slaughters, the harryings, and the burnings
to which hard necessity compelled our fathers, fails of its
purpose at the time, but sets in motion the springs of action
that, through the succeeding century, and down to the
present day, have animated young Americans in carrying
through the length and breadth of a great continent the
spirit of his example, the characteristics which he sought to
impress upon the Indian tribes; so that eighty millions of
people, men with consciences, men with high ideals, men

22 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
of noble purposes, are carrying forward in our day, as the
will in the days to come, the cause of justice, of libertj
of righteousness upon earth.
The spirit of Eleazar WTieelock and of Samuel Kirkland
failing of their immediate purpose, is the spirit of th
American conscience, the spirit of American progress, th
spirit of the American future!

THE CENTENARY OF HAMILTON
COLLEGE
HISTORICAL ADDRESS AT THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION, AT
CLINTON, N. Y., JUNE 17, 1912
On June 17, 1912, Hamilton College, at Clinton, New York, celebrated the one
hundredth anniversary of the granting of its charter. The college grew out of the
Hamilton Oneida Academy, founded La 1793 by Samuel Kirkland, missionary to the
Oneida tribe of the Iroquois. The historical address at the centennial of the college
was deUvered by Elihu Root. Mr. Root's relations to Hamilton College form one of
the most interesting chapters in his life. He was born in a house on the college
campus, within a stone's throw of the one in which his father. Professor Oren Root,
lived and died, and which has since been Elihu Root's summer home. Professor
Root graduated at Hamilton in the class of 1833, and was for a number of years the
tutor in mathematics; in 1847 he succeeded Professor Marcus Catlin as professor of
mathematics, holding this chair untU his death in 1885, — a service of forty-two
years. He was not merely a great teacher, he was a botanist, a mineralogist,
and a lover of flowers, plants, and trees, and his lawns and garden were the wonder
and delight of all the countryside. Ehhu Root's older brother, Oren Root, Jr., suc
ceeded his father in the chair of mathematics, and a younger brother was the pro
fessor of chemistry at Hamilton College for a brief period before his untimely death.
Elihu Root graduated from Hamilton College in 1864; he was the valedictorian
of his class, as his father had been before him. He was chosen a member of the board
of trustees of the college in 1883, and is the chairman of the board. Thus appear
the peculiarly intimate relations of Mr. Root to his Alma Mater, explaining his deep
afipection for the institution with which so many of his family were connected, and to
whose welfare he has devoted so much care and thought. It has been his custom for
many years to walk across the street to the college chapel on the opening day of the
fall term, and make a brief impromptu address to the assembled students, — words
of encouragement, of suggestion, and of inspiration in the work before them. The
returning students have come to anticipate this address from the most distinguished
alumnus of the college, as marking one of the red-letter days of their college career.
It is much to be regretted that none of these talks have been preserved, for they
reveal a side of his life and character quite different from any which appears in his
more formal addresses.
The regard which the alumni of Hamilton College have come to feel for Mr. Root
was indicated at the Commencement exercises in 1915, when the overshadowing
event at the alumni meeting was the presentation to the college of a bronze bust of
Mr. Root by a large group of the alumni. The likeness is excellent and characteristic;
the artist was C. I. Pietro. 23

24 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Mr. Root's historical address at Hamilton's centennial, which follows, should be
read in connection with this brief sketch of his relations to the college. The four
addresses here printed reveal Mr. Root's close study of the early history of the educa
tional institutions of New York State and of the Indian tribes of the Iroquois nation,
so intimately related with that history through Samuel Kirkland and Eleazar
Wheelock. MODERN research in the field of evolution tends to
increase greatly the apparent importance of inherited
as distinguished from acquired characteristics, in the deter
mination of individual quahties. It appears that from
generation to generation the transmission of microscopic
determinants fixes, in accordance with established laws
aheady partly discerned, many of the most important char
acteristics which go to make up the individual. A close
analogy may be found in the spiritual succession by which
the original quahties and standards of an old institution are
transmitted through a long and continually changing series
of individual members who differ widely from each other,
but who, coming find, and going leave, the institution always
essentially the same. Great endowments, stately buildings,
pubhc favor and prosperity, cannot produce or take the place
of that indefinable and mysterious quality which has been
transmitted from a remote past, which has persisted through
many changing years and many passing hves, and which
gives to the institution a personality of its own, a continuance
of the life breathed into it at the moment of its birth. Each
new human element that enters into the work of such an
institution comes under the domination not of this man or
that, but of the potent spirit which gave life to the institution
and moulds its traditions, its habits of thought and feehng and
action, its purposes and its aspirations.
The true history of such an institution must be the story
of the outward working of this informing spirit, and it is
only in the origm that we can find understanding of all that
follows.

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 25
The granting of the college charter to Hamilton College
one hundred years ago was but an incident in the develop
ment of an institution already established. The application
for the charter is described in the Journal of the Regents of
the University of the State of New York, at its meeting of
February 17, I8I2, as —
A petition from the Trustees of Hamilton Oneida Academy praying that
the said Academy may be invested with coUegiate powers and privileges.
The minutes of the meeting of the regents on March 10, 1812,
contained this entry:
The committee to whom was referred the application for a college in
Oneida County and that Hamilton Oneida Academy be erected into a
college, report that, in their opinion, the prayer of the applicants ought
to be granted.
The charter, which was reported by Chief Justice Kent at
the meeting of the regents on March 22, 1812, begins with
the recital:
Whebeas, The -Trustees of Hamilton Oneida Academy, in conjunction
with many of the citizens of the Western district of this State, have by
their petition made known to us that they, the said applicants, were
minded to found a college by engrafting the same on the said Academy
at or near the site of said Academy ia the town of Paris, in the County
of Oneida, and have signified to us that the name thereof shall be Hamilton
College. For the origin of our college we must go back to the
beginning of the academy which was thus " invested with
collegiate powers and privileges," which was " erected into a
college," upon which a college was " engrafted." The
beginning of the academy appears in the Journal of the
Regents of the University of the State for January 29, 1793.
There were present : " His ExceUency, the Chancellor of the
University (George Chnton); the Vice-Chancellor (John
Rodgers) ; Pierre Van Cortland, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor
of this State; Lewis Morris, Benjamin Moore, Philip

26 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Schuyler, Gulian Ver Planck, Mathew Clarkson " — great
names in the history of the state.
The minute reads:
The respective applications of Samuel Kirkland and seven other persons
praying that Alexander Hamilton and fifteen other persons for that pur
pose nominated may be incorporated by the name and style of " The
Trustees of Hamilton Oneida Academy " at Whites Town, in the County
of Herkimer; and of Joseph Yates and twenty-three other persons pray
ing that Abram Yates, Junior, and twenty-three other persons nominated
in the said apJ)lication may be incorporated by the style of " The Trustees
of the Academy of the Town of Schenectady," in the County of Albany,
subject nevertheless to be changed into the name of the most liberal
benefactor; were severally read and committed to the Vice-Chancellor
General Clarkson and Mr. Ver Planck.
The committee named reported favorably at the same
meeting, whereupon the minute proceeds:
The Board resolved itself into a committee of the whole to take the
above report into consideration, and after some time spent thereon the
Chancellor reassumed the chair, and General Schuyler, from the said
committee, reported that they had agreed to the report of the sub
committee. Whereupon,
Resolved, That the Board agree to the said report. Ordered, That the
Secretary prepare instruments in the usual form for incorporating the
said Alexander Hamilton and the said fifteen other persons for that
purpose named, and the said Abram Yates and the said twenty-three
other persons named in the said application, and that the Chancellor
aflBx the seal of the University to the said instruments.
The " Academy of the Town of Schenectady " subsequently
became Union College. Thus Union and Hamilton were
created at the same instant by the same sovereign act.
The Hamilton Oneida application upon which this action
was taken was dated November 12, 1792. The charter bears
the signature of George Clinton as Chancellor. It was one
of the early acts of the regents of the University of the
State of New York, an institution then recently organized
under the statute of 1784, revised and perfected in 1787 upon
the report of a committee drafted by Alexander Hamilton.

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 27
The first Board of Trustees appointed by the charter con
sisted of:
Alexander Hamilton, John Lansing, Egbert Benson, Dan Bradley, Eli
Bristol, Erastus Clark, James Dean, Moses Foot, Thomas R. Gold, Sewal
Hopkins, Michael Myers, Jonas Piatt, Jedediah Sanger, John Sergeant,
Timothy Tuttle, and Samuel Wells.
For the true origin of the institution we must go still
farther back to the school of Eleazar Wheelock at Lebanon,
Connecticut, where came in 1761 as a student, at the age of
nineteen, Samuel Kirkland, son of the Reverend Daniel
Kirkland, of Norwich, Connecticut. The school was estab
lished primarily for the education of Indians, and out of it
a few years later in 1769 grew Dartmouth College. Here the
boy became imbued with the spirit and began to acquire the
learning, necessary to quahfy him for his extraordinary career
of usefulness and power as a missionary to the Iroquois.
After a century and a half of fighting Indians with all the
hatred and revenge which follow fire and the sword, outrages
and reprisals, the British colonies had become estabhshed and
strong in their capacity for defense. The long struggle
against France and her Indian allies for the control of the
continent had drawn to a close with the victories of Wolfe at
Quebec and Amherst at Montreal, and a new light seemed to
break upon the consciences of the good people of Great
Britain and her colonies. The churches that listened every
Sunday to the teachings of the Apostles awoke to a sense
of concern for the souls of the simple savages whose lands they
were taking away and whose habits contact with the new civi
lization was corrupting. Something of the same missionary
spirit arose in Protestant Britain and New England that in
the Roman Cathohc church had inspired the devotion and
sacrifice of the Jesuit missionaries to the Indians of the
Northwest, and had raised the names of La Caron and
Breboeuf and Marquette above the obscuring mists of

28 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
doctrinal dissension, above aU distinctions of sect and creed,
as iUustrious and revered examples of Christian service.
Wiiham Legge, second Earl of Dartmouth, became trustee of
a fund collected in England for the support of the school for
Indians at Lebanon. The Scotch Society for Propagating
Christian Elnowledge turned their attention and their money
towards the cultivation of the newly-discovered field, sent
out missionaries and established other schools for the spread
of the gospel. The character and spirit of the Lebanon
school are exhibited in the Memorial sent by Mr. Wheelock
to Sir William Johnson, superintendent of Indian Affairs
in North America, and other commissioners assembled at
Fort Stanwix for a conference with the Indians, in October,
1768. The Memorial says:
The Memorial of Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon in the Colony of Con
necticut, Founder and Director of the Indian Charity School in said
Colony, humbly showeth:
" That said school was founded with a single view to promote the
knowledge of the only true God, and our common salvation especially
among the savages of this land; thereby to deUver them from their
present miseries, make them good members of society, loyal subjects
to our rightful Sovereign, and especially cordial subjects to the King of
Zion. And the plan has since been well approved, and the school gener
ously endowed by the liberalities of his present Majesty King George the
Third, and by many Noblemen and Gentlemen in Europe, as well as by
many charitably disposed people in America — and much labor and cost
have been already expended to fit and qualify a number both EngUsh and
Indians for Missionaries and School Masters among their several tribes
who are now or wiU soon be ready to enter upon their respective services,
if suitable doors should be opened for their improvement therein. Some
attempts have also been already made among the Oneidas, and not with
out some encouraging prospect that their lives and manners may be soon
formed to rules of decency, civiUty and religion."
Into this work the young Kirkland entered with unsurpassed
energy and enthusiasm. The first reference to him which I
find is in a letter from Sir William Johnson to Mr. WTieelock,
dated November 17, 1761, in which the writer says:

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 29
Kirkland's intention of learning ye Mohawk language I much approve
of as after acquiring it he could, when qualified, be of vast service to them
as a clergyman, which they much want and are very desirous of having.
In the autumn of 1762 Kirkland entered the sophomore
class of Princeton, where he received his degree in course at
the Commencement of 1765. So eager, however, was he to
enter upon his adventurous work that he did not remain for
the college commencement, but before the close of the year
he withdrew and engaged in an expedition to the country of
the Senecas. Mr. Wheelock said of this expedition, in a
letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, on May 16, 1765:
A young EngUsh gentleman, Samuel Kirkland, I sent last faU to winter
with the numerous and savage tribe of the Senecas in order to learn their
language and fit him for a mission among them; where no missionary has
hitherto dared to venture. This bold adventure of his, which, considered
in aU the circumstances of it, is the most extraordinary of the kind I have
ever known, has been attended with abundant evidence of a divine
blessing. On April 29, 1765, Mr. Wheelock sent through Sir WiUiam
Johnson an address to the sachems and chiefs of the Iroquois
tribes, in which he said:
I thank you for the kindness which some of you have shown to my dear
Mr. Kirkland, whom I sent into your country last fall. His heart is bent
to do good to the Indians. He denies himself aU the pleasure and honors
which he might have here among his friends, only to do you good. I hope
you wiU continue your kindness to him, and treat him as my child. I
hope God wiU make him an instrument of great good to the Indians.
" This gentleman," say McClure and Parish, speaking of
Kirkland, in their memoirs of Wheelock,
was, in various respects, peculiarly qualified for the arduous task. He
possessed uncommon constitutional strength and vivacity, a mind fearless
in danger, a great fund of benevolence, and a heart devoted to the cause
of the Redeemer, and zealous for the conversion of the heathen. He
traveled among those barbarians unattended, boldly persevered ia the
good work, and endured trials and encountered dangers which would have
appalled a common mind with terror and dismay. Although famine

30 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
spread its horrors around him, and his Ufe was often in danger from some
who watched an opportunity to kiU him, yet he continued with them
more than eighteen months, taught them from the word of life, and
acquired a competent knowledge of their language.
In May, 1766, Mr. Kirkland returned from the country of
the Senecas and was ordained at Lebanon, and in July he
returned to the country of the Iroquois under a commission
from the Society in Scotland. The commission ran in these
words :
Be it known to aU people by these presents, that the Board of Corre
spondents, in the Colony of Connecticut, New England, appointed and
commissioned by the Honorable Society in Scotland for Propagating
Christian Knowledge. . . . Do authorize, ordain, and appoint the
Reverend Samuel Kirkland a missionary among the heathen and ignorant
people in North America . . . and we do invest the said Reverend
Samuel Kirkland with all the powers, immunities, and privileges belong
ing to a missionary, employed and commissioned by the Corresponding
Commissioners of the Honorable Society in Scotland for propagating
Christian knowledge; and as the said Reverend Samuel Kirkland goes
forth under the protection of their royal charter, it is desired and expected
none wiU presume to molest or disquiet him in the prosecution of his oflBce,
but afford him all needful encouragement and assistance therein.
Signed and sealed by order and in the name of the Board of Corre
spondents, at Lebanon, the nineteenth day of June, a.d. 1766.
Elbazae Wheeiock, Secretary.
At this time he took up his residence in the more central
position of the Oneidas, where he was to pass his life and do
his work for more than forty years. Abundant evidence
has been preserved of the noble and unselfish spirit in which
he worked, of his tireless energy, the fortitude with which he
endured hardship and suffering, the courage which no
poverty or discouragement could daunt, the swift sympathy
through which he found his way to the affections of his
untutored people, and the commanding influence over them
which he acquired. In 1769 a clergyman in Scotland sent
htm thirty pounds through a New York correspondent, say
ing that he had " from good authority a most savory account

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE SI
of the uncommon labor of love and hardships in his Master's
service of the Indian Missionary, Mr. Samuel Kirkland";
and Kirkland said in his acknowledgment of this:
This will be not only the first thirty pounds, but the first thirty shiUings,
I ever had, that I might in any sense caU my own, except a few dollars
given me last spring by the liberaUty of some friends in Boston, to procure
books. I have never had any salary since I embarked in this arduous but
glorious cause, nor ever asked for one. I have the testimony of my con
science, with four years' experience (notwithstanding the reproach and
censure I am obUged to receive from the men of the world), that I was
not induced to enter this design of Christianizing the heathen from
pecuniary motives or worldly views. Dr. Wheelock has supplied me
from time to time, as Providence handed in to him.
And at about the same time the Board in Scotland resolved :
The Board, having taken into consideration the eminent services and
painful labors of the Reverend Mr. Samuel Kirkland, one of the mission
aries employed by Dr. Wheelock among the Indians, and the difficulties
he bas undergone in the prosecution of that employment, are of opinion
that the sum of one hundred pounds sterling be aUowed him, to provide
himself with necessaries, before he engages in further services.
It is probable that during all this period Kirkland had in
mind as a useful agency for civilizing the Indians the estab-
hshment of a school, not only because of the impression
derived from the Lebanon School and from Mr. Wheelock's
example, but from the fact that during their intimate
acquaintance Mr. Wheelock himself had entertained the
idea of removing his own school to the country of the Iro
quois. A letter is preserved from Wheelock to General
Amherst, written April 2, 1763, in which he proposes that a
grant of land be made —
on the West side of Susquehanna River or in some other place more
convenient, in the heart of the Indian country, in favor of this school
. . . and that the school be an Academy for aU parts of useful learning;
part of it to be a college for the education of missionaries, interpreters,
school masters, etc., and part of it a school to teach reading, writing, etc.
Indeed it appears that the establishment of Dartmouth
College on the Mohawk instead of at Hanover was at one

32 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
time in contemplation, for at the Indian Congress at Fort
Stanwix, in October, 1768, the Reverend Jacob Johnson,
one of the missionaries to the Indians, came in behalf of Dr.
Wheelock to ask the favor of Sir William Johnson and his
associates for a proposal to the Indians, which ran in this
way:
Know Ye That Whereas The Reverend Dr. Eleazar Wheelock of
Lebanon in the Colony of Connecticut in New England, Minister of
Fesus Christ is about to set up a coUege or Great School for the benefit
)f the Indians which generous and good design is favored by your Royal
Father the King of Great Britain The Earl of Dartmouth together with
nany wise as well as great and good men, and a place is now searching out
s'hereon to set up said College and many great offers made in lands and
nonies wherewith to endow said CoUege in several of the neighboring
EngUsh Governments but no place resolved upon as yet to set up said
HoUege. These are therefore to ask of you Fathers and Brethren if it be your
ninds and what you would choose to appropriate and devote a certain
;ract of your land or country for this great and good purpose on or near
;he Mohawk River or wherever you in your wisdom may think most
:onvenient of such extent and worth as may be sufficient with what
nonies and other benefactions and charities may be given to endow said
UoUege that it may be of a most pubUc and extensive use and benefit to
;he several nations of Indians.
The outbreak of the Revolution carried Kirkland's activ-
ties into a wider field, introduced a new element into his
ife, and gave broader scope to his vision, for his knowledge
)f the Indians and his influence over them enabled him to
¦ender most signal service in preventing Indian hostilities,
md especially in maintaining the friendly attitude of the
Dneidas towards the colonists so that the united action of
;he League of the Iroquois in the British interest was impos-
iible. He was as patriotic as he was pious. He served
lis country as zealously and effectively as he had served his
•eligion. He became the agent of the colonies among the
[ndians of all the Six Nations, and for years journeyed up
md down through the country attending their councils and

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 33
pleading the colonial cause. He was chaplain to the garrison
at Fort Schuyler under a commission from the Continental
Congress. He was brigade chaplain of General Suhivan
in the campaign of 1779. He became a trusted adviser of
the government regarding Indian affairs. He was thrown
into intimate relations of friendship and confidence with
Washington and Hamilton and Schuyler and Pickering and
Knox. After the defeat of St. Clair, when the Iroquois were
in danger of making common cause with the western Indians
in a bloody war against the new government of the United
States, it was Kirkland who, with infinite pains and difiBculty,
induced a great party of the chiefs and sachems of the Six
Nations to go with him to the seat of government at Phila
delphia, where a good understanding was reached and their
part in the war prevented. In the meantime he had returned
to his missionary duties among the Oneidas and had prepared
and sent to Timothy Pickering and to the Board of Com
missioners in Boston, " a plan of education for the Indians,
particularly of the Five Nations." This plan contemplated,
in addition to smaller schools, the estabhshment of an
academy in the vicinity of Oneida at which English youth
were to be admitted, and a certain number of Indian youth,
selected from the different nations of the confederacy, and
to be
instructed in the principles of human nature, in the history of civil society,
so as to be able to discern the difference between a state of nature and a
state of civilization, and know what it is that makes one nation differ
from another in wealth, power, and happiness, and in the principles of
natural reUgion, the moral precepts, and the more plain and express
doctrines of Christianity.
Timothy Pickering was one of the little group of men
whom Washington trusted most. He was then Postmaster-
General, was soon to become Secretary of War, and after
wards Secretary of State; and he played a great part in the
Federal administrations which, under Washington and John

34 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Adams, set in motion the machinery of the new govern
ment under the Constitution. A long document from him
containing comments upon Kirkland's plan of education,
approving its general principles, suggesting alterations and
improvements, gives evidence of the interest he felt in the
subject. In 1792 Kirkland went about the execution of that
portion of the plan of education which related to the estab
lishment of an academy. He visited New York, conferred
(vith the governor of the state and the regents, and he
dsited Philadelphia, where he conferred with Washington,
Pickering, and Hamilton. Washington, it is said, expressed
1 warm interest in the institution, and Hamilton consented
to become one of the trustees and to afford all the aid in his
30wer. President Fisher, in his semi-centennial address
ifty years ago, states the fact that from Hamilton Mr.
Kirkland obtained the gift of a lot of land, which realized
ivhat in those times was a handsome sum. When the charter
lad been granted Kirkland proceeded to donate a site to the
lew institution on the hillside overlooking the valleys of
the Oriskany and the Mohawk — a part of the tract which
"our years before had been conveyed to him by the conjoint
iction of the Indians and the state in recognition of his
services to both. The terms of the conveyance indicate a
iberal spirit and an appreciation of the pohte side of life
[vhich it is pleasant to find surviving after so long experience
imid barbarism and hardship. He was founding an institu
tion in a wilderness, surrounded by savages. The nearest
ipproach to civihzation was to be found in the rude life of
the frontiersmen. Yet he specified in his gift of land that a
aart was to be used for an ornamental garden. The pre-
imble of the deed has often been quoted, but cannot be
juoted too often. It says:
A serious consideration of the importance of education and an early
mprovement and cultivation of the human mind, together with the

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 35
situation of the frontier settlements of this part of the state, though
extensive and flourishing, yet destitute of any well regulated seminary of
learning, has induced and determined me to contribute of the ability
wherewith my Heavenly Benefactor hath blessed me, towards laying the
foundation and support of a school or academy in the town of AYhitestown,
and county of Herkimer, contiguous to the Oneida nation of Indians, for
the mutual benefit of the young and flourishing settlements in said county,
and the various tribes of confederate Indians; earnestly wishing the
institution may grow and flourish, that the advantages of it may be
extensive and lasting, and that, under the smUes of the God of wisdom
and goodness, it may prove an eminent means of diffusing useful knowl
edge, enlarging the bounds of human happiness, aiding the reign of
virtue, and the kingdom of the blessed Redeemer.
To this foundation were added contributions made from
their slender means by many of the inhabitants of the infant
settlements of central New York. In the following year,
1794, the academy building was erected and soon after teach
ing was commenced. The corner stone of the building was
laid with great ceremony by the Baron Frederick WiUiam
von Steuben, Washington's inspector-general, the drill
master of the Revolution, the old staff officer of Frederick
the Great, whose military experience and loyal constancy
through the privations of Valley Forge turned the undis
ciplined colonial levies into an army capable of Monmouth
and Yorktown. Among the forests that were famihar with
the silent passage of the savage Indian, along the slopes that
looked down upon the bloody battlefield of Oriskany, the
war-worn soldier was accompanied to this place where we
now stand by a gay and joyous cavalcade in which were two
of the daughters of Mr. Kirkland and their escorts, and in
which the Clinton Light Horse, Captain George W. Kirkland
commanding, was the guard of honor. Cheerful hope and
strong faith and lofty purpose accompanied, with propitious
omens, the fiirst physical step m the undertaking we now
celebrate and promote, after the lapse of a hundred and
eighteen years.

86 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
It is plain that the long and strenuous labors of Kirkland
in the revolutionary struggle, his companionship with the
great men who were freeing and founding the nation, his
agency in estabhshing and maintaining due pohtical relations
between the still powerful Indian tribes and the new United
States, had changed and developed the view of the young
missionary and brought a new element into the scope of his
purpose. He was no longer content to convert pagan savages
into Christian savages, but was bent upon establishing an
agency of civilization which should do its share towards
solving the race question of his time and make peace through
knowledge and understanding. To the savage prejudice and
error and racial hatred against which he and his great com
panions and leaders had been struggling, he would oppose,
in the words of the plan of education, " instruction in the
principles of human nature, in the history of civil society,
so as to be able to discern the difference between a state of
nature and a state of civilization, and know what it is that
makes one nation differ from another in wealth, power, and
happiness." He would inculcate not the doctrinal theology
of any school or creed, but " principles of natural religion,
the moral precepts, and the more plain and express doctrines
of Christianity." It was this public service of statesmanship
which brought to his project the approval of Washington and
the cooperation of Hamilton and Pickering and Steuben. So
there entered into the birth of the new institution both the
spirit of religion in its broadest sense and the spirit of patriot
ism in its highest development. It was to promote Christian
civihzation and to promote instructed and wise citizenship.
It was not merely that boys might learn grammar and alge
bra to help them to get on rn hfe, but that among all the
crude and unorganized elements of that transition period
should arise an influence powerful to expand men's minds
and form men's characters for a nobler country and a better

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 37
world. The spirit of the new institution was born of struggle
and arduous labor and sacrifice, and noble scorn of ease and
luxury, and httle care for wealth and display, and thirst for
knowledge, and loyalty to truth, and love for man, and faith
in God. WTien we now, in our generation, do our share
towards carrying on the college we are executing the lofty
purposes of great and noble men, long since passed away,
and entering into a companionship with them.
The hfe of the institution has been a life of struggle,
happy, perhaps, for the preservation of its virtues. It was
several years before the funds sufficed to finish the interior
of the building of which Steuben laid the corner stone; but
before the close of the eighteenth century it had become a
flourishing institution. It was visited by President Timothy
Dwight in his " Journey to Whitestown " in 1799. He says
ofit: This Seminary is already of considerable importance; and contains
fifty-two students, of both sexes, under the care of two instructors. The
scheme of education, professedly pursued in it, includes the EngUsh, Latin,
and Greek languages, and most of the Uberal arts and sciences. An
Academic building is erected for it, eighty-eight feet long, and forty-six
feet wide, of three stories, on a noble, healthy eminence, commanding a
rich and extensive prospect. It is, however, but partiaUy finished.
In his account of this same journey President Dwight
describes Utica as " a pretty village containing fifty houses,"
and he says, *' in 1794 there were but two, and in 1795 but
six." It was Dr. Dwight's intention to extend his journey
to the western parts of the state, and he proceeded as far as
a point which he describes as " Laird's, at the entrance of the
Oneida woods." This is the hamlet on the present state
highway about two miles and a half north of the college.
There he became daunted by the reported difficulties of
penetrating the wilderness any farther and turned back. It
seems rather a pity that the old academy building which
was built in the wilderness with so much pains should not

38 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
have been preserved for its associations, but it was tom
down in 1830, although the house built by Mr. Kirkland at
the foot of the hill for his home, in 1795, and long known
as the Harding house, stiU remains. In those early days
there was but little money in the neighborhood and the
academy had but a small part of that. The report to the
regents for the year 1804 states the property of the academy
to have been:
Academy lot and house  $3,500
Other real estate  900
Personal estate  240
Library and apparatus  462
Annual Income
From the funds  48
From tuition  494
Teachers' salaries per annum [there were two of them] 604
Average price of board per annum  65
Price of tuition per annum  12
And upon this basis sixty-four students were being instructed
in —
Reading and Writing.
English Grammar, Cyphering, etc.
Mathematics, Bookkeeping, etc.
Dead Languages.
Logic, Rhetoric, Composition, etc.
Moral Philosophy, etc.
The French Language and Natural Philosophy.
When we consider those days of poverty we should remem
ber that the men who contributed the funds and the labor,
who cut and squared the timbers and split the shingles and
raised the frame for the new academy, were themselves liv
ing in log houses and destitute of what would now be regarded
as almost the necessities of life; that the money which paid
the sixty-five dollars per annum for board and the twelve

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 39
dollars per annum for tuition was hardly earned on partly
cleared farms and was saved by self-denial and sacrifice.
Life was hard and stern. For a long time after the college
charter the students arose in the morning at half past five
o'clock, summer and winter, attended prayers in the chapel
at six, and recitations until seven, by the light of tallow
candles. They attended church and chapel and recitation
in rooms without fires, and even the president sometimes
preached in overcoat and mittens.
Great progress was made from this point to the opulence
which justified and secured the college charter of 1812. In
1814, the regents of the University reported, of the three
colleges which then existed in the state:
From Columbia, Union, and Hamilton Colleges, special representations
of their respective conditions have been made to the Legislature, by which
the degree of increasing prosperity in each will be seen, and how far the
very great benefits they are calculated to afford to the community, recom
mend them to the unremitted support of Government.
And thereupon the legislature of the state enacted a law
which affords an interesting illustration of the changing
standards of public sentiment and public policy. It was
Chapter 120 of the Laws of 1814, entitled " An act institut
ing a Lottery for the promotion of Literature and for other
purposes," passed April 13, 1814. The act recites:
Whereas weU regulated seminaries of learning are of immense impor
tance to every country, and tend especiaUy, by the diffusion of science
and the promotion of morals, to defend and perpetuate the Uberties of a
free state; Therefore,
Be it enacted by the people of the State of New York, represented in
Senate and Assembly, That there»shaU be raised by lottery, in successive
classes, a sum equal in amount to the several appropriations made by this
act, together with the simple interest accruing thereon, tiU the same shaU
be raised and paid by the managers appointed to superintend the same.
The act then proceeds to make appropriations of one
hundred and seventy thousand dollars out of the avails of
the lottery to Union College, forty thousand doUars to

40 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Hamilton College, to grant the land known as the Botanic
Garden in New York to Columbia College, and to authorize
the payment of four thousand dollars to discharge the debt
of the Asbury African church in the city of New York. In
the original edition of the Session laws there is a note under
this statute which says:
No bill before the Legislature excited greater interest and attention
than this act. Much credit is due to the unwearied exertions of the able
and eloquent president of Union CoUege, in procuring its passage.
And there is an appendix to the volume by which it appears
that the state, under an act of June 19, 1812, had already
given to Hamilton CoUege the sum of fifty thousand dollars,
and that the trustees of the late Hamilton Oneida Academy
and other individuals had subscribed fifty thousand dollars
for the benefit of the college.
The prosperity of the institution continued until in 1823 a
boyish prank in which a cannon was exploded in Old South
College led to a controversy that left the college almost with
out students; and for several years it seemed on the verge of
extinction. It soon recovered, but before the recovery was
complete an active dispute arose upon a proposition to remove
the institution to Utica, and the defeat of that proposal led
to the resignation of President Sereno Dwight. We should be
grateful that the proposal was defeated, for it would hardly
have been the same institution if it had been moved, and
now, with the railroad and the trolley line and the macadam
roads and the automobile, the college is practically a Utica
institution. It is nearer to Utica now than New Hartford or
Whitesboro was then. The great citizens whose memory
Utica cherishes as a part of her civic traditions deemed it a
part of their duty as citizens to maintain and promote the
interests of the institution which was exercising so beneficent
an influence throughout the region of which Utica is the
center. The first president of the Board of Trustees of the

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 41
coUege for many years was General Joseph Kirkland, mayor
of Utica. My own memory recalls, with a distinctness
peculiar to the vivid impressions of early youth, the appear
ance of Horatio Seymour and Joshua Spencer and Hiram
Denio and Edmund A. Wetmore and Erastus Clark and
S. Newton Dexter and William J. Bacon and Thomas W.
Seward and Publius V. Rogers as they appeared upon the
commencement stage or attended meetings of the trustees.
They deemed this to be their college — the college of their
home, and injurious distance did not stop the way of their
devotion to her interests. That noble and beautiful city is
nobler and more beautiful because step by step with the mate
rial growth of its entire life have gone the influences of the
institution, educating the sons and mingling with the social
life of the city. There are worthy successors now to Kirkland
and Seymour and Spencer and Denio, and, since the city and
the college are drawn closer together in ease of access, they
should draw together in sympathy and mutual benefit.
Since the settlement of that vital controversy the college
has proceeded with little adventure upon its simple and pro
gressive course. It has gradually enlarged its Faculty and its
facihties for instruction; it has made its standards higher
and its work more thorough; and it has kept pace with the
requirements of the time, in the comfort and convenience
and beauty of the many commodious and stately buildings,
which, especially under the force and enthusiasm of President
Stryker, have succeeded the rude old wooden academy on
the edge of the Oneida woods.
It is an interesting fact that although the Corporation of
Harvard College had for many years contributed to the
support of Kirkland's mission, and his son, John Thornton
Kirkland, had become president of Harvard, and although
Dartmouth and Hamilton were so closely associated in their
source and origin, and although Kirkland was a graduate of

42 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Princeton, nevertheless the force of the old Connecticut
associations was so strong that for more than seventy years
every principal and teacher in the academy and every presi
dent of the college, with one exception, was a graduate of
Yale. The one exception was Dr. Penney, who held the
office of president for a very brief time, from 1835 to 1839.
The last of the series of Yale graduates was the eloquent
Samuel Ware Fisher, who retired from the office in 1866.
After him came that scholarly and delightful gentleman,
Samuel Gilman Brown, a graduate of Dartmouth; after
him, a graduate of Amherst, the gentle and pious Henry
Darling. Then we came to our own in the selection of Mel-
ancthon Woolsey Stryker, of the class of 1872. He needs
no monument yet, but, when he does, circwmspice.
No mortal now can inspire me with half the reverence and
admiration that I felt for the teachers of Hamilton fifty years
ago. There are no better men than they. There never can
be. But I am bound to say that Hamilton is a better college
than it was then. Her work is better done and her students
are better educated. It is not my purpose in this paper to
recount the details of the college life and growth or to enu
merate and estimate the men who have been a part of that
life. For the men of the first half -century that service was
well done by the historical discourse of fifty years ago, and
for them all the same thing is done under the admirable prac
tice by which each year there is read an annalist letter from
the class fifty years out, a practice which has endured for half
a century and ought never to be abandoned.
I wish, however, to say something about the college that
can be illustrated by reference to a group of teachers, who
were here fifty years ago — my own father, Oren Root, and
his son, Oren Root, who, in succession, filled the chair of
mathematics in the college for fifty-eight years; Edward
North, professor of Greek for forty-eight years; Charles

CENTENARY OF HAMILTON COLLEGE 43
Avery, for twenty-five years professor of chemistry; Chris
tian Henry Frederick Peters, the astronomer for thirty-two
years in the Litchfield Observatory; and Anson Judd Upson,
for twenty-one years professor of rhetoric. Their students
doubtless soon forgot the most of what they learned from
book and lecture; but their students never could escape the
deep and lasting impressions upon their characters, their
tastes, and their intellectual methods. These professors were
poor as the world goes, but they had a wealth that money
cannot create. They loved their subjects and were happy
in their work. They rejoiced in the exercise of their powers.
They were content with simple pleasures. They filled the
atmosphere about them with an enthusiasm for learning and
literature. They sought for truth as one who strives in a
game. They never talked or thought about money or invest
ments or profits. They took httle heed of all those things
for which men are striving and wearing out their lives in
the market places of a materialistic civilization.
For a boy to hve with such men, to be close to them during
four of the most impressionable years of youth, to observe
and become accustomed to their simple and sincere lives,
without money, made happy by the pleasures of the intel
lect and taste, to get their standards and become impressed
by their estimates of the values of life, and to learn enough
out of books iu the meantime to understand it all — that is
an education beyond price.
And this is the true history of Hamilton. Before the
coming of the group that I have named, their predecessors
running back to the wilderness days did the same. Their
successors are now doing the same. It is something that the
great university cannot do. With all that the great univer
sity gains, it continually loses something with its growth,
and this is what it loses — the personal touch and the devel
opment of character. It is something that only the smaU

44 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
college can do, and only the small college with the right
spirit. Hamilton does it because the spirit of the found
ing in the wilderness persists. She has held to the old faith.
She has never sought to be a vocational institution. She
does not teach men to be lawyers or doctors or clergymen
or bankers or farmers. She is an educational institution.
She seeks to develop, to train, to form, to educate, youths to
be men competent to fit themselves for any vocation. She
has been kept true by her traditions, by the train of simple
farmer boys who have come plodding over the hills to her
examinations, by the great proportion of her students, who
come not because they are sent or because it is the correct
thing to do, but because they are eager to make their way
in the world. The college has grown, the buildings are more
numerous and expensive, the physical appliances are more
adequate, the endowment is more ample. The pathetic httle
schedule of property of a century ago has long since passed
the million mark. But all these things are of minor impor
tance, for what would it profit the college to gain them and
lose its own soul .'' The richest possessions of the insti
tution are the multitude of hves, past and present, that
would never have been educated if the college had not been
here; the intelligences that would not have been enlarged
by learning and literature; the spirits that would not have
been quickened but for her; the unrecorded influences for
the betterment of a thousand communities to which her
graduates have gone; the part she has played in the develop
ment of our country along lines of Christian civilization.
The great thing to be said, as we review the century, is that
the college always has been, in its essential character, the
same institution which drew its life, in the wilderness, from
the struggles and sacrifices of Kirkland — always inspired
by the same spirit, faithful to the same cause, and working
out the same beneficent purpose.

ADDRESS AS HONORARY CHANCELLOR OF
UNION UNIVERSITY
SCHENECTADY, NEW YORK, JUNE 10. 1914
THE first creative act of the regents of the University of
the State of New York was on January 29, 1793, in the
adoption of a resolution which I will read to you:
The respective appUcations of Samuel Kirkland and seven other per
sons praying that Alexander HamUton and fifteen other persons for the
purpose nominated may be incorporated by the name and style of " The
Trustees of HamUton Oneida Academy " at Whites Town, in the County
of Herkimer; and of Joseph Yates and twenty-three other persons pray
ing that Abram Yates, Junior, and twenty-three other persons nominated
in the said application may be incorporated by the style of " The Trustees
of the Academy of the Town of Schenectady," in the County of Albany,
subject nevertheless to be changed into the name of the most liberal bene
factor; were severaUy read and committed to the Vice-ChanceUor General
Clarkson and Mr. Ver Planck.
Whereupon (after a favorable report from the committee) :
Resolved, That the Board agree to the said report. Ordered, that the
Secretary prepare instruments in the usual form for incorporating the said
Alexander Hamilton and the said fifteen other persons for that purpose
named, and the said Abram Yates and the said twenty-three other persons
named in the said application, and that the ChanceUor affix the seal of the
University to the said instruments.
The Academy of the Town of Schenectady created by thia
resolution'presently became Union College, and then became
Union University, and stiU, like the chambered nautUus,
builds her more stately mansions.
The other academy born of the same resolution developed
a httle later into your neighbor, Hamilton College, and I
come, by the kind and partial friendship of your president
and trustees, to be your honorary chancellor for this present
year, not as a son of Union but as a nephew of Union, a son

46 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
of her twin sister, bound to that sister by birth and parent
age and family and personal intimacy through the student
body and the faculty and the board of trust, in almost every
way by which it is possible for a man to be identified aU his
life long with an institution. I was brought up there in the
great tradition of President Nott.^ He was still living and
was StiU president of Union until after my graduation.
Among all the college men by whom my boyhood was sur
rounded, his strong personality loomed large in thought and
discussion. His theories and methods of education and dis
cipline were constant subjects of reference and attack and
defense. Even the heroes of the Mexican War seemed smaU
in comparison with the eminent man who for more than sixty
years gave distinction to Union, as some tall church tower in
the distance affects the quality of a landscape.
Fifty years ago and for two fuU college generations, in
frequent passing up and down the vaUey, I never failed to
leave the train and search the long platform of the shabby,
little Schenectady station for a boy wearing a Sigma Phi
badge. The casual inauguration of a President of the United
States was a trifling incident compared with the annual
fourth of March convention of that society with the Alpha
of New York at Schenectady. The visits of its members to
and fro between the colleges brought intimate acquaintance
and comradeship and affection and made this old college and
the quiet town a part of the memories of our youth always to
be graced with a certain tender and romantic sentiment.
Union has always had special respect in my mind as the
birthplace of college Greek-letter societies. They must have
been a rare set of coUege boys who, in 1826 and '27 con-
1 Eliphalet Nott, Presbyterian clergyman. Born Ashford, Conn., June 25, 1773.
Elected president of Union College, now Union University, in 1804, and served until
his death, January 29, 1866. By his invention of stoves and other warming appa
ratus, he acquired a fortune, much of which he devoted to the assistance of Union
College. — The Americana Cyclopeilia.

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 47
ceived and launched the Kappa Alpha, Delta Phi, and
Sigma Phi societies. They must have laid hold of some of
the essential and permanent quahties of generous youth
for the motif of their new associations, else how could it be
that all America followed their example and that almost
a hundred years later the oldest men retain affectionate
loyalty for the boyish ideals they inspired. They had made
Union our Mecca, to which we came with devotion. Many
of the founders were still living. To this day my voice grows
solemn as I recall the reverence in which they were held.
They were our totem bearers; we were their clans. Schenec
tady was ours because it was theirs. It was to us the place of
the miracle. And what wonderful, wonderful boys were their
successors in all these societies ! How fearless and joyous and
debonaire their unquenched youth. How perfect their grace
and charm. With what resplendent attire they pervaded the
town and shone gloriously against the dull brown background
of quaint, sleepy, old Schenectady, in the days before the
burial of the dead languages, and the blossoming of the
General Electric.
We now live in a different world, with different surround
ings, different curriculum, different necessities, different con
ceptions of education and its purpose. A great army of new
sciences crowds Greek and Latin and Pure Mathematics
into the corner. We have travelled far from Franklin and his
kite to Edison and Marconi; from the comforting dismissal
of light, heat, and electricity, as " the three imponderable
agents known only by their effects ", to the amazing insight
and refinement of investigation which proceeds from mole
cule to atom and from atom to corpuscle, to ion and electron
and to the bewildering identification of matter and eternal
motion. From vast unknown and unsuspected fields of
research and thought, myriads of discoveries, of facts, of gen
eralizations, overwhelm the seeker for knowledge with a

48 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
sense of the impossibility of his task. Rigid selection of the
narrow limits and the few subjects which, within the possi
bilities of a college course, wiU best subserve the purposes of
education has become necessary. Standards of conduct have
changed. In Doctor Nott's time they used to fiU the soft
wood-work in your buildings with a multitude of brads
which, concealed under the paint, discouraged the carving
of door posts into totem poles, and the devotion of benches
to the traditional recreation of the whittling Yankee. I
beheve that the students of Union have outgrown the
occasion for that custom. I suppose the most famous ser
mon ever preached in the United States was Doctor Nott's
sermon against duelling immediately after the fatal meeting
between Hamilton and Burr. It was a courageous assault
upon a living abuse. I read it over a few years ago and it
seemed rhetorical and tame. That dragon was dead. It no
longer remains to be slain, and many other dragons have
disappeared. On April 13, 1814, the legislature of New York enacted a
law which runs as follows:
Whebeas, weU regulated seminaries of learning are of immense impor
tance to every coimtry, and tend especiaUy, by the diffusion of science and
the promotion of morals, to defend and perpetuate the Uberties of a free
state; Therefore,
Be it enacted by the people of the State of New York, represented in
Senate and Assembly, That there shaU be raised by lottery, in successive
classes, a sum equal in amount to the several appropriations made by this
aet, together with the simple interest accruing thereon, tiU the same shaU
be raised and paid by the managers appointed to superintend the same.
Among the appropriations made by the act was one of
$170,000, out of the proceeds of the lottery to Union College,
and a foot-note under this statute in the original edition of
the laws, says:
No bUl before the Legislature excited greater interest and attention
than this act. Much credit is due to the vmwearied exertions of the able
and eloquent president of Union College, in procuring its passage.

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 49
Imagine President Richmond today proposing to increase
the funds of Union by a lottery for the diffusion of science
and the promotion of morals, to defend and perpetuate the
liberties of a free state ! So widely has public policy changed.
The students of Union to whom I am now speaking, com
pared with the boys whom I knew here in the early sixties,
are being educated for different conditions and a different
kind of life; for new responsibilities, new duties, new oppor
tunities; and as an honorary chancellor must always be
either didactic or cynical, I am moved to make a few remarks
about what you are going to do when you leave these side
lines and take part in pubhc affairs. You are not to fit your
selves into a scheme or order settled long beforehand. You
are to make your own parts in a period of unrest, of changes,
some good, some bad, but incessant and universal; of old
postulates denied, of old authorities repudiated, and of new
conceptions in morals, in government, and in the relations of
men in civil society. The old American individualism with
its corollaries of individual freedom, independence of char
acter, strict limitation upon the powers of government,
development of the state through individual initiative and
enterprise is hard pressed by the exigencies of industrial and
social organization. Interdependence of hfe is taking the
place of self-dependence. The individual unit in the great
factory is powerless as against his employer. The individual
unit in the labor union is powerless as against his associates.
Organization seems necessary for protection and there is a
general and a growing tendency to appeal to that greatest of
organizations, the Government to which we all belong, to
supply the place of self-protection. Yet increase of govern
ment protection involves increase of reliance upon govern
ment instead of self-reliance, and it involves also increase
of government interference with the conduct of life and
the habit of submission to that interference instead of the

50 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
assertion of individual independence. We will all or most of
us agree that if this be carried too far, the individual citizens
of any country will lose the qualities of character necessary
to free self-government.
Democracy here, as in many other parts of the world, is
tending to assert its right to the direct conduct of its own
affairs. It is tending to cut loose from its old reliance upon
representatives chosen to make a special study of law and
administration, of public needs and practicable remedies, to
consider and discuss and amend and improve projects of law.
And it tends to make laws, however complicated, itself by
direct action at the polls; to turn out public officers on what
ever particular occasion may present itself, to recall judges
for unpopular decisions, and to recall or reverse the decisions
themselves. More and more democracy is tending to instruct
its representatives specifically, and more and more it takes
upon itself the determination of the issues of peace and
war between nations. Now democracy, with all its virtues,
has some weaknesses. It is very common for orators seeking
popularity to tell the people how wise and infallible they are,
but they who do this are no true friends of the people to
whom they speak. Imperfect and erring individuals do not
attain absolute perfection by combining with each other.
Men in the mass need to guard against their own defects
and to be warned of them just as much as individual men.
A large part of the faults in government against which the
American people for the past few years have been scolding
and devising remedies arise from the failure of the American
people themselves to perform their own political duties prop
erly. I wiU mention some of the tendencies against which
democracy needs to guard itself:
Popular action is too often guided by feeling rather than by
judgment. If one seeks a lawyer to try a cause, or a physi
cian to cure illness, or an engineer to build a bridge, he does

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 51
not make the selection with a view to rewarding some one
whom he likes, but he seeks some one who can best do the
thing that is to be done — a competent, trustworthy, skUlful
lawyer or physician or engineer. Yet when some one is to be
selected to carry on government, the chances are that the
same men will select somebody because they like him;
because he is a good fellow and they would like to give him
the salary or the honor of office. Popularity and not compe
tency becomes the test. It is not at all uncommon to see
constituencies who are in the main honest and hardworking,
return to office year after year absolutely corrupt and disso
lute men because they are personally popular, and their
constituencies will not listen to any evidence against them.
In organizations where many men are cooperating to carry
on business in the interests of great numbers of stock and
bond holders the rule of fitness for the work to be done as
against the rule of popularity is applied without question,
and the greater the organization, up to the greatest trans
portation and industrial organizations, the more rigid is
the rule. But when we come to political organization for
the purpose of carrying on the business of government in the
interests of aU the people of a community or a state or a
country, the tendency is to reverse the rule. Yet the busi
ness of carrying on government is exceedingly complicated
and difficult. It requires the highest quahties of intelligence
and character if it is to be weU done, and, with the con
tinuous enlargement of the functions of government to which
I have referred, the requirements of that great business grow
every year more and more exacting. Moreover, the good or
bad, effective or ineffective, conduct of that business is coming
to play a continually greater part in the hves and fortunes and
opportunities for success and happiness of all citizens.
There is too general a tendency to take professions of
friendship for the people at their face value instead of apply-

52 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
ing to them the tests which men apply in their private lives.
Instead of asking how far the self-interest of a professed friend
of the people, a desire on his part to make himself popular or
to be elected to office, may be the real inspiration of his pro
fessions; instead of asking how far his life and established
character or the things that he has done furnish evidence of
his sincerity, the tendency is to assume that a man has the
public interest at heart because he says he has. There
seems to be a certain quality of hypnotic suggestion about
such declarations as there is about profuse advertising, which,
of course, is never accompanied by proof but which sells
goods and brings success. This tendency is the stock in
trade of the demagogue, and all friends of free self-govern
ment have long recognized the great importance that democ
racies shall outgrow the tendency. I beheve that there is
and long has been steady progress towards this desirable end.
But we are still far from having attained the end.
There is a widespread tendency to regard questions of
pohtical conduct, both in the making and in the adminis
tration of laws, with exclusive reference to the particular
transaction of the moment taken by itself and without ref
erence to the principles or rules of political conduct which
ought to govern such action, and without reference to the
effect which the action considered may have upon the main
tenance and general observance of such rules. To do what
seems good or desirable at the time in a particular case
without reference to a rule of conduct is what the benevolent
despot does. It is what a great many people are doing in
Mexico at the present time. It is the very antithesis of the
idea upon which our government was built up to be a govern
ment of laws and not a government of men. Any political
system based upon it rests upon shifting sands.
The American people, in their national and state constitu
tions, have established certain principles, certain rules of

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 53
right conduct according to which we have all agreed govern
ment ought to be conducted — principles and rules for the
protection of individual life, and hberty, without which hfe
is not worth having, and property, without which civihzation
has never yet been maintained. We call these the limita
tions of the Constitution, and, taken together, we speak of
them as the Bill of Rights.
Now no pohtical or governmental action by any congress
or legislature or president or governor in any particular case
can be so important as the preservation of these great rules
of conduct. It may be that from time to time we shall dis
cover that some rule ought to be modified. It may be wrong
or it may require change to meet changed conditions or it
may be too broadly stated. If so, the change should be
made. But that the system of rules as they exist at the time
being should be maintained and observed is the most impor
tant thing in our self-government. The relation of these
rules to our political conduct is the same as the relation of the
principles which morality and religion require to be the guide
of individual conduct rather than mere impulses or passion.
We practically all agree to this, yet we are all the time for
getting the importance of keeping rules of conduct in mind,
and we are apt to be very impatient if the particular thing
which we wish to do at a particular time proves to be con
trary to a provision of the Constitution. And we are often
irritated with the courts who perform the disagreeable duty
of reminding us that the action we desire is contrary to the
rules of conduct we have resolved to maintain.
Instead of taking an active interest in the general rules of
conduct which are to control our pohtical action, there appears
to be great indifference to them. There were in round num
bers, 1,638,000 votes cast for presidential electors in the state
of New York in 1908. In 1914 there were but 306,000
votes cast in the state upon the question whether we shaU

54 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
have a convention to revise and amend the constitution of
the state; that is to say, disregarding the increase of voting
population since 1908, there were this year in the state over
1,322,000 voters who did not care enough about the consti
tution of the state to go to the poUs and say whether they
want to have it changed or left as it is. The same indiffer
ence appears in the votes upon amendments to the consti
tution of this state. During a series of years the aggregate
votes for and against various amendments proposed to the
people have been in round numbers as follows:
(1899) 469,000, 421,000, 411,000, 460,000
(1901) 664,000
(1905) 492,000, 442,000, 431,000, 472,000, 500,000, 420,000, 413,000
(1907) 490,000, 433,000
(1909) 477,000, 527,000, 495,000, 498,000
(1910) 664,000, 635,000
(1911) 676,000, 620,000, 608,000, 611,000, 629,000, 607,000, 597,000,
627.000. That is to say, less than a third of the voters of the state
took interest enough to express themselves one way or the
other regarding constitutional provisions.
This is very natural. People generally are interested in
concrete things and personal matters, and the constitution
is dull, dry, and uninteresting. It is plain, however, that if a
people are going to govern themselves, if they are growing in
power and capacity for self-government, there ought to be a
progressive increase in the interest which they take in these
dry and dull foundations of their political institutions.
Ordinarily the people of the United States take very little
interest in their foreign affairs. It is only when a controversy
arises which touches some subject of domestic concern that
they really wake up to an understanding that there is some
thing real about foreign relations, something besides show
and form and ceremony. WTien they do wake up, the first
reaction is on the aggreifeive side and uncompromisingly in

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 55
favor of the United States always having her own way to the
fullest extent in all her deahngs with other nations. So long
as there is no concrete question directly affecting any Ameri
can interest we are aU in favor of peace and justice, arbitra
tion and kindly consideration, but as soon as a concrete
question arises, any suggestion that any other country has
rights or that America has obligations which may require
a modification of the most extreme possible view of American
demands is denounced as an unworthy surrender. Formerly
monarchs plunged their countries into war for ambition or
personal passion or dynastic aggrandizement, and they made
the great mass of their people food for gunpowder. Today it
is the general rule that governments are attempting to keep
the peace with all the world and the democracies behind
them are continually making it difficult for peace to be kept.
Long ago De TocqueviUe said :
Foreign politics demand scarcely any of those qualities which a democ
racy possesses; and they require, on the contrary, the perfect use of
almost aU those faculties in which it is deficient. Democracy is favorable
to the increase of the internal resources of a state; it tends to diffuse a
moderate independence; it promotes the growth of pubhc spirit, and
fortifies the respect which is entertained for law in aU classes of society:
and these are advantages which only exercise an indirect influence over
the relations which one people bears to another. But a democracy is
unable to regulate the details of an important undertaking, to persevere in
a design, and to work out its execution in the presence of serious obstacles.
It cannot combine its measures with secrecy, and wUl not await their
consequences with patience. These are quaUties which more especiaUy
belong to an individual or to an aristocracy; and they are precisely the
means by which an individual people attains a predominant position.
These observations are not to be accepted as asserting the
ultimate incapacity of democracy in international affairs,
but as pointing to imperfections incident to the particular
stage of development through which democracy has been
passing. The development must go on and a higher degree
of capacity for just and adequate treatment of such affairs

56 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
must be reached, or the advent of democracy to immediate
control over national foreign affairs will result in a retrograde
movement in the relations between nations. For those rela
tions so essential to the progress of civihzation rest upon
national willingness to be considerate and just.
All of these tendencies against which democracy needs to
guard itself and away from which it ought to be growing
through its process of development, and many other similar
tendencies, may be covered by a single formula.
Democracy always asserts its rights before reahzing its
duties. Yet the two are indissolubly united. Each is the necessary
corollary of the other. There can be no right which does not
impose a duty not merely upon others but upon the very
person who possesses the right. And there can be no duty
which does not vest a right in the very person who owes the
duty. No exercise of political function by any member of a
democracy can rightly be a mere matter of personal whim
or pleasure. The exercise of the right to vote for a pubhc
officer carries the duty to help select an officer who wiU
exercise the powers of his office without oppression and with
out corruption. The exercise of the right to legislate carries
the duty to make laws which wUl not violate the principles
of justice in their operation upon any one in the community.
The right to say what course one's government shall follow
in an international affair carries the duty to help maintain
the peace of the world and justice among nations. These
duties are owed by each individual active agent in a democ
racy and by all of them put together, towards each other
individual and all other individuals. Our democracy has
hardly yet begun to realize that with every new assertion of
its power it assumes an added burden of obligation.
In the very earliest attempts to establish this institution
in the year 1780 a college charter was drafted under the

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 57
authority of Governor George Clinton which recited the
reason for a college here in these words:
Whebeas, a great number of the respectable inhabitants of the counties
of Albany, Tryon, and Charlotte, taking into consideration the great benefit
of a good education, the disadvantages they labor under for want of the
means of acquiring it and the loud caU there now is and no doubt will be
in a future day for men of learning to fill the several offices of church and
state, etc., have petitioned, etc.
To be abreast of our times we must go a step farther than
this old eighteenth-century draft charter. I have said these
things to you, students of Union, not because there is a loud
call for you to hold offices, but because you are a part of the
American democracy and because there is a loud call for
members of that democracy who will help it grow in realizing
the obligations of its power. Many different groups or classes
in the population of a country make each its own contribu
tion to the common public opinion and action. The dwellers
in the country and in the cities have different points of view.
The men who work on the farm, the men who work in the
mines, the men who work in manufactories, the men engaged
in commerce and transportation, all make their contribution,
and in the ultimate result the views of each are modffied and
corrected by the views of all the others. By reason of your
education here you are about to join a great body of men who
are fitted to contribute a special element towards the com
mon stock of judgment in our country. The general char
acter of that contribution is indicated by the old term
applied to a coUege course, " a liberal education." That
is, " hberal," catholic, expanded, free from narrowness and
bigotry in ideas or doctrines, appropriate for a broad
and enhghtened mind. I do not suppose that you have
become very learned here. I do not suppose that you have
gone very deeply into any one subject. But one thing has
happened to you. You could not stay here four years with-

58 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
out its happening. That is, you have had your horizons
pushed back. You have had your vision removed from the
little, concrete objects which fill a narrow and isolated life
and have been forced to realize, however vaguely, the exist
ence of a vast field of human life and interest; of history and
science; of achievement and failure; of examples and warn
ings; outside of yourselves, beyond the period of your lives
and the limits of your homes. You have acquired a bowing
acquaintance with lessons of the past and the existence of
other lands. You have had lifted for you a corner of the
curtain which veils the realm of abstract thought from less
favored intelligences. No one of you can have been so indif
ferent or so dull but that his attitude towards life will be to
some degree more liberal, his views of life somewhat broader.
The scale of values by which you estimate the little, concrete
things and personal happenings of your future experience
will perforce be affected by the consciousness that they are
all a part of the vast scheme of the developing civilization
of the race. Whatever may be your professions or callings,
the contribution of each one of you to the life of his time
should be the impress of this broader view upon the thought
and consciousness of the democracy to which you belong.
You should be the advocates of the general rule, the insistent
guardians of the principles of action. To refer conduct to
principles is the part of large minds, and it is the single path
of safety for nations as for individuals. We may differ as
to principles. We may be wrong about principles. Never
mind. The important thing is to have them, whether we
call them religion or morality or honor or justice or wisdom.
The one fatal thing is to have none, and to guide the hfe of a
man or of a democracy only by the demands of the particular
and the concrete, the impulse and the attraction of the
moment. Under the broader view of conduct the time will
come when for all our American democracy the sense of duty

ADDRESS AT UNION UNIVERSITY 59
will keep equal pace with the assertion of right. The test of
political action will be primarily the effect of a continuous
course of such action upon the general welfare. The main
tenance of justice will include the willingness to do justice
to other men and to other nations, and liberty will mean, not
merely liberty for one's own opinions and conduct, but
equally the hberty of others in adverse opinions and differing
conduct.

THE HOME OF THE ONEIDAS
ADDRESS BEFORE THE SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF ONEIDA
NEW YORK CITY, MARCH 14, 1903
I OBSERVE that our president has omitted in his enum
eration the Tribe of Tammany. Is it possible that they
alone of aU the tribes of the Atlantic Coast failed to tremble
when they heard the war-whoop of the Oneidas ?
I have just come from the land of the Parting of the
Waters. For one whole week I have been living within sight
of the house in which I was born and every day looking out
over the valleys of the Oriskany and the Mohawk up to the
far blue hills of the Royal Grants on the western edge of
the Adirondacks; I looked down from the hills to the west
of the Oriskany over the field where first floated in the smoke
of battle the Stars and Stripes, and where, at the close of that
fierce struggle, old Herkimer sat and smoked his pipe as life
ebbed away; I looked down on the spires of Utica and
Whitestown, at the country which was able to give to the
state such men as Henry R. Storrs, Joseph Kirkland, Samuel
Beardsley, Green C. Bronson, Hiram Denio, Joshua Spencer,
Roscoe Conkling and Francis Kernan; I looked down upon
the pathway of empire, upon the path along which dragged
the weary way of the wagons that peopled the Great West;
on the silvery stream up which were poled the flat boats
whose cargoes landed at Fort Stanwix, were transferred to
Wood Creek, and so on down to Oneida Lake and Ontario;
on the great strategic pathway along which armies have
marched and the fate of empire has been decided; at the seat
of the power which was dominant in the North American
Continent, above all other powers, before the whites asserted
61

62 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
their supremacy; I lived under the shadow of the walls
raised in answer to the pious wish of the missionary Kirkland
for the education and the salvation of the children of the
Indians with the children of the whites, and which, in
response to his Christian hope, gave to the religious faith and
education of the country Edward Robinson and Albert
Barnes. And now I have come here to see how you have
brought from that favored land the power, the resolution,
the hardness of fiber and the capacity for labor and for
achievement native to the soU of Oneida.
I am glad to see here so many gentlemen from other
counties, Mr. President, that they may profit by the
influence and the spirit of Oneida. If we can exercise over
them the same influence which the Iroquois exercised over
the tribes from the sea-coast to the Mississippi we will make
better and wiser men of them.
I was led to some reflections during this last visit home.
Why is it that the price of farm land in central and northern
New York is today, as it is in a large part of New England,
less than it was thirty, forty or fifty years ago ? The market
is better; farmers have a better opportunity to sell their milk,
for I believe they are serving mUk from Oneida county to
New York today; they have a better opportunity to sell their
corn, potatoes, and other vegetables — all the products of the
farm, for the canning factory has come almost to the farmer's
door, affording a means of preserving and conveying their
products to the remotest regions; and still the price of farm
land is today less than it was when I was a boy in Oneida
county. I suppose it is the trend of population towards the
cities. I suppose it results from a comparison between the
life of the farmer, with its hard conditions, and its severe
labor, and the life which is possible to the young man who
goes to the city and embraces a profession or gets into a
business. There is a serious side to it. With the twenty-

THE HOME OF THE ONEIDAS 63
five miUion of people whom we have now in the United
States living in cities — indeed, more than that number, I
believe, according to the last census — we are facing a new
set of conditions in the formation of national character. Life
in the city tends to alertness, to activity of mind, to the
sharpening of the faculties, but it also tends to a straining
and intensity and refinement of the nervous system which
will in time make a different race of men. There is much in
the old Antaean myth that is true for mankind at large. If
the strong man is to continue the race he must continue it in
contact with the soU. No body of men who have hved in
cities alone can perpetuate themselves as a strong, self-
possessed, self-controlled and dominating race. We must
steady the nerves, strengthen the sinews, enlarge and build
deep the foundations of body and of morals in our characters
by contact with the soU, by the sweetening, steadying, and
calming influences of nature, of sky, and tree, and field, and
water, if we would continue the American people as the
American people were when we were young on the hillsides
of Oneida.
We do well to gather here to recall the memories of our
old life in our old homes, but the best thing about it will be if
it leads some of us back to our old homes; if it leads some of
us to reflect upon the wretchedness of the poor boys and girls
that are born and bred in city streets, and leads us to take
them back where they can have the freedom and the joy of
the country. If I were to undertake to repeat the experi
ment of Ben Franklin, to propose a change in the national
bird of America, I would not seek to make it the wUd
turkey instead of the predatory eagle, but I would say let
the homing pigeon be the bird that we imitate.
It is a beneficent provision of nature that as age comes, as
the capacity to wrestle in the thick and stress of life's struggle
declines, the memories of chUdhood come up through the

64 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
strata of experience with which middle life has overlaid them;
that as one ceases to live in the future because the possibUi-
ties of life have become settled and leave no further room for
hope, as one ceases to live in the present because the weak
ness of sinews makes it impossible longer to struggle with the
bustling throng, memory goes back to the days of childhood;
and the old man lives over again the experiences of youth;
and old forms and faces, old scenes of childhood's days,
become vivid once again. Happy the man who in his declin
ing years can return in memory to the home to which our
hearts turn tonight! How beautiful the green hillsides of
the Mohawk! How mighty the river in its flood in the
spring! How sweet and clear the bubbliag stream of the
Oriskany ! How glorious and superb the forests of beech and
maple in the autumn ! How crisp and nerving and strengthen
ing the autumn nights! And, above aU, how inspiring the
great sweep of the snow field down the sides of the hills and
across the broad valleys, thirty, forty, fifty miles away, of
pure, unbroken white, except for the dark patches of the
hemlock here and there ! How cheery the sleigh bells ! How
sweet the girls we remember! How loud sounds the shout of
merry youth! How rings the skate! How swift speeds the
sled! How happy were the days we have left behind us in
old Oneida! How happy the memories of them that we
treasure for our old age !

JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN
ADDRESS AT THE MEMORIAL EXERCISES, UNITED STATES SENATE
FEBRUARY 15. 1913
On February 15, 1913, the Senate being m session in accordance with a
resolution, that the fifteenth day of February be set apart for appropriate
exercises in commemoration of the life, character, and public service of the late
James S. Sherman, vice-president of the United States and president ot the Senate,
Mr. Root said:
VICE-PRESIDENT SHERMAN was born m the city of
Utica, on the banks of the Mohawk, on October 24,
1855. He came of English stock. His father, Richard U.
Sherman, was a native of the same county and was one of its
weU-known and esteemed citizens. His grandfather, Willett
Sherman, was one of the early settlers upon the lands relin
quished by the Oneida Indians toward the close of the
eighteenth century, and he was one of the first manufac
turers of central New York. The grandson was graduated
from Hamilton College in the class of 1878. He was admitted
to the bar in 1880 and became a successful lawyer. In 1884
he was made mayor of his native city. In 1886 he was chosen
by the people of the great manufacturing region of the upper
Mohawk to represent them in the Fiftieth Congress; and for
more than twenty years he continued to represent them,
with but one break in his continuous service, through re
election to the Fifty-first, Fifty-third, Fifty-fourth, Fifty-
fifth, Fifty-sixth, Fifty-seventh, Fifty-eighth, Fifty-ninth,
and Sixtieth Congresses. He became a potent factor in the
House of Representatives. He was an active member of
the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce; he
was chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs; and he was
long a member of the Committee on Rules, one of that little

66 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
group of three constituting a majority of the committee,
who, under the former rules of the House, guided the course of
legislation and accomphshed the nearest approach to respon
sible parhamentary government which this country has ever
seen. Through frequent designation as chairman to preside
over the House sitting in Committee of the Whole, where so
great a part of the business of the House is done, he gradually
rose to a general recognition as a parliamentarian of the first
order and a presiding officer of the highest effectiveness.
In Mr. Sherman's home city, as the years passed, evi
dences accumulated of the respect and confidence in which a
community so rarely errs, while it renders unpremeditated
judgment upon the character of one known through the con
tact and observation of daUy hfe. He was made treasurer of
his church, the Dutch Reformed Church of Utica, and chair
man of its board of trustees. He was chosen to be president
of the Utica Trust and Deposit Company. He was made a
trustee of his Ahna Mater and a member of the executive
committee of its board of trust. Children grew up about
him and the wife of his youth, in a home where virtue, family
affection, cheerfulness, honor, and obedience ruled. It was
one of those homes which, indefinitely multiphed among a
people, are the safe foundation of just and free self-govern
ment, and sure guarantees of the future in a repubhc. From
near and far throughout that region the unfortunate and
strugghng learned to come to him, their Representative, and
his kindness and ready sympathy never faUed them. No
trouble of another was ever too great or too small to com
mand his attention. His patience under such demands was
never worn out. His wilhngness to take trouble for others
was never over-taxed. In the feehngs of his people, grateful
appreciation of the poor and humble for his kindly service
was mingled with general pride in the honor of his repre
sentation and of his citizenship.

JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN 67
The long and distinguished career as a Representative in
Congress was brought to a close by Mr. Sherman's election
to the Vice-Presidency m November, 1908. He was renom
inated by his party for the same high office m 1912, but a
fatal malady already had been established, and before the
election, at his home in Utica, on October 30, 1912, his
earthly course came to its end.
Senators know, but few outside of the Senate fully appre
ciate, how great a service he rendered as presiding officer in
this chamber during the three and one-half years which fol
lowed the mauguration of March, 1909. Only experience can
give a fuU understanding of the difficulties of legislation, the
obstacles to progress in legislative busuiess presented by the
persistent advocacy of a multitude of varying opinions, and
the impossibUity of wise and judicious consideration, when
feelings are exasperated and personal prejudices and antip
athies are excited. Only through experience can one learn
how much the success of legislative consideration depends
upon the spirit which pervades the legislative chamber, and
how much depends upon the fibrm and intelligent application
of those rules of procedure which the experience of centuries
has shown to be necessary in the conduct of legislation.
During aU the years in which Vice-President Sherman pre
sided over the Senate, we felt the calming and steadying
effect of a serene and potent presence in the chair. The jus
tice of his rulings was the product not merely of intellectual
integrity, but also of essential kindliness of feeluig and con
sideration. Not only the rulings were fair, but the man was
fair. He was strong and self-possessed and untroubled, with
a gentle and delicate sense of humor subdued to the propri
eties of the place; with a swift certainty of conclusion,
founded upon knowledge and accurate thinking, carrying
conviction and making acquiescence natural. He expedited
business by always doing promptly the right thing without

68 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
vaciUation or delay. In the rare instances when he found
himself mistaken, prompt acknowledgment and reparation
were accorded, with such frank sincerity that the sufferer by
the mistake felt himself the gainer. He was positive without
dogmatism; certain without personal over-confidence. He
controlled procedure under the rules without making them
the instruments of irritation or oppression, and without
sacrificing the spirit to the letter. Senators of aU parties
became his friends. All lamented his untimely death, and all
join here in doing honor to his memory.
All associated action among men exhibits an inevitable
conflict between the idea of combined efficiency and the idea
of individual freedom. Neither can prevaU without some
sacrifice of the other. The difference is temperamental, and
the two types of character are hard to reconcUe and are
prone to misjudgment, each of the other.
Mr. Sherman was of the type which seeks efficiency by the
law of its nature. His instincts were for order, discipline,
intelligent direction, voluntary subordination to a common
purpose, definite conclusions, achievement. So in politics,
from first to last, he was always for party organization and
party responsibility. In the House he was always for the
most effective rules of procedure, and as a parliamentary
presiding officer he naturally made the application of parlia
mentary rules a means of progress rather than an obstacle.
His character exhibited in a high degree the virtues of his
type. He had the capacity for sympathetic appreciation of
the feelings and motives of others which makes associated
action easy. He had a genius for friendship which concili
ated affection and disarmed enmity. He thought much of
the common cause in which he was enlisted, and little of his
own advantage; much of general success and little of personal
advancement. He was modest and unassuming — never
vaunted himself or pressed himself forward. He never

JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN 69
sought the spotlight on the public stage. He was free from
the exaggerated egoism which has wrecked so many fair
causes. He had the unselfishness and self-control to obey
where others rightly led, and he had the clearness of inteUi-
gence, the force of personality, and the decision of character
to lead, so that others might follow. He was simple and
direct in thought and action. He was frank and truthful
and entirely free from that cowardice which breeds decep
tion. He had naturally an unconscious courage which
needed no screwing to the sticking-point. Among all the
multitude who have known him, in boyhood and in man
hood, in private and in public life, not one can recall a mean
or ignoble or cruel or deceitful word or act on his part. He
was sincere in his beliefs, he was faithful to his word, he was
steadfast in his friendships, he was loyal to every cause that
he espoused. His life made men happier; his example is
making men better. His service wUl endure in the fabric of
our institutions.
In this Republic, unlike many nations which enjoy con
stitutional government, we grant no titles of nobility and no
decorations of honor. -fAs public servants complete their
work and pass from the stage of action, the judgment of their
contemporaries finds no such definite means of expression;
and so we have come here today to render in this ceremony
the verdict of our generation upon the private virtues and
the public service of James Schoolcraft Sherman. The
Senate and the House of Representatives, the Chief Justice
and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, the ambas
sadors and ministers of foreign powers, the President and his
Cabinet, the civU and mUitary and naval officers of the
nation, a multitude of friends who knew him, and of country
men who knew him not, join here to set in the archives of our
Government a record of honor which wUl remain so long as
the nation he served so well shaU endure.

INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT BROWN
RESPONSE FOR THE EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS AT THE
INAUGURATION OF DR. ELMER ELLSWORTH BROWN
AS CHANCELLOR OF NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
NOVEMBER 9, 1911
IT is interesting that the name of Elmer Ellsworth should
come to be the head of the institution which half a century
ago was made famous by Theodore Winthrop in Cecil
Dreerne. Notwithstanding the manly and vigorous voice that we
have heard this morning from the far distant past, there are
not many left under the sun who remember Chrysalis College,
in the fine gray old collegiate Gothic building on Washing
ton Square. As I look back to the early sixties and recollect
the conditions which existed then, the conditions of the
University of the City of New York, of the boys' schools,
one caUed Columbia and one the Free Academy of the City,
and look across the long distance of time and see what there
is now, I am deeply impressed by the fact that there has been
a firm, steady, uniform, progressive development of the
educational institutions of our country. There has been
much free wiU for Presbyterianism to lay hold of, but there
has been more foreordination imposed by the genius of free
government, the natural and necessary development of a
free, self-governing people. The multitude of impulses to
promote religion, to minister to personal vanity, to advance
the fortunes of individuals, to add honor to localities, to
promote the development of particular branches of science;
aU the great variety of impulses which have led individuals
to establish educational foundations, have been working out
results, quite independent of the purposes and forecasts of
71

72 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
the individual founders. This myriad of impulses, coming
from individual wUl, has been moulded by the genius of a self-
governing people into a system out of which gradually are
emerging systematic results. It has seemed as if our educa
tional institutions have had little or no policy. Indeed, they
have had but httle consciousness of an intentional policy.
They have been foUowing the course of their destiny, driven
on by forces not understood by any man at their head, or
even all of them put together.
Gradually we see emerging a differentiation of our educa
tional institutions. The old-fashioned college, the institu
tion, however it may be improved and developed from the
germ of the old-fashioned college into the place of training
for the whole man to make him ready for whatever comes
in hfe, is a separate class from the vocational institution,
broadening and taking in its thousands of students, filling
their many separate desires to fit themselves for separate
and special vocations in hfe. Now come the foundations
designed for the enlargement of knowledge without imme
diate and direct relation to the instruction of youth, designed
to reheve the men engaged in instruction from the increasing
duties of research, represented by the Carnegie Institution
of Washington, which is one of the institutions I have the
honor to represent here, so that research may be prosecuted,
knowledge broadened, and excursions into the field of human
possibilities undertaken far beyond the possibility of the
institution whose first duty is to teach. As the multitude of
the founders has increased, the spirit of the foundation has
spread; and while Dr. Brown comes here from the western
universities, he comes not from an alien system. The spirit
of John Harvard and Elihu Yale and Eleazar Wheelock and
Samuel Kirkland and all of that old and honorable list of men,
who, centuries ago, devoted their substance and their prayers
to the foundation of liberal centers of learning in our coun-

INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT BROWN 73
try, has spread through the multitude of donors, through the
army of instructors, until it has permeated the great body of
the people, and through aU the great West that spirit is inter
preted by the people at the polls, who have established the
great state institutions and are now sending back their sons
and men of their training, to broaden and invigorate the
expression of that same spirit in the older institutions. The
western state universities of Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois,
California and all the rest, are the same thing that the
individual founded long ago in the East, expressed through
the multitude who constitute government.
I cannot stop without saying one word of a contribution
made to this university by the other educational institution
which I represent here today, Hamilton College. Forty-
five years ago, John Norton Pomeroy, of the class of 1847,
of Hamilton, was at the head of the University Law School;
and he was one of the few men who gave the impulse that has
made the university what it is today, a noble, able, devoted,
self-sacrificing instructor. A conspicuous illustration of that
highest of all functions of the teacher, in that he presented
to the young men of his time the spectacle of a life made
happy without wealth, without office, without any power
except the power of natural sympathy, and with no reward
but the joy of continually seeking and finding truth.
Chancellor Brown, I am sure that I can say for all the
educational foundations of our state and our country, that
you will find in them, in their officers, their friends, and their
alumni, that sympathy and support without which no human
power avails. In the republic of letters it is especially true
that no man gains by the downfall of another. It is aU up
and none down, because schools of learning are participators
in the wealth of aU learning. There are no Tripolis in the
education of the United States. I extend to you continual
sympathy, comradeship, and God-speed.

THE OBJECT AND THE OPPORTUNITY
OP COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
ADDRESS UPON THE CONFERRING OF THE DOCTORATE OP LAW,
JUNE 8, 1904
At the commencement exercises on its one hundred and fiftieth anni
versary, June 8, 1904, Columbia University conferred upon Mr. Root its
degree of doctor of laws. In presenting Mr. Root for this degree. Professor
John W. Burgess said:
You know, sir, and we aU know, that as a man and a citizen he is,
like the knight of old, without fear and without reproach; that as a
lawyer and jurist, he stands in the very forefront of the American bar;
that as an orator, he has no superior; and that, as a statesman and an
administrator, he has taught his country and the world two great
lessons, at least two, one that an American civilian can organize the
armed force of his nation more perfectly and more effectively than any
purely miUtary man whom that nation has ever produced — demon
strating anew and in a pecuUarly significant way the fundamental
principle of American poUty, that the mUitary power and the miUtary
spirit are subordinate to the civil power and the civil spirit; and the
other that a free republic can discharge imperial duties successfuUy
and honorably, without sacrificing or impairing or imperil Ung its own
historic Uberties.
Mr. President, the highest honors of this university, great as they
are, are not too great for such a citizen; and without further com
mendation, I venture to present to you the Honorable Elihu Root,
and to ask for him, at your hands, the degree of doctor of laws of our
university.
In conferring the degree. Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, president of the
university, said on behalf of the trustees:
Elihu Root, bachelor of arts of HamUton CoUege; eminent aUke
in law and in pubUc administration, trusted counseUor of two Presi
dents of the United States, to be always remembered in our country's
history as foremost in promoting the organization of a sound mUitary
system, and in increasing the scope and efficiency of miUtary educa
tion, as weU as wise, just, and liberty-loving in the government of the
nation's wards, I gladly admit you to the degree of doctor of laws in
IS

76 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
this university, and confer upon you aU the rights and privUeges that
belong thereto. In token thereof I hand you this diploma.
At the alumni luncheon on the same day. Dr. John Howard Van
Amringe, dean of Columbia CoUege, thus introduced Mr. Root to his
fellow-alumni: Many years ago, nearly half a century, this college added to its
responsibUities by estabUshing a law school. At the head of it was
placed an alumnus of HamUton CoUege, New York, Mr. Theodore W.
Dwight, who proved himself a phenomenaUy able expositor and
teacher of law. Not many years ago, the United States added to its
responsibUities and entered upon a new enterprise in government
requiring profound legal knowledge, wisdom and skill. It also looked
to HamUton CoUege and found among the alumni the man it sought,
and committed the undertaking to him. As you aU know, he dis
charged with high distinction the deUcate and diflBcult duties of his
great place, and so has written his name large in the history of this
country — the Honorable EUhu Root, late secretary of war of the
United States, doctor of laws of this university.
Mr. Root responded as follows:
IT is peculiarly delightful for me to find myself brought
into this fresh relation to this great university, because
for many years relations of old personal affection and deep
interest have existed between me and it. Long ago a
curious interest was excited in my mind by an old statute of
our state which coupled in one enactment the college which
was my Alma Mater and the then small and struggling col
lege that has become this great university. I wrote down
this morning the beginning of that law. It was " An Act
instituting a Lottery for the Promotion of Literature, and for
other Purposes," passed April 15, 1814, ninety years ago. It
began with the preamble : " Whereas, well regulated semi
naries of learning are of immense importance to every
country, and tend especiaUy, by the diffusion of science and
the promotion of morals, to defend and perpetuate the
liberties of a free state : Therefore, Be it enacted, that there
shall be raised by Lottery " — such and such sums; and the
statute then proceeds to make provision out of the sums thus

THE OBJECT OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 77
raised for Hamilton College, for Union College, and for
Columbia College, and for the Asbury African Church in the
city of New York. Other days, other manners. . . .
I first knew the coUege in those days when Professor
Torrey's cottage stood on the corner of Forty-ninth Street
and Madison Avenue; Professor Joy's cottage on the corner
of Fiftieth Street and Madison Avenue; when the coUege
itself was domiciled in the old Deaf and Dumb Asylum in the
middle of the block; when the School of Mines had just been
established in the basement of the buUding; and when the
institution was presided over by that great educator to whom
I am moved to pay honor today. Dr. F. A. P. Barnard, a man
who by the infirmity of deafness was cut off from much
communication with his fellows and participation in active
life, which is deemed essential to successful influence, but
whose broad and far-seeing mind mapped out the course
which has led to Columbia's greatness. In the enjoyment of
the intimate associations with the faculty and of the social
hfe of Columbia in those distant days, I acquired an affection
which gives to the diploma that your president has handed
to me today a special value, and which will make me cherish
it as long as I live. And I learned then, and I have thought
a hundred times since of the true and substantial basis of our
university. . . .
There is a time in life for everything, not only for dance
and song. There is a time for initiative and enthusiasm, as
there is a time for reason, for conservatism, for caution. The
time for initiative, the time for that disregard of consequences
which makes men wiUing to undertake great things, the time
when a man can do great things that the mass of men cannot
beheve to be possible — is the time of youth. It would be
a most deplorable thing to make the price of education for
Americans the surrender of the years of the greatest initiative
and enthusiasm, and of the hope and capacity for great deeds.

78 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
to the work of acquisition alone. Let us keep our boys at
work getting knowledge out of books; but not whUe the
enthusiasm of youth is ebbing away and the capacity of doing
things is lapsing back behind them. Learning itself is but
little. The man who is made is the great thmg, and the work
of doing is the great thing in the man. Kept too long in
academic halls, youth begins to strain and long for the active
work of life. Do not let us keep him too long, untU that
noble and beneficent impulse has passed away.
But it is not the man alone that the university is to make.
As age comes and the good and evU of life are counted up,
it is universal experience that the question arises: For what
good is it aU ? What to us is the value of life ? To what
purpose is aU the labor and all the effort ?
I think that the answer to the question is found in some
degree in the positivist phUosophy. No man lives to himself.
The object of all training, of all education, of all human effort,
is not the construction of a single man who dies and is for
gotten. The achievements of the day are of little account.
Benefits to the community, to the nation, to the civilization,
are all that are of value; and the production of the individual
man whose influence shall live forever in the weal of human
ity — that is the great object of the university, as it is of aU
human training and of all human effort. CivUization pro
ceeds in its majestic course. The mass of mankind are being
lifted up from hard conditions of poverty and ignorance.
The participation of the individual man, framed and trained
in the University of Columbia in that majestic progress, that
is the object of this university. No opportunity has been
seen upon earth equal to the opportunity that this univer
sity has. Situated in this great city where gather the leaders
of thought and opinion, the leaders of science and art, the
leaders in all things, the men who are accomplishing great
works, material and moral, the men who lead in charity and

THE OBJECT OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 79
in morals and religion — no university ever had an oppor
tunity to train men and show each one how to do his part
towards forwarding the progress of civihzation, of humanity,
of aU that the institutions of our country mean for Americans,
equal to that which Columbia has today.
I never pass that old quarter on Madison Avenue, twice
rebuUt since I first knew it, without thinking of the beneficent
influence the simple, unselfish and noble men who lived there
have exercised; and upon this new field, with its splendid
buildings and its wide expanse, with all the accessories that
wealth can give, with all the influence that capable minds,
and learning, and morality, and religion can bring to bear
upon the successive ranks of American youth who shall
throng its haUs — upon this new field, may we not believe
that Columbia University will be for many a century to come
a source of that lighting and leading of noble character which
shall make the great American experiment of justice and
liberty not for a few, but for all mankind, however humble —
the American experiment of government by the people,
through the enlightenment of the people, a success to the
remotest generations.

THE SUPREME TREASURE OF OUR
COUNTRY
ADDRESS UPON RECEIVING THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF LAWS
FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK,
OCTOBER 22. 1915
On October 22, 1915, the Regents of the University of the State of New York,
at the close of their annual convocation, conferred upon Elihu Root the degree of
Doctor of Laws. In conferring this degree. Dr. John H. Finley, the president of
the Board of Regents, made the following address :
Mk. Root: I represent not only aU the Regents of the University, but
through them the thousands of schools and educational institutions having
membership in this university and with them the invisible company of the
past whose spirits have striven for this great commonwealth, and whose
bodies are now of its dust, from Alexander HamUton, James Duane, George
Clinton and John Jay, who had a part in laying the foundations of this
state and of this university, even to him who has gone from the living
since the meeting only a month ago at which he made the motion to con
fer this degree upon you — Andrew J. Shipman. Of varying creeds in
politics and reUgion, of dissonant traditions and purposes, they unite in
acclaiming the courage, the clarity of vision, nobility of expression, the
genius for administration, the unwearying, single-minded devotion to
public good, which have given to this state and through this state to the
nation, through the nation to the western continent, and through the
New World to the Old, one whose recognition gives assurance that in
the large freedom of a democracy, the many foUow in high undertakings
those who are fittest to lead.
In conferring the degree for the state, by the authority of the Regents,
I follow the language which was used in the first bestowal of this degree
in 1792: Since honor is the reward of merit, and for that reason it is custom
ary in all schools of learning for those who surpass aU others in char
acter, talent, and their knowledge of the liberal arts, to be endowed
with the greatest praise and the highest honors, we, therefore, the
Regents of The University of the State of New York, by the power
81

82 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
delegated to us by the state, by these presents, desire to bear witness
that this honorable and learned man
EuHU Root
has been exalted to the rank of Doctor of Laws; and that to him have
been granted all the rights and privileges that are wont to be conferred
either here or elsewhere upon those raised to the high honor of the
doctorate. That this act may have more authority, we have had these letters
protected by our common seal this twenty-second day of October, in
the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and fifteen.
And Mr. Root replied:
WHAT can I say, except that I am deeply sensible of
the great honor conferred upon me in the bestowal
of this rare degree by the Regents of the University, that
I am most grateful and affected by the too partial friendship
which has been exhibited in the recountal of my poor ser
vices, and that I shall try, so far as in me lies, to do no dis
honor to this great institution ?
You are the guardians of the true treasure. It is entrusted
to you to see to it that the spirit of those simpler times when
the genius of Hamilton outlined the scheme of education, the
head of which was to be the University of the State of New
York, is not lost. It is due to you, to this great and ancient
institution, that the succeeding generations of the children
of the state have become the members of a great free com
monwealth. It is not so much what they learn, it is not so
much what they know, as what they are. Do they love
liberty, love it so much that they wiU accord it to others as
well as claim it for themselves ? Are they willing to do jus
tice for liberty's sake ? Do they love their country and not
merely say they love it ? Do they rejoice m the prosperity
of all Americans ? Do they sorrow in the disaster of aU
Americans ? Does the love of liberty and justice in their
expanding natures transcend the deske for wealth and station
and ease and fame ?

SUPREME TREASURE OF OUR COUNTRY 83
It is for you to answer the question, and upon the answer
rests the perpetuity of our free institutions, the life of om:
country, for from across the Atlantic, among the multitude
of lessons that crowd in upon us, clearest of all is the lesson
that nations hve or die according to the character of their
people. Wealth, arms, munitions, discipline, armies, navies,
are all splendid services, but the character of the people, the
character into which the children are growing, determines
the life or death of the nation.
And this, the supreme treasure of our country, in our
beloved state is entrusted to you. And if I may hope that
this degree is evidence of your belief that in some fair meas
ure I, too, possess that liberal and free and just spirit into
which you are training the children of our state, I shall prize
it indeed above all other possessions, for that alone is worth
the having. All these little things that we do go down the
stream and are forgotten, but the building into the structure
of the world's freedom, the structure of hberty and order,
under justice, of every life, though it be forgotten, is worth
the living for. I thank you for numbering me among the
pupUs of your instruction and the fellows of your spirit.

THE DUTCH FOUNDERS OF NEW YORK
ADDRESS AT THE SIXTY-FIRST ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE
SAINT NICHOLAS SOCIETY OF THE CITY OP
NEW YORK, DECEMBER 7, 1896
A HIGH honor I esteem it, Mr. President and gentlemen,
to be invited to talk to you about your ancestors. That
the son of a Yankee from Massachusetts should be permitted
to talk about elegant gentlemen from HoUand is a privilege.
But I find myself confused, sir; I have been perhaps unusually
abstemious this evening, and yet I confess myself confused
when I find Mayor Strong a Dutchman and Theodore
Roosevelt a German and that stout old Dane King Canute
an Englishman. I doubt whether I must not join the ranks
of my friend Mr. de Peyster and confess myself altogether a
lunatic. For twenty-five years I have listened each year at the
dinners of the New England Society to that charming, elo
quent and touching speech of Depew's of which he has told
us, of how little we have to do and how much you have to do
with the establishment of the great American people, — a
speech which was in one sense always the same, because it
always carried the same truths, but which was always
adorned with fresh flowers of fancy, always carried to the
heart as well as to the mind, with the most consummate and
ever-renewed art of rhetoric and eloquence. For the same
long period, I have been studying the sphinx-like character
of de Peyster. I have pondered over his silence, the impene
trable reserve with which he has wrapped himself while he
has considered the virtues and the achievements of the
Dutch, and in thinking of what de Peyster could have said,
85

86 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
had he been gifted with the power of utterance, I have
learned much of what you really are.
I remember, too, one summer afternoon, when in the back
garden of one of the old Washington Street houses in the old
Dutch town of Schenectady, three boys lay upon the bank
looking upon the gently flowing, placid Mohawk, and one of
them, then in the pride of beauty of a splendid youth, with
opportunities and capacities for a great future, was Douglass
Campbell, unfolding the already budding plan of the great
work which sixteen years afterwards he gave to the world as
an imperishable monument to the achievements of a great
race. I feel grieved, Mr. President, that on the Saturday
before last Thanksgiving, old Peter Stuyvesant could not
have been upon Manhattan Field and have heard the war
cry of the tribes who came from about the Fort of Good
Hope, to make the last great attack upon the forces from
Fort Nassau. How the old man would have stumped up and
down the gridiron; with what enthusiasm he would have
repelled the suggestion of their war song:
Have you heard about old EU ?
He has just come to town.
He is hanging round Manhattan Field
To throw old Nassau down.
Looking for the tiger and he must be found.
And how, when from out the jackstraw combinations of
that well-fought field, twenty-two orange-colored legs
writhed and waved in final triumph towards Heaven, the
soul of Peter Stuyvesant would have shouted to the high and
mighty States-General, sitting in high places in another
world, the news that the impudent assertion of Governor
Nichols, that the Yankees' possession of the North Ameri
can hemisphere was undisputed, had been laid low and
absolutely refuted.

THE DUTCH FOUNDERS OF NEW YORK 87
Thus much of a Dutch partisan I have become by associa
tion and by attentive and respectful listening. I must say,
however, ungracious though it may be — coming from with
out and partaking of the nature of a criticism — that two
tilings are undisputed regarding the founders of New Amster
dam. The first is that they were not reformers. They
belonged to no City Vigilance League, to no Good Govern
ment Club. They came here for trade. They came here for
purposes of gain. They came here for no philanthropic
object whatever. Nowhere in all this broad world is to be
found a better illustration of the wisdom with which Provi
dence works out great and good results from the ordinary
operations of human selfishness and the ordinary human
capacity for the pursuit of the nimble sixpence, spreading the
domain of civilization and fructifying the earth. The other
is, that your ancestors met their final downfall and were
compelled to surrender their empire into the hands of the
English, because of their own criminal conduct. The real
cause of the downfall of the Dutch dominion upon this island
and in this part of the continent was the crime of the demone
tization of wampum. The naked savage they could meet and
beat at his own game. No one can say that they were inferior
in courage, in devotion and warlike capacity to the Yankees
or the Swedes. But the distress, the subordination of the
working classes, the paralysis of the body politic, which arose
from the control exercised by the plutocracy over that com
munity, and the depreciation of the purchasing power of
wampum, was the cause of their utter downfall.
I had some question as to where Mayor Strong got his date
of 1655. It seemed to him to be a very significant date in the
history of this country. It is the date of the demonetization
of wampum. In 1641 a wise and just law was enacted under
WUham the Testy, which provided that untU the first of May

88 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
then foUowing, five beads of wampum should be equivalent
to one stiver, and that from the first of May and thereafter
six beads of wampum should be equivalent to one stiver.
Had the community of New Amsterdam opened their mints
to the coinage of wampum, without the aid or consent of any
other nation, they would still have been the rulers of this
city. They abandoned the position they had taken. They
allowed the men who lived in fine houses to control them;
and in 1655 they gave up that established ratio between
wampum and the stiver, and they enacted that eight beads
should be necessary to equal one stiver as a legal tender.
The process of demoralization went on. The result was
that the Yankees of New England poured their wampum
into the mints. They flooded the country with irregular
wampum, with wampum made the Lord knows how. The
industrious Indians who surrounded Manhattan Island found
themselves unable to secure a sufficient amount of the cur
rency in return for their produce. Prices went down, and it
was necessary again to change the ratio. Finally they came
to the point where they were compelled to provide that
twenty-four white beads and twelve black beads of wampum
were equal to one stiver. The result was inevitable. They
were compelled to demonetize wampum entirely and sub
stitute beaver skins, and that the Yankees cruelly, and per
haps, unjustly, pronounced a skin game. And so they fell an
easy prey to Governor Nichols in 1654. But with these few
slight exceptions I can say nothing of the Dutch that is not
good. The Dutch who came here were brave — brave,
sturdy, independent, just, and generous men. That they
were brave no one need doubt. No one wUl conclude from
the pages of Washington Irving that life for them was a
comic opera. They, as well as my own people on the shores
of Massachusetts Bay, had their sufferings and their trials.
They had their wars; they had their heroism; they had their

THE DUTCH FOUNDERS OF NEW YORK 89
dangers, and they met them like men. But they were just.
The whole history of the colonies proves that they were
sturdy, independent men. The very difficulties which accom
panied their whole history shows that. They brought with
them from Holland, ingrained in their very nature, the
principle of local self-government, and the principal troubles
of the colony arose from their unwillingness to submit to
dictation from the nineteen at home and from the West
India Company and from the States-General. No men
upon this continent ever more sturdily, more loyally or more
magnificently asserted the right to govern themselves than
the staid Dutchmen who came here only for the purposes of
gain. And one other great characteristic I wUl mention among
the many, which if the hour were earlier I would speak of,
and that is their wonderful religious toleration. Their great
characteristic, the distinguishing characteristic of the Dutch,
it seems to me, has always been the sustained, inexpugnable
self -poise of their character. Other people are brave; other
people are adventurous; other people are law-abiding;
other people are just; other people are generous; but that the
Dutch people, after their history, after all they suffered in
religion's cause, after the terrible trials that they went
through, could stUl be tolerant, is one of the greatest triumphs
of the human nature of any race since history began. France
has never recovered from the loss of sturdy life which she
suffered in the expulsion of the Huguenots after the revoca
tion of the Edict of Nantes. Americans would have suffered
in the same degree had the intolerance of my ancestors not
been corrected by the open arms and the generous asylum
offered by yours, which saved to America the gentle spirits
of Ann Hutchinson, of Lady Deborah Moody, of Francis, of
Throckmorton, of Nicholson, and of a score of hundreds
of others, who, driven by the intolerance of other colonies.

90 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
found here a resting-place and spent their energy, their
ability and the efforts of their lifetime in building up this
America of ours.
The acknowledgment of all New England is due to that
sweet temper, that kindly spirit, that unconquerable self-
poise which enabled the Dutchmen, after all their sufferings,
stiU with open arms to welcome people of all races and aU
creeds to this asylum of the New World.
The founders of New Amsterdam — who are they ? They
are the Dutch. Yet more, — if the souls of the dead men
live stUl in their works, they are all the hosts who for all the
years that have passed since Peter Stuyvesant laid down the
reins of power, have come from every land, from every creed,
to help buUd up this imperial Republic.
They are all the brightest and the best, who from the
length and breadth of this great land have come to join in
the influences and the achievements of the city which has ever
been dominated by the broad, the just, the equal souls of
Dutchmen. Norman and Saxon and Dane are we.
But we are aU Danes for thee —
Alexandra
sings the poet. Yankees and Dutch and Southerns are we,
and from aU the races from over the sea, but we are all
Americans for thee — America.

JOHN HAY
ADDRESS AT THE DEDICATION OF THE JOHN HAY LIBRARY,
BROWN UNIVERSITY, NOVEMBER 11, 1910
John Hay, Secretary of State in the Cabinets of Presidents McKinley and Roose
velt, died July 1, 1905, and he was succeeded July 7 by Elihu Root. Five years after
Mr. Hay's death, on November 11, 1910, the library building of Brown University,
Providence, R. I., of which Mr. Hay was a graduate, class of 1858, was opened to
the public. This library bears the name of John Hay, and was erected in his memory.
The erection of the library had been made possible by a gift of $150,000 by
Andrew Carnegie, on condition that an equal amount be obtained from others, which
was easily secured from twenty-nine persons. It was Mr. Carnegie's suggestion
that the building be erected as a memorial to Mr. Hay. A memorial tablet in the
entrance haU bears in letters of gold the following inscription:
m MEMOKT OF
JOHN HAY
OF THE CLASS OF 1858
POET mSTOHIAN DIPLOMATIST
STATESMAN
WHO MAINTAINED THE OPEN DOOB
AND THE GOLDEN RULE
THIS BUILDING
HAS BEEN ERECTED BY
Hia FRIENDS AND
FELLOW ALUMNI
HIGH credit is due to a country that can appreciate such
a man as John Hay; that has justly estimated his merit,
has valued his service, and honors his memory. A people
capable of this have something about them too fine to permit
them to be given over to the worship of merely material
things. It would be difficult to conceive of a sharper con
trast than that between the character of Mr. Hay and the
confident, thick-skinned, self-assertive, pushmg, husthng
character ordinarUy associated with success in the practical
affairs of this hurly-burly world. The note in his daUy life
91

92 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
which most chaUenged the attention of an observer was that
of extreme refinement, sensitiveness, and reserve. He was
unassuming, retiring, self-effacing. He was thoroughly
democratic in his sympathies and convictions. He took men
at their character value, without regard to place or power or
wealth. He was indifferent to popularity, while he was
keenly ahve to the approval of all those whose judgment he
respected and whose friendship he valued. His life was his
own and he shared it only with those he loved. He never put
it in evidence at the bar of public opinion or entered it in com
petition for the prizes of public life. The proud modesty of
his self-respect made it impossible for him to testify in his
own behalf or to allege his own merits. He left others to
judge what he was and what he accomplished, without even
aid from him, while his generous and loyal nature was never
weary of giving credit and praise and honor to his associates
and contemporaries to the extreme limit of their deserts.
He was sensitive to beauty in all its forms — beauty in
nature, in art, in form of literary expression, in thought, in
human character. The principles of Christian ethics con
trolled his judgments and his practice. A fine and correct
taste determined the attractions and repulsions of his life,
but he was not narrow or finical. He had the enthusiasm of
humanity. He had breadth of view and kindness of judg
ment. He had the saving grace of humor to a very high
degree, and his humor was exquisite, delicate, and subtle.
His estimates of men and their lives cut through all appear
ances to the realities, were independent of clothes and houses
and the accident of manners, and seized upon whatever was
true and human, whether it was in the miner's hut or the
farmer's ranch or the millionaire's palace. The scope of his
human sympathy was universal. He could write both the
Pike County Ballads and Castilian Days. Quality appealed
to him, whether in an earl or a longshoreman. He had a fine

JOHN HAY 93
sense of proportion and of the fitness of things. He had
imagination, without which no man can be great in business
or science or government any more than in hterature or art.
The charm of expression that we aU find in his writings
appeared no less in his conversation. He was the most
delightful of companions. One found in him breadth of
interest, shrewd observation, profound philosophy, wit,
humor, the revelations of tender and loyal friendship and an
undertone of strong convictions, and now and then the vibra
tion of intense feeling, and now and then expression of a
thought that in substance and perfection of form left in
the mind the sense of having seen a perfectly cut precious
stone. His nature had its penalties. He shrank from rude, per
sonal contact. As things fine and noble gave him pleasure,
'things brutal and sordid caused him pain. He could fight
for a cause or a friend, but he shrank from fighting for him
self. Everything personally competitive or assertive was
distasteful. In his later years the prospect of a pubhc
appearance made him positively ill for days before the time
arrived. Under ordinary conditions one would expect such a nature
to withhold itself from the practical conflicts of hfe, to
develop the critical faculty at the expense of its dynamic
force, and to play its part rather as an observer and com
mentator than as an actor in the affairs of the world.
There were, however, other elements in this character
which forbade such a life. Mr. Hay was born and bred in
what was then the rude frontier land of the Middle West.
His youth was passed amid the working of the mighty forces
that urged on across the prairies and valleys of the continent
the most stupendous movement of population since the
downfall of the Roman Empire, and that built up and dedi
cated this republic to freedom. The air he breathed was

94 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
charged with the tense feelings of the Kansas-Nebraska con
flict. The indignation, the wrath, the exhortations, the
prayers, the stern resolves, the bloodshed and sacrifice, the
moral uplifting and sublimation of that great struggle
between freedom and slavery were borne in upon this gentle,
receptive, and impressionable soul in its unfolding. He
returned from his sojourn as a student in the grateful asso
ciations of this learned institution to the battlefield of
MUtonic conflict in the Lincoln-Douglas debates.
From somewhere in the past, perhaps from Scotland of the
Covenant, perhaps from the German Palatinate, harried and
ravaged in religious wars, had come a strain of religious
feeling and capacity for self-devotion that answered to the
influences of this environment. The youth knew Lincoln
and became his disciple. During four years in the White
House the inspiration and controlhng power of that great
nature guided the growth of the young assistant secretary.
The relation between them was not the ordinary official rela
tion between a great officer and a young assistant. It was
personal and affectionate. Often in later times, when Mr.
Hay was premier in the Cabinets of President McKinley and
President Roosevelt, some incident of service in the White
House would recall to his mind events of the earlier days
among the same familiar scenes, and the telling of the story
with all the charm and graphic power we know so well would
leave an impression upon his associates never to be forgotten.
One such recital illustrates the relation between the two.
Through the center of the second story of the White House
runs a long corridor from the extreme east to the extreme
west. Mr. Lincoln slept in a room at the western end and the
young assistant secretary slept in a little room at the south
eastern corner. The President, oppressed and disturbed by
the cares and perplexities and nervous tension of the great
war, was often sleepless, and often, when he had long sought

JOHN HAY 95
sleep in vain, he would rise and go down to the boy's room
and waken him in the dead of night, and, sitting on the edge
of his bed, would read aloud to him from some favorite book
until the current of thought was changed and sleep seemed
possible. Sometimes it was the Bible; sometimes Shaks
pere; sometimes Tom Hood. The spiritual insight of the
great liberator divined in the soul of the boy the sympathy
and responsiveness which returned to the reader a calm and
solace he could not find in the cold, dull page alone. How
often have the hsteners to that tale, as their duties brought
them again and again to the scene, imagined the tall, gaunt
form of Lincoln, clad in white, passing down the long, dimly
lighted corridor, seeldng comfort against his cares from the
sympathy of the noble youth in the thoughts to which he
loved to turn. Was ever a boy so fortunate! Was ever a
character so influenced and guided in the development of its
most impressionable years! From that time we may well
beheve came the large and kindly view, the deep sense of the
seriousness of life underlying the wit and humor and sensi
tiveness to impressions of the beautiful, the genuine love of
his country and its people, the love of humanity, of peace
and justice with mercy, the capacity for loyalty to great
causes, and the unquestioning reahzation of duty to play a
man's part in the world of action.
Upon this foundation was built up the character that Mr.
Hay brought to the great office of secretary of state. He
brought also the results of wide and varied training in his
maturer years. Five years as secretary of legation in Paris,
in Vienna, and in Madrid, two years as assistant secretary
of state, service as ambassador to Great Britain, had given
him the technique of the profession of diplomacy; had taught
him the language of diplomacy, in which words so often
have a far different weight and meaning from the same words
used in the other professions, at the bar, in business, and in

9Q MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
literature. He had learned the methods, the conventions,
the etiquette, the prejudices, the delicate and difficult art, of
diplomatic polemics. He had learned how to avoid the
blundering obtuseness to the sentiments and real feehngs of
others which so often brings to nought the good intentions of
well-meaning but uninstructed negotiators, and an occasional
illustration of which has suggested the reproach imphed in
the phrase, " shirt-sleeves diplomacy."
Five years as an editorial writer for the New York Tribune
and a considerable period as its responsible editor had
broadened his knowledge and interest in the multitude of
questions affecting the internal interests of America, and had
given him a familiarity with public men and public affairs.
His hfe had been passed among men of thought and men of
action. Letters, art, science, business, public life, the pro
fessions, had contributed the friendships that enlisted his
sympathies. He knew many places and their people; many
sides of hfe; many points of view. He came to the State
Department just at the time when the conclusion of the war
with Spain opened a new era in the relations between the
United States and the other nations of the earth. The estab
lishment of the new relations was important, exigent, and
critical. It concerned American prestige and prosperity, the
country's place in the estimation of the world, its opportunity
for influence for its own good and for the good of mankind.
The conjuncture of the time and the man was most fortunate.
Mr. Hay impressed upon the diplomacy of the United States
at this critical period a quahty of courtesy, of consideration,
of competency in deahng with diplomatic questions, and a
quality of simplicity and truthfulness worthy of the disciple
of Lincoln. The little questions that trouble so many small
men — petty tricks and deceptions and subterfuges and
small advantages — had no place in his scheme of conduct.
Always the broad view, the kindly judgment, the considerate

JOHN HAY 97
treatment, the true dignity of nations, the true interests of
his people and of civUization, guided his action. We may
feel warranted in beheving that his administration of our
foreign affairs evoked sentiments of respect and friendly
judgment throughout the world. The impress of his work
and influence wiU long continue to be a salutary force in the
conduct of our foreign affairs.
Among the multitude of things that he did wisely and skill
fully we may recall the settlement of the Alaskan Boundary
dispute. The rough miners on each side of the disputed line
were wholly intolerant of opposing claims and perfectly
ready to fight for their own rights, and at any moment a new
discovery of gold in the disputed territory might have led
to a conflict that would have put all western Canada and
western America ablaze. The Joint High Commission of
1898, which was convened for the settlement of a dozen
questions between the United States and Canada, came to a
deadlock on the Alaskan question and broke up without
action. With the greatest good sense and skill, a practical
modus vivendi, a judicious treaty, and a tribunal to hear and
determine, the difficulty was disposed of forever. The treat
ment of our relations with England as a neutral during the
Boer War; the substitution of the separate and sole owner
ship of TutuUa for the impracticable condominium which had
existed in Samoa; the laying of the foundation for the rescue
of Santo Domingo from the condition of anarchy and bank
ruptcy and the estabhshment of the system of assistance by
the United States which is now making that country peace
ful and prosperous; the settlement of American claims
against Turkey; the sympathetic treatment of the wrongs
against the Jews in Rumania and in Russia; the mediation
between Venezuela and her creditors, whose action threat
ened an infringement of the Monroe Doctrine — all these are
entitled to note and to high credit. There were, however.

98 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
three great fields of diplomatic action for which Mr. Hay
should always be especially remembered.
He gave vital aid to the definite system for the peaceable
settlement of international disputes, which up to this time
has been known as the system of arbitration and which
received its form in the first Hague Conference of 1899.
The Convention for Arbitration signed at The Hague was
purely voluntary in its provisions and it was regarded by
most of the European nations as merely sentimental and
academic. It was the United States, under Mr. Hay's direc-i
tion of its foreign office, that led the way in tuming this
theoretical scheme into a practical working system. The first
case taken to the Tribunal was under our treaty with Mexico
of May 22, 1902, submitting to its decision the so-called
Pious Fund controversy as to the rights of the Roman Cath
olic Church in California to a portion of the Mexican church
moneys, and the flrst decision of the Tribunal was its decision
in favor of the United States in that case.
When in 1903 England, Germany, and Italy had united
in a warlike demonstration against Venezuela to compel
the payment of her debts, and Venezuela had appealed to the
United States for aid, it was under Mr. Hay's guidance that
arbitration was substituted for war and the nations were led
to the bar of The Hague Tribunal for the determination of
their rights.
The real obstacles to arbitration consist not in the difiBiculty
of making speeches about it or in formulating theories in
favor of it to which every one wUl agree, but in the practical
working out of the system, the application of the theory to
concrete cases. It is the difference between a prospectus and
a successful business enterprise. Every one knows that to
make a prospectus is easy — to succeed in business is hard.
It was in this field of practical difficulty that Mr. Hay came
to the rescue of The Hague Tribunal and furnished that ele-

JOHN HAY 99
ment of respect for the Tribunal as a working machine which
was necessary to rescue it from exile in Utopia. Then he
followed with a series of arbitration treaties in which practi
cally all the countries that took part in the first Hague Con
ference joined in agreement to submit their differences with
the United States to The Hague Tribunal. These treaties
failed of ratification by the Senate because of a purely inter
nal question, but they furnished the basis of international
assent upon which Mr. Hay's successors have been able to
give effect to his purposes.
Mr. Hay's diplomacy opened the way for the construction
of the Panama Canal. When he took office all progress in
that direction was blocked, as it had been since 1850, by the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, which bound the United States to
Great Britain as a participant in any enterprise for the con
nection of the two oceans. Upon his negotiation that treaty
was abrogated and the United States was set free to accom
plish the great work itseK. Then followed the negotiations,
far advanced towards completion, with Nicaragua; and then
the negotiations with Colombia for the right to the Panama
route, which culminated in the Hay-Herran Treaty; the
negotiations with the French canal company, which ended
•- in the purchase of their rights; the revolution in Panama
consequent upon the rejection at Bogota of the Hay-Herran
I Treaty; the swift and just recognition of the Panama Repub
hc, an act as to the propriety and rightfulness of which
Mr. Hay never wavered nor hesitated for an instant. Then
came the treaty with Panama; and the work of piercing the
barrier, uniting the oceans, changing the trade routes of
the world, and fulfilling the dreams of the great navigators
was begun.
Mr. Hay led the world in determining the relations of
western civihzation to the vast empire of China and in pre
serving the integrity of that empire with an open door of

100 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
equal opportunities for the commerce of the world. When
he took office Russia was pressing down upon Manchuria
from the north and held possession of the peninsula of the
Regent's Sword, with the great fortress of Port Arthur
guarding the entrance to the bay of Chili. England had
acquired a lease of Wei-hai-wei for a military and naval base
with which to offset Port Arthur, at the same time holding
her vantage ground on the south at Hong-Kong, and her
sphere of influence covering the entire valley of the Yangtze.
France was pressing against the empire with its possession
of Tonquin on the southwest; Germany had exacted pos
session of Kiao-chau and part of the province of Shantung
for her vantage ground in the anticipated struggle, and
Japan was training her armies and buUding up her navy
across the narrow seas, awaiting her opportunity for her
share when the time of dismemberment should arrive. It had
come to be tacitly assumed that whatever in China one
nation did not take, some other nation would, and so the
competition for possession went on. The United States, alone >,'
of all the Powers having interests in the Orient, desired no
part of China and was free from suspicion of seffish purpose
in its affairs. Her position furnished an opportunity of
which Mr. Hay availed himself for one of those signal ser
vices to mankind which entitle the doer to a place in history.
During his first year in the State Department he began the
negotiations which resulted in his identic note to the Powers
of September, 1899, and culminated in the identic note of
July 3, 1900, and the universal assent of the Powers to the
policy stated in these words:
The poUcy of the Government of the United States is to seek a solution
which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve
Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect aU rights guaranteed
to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and safeguard for the
world the principle of equal and impartial trade with aU parts of the
Chinese Empire.

JOHN HAY 101
The assent of aU the Powers to the principle thus declared
was equivalent to a self-denying ordinance barring them
from further aggression. A principle of right conduct was
established by which aU future action was to be judged.
Unanimity of assent carried to each Power the assurance that
it was safe in conforming its conduct to the principle declared.
The process of dismemberment was checked and China's
opportunity for regeneration and progress was secured. This
was followed by the negotiation of the treaty of October 8,
1903, which at the same time secured larger opportunities for
American commerce and laid down the lines for China's
rational development. It bound China to abolish the lihin
— that system of internal customs duties which keeps her
provinces apart, impedes trade, and prevents national
growth. It provided for uniformity of external duties; for
the revision of the mining laws and the development of
mineral wealth; for the protection of trade-marks, patents,
and copyrights; for a uniform national coinage; and a
reform of the judicial system.
In February, 1904, when Russia and Japan were about to
make Manchuria the theater of war, it was to Mr. Hay that
the Powers turned to secure from both combatants their
assent to respect the neutrality of Chinese soU and the
preservation of China's administrative entity.
The policies which made possible the construction of the
Panama Canal and the open door in China, were but parts of
a greater policy, broader in its scope and looking far into the
future. They were steps towards the participation of
America in the great future of the Pacific. Half a century
ago the imagination of William H. Seward was kindled to the
belief that, as the commerce of the world had broadened
from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, it was stUl to
broaden from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The correctness of
that forecast has become each year more distinct and certain.

102 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
We are just beginning to learn of the enormous mineral
wealth of British Columbia, Alaska, Siberia, China. Improve
ments in transportation and communication are bringing
the coasts of that vast ocean nearer together than the shores
of the Mediterranean were to the Phoenicians or to the
Venetians. The awakening of the Orient to the industrial
arts of western civilization is opening vast and indefinite
possibilities of new production and consumption. By a
long series of apparently unrelated steps, America has been
drawn gradually towards her opportunities in this great
future. The cession of California, the Oregon treaty, the
purchase of Alaska, the annexation of Hawaii, the taking of
the Philippines, reveal themselves In retrospect as successive
steps all In the same direction. It remained to construct and
control the western avenue of approach to the Pacific
through the Isthmus of Panama and to establish In the
Orient a standard of respect and confidence for the unselfish
purposes and moral power of the government which, with
all Its faults and shortcomings, stUl works in the spirit of
Washington and Lincoln, and seeks the prosperity of its
people In the paths of peace without weakness and of justice
with charity. Poetic vision, wisdom of statesmanship, sklU
of trained diplomacy, have done their work, and the great
opportunity of the Pacific lies before our people and their
children. In most of his undertakings Mr. Hay was met with kind
ness and magnanimous agreement on the part of the Powers
with which he dealt. It was so in the Alaska Boundary
Treaty; in the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty; in
the arbitration treaties; In the general assent to the preser
vation of the Integrity of China. Few of us can realize the
long and weary path leading to such a final assent — the diffi
culties to be overcome; the pitfalls to be avoided; the objec
tions to be answered; the prejudices to be smoothed away;

JOHN HAY 103
the discouragements sufficient to daunt any but the stoutest
heart. The international statesman finds in the Powers with
j whom he deals a response according to the spirit in which he
works. Narrow selfishness meets suspicion and distrust.
Considerate fairness and the broad views of generous states
manship meet a response in kind. The spirit of John Hay
made it impossible for others to continue narrow and petty
in dealing with him; and guided by his sensitive apprecia
tion of the character and feelings of others, made effective by
wisdom and skill, that pure and noble spirit achieved a great
work for the country he loved. He himself has said:
There are many crosses and trials in the life of one who is endeavoring
to serve the commonwealth, but there are also two permanent sources of
comfort. One is the support and sympathy of honest and reasonable
people. The other is the conviction dweUing forever, like a weU of Uving
water, in the hearts of aU of us who have faith in the country, that aU we
do, in the fear of God and the love of the land, wUl somehow be overruled
to the public good; and that even our errors and faUures cannot greatly
check the irresistible onward march of this mighty Republic, the consum
mate evolution of countless ages, caUed by divine voices to a destiny
grander and brighter thaiU we can conceive, and moving always, con
sciously or unconsciously, along lines of beneficent achievement whose
constant aims and ultimate ends are peace and righteousness.
I think John Hay would not greatly desire that statues
and columns be erected In his memory; that he sought for no
monument other than the perpetual existence of the Republic
into whose structure he had wrought his life. But we may be
sure that this memorial, dedicated to the art of letters. In
which he found his solace and refuge from the harsh storms
of life, standing amid the scenes that were dear to his
memories of youth, inscribed with his name by the proud
affection of his Alma Mater, would be inexpressibly grateful
to his heart.

GROVER CLEVELAND
MEMORIAL ADDRESS AT THE COLLEGE OF THE CITY OF
NEW YORK, MARCH 18, 1909
Grover Cleveland was elected governor of New York in 1882, and was elected the
twenty-second President of the United States in 1884. Defeated for reglection in
1888, he was again elected President in 1892. At the close ot his term ot office, he
removed to Princeton, N. J., where he delivered an annual series ot lectures on public
affairs before the University, and where he died June 24, 1908.
At the memorial exercises, held in New York City, Mr. Root said:
IT Is a grateful duty to pay public honor to Mr. Cleveland
because he was our friend and because all of us are his
debtors for his inestimable service to our country.
It is not merely a duty to Mr. Cleveland's memory; it is
an opportunity for Americans to signalize their capacity to
appreciate such a man as he was.
Anation may be known by the men It honors. All the world
honors genius; all the world is dazzled by mUitary glory;
aU the world is swayed by power of leadership over masses
of men; aU the world extols great deeds done; but the
best evidence of a nation's greatness, the best augury of its
power to rise to higher levels of national life, is to be found
in the exhibition of general and heartfelt appreciation of a
noble character. It is to the honor of America that the
deepest, the most lasting impressions from the time of Wash
ington and of Lincoln, are not so much what they did but
what they were. Against the background of their arduous
labors stand out the men themselves; — the fortitude in
adversity, the long-suffering patience, the indomitable will,
the strength, the courage, the great-heartedness, the unsel
fishness, the devotion. The powerful influence of a strong and
noble character made manifest in high station, is the chief
105

106 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
legacy of Grover Cleveland to his countrymen; and it can
never be lost, for that Influence has greatly moved his genera
tion to higher conceptions of civic duty and independent
manhood and public righteousness. Students of political
history will remember the many good things he did; but all
America has passed a step nearer to its ideals because of
what he was.
Grover Cleveland did not rise conspicuously above the
men of his time In inteUectual power. His mind gave forth
none of those emanations of genius which the world admires
at a distance and which make their way into the common
apprehension only In after years. One of the elements of his
strength was that his mind worked as the minds of most
Americans work, only more powerfully and conclusively
than most minds.
He spoke and wrote distinctly truths that Americans gen
erally were conscious of thinking vaguely. His word, backed
by his great authority, and still more potently backed by the
example of his life, brought realization of great saving com
mon truths that were being forgotten.
He was a man of convictions, — not extemporized for the
moment or for a purpose, but real, vital and urgent. He
thought them out and felt them through and through. His
judgments were not the cock-sure opinions of ignorant con
ceit, but the result of mature deliberation. He gave enormous
industry and pains to the processes by which he reached
them. He brought to his work strong, practical common
sense, a just and well-balanced mind, a temperament of sus
tained vigor and without malice, sincerity of purpose, and
as time went on, ever Increasing wisdom and insight into
life. His convictions once settled, he was absolutely immov
able in them. Neither political expediency nor personal
fortunes produced the slightest effect upon his active adher
ence to them.

GROVER CLEVELAND 107
He believed the SUver Purchase Act was ruinous to the
country, and he forced Its repeal whUe the politicians of the
country, for the most part, were cautiously sounding public
sentiment. He considered that the attitude of Great Britain
In the Venezuela Boundary controversy put at Issue the
Monroe Doctrine, essential to our nation's safety, and he
unhesitatingly risked the wreck of his Administration and a
disastrous war In uncompromising committal to the applica
tion of the traditional American policy at all hazards, to that
concrete case.
He came to the conclusion that our protective policy was
wrong and he risked and lost his reelection by the tariff
message at the close of his first Administration. He was
warned of the result by the advisers whom he trusted most,
but that produced no effect whatever upon him.
Whether one agrees with his views or not, it is impossible
not to find inspiration In the example of the man who would
not wait for a safe reelection to do what he beheved to be
right. With high and unquestioning courage he stood always
for what he believed to be just and honest and best for his
country. With unconcealed scorn and wrath, he stood against
aU sham and chicanery. He was not swayed by personal
ambition or by selfishness. He thought always of his work
and not of himself.
He was simple and unostentatious In his living. He had
no thirst for riches. He was sincere and outspoken without
the craft of the time-server or the false pretense of the dema
gogue. He was kindly and affectionate, — a good husband
and father and friend and neighbor.
He remembered always with touching interest the undis
tinguished companions and scenes of his youth. Great
station raised no barriers about his heart. He was loyal to
his friends and to his ideals and to every cause in which he
had enlisted.

108 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
For a quarter of a century after he was raised to power, in
office and out of office, he stood conspicuous before the world,
a great figure of exalted citizenship and evidence to all the
young men of America that in this free republic the greatest
success, high station, power, fame, can be won with truth,
honor and self-respect.
To honor him is to be lifted up in spirit; to remember him
is to be grateful for our country's happy fortune and to be
possessed of a cheerful hope for the future of a people that
can bring forth such sons.

CHESTER ALAN ARTHUR
ADDRESS AT THE UNVEILING OF A STATUE OF PRESIDENT ARTHUR
IN MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK, JUNE 13, 1899
THE committee of which Mr. Stewart is chairman has
charged me with the duty of formally presenting to the
city of New York the statue of Chester Alan Arthur, the
twenty-first Presiden,t of the United States, now about to
be unveiled.
The statue Is the result of the contributions of President
Arthur's personal associates and friends here In his home,
who knew him as he was, and admired and loved him long
before the world knew him, and who found in the universal
esteem and admiration accorded to him by the whole people
in his later years, not a revelation, but a recognition of his
character and qualities. This memorial of our old fellow-
townsman is to stand appropriately In the New York of
Arthur's day, in the square around which centered so much
of the city's activity in his time. In front of the old club
house of the Union League, of which he was long an active,
and at the last an honorary member, and near the familiar
pathway along which so many of us have passed with him on
his way to and from his Lexington Avenue home.
The personal relations which have prompted this expres
sion of affection and esteem are rapidly lapsing Into oblivion.
The men and women who knew him, who felt the direct influ
ence of his clear and bright intelligence, his commanding
character, the sweetness and gentleness of his disposition,
the rich stores of his cultivated mind, the grace and charm of
his courtesy, his grave and simple dignity, and his loyal and
steadfast friendship, are passing swiftly away. In but a few
109

110 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
years more the joy he gave in living, the sharp sorrow of his
untimely death, the treasured memories of his association
and his friendship, will exist no longer In any human heart.
He wUl be but a name on a page of American history, and his
personality, potent as It was in life, living as it is still In our
hearts, will have ceased from its separate existence, and live
only in the undistinguished immortality of effect in the life
of the race. Were this all the story his memory might well
be left to die with the dying. But there remains a record of
national safety, achieved in a time of imminent peril by his
noble qualities, his hard endurance, his self-sacrifice and
patriotism; and It is right that this record of patriotic service
should be preserved and continually recalled to the minds of
generations to come by this statue of imperishable bronze
standing upon the public land of the great city which gave
him to the nation.
No greater peril ever menaced the constitutional govern
ment of the United States than that which confronted the
American people when President Garfield fell by the hand of
Gulteau on July 2, 1881. External assaults consolidate a
people and stimulate their loyalty to their Institutions. But
when Garfield fell the danger came from within. The fac
tional strife within the dominant party which resulted In the
nomination of President Garfield had been of unprecedented
bitterness. Vice-President Arthur had been selected from
the defeated faction. He was one of Its most conspicuous
and active leaders. Stilled for a time during the canvass, the
controversy was resumed with renewed vigor and more
violent feelings In the early days of the new Administration.
It extended through every state and city and hamlet. Sud
denly the adherents of the murdered President saw the
powers of government about to be transferred to the leader of
their defeated adversaries, and that transfer effected by the
act of an assassin. Many of them could not instantly accept

CHESTER ALAN ARTHUR 111
the truth that It was the act solely of a half -crazed and dis
appointed seeker for office; many of them questioned
whether the men who were to profit by the act were not the
Instigators of It. It seemed beyond endurance that Garfield's
enemies should profit by his death. Dark suspicions and
angry threatenlngs fiUed the public mind, and for the
moment there was doubt — grave doubt — and Imminent
peril that the orderly succession of power under the Constitu
tion might not take Its peaceful course. Under such con
ditions, acting upon the telegraphed request of the Cabinet,
in order that the first step might be safely passed, Arthur
took the oath of office at his home In Lexington Avenue at
midnight on the night when Garfield died, and entered upon
the solemn duties of the Presidency. Surely no more lonely
and pathetic figure was ever seen assuming the powers of
government. He had no people behind him, for Garfield, not
he, was the people's choice; he had no party behind him, for
the dominant faction of his party hated his name — were
enraged by his advancement, and distrusted his motives.
He had not even his own faction behind him, for he already
knew that the just discharge of his duties would not accord
with the ardent desires of their partisanship, and that dis
appointment and estrangement lay before him there. He
was alone. He was bowed down by the weight of fearful
responsIbUity and crushed to the earth by the feeling, exag- ;
gerated but not unfounded, that he took up his heavy burden
surrounded by dislike, suspicion, distrust and condemnation
as an enemy of the martyred Garfield and the beneficiary of
his murder. Deep and settled melancholy possessed him;
almost despair overwhelmed him. He went to power walking
through the valley of the shadow of death, and ascended the
steps of a throne as one who is accused goes to his trial.
Then came the revelation to the people of America that our
ever-fortunate repubhc had again found the man for the

112 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
hour. His actions were Informed and guided by absolute
self-devotion to the loftiest conception of his great office.
The solid substance of character inherited from his Scotch
ancestry and his Vermont birthplace, and developed by the
typical American training of the poor clergyman's son carv
ing out his own fortune without any resources except those
which rested within himself, made him master of himself and
dependent only upon the dictates of his own judgment and
his own conscience. His skUl as a politician in the best sense,
and his experience as an administrator, made him a judge of
men and their motives, and enabled him to shun the pitfalls
which encompass the feet of an unwary executive. His
instinctive sympathy and chivalric regard for the memory
and the purposes of the lamented Garfield disarmed resent
ment. The dignified courtesy of his manners and the con
siderate sincerity of his speech concUIated the friendship
even of his enemies. The extremists of his own party faction
found that their demands for the fruits of revolution were
addressed to one no longer a leader of a faction, but the
President of the whole people, conscious of all his obligations,
and determined to execute the people's wIU. The coldness,
the alienation of old alhes, the reproaches which they visited
upon him, he suffered in sUence and in sorrow, but with
unchanged and steadfast determination. He was wise in
statesmanship and firm and effective In administration.
Honesty In national finance, purity and effectiveness in the
civil service, the promotion of commerce, the re-creation of
the American navy, reconcUiatlon between North and South,
and honorable friendship with foreign nations, received his
active support. Good causes found in him a friend, and bad
measures met In him an unyielding opponent.
The genuineness of his patriotism, the mtegrity of his pur
pose and the wisdom of his conduct, changed general distrust
to universal confidence, reestabhshed popular belief In the

CHESTER ALAN ARTHUR 113
adequacy of our constitutional system in all emergencies, and
restored an abiding trust in the perpetuity of our govern
ment. He himself greatly aided to make true the memorable
words of his first inaugural: " Men may die, but the fabrics
of our free institutions remain unshaken."
The strain of that terrible ordeal and the concentrated and
unremitting effort of those burdened years exhausted the
vital forces of his frame and brought him to the grave in the
meridian of his days. He gave his life to his country as truly
as one who dies from wounds or disease in war.
With proud and sensitive reticence he had suffered much
from calumny. Its completest refutation was the demonstra
tion of what he was. And he was always the same. The
noble form of which aU America was proud as it bore with
dignity and flawless honor the chief magistracy of the great
est of repubhcs was none other than the simple and true
American gentleman who walked with us among our homes
and to whose memory we offer this poor tribute.

WILLIAM TECUMSEH SHERMAN
ADDRESS OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR AT THE UNVEILING OP
ST. GAUDENS' STATUE OP GENERAL SHERMAN IN
NEW YORK, MAY 30, 1903
OF aU the statues with which the affection of friends and
the admiration of contemporaries are adorning or dis
figuring the pubhc places of the modern world, few wUl carry
any personal meaning to future generations, or serve to per
petuate the memory of the men whom they are designed to
honor. The httle great men of the hour pass across the stage
of the world's life with their generations, and are forgotten.
Neither granite shaft nor monumental bronze can confer
upon them immortality, or rescue them from the individual
obhvion which merges their achievements and their sacrifices
into the general progress of the nation and the race.
Rarely, as the centuries pass, some great national crisis,
with the inspiration of struggle and the test of requirements
beyond the capacity of common men, sifts the material of a
nation, and reveals a man equal to a great occasion; whose
deeds link his name forever with the decisive events which
determine the world's progress, render his existence a fact of
historic significance, and make what he was, a part of the
common and familiar knowledge of mankind. Such a crisis
was the American war for the Union. Such a man was
WUham Tecumseh Sherman. The tremendous consequence
to mankind of the decision whether America was to be one
nation or a group of smaU and discordant states, dimly
foreseen by the men of half a century ago, even now only
begins to be realized by the world, which sees looming large
in the horizon of the future the Immeasurable posslbihties
for good or evU in hundreds of mUlIons of people, free, inde-

116 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
pendent, self-governing, with limitless resources, with vital
force and energy never surpassed, and united under one
government by common institutions, a common sentiment of
nationality, and general loyalty to the same ideals.
The part that Sherman played In that great struggle was
not merely courageous, loyal, devoted, brilliant. It was
essentially decisive. Erase It from the pages of history and
no human mind can divine how the blanks would have been
filled. No one wIU dare to say another could have done
what Sherman did. Shiloh and Corinth and Vicksburg and
Chattanooga and Missionary Ridge crowned him with
laurels. The desperate and resourceful campaign which
ended in the capture of Atlanta established his place in his
tory as a great commander. The march from Atlanta to the
sea, and stiU on from Savannah northward through the
Carolinas, to Raleigh and the surrender of Johnston, ranks
among the great and impressive military events of history.
But more than all these, in the general maintenance and con
duct of the war, the powerful infiuence of his military genius,
the strong support of his indomitable wUl, the forward
impulse of his tremendous energy, the singular nobility of his
unseffish character, which, meeting like characteristics in
Grant, enabled them to work together like brothers; all
these made the personality of Sherman an essentially decisive
part of the great consummation which determined that
America was to be free and united. We cannot add to his
fame; we cannot contribute to his immortality. The statue
we raise today can but point future generations to the pages
of history where his name and deeds are imperlshably
recorded. Neither praise can set up nor detraction pull down
the immortals in that ValhaUa of the truly great where he
has taken his eternal place.
But we who knew him hving can record our admiration
and personal affection. We can teU those who come after us

WD^LL^M TECUMSEH SHERMAN 117
that not only was Sherman great but his people loved him.
This stem and relentless master of horrid war had a heart as
gentle and as tender as a woman's. The veterans who had
served under his command came to him In after years as to a
father, to find always open his sympathy and his purse. His
magnanimous nature accorded a generous meed of praise to
every degree of merit exhibited by others associated in his
great undertakings. He fought, not urged by ambition or
for fame or for fortune, but Inspired by loyalty and love of
country. Before Sumter was fired upon he declared : " On
no earthly account wUl I do any act or think any thought
hostile to or in defiance of the old Government of the United
States." And when the great struggle was ended he declared :
"War's legitimate object Is more perfect peace", and turned
with alacrity and gladness to the path of mercy and concilia
tion. He was a disciplinarian without being a martinet, and
his broad sympathies with all his countrymen made him the
ideal commander of volunteer soldiers. In peace he was con
stantly solicitous for the adoption of measures for the future
welfare and greatness of his country. He urged on to success
the building of the Pacific roads which he foresaw would
pacify and civUize the plains and bind together our widely
separated seaboards. He founded the Leavenworth School
of MUitary Instruction, and entered actively into the exe
cution of broad and far-seeuig plans for utilizing the lessons
of the Civil War and Improviiig the mUitary system of the
country, until checked and made powerless by a vicious
organization which now in this year we are happily bring
ing to an end. Every good and noble cause found in him
encouragement and support. The simplicity and directness
of his mind found a counterpart in the fearless frankness
of his expression. His conversation and his hfe taught
always the lessons of courage, of hope, of cheerfulness, and
of light. He was free from all envy and uncharitableness.

118 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
broad-minded, loyal and generous friend, good and patriotic
citizen, honorable gentleman. Again and again he put the
Presidency away from him, and chose rather the indepen
dence and dignity of citizenship than the honors of high office
which could add nothing to his laurels.
Many of us remember the charm and beauty of his declin
ing years; when he had come to the time when men begin to
live over In memory the stirring scenes of their youth; when
he was wont to seek a famUiar corner in the old club-house
below us on this avenue — the club formed to support him
in the great conflict — and there to discourse with his friends,
with quaint wisdom and genial humor and many a brilhant
flash of insight, upon the days that were passed. Enjoying
life to the end, amid universal respect and affection, secure,
in the consciousness of great deeds done, he rested here in
peaceful and honored age. It is a fitting and a happy thing
that here, too, the genius of the great sculptor who owns this
city as his home, should make imperishable by his art
this sUent witness to the honor that we and our children shall
ever pay to Sherman, the soldier, the patriot, and the friend.

THE GREAT RECONCILIATION
ADDRESS AT A REUNION OF THE UNION AND CONFEDERATE
VETERANS WHO FOUGHT AT FORT FISHER
UTICA, NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER 9. 1909
IT is a great pleasure to join with my friends and neighbors
of Oneida County In welcoming to our beautiful city our
friends, the enemies of the past, the far distant but never to
be forgotten past. I join my voice to those of their old com
rades of the Northern forces with a welcome hearty and sin
cere, in behalf of all our people and in behalf of many who
dwell in memory only; for under the magnetic Influence of
the strong feeling with which these veterans live over the
battles of their youth, my mind has been harking back to the
memories of my boyhood, when the youth of Oneida County
were gathering for their march to the front of the great war.
I remember many a bright and beautiful boy, I remember
how broken-hearted I was that I was deemed too young and
weak a striphng to be of use. I remember how many a noble
life was ended, how many a memory is left alone to tell of the
forms sleeping beneath the soil of North Carolina, leaving
the desolate home among these hillsides. I remember the
long years in which the people of the North and the South
learned the lesson of patience under affliction, of fortitude,
of capacity for sacrifice, of love of country. The spirit of
North and South was raised to a purer and a nobler manhood
and a greater capacity to make our country take its true
place in the vanguard and the march of liberty and justice
along the pathway of civUization.
In the names of those who fought and ended their lives, I
bid you welcome, friends of the South. It is a great thing to
have fought in a great war. It is a great thing to have fought
119

120 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
in one of the decisive battles of history. It Is a great thing to
be a part of the structure of a great and noble land; to have
fought, not as mercenaries for pay; not to promote some
individual ambition; not for plunder; but to have fought for
a cause in which one believes, for a cause that lifts up the
soul above all selfishness and littleness, above the small things
of life, and makes over manhood to last for a lifetime.
Happy men you should be to have crowning your lives this
noble wreath of having made the sacrifice of your youth for
a great cause in which you believe. Happy men you should
be to feel, to know and to be able to see with your own eyes
the great country that has risen upon the foundation of that
character; not upon the foundation of what you won or lost;
not upon the foundation of any tovra taken or stricken field
occupied; but upon the foundation of that character that
was buUt up In those days of struggle and of sacrifice. You
are doing, my friends, what your children could not do, for
if you had gone to your graves cherishing the bitterness of
conflict, their filial piety would have led them to cherish the
same bitter and resentful feeling for generation after genera
tion. You alone, you who fought, you who passed the weary
days in the trenches, you who had the supreme exultation of
life at stake, you alone can render that supreme sacrifice to
your country of a gentle and kindly spirit, receiving your
former enemies to renewed friendship and binding together
aU parts of the country for which you both fought. You are
doing something far more unexampled than any battle that
you won. You are not merely Ulustrating that nobUity of
character that came from your birth and your training, but
you are Ulustrating the capacity for self-government that
makes America what it is.
For countless generations men have fought and fought
bravely. The whole earth is covered with battlefields in
which men have given up their lives for great causes and little

THE GREAT RECONCILIATION 121
ones and no causes at all. Courage Is the rule of mankind.
You were brave. Of course you were brave, for you came
from stocks that for countless generations had fought for
their rights; but other nations have been brave and the
lesson of history Is that no great nation Is made and exists by
courage alone. It is only through the possession of moral
qualities that lift men above littleness and bitterness and
jealousy and envy and pettiness and malice, in peace as ia
war, that a nation can be great. It is only by the power of
kindly and considerate judgment; it is only by the quality
of consideration and friendship; It is only by the power of
brotherhood, that a nation can govern Itself and be great.
And you are not only illustrating that capacity for mutual
consideration and kindliness that Is necessary to patriotism
and to the greatness of a nation, but you are teaching it to all
of us. In the memory of your great days of youth, of your
sacrifices, of the great issues of that time, how small seem the
little questions about which we sometimes work so hard and
how clear it seems that the only real question upon which
the fate of the nation depends, is Its capacity to deal with all
questions in the right spirit of mutual consideration.
Happy men you should be to have played your part like
men, both In the great fight and in the great reconciliation,
which no nation on earth ever equaled, ever anywhere or In
any age, in the great demonstration of love for country, of
capacity for brotherhood among countrymen. And happy
you should be to see through these two qualities of courage
and fortitude and of capacity for kindly consideration and
judgment, your country so great, so noble, doing so great a
work, in the forefront of the struggle for liberty and justice
and peace throughout the world, a work that more than
repays to mankind all the blood that was shed, all the labors,
all the sacrifices of your youth, and all the devotion of your
manhood to our beloved land.

THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB
ADDRESS OP THE SECRETARY OF WAR AT A MEETING OP THE
CLUB TO CELEBRATE ITS FORTIETH ANNIVERSARY
FEBRUARY 6, 1903
IT Is worth while coming from Washington, or even Cah-
fornla, or the Philippines, to receive such a welcome. I
wIU speak tonight for the younger members of the club.
Having been a member but thirty-four years, I look up with
reverence to these old gentlemen.
Length of life is httle, but to have been a part of great
affairs, to have done something in this world that wiU live,
to have woven a thread into the fabric that is to last for ages
— that is life, that is to have hved, though length of days
be short; and that, old friends, you did. We are grateful to
you and we honor you for the opportunity which you so
nobly seized and upon which you buUt so well.
Happy men, the men of '61 to '65, to live to see the country
they saved grown so great, not merely in material things, in
manufactories, in raUroads, in steamships, and in marble
buUdings, but so great in all that dignifies and ennobles
humanity. Happy men, to see the great war, which you helped so
much to nerve our people to maintain for union and hberty,
ended, and the spectacle of noblest manhood exhibited to the
world by two sections that had fought so bitterly, coming
now together, with the kindliness of true American citizen
ship, and again together upholding the flag that stands for
the liberty of all; to see the curse of slavery removed and the
Declaration of Independence made true at last for aU our
people; to see the reflex action of our institutions upon
Europe, gradually changing the structure of governments
123

124 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
and lifting up across the sea the common people of all the
countries of the world towards the dignity of manhood and
their rightful participation in the fruits of the earth; to see,
what is true, that year by year coming out of the crucible of
trial our public service has grown stronger, and purer, and
better in its integrity and its devotion to public Interests than
ever before In all our history; and to see our nation, grown so
great and strong, still maintaining the principles of liberty
and justice, and stretching out its hands over the weak
people of the earth and saying to the oppressors, " Hold."
Happy men, to come out of that time of doubt and trial
and see all this. But the end Is not yet. Your work was but
httle If you left none behind you to take It up. The old and
trite saying, " Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty ", holds
a broader and a greater truth, " Eternal good citizenship Is
the price of good government." There yet remain and there
will ever come In unending succession problems, difficulties,
doubts, struggles, on which the safety of our institutions will
depend. There are today problems almost Immeasurable
which hold within them the possibilities of evil for our coun
try, calling for the best citizenship, the most devout patriot
ism, and the hardest fiber. Let me mention two or three.
One is the tendency — growing, I fear — to division between
the rich and the poor, under which wealth tends constantly
to undue control over legislation, and poverty to stir up a
war of classes based upon envy and jealousy of the rich.
The very results of our prosperity tend to increase this evil,
and every good citizen should set his face against It and seek
to make it certain that never in this free land shall we have a
war of classes.
Another thing, which is fraught with the most fatal con
sequences, if it proceeds, is the tendency to check individual
enterprise and development. Individual opportunity, the
chance that every poor boy has to exercise the talents that

THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB 125
God has given him and to rise as high as man can go by his
brain, by his industry, by his persistency, and by his courage,
is the very foundation of American liberty. Yet many of the
labor organizations in this country are Including in their
rules provisions against the better man doing more work,
earning more wages than the man less capable, and seeking
to hold down Industry, activity, and ambition to the level of
sloth, of incompetency, of stupidity. I make no war against
labor organizations; I believe in them. I believe that In the
great struggle for a fair division of the increased wealth of
mankind that comes from the enormous increase of the pro
ductive power of mankind through invention and discovery,
the laborer is bound to organize and is entitled to organize,
and I am glad to see him organize and get his own. But we
/all must set our faces against the tendency to say to any
boy, " You shall not do the best you can."
A third thing is one with which this club may well be con
cerned. Our chairman has referred to the march of the negro
regiments down Broadway. Within two years after the
foundation of this club the nation, by the Thirteenth
Amendment to the Constitution, provided that slavery
should not exist in the United States, or m any territory
under its jurisdiction. Within five years, by the Fourteenth
Amendment, the nation declared that aU men born or
naturalized within the territory of the United States should
be citizens. Within seven years, by the Fifteenth Amend
ment, the nation declared that no one should be deprived of
his right to vote by reason of his race, color, or previous con
dition of servitude. Those three amendments embodied the
scheme adopted by the thoughtful men of the time for
the uplifting of those who had been held m slavery from the
beginning of our history.
You remember how difficult the question was. What was
to be done with the poor black man held aU his life a slave

126 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
and now free ? The answer, found in these amendments,
was. Give him citizenship, give liim suffrage, give him equal
rights, and he wUl rise.
I fear we are compeUed to face the conclusion that the
experiment has faUed. The suffrage has been taken away
from the black man in most of the states where he composes
a large part of the population. The black man of the South,
in general, no longer has practically the right of suffrage.
The right to aspire to office, however humble, is also disputed,
and in a great measure denied.
A curious development has been seen within the past year
along this line. President Roosevelt has appointed fewer
black men in the South than did President McKinley. There
are fewer black men now holding Federal offices in the South
than there were when President McKinley died; yet loud
outcries are to be heard from the greater part of the South
against what Is called President Roosevelt's policy of appoint
ing black men to office, whereas under President McKinley,
under President Harrison, under President Hayes — under
all the preceding Presidents — nothing was said, although
more black men were appointed.
A few nights ago a black man, holding an important office,
attended an official reception at the White House. There has
not been a time since the Civil War when black men have not
held similar offices in the Federal Government. At official
receptions, the black men holding those offices have always
attended. They attended the receptions of Presidents
McKinley, Cleveland and the others. Yet the attendance at
President Roosevelt's was the signal for an outcry that the
whites were being insulted by the appearance of this black
office-holder. Now, I am not discussing the question. I am
simply showing that the same state of official treatment of
the blacks meets a change in the public feeling of the South;
that the right to aspire to office under the Federal Govern-

THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB 127
ment which was formerly unquestioned is now questioned.
And it is probably but a matter of time — not so very long a
time — when the overwhelming weight of opinion of the
white men wUl succeed in excluding blacks from aU offices in
the Southern states.
So the country has to face the f aUure of the plan which was
adopted at the close of the CivU War, to lift the blacks from
the condition in which they were left when they were freed
from slavery by conferring upon them the suffrage. We can
never throw off the responsIbUity that rests on our people for
the well-being of these men who were held in bondage for so
many generations, and the new question of what can be done
for them, now that the first attempt has faUed, is one that
challenges the best thought and the best patriotism of our
country. But let me say this: You did not hve and labor in vain in
this field. The spirit in which you wrought stUl hves. You
have created a higher type and sense of patriotism; you have
elevated the character of American citizenship; and there
live today, largely through your efforts and the example and
inspiration furnished by you and the men who labored with
you in 1863, men enough in this land, devoted to their coun
try, competent to meet the problems and perform the labors
of good citizenship, to carry on the blessmgs that you saved
from extinction to the remotest generation. And to that end,
long hve the Union League Club!

THE CITY OF NEW YORK
REMARKS OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR, AT THE CELEBRATION OF
THE TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
FOUNDING OF ITS MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT, MAY 26, 1903
THE few words which I have been asked to say on this
interesting occasion need be nothing more than to read
a letter which has been placed in my hands by the Mayor
from the President of the United States: White Hottsb,
Washington, March 20, 1903.
Mt Deak Mr. Mayor:
It is with sincere regret that I find myseU unable to accept your invita
tion. I am to be in California on the date you mention. Otherwise, I
should have strained every nerve to be present on an occasion so interest
ing to a native New Yorker who is at the time President of the United
States. The changes in New York City during the two hundred and
fifty years which have just elapsed are such as could be paralleled
nowhere else iu the world. We now have in New York the second largest
city of the world, and it is no idle compUment to you, and to those asso
ciated with you, Mr. Mayor, for me to say that there is now no other city
here or abroad of whose governing officials its people have more just
reason to feel proud. With regard,
Sincerely yours, (Signed) Theodoeb Roosevelt.
It is impossible to think of any municipal celebration which
has more national interest than this. It is no mere figure of
speech to say, as the orator of the day has said, that this is
the gateway of the nation. The municipal government which
was established two hundred and fifty years ago upon this
island, has borne a burden for the nation, because it has
stood at the gateway; because through this portal have come
the miUions from the old world, here first to learn the lesson
of independent manhood, and here first to learn the lesson of
1S9

130 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
freedom controlled and subordinated to- law. Because this
was the gateway of commerce and the center of wealth have
come to it from all over this great land the youth — full of
ambition and of hope — seeking fame and fortune; have
come to it the men who control the great business enter
prises of the whole country, that they may be together for
business intercourse, rather than remain at the place where
the material enterprise is conducted. Here have come the
men who have been successful throughout the entire country,
to find the means of spending, with the greatest facUity and
the greatest pleasure, the wealth they have accumulated.
The constant growth and the constant shiftuig of our popu
lation — breaking constantly the ties of neighborhood —
have made it impossible that we should be such a homogene
ous people as to render it easy to conduct good government.
We have been wrestling here — the municipal government of
which you are the head has, during the past half-century
of our greatest growth been wrestling, with the most difficult
problem of popular government in this world; all because of
the functions that the city of New York has performed for the
whole people of the United States.
That property and life are protected; that the city stiU
grows and ever grows ; that peace and order reign ; that more
stately palaces rise along our streets; that libraries, and
schools, and churches increase and multiply; that treasures
of art and of literature accumulate; that the people of the
city show capacity to govern themselves — slaves to no
ruler and to no party — competent to set up and to pull
down their municipal government as they wiU; that the
people of New York respond to every demand of patriotic
duty; that the people of New York respond to every demand
of humanity; that love for country and love for mankind
find in good citizenship and in noble works of charity examples
to be surpassed nowhere on earth — we aU can testify. And

THE CITY OF NEW YORK 131
the reason is that the men who two hundred and fifty years
ago founded this municipal government were sound and
wholesome men, and that their spirit of freedom, of tolera
tion, of civic pride, and good citizenship survives, permeat
ing the whole increasing mass of the great metropolis. I am
proud to come back from the councils of the nation to my
own home; proud to be a citizen of New York.

THE OLD AND THE NEW NEW YORK
ADDRESS AT A DINNER OF THE LOTUS CLUB IN HONOR OP
THE SECRETARY OF WAR, NEW YORK, MAY 9, 1903
IAM deeply sensitive, I could not be otherwise than deeply
affected, in receiving this accolade of honor conferred by
being the guest of the Lotus Club. The Chinese proverb
says : " What is the use of being a mandarin of two tails if it
is not known in one's native village ? " I thank you for the
kind expressions which the personal friendship of President
Lawrence has colored so highly and so agreeably in your greet
ing to me. I regret my own incapacity fittingly to respond
to the honor which you confer upon me. I feel myself to be
in the position of the man who was asked, " Is your wife
entertaining this winter ?" and who answered, "Not very."
I am in the safest possible position, but the worst possible
position, for orlglnahty tonight, because I am here and speak
ing. The only way in which any one today can secure credit
for originality is by being somewhere else and letting the
gentlemen of the press, out of their own fertUe imaginations,
originate his remarks.
I have said that the only way a man can be reaUy original
is to be sUent, or to allow the gentlemen of the press to origi
nate his remarks. We have had some signal Ulustratlons of
that in a statement purporting to come from the President
of the United States, who had just been most royally enter
tained in St. Louis. A comforting and original genius of
the press says, " The President, considering sternly for a
moment, said: ' You may print from me the fact that I had
nothing to eat m St. Louis '." I ask you what genius could
ever have originated that statement outside of the press.

134 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
How could any man just coming from his entertainer's house
ever have conceived such a supreme effort of originality as
the statement that he had had nothing to eat! A few days
ago, another genius put into the mouth of General Sir Baden-
Powell, the distinguished English cavalry officer who had
been here looking at the movements of our cavalry, the
statement that they did not amount to much anyway; that
they were overfed. When a man trusts to himself and really
adventures upon observations which he reaUy makes, he is
certain to be bald and uninteresting.
Your president has expressed the hope that I may enjoy
the relaxation and the hUarity of this occasion. I assure you
that in about ten or fifteen minutes I shall begin to enjoy it.
I have been so far removed from my old friends in New York
for the past four years, that it seems to me as if I were coming
back from a great distance, after a long period of absence.
It has not been an ordinary exile. It has so happened that
the duties to which your president has referred in too compli
mentary terms have been so engrossing in their character,
have involved dealing with questions so entirely different
from those which occupied the community in which I had
lived for so many years, that not merely has my body been
absent, but my mind and heart and soul have been engaged
in the isles of the sea. The ordinary exUe who travels away
from home ever finds his affection and his thoughts harking
back to those he has left. For four years past not only my
body but my mind has been removed to distant fields and in
different occupations, so that in coming back to New York it
seems to me as if I had been away for an age in another world;
and it seems strange to me to find you aU stUl so young;
to find that you stiU have the same bright and cheerful faces,
no more wrinkles, no more gray hairs, no fewer hairs, no less
enthusiasm, and youth, and capacity for enjoyment, than
when a himdred years ago I met you. It has produced a

THE OLD AND NEW NEW YORK 135
curious effect upon me, this coming back; the break, the
complete break, has led to my memory going back and join
ing Itself, not to the city and the men as they were four years
ago, but to the early scenes of my life here. As I come back
to our streets, I think of the life of nearly forty years ago,
when the first deep Impressions of the lad coming fresh from
the country were made. Your invitation caUed up most
vividly to my mind a night passed in the old Lotus Club in
Irving Place, when John Brougham held the center of the
stage, and daylight came under the speU of that delightful
master of humor and good fellowship.
I recall the days when the stages in winter ran on run
ners on Broadway, and when the Fifth Avenue stages coming
from Fulton Street had their northerly terminus at the
Croton Cottage, a little road-house at Forty-first Street,
where Frederick Vanderbllt's house stands now; when the
Madison Avenue stages ran to the Ultima Thule of Forty-
second Street; when Pfaff's flourished on Broadway; when
Wallack's Theater was the most northerly place of amuse
ment in the city; when New York was a little provincial
town of but seven hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants;
and It requires an effort to bring myself down from those
distant days, from the days when the first thing I asked was
how to get to Beecher's church, and was told to cross Fulton
Ferry and foUow the crowd, and, following it, found the
prince, that great exponent of blood and brain in religion.
What a wonderful city it is, whose appearance and whose
present activity join on to those early recoUections! What
a good old town it is! Men may abuse it; many hard things
are said about it; it has many faults; but, after aU, it closes
within its limits the best of aU there is, here or anywhere on
earth, to those of us who believe that the hope of the world
lies in the great process of liberty which Is lifting up to parti
cipation, mtelhgent and effective participation, in govern-

136 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
ment, the entire body of the people, leaving no class below;
and those who do not believe that need hard experience for
their education. Into this gateway of the western world
have come since the census of 1850, between the census of
1850 and that of 1900, more than seventeen millions of
people from across the water. Here the men of the Old
World are received and taught the first lessons of citizenship,
taught to stand erect in the independence of manhood, with
no superior. The first results of the lesson are not lovely or
agreeable, the first results of the lesson are crude and harsh
and disagreeable; but it is a necessary lesson for the men
who are to be self-governing and country-governing. Here
the men of the Old World are taught first that liberty means
not license, but ordered liberty and subordination to law.
The lesson is not easily learned. The idea of freedom in its
first dawning in the human mind means freedom from all
limitations, and the men who grasp it fixst beat against the
bars of order and law. But the burden Is upon this city, at
once, to teach the undisciplined masses of mankind who seek
the freedom of the West, the double lesson of independence
and liberty, but of liberty restrained and ordered by law and
justice. Let the denizens of the cities and quiet fields, who
have the ordering of their own lives with the lessons of free
forefathers to guide them, find fault with the city of New
York; but let them remember that the city of New York is
doing the rough work of civUization, making over the raw
material of citizenship, and standing in the post of difficulty,
of hardship, and of disagreeable duty, in the preparation of
mankind for that citizenship upon which alone can per
manently rest the advance of mankind.
Good old New York! Absence has made me love her
but the more, criticism makes me appreciate her merits but
the more, and detraction makes me but the prouder of being
her citizen. And when I come in for a day or two, when I

THE OLD AND NEW NEW YORK 137
come here and see about me the faces of the old friends with
whom I have had so many good times, with whom and against
whom I have fought so often, from whom I have received
so many kindnesses, I want to come home. I feel like the
young lady from Chicago who went to the new hotel, and
wrote back to her friend that the new bath-room was so
fascinating that she could hardly wait until Saturday night.
Coming from outside the city and seeing its wonderful
advance, and how the municipal surgery is operating for
appendicitis, taking out the bowels of the city, the kidneys,
and the liver, for underground transit, for new Pennsylvania
tunnels and stations; how even the New York Central has
become conscious of the possession of a liver which needs
excavation; how upon the surface our city is growing great
and beautiful — I feel bound to say that the country, the
great country with whose prosperity our city must rise or fall,
which finds its flower and fruit here, keeps pace with the
metropolis. I doubt if there has ever been a lustrum In
which any people have made such progress as the people of
the United States have made In the past five years. When
we were boys at PeeksklU and elsewhere, there was no higher
test of capacity than a knowledge of geography; think how
the people of the United States have been learning geography
in the last five years; how the horizon of the American boy
has been pushed back; five years ago, who knew where the
Philippines were; who knew what was the road from the sea
to Peking; who knew much about the West Indies ? Five
years ago, how much did we know about the politics of the
world that centered about the Eastern Question ? We have
passed through an era of isolation since the days when James
Monroe and John Quincy Adams were trained diplomats
concerned in the affairs of civilization. We have now come
mto another era, in which the people of the United States have
taught a lesson to every power In Christendom. The knowl-

138 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
edge, the topics of discussion, the educational influence to be
found among our people, have suddenly, like the crystals
shooting out upon the surface of the water at the point of
freezing, instantly spread out from our own domestic home
affairs into a wide and general observation and understand
ing of the affairs of all mankind. The knowledge and the
interest of the American people have broadened and taken
in the whole world.
The possession and the use of power are strengthening the
fiber and increasing the capacity of our people. The pos
session of money has not yet, and I have faith to believe that
in the future it wUl not have, emasculated the American
people or brought degeneracy in Its wake; for the possession
of money which has resulted from our wonderful prosperity
is the possession of money by all the people, the length and
breadth of the land. Never in this world has so much money
been used for the happiness and comfort of so many people
as Is being used in the United States today. Never in the
world have there been so many people so free from the harsh
restraints of poverty, so many people able to furnish luxuries
and comforts to their famUies, so many people able to edu
cate their children, so many people able to perform the duties
of good citizenship, and secure in the comfort and security of
prosperous lives, as today. Where money is most greatly
concentrated, we see but the efflorescence of wealth, in the
four-in-hand parade, the red devils that shoot about the
country, in the steam-yachts which carry our mUhonaires.
But underlying it all is the greatest expenditure of money for
aU good and great causes that the world has ever seen.
Underlying it all is that benevolence, that interest in educa
tion, that love for humanity, that wUlingness to labor and to
spend, and to spend without limit, for the elevation of man
kind, and the alleviation of suffering, in which the city of New
York easily leads the world.

THE OLD AND NEW NEW YORK 139
I feel that in coining back to my home I shall come back
to a city which has kept up in the march of progress in the
forefront of a nation ever progressing; and I feel like saying
tonight in this festal company : Eat, drink, and be merry, for
tomorrow, and tomorrow, and stUl tomorrow, and for unend
ing years, the great city which is our home and the great
country that we love wUl not die, but live and do their
work for the elevation of mankind and the progress of civi
lization, beyond the dreams of prophets and the hopes of
phUanthropists.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
ADDRESS OP THE SECRETARY OF STATE ON PRESENTING TO
FRANCE THE GOLD MEDAL AUTHORIZED BY CONGRESS
THE FRANKLIN BICENTENNIAL, PHILADELPHU
APRIL 20, 1906
ON the 27th of AprU, 1904, the Congress of the United
States provided by statute that the Secretary of State
should cause to be struck a medal to commemorate the two-
himdredth anniversary of the birth of Benjamin Franklin,
and that one single impression on gold should be presented,
imder the direction of the President of the United States,
to the republic of France.
Under the direction of the President I now execute this
law by delivering the medal to you as the representative of
the republic of France. This medal is the work of fraternal
collaboration by two artists whose citizenship Americans
prize highly, Louis and Augustus Saint-Gaudens. The name
indicates that they may have inherited some of the fine
artistic sense which makes France preeminent in the exquisite
art of the medahst.
On one side of the medal you will find the wise, benign, and
spirited face of Franklin. On the other side Literature,
Science, and Philosophy attend, whUe History makes her
record. The material of the medal is American gold, as was
Franklin. For itself this would be but a small dividend upon the
investments which the ardent Beaumarchals made for the
mythical fij-m of Hortalez & Company. It would be but
scanty uiterest on the never-ending loans yielded by the
steady friendship of de Vergennes to the distressed appeals
141

142 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES"
of Franklin. It is not appreciable even as a gift when one
recalls what Lafayette, Rochambeau, de Grasse and their
gallant comrades were to us, and what they did for us; when
one sees in historical perspective, the great share of France
in securing American independence, looming always larger
from our own point of view, in comparison with what we did
for ourselves.
But take it for your country as a token that with aU the
changing manners of the passing years, with all the vast and
welcome influx of new citizens from all the countries of the
earth, Americans have not forgotten their fathers and their
fathers' friends.
Know by it that we have in America a sentiment for
France; and a sentiment, enduring among a people, is a
great and substantial fact to be reckoned with.
We feel a httle closer to you of France because of what you
were to Franklin. Before the resplendence and charm of
your country's history — when all the world does homage to
your hterature, your art, your exact science, your philosophic
thought — we smUe with pleasure, for we feel, if we do not
say: "Yes, these are old friends of ours; they were very
fond of our Ben Franklin and he of them."
Made more appreciative, perhaps, by what France did for
us when this old phUosopher came to you, a stranger, bearing
the burdens of our early poverty and distress, we feel that
the enormous value of France to civihzation should lead
every lover of mankind, in whatever land, earnestly to desire
the peace, the prosperity, the permanence, and the unchecked
development, of your national life.
We, at least, cannot feel otherwise; for what you were to
Franklin, we would be — we are — to you: always true and
loyal friends. ^

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 143
REPLY OP M. JUSSERAND, THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR
On behalf of the French Republic, with feehngs of deepest
gratitude, I receive the gift offered to my country, this mas
terful portrait of Franklin, which a law of Congress ordered
to be made and which is signed with the name, twice famous,
of Saint-Gaudens.
Everything in such a present powerfuUy appeals to a
French heart. It represents a man ever venerated and
admired in my country — the scientist, the phUosopher, the
inventor, the leader of men, the one who gave to France her
first notion of what true Americans really were. " When you
were in France," the Marquis de ChasteUux wrote later to
Franklin, " there was no need to praise the Americans. We
had only to say: Look; here is their representative."
The gift is offered in this town of PhUadelphia where there
exists a hall the very name of which is especiaUy dear to
every American and every French heart — the Hall of
Independence — and at a gathering of a society founded
" for promoting useful knowledge ", which has remained true
to its principle, worthy of its founder, and which numbers
many whose fame is equally great on both sides of the ocean.
I receive it at the hands of one of the best servants of
the state which this great country ever produced, no less
admired at the head of her diplomacy now than he was lately
at the head of her army, one of those rare men who prove the
right man, whatever be the place. You have hstened to his
words, and you wiU agree with me when I say that I shall
have two golden gifts to forward to my Government: the
medal and Secretary Root's speech.
The work of art offered by America to France wiU be sent
to Paris to be harbored in that unique museum, her Museum
of Medals, where her history is, so to say, written in gold and
bronze, from the fifteenth century up to now, without any

144 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
ruler, any great event, being omitted. Some of the American
past is also written there — that period so glorious when
French and American history were the same history, when
first rose a nation that has never since ceased to rise.
There, awaiting your gift, are preserved medals struck in
France at the very time of the events, in honor of Washiag-
tlon, to commemorate the relief of Boston in 1776; a medal
of John Paul Jones in honor of his naval campaign of 1779;
another medal representing Washington, and one represent
ing General Howard, to commemorate the battle of Cowpens
in 1781; one to celebrate the peace of 1783 and the freedom
of the thirteen states; one of Lafayette; one of Suffren,
who fought so valiantly on distant seas for the same cause as
Washington; one, lastly, of Franklin himself, dated 1784,
bearing the famous iascrlption composed in honor of the
great man by Turgot: Eripuit ccelo fulmen, sceptrumque
tyrannis. My earnest hope is that one of the next medals to be struck
and added to the series wUl be one to commemorate the resur
rection of that great town which now, at this present hour,
agonizes by the shores of the Pacific. The disaster of San
Francisco has awakened a feeling of deepest grief in every
French heart, and a feeling of admiration, too, for the manli
ness displayed by the population during this awful trial. So
that what wUl be commemorated wiU not be only the
American nation's sorrow, but her unfailing heroism and
energy. Now your magnificent gift wiU be added to the coUection
in Paris; it wIU there be m its proper place. The thousands
who visit that museum wiU be reminded by it that the ties
happily formed long ago are neither broken nor distended,
and they will contemplate with a veneration equal to that of
their ancestors the features of one whom Mirabeau justly
called one of the heroes of mankind.

JULES MARTIN CAMBON
ADDRESS OP THE SECRETARY OF WAR AT A FAREWELL DINNER
TO THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. NOVEMBER 15, 1902
Jules Martin Cambon, bom in Paris, AprU 5, 1849, was appointed Governor-
General of Algeria in 1891, and Ambassador to the United States in 1897. He
represented the Spanish Government at Washington during the Spanish-American
War, and signed the Spanish-American Protocol in 1898. He was appointed
Ambassador to Spain in 1902, and at a farewell dinner in Washington, November 15,
1902, Mr. Root spoke as follows:
IT is a melancholy duty to help you in speeding this parting
guest. Monsieur Cambon has been an ideal ambassador.
He has not merely defended, maintained, promoted the inter
ests of his own country, but he has Ulustrated and made
attractive and charming to the people to whom he was
accredited all that was noblest and best in the people of his
own country. In our modern days, where peace and not war
is the normal condition of man, the victories of peace consist
not in wresting territory from a hostUe people, nor in carry
ing away from their capitals their works of art, or their
wealth, but in gathering for home use all that Is best in the
lessons of national hfe and in the influences of national
character. The Teutonic race has characterized and marked the
development of this new world to a degree which leads us
often to forget how much we owe and how much we can
derive from the great Latin race, which has given so much
toward the development of civUization, and which can give
so much that we lack toward our own progress, toward the
perfection of national' and personal hfe of which we dream.
Monsieur Cambto has illustrated to us aU that was best
in the Latin weTrld. I have been sorry that he learned to
145

146 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
speak EngUsh. I understand him better, but the grace, the
beauties of his French always seem to me to raise a picture
of the golden fields of grain of his country spangled with
bluets and coquehcots; always seem to bring into our
rougher and ruder Teutonic life something of the grace and
beauty and taste with which the French people are endowing
civilization. How much we owe to it! Go back over the long history,
from those early and stormy days when the Plantagenets
went forth from their castles on the Loire across the seas to
the conquest of England; to the War of the Hundred Years;
to Louis XI with his leaden saints beating down the aristoc
racy of France; to Henry IV, the beau-ideal of chivalric
knighthood, to whom a race of kings unequalled in history
looked back with pride and reverence; to the great, the
greatest of warriors, who with the power of that single nation
withstood the armies of the world and gave the death-blow to
hide-bound institutions which for centuries had dwarfed
and bound the developing powers of civilization; to the new
republic, whose footsteps we have all followed with hopes and
prayers for Its success and its permanency, as, during these
thirty years, it was proving Itself a most important, most
significant stronghold of popular rights, of popular sover
eignty, and of hopes for the future of the peoples of the earth,
of the plain peoples of the earth in Europe. Through aU the
long course of the centuries, the Prench people have been
doing, with pain, with travail, with infinite labor and sacri
fice, the work of civilization and of liberty.
Through it aU the sunshine of La BeUe France has caused
to blossom on the sour and stern soU of feudalism not merely
royalty and aristocratic privilege, but chivalry and grace
and beauty, and the beneficence of art — abundant bless
ings to mankind which soften and dignify humanity. All this
Monsieur Cambon represents to us.

JULES MARTIN CAMBON 147
It is not the least of his claims to our affection that in those
dark days for Spain, when the hard decrees of fate required
an end to Spain's dominion in the western hemisphere,
when that people whose dignity, whose personal worth,
whose abounding and estimable qualities we all recognize,
were compeUed to yield to overwhelming power, he was their
sympathetic representative and defender. I hope that when
Monsieur Cambon goes to his new mission in Madrid he will
feel able with certainty to say to the gentlemen of Spain that
he left behind him in America nothing but respect and
esteem and admu-ation for them. I hope he will tell them
that his advocacy of their cause, to which he brought aU the
subtlety of intellect, all the ability of the trained diplomatist
of France, has but raised him In our esteem, and given him
an added title to our respect. And it is delightful to know
that this, our friend, whom we have learned to esteem so
highly, is going among those whose gratitude he has earned
and whose affection he must have. Our best and warmest
hopes go with him for his success and his promotion of bless
ings and prosperity for the people of Spain and the people of
France alike. Success and glory to him in his new field!
WTio knows what he may accomphsh ? Who knows what
this virile, acute, and discriminating mind may do in the
Iberian Peninsula ? WTio knows but he may lead to the
union of the Gaul and the Visigoth ? Who knows but from
his agency may come sometime a great Latin repubhcan
empire on the continent of Europe ?
Our best wishes go with you, su:. We shaU foUow your
pathway with interest and affection. We hope great things
for you; we wish great blessings for your country and the
coimtry to which you go. We bid you goodbye, we bid
you God-speed, and above aU we say to you, " Au Revou",
Monsieur Cambon ! "

THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
CARNOT
June 26, 1894. The New York constitutional convention having imder con
sideration a resolution tendering to the Government of France the profound sym
pathy of the convention in the death of President Carnot by assassination, Mr. Root
said: IT seems to me eminently fitting that when the represen
tatives of seven miUions of people, who depend for the
preservation of their lives, their liberty, their property upon
free constitutional government, are gathered in the supreme
council of the state revising the foundations of social order,
and in another land a blow is struck at the very heart of con
stitutional government, expressions of sympathy with those
immediately affected, and of abhorrence for the crime,
should proceed with heartiness and with sincerity from the
people's representatives.
The generous aid which the republic of France vouchsafed
to the infant American colonies, more than a century ago,
found immediate reflex action and benefit in her own struggle
for hberty. Side by side with our own American experiment
in constitutional government, the French experiment has
been going on for a century, under difficulties and surrounded
by evUs of which we have known nothing. Surmounting
almost insurmountable obstacles, triumphmg in the midst
of successive and apparently irretrievable defeats for twenty
years, the republic of France has stood erect, unshaken,
consolidating and making perpetual the foundations of free
constitutional government.
And now the hand of the assassin has stricken down her
chief magistrate and put her people into mourning. Mr. Pres
ident, the cause of freedom and of constitutional government
149

1.50 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
is one cause the world over. The enemies of constitutional
government in France are the enemies of our government,
of our liberty, of our homes. With ever-changing form, the
battle of good and evil, of right and wrong, of law and of
hcense, goes on throughout the world. In the form which it
assumes today, the enemies of freedom and of the law raise
their horrid heads among us as well as in the cities of France.
One arm for the good and the right must ever fight the
same battle the world over, against wrong and against evil.
But one weapon stands ready for all. But one means of
success in this eternal conflict is at the hands of all, and
that is the universal sympathy and support of aU good men
the world over, and universal detestation and abhorrence the
world over for the men who, like the assassins of Carnot, of
Garfield, and of Lincoln, war against all that is purest and
best in mankind. In God's name, and in Liberty's name,
Mr. President, let the representatives of the people of the
state of New York send their sympathy to the people of
the republic of France.

CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES ^
ADDRESS OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AT A DINNER GIVEN
BY THE PILGRIMS OF THE UNITED STATES IN HONOR OP THE
RIGHT HONORABLE EARL GREY, GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF
CANADA, NEW YORK, MARCH 31, 1906.
IT Is an opportunity which I highly appreciate officially
and it Is an honor and a privilege personally to join the
Pilgrims of the United States in their welcome to our dis
tinguished guest. I am glad to welcome him for himself,
because before he was Governor-General of Canada we knew
him for a fitting representative of the continuous develop
ment In the old home of our race of those qualities which we
most admire In our fathers, and the possession of which is the
surest hope of our own continued prosperity and greatness;
because he has the English great-heartedness and the English
practical sense and wisdom; because he illustrates in himself
how great Is the influence upon a family of having the benign
face of Frankhn looking down from its ancestral walls.
Indeed, we may believe that through that ever-present
influence upon the generations, Frankhn has worked out his
own salvation and wrought out the character which has
brought him home again to his own beloved PhUadelphia.
I am glad to welcome him for his country. The pohcy — \
the traditional policy — of the United States forbids alliances
with other countries, but every lawyer knows, every man of
affairs knows, that the signature and the seal upon a contract
is of little value unless the character and purpose of the con
tracting parties Is sincere, and that a sincere and genuine
common purpose to do the thing to which a contract relates
'- See also addresses on The Builders of Canada, and The Canadian Reciprocity
Agreement, pp. 157-187. 151

152 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
is as efficient without the seal and the signature as it would
be with them. With every country that seeks to attain the
purpose that dwells in all the highest ideals of the American
people, there is an aUiance effective and perpetual. And
wherever the English people go, wherever their institutions,
their laws, their customs, are carried, there the American can
breathe freely, there the American can pursue his calling
without fear or hindrance; and the progress, the growth, the
glory, of England is at every step a gain to every man who
speaks the English tongue, who has formed his character and
his customs upon English law and the genius of English
institutions. I am glad to welcome him for the great people over whom
he Is governor. I can do it with especial pleasure because of
a genuine liking for the people of Canada — a liking for the
quaint charm and grace of its French people, for the sturdy
vigor, the northern virility and force, of its English-speaking
people — a liking which I know is shared by the great mass
of the American people, and especially by those born and
bred, as I was, near the Canadian border.
I think that the American people should recognize the fact
that a great change has taken place upon the other side of
the border — a change which materially affects the theoreti
cal, the assumed or supposed, relation or possibilities of
relation between the United States and Canada. It was
apparently, as we read the history of the negotiations which
led to the treaty of peace of 1783, rather in doubt for a time
whether Canada should not be ceded and become part of the
United States when our independence was recognized. In
1812 the British Governor-General of Ontario wrote. In per
sonal letters which have since been published, that a majority
of the people of his province were rather In favor of the
Americans than of the English. We must recognize that a
great and radical change has taken place. Canada is no

CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES 153
longer the outlying northern country in which a fringe of
descendants of royalists, emigrating from the colonies when
they became independent of Great Britain, hved and gained
a precarious subsistence from a sterile soil. It has become a
great people, increasing in population and in wealth. The
stirrings of a national sentiment are to be felt. In their rela
tions to England one can see that while still loyal to their
mother-country, stUl a loyal part of the British Empire, they
are growing up, and, as the boy is to his parents when he
attains manhood, they are a personality of themselves. In
their relations to us they have become a sister nation. With
their enormous natural wealth, with their vigor and energy,
following the pathway that we have followed, protecting
their industries as we have protected ours, proud of their
country as we are proud of ours, they are no longer the httle
remnant upon our borders; they are a great and po werf id
sister nation. And the people of America look with no grudg
ing or jealous eye upon this development. We bid them
God-speed in their growth in greatness and in power, in their
capacity to do their part for civilization, for peace and justice,
for liberty and righteousness among the nations.
The newspapers have said that at this dinner an announce
ment would be made that all existing questions between
Canada and the United States have been settled. I wish it
were so. This can be said : that we are going to try to settle
all existing questions; that we are trying to settle them, and
that with a sincere and earnest purpose we beheve we shall
settle them.
The race of seals which have for so many years pro
duced a most valuable product for the clothing of mankind
are rapidly disappearing. We are going to try to stop the
frightful waste which is involved in their destruction. The
fish supply — the great food supply found in the fish of the
Great Lakes — is being destroyed, because in those mter-

154 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
national waters neither country can by itself enforce rules
and regulations similar to those laws for game preservation
which are maintained within our own jurisdiction and the
Canadian jurisdiction. We are going to try to agree upon
regulations which shall be binding on both sides of the
dividing line. The northeastern fisheries questions have
been under discussion ever since they were settled finally in
the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. We are going to try once
more to settle them.^ There are boundaries remaining to be
marked. There are many other questions that ought to be
disposed of. And now, while there is no controversy about
them, we are going to try to get rid of them. The trouble
with such questions is, that people are too apt to treat them
like the man who did not mend his roof when it rained
because he would get wet and did not mend it when it did not
rain because it did not leak. The Alaska boundary question
could have been settled without difficulty at any time for
many years; there was no controversy about It, and It failed
of settlement because our Congress was unwilling to make an
appropriation to survey the boundary; and through that
fatuous refusal to dispose of the question when there was no
controversy, there came a most critical situation, the settle
ment of which was exceedingly difficult. It has left, I fear,
much hard feehng, which will disappear, I hope, in time —
and in a very short time.
But we are at peace. It is just three hundred years since
Henry IV, the greatest of French monarchs, conceived his
great design to set a bound to ambition In Europe and to
secure the disarmament of European powers; and formed a
fast and firm aUiance with the great Elizabeth of England to
secure that end. Three hundred years have passed, and stIU
on the frontiers of Europe millions of armed men jealously
' See the North Atlantic Fisheries Arbitration — Oral Argument of Elihu Root.
Harvard University Press, 1917.

CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES 155
watch for incursions of possible enemies. But with us,
eighty-nine years ago, by a simple exchange of notes, the
British and American Governments agreed upon disarma
ment on the great international waters between Canada and
the United States; and today millions of people, thriving
cities, wealth beyond computation, are free from wars, from
alarms of wars, — as safe without a cannon or a fort as if
they were In the center of this great land. Long may this
condition continue ! Never may It cease ! It will not cease.
If ever and anywhere two peoples should live together in
peace, the peoples of Canada and of the United States
should illustrate the effect of generations practicing justice,
obeying law, abhorring war. But, my friends, this conditlori
will not continue except by the doing of the things which are
necessary to peace. Not governments, today, but peoples,
preserve peace. Governments but register the decrees of
democracies, and the peoples of these countries whose
borders march with each other have in their own hands the
preservation of peace and have resting upon themselves the
duty of doing the things necessary to that preservation.
With nations, as with individuals, the laws which govern
the peace of a community obtain. Nations have souls and
duties, as well as rights. The people who are grasping and
arrogant meet the same fate as the man In his community
who is grasping and arrogant. The people who insist upon
having everything that the most extreme view of their rights
or their desires may call for, have themselves to blame if
strife arises. A regard for the rights — for the just rights —
for the feelings, for the sympathies — aye, for the prejudices
— of the sister people, not merely with the President at
Washington and the Governor-General and Premier m
Ottawa and the Foreign Office m London, but among the
people of the United States and of Canada, is necessary to the
maintenance of this happy condition.

156 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
In dealing with all the questions that exist today, and with
all the questions which will continually arise in the years and
the centuries to come, our people have resting upon them
the duty to be just, to be considerate, to be not grasping
and arrogant but to deal with our sister people as a just and
kindly man would deal with his neighbor at home. If the
people of the United States will do that, and the people of
Canada wiU do that, then never shall this great border
bristle again with guns, never shall this blessed condition
under which we live in the safety of one people be disturbed,
and never will all our proud boasts of love for hberty and
justice and peace be set at naught.

THE BUILDERS OF CANADA
ADDRESS OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AT A BANQUET
OP THE CANADIAN CLUB OF OTTAWA, CANADA
JANUARY 22, 1907
I THANK you for your most cordial and friendly greeting.
I beg you to believe that I am deeply sensible of the honor
conferred upon me by the presence at this luncheon table of
the Governor-General and the Premier of Canada. Another
kindly greeting has been received by me, since I took my
seat at the table, from a gentleman who, for reasons which
you wUl readUy appreciate, was unable to obtain a seat In the
room. I wiU take the liberty of reading It to you. It is a
telegraphic dispatch dated Jamaica, January 20, received in
Washington yesterday and repeated to me:
HoNoiUBiE EuHxr Root,
Secretar'y of State.
Jamaica profoundly grateful to your excellency for expression of
sympathy and for the very practical aid so kindly given by Admiral Davis
and the entire particular service squadron of the United States Govern
ment. (Signed) Govebngh Swettenham.
I do not feel at aU a stranger here, partly perhaps because
in your climate blood has to be thicker than water; partly
because in your atmosphere every one born and bred under
the common law of England and under the principles of
justice and liberty that the English-spealdng race has car
ried the world over, wherever it has gone, must breathe
freely. It is a full forty years since I paid my first visit to
Canada. At brief intervals during all that period I have been
returning, sometimes to one part of the Dominion and some
times to another, but always keeping in touch with the course
167

158 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
of your development and with the trend of your opinion and
spirit. During that time what wonderful things we have
seen ! We have seen feeble, ill-compacted, separate, depen
dent colonies growing into a great and vigorous nation. W^e
have seen the two branches of the Canadian people, the
English-speaking and the French-speaking, putting behind
them old resentments and steadily approaching each other
in tightening bonds of sympathy and national fellowship —
a happy augury for the continuance of that entente cordiale
which between the two great nations on the other side of the
Atlantic Is making for the peace of the world. We have seen
not merely growth in population and in wealth, but we have
seen here great examples of constructive power, examples of
a great race of builders who have made and are making and
are to make the western world unexampled in the history of
mankind. The spirit of the Norse sea-kings, the spirit of the
great navigators, of Columbus, of Vasco da Gama, and of
Drake and Frobisher, the spirit of the Spanish conquista-
dores, the spirit of men of power and might who have been
the great influences in the world, has found Its development
in this western hemisphere in the great builders, and within
our lives we have seen here some of the greatest of the great
building men of constructive power and energy. We have
seen and are seeing now the growth of that historic sense, the
growth among the people of that appreciation of the great
examples of their own best nature which is so essential to the
making of a nation; and as you are drawing away, through
the course of successive generations, from the past, the great
figures of the makers of Canada loom up more and still more
lofty. The courage, the fortitude, the heroism, the self-
devotion of the men of Canada's early time stand out in
historic eminence from which well may fiow the deep and
unending stream of a great national patriotism. Above all,
we see a people trained and training themselves in the art of

THE BUILDERS OF CANADA 159
self-government, in the discussion and consideration of aU
public questions, not only in the high seats of government,
but in the farmhouse and the shop; in that discussion which
hes at the base of modem civilization, that discussion
which among the plain people, furnishing the basis for poht
ical and social systems, differentiates our later-day civiliza
tion from all the civlhzations of the past, and must give to
it a perpetuity that no civilization of the past has had.
Lord Grey has very kindly furnished me, in the last few
days, with the debate which has been going on in your House
of Commons on the subject of the fisheries modus vivendi.
I have been much impressed by the thoughtful, temperate,
and statesmanlike quality which has been conspicuous in
that debate. I am sure, and indeed no one who reads the
debate can doubt, that whatever conclusion your Parlia
ment reaches wUl be a conclusion dictated by sincere and
inteUIgent and right-minded determination to fulfill the full
duty of your representatives to the people whose rights they
are bound to maintain and protect. Whatever the con
clusion may be, however much any may differ from it, all
men will be bound to respect it. The existence of this club,
the existence of similar clubs in the great cities throughout
your country, is an augury, a good omen, for the future
of Canada. That intelligent discussion and consideration of
pubhc questions which enable the men who are not In office
to perform their duty as self -governors is a solid foundation
for a nation that shall endure.
For all these I profess, with siacerity and with feeliag, my
admiration and my sympathy; and I speak the sentiment of
miUions of my own countrymen in saying that we look upon
the great material and spiritual progress of Canada with no
feehngs of jealousy, but with admiration, with hope, and
with gratification. I count myself happy to be one of those
who cannot be indifferent to the glories and achievements of

160 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
the race from which they spring. And with my pride in my
own land, with the pride that it is a part of my Inheritance
to take in England, is added the pride that I feel In this great,
hardy, vigorous, self-governing people of Canada, who love
justice and liberty.
There have been in the past, and in the nature of things
there wIU be continually arising in the future, matters of
difference between the two nations. How could it be other
wise, with adjacent seacoasts and more than three thousand
miles of boundary upon which we march ? How could it be
otherwise in the nature of the races at work ? Savage nature
is never subdued to the uses of man, empires are never
buUded, save by men of vigor and power, men intense in the
pursuit of their objects, strong in their confidence in their
own opinions, engrossed in the pursuit of their ends, some
times even to the exclusion of thoughtfulness for the interests
and feelings of others. But let us school ourselves and teach
our chUdren, to believe that whatever differences arise, dif
ferent understandings as to the facts on different sides of the
boundary line, the effect of different environment, different
points of view, rather than intentional or conscious unfair
ness, are at the base of the differences. After all, as we look
back over the records of history; after aU, in the far view of
the future, all the differences of each day and generation are
but trifiing compared with the great fact that these two
nations are pursuing the same Ideals of liberty and justice,
are doing their work side by side for the peace and righteous
ness of the world in peace with each other.
The differences of each generation loom large, held close to
the eye; but, after aU, the fact that for ninety years, under
a simple exchange of notes limiting the armament of the two
countries, in terms which have become an antiquated example
of naval literature, to single 100-ton boats with single
18-pound cannon — after aU, the fact that for ninety years

THE BUILDERS OF CANADA 161
under that simple exchange of notes we have been hving on
either side of this three thousand mUes of boundary in peace,
with no more thought or fear of hostUIties than if we were
the same people. Is a great fact In history and a great fact of
potential import for the future. We celebrate great victories.
Anniversaries of great single events call together crowds and
are the subject of inspiring addresses. Within a few years —
eight years from now — we shaU be able to celebrate the
centennial anniversary of a hundred years of peaceful fellow
ship — a hundred years during which no part of the fruits of
industry and enterprise has been diverted from the buUding
up of peaceful and happy homes, from the exercise and pro
motion of religion, from the education of chUdren and the
succor of the distressed and unfortunate, to be expended in
warhke attack by one people upon the other.
In the meantime, our people are passing in great numbers
across this invisible boundary, Canadians in the east and
Americans in the west; and in thousands of homes they and
their chUdren are looking back from American hillsides to a
Canadian, and from Canadian farms to an American, father
land. May that backward look of loving memory never be
turned to the hard gaze of hostUity, of fear, or of revenge!
I ask you, my friends, to join me in a sentiment: To the
Canadian settlers in New England and the American settlers
in the Canadian West — may they ever, with loyal memory,
do honor to the lands of their birth! may they ever, with
loyal citizenship, do God's service to the countries of their
adoption!

THE CANADIAN RECIPROCITY
AGREEMENT
After the passage of the Payne-Aldrich tariff law in 1910, President Taft secured
the consent of the British Government to enter into direct negotiation with the
Canadian Government with a view to reciprocal tariff adjustments. Commissioners
were appointed by the two governments, who met in Washington and in Ottawa
to negotiate a treaty ot commercial reciprocity. In January, 1911, the commis
sioners concluded an agreement which was not to be embodied in a formal treaty,
but was to come into effect by concurrent legislation at Ottawa and Washingtott:
Schedules of the agreement specified (a) a number ot articles the growth, product, I
¦ or manufacture of the United States to be admitted into Canada free of duty when 1
imported from the United States, and, reciprocally, a number ot articles the growth, |
product, or manufacture of Canada to be admitted into the United States free of
duty when imported from Canada; (6) a number ot articles on which a common j
rate ot duty would be imposed; and (c and d) a tew articles subject to special rates. Ji
The bill to put this agreement into effect passed the House ot Representatives
April 21, 1911, and passed the Senate, July 22, 1911. The ensuing campaign in the
Dominion of Canada resulted in the defeat of Sir Wilfred Laurier's Government,
which had warmly supported the agreement, and the Conservative Government
which succeeded abandoned the project. The courts have decided that the United
States reciprocity act was repealed by implication by the passage ot the Underwood
Tai-iff Act. While the bill to promote reciprocal trade relations with the Dominion~1
ot Canada was imder consideration in the Senate, Mr. Root, on June 21, 1911, made \
the following elaborate argument in favor ot its passage:
ON the twenty-sixth of January of this year the President
sent to Congress a message in writing, accompanied by
papers entitled " Correspondence embodying an agreement
between the Department of State and the Canadian Govern
ment In regard to reciprocal tariff legislation "; also statistical
data to show the effect of the above agreement upon the
commerce and revenues of the United States and the Domin
ion of Canada.
The President in his message recommended legislation by
Congress in accordance with the provisions of the agreement
embodied in the correspondence thus transmitted by him.
163

164 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
The bUl which is now before the Senate, House BUI No. 4412,
is entitled " An act to promote reciprocal trade relations with
the Dominion of Canada, and for other purposes "; and
throughout the greater part of the blU, that is to say, down
to the end of section 1, on the twenty-third page, the bill
does follow the agreement which is described as between the
Department of State and the Canadian Government in
regard to reciprocal tariff legislation.
The action of the President In bringing before Congress
this subject affecting the foreign relations of the United
States in this manner has been the subject of criticism to
some extent in the pubhc press and to some extent upon the
floor of either House of Congress. I should not refer to this
criticism were It not that it has received the dignity and au
thority derived from the advocacy of the distinguished senior
Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Nelson], whose solid and
sterling qualities we all recognize and admire.
I wish to submit to the Senate, sir, that the President has
followed a course in bringing this subject before Congress
which was entirely within his power, which was in accordance
with precedents, and which was strictly in accordance with
official propriety.
The agreement between the Department of State and the
Canadian Government has been spoken of as a treaty. It
is in no sense a treaty. It is one of those informal, tem
porary, and prellmiaary arrangements between the executive
branches of two Governments which are exceedingly com
mon and which are necessary for the effective conduct of
negotiations regarding International affairs.
For example, in the year 1899, when the dispute between
this country and Great Britain regardmg the Alaskan boim-
dary was at its height, the State Department entered into an
agreement with the Government of Great Britain fixing the
line on either side of which the jurisdiction of the respective

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 165
countries should be recognized untU such time should elapse
as to make it possible for a final and definitive settlement of
the controversy to be reached. That was not a treaty. It
destroyed no property or jurisdiction and it created none,
but it was a necessary arrangement In order that whUe
the two Governments, through their constitutional treaty-
making powers, were settling the question, there might not
be controversy and bloodshed. That controversy was ulti
mately settled by a treaty between the two countries for
a tribunal to hear and determine the question, and that
question has been heard and determined and has passed
iato history.
In 1906, when the controversy as to the rights of our fisher
men upon the treaty coast of Newfoundland was rife, the
Department of State and the Government of Great Britain
entered into an agreement as to what the colonial authorities
of Newfoundland should be permitted to do and should not
do, as to what American fishermen should do and should
not do. It was not a treaty, but it was an agreement between
these executive branches of the two Governments temporary
and preliminary to a final settlement, so that there might not
be strife and actual conflict pending the settlement, and It held
a condition of peace untU by a treaty between the two coun
tries and an arbitration the question was finally disposed of.
Mr. President, it makes no difference whatever whether
the question is to be settled by treaty or by legislation, so
long as there is a question and it is deemed desirable by the
executive authority charged with the conduct of negotiations,
that there shall be a preliminary arrangement untU a final
decision shall be reached upon the question by the duly con
stituted and empowered authorities of the two countries; it
makes no difference whether those authorities who are to
settle the question are the Senate with the President or the
Senate with the House of Representatives and the President,

166 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
whether the settlement Is to come by the making of a treaty
or to come by the making of concurrent laws by the two
countries. This agreement, Mr. President, is of a stUl lower and milder
form than the agreements to which I have referred. It does
not in its terms, as did those agreements, bind the Govern
ments of the countries at all. It does not bind the United
States nor Great Britain nor Canada. It does not bind the
Government of the United States nor that of Great Britain
nor that of Canada. It is merely an agreement relating to
the course of conduct which wUl be followed by the President
and the State Department on the one hand and the adminis
tration in Canada on the other, a thing which is done every
day, without which the business of negotiation between dif
ferent countries and the diplomatic intercourse between
different countries cannot be pursued. If a president or a
secretary of state or a minister of foreign affairs cannot say
what he wUl do, cannot bind himself regarding his conduct,
if he cannot say, " I wUl answer your letter tomorrow "; if
he cannot say " I will give you an audience next week
Thursday "; if he cannot say, " No action will be taken
upon this until such time as you shall have had an oppor
tunity for an interview and hearing ", why, then, business
cannot go on. This agreement, I repeat. Is but the most
ordinary example of a class of assurance given by the diplo
matic officers of one country to the diplomatic officers of
another regarding their own conduct.
Now, the President has in a great measure executed the
agreement that he made, by the recommendation which he
has sent to Congress; and when the matter comes before
Congress it has no element of a treaty. There is no treaty.
There Is a recommendation from the President with the in
formation that Canada, In case we comply with his recom
mendation, Is ready to enact simUar legislation on her part.

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 167
What is now before us is a bUl which stands upon the same
basis as all other biUs to be considered and to be enacted by
the legislative power of our Government.
This bUl might have been the product of a treaty. The
President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, might
have made a treaty, under which there would have been an
agreement to submit this legislation to Congress. He did not
do so. There would have been no object in his doing so, be
cause it would have resulted merely in making the same sub
mission to the legislative power which is now made. He has
taken the simple, direct, natural, and proper course ia making
this recommendation to Congress in accordance with his con
stitutional authority, and acting in good faith, pursuant to
the agreement which he made regarding his own conduct and
in accordance with his right, with precedent, and with
propriety. Mr. President, the agreement which was submitted to Con
gress by the President meets with my approval. There were
many reasons why it naturaUy appealed to me and why my
first impulses were to favor it, because by long years of labor
in the direction of the settlement of differences and the pro
motion of kindly and friendly feeliags between this country
and Canada, I have acquired that habit of mind. Be that as
it may, I was at the beginning, and always have been and
am now, in favor of giving effect to the President's recom
mendation for the reciprocal arrangements with Canada.
But, Mr. President, I have not been permitted to maintain
that view in any complacent or untroubled mood. It has
been impossible for me so to steel myself against the opposi
tion of the farmers of northern New York and of the paper-
making communities of northern New York, in which tens of
thousands of people are dependent upon that industry, that I
could hold my course m support of this reciprocity agreement
without disturbance and solicitude.

168 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
The farmers of northern New York, more in number than
the entire inhabitants of many of the states represented in
this chamber, are in a great measure opposed to this agree
ment, and they have by thousands of communications to me
made their opposition known. They fear that it wiU result In
the reduction of the price of their products and in the depre
ciation of the value of their lands, and In making harder the
severe conditions of their lives. I cannot but be affected by
their representations. They are the people among whom I
was born and grew to manhood, among whom I live, and
I would not have them feel that I am unmindful of their
interests; nor, Mr. President, can I be iadifferent to the
speeches which I have heard here in this chamber — speeches
made by old and tried associates, upon whose sincerity I
would stake everything I possess, for whose judgment I have
respect, and with whose deep and evident feelings I have
sympathy. But, Mr. President, nevertheless, I do still
believe that the enactment of this reciprocal agreement with
Canada is for the best and the permanent interest of our
country, and I must be for it.
I think, sir, that my friends, the farmers in New York and
the farmers all along the northern border, are unduly appre
hensive. I think that they have greatly exaggerated in their
own minds the injury which will come to them from the
enactment of this measure. It is but natural that they
should. All experience in the enactment of tariff laws indi
cates that those whose business is to be affected greatly exag
gerate the injury which they apprehend from any legislation
that at all reduces the measure of protection which they have
had; and if it be true, as would appear from the report of the
hearings before the Committee on Finance, that an organized
effort has been made, with agents or attorneys employed to
circulate among the farmers of the country statements of the
Injury that wUl be done to them, in order to arouse them to

CANADLUSr RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 169
opposition to this biU, it follows necessarily that the argu
ments would lose nothing In the teUing, and that to every
farmer would come a tale of apprehension and of anticipated
injury, painted in the most vivid colors. So that it is but
natural that this feeling should exist; but I think it Is greatly
exaggerated. The apprehension of Injury, which Is natural to any class
of producers as to whom there is a proposal to reduce the
tariff, is very readily to be answered by the fact that the two
countries are under substantially the same conditions. There
may be little differences in labor cost here and there, but, In
general, by and large, the labor conditions of Canada and the
labor conditions of the United States are the same. It Is not a
question of competing with the famUiar adversary, the
pauper labor of Europe. The two countries are similar In
their social conditions, in their laws, in their manner of doing
business, of thinking and of acting, in their individual inde
pendence, and in their power to maintain their wage scale;
and the proposal to take down the tariff wall between Canada
and the United States, In so far as it is taken down by this
reciprocity agreement, Is much more like the taking down of a
tariff wall between two states than it Is the taking down
of a tariff wall between the United States and the countries
of Europe; and, for reasons which I shaU give presently,
I think that any Ul effect that may be produced upon any of
our farmers wUl be more than counterbalanced by the
advantages which they wIU derive In common with the whole
American people from the enactment of the bill.
Mr. President, I could not be indifferent to what has been
said upon this floor as to the effect of this measure upon the
general policy of protection. We have been told here that if
this bUl be passed it will drive a wedge Into the protective
system that now obtains, wUl rend It asunder, wIU split It into
pieces, and wiU destroy it. We have been told that If this

170 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
bill passes, the farmers of the Northwest will see to it that the
manufacturers of New York and Massachusetts and Pennsyl
vania suffer in their turn. These are serious propositions,
Mr. President, for one who believes, as I believe, that the
policy of protection has played a great part in the building
up of the prosperity and the happiness of our country, and
who believes, as I believe, that to continue the policy of
moderate protection, reasonable protection, based upon ascer
tained facts, is of high importance to the future prosperity
and happiness of our country.
A serious picture is presented to us by these declarations
coming from men whose sincerity we respect; but, Mr. Presi
dent, it appears to me that throughout this whole discussion,
and very much of late In other discussions in this chamber
which have touched upon tariff questions, there has been al
ways a suppressed premise — an assumption never stated
but always present — that what we make tariff laws for is to
benefit the manufacturer or the miner or the farmer or
whoever may be engaged in the industry that we protect.
I say there is running through the discussion of this subject
the assumption that we make tariff laws for the benefit of the
people who are engaged in the industries. That I deny. We
make, or we ought to make, no law for the benefit of any man
or any group of men. We care no more, Mr. President,
neither you nor I, nor the Senators about me, for any manu
facturer, great or small, of any article, be it steel or wool or
cotton or what-not, or for any miner, whatever he may be
taking from the earth, or for any farmer, or for any granger
upon this earth than we care for the men who are using their
products. And we do not protect them for their benefit.
We pass aU laws putting protection on the products of
industry for the benefit of the whole American people, and If
we cannot sustain the Imposition of a duty upon that ground,
then it ought not to be imposed. If we do legislate for the

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 171
benefit of the people engaged in any particular industry, then
we are perverting our powers; we are false to our duty.
Mr. President, It is because for the moment, for the time
being, the people of the United States have come — many of
them, I hope not all, but many of them — to believe that we
have forgotten this primary and fundamental rule of tariff
legislation, because they have been led — misled, I believe —
Into the conviction that we have been legislating for partic
ular men or particular groups of men instead of legislating
for the interests of the whole country, that the people over
turned the majority in the House of Representatives in the
last election and very nearly, and in a certain sense altogether,
changed the political complexion of the Senate.
Mr. President, when my friends, who declare that this legis
lation, if it be enacted, will be the death blow of protection,
and their constituents, in the cool afterthought, consider, as
they will consider, the interests of the whole people, they will
forget their revenges, and they will vote in accordance with
their principles, under the guidance of their love of their
country, for protection or against protection, and if for pro
tection for such measure of protection as they believe wUl
help not the manufacturers of New York or Massachusetts,
but the whole people of our country.
Mr. McCuMBER. Does the Senator believe that whUe the
pubhc may forget their revenges in forgetting they wiU lose
their sense of justice and equal justice to all the people ?
Mr. Root. I do not. I count on their keeping It, and I
know they wUl keep It and wiU act under their sense of jus
tice, a sense of justice to the whole people of the United
States. Mr. President, let me say this: No economic sys
tem, be it for protection, be it for a tariff for revenue, be it
for free raw materials and high duties upon finished products
— no economic system can stand upon any other basis than
that which I am pressing as a necessary basis on which we

172 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
must act regarding this legislation and on which my friends
who are opposing this legislation ultimately will act.
I believe a reasonable policy of protection is beneficial to
our country; I believe It tends to make It more prosperous,
more happy, more useful In the world, and that it provides a
better home for our people, with greater opportunities for
every one of us. But, Mr. President, I know that that view
of protection cannot prevail if protection is to be rested by
its advocates upon a system of bargain and trade. I believe
in protection, but I wish to buy no man's vote for it. If the
majority of the people of the United States come to the con
clusion that it Is better for the country to abandon protec
tion and establish a revenue tariff or free trade — under any
name whatever — then let them do it, and I for one wUl
put out no hand to stay them by bargaining and trading the
respective private Interests of different parts of our country.
If they are wrong in abandoning protection, then they will
find It out and come back. If they are right in abandoning
protection, then we wIU confess our error, according to the
outcome. And, Mr. President, if we have so sinned against the duty
of keeping always an eye single to the interests of all our
country as to leave the system of protection to be tried not
upon Its merits, but upon Its abuses, then we must endure the
tribulation that is to come upon us before the hard lesson is
learned that there Is a sound and Impregnable basis for a pro
tective tariff law which concerns no private or individual in
terest, but concerns the power and prosperity and happiness
of our whole country.
I wish to say one word further with special reference to the
effect of this law upon the farmer. If I were at home I
would say it in private conversation to my farmer friends
about me In the country, and that is this: The taking off of
the duty on farm products between this country and Canada,

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 173
whUe it will in a technical sense, a strict sense, be accom
plished by the passage of this bill, nevertheless was mevitable;
and if it did not come In this biU It would come in its own
way by ordinary tariff legislation.
No one can mistake, no one ought so to blind himself as to
mistake, the changed feeling of the people of this country
regarding the tariff as exhibited by the election of last faU,
and not only by the election of last fall, but exhibited in
ten thousand expressions aU over the country and exhibited
in the highest degree by the possibUity of this reciprocal
arrangement. No one may suppose that this arrangement could be made
by the President, carried through the House, certain of pas
sage here In the Senate, If there were not a great public
opinion behind It. What we say here Is of little consequence.
Our arguments do not advance or retard it. It Is moving
along with a pubhc opinion behind It.
Mr. President, there is no one here who believes that there
is the least possibility that the people of the United States,
until another revolution of sentiment has come, wUl permit
the cost of their living to be increased by the imposition of a
duty on ordinary food-stuffs. . . .
Mr. President, I have stated my view regarding the in
evitable result of the process which is now going on upon the
system of food duties. I never have thought that the duties
which were imposed upon farm products were of any real \
general benefit to the farmer. They have been quite indlf- ''
ferent, affecting only several locahtles here and there, so long
as our production ran far ahead of our consumption. But,
with the increase of our cities as compared with our farming
population and the using up of our waste lands and the fenc
ing In of old cattle ranges and the reduction of the productive
power of our land, we have about come to the point where the
continuance of those duties, instead of being a matter of

174 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
indifference to the people of the country, would result in
putting up the cost of food.
I am not arguing the question. I am simply stating a
reason why the farmers should not consider that this recipro
city arrangement Is doing them any particular harm, because
it is something that is sure to come to them anyway. —
Mr. McCxjMBER. Does the Senator believe it would be a
bad condition to arrive at when consumption and production
were about equalized with each other ? Does he not believe,
on the contrary, that we would get nearer an element of jus
tice upon the price of the article sold and the price that is
paid for it, upon the energy expended in producing the article
and the energy expended in securing the money to purchase
it ? Does the Senator really feel that there would be an in
justice to the consumers If the farmers produced just about
what the consumers needed; and will not the Senator agree
with me that today it takes a great deal more expended
energy upon the farm to produce a bushel of wheat than it
takes In the factory or elsewhere to buy the flour that is In
that wheat ? Is not that a correct proposition ?
Mr. Root. There are several propositions Involved In
what the Senator has said. As to his first question, about the
result of production and consumption. I think it is desirable
to have a production for export. So long as we have any
money to spend abroad we will spend it, notwithstanding the
vigilance of the customs authorities. We will expend some
of It, at all events, and I think it is a good thing to keep the
balance of trade in our favor. So I like to see a surplus of
production. As to the other question, I do not think that I quite under
stand It.
Mr. McCuMBER. My proposition, I wiU say to the Sena
tor, was simply that it requires far more labor on the farm to

CANADL^ RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 175
produce the wheat that goes into a loaf of bread than it re
quires In the city to earn the value of that loaf of bread.
Mr. Root. I am inclined to think that Is true.
Mr. McCxjMBER. Then should not the law, in so far as the
law affects the value of the property, tend rather to equalize
this condition than to cheapen the product of the farm for the
benefit of the person in the city who purchases it ?
Mr. Root. No; I do not think It is our business to equalize
that condition by law. I think that is a matter of trade,
which should be equalized by the natural forces which
govern trade.
Mr. McCuMBEK. Have we not been equalizing those
conditions by our protective system, and is not the whole
argument of protection based upon the Idea that we do
equalize our conditions as against the conditions of the
foreign markets ?
Mr. Root. That Is an entirely different question, Mr.
President. It is not that we equalize trade conditions as
between ourselves. We have never undertaken to do that
by our tariff legislation, and I do not think we ever shall
undertake to do It.
Mr. Reed. Do I understand the Senator to say he con
cedes the point that it takes more labor to produce a loaf of
bread than to earn the money to buy It In a city ?
Mr. Root. I said I was inclined to think that was true.
Mr. Reed. I differ very strongly from the Senator on that
point. Mr. Root. I may be wrong. I do not make myself re
sponsible for the statement, but I am Inclined to think it is
true that it takes less labor to eam the money to buy a loaf
of bread in the city than it does to raise the loaf of bread in
the country — that Is, that less money goes to the producer.
Of course, there may be, and frequently is, any amount of

176 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
putting up of price through successive middlemen, who
destroy the relation between the producer's reward for his
labor and the consumer's cost for the article which he con
sumes. The great problem of distribution, of bringing the
products from the original producer to the consumer is a
subject which very much needs attention, but It is no part of
a tariff law or a reciprocity agreement with Canada.
Mr. Martine. I want to ask the honorable Senator from
New York if it is not his admission here, from what he has
just stated, that the farmer has received no benefit from the
tariff; that he, in other words, has been hoodwinked with the
idea that the protective tariff was protecting him ? Is not
that your statement, sir ?
Mr. Root. Mr. President, the distinguished Senator
from New Jersey puts a question to me and then puts a gloss
on his question.
Mr. Martine. I want it glossed so that the Senator will
not get away from it.
Mr. Root. Yes; but the Senator from New Jersey must
not hoodwink my answer.
Mr. Martine. I have no disposition to do that.
Mr. Root. I must be permitted to answer the question of
the Senator, because a question put by him is always entitled
to respectful consideration. I think that here and there, at
certain localities along the border, farmers have been bene
fited by protection on their food products. I do not think
that as a class in general up to this time or untU perhaps
within a very short period, the protection upon food products
has been of any real advantage to the farmer. I do not think
that the Senator from New Jersey is justified in inferring from
that that the farmers have been hoodwinked. I think that
the farmers have, upon their own good judgment, believed
that it was beneficial to them to have this duty, probably
more because they were looking forward to the time when it

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 177
would be useful for them than that they thought it had
already been useful for them as a class.
Mr. Martine. The farmers have been looking for forty-
odd years for the magnificent dream and the rainbow that
was to come. But each year the struggle for the bread-and-
butter winner and toUer has grown harder and harder and
more bitter, whUe they have seen their farms sold out under
foreclosure and the manufacturers growing wealthy beyond
the dreams of avarice. Hence the farmers of this land have
held up their hands to God and said, " Pray, how long! "
and the last election decreed that it would be short. I can
say to the distinguished Senator from my neighboring state,
in which I was born, that your day of promise is too far off
with your Repubhcan talk of protection, and we want no
more of it.
Mr. Root. Mr. President, I am glad the Senator from
New Jersey has completed his question. He reaUy ought not,
imder permission to put a question, make my poor, dull re
marks the matrix in which shaU shine the bright jewels of his
eloquence. Mr. President, let me now pass to what seems to me to be
the general and controlhng consideration affecting this
reciprocity agreement. I have always thought that the sur
render of the right to impose tariff duties against each other
by the original thirteen states was the most valuable act
forming a part of the constitution of our government. I
have always thought that that played a greater part in the
prosperity and progress and friendly intercourse of our
states than any other thing that they did or refrained from
doing in forming the government of the United States.
Mr. President, it seems to me that the existence of a pohti
cal line between Canada and the United States does not mUi-
tate at all against the proposition that in like manner the
taking down of the tariff wall between these two kindred

178 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
states, these two communities of people speaking the same
language, living under the same system of law, with the
same wage scale in general, the same habits of thought and
action, the same methods of conducting business, as similar
in all respects as the people of the thirteen states were to
each other, wUl bring the same benefits to the people of both
countries. Mr. Clark. I'suppose the Senator has considered, perhaps
from that point of view, the difference that exists between
Canada and the United States with relation to the imports
from other countries which does not exist between the several
states of the Union. I should like to have the Senator's view
upon that point.
Mr. Root. Mr. President, I do not think that that at all
affects the general proposition which I am making. I can see
that the fact that Canada has a diffepent tariff from the
United States, as against the people of all outside countries,
may prove an embarrassment in detail; but as to the general
proposition that the utmost freedom — the greatest possible
freedom — of trade between Canada and the United States
wUl bring to both countries the same great blessings that it
has brought to the different states of our Union, I think this
matter of detaU plays no part whatever. I do not think, Mr.
President, that the people of New York have been injured
because there was full and free trade between them and the
people of Pennsylvania. I do not think the people of New
York and Pennsylvania and New Jersey and Massachusetts
have been injured in the long run, by and large, by the open
ing up of the great wheat and com fields of the western
prairies and the valleys of the Mississippi and Missouri, and
the plains, and the Pacffic. I think that while they may have
been required to change the character of their crops here and
there, whUe they have been hindered here in a particular
respect or there in a particular respect, the fact that they,

CANADLiN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 179
with their farms and their farmhouses, their fields and their
crops, were part of the great activity, having available to
them the vast and effective machinery of a great and pow
erful and prosperous country, has overborne and counter
balanced a hundred times over any harm that has come
to them from the freest competition on the part of these
other communities.
Mr. Dixon. I have agreed with many things the Senator
has said. I would not object strongly to vote for absolute free
trade between Canada and the United States. But the Sena
tor omits the basic criticism of the Republican Senators here
who are in opposition to this treaty; that is, the rank injus
tice of making free trade in agricultural products alone and
still leaving tariff duties and tariff waUs between the two
countries on manufactured articles. That Is what we com
plain of, and that is what I should like the Senator from New
York to elucidate with his wonderful ability.
Mr. Root. It is quite plain, and it is a fact — if it were not
plain upon the papers, I think that we all of us know — that
Canada was unable to go further than she did go in her recip
rocal agreement regarding manufactured products, and we
are left, therefore, in this position, that while our reciprocal
legislation, that is, our legislation reducing certain duties in
consideration of Canada's legislation reducing certain duties,
goes only to the mark to which Canada could be brought in
the agreement — the mark to which she found herself able to
go in the agreement — nevertheless we are at liberty quite
independently of that reciprocal agreement to go on and
reduce or take off any other duties that we see fit.
Mr. President, I do not doubt that the American people
wUl stand for doing whatever is just, and I do not want to
prevent their doing whatever is just. If it is just and for the
best interests of the whole country that the duties on the
manufactured products of New York should be cut down, let

180 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
them be cut down. That is no reason why we should not pass
this reciprocity agreement. That Is my view about it.
Mr. President, I wish to hasten to a conclusion. I have
said that I think the same great benefits wUl come from freer
trade with Canada that came to our states from tearing
down the tariff walls between each other.
Mr. Williams. I do not want to interrupt the argument of
the Senator from New York; I am very much interested in It;
but I should like to ask him a question. Does he not think that
this agreement, even though it does not go to the extent he has
indicated, may be a first step toward yet freer trade relations
with Canada in manufactures as well as in natural products ?
Mr. Root. I hope It will. I share in the hope that was
expressed by the House in the concluding clause that they put
into the bUl. In all such matters we have to go step by step,
and every friendly arrangement which is made between two
countries which works satisfactorily to mutual benefit makes
some further friendly arrangement more possible and easy.
Now, let me return to the proposition. The fact that there
is a deeper and broader political line between Canada and the
several states than there Is between the states, to my mind
makes no difference whatever in the practical certainty that
the same great benefits will come from breaking down the
trade barrier. The political line is of no consequence in such
matters. It Is the character of the people, their law, their
language, their business habits, their conditions of life, that
make intercourse upon equal terms natural and easy, which
are of Importance.
Mr. President, I have regretted to hear remarks made from
time to time, sometimes I have thought through inadver
tence, and sometimes I have feared with a hope of beating this
reciprocity agreement on the other side of the line, about the
annexation of Canada. Let us dismiss from our minds, if it
has found any resting-place In the mind of any of us, any such

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 181
idea. There may have been a time, generations ago, when It
was possible that such an Idea should receive consideration.
That time has long since passed. Canada, with her wonder
ful progress of the last twenty years, has become a nation,
and she is instinct with the spirit of nationalism. Never In
the most assertive and vigorous times of our young republic
was there a greater sense of patriotic nationality than exists
in Canada today. The political line will continue between
Canada and the United States. Her loyalty, her love for her
mother-country, vrlU continue; her separate nationality will
continue; but across the line of political division will pass
and repass the messages of trade and intimate busmess rela
tion and Intimate personal relation, which will create for both
peoples the blessings that our states have received from each
other in our happy Union.
Mr. President, there is another consideration that I cannot
leave out of mind. When I consider the mighty power to
which that northern neighbor is sure to grow; when I con
sider the three thousand miles of boundary, when I look
across the Atlantic and see the nations of Europe each an
intrenched camp, each scanning the other across battlements
and ranks of steel, with suspicion and distrust; and when I
think of the possibUity that we here may be robbed of the
happy security in which we have so long lived by the growth
of an unfriendly neighbor to our north, powerful and vigorous
as we have been, I confess, sir, that all small calculation or
detailed advantage or disadvantage sinks Into Inslgnfficance
compared with the overmastering duty of inaugurating and
maintaining a national policy toward this infant of mighty
strength — a policy which shall make two peoples bound
together In the ties of friendship, rendering it impossible
that we should duphcate the conditions of Europe.
Mr. President, one of the Senators here the other day re
counted the number of times that Canada had knocked at our

182 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
doors for reciprocity and had been turned away. Ah, yes,
that is true; it is true that for many years we have conducted
our Government under a policy that has wounded the people
of Canada, has wounded their self-respect, wounded their
feelings, made them indignant and created unfriendly feel
ings toward the Government of the United States. It has
been a stupid policy, and it is time for us to depart from it.
Never again should the friendly approaches of this most
friendly people be met with indifference. Now is the time, if
we love our whole country and are willing to look far into the
future, to shape our policy so that our strength shall help
the growth of Canada and Canada's strength shaU help our
growth; that the power of each shall contribute to the
power of the other; and that the enduring friendship of each
for the other shall make the great Enghsh-speaking continent
the strongest, the most prosperous, and the happiest part of
the globe.
Mr. President, if this reciprocity measure is to be beaten, I
hope it wUl be beaten in Canada rather than here. I hope it
wiU not be beaten there; I do not think it will be; but let
it be there rather than here, for the sake of the future, for
the sake of the continuance of that good old agreement under
which we have been for nearly one hundred years without
armament upon the Lakes.
Mr. Dillingham. I want to ask the Senator from New
York, If he can do so, to tell the Senate when in the last sixty
years Canada has ever expressed a willingness for reciprocity
with the United States in anything outside of natural
products ?
Mr. Root. Mr. President, I am unable to answer the
Senator's question in detail. I know that Canada has
frequently asked for reciprocity and has been met with
indifference.

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 183
Mr. Dillingham. May I ask the Senator a further ques
tion ?
Mr. Root. Yes; but let me finish answermg the question
the Senator has just asked. I know the subject was up for
consideration m 1905; I know that it was up for considera
tion at the hands of the Joint High Commission m 1898; and
in a few minutes, if I could go to the volumes of Foreign Rela
tions, I could look up a number more; but I was quoting
from a Senator who spoke here the other day, the Senator
from Michigan pVIr. Smith]. It is true that Canada has of
late years, and perhaps always, put her special stress on
natural products, but that does not at all vary or interfere
with the proposition that I have just made.
Mr. Dillingham. I have seen it stated in the public
prints — I do not know whether it be true or not — that in
the negotiations between the two Governments which have
resulted in this agreement, the United States offered to
Canada free trade in manufactured articles as well as in
natural products, and that Canada, foUowing the doctrine
she has held for sixty years, ever since the abrogation of the
treaty of 1854, absolutely declined to go further than as
appears in this agreement, which is confined substantially to
natural products.
Mr. Root. I have no doubt that our Government was de
sirous of going further, and I will contribute to the discussion
the interesting statement that the American commissioners
in the Joint High Commission of 1898 offered to Canada free
trade in aU things upon the trifling condition that Canada
would adopt our tariff, which naturaUy formed a disagreeable
impression in the minds of Canadians, and which, of course,
they were unwiUing to accede to.
Mr. President, there is an amendment proposed to this blU.
The Senator from Mississippi [Mr. WiUiams], with that can-

184 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
dor and courage that naturally accompany so acute a mind
and so great ability as he has, has relieved me of any neces
sity of devoting very much time to explaining the relation of
that amendment to this biU. I wish simply to state very
briefly what it is. The agreement contains a schedule called
Schedule A, and I now read from the heading of the
schedule: SCHEDULE A
Articles the growth, product, or manufacture of the United States to be
admitted into Canada free of duty when imported from the United States,
and reciprocally articles the growth, product, or manufacture of Canada
to be admitted into the United States free of duty when imported from
Canada. Under that heading in that schedule were enumerated a
great number of articles. Including pulp and paper. The bill,
which was originally introduced in the House of Represen
tatives, foUowed that schedule by providing for the free
admission of those articles Into the United States, with the
condition that the President should find and proclaim that a
bill for their free admission into Canada had been enacted.
That biU was for the agreement pure and simple. That bill,
however, was amended In the other House by taking pulp and
paper out of that enumeration which followed Schedule A,
putting it in a separate section — section 2 — and dropping
out the provision requiring the corresponding legislation on
the part of Canada; so that, without any legislation on the
part of Canada and without any provision being made for
the free admission of our paper into Canada, Canadian paper
would, on the enactment of the bill, subject to certain con
ditions stated, come into the United States free of duty.
Mr. Nelson. Does the Senator from New York maintain
that the second section of this bill is vnthin the scope and pur
view of the reciprocity agreement as outlined in the message
of the President and sent to the Senate ?

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 185
Mr. Root. Mr. President, I maintain that it is not; and I
was trying to explain why it Is not. The Senator from Missis
sippi [Mr. WUliams], in the remarks to which I referred a few
moments ago, said on Monday last:
A great deal of importance has been attached to the idea that the
Root amendment is in strict accord with the agreement between the two
countries. Now, I always Like to argue things frankly, for two reasons:
First, because it is an honest thing to do; and, secondly, because it is
always the wisest thing to do. The President of the United States has
made no concealment of the fact that the Root amendment does express
the original agreement in so far as it was an agreement at all. The
House knew it expressed the agreement, and because the agreement as it
was made would have resulted in exactly what I have said, perpetually
possibly, indefinitely certainly, continuing the hold of the International
Paper Company upon the paper business of the country, the House
changed it that far, knowing that when it changed it, it changed the agree
ment on the whole still further in favor of Canada, and that therefore
Canada would not object.
That Is a very fair statement of the exact situation. The
amendment which I suggested to the Finance Committee and
to which my name has been attached, was designed to put the
bill back where it originally was, so that the bUl would cover
nothing but the agreement. To vote for that amendment
would be equivalent to voting against the change of the biU
that was made in the House and which added to the bUl, in
addition to the reciprocity agreement and beyond that agree
ment, a further and different provision, taking off the duty
from pulp and paper, which the agreement did not require to
be taken off.
Mr. President, it may be that, as the Senator from Missis
sippi beheves, the provision of the House BIU taking the duty
off of pulp and paper without any compensatory legislation
by Canada is a better provision than the provision in the
agreement. I am not gomg to discuss that now. I say
that it may be that it is a better provision; it certainly is a
different provision.

186 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
I have become satisfied that the amendment which bears
my name will not be adopted. For many different reasons a
large majority of the Senate are going to vote against It,
some because they want the biU to be bad, some because they
are afraid the bUl would not pass in another place if the
amendment were adopted.
I am not going to discuss the question whether the duty
ought to be taken off. It is a modest duty — practically ten
per cent on the importation of paper — but I am not going to
discuss the question whether it should be taken off. It evi
dently is going to be taken off, but I do not want It done
under cover of the reciprocity agreement, and I am satisfied
to have suggested the amendment and to have had it dis
cussed here, because the discussion has stripped off the
cover of the reciprocity agreement that was spread over this
independent pulp and paper provision so largely by public
misapprehension, although, I believe, honest misapprehen
sion, on the part of great numbers of the newspapers of the
country. There was also much misapprehension here in the
Senate for a long time about it.
The amendment the House incorporated in the bUl taking
off this duty and making the wood-pulp and paper schedule
a separate and independent proposition is going to pass, but
it is not going to pass under any false pretenses, inadvertent
or otherwise. It is going to pass because this Congress means
to take that duty off, and not because it is a part of the
reciprocity agreement.
Mr. President, now let me say one thing more, and I am
done. I am and have been for the agreement, the whole
agreement, and nothing but the agreement. The amend
ment made to the biU in the House, which I wish to negative
by the amendment to which my name has been attached, has
added to the agreement another separate and distinct tariff
provision. I am against that for one reason, because I believe

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY AGREEMENT 187
that if you make this reciprocity measure the vehicle for dis
cussing aU the tariff questions that can be raised, the biU will
never pass. The bUl as passed by the House in this respect,
as I have said, may be better than the provisions of the
agreement. There may be a hundred measures better than
the provisions of the agreement. My friend from North
Dakota [Mr. McCumber] can doubtless put his finger on some
that he thinks better; my friend from Iowa [Mr. Cummins]
on some that he thinks better; haff the Senators here can
do likewise. I was against the addition to the agreement
of this separate tariff provision, and I shaU be against the
addition to the agreement of any other tariff provision; and
I, with the very small number of Senators who vote for this
amendment, wUl stand in a singular group of consistency, for
we shall take the same view about aU the proposed changes
of this reciprocity agreement.
While I say I shall be against aU amendments that may be
offered, I wish also to say that I do not doubt that there wUl
be some amendments offered which as separate and substan
tive propositions I should favor; I shall be against them be
cause I think it Is our duty, acting upon the soundest public
policy and with the broadest judgment as to the benefit of our
country, to pass this reciprocity agreement. When we have
done that, at convenient and proper time, if, as the result of
passing that agreement or the result of anything else that has
happened or shall happen, justice and the pubhc good require
that further changes be made in our tariff law, my friends
upon both sides of the chamber wiU find me trying to be
reasonable and just in meeting their desires and striving to
agree with their judgment.

ART AND ARCHITECTURE IN AMERICA
REMARKS AT THE ANNUAL DINNER OP THE AMERICAN INSTI
TUTE OF ARCHITECTS, WASHINGTON, JANUARY 11, 1905
The tour addresses foUowing, delivered at widely separated dates, dwell largely
upon one topic — the preservation ot the ideals for the artistic development ot the
National Capital which inspired Major L'Entant in his original plans, and James
Hoban in his design ot the White House. Mr. Root's deep interest in the subject
was aroused by the fact that his ofiBcial positions gave him immediate supervision
of the plans and construction of several ot the most beautiful and effective public
buildings in Washington. He was thus brought into professional relations with his
personal friends Charles Follen McKim and Francis Davis Millet, the architect and
the artist to whom he justly awards a great share of the credit tor the tact that
definite steps were taken during this period, by the establishment of the permanent
Commission ot Pine Arts, to protect the future development ot the Capital from
meretricious architecture, and to preserve and safeguard the original plans tor
making it "the city beautiful." The eloquent eulogy of McKim, and the pathetic
tribute to Millet — whose inspiring influence was not wholly lost iu the Titanic
disaster of April 14, 1912 — reveal a side ot Mr. Root's character and outlook which
does not appear so clearly in the other addresses preserved in this series. His
tribute to Thomas Jefferson, "the great exemplar ot 'the simple lite' of America",
and to the Vuginia statesmen — American gentlemen — who built and lived in
typical colonial homes on the banks of the Potomac, may be traced to his own
reverent affection tor the colonial architecture ot the homesteads of his ancestors
in New England and New York.
THE place In which we are met, and Its traditions, are of
happy augury for the future of American architecture,
which receives a new Impulse tonight. Within a hundred
feet of this room stands the church of St. John, which per
petuates the beauty and the simplicity of Latrobe's design.
From the windows of the adjoining room one may look
through the trees and catch a glimpse of the white porch of
that building, relieved by our President from the stilted titie,
" Executive Mansion", and brought to Its own familiar name,
by which it is known among aU the American people —
" The White House "; that Ideal expression of the time
189

190 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
when the fathers of the Republic lived; that inheritance of
America from the genius of Hoban, selected by Washington
to erect as the home of America's Chief Magistrate, the resi
dence of an American gentleman, upon the banks of the
Potomac; that perpetual embodiment of the spirit of the life
which gave to the nation Washington, and Jefferson, and
Madison, and MarshaU, and Randolph — all American
gentlemen, on the banks of the Potomac.
I thank Heaven that the White House has been preserved,
restored, and protected against all discordant and over
whelming additions and constructions whatsoever; and
against all garish display and inconsistent treatment;
preserved as a precious monument of America's past for
America's future, by the fine and reverent sense of art of
that brother of our own, upon whose shoulders fell the mantle
of Richard Hunt — Charles McKim.
At the foot of the slope, the brow of which we can see from
this buUding, begins that stretch of land set apart by Wash
ington and L'Enfant for the great avenue of green which was
to stretch upon the axis of the Capitol on to the future monu
ment on the shore of the river Washington loved, that
avenue as yet not realized, but to be realized In the future,
as the reverence of the American people for the past of the
Republic and the loyalty of the American people to the high
ideals of art which Washington appreciated and strove for
become true and effective.
Tomorrow's sun (which Is soon to rise) will cast over the
great avenue that leads to this place the shadow of the
Capitol wrought out of the work of Thornton and Hallet
and Bulfinch and Hadfield, the architects who gathered their
inspiration not only from the classic works of art, but from
the love of country and the serene natures of Washington and
of Jefferson. The place Is full of the associations and the
traditions of that day far past, a day back to which the

ART AND ARCHITECTURE 191
people of our country are turning with ever more and more
sohcitous desire to gather the inspiration of the earher
time. Those were great days when the colonies were made into
a nation, and they were the beginnings of great days for
architecture. From that period the State House In Boston,
preserving the genius of Bulfinch, looks down today upon the
Shaw memorial. From that day survive the state houses at
Portsmouth and at Newport. From that day the City HaU In
New York, embodying the fine and delicate art of the French
Repubhc, looks up in its purity and its grace upon the Tweed
court-house and the skyscrapers of lower New York! From
that day there comes to us a message In the capltol at Rich
mond, in Monticello, in the University of Virginia, in many a
fine old dwelling in Charleston, in many a colonial and
Revolutionary structure preserved in quiet corners in the
North and in the South; and as our nation looks back to
gather renewed inspiration in politics, in social wisdom. In
patriotism, it finds also that the fathers of the Republic had
in their souls the conception of beauty. We find that republi
canism, that democracy, that the government of the people
did not mean to them things unlovely, did not mean squalor
or ugliness or meanness, but meant aU that was noble and
beautiful In art.
In the midst of the wealth and luxury of our day we turn to
the simplicity of earlier times. " Jeffersonian simplicity " is
much in our mouths In these latter years, but Jeffersonian
simplicity was the simplicity of true art. When the state
house was to be buUt at Richmond, Jefferson was asked to
secure a plan. Being In Paris, he set about It; but because of
the slow communication of the times before the plan had
reached Virginia the Impatient people of Richmond had
begun the erection of their capltol, and Jefferson wrote to
Madison a hundred and twenty years ago (1785) this letter:

192 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Pabis, September SO, 1785.
To James Madison.
Deab Sm: ... I received this summer a letter from Messrs.
Buchanan and Hay, as directors of the public buildings, desiring I would
have drawn for them plans of sundry buildings, and, in the first place, of
a Capitol. They fixed for their receiving this plan a day which was within
about six weeks of that on which their letter came to my hand. I
engaged an architect of capital abilities in this business. Much time was
requisite, after the external form was agreed on, to make the internal dis
tribution convenient for the three branches of government. This time was
much lengthened by my avocations to other objects, which I had no right
to neglect. The plan, however, was settled. The gentlemen had sent me
one which they had thought of. The one agreed on here is more con
venient, more beautiful, gives more room, and will not cost more than two-
thirds of what that would. We took for our model what is called the
Maison Carrie, of Nismes, one of the most beautiful, if not the most
beautiful and precious morsel of architectiu'e left us by antiquity.
It was built by Cains and Lucius Caesar and repaired by Louis XIV, and
has the suffrage of all the judges of architecture who have seen it, as yield
ing to no one of the beautiful monimients of Greece, Rome, Pabnjnra, and
Balbed, which late travelers have communicated to us. It is very simple,
but it is noble beyond expression, and would have done honor to om- coun
try, as presenting to travelers a specimen of taste in our infancy, promising
much for our maturer age.
1 have been much mortified with information which I received two days
ago from Virginia, that the first brick of the capitol would be laid in a few
days. But surely the delay of this piece of a summer would have been
repaired by the savings in the plan preparing here, were we to value its
other superiorities as nothing. But how is a taste in this beautiful art to
be formed in our countrymen unless we avail ourselves of every occasion
when public buildings are to be erected of presenting to them models for
their study and imitation.
Pray try if you can effect the stopping of this work. I have written also
to E. R. on the subject. The loss will be only the laying of the bricks
already laid, or a part of them. The bricks themselves wiU do again for the
interior walls, and one side wall and one end wall may remain, as they will
answer equally well for our plan.
This loss is not to be weighed against the saving of money which will
arise, against the comfort of laying out the public money for something
honorable, the satisfaction of seeing an object and proof of national good
taste, and the regret and mortification of erecting a monument of our
barbarism, which will be loaded with execrations as long as it shall endure.

ART AND ARCHITECTURE 193
The plans are in good forwardness, and I hope will be ready withm three
or four weeks. They could not be stopped now but on paying then- whole
price, which will be considerable. If the undertakers are afraid to undo
what they have done encourage them to it by a recommendation from the
assembly. You see I am an enthusiast on the subject of the arts, but it is an
enthusiasm of which I am not ashamed, as its object is to improve the
taste of my countrymen, to increase their reputation, to reconcile to them
the respect of the world, and procure them its praise.
Yours, affectionately, Thomas Jefferson.
That was the simphcity of the great exemplar of the simple
life of America.
Since then we have passed through a dreadful period. The
stern requirements of conquering a continent, the engross
ment of hardened toll, withdrew our people from the con
sideration of the elegant and the beautiful in life which the
Virginia planters were at liberty to cherish. In this period
the first acquisition of wealth, bringing a longing for orna
ment, for something beyond the bare necessities of hfe, found
the people untrained and ignorant of art. Basswood castles
and sawed scroll work were the first expression of a desire for
the beautiful. A multitude of men calling themselves archi
tects covered the face of the country with horrible objects of
ingenious distortion, including a vast number of libels upon
that excellent lady whose name has been given to the
supposed style of Queen Anne.
The American idea, that any American can do anything,
prevailed in architecture. The simple dignity of the log
cabin, born of its conditions, wedded to its environment, gave
place to the meretricious adornment of the confectioner. The
perfectly appropriate and charming little white house with
green blinds, with a persistent survival of classical detaUs at
the hand of the good, honest carpenter, gave way to wooden
towers and arches, and to cheap pretense.

194 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
But a better day has dawned. The myriads of Americans
who year after year swarm across the Atlantic and rush
through Europe with the guide-book, seeing for ever so short
a time fortress and castle, palace and cathedral, tower and
arch, the great examples of art in the ancient and modern
world, have come back with new standards. Gradually the
standard of the people has changed. We have already done
enough so that we can afford to be modest; we have already
done enough so that we can afford to admit that every
American cannot do everything.
It was reserved for the great city of the Middle West, by
the example of that fair White City by the lake, which
remains with us as a dream of Ionian seas, to lead our people
out of the wilderness of the commonplace to new Ideas of
architectural beauty and nobility. The lesson of the Chicago
exposition has gone into every city and town and hamlet of
America. The architects now for the first time are beginning
to have the nation with them.
The people of America are beginning to see that it is not
necessary to be commonplace in order to have common
sense. The people of America are no longer content that the
multimUhonaire in his palace, the great raUroad corporation
in Its monumental station, the great banks and Insurance
companies and trust companies in their massive business
buildings, shaU be the sole inheritors of the beauty and the art
which our fathers loved. They wish for themselves in the
public buildings of munlcipahties and of states and nation to
have the best results of time and the best attainments of
genius. What the people desire, their representatives in
state legislature, in municipal body, and in the Congress of
the United States desire for them. The art of our fathers,
the art of our private citizens, is to be the art of our people
and of our whole people.

ART AND ARCHITECTURE 195
I say a better day has dawned. The reign of MuUet is over
already. For our great pubhc buildings architects are con
sulted, as Washington and Jefferson consulted Thornton and
L'Enfant and Hoban for the Capitol and the White House.
We have the inspiring spectacle in this city of the broad-
minded management of the greatest of our ralhoad corpora
tions, which is represented at this board tonight by President
Cassatt, voluntarily and cheerfully withdrawing from the
public park of Washington the railway station and the rail
way terminals which stood In the way of the realization of the
dream of Washington and L'Enfant; voluntarUy sacrificing
the material advantages of that position In the center of this
great city, In order that art might have its perfect work and
the plans of the fathers be wrought out to fuU fruition.
Again, besides securing the VUla Mirafiori for the American
Academy In Rome, within the week a firm foundation of
endowment has been made sure by the munificent gift of
$100,000 by Mr. Henry Walters, of Baltimore, and $100,000
by Mr. Pierpont Morgan, of New York. No one can estimate
the value to France of the two centuries during which the
citizens of that nation were taught In the French Academy In
Rome. It was one of Jefferson's cherished ideas that young
men of America might become saturated with the ideas of
classical art by study in Rome; and now we are beginning
the enterprise through which America wUl no longer be
obliged to take her ideas of classic art at second hand, but wIU
go directly to the fountain source at the home of art, under
the direct and cherishing care of an American institution
maintained by American munificence.
My brothers of the American Institute of Architects, you
are no longer to be as one crying In the wUderness. The
people of America believe that they are buUding a state
which shaU endure for aU time. They believe that they are

196 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
buUding into its structure the best of politics, of social
science, of patriotism, and of humanity. They believe that
the hopes of mankind for the rule of justice and liberty and
peace rest largely upon the development of the American
republic. And they already know that as there is a sim
phcity and nobUIty in nature which lifts up the spirit of the
poorest worshiper, there is a simplicity and a nobility in art
which protects the richest of its votaries from the enervating
and debasing influence of a purely material life of wealth.
They would have every expression of American ideals the
noblest and the best; and they would leave to the generations
that come after them an expression of their patriotism, of
their aspirations, of their faith in humanity and in divinity
in structures as truly representative of the greatness and the
nobUIty of the American nation as the cathedrals of the
Middle Ages are representative of the aspirations of their
buUders. It is for you to answer the demands of a great people with
great ideals, and in answering those demands you will have
with you in the future the people whom you serve.

CHARLES FOLLEN McKIM
ADDRESS AT A MEMORIAL MEETING, NEW THEATER
NEW YORK, NOVEMBER 23, 1909
When Charles Follen McKun died, September 14, 1909, memorial meetings were
held in New York and m Washington, both of which were addressed by Mr. Root.
Both addresses were short, and both are reprinted below, because each throws a
somewhat different light upon the character, the genius, and the services of the
great architect.
THE very few words which the requirements of the pro
gram permit from me should properly be In recognition
of Charles McKIm's public service. Without ever hold
ing a pubhc office, without ever binding himself to service
by an oath, he had the genius of public service. In the
buUding of the Army War College at Washington, in the
plan and construction of the Engineers' School, In the design
for the enlargement and rebuUdIng of the government station
at Governor's Island which is now In progress; In the resto
ration of the WTiIte House, which saved our country from
having that noble expression of the spirit of the days of Wash
ington and Jefferson perverted from a gentleman's home on
the banks of the Potomac to garish mediocrity; in the
making of the great plan for the future of the Metro-
pohtan Museum of Art; In the organization and promo
tion of the American Academy at Rome; In the long years
of patient and devoted labor In the great and monumental
work of the Commission for the Extension and Perfection of
the Park System of Washington, which has revivified and
given life to the great designs of L'Enfant and Washington;
in the numerous cases in which we used to call upon him to
help our Incompetency In deciding upon designs for buUdings
and for memorials and monuments in the National Capital;
197

198 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
in all of these things and in the multitude of other matters
that did not come within my personal observation, he was
apparently indifferent to personal credit, thoughtless of
emolument, inspired by patriotic, humanitarian love not
merely of his art, but of the mission of his art.
As some men have the vision of their country rich and
prosperous, and some men the vision of their country great
and powerful, his imagination kept always before him the
vision of a country inspired and elevated by a purer and
nobler taste; and unselfishly, with enthusiasm, with persis
tency and high and noble courage, he devoted himself to that
work. The sensitive quality of his nature which made him
shrink from conflict, from all the harsh contacts of life, made
the prosecution of this work by him courageous beyond the
ordinary capacity for conception. That gentle, diffident and
hesitating manner seemed always to be yielding to opposition
and before assault; but always, though he swayed to and
fro, always he stood in the same place, immovable, however
much he suffered, — and he did suffer, — however hard it
was, he never could surrender what he believed to be right
in art. He never could surrender. It was Impossible for his
nature to yield what he believed to be best for the future
of art.
Gentle and heroic soul, happy country which has the
character to recognize such a man, which has the fiber into
which can be woven such a thread! Fortunate are we to
have known him and to have called him our friend.
ADDRESS AT A MEMORIAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE
OF ARCHITECTS, WASHINGTON, D. C, DECEMBER IS, 1909
A GREAT meeting was held three weeks ago in the New
Theater in New York, caUed by the united action of a
great number of societies devoted to different branches of art,
for the purpose of voicing their universal sentiment of honor

CHARLES FOLLEN McKIM 199
to the memory and mourning for the loss of Charles McKim.
At that meeting I said what I had to say in tribute to his
memory, but I cannot resist the feeling that it is appro
priate that it should be supplemented by this meeting here,
held under the auspices of the American Institute of Archi
tects, representing his own profession and the brethren
among whom he had worked with such loyal friendship and
cooperation for many years, and held here in the city of
Washington, where, notwithstanding all things that he has
done elsewhere, it seems to me, the brightest and loftiest
development and expression of his character and his genius
occurred. Charles McKim was a conspicuous member of the little
group of men who In the planning and buUding of the
W^te City by the lake at Chicago, sixteen years ago,
turned the current of American feeling and opinion upon all
matters of art. No greater epoch In the life of art ever was
than that which is marked by the influence and the new
impulse in the minds of the mUlions of men and women of this
great and rich and powerful and progressive country, who
received a new impression of beauty and dignity in art by
then: visit to that wonderful exhibition. It has seemed to me
that there was as great an influence upon the mmds and
characters of the men who did the work as there was upon the
people who saw it and learned Its lesson. There has been
with aU of them, and notably and preeminently, I should
say, with McKim, from that day forth a breadth of public
spirit and devotion of their art to the public service such
as we never had before. Charles McKim was peculiarly
fitted by the habit of his mind, by his character and by the
tendencies of his art to correct some of the chief faults of
the American temperament. He despised and shrank from
the merely ingenious and fantastical, through which ama
teurs in the beginning of a desire for ornament are apt to

200 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
express themselves. The tendency was to hold fast to all
that was good in the past, to anchor In the great achieve
ments past, and to aim to adapt the established principles of
art to the new conditions to which his problems related; and
so when he came — when he was called to apply his art to the
solving of the problems that lay before us in Washington, it
was natural for him not to attempt some great and brilliant
achievement, but to study the history of our country, and to
study the history of the arts that could be brought to illus
trate and express the history of our country here. The
Commission for the Development of the Park System of
Washington did not attempt to evolve something from their
inner consciousness, or to present some plan which should be
marked by their names and lead all the world to praise their
ingenuity or their Inventive genius. They went back to the
plans of L'Enfant and Washington, and with them in mind
they went all over the world and studied all the great speci
mens of the past through which simUar problems had been
worked out, and they brought here upon their return the
wealth of aU the ages and a keen appreciation of our own his
tory, and produced a plan and development of L'Enfant's
plan for the beautificatlon of Washington, for the develop
ment of its park system, which I believe is as certain to be
followed as the sun Is to rise tomorrow. Unfortunately, the
immediate acceptance of the plan Is hindered by a wretched
httle controversy about the authority under which It was
created; but that Is a temporary matter. We cannot go on
forever rejecting the best work of our best men along the lines
that our nation Is following In all of our great and progressive
cities — we cannot go on forever rejecting that because of a
httle quarrel over the authority out of which It arose.
Mr. McKim was consulted by the War Department when
It came to the building of the War College and the Engineers'
School in the old Washington Barracks Reservation. He

CHARLES FOLLEN McKIM 201
made the plans and he put up the buildings. There was a
charming Ulustration of his character in the course of that
work. The construction was put In charge of a very able
officer of the Engineer Corps, who brought to It the rules
and the traditions of a strict utilitarianism. For months It
seemed as if there was an Irrepressible conflict between the
engineer and the artist; It seemed as If nothing but the brute
power of the War Department could settle It. But as time
went on the old story of the sun and the north wind with the
traveller repeated itself. The gentle insistence and unswerv
ing constancy of McKim carried the day, and it was but a
short time before the engineer officer was the most ardent
admirer and loyal follower of the artist, and all controversy
disappeared, and the War CoUege today seems to me to be a
very wonderful and charming example of architecture,
perfectly adapted to Its purpose and expressive of the
character of the institution.
WTien he came to repair or restore the WTiIte House, he
found there were plans, plans which looked to the buUd
ing of great pavUions at either end of the old White House.
It would have been splendid, would have been much
admhed, would have redounded to the glory of any archi
tect; but it would have dwarfed and pushed back Into insig
nificance the plain, simple, old White House, and McKim
with his reverent spirit, his self-restraint, sought in the history
of the White House and the history of the time from which
it came the sphit in which he was to work. Time and time
again he has come to me and talked about what he had found
at MonticeUo, what he had found here and there aU over
the country In the way of remaining buildings that express the
spirit of the time of Washington and of Jefferson. He sought
for the foundations of the old east wing which was destroyed,
1 suppose, and never rebuUt after the fire of 1814 — at aU
events It had long disappeared — and he put back the White

202 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
House as nearly as possible as It was originally, except that he
took out all the poor material and put In the best material;
he took out all of the gingerbread confectioner's work that
had been put In In the course of years and replaced It by
simple and dignified work, and he left us the White House a
perfect expression, an enduring expression of the day of
Washington and of Jefferson, a perfect example of an
American gentleman's home on the banks of the Potomac.
I told him once of something that some one had said about
the office building — the President's office buUding. There
was general criticism, and the members of our Congress
generally f aUed to see where the money had gone, because the
great pavilion had not been kept; but the thing that I told
him was that some one had said that the President's office
buUding looked like a stable. " Ah," he said, " that Is the
best thing that has been said about It yet. I wanted It to
look like a simple dependency of the main buUding, and this
criticism shows that I have accomphshed what I sought."
It was not alone in the matters where he was directly
intrusted with the prosecution of work as an architect or as
a member of the Commission that he was of service. We got
In the way of calling upon him for advice upon all sorts of
questions relating to memorials, to statues and to buUdings
in the city of Washington, certain that his correct taste, his
carefully studied views, would prevent any error being made.
He was called upon to pass upon the designs for the Grant
Memorial, which is now under construction, and he was
caUed upon to pass upon the location, and a battle royal
occurred over the design and a stUl more serious conflict over
the location; but he was tenacious and unyielding in his
contention for what he was sure was right and best, and he
prevailed. When we came to buUd the new buUding for the
International Union of American Republics, which is now
nearing completion, fronting on the White Lot on the east

CHARLES FOLLEN McKIM 203
and on the Potomac Park to the south, there was a great
competition of more than a hundred architects who sent in
competitive designs, and they elected Mr. McKun, with Mr.
Lord and Mr. Hornbostel, to make the selection from the
designs. They ah agreed upon the design, which Is now being
foUowed, and when that had been done the characteristic
occurred, for McKim said: " Now, I would lUie very much,
as this design has been determined upon, to make some sug
gestions. I think that all of our committee would be glad to
go over these plans with the architects, and possibly we may
make criticisms and suggestions which would better be done
now than after the buUding is put up "; and the architects,
of course, were delighted and they submitted their plans;
many invaluable suggestions were made, the plans were
worked over and still again; and the correct taste of McKim
goes Into that building also, as It had Into the White House,
as It did into the War College, and as it wIU ultimately appear
in the great park system of Washington.
Our President needed to add nothing to the many reasons
that I have for respect and affection for him, but he did add
to both of those by the steadfastness and generous apprecia
tion with which he stood by McKim in his strenuous efforts to
prevent the park system plan from being overslaughed and
rendered impossible by subsequent inconsistent construction.
All of this work Ulustrated not only McKIm's character as
an artist, but his unselfishness, his love of his country, his
pride In the capital city, which we aU believe Is to be so
beautiful and so noble. He did love his country and he was
wUhng to spend himself without stint, in order that his art
might do its part in a noble and adequate expression of aU
that was best in his country's life. Many great and noble
hves have entered into the structure of American govern
ment and American freedom, but none In executive chair or
in legislative haU deserves a higher meed of appreciation and

204 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
grateful recognition for noble service to our country than
the life of Charles McKim. It was the last thought in his
mind, but it should be the first in ours. By the side of
L'Enfant, Thornton, Hoban, Latrobe, and Bulfinch, the
name of Charles Follen McKim should always be perpetuated
among the buUders — the great genius-gifted buUders — of
what is to be, I believe, the most noble and beautiful city
in the world.

FRANCIS DAVIS MILLET
REMARKS AT A MEMORIAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN FEDERA
TION OF ARTS, WASHINGTON, MAY 10, 1912
IT is known to all of us that in this place and at this hour
Francis Millet was to have contributed to the meeting
of the National Federation of Arts a lecture upon the Art of
Design. Instead, the shadow of appalling tragedy has fallen upon
us. Instead, there Is silence never to be broken, absence
that wIU know no return, a sense of loss irretrievable, and the
need for readjustment to a world without our friend and
teacher. Nevertheless we have kept our appointment. We
have come to meet the memory of our friend. That is here,
living, strong, vivid, and thrown into relief by the peculiar
circumstances of this meeting.
We have come not to do injustice to Francis MlUet's
example by mourning and lamentation, but to celebrate the
achievement of his long and useful and joyous life. He pos
sessed in a very high degree many of the qualities which men
at their best. In their noblest moods, most delight to honor
and most sincerely believe to be a part of the saving grace of
the world. He must have been born with a sense of the
beautiful and a love of it, for he devoted his hfe to it, and
never for a moment did the desire for wealth or place or
power or distinction turn him aside. He must have been
bom with a natural sympathy for his kind, because, through
out his long, eventful career, with aU its widely varied experi
ences, he never failed to appreciate and grasp an intuitive
knowledge of the attitude, the feelings, wishes, prejudices of
205

206 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
others. He had a singular capacity for winning his way
without making enemies, for making friends of his opponents
by overcoming them. He was one of the most modest,
unassuming and unselfish of men. He never pushed himself
forward. He never thought nor cared where the spotlight was.
It never occurred to him to think whether he went through a
door before or after another. He thought very little about
himseh and very much about his work. Yet from some
where among his forbears in old New England there came
Into his make-up a firmness of fiber which made him, modest,
sensitive, beauty-loving as he was, a man of strength and
force, decision of character, and executive capacity.
Drummer-boy In the Army of the Potomac; graduate of
Harvard; art student at Antwerp; secretary of the Massa
chusetts Commission to the Vienna Exposition; war corre
spondent in the Russo-Turklsh war; director of decorations
and of functions at the Chicago Exposition; war correspon
dent to the PhUIppines ; chairman of the National Commission
to Preserve the Beauty of Niagara Falls; chairman of the
Advisory Committee of the National Museum; vice-presi
dent of the Municipal Art Commission of New York;
commissioner-general of the United States to the Tokyo
Exposition; trustee of the Metropolitan Museum of Art;
a founder and the secretary of the American Federation of
Arts; secretary and active executive officer of the American
Academy in Rome; vice-chairman of the National Fine Arts
Commission; author, painter, always a painter earning his
living by his brush; knowledge of men and cities, experience
in many affairs of life, had trained his intelligence and his
judgment, had made him wise and considerate and tolerant
and kindly. He read and appraised character without dis
paragement and without cynicism. With constant Industry,
with ungrudging wUlingness to take trouble, with incompar
able persistency, in his quiet, simple, direct way he always

FRANCIS DAVIS MILLET 207
pressed on toward the accomplishment of his purposes —
purposes in which seff was always subordinate and some
cause which he had at heart was always predominant. The
enumeration of his engagements shows the estimate in which
he was held by others, for he never sought the posts of honor
and difficulty which he held. They always sought him
because he was thought by others to be preeminently the
man for the work. Other countries conferred decorations
upon him — France, the Legion of Honor; Russia, the MUi
tary Cross of St. Anne and St. Stanislaus; Rumania, the Iron
Cross; Japan, the Order of the Sacred Treasure. His own
people conferred upon him unpaid labors for the public good.
No one ever heard from him about the decorations and no
one ever heard from him any claim to credit for the duties
performed. He was one of a little group of American artists
whose cooperation in the noblest spirit of unselfish love for
art produced the Court of Honor and the White City on the
shore of Lake Michigan In the Exposition of 1893. The great
educational effect of that wonderful creation upon the mU
lions of Americans who visited the exposition began a new
era in the attitude of the American people toward art. It
also produced a new spirit In Its creators. The men who
accomplished that work never cancelled their enlistment in
the public service. They never severed the bonds that held
them together In the desire that their countrymen might
acquire the increased capacity for happiness which comes
from the cultivation of taste. They were inspired by a con
ception of theu- country adorned and dignified by noble and
stately buUdings and beautiful parks and exquisite works of
design, by painting and by sculpture. They have labored
incessantly for the accomplishment of their Ideas. The
influence of their spirit has wrought powerfully among aU
their brethren in the arts. It has affected the public mind,
and from the Court of Honor and the spirit of the men who

208 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
made it and the work of the men who made it, came the chief
impetus which produced the unprecedented growth of our
art museums and art societies — the Washington Park Com
mission, the National Art Commission, the municipal art
commissions in all our cities, the American Academy in
Rome, and this Fine Arts Federation.
I wIU not name the members of this group who, happUy,
stUl survive, but there was one whose gentle and beautiful
soul inspired all the others, the beloved and lamented Charles
McKim. Between him and MUlet there was a peculiar com
radeship and affection; and the friendship of Charles McKim
was in itself an order of nobility. The dearest object of
McKIm's later years was the establishment and development
of the American Academy In Rome, through which his own
countrymen might receive at first hand, under the most fav
orable conditions and surroundings, education and inspiration
in those principles of art to which his life had been devoted.
For this McKim labored unceasingly with his falling strength,
and MUlet took up the unfinished work as a sacred duty to the
memory of his friend. It was in the prosecution of this work
that he met his death. In a long letter that MUlet wrote me
from abroad just after leaving Rome In January last there are
some paragraphs which iUustrate his character. There had
been trouble and discord and necessity for changes and re
organization in the institution, and Millet had gone to
Rome to put an end to dissension and carry through the
reorganization. After giving account of the many difficulties
and the way in which they had been surmounted, he writes:
After a good deal of cabUng and writing I, at the unanimous request of
the executive committee, consented to take this position (the secretary
ship), painfully conscious that whatever talents I may have as a lieutenant
do not in the least qualify me to be at the head of anything, and also quite
unable to see how I can arrange my affairs, earn my living and do this
work.

FRANCIS DAVIS MILLET 209
But he says:
Everyone now agrees that the situation on the Janiculum is incompar
able, that the Academy will be " in the presence of Rome " even more
than the French school in the Medici, and when the dormitory and the
studios are built we wiU have an institution of an importance and utility
that even McKim with his great faith could scarcely have imagined.
And then he adds:
Altogether the future looks bright to us after all these years of struggles
and flounderings, and I feel that we shall carry out McKim's ideas to the
fuU, perhaps even more.
Here speak the two dominant characteristics of the man —
the instinct of unselfish service, and the instinct of loyal
friendship. He was so great a part of many good enterprises, so
devoted, so able, so skillful, so efficient, that It is hard to
see how we can get on without him. Of course, everything
will go on and he wUI soon be forgotten, as we shaU. But
he wUl not be forgotten so long as we hve who knew him
and loved him, and for all time, in whatever of nobility and
beauty there may be in American life and character, there
wUl remain something of the spirit and service of Francis
MUlet.

THE PLACE OF CARDINAL GIBBONS
ADDRESS AT THE CARDINAL GIBBONS CIVIC DEMONSTRATION
BALTIMORE, JUNE 6, 1911
IT is a privUege to be permitted to add a few words to the
tribute which Baltimore and Maryland and the country
are paying to Cardinal Gibbons today. Words, however
eloquent, are but feeble in expressing the meaning of such an
assembly as this. The fact that not only the friends and
neighbors of Baltimore are gathered here, but that these
representatives of all parts of our country, many of them —
a large part of them — of different religious beliefs, many of
them representing communities widely differing in their
rehgious faith, have come to join In this expression of respect
and reverence for the great prelate, shows, more than words
can show, the deep significance of this occasion. However,
Your Eminence, and my friends of Baltimore, the gathering
here means more than personal opinion or feelings, — means
that America can do what was Impossible in lands less free
and ages less trained in humanity. It means that our Ameri
can doctrine of separation of Church and State does not
involve the separation of the people of America from religious
belief. It means that our American doctrine of religious
toleration does not mean indifference to religious faiths. It
means that with all our commerciahsm, with aU our wonder
ful progress in the power to produce wealth, with all our
differences between ourselves as to the possession and distri
bution of wealth, the people of America beheve In ideals and
feel the guidance of faith m things higher than their material
position.

212 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
It is because Cardinal Gibbons has illustrated in his life.
In his conduct. In his arduous labors, in his self-devotion to
aU good causes, has illustrated all that we would like to have
our children admire and follow, all that we love to believe our
country possesses, that America, through us, with sincerity
and ardor, honors him today. And it Is because he has been
the champion of Ideals, because he Is a man not only of
work, but of faith, that we who differ with him in dogma,
who do not belong to his Church, hold him In his proper
person. Illustrating the true union of service to State and
service to God, the true union which makes the functional
and ceremonial union of Church and State unnecessary, the
union. In the heart of man, of devotion to country and
devotion to God.
It is because he Is both a great prelate and a great citizen,
because under his guidance his church, his people, and his
followers, have always stood, and now stand, a bulwark
against atheism and anarchy, against the tearing down of
those principles of morality and of government upon which
the opportunities of our country depend; because, while he
brings the prosperity of our peaceful order to the service of
his Church, he brings the faith and leadership of his Church
to the maintenance of peace and order, that we all honor liim
and wish for him many a year to come of healthful, honored,
and revered life.

JOSEPH G. CANNON
ADDRESS AT A DINNER IN HIS HONOR AT WASHINGTON
FEBRUARY 15, 1913
Honorable Joseph G. Cannon, represented the Danville, Illinois, district in
the Forty-third, Forty-fourth, Forty-fifth, Forty-sixth, Forty-seventh, Forty-
eighth, Forty-ninth, Fiftieth, Fifty-first, Fifty-third, Fifty-fourth, Fifty-fifth, Fifty-
sixth, Fifty-seventh, Fitty-eighth, Fifty-ninth, Sixtieth, Sixty-first, Sixty-second
Congresses. He was chairman ot the Committee on Appropriations in tour Con
gresses ajid was Speaker ot the House in four Congresses. In 1912 he was defeated
tor reelection, and this speech was made at a dinner in his honor, on the eve ot his
retirement. In 1914 Mr. Cannon was again elected to Congress, and again in 1916.
MR. TOASTMASTER, Mr. Chamnan, and my dear
Uncle Joseph, I am glad to congratulate you upon your
approaching vacation. If any man In this world, by reason
of truly religious service. Is entitled to a sabbatical year, you
are entitled to it after this long period of public service.
I know that it Is only a vacation, because if the people of
the DanvUle district do not get over their brief aberration
within two years, you have only to come to New York and
I will turn over to you a place In the other coordinate branch
of the legislative department of the government where you
can exercise the salutary Influence by which you have made
the House of Representatives the great and efficient body
that it is.
I am glad to congratulate you, not only because there are a
thousand reminiscences that make me feel kindly to you, as
men who have fought together do feel toward each other, but
because you are real.
There Is nothing in public life, I think, of which a man gets
more tired than of lying and humbug. It Is very hard for all
of us to talk to people from a public stage as we talk to each
other. It is very hard for all of us to tell the truth when we

214 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
are talking to the people. It is very hard for all of us to tell
the truth when we think it wIU hurt us. It is very hard for
aU of us to keep our promises. But in the world of humbug,
I am glad to do honor to a man who has always had the
courage of his convictions, the courage to say what he
believes, to say nothing that he does not believe, and to act
according to his convictions.
I remember some years ago saying that if Uncle Joe were
not so old, nothing on earth could keep him from being nomi
nated for the Presidency — and it was true. All of a sudden
came along a situation in which he was called upon to act at
the behest of great and powerful influence, and he refused,
because he did not think It would be right to do it; and then
was begun the cry of " Cannonism." He has outlived it. I
would like to hold up for the contemplation of the people of
the United States the example of this man, who dared to
become unpopular by doing what he beheved to be his duty,
and who has outlived it.
There is another reason why I am glad to do you honor —
because you stand for all the people of the United States.
Your own experience in Congress, the variety of positions
you have held, your long service as chairman of the Com
mittee on Appropriations, called upon to consider the
interests of every part of the country, your long service as
Speaker of the House, have made you the representative not
alone of the DanviUe district, but of the people of the United
States. Let me say to you, my friends of the Senate and the House
who are here, that the great reason why the Executive is able
so frequently to command the sympathy of the people of the
United States against Congress is that the people think we
are representing our selfish local interests, while he represents
the whole people; and for the dignity, the influence, and the
power of the legislative branch of the United States Govern-

JOSEPH G. CANNON 215
ment it is well for us to do honor to the man who represents
not alone his own district but all the people of the country.
I am glad to do you honor for another reason — because
looking about me and seeing standpatters and progressives
and democrats of all shades and stripes of opinion, I see in
this meeting that we are not becoming Mexicanized; I see
in the fact that we all do honor to the hardest hitter, to the
boldest Speaker, to the man who has never hesitated to
express and stand by his opinions, however they might differ
from the opinions of others, I see in this general concurrence
of honor and affection for him, that still underlying all the
storm and stress of American politics is the genuine American
spirit of brotherhood toward aU Americans.

A TRIBUTE TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT
ADDRESS AT A BANQUET IN HONOR OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR
UNION LEAGUE CLUB, NEW YORK
FEBRUARY 3, 1904
IT Is good to be home again, good to be back in the place
about which are gathered the sacred associations that
came to us In the flush of young manhood. One of you said
to me tonight, taking my hand In the other room: " You look
like old times." Old times, I thought, are good enough for me.
The dear old times that go back beyond the foundation of
this aheady old club-house, so simple in comparison with the
palaces of later years, and yet so dignified by high ideals —
back to the old days, to the old place on Madison Square,
where we felt the fijst strong impulse of the men who com
bined to save and perpetuate the Union. And yet old times
pass away. During the short period, less than five years
since, being stUl your president, I was called from my home to
help hold up the hands of our beloved President McKinley;
during that short period how many a beloved face has van
ished, — Richard Butler, and Wales, and Dodge, and FuUer,
and Evarts, and many another we shall see no more; and I
cannot come back to join the friends of early youth, the
friends and loyal associates of the long struggle of hfe, to
march with them through the few short years that remain,
without feeling that stirring of the heart which excludes the
cold activity of the mind.
I come back, my friends, with renewed devotion to the
principles that underlie and justify and account for the
existence of this club. I come back able to say to you that
m

218 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
the closest and most Intimate association with two great
men who have held the Presidency of the United States,
has brought not that contempt which Is said sometimes to
result from famUiarlty, but much Increased respect for the
dignity of the office, and increased confidence in the stability
of the institutions which we love. In a country which can
bring to the seat of the chief magistrate men like them. I
come back from a position In which criticism of representa
tive government, criticism of the legislative branch, is most
easy and most natural, for the legislative branch of our
Government is always a drag upon the exercise of executive
power. The executive Is always asking appropriations,
asking enabling acts, which the legislative branch is unwUling
to give; the executive is always open to the suggestion of
unnecessary legislative delay and vacUlation, and faUure to
appreciate the exigencies of government, f aUure to appreciate
the Importance of doing what, to the men who are charged
with the duty of conducting the government, seems of the
highest importance. And I come back also from a period of
exercise of wide and arbitrary power, for no power on earth
is so arbitrary, so despotic, as military power; that power
which enables the man who exercises it, with a single stroke
of the pen, to make laws and unmake them, to sit in judg
ment superior to every court, and to execute the laws he has
made and the judgment he has pronounced. Yet, I come
back, I am glad to say to you who are wedded to the prin
ciples of popular liberty, with a deeper sense of the soundness
and the beneficence of our system of representative govern
ment, with a deeper sense that arbitrary power, swift and
effective as it is in its operation, should always be a thing of
temporary expedient, adapted only to the time of war, and
ceasing always at the earliest possible moment; and that the
slow and tedious processes of discussion in our popular assem
blies, the discussion that often seems to us to be unnecessary.

A TRIBUTE TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT 219
is essential to the formation of equal laws, the preservation of
liberty, and the advance of justice on earth.
Old times pass away, but the fabric of our free institutions
stands. The majestic progress of this great people, growing
ever in power and in influence throughout the world, con
tinues. The impulse that came from the great struggle of
the Civil War has not spent itself. Public administration,
I believe, grows purer and better; public servants more
imselfish and public spirited year by year. The people of our
country conform, I believe, more closely, year by year, to the
ideals of the fathers; and from close and Intimate association, /
from careful observation of all branches of our Government,
I come back to you to say that I believe that never before
have the principles of this club, the principles of civU and
religious liberty, the principles of government for the people
and by the people, been better iUustrated, more safely
conserved, in the history of America, than they are now.
I have not felt away from home, I have not felt In a strange
atmosphere, because during all this time I have been in an
atmosphere of loyalty and self-devotion. You may study the
history of all the administrations from Washington down, and
I challenge you to find in any a more complete loyalty
and devotion to the President who had caUed the Cabinet
together, to the principles of government which they were
sworn to apply, than can be found among my associates in
Washington during the administrations of McKinley and
Roosevelt. As we are growing old, as we are winding up our lives, the
country goes on, the great mission — Liberty and Justice —
is working out towards its fulfiUment. McKinley, dear to our
hearts — dearer to mine than I ever believed any man could
become after I had passed the meridian of life — has passed
away, and another, a vigorous, virUe member of this club,
has taken his place. The problems that seemed to hang over

220 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
us at the close of the war with Spain have gone far towards
solution. We, of America, have discovered that we, too,
possess the supreme governing capacity, capacity not merely
to govern ourselves at home, but that great power that in all
ages has made the difference between the great and the small
nations, the capacity to govern men wherever they were
found. Men trained to arms, men belonging to the class
whom the Anglo-Saxon race has from time immemorial
looked upon with doubt and distrust, men from the regular
army, going among alien peoples, exercising arbitrary power
and supreme control, have shown themselves most adap
table, most sympathetic and appreciative, not only of rights
but of feelings and prejudices and idiosyncracies. Our army
officers have become collectors of customs and internal
revenue, governors of provinces, commissioners of charities,
superintendents of schools, teachers — teachers not merely
from books but teachers of the art of self-government; and
in Porto Rico and Cuba and the PhUIppines they have proved
themselves by the score, by the hundred, by the thousand,
to be simple American citizens. Gold lace, epaulets and
stars count for nothing. American citizenship has been
demonstrated, and American citizenship as the citizenship
which has deep down at its center, love of justice, of human
freedom, of equal opportunity, and of progress, and helpful
ness and happiness for mankind.
So the problems that seemed dark and doubtful when the
war with Spain closed, have solved themselves through this
working of a great multitude of Americans competent to
govern. As your president has said, Porto Rico Is a prosper
ous and happy community. Cuba, poor Cuba! that had
struggled so long under intolerable oppression, has its star
set In the firmament, and the new republic governs itself
upon the principles of American freedom, — a new republic
that has set its star in the heavens to lead on the republics of

A TRIBUTE TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT 221
aU Spanish America. And let me tell you that they see it in
the heavens; all over Central and South America men are
looking at Cuba and seeing what Spanish Americans can do
when they have once learned the lesson of American free
dom, ordered by law. And In the PhUIppines, where they
knew not law — for there was no rule of law in the Philip
pines — where the poor, little brown men had never heard of
aught but arbitrary power, they are beginning to learn what
liberty means. They never knew what it meant. When
they raised the cry of Independence, they did not know what
it meant. They are beginning to learn; and I look for
ward to the time when the Philippines shall assume towards
this country substantially the same relation that Cuba occu
pies today. This could never have been done but by the
exercise of the power that rests In the word sovereignty.
We never could have rescued those people from the turmoil
and welter of savagery, the succession of military dictator
ship following military dictatorship, under which the great
body of the people would have had no choice except of
tyrants, — but by the exercise of sovereignty; and through
that sovereignty there has already dawned for the people
of the PhUIppines the better day of hberty and law, which
they are beginning to understand.
New issues have come. The old Issues of five years ago
have passed away. New questions are upon the horizon.
But the principles and the character that were adequate to
the old will be adequate to the new. We shall dig the Canal.
And under the same honest and unselfish rule that has
brought liberty and law to Cuba and the PhUIppines, by the
peace, the prosperity, and the individual freedom that
gather under our flag, guarding the neutrality of the Isthmus,
we shaU teach the people of Central and South America
the same lesson, and shall give to them an example of how
freedom ought to be used; and from that center of high

222 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
example will come greater blessings to the Spanish American
republics of Central and South America than they have ever
yet realized from the unregulated freedom they won them
selves from Spain.
I count it, my friends, one of the greatest privileges of my
life to have been able, when that sad day came — the day
that I cannot recall without the deepest emotion, when our
President McKinley was taken away, — to have been able
to stand by and hold up the hands of his true and loyal
successor. I am told that he is not popular in the city of
New York; that he, who was bom and grew to manhood
among us, old member of this club, who made his first essay
in public life going to represent us in the legislature at
Albany, more than twenty years ago, — that he is not popu
lar here in the city of his home ! I am told that some people
say that he is not safe. I could not come back to you, —
come back to you between whom and me there have been no
concealments for all these thirty-five years — and not say to
you what I feel on that subject. Men say he is not safe. He
is not safe for the men who wish to prosecute selfish schemes
to the public detriment. He is not safe for the men who wish
government to be conducted with greater reference to cam
paign contributions than to the public good. He is not safe
for the men who wish to draw the President of the United
States off Into a corner and make whispered arrangements,
which they dare not have known by their constituents. But
I say to you that he has been, during these years since Presi
dent McKInley's death, the greatest conservative force for
the protection of property and our institutions in the city of
Washington. There is a better way to protect property, to
protect capital, to protect great enterprises than by buying
legislatures. There is a better way to deal with labor, and to
keep It from rising into the tumult of the unregulated and
resistless mob than by starving it, or by corrupting its

A TRIBUTE TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT 223
leaders. There are some things to be thought of besides the
speculation of the hour. There is the great onward march of
American institutions; there is the development of our social
system; there is the underlying faith and trust of our people
in the laws under which they live; and the man who is put in
the chair of the chief magistrate of this great people. Presi
dent not only of you and me, here in New York, but of aU the
eighty mUlions of people scattered from sea to sea, charged
under his high responsibilities so to administer the law that It
shall have the respect and the confidence of the people who
make the law, — he must take a view broader than the exi
gency of the moment, broader than the business of the Indi
vidual; he must see to It that he goes with the people who
make the law, guiding them with wisdom and with strength,
and guiding them always by the confidence that they have
in him and the laws that he executes.
I have said that President Roosevelt was the greatest con
servative force for the protection of property and of capital
in the city of Washington during the years that have elapsed
since President McKInley's death. He has been that indeed.
I could give you specific Instances where he has stood between
the wish of men in Congress, who greatly desired to pass
extreme and violent measures and the accomplishment of
their purpose, by the strong and unwavering declaration, " 1
wUl veto your bill If you pass It "; and he has been able to
do that because he was so fair, so appreciative of the rights
and the feelings of every part of the great people whose
President he was, that they trusted him, and he also dared
to say, " I wUl veto an unfair measure against capital."
I have said there was a better way to protect capital than
by buying legislatures; that there was a better way to deal
with labor, and to keep it from becoming a mob, than by
starving it. That way is, that capital shall be fair; that
taking aU the high rewards of brain, — of the inventive.

224 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
discovering, organizing brain, all the rich, the magnificent
rewards that come In this country of enterprise and boundless
wealth to the brain that invents, that discovers, and that
organizes, — yet capital shall be fair, fair to the consumer,
fair to the laborer, fair to the investor; that It shall concede
that the laws shall be executed; that Its treatment of the
laborer shall be so fair that the reasonable and more Intelli
gent men among the laborers of our country shall have their
hands held up, their strength increased, their power to lead
their fellows supported, and that they shall be enabled to
hold the labor of America solid for American freedom, and
shall believe in American freedom as against the demagogue
and the agitator who seek to turn labor into a mob. Never
forget that the men who labor cast the votes, set up and pull
down governments, and that our government Is possible, the
perpetuity of our institutions Is possible, the continued
opportunity for enterprise, for the enjoyment of wealth, for
individual liberty, Is possible, only so long as the men who
labor with their hands believe in American liberty and
American laws.
And I say to you, my friends of the Union League Club,
that our present President has, by fairness, by just sympathy
with all his people, acquired the power to do more for the
protection of the material Interests, and for the spiritual
interests of our country as well, than any man ever could
have acquired by following the dictates of a narrow and
limited view, which looked only to the speculation of the
day, or the interests of particular enterprises.
The history of mankind is a history of growth in power,
and growth in wealth, and growth In luxury, and then decay !
And then despotism, alternating with anarchy! Take the
large view of the statesman, and think of the future of
America ! The one thing that is needed, is not what you and
I will make tomorrow, not the success of this or that corpora-

A TRIBUTE TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT 225
tion, for next year, or the next ten years, or during our
lifetime, but the perpetuity of our Institutions, that our chU
dren and our chUdren's children may live among a people
devoted to American freedom and American justice. One
thing necessary for that is that the great toUing mass of the
American people shall feel that laws are just and justly
administered; that every boy has his chance for the future,
that the pathway to riches and honor and fame and power is
open to him; that no class, be it consolidated by the unfair
ness of capital, be It consolidated by the unwise excesses of
labor, shall bar him from the noblest birthright of liberty.
And it Is that, — It is that supreme and sacred interest
that Theodore Roosevelt has been safeguarding in these
years. Property should be protected, capital should be preserved,
enterprise should be fostered, liberty should be protected,/
the laboring man should have his fair wage. Yes! Yes!
But for the sacred Interests that gave birth to this club, for
the perpetuity of the institutions which we love, for our
children's children's sake, the one thing needful is that truth
and honor and love of country, and the service of mankind,
shall be the goal set before the eyes of the President of the
United States; that the boys of America shall believe that
the honest man, that the true man, that the loyal man, has
honor in this land; that no arts of the politician, that no
cajolery of wealth, that no social influence, that nothing but
faithfulness to the duty of truth and honor and justice shall
receive the supreme reward, shall win the great prize of
popular approval, and shall rivet the esteem and the affection
of the men of America. And I would rather have my boys
taught to think that the finest thing In life is the honesty and
frankness, the truth and loyalty, the honor and the devotion
to his country of Theodore Roosevelt, than to have them in
possession of all the wealth in this great metropolis.

226 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
We are passing! This club goes on. Our country goes on.
Whether the standards be low or high, whether they be the
standards of the hour's expediency, or the standards of
civilization's progress, time only can tell; but that they shall
be the latter, the work of Theodore Roosevelt, as President
of the United States, is more weighty than that of any one, of
any score, of all of his detractors put together.

JOHN PIERPONT MORGAN
ADDRESS AT THE MEMORIAL MEETING OF THE CHAMBER OF COM
MERCE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, APRIL 3, 1913
MR. MORGAN'S life is stUl so near to us, the sense of
loss, the half -realized idea that he whom we have been
meeting here and there in the daUy life of the present, is to
be here no more is so vivid, that discriminating estimate is
difficult. Nevertheless, under the swift and sudden detachment of
death we can already, vaguely, dimly, perceive his great
career as a whole; the vigorous personality is seen against
the background of tremendous forces whose play and conflict
have been not merely the storm, but the development of an
amazing half-century of progress for civUization.
When Mr. Morgan became a banker there was a different
world than that in which we live. Then France was an
empire. Germany was a geographical expression covering,
by a reminiscence of history, twenty or more separate and
independent states. America was half slave and half free.
The continent was unspanned save by the emigrant wagon;
no electric cable carried communication under the ocean;
American banking was provincial and local; steamship and
raUway communication were in their infancy; the Bessemer
process for making steel was not yet a success; manufacture
was conducted by smaU units; capital was small; enterprise
was individual. During his active life as a banker the most
amazing development of wealth, of capacity for production, of
commercial intercourse, of interchange among the nations
of men, of transition from individual activity to the tremen-

228 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
dous power of organization, the utilization of discovery and
of invention, the power of leadership, all transformed the
world of industry and of commerce, and are transforming the
social life of the world. The transactions of today would have
seemed impossible dreams half a century ago. The dreams
have been realized In this single active life. This change has
not been an invasion; it has not come from without, it has
not been revolution; it has been development; it has been
a growth from the latent forces that existed half a century
ago. This our friend whom we honor and moum today, was the
first, the commanding and controlling figure above all other
men, in this amazing movement of the forces of civilization.
First among all in our own country, emerging from its pro
vincialism to its place in the great world of finance and
industry, then by gradual recognition of his position here,
first in the world, the greatest of bankers, the greatest organ
izer of production, the greatest master of commerce of the
world in the mightiest epoch of power applied to finance, to
production and to commerce.
How came Mr. Morgan to be this commanding figure ?
No title marked him for leadership to the common appre
hension. No office created for him a presumption of great
ness to the common apprehension. He had none of the arts
of popularity. He had but little capacity for expression. In
a country of speakers, of orators, of influence from the plat
form and of influence by the printed page, he was almost
sUent. It was only under stress of deep emotion that his
power exhibited itself In words. The real man was hidden
under a manner often gruff, always reserved. He was not a
man of sentiment and expression, but a man of feeling and
of action.
How came he to this leadership ? He had, first of all, con
structive instinct. The instinct that moved him was not to

JOHN PIERPONT MORGAN 229
accumulate, but to do. He cared little for money for itself.
It was what he could do with it; it was to use it for good ends
and objects of interest and desire, not to have it. Not the
instinct of the miser, but the instinct of the buUder, moved
him always. He had, with this constructive instinct, extra
ordinary intuition. He did not reason by logical processes.
His mind went, straight as an arrow, to its conclusion by
processes that he himself could not have explained and of
which he himself was not conscious, but it went with unerring
accuracy. There is a field of the higher mathematics Into
which no man can enter, except those rare men who come
once in a century and whose minds are capable of proceeding
to a distant conclusion by processes unconscious to them
selves. When such a man lives his name becomes great In
the history of science. Such a man in the practical affairs of
life was Mr. Morgan. The same kind of intuitive process or
unconscious reasoning led him from his premises to his
conclusions. With that quahty he had, of course, the quality of swift
decision, so that opportunity never knocked in vain at his
door. At the time when all things were possible, his decision
came, and he had that high courage and inflexible resolution
that gave to his decision the quality of absolute finality. An
incident — perhaps a necessary incident — of this extra
ordinary quality of the man was that he carried a touch
stone for all sham and deceit and pretense, like those rings of
fable or of history, which could detect the presence of poison
in the cup. With little evidence he needed no argument, he
needed no deliberation, but he detected the true from the
false, the sound from the unsound, and reached the bed-rock
of a business question instantly. Naturally, with these
quahties Mr. Morgan was direct and simple and frank;
never cunning or devious, never wasting his time or retard
ing his progress by puttering about among little things.

230 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
among trifles, he always went to the main question and
decided that, and then let everything else follow that.
He had far sight into the future, he had breadth of vision
and largeness of mind and comprehension, so that with these
great qualities he became a great figure. He had more than
these. He had that Imagination which could visualize —
that imagination without which no one, poet or banker,
reasoner or builder, can be great — he had imagination and
he had faith, which not only was, but gave, substance of
things hoped for. Take him all and all he was a man, — a
great man. And with these qualities had he not genius ? I
think he had. I think no ordinary talent can answer the
question why Mr. Morgan attained the leadership he did. I
think it was that subtle and undefinable and rare quality of
genius that made him what he was.
So he became a great leader In great affairs, and his name
became a guarantee of soundness and honor and good faith
and of success, so far as the exercise of inflexible resolution
could produce success. He carried in his affairs the supreme
capital of character. Under stress of excitement in the Pujo
investigation he presented the great truth of character to the
wonderment and confusion of smaller minds who had been
thinking upon a lower plane than he stood upon. So he
found the raUroad system of this country the inheritor of the
fruits of fraud and rapacity. RaUroads that had been bled
by their buUders and managers all over the country he recon
structed upon the basis of absolute integrity, so that faith
took the place of distrust and condemnation.
Mr. Morgan has been misjudged by many unfamUiar with
great affairs who cannot see that big affairs proceed upon the
same principles of morality as small affairs; and I would like
to say — not to you In his own city who knew him, but to the
people in every small town and village In our country : Select
from among the people of your town the man who Is most

JOHN PIERPONT MORGAN 231
honored, the man to whom you would go for advice in dis
tress, the man whose word every one believes, the man whose
example every one desires his son to foUow, and in this great
citizen of New York you have the man that bears the same
relation of faith and honor and good report to all the great
affairs of the great metropolis, and of the world of finance
and commerce.
Mr. Morgan played no game of chance; he acquired no
fortune by deceit or over-reaching or unfair advantage. He
took from no man, but he acquired a great fortune by making
the prosperity of many and by taking his fair and just share
of the prosperity he created. The scope of his enterprise
gave him a relation to public affairs that was unexampled
not only in our own country, but I think in any country.
There were so many Investors in so many enterprises whom
his chivalric sense of honor led him to desire to protect that
the financial condition of the country was a matter of imme
diate interest to him, and he took the place that Government
should have taken many and many a time. The faults of our
financial system, made possible by the incapacity of law
makers to reconcile confidence and knowledge, he remedied
from time to time as occasion arose by his own tremendous
power; and that was government.
What Mr. Morgan did in the settlement of the coal strike,
what he did in the panic of 1907, was government as truly as
the leadership of a nation acquired by one commanding
figure who turns It into an army for conquest, or defense, is
government. He foUowed the instincts of his nature which
made him ready for public service wherever there was a
public need appeahng to his knowledge and his constructive
instinct. But there is another side of Mr. Morgan's nature which
appeals to us, and that was his kindliness and generous
impulse; the capacity for loyalty to every cause he espoused.

232 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
that made him a staunch churchman, that made him a signifi
cant figure in all organizations in which we have known
him, that made him a phUanthropist and that made him a
friend. He was a great collector. He loved all forms of beauty.
He had a sensitiveness to impressions — all the noble impres
sions of life that made him love association with what was
great in literature, in history, and in art. More than that, he
had a sensitiveness to aU the noblest feelings that dignify
manhood, which made his heart open to distress and suffer
ing. Many men remain to be grateful to him for the preser
vation of their fortunes, of their investments, of the income
upon which depend the comfort of their lives and the lives of
their famUies. Many men, multitudes, remain to thank him
for bringing to his own land, and helping to buUd up oppor
tunity for the people to see, the great works of art of other
countries and of other times, to thank him for that enlarge
ment of human happiness that after men have drunken and
eaten all they can and have worn all the clothes and found
aU the shelter they can, comes from the cultivation of taste.
Many men remain to be grateful for his example of integrity
and honor, and many men and women, to bless him for the
good done in secret. Many a tear has been shed in homes of
which I know for the loss of the simple-minded modest
benefactor who has done good in secret.
The era of development in which he lived and worked is
drawing to its conclusion. Such a career as his may, and
probably wiU never come again, for we come to other days
and to other manners ; but the great-heartedness, the nobUity
of the man, thank God ! are eternal, and wiU hve with us and
in his example, time without end.

JOHN MARSHALL HARLAN^
ADDRESS AT THE MEMORIAL EXERCISES IN THE UNITED STATES
SUPREME COURT, DECEMBER 16, 1911
I BEG to second the resolutions which have been presented,
and by doing so to pay the tribute of gratitude which
every lover of his country must feel for a life devoted to its
service with power and sincerity.
The passing of Mr. Justice Harlan severs the tie between
two eras of our national development. When he came to the
Court thirty-four years ago, he became a part of a court
made up by the men of the great CivU War, all appointed by
President Lincoln and President Grant, except one, Mr.
Justice Clifford, who was the surviving connecting link
between the Court of the war and of the preceding era in
which he received his commission from President Buchanan.
Justice Harlan was the sole connection between the Court of
the war, the Court of Lincoln and Grant, with the new Court
that faces the new problems in a new period of our national
development; and as he goes, the old Court disappears and
the new times confront us. There are clocks moved by
electricity from some central station; their hands remain
motionless as the minute passes, but at its end they move
instantly to the next, and lo, another minute of time has
come. As Mr. Justice Clifford passed away, the hand moved
from the ante-bellum days to the period of war and recon-
' Born in Boyle County, Ky., June 1, 1833. He was appointed an Associate
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, November 29, 1877, and died
October 14, 1911. Only three members ot the Supreme Court Bench have served
longer terras than Justice Harlan, namely : Chief Justice John Marshall and Justices
Stephen J. Field and Joseph Story. 233

234 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
struction; and as Mr. Justice Harlan passed, the hand
moved from the period of war and reconstruction to the new
times and new problems before us. He, Mr. Chairman, was
a conspicuous Ulustration of a truth so often exhibited in the
history of American jurisprudence — often in that of Eng
land, more often in that of America — the truth that more
important than learning, more important than the logical
faculty, more important than all scholastic quahties, is the
force of character, the sympathy with life, the capacity for
measuring the needs and the Impulses of constantly develop
ing and changing life which come to the men who have been
significant figures in great affairs, to men who are essentially
human and who have dealt with great forces.
Justice Harlan did not reason abstractly about it, but his
nature compeUed him to Ulustrate the truth that in every
judicial decision there are two primary elements: one is the
ascertainment of the law, and the other is the apphcatloij of
the law to the human problems of the moment. He was
intensely human, a natural contender, and he rejoiced in con
flict. Life upon the bench never emasculated him. He never
wrapt himself about with the mantle of over-sensitive dignity,
which sometimes minimizes judicial strength. He asked for
no subservience from the bar, and he rejoiced in the presence
of counsel who stood up with manly assertion of a client's
rights. His Intense interest in the affairs of the world kept
him young, and his youth maintained his usefulness. He
could not lose his interest in the affairs of life. Sometimes,
when in executive office, I myself have been struggling with
difficult questions that were attracting public interest and
public thought, his taU form would make its appearance in
my office, and he would come in the kindly confidence of old
friendship and sympathy, to tell me how, from his point of
view, it would seem, and to warn me of dangers he could
foresee. Sometimes he would say: " Be careful not to run

JOHN MARSHALL HARLAN 235
against the doctrine of that or the other case in what
you do."
And so he hved a full life to the end, rendering service for
which no one could compensate, and for which we can only
render that great appreciation which is after all more impor
tant for us than for him. For, to mark such a life and such a
career of service with honor, in order that all men may realize
their worth. Is of primary consequence to the administration
of our law, and the just exercise of our governmental powers
in aU departments for the future. No one can be a pessimist,
no one can despair of his country's future who sees that such
men as John Marshall Harlan can hve in honor and can be
appreciated by their countrymen.

MELVILLE WESTON FULLERS
ADDRESS AT THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE BAR AND OFFICERS
OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
DECEMBER 10, 1910
I BEG to second the resolutions which have been offered
and to express the adherence of the bar of New York to the
sentiment of the resolutions and of the admirable remarks
which have been made both by yourself as chairman of the
meeting and by the chairman of the Committee on Resolu
tions. Some of us at the New York bar were very much
disappointed twenty-three years ago that the choice of Presi
dent Cleveland for the great office of Chief Justice did not
faU upon our associate and leader, Mr. James C. Carter. It
was a great disappointment to us; but we soon came to know
the new Chief Justice; we came to realize the admirable
intellectual integrity of a mind free from crankiness and
flaws. We came to recognize the noble and beautiful char
acter, the sweet and kindly sense of justice and consideration
for all men. We learned to feel the Influence of that benign
presence on this great bench, and to feel that no one came
here, however great or small, to speak for justice, who was not
heard with an open mind and a kindly appreciation. We
came to respect the choice of President Cleveland, and we
came to love the man and honor the judge. So, there are no
truer mourners by the side of MelvUle Weston FuUer's grave
than the members of the bar of the state of New York.
The occasion calls for signalizing the greatness of the Court
and the dignity of the great officer who has passed away.
' Bom in Augusta, Me., February 11, 1833. He was appointed Chief Justice of
the United States, April 30, 1888, and died at Sorrento, Me., July 4, 1910.
437

238 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
Not merely in pursuit of the interests which are represent
in individual cases, but in our maintenance of the gre
principles upon which justice in all cases depends, we shon
emphasize the event which changes the possession of t
greatest judicial office in the world. At either end of tl
buUding the public interests, the apparent public interes
the feelings, the wishes, the purposes of the moment m;
prevail, and within limits should prevaU. At the other ei
of the avenue the execution of the law answers, and shou
answer, to the public wUl as expressed in the legislation
the moment. Here are preserved those great rules of rig
conduct, those fundamental principles which are essential
the perpetuity of free institutions, whatever may be ti
gusts or storms of public feeling, by that arrangement of o
Constitution which is the chief gift of America to the scien
of government. Here are maintained the eternal principl
of justice, and above all monarchs and presidents and legi
latures, the sacred office upon which depends the contin
ance of self-government with peace and justice, is the office
the Chief Justice of the United States. We mark oi
reverence for the office. We mark our deep sense of i
supreme value and dignity, as we join with our brethren
the bar in doing honor to him who has worthily and nobl
with a pure and beautiful spirit and an upright and vigoroi
mind, sustained that great office.

JUDGE JOHN DAVIS^
ADDRESS OP THE SECRETARY OF WAR AT A MEMORUL
MEETING OF THE BAR OF THE COURT OF CLAIMS
MAY 16, 190ie
IT Is with melancholy satisfaction that I find myself able
to appear before you to pay a tribute of respect to the
memory of my dead friend by seconding the excellent reso
lutions now presented. The members of the profession
practicing habitually at your bar have had better oppor
tunities than I to observe the way in which Judge Davis
performed his judicial duties and to estimate his qualities
and merits as a judge. They have expressed themselves
in these resolutions with sincerity and genuine feeling.
But my knowledge of him and my friendship for him go
back to the days of his early manhood, long before he took
his seat upon the bench, and when he was forming and
developing in private station the character whose admirable
traits have endeared him to you. Of all the qualities that
determine the usefulness of a judge, the most important are
those which go to make up the personal character of the man.
Character upon the bench is of more weight and value than
learning or reasoning power or industry or acumen, or all of
these put together. Without It the most brilliant talents
but disturb public order and undermine the foundations of
justice. John Davis joined to superior intelligence a judicial
character of the best type. He had the fine Instincts of the
gentleman — a shrinking from sham and pretense, from
' Honorable John Davis, judge of the Court of Claims, died at his residence in
Washington, Monday, May 5, 1902, in the fifty-first year of his age. He had been
appointed to the bench of the Court of Claims, January 20, 1885.

240 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
humbug and claptrap, an antipathy to mere hollow rhetoric
and the clever devices that cover up the merits of a case, and
a liking for the simple statement of a suitor's right.
He had genuine sympathy with his fellow-men, charity for
their weaknesses, kindly judgment of their conduct, and a
sweet and serene temper which forbade his being swayed
into partisanship by passion or prejudice, or falling into harsh
and unjust judgment; and he had the sense of honorable
obligation, which makes it impossible for a judge, upon any
consideration whatever, to withhold from a suitor the logical
results of judicial opinion; which makes the intangible right
that the litigant has to a conviction formed in the judicial
mind, as sacred as property in chattels or in lands, and com
pels the judge to do justice as he sees it, though the heavens
fall. His manifest sincerity and desire for justice strength
ened the public respect for the law which he administered,
and his grace and charm of manner robbed defeat at his
hands of half its bitterness. It is a fortunate thing that such
a man should have sat upon the bench of this great court
during the formative period of its growth in jurisdiction and
power, — this great court which represents the highest type
of human justice, — not the justice of man to man compelled
by superior power, but the justice of a great people whom
no man can compel, voluntarily seeking to know what is just,
in order that it may do justice. It is a fortunate thing
that as the scope and importance of the court's functions
widen with the ever broadening and multiplying activities of
our country, and long after the bench and bar of this day
shall have passed away, the benign influence of this true
gentleman and upright judge shaU live in report, in tradition,
and in the character of the court of which he has been so
great a part.

JUSTICE GEORGE CARTER-BARRETT
ADDRESS OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AT THE MEETING OF THE
BENCH AND BAR IN MEMORY OF HONORABLE GEORGE CARTER-
BARRETT, NEW YORK CITY, NOVEMBER 10, 1906
AFTER these admirable tributes to the memory of our
departed friend, I can add nothing but sorrow for the
friend of all my active life, and homage for a pure, upright,
able, devoted public servant. How weU I remember him on
that day, nigh upon thirty-six years ago, when he stood at
the bar and made the great argument that attracted to liim
universal pubhc attention and led to his nomination and
election to the bench of the Supreme Court! Young,
slender, nervous, pale, trembling with energy and enthusiasm,
he exhibited on that day, it seemed to me, quahties of great
ness that would know no limit In their development, except
the limit of life. I have often regretted that he went upon the
bench; because it seemed to me that he had the quahties
that would have made him so great at the bar, so great
in the political life of the country, so great in diplomacy,
so successful in any branch of active life.
Yet, I have always answered myself by the reflection that
he brought those quahties to the bench. And it was the
possession of the qualities that would have made him success
ful In the stir and activity of life that made him so great a
judge. His control over juries was marvelous. The skUl
with which he directed the course of a trial was exquisite,
admirable, a perfect work of art. He possessed a clear,
definite conception of the duty of a judge In the trial of ques
tions of fact, and it was one which I think worthy of admira
tion. He swung away freely and altogether from the fault,
841

242 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
so common in our American courts, of treating the trial of
questions of fact before juries as a game, in which the lawyers
on either side are contending for a prize, and in which the
judge acts as a referee between them. Mr. Justice Barrett's
conception of his duty upon the bench was that he was to see
justice done; that he was to require the counsel before him to
arrive with all convenient speed at the determination of the
merits of the case; and that he was to contribute his own
convictions to the right solution of the question involved.
In his dealings with questions of law he also Illustrated a
quality not always found upon our bench. He never allowed
justice to be tangled in the net of technicality. His keen and
incisive intellectual process never stuck in the bark. Words
were nothing to him, but the ideas behind the words. And
that sensitive appreciation of every interest in hfe which
graced him gave him a just conception of the relations which
statutes and rules of law, enacted or adopted perhaps a life
time, generations or centuries before, had to the conditions
of real life. He Interpreted the law in the light of the living
present, with all its mighty forces, with all the requirements
of civilization, of morality and of justice in the world of
today, and not In the light of centuries past. Thus he was
often in advance of us all; his decision In the lower court in
the Sugar Trust case — the North River Sugar Refining
Company case — went to a length to which the Court of
Appeals in the same case was unwilling to go, though affirm
ing the decision. His decision in that case has found the
bench and bar of the United States now, fifteen, twenty
years after, just reaching his sound and just conception of
the demands of the rule of the law — the immemorial rules
of law — under the conditions of our modern life.
He was a great judge; he was a true and noble gentleman.
To be his friend was to have a blessing In one's life. To
know him well was to be made better by the compulsion of

GEORGE CARTER-BARRETT 243
unconscious imitation. He was a warm and loyal friend. He
will be forgotten ! We cannot rescue his name from oblivion.
We shall all be forgotten. There is no immortality of the
bar, and there is, save In the rarest, most exceptional cases,
no immortality of the bench. He will be forgotten! But so
long as the recurrent waves of error beat against the struc
ture of American liberty founded upon justice; so long as the
corruption that he whipped seeks to undermine the structure;
so long as the violence of the demagogue seeks to hurl the
mob against It, — so long will the Influence of that modest,
retiring, unostentatious man continue to hve in the work
that he did in building up the structure.

JUSTICE CHARLES H. VAN BRUNT
ADDRESS IN PRESENTING TO THE APPELLATE DHTSION OF THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OP NEW YORK IN THE FIRST
DEPARTMENT, A PORTRAIT OF THE HONORABLE CHARLES H.
VAN BRUNT, FIRST PRESIDING JUSTICE OF THE COURT,
JUNE 8, 1897
I TAKE great pleasure in seconding the application made
by Mr. Butler. It is perhaps too common to defer
expressions of confidence in official servants until the obit
uary notice. The world is full of ill-natured criticisms; and
the kind things, the expressions of commendation, are seldom
heard. Many a judge goes through his entire official life
without knowing with what confident reliance the bar and
the community rest upon their belief In his justice, his intelh-
gence, his devotion to the duties of his office; and I think it
is a fortunate thing that at this point in the career of the
presiding justice of this court, after almost a generation
passed upon the bench, the approaching close of his official
term has led to the presentation of this portrait, and has
given an opportunity to say some kindly things and to make
some expression of the confidence which the bar and the
community do feel In him.
Mr. Justice Van Brunt has filled no ordinary place In the
judicial history of this city. Many judges are learned; many
judges are able; many judges are devoted to the pubhc
service. Judge Van Brunt is all that; but he has also played
a great part In a peculiar and important stage of development
in our judicial history. We have been, during the years of his
occupancy of the bench, passing imperceptibly through a
course of development from a provincial town to a great

246 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
metropolis. We have been passing through the same kind of
development which has changed the surface of the country
about us from open fields, over which all the inhabitants
could range at will, to enclosures which are carefully guarded
and Into which no intmders are permitted to enter; the same
kind of development which has changed the old-fashioned
railroad with its absence of rule, so conducted that any one
could stroll into a station and upon a train without any ques
tions being asked. Into the carefully guarded railroad of
today, with stations where every one Is required to move in
accordance with strict rule and to have his ticket punched at
the gate, and is not allowed to enter or depart except in
accordance with rigid and prescribed forms.
That same development has proceeded in our judicial life.
Great complication requires rigid system. The old method
of trying and argmng causes according to Informal arrange
ments between judges and counsel has been outgrown.
WTien Mr. Justice Van Brunt took the position of presiding
justice of the general term, he found that the old method of
transacting business had led to an enormous accumidation
before that appellate tribunal. The result of the old country
way — the good old way of doing business — was that it
required between two and three years after the entry of a
judgment, to obtain a decision by the general term. The
administration of justice, if the whole machinery was not to
break down and become a denial of justice, called for a man
with sufficient vigor and commanding personality to make
the change from the old method to the new method of rule
and order. The occasion found the man in Mr. Justice Van
Brunt. It was a hard experience for the bar; and in the
earlier days of his presidency there was strong feeling, there
was great dissatisfaction, there was personal resentment; but
I think the entire bar, old and young, the entire community
which receives its impressions from the bar, wUl unite with

CHARLES H. VAN BRUNT 247
me in saying that the conscientious and consistent perform
ance of duty, the successful accomplishment of the task which
he set before him, has commanded the assent, the cordial
agreement, and the admiration of all, no matter what their
original opinions may have been. He has brought order out
of chaos; he has brought the administration of the law to a
point where justice can speedily be rendered ; he has accom
plished the great work which was necessary for the develop
ment of the law and of our judicial system In this great
metropolis. And to him Is due a degree of praise for that
work which Is due to no other judicial officer during your
days or mine.
I hope that this expiring term will not be the last of Mr.
Justice Van Brunt's judicial service; but that a just recogni
tion of his worth and of the service he has rendered wUl lead
the people of New York to continue him for many years In
rendering a like service to the cause of justice, and that for
many years we may be able to rely upon his sound discretion,
his decision of character, and his underlying sense of justice,
for the determination of our clients' rights.

BUSINESS AND POLITICS
ADDRESS OF SENATOR ROOT AT A RECEPTION OF THE UNION
LEAGUE CLUB OF PHILADELPHIA, IN HIS HONOR
MARCH 23, 1915
IT is very difficult to respond to such expressions as I have
heard tonight, where my cooler judgment refuses to go in
agreement, and where I know that a dispassionate stranger
would withhold his approval. Such things as have been said
within the past hour are, however, inexpressibly grateful to
me, because they reveal the wealth of friendship and the
partial judgment of affection.
I did not know untU a few minutes ago of the purpose of
The Union League to bestow this great honor upon me, in
the gift of the medal of the League. I accept it with grati
tude and deep appreciation which will continue during all of
my remaining hfe. We confer no titles of nobility In this
repubhc, but we do what is better: from the promptings of
patriotic hearts we repay in double measure to overflowing,
every debt which we think we owe to a public servant who
has commended himself to our judgment as Americans. No
title could be worth so much as your judgment; no office
could be worth so much as your approval. And it comes to
me with aU the more weight because I have a sentiment for
PhUadelphia and its people, and for this club, that has con
tinued through all my active life. A throng of associations
compels me as I come into this old club-house to remember
the good men, the strong men and the noble hearts that I
knew in days past who are here no more. When I remember
how great a part this organization has played in the strength
and courage of this great land of justice and liberty; when I
remember how much I owe and my children and chUdren's

250 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
children will owe to you, to realize that you are thanking
me seems almost too much to beheve.
I had been thinking, as I came over in the train this after
noon, of my associations with Philadelphia, and I found,
strangely enough, that of all the dear friends I have known
here, my mind went back constantly to McKinley. I recall
how, eighteen years ago, I came here upon a telegram to
meet him, to talk about the condition of things in Spain. I
remember how he said, " There is danger of war; there must
not be war with Spain; there shall not be war with Spain.
It must be and it shall be prevented at all hazards." Then
I thought of how little any one man can do. The tendencies
of the mighty eighty millions of people moved on along the
path of their destiny, and even that great and skUlful man
with all the power of his high office could not prevent it. And
, I remember how, a couple of years after, one of my first
journeys as a member of his Cabinet was to come here to this
club to be with him in one of those great receptions for which
you are so famous. And that led to reflection, not upon
specific differences between President McKinley and this
Administration, between the legislation or the policies of that
time and this, but to reflection upon what in the retrospect
can be seen to have been a great nation-wide movement
along the path of the nation's unconscious purpose.
WTien we elected McKinley in 1896 and again in 1900, it
was the business men of the United States who controlled the
election. It was the general, the almost universal awakening
of judgment on the part of men who carried on the great
production and commerce and transportation and finance In
the business of this mighty and prosperous country, which
elected McKinley and inaugurated and maintained the
policies of his administration.
How great has been the change. The scepter has passed
from the business man. The distinguishing characteristic of

BUSINESS AND POLITICS 251
recent years has been the conduct of the government of the
country by men who have but little concern with the business
of the country, by men who distrust the man of business, who
suspect the man of business. Measures relating to the great
business and the small and multitudinous business of the
country have been framed and put into effect under influ
ences which have rejected the voice of those whom they
most immediately affect. The railroad man's testimony of
what legislation there should be affecting raUroads has been
rejected, because he was a party in Interest. The banker's
testimony about finance has been rejected because he was a
party In interest. The manufacturer's testimony about
manufacturing has been rejected because he was a party In
interest. The merchant's testimony about commerce has
been rejected because he was a party In interest. The ship
owner's testimony about the merchant marine has been
rejected because he was a party In Interest. Knowledge of
the business affairs of the country has disqualffied men from
taking any part in the conduct of the increasing participation
of the government in the control and direction of business
affairs. Now, this has not been accidental. It is not a matter of
individuals. It has not come because particular men have
been elected to office and other particular men have faUed.
It has been a development of the feeling of the whole country;
it has been to some degree sectional, but not in the old way.
The men concerned in agriculture. In the main, have come to
suspect and misunderstand the men concerned in business
in the main. This is the distinguishing feature of this great
change which has occurred since we elected McKinley.
It has had several causes. It has been partly because of the
old hatred of wealth. Those parts of the country m which aU
of the people have been of comparatively smaU means have
been filled with men who came to hate the rich in the great

252 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
industrial communities in the North and East. Of course I
need not tell you that this hatred of wealth is more than half
mere vulgar worship of wealth. God knows that too much
money does no man any good; too much money is more apt
than not to ruin his chUdren and invite for him kidney disease
or hardening of the arteries.
But to the poor farmer on the prairies of the West or the
cotton-fields of the South, it seems as if the rich men of the
Eastern cities were living in heaven at his expense.
Another element of this change has been an entire or an
almost entire failure of understanding of the processes, the
conditions, the requirements and the results of the vast and
complicated business by which the wealth of the country is
created and maintained. Under simple conditions we all
understood each other. Every man of the community
understood in general about the life, the business and affairs
of the other men in the same community. But life is so com
plicated now, the affairs of this great country are so involved,
that there is very little real understanding by one community
of the affairs of another. How can the man who raises a crop
of wheat in Dakota really understand the complicated
machinery by which his wheat goes onto the breakfast table
in Europe, and the price comes back to him ? So, through a
feehng of envy of the greater wealth of the East and North,
of these industrial communities of which this city is a
conspicuous example, and through misunderstandings, there
has come about a feeling of adverse interest instead of the
feeling of common interest that is so essential to the pros
perity and perpetuity of a country. And that feeling has had
its result in a series of laws and in the method of admin
istering those laws. We have the Interstate Commerce
Commission foUowing every step taken by the great trans
portation companies. Understand, I am not now criticising
these laws. I am citing them as elements — stating them as

BUSINESS AND POLITICS 253
facts; but forming elements in a general condition to which
they lead. We have the Interstate Commerce Commission
keeping tab on the raUroads. We have the Central Reserve
Board of the Treasury Department and the office of the
Comptroller of Currency following every move of the banks.
We have the new Trade Commission which is empowered to '
go into your factories and mills and inquire into your per- '
sonal affairs for the purpose of seeing whether you conform
to that vague and indefinite standard which they are to apply
to trade. We have the Internal Revenue CoUector empow
ered to go into your personal affairs for the purpose of
seeing whether your returns for the graduated income tax
are full and complete. We have the Pure Food law, under
which a vast range of production is subjected to inspection
and regulation in the most minute detail. Everywhere, in
every direction, supervision of business is the characteristic
of the day.
And with the exercise of power over business under the
Constitution as it is, comes the desire for enlargement of
power, so we have proposals for amendments to the Con
stitution which wUl give to the national Government oppor
tunity to extend and increase its control over the conduct of
affairs in every state and in every locality. That finds its
outlet first in matters that have much popularity. The ,
proposal to amend the Constitution by putting in a prohi
bition amendment, is the first step toward national control
of sumptuary laws directing what shall and shaU not be done
in every community; amendments to the Constitution in
respect of the franchise, to direct who in every state shall or
shall not have the right to the elective franchise. In general,
the great industrial communities of the North and East are
more and more being subjected to government control and
regulation by the people of the parts of the country that
know little of the business of the country.

254 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
I say the scepter has passed. The control has changed,
and it is impossible to resist the conclusion that there lies
the reason for the stagnation, the hesitation, the timidity, the
unwUlingness of American enterprise today. You cannot say
it was the tariff alone. You cannot say it Is the restrictions
upon the trusts, the suits against the trusts or the great
corporations which are called the trusts, alone. You cannot
say it is the Clayton law or the Trade Commission law alone.
But the men who are controlling the government of our
country today are men who have been fighting the tariff so
many years; have been fighting the trusts, or what they
thought were the trusts — the great corporations — so long;
have been fighting the raUroad companies, the express com
panies and the telegraph companies so long; have been
fighting the banks and the bankers so long, that when they
come to administer the Government of the United States they
cannot rid themselves of an underlying hostUity to American
enterprise. Many of them are good and sensible men, and
patriotic American citizens — friends of mine and friends of
all of us. I have talked with them personally and they do not
believe It, but it is true. Underlying all their actions is an
uneradicated but not uneradlcable hostility to the men who
they think have profited unduly by the tariff, to the men
who they think have unduly profited by the trusts, to the
men who they think have profited unduly by the control of
the banking funds of the country, and to the men who they
think have made undue profits or dividends out of the raU
roads and the enterprises that surround the proper adminis
tration of a raUroad. And the reason why business does not
start is because way down in the heart of Americans there is
a doubt as to what is going to happen at the hands of a
hostile Government.
Now, what is going to be done about it ? It is not some
thing to be disposed of by conquest. It is not something

BUSUIESS AND POLITICS 255
which we ought to be satisfied with disposing of by mere
votes. Merely electing.a Republican President in 1916 ought
not to be enough. The country cannot live and prosper with
such misunderstanding. The people who are doing these
things are honest and good Americans, but they misunder
stand a great part of the country. They do not realize that
you do your business In the city of Philadelphia on the same
principles that they use when they drive a load of wheat to
the elevator or a load of potatoes to the nearest town —
upon no other principles, just as honestly and fairly. All the
glamor of occasional wealth and the magnitude of operations
have blinded them to the essential identity of the way In
which they do their business and the way in which you do
yours. 1 say that this ought not to be permitted to continue;
this misunderstanding ought to be cleared away. It is a
question, it Is a serious question, It Is a question again of
preserving the Union, for we cannot live with that kind
of misunderstanding between the people of one section and
the people of other sections.
Now the first thing which is plain is that the business men
of America, the honest, reliable, good, fair citizens who are
doing the great business of our country, should become vocal,
and take pains to see to it that they are no longer mlsrep--
resented or misunderstood. What does an honest and fair
man do when he finds that somebody whose good opinion he
respects, misunderstands him ? He does not try to shoot the
other fellow or Injure him; he tries to remove the misunder
standing, and that Is what we ought to do. The business men
of America should wake up — get out of the condition of
mind which they have been in for some time past, in which
they have taken all sorts of misrepresentations and aspersions
lying down. They should assert themselves; they should put
upon foot a campaign of education and instruction for a
clearing of the air, so that all over our broad land every

256 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
American may come to respect every other American in
whatever business he may be engaged; so that American
citizenship shall be forever for the American citizen a title of
respect and regard and brotherly affection. We ought to put
an end to the condition in which a number of the people in
our country feel no regret at the disasters of the people of
other parts of the country. It is not an easy task, for this is a
tremendous country. But if the men who elected McKinley
wUl rise to the same standard of courage and determin
ation that prevaUed in 1896 and 1900, the task can be
accomplished. We have had missionaries of reform, missionaries of new
theories, missionaries of every kind and character, except
missionaries of good understanding. The business men of
America should undertake their mission to make themselves
understood by the people of America.
There is one other thing I want to say, and that is that aU
this regulation, and inspection, and inquiry into the affairs of
the business man, present a danger that can be met In only
one way. There is a tendency for the railroads to be afraid of
the Interstate Commerce Commission, and for the banks to
be afraid of the Central Reserve Board and the Comptroller
of Currency, and for the express companies to be afraid of the
Postmaster-General, and for the industrial establishments to
be afraid of the new Trade Commission, and for the manu
facturers of everything that comes under the Pure Food law
to be afraid of the Department of Agriculture. It Is a critical
question for the people of the United States, whether that
fear is going to control. For If it does, the power will be
abused. There is only one way to meet that kind of power,
and that Is with courage.
WTiat happens today or tomorrow is of little consequence.
The tendencies of a nation are all that count. If we permit

BUSINESS AND POLITICS 257
by cowardice or timidity; by cringing before official power —
if we permit a great body of bureaucracy to establish itself
in control over the affairs of our daily lives, the most vital
possession of a free people will be destroyed; that is, the
independence of individual character.
I grieve to see business halting, to see men out of work, to
see honest people deprived of their income, to see the pains of
contracting expenditure In the household, to see the unem
ployed on the street; but all of that is nothing compared with
the danger that the people of the United States shall become
subservient to power; all that Is nothing compared with the
danger that we lose all Independence of individual character
which has been built up through aU the thousands of years
of growth of Anglo-Saxon freedom. If we maintain that,
nothing can prevail against us. If we lose it, we are slaves to
the first conqueror. The subject Is too high and too great for
politics. I would not venture to treat It as a political ques
tion, for It goes to the very basis of the future of our beloved
country. It seems now that it is the important mission of the
Repubhcan party to reassert the individual independence,
the individual rights, the individual Integrity of the people
of the United States. We are not justly subjects of suspicion.
We are not justly subjects of condemnation. We are citizens
of these great states, of these busy communities of industry.
We are h»nest, free, true Americans, and we must not and
we will not live in an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust.
We will not be governed by men who look upon us as unfit to
participate in government.
The mission of this Union League is not ended. Not only
is eternal vigUance the price of liberty; eternal struggle is the
price of liberty. You have again to strike with the weapons
of your intelligence and your courage upon the battlefields of

258 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
public discussion, of public education and instruction; to
strike and yet again to strike with all your power for the
perpetuity of the Union, for the continuance of freedom, for
the sure foundations of justice, for the memory of the great
man who gave you birth as an organization. In your
efforts you have my prayers, and always my grateful and
affectionate remembrance.

THE PRESERVATION OF AMERICAN
IDEALS
ADDRESS AT A DINNER OF THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB, CHICAGO
ILLINOIS, IN COMMEMORATION OF THE BIRTHDAY
OP WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 22, 1904
AFTER engaging your attention for more than an hour
this afternoon,! it seems to me that I ought this evening
to do nothing more than acknowledge the courtesy and the
kindness which I knew I should receive at your hands, and
which have exceeded my anticipations tenfold, and with but
few formal words to take my seat. I have not meant, and I
do not mean, to make a speech; but I cannot find it in my
mind to refrain from saying a few words to you as 1 would if
but a half-dozen of us were sitting around the club table, —
a few words about the things that account for the existence
of this club, that account for my being here; a few words
about the real significance, the underlying meaning of our
presence here together tonight. Why are we joined in a com
mon purpose ? What are you to each other aside from your
business associations ? WTiat are you to me and I to you,
apart from a few personal and dear friends whom I have
here ? Of course. It is because we are Americans; we are
patriotic citizens; we love our country. But what does that
mean ? Is it real ? Is it something reaUy a moving power in
our lives, or Is it perfunctory — something on the surface ?
I think it is worth whUe for us occasionally to put that ques
tion to ourselves; worth while for us now and then to bring
home to ourselves the real meaning of the meetings we attend,
' See address on " The Ethics of the Panama Question," pp. 175-206 in Addresses
on Iniemaiional Subjects, Harvard University Press, 1916.

260 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
of the things we say and the sentiments we applaud; the
real meaning of the patriotic expressions that have come
with such eloquence from the learned judge ^ who has stepped
down from the bench to speak to us tonight; and to consider
how far we, each one of us, are carrying into our daily hves
the obligation that is correlative to these expressions and to
these sentiments.
It has been my fortune for the last few years to study very
closely the methods and the fortunes of many republics, of
many peoples who have been living under laws framed with
the same apparent and ostensible purpose as our own laws;
some people living under constitutions framed upon the
model of our own; and to see misrule, lack of confidence,
stagnation of all material enterprise, and lack of progress in
spiritual things as well as material things; to study the rea
sons why those peoples fail to realize the blessings that we
have enjoyed. The prosperity that we have does not come of
itself. The enormous increase of wealth which has made
possible the great things done by our country In our lifetime,
has not come of Itself. These things have come because we
have had a people who were willing to submit themselves to
the control of law; a people who, whatever were their
individual Interests at the time, whatever were the motives
that actuated them at the time, whatever they were Inter
ested in at the time, have under It all held up consciously or
unconsciously the rule of law, the dominion of justice, the
Interests of human liberty, the open pathway of individual
opportunity as superior to ali things else. It has been because
the great body of American people have held close to the
principles established and illustrated and enforced by the
man whom we celebrate today, that we are great and pros
perous and powerful In the world. And It has been because
a great multitude of men in America have Individually and
1 Emory Speir, of Georgia.

PRESERVATION OF AMERICAN IDEALS 261
personaUy promoted those principles, and stIU hold dearer
than our own individual money-making and property-
accumulating, and pleasure-loving Instincts, the principles of
hberty and justice, that we are the great people that we are.
I said these things do not come of themselves, and they do
not continue of themselves. Our prosperity depends upon
our continuing the principles that underlie it. Each one of
us (though he may not attain to fame and distinction and
power) is contributing his share towards the prosperity of
today. And more than that, each one of us Is responsible for
the continuance of this government of law and hberty which
we hope to hand down to our chUdren and our children's
chUdren; and it is because of the conscious or unconscious
comradeship and fellowship In the promotion of the rule of
justice and liberty and law, of freedom upon earth, that we
are here good friends together tonight. I am just old enough
to remember as a boy in the days before the CivU War how
the speeches of our Fourth of July orators rang false, and the
talk about the flag and the spreading of the eagle was
laughed at and derided until the day came when the flag, the
emblem of American sovereignty, acquired a new meaning,
and to the faces that laughed came serious and deep deter
mination to maintain the government that meant so much.
The days may come again when those emblems of sovereignty
wUl mean httle. Be it our task to see that those days are far
distant; not by services which gain public applause, — that
means little, it is of no worth when the end comes; but by
each man's doing his part to perpetuate Institutions that give
us what we have and make us what we are. And in this great
country which received between the census of 1850 and the
census of 1900 over 17,000,000 of emigrants from the other
side of the Atlantic, over 17,000,000 of men who knew little
or nothing of the meaning of American freedom and Ameri
can law; in this great country, so many millions of whose

262 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
inhabitants are far removed from the centers of thought and
influence, the active, earnest effort of every true American
who loves his country, who wishes for his children and his
children's chUdren the liberty and justice and opportunity he
has enjoyed, is due from the beginning to the end of his life.
Within the last few days the world has been startled to
admiration by the wonderful dash of the Japanese torpedo
fleet. Two lessons we may learn from that. One is that con
fidence In mere bigness, confidence In the power of numbers
and extent of territory, confidence in enormous wealth and
old traditions, is Ul placed when in the swiftly changing affairs
of man a strong and vigorous assailant attacks the citadel
which seemed secure. And the other Is that the supreme
possession of a country is the devotion of its sons. The
reason why the little Japanese torpedo boats were able to
destroy the power of great Russia on the sea, was that the
Japanese hold the love of country, the ideal of the State, to
a degree that has never been equaUed since the days when
Rome conquered the world. I remember well when all the
world was watching the fate of the beleaguered legations in
Peking, when the rescue from the crowding miUions of China
who had gathered about them seemed hopeless, a little band
Inadequate In numbers, pressing toward the capital of China,
met the strong defenses of Tien-tsin; and when the little
force of English and Japanese and Americans assaUed that
city, a little Japanese swam the moat and placed a mine
against the gate and cheerfully blew It up — blew up the
gate and blew himself into that heaven where the Japanese
go. He went to his death, not with desperation, not merely
with stern determination and wUlingness to sacrifice his
life for his country, but he went gladly and joyously, happy
if by his poor, single life he could advance the fortunes of his
beloved Japan. That is the kind of patriotism that makes
nations great, and it was that spirit that in a day destroyed

PRESERVATION OF AMERICAN IDEALS 263
the sea power of proud Russia. In all our material wealth, in
all the selfishness and luxury of these modern days, be it our
work to promote among the people of America that spirit of
patriotism, the love of country which holds gold as nothing
for the country's sake.
Some one did me the honor not long ago to speak of me as
an optimist. I hope I am. I deem pessimism little short of
treason. An optimist ? Yes. Because I believe in my coun
try. It is not the incidents of hfe that are significant. In all
the history of this imperfect and erring world there wUl be
unfortunate, sad, and deplorable incidents. Men wiU go
wrong. Love of gain, ambition, will turn aside public ser
vants from their duty. It is not the incidents of life, it is the
tendencies of life that we are to regard. How sets the cur
rent ? Are we moving toward the goal of high ideals ? Are
we sinking back from them ? That is the important ques
tion. The play of the waves teUs httle. The breaking of
successive roUing breakers upon the shore teUs us nothing
of whether the tide is rising or falling. No matter which way
the wave is rolling. Does the tide, the great tide of public
morality, the great tide of public conscience, set toward our
high ideals ? And, marking the course of human affairs on
this side of the Atlantic, not comparing what we are and what
we do with some ideal standard of perfection, but comparing
them with what we were and what we have done in the past,
we are to gather the answer to the supreme question — com
paring weak and imperfect men of today with weak and
imperfect men of the century past.
If you wUl study our history and the hves of our great men,
if you wUl read the records of the first Congress and the first
Administration, you wUl find that there has been steady and
uninterrupted progress along the upward pathway of Ameri
can ideals. You wUl find that the newspapers of today, even
the yellow journals, bad as they are, are not so bad as those

264 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
that maligned Washington. You wUl find that the evfls in
public life, which are the objects of criticism and of abhor
rence by the good people of America today, are the things
which were passed without comment a half -century ago; and
the things which were the objects of criticism and abhor
rence a half -century ago were the things which passed without
comment a half -century before that. The very things which
we criticise, the very denunciations of public life today, are
evidences of an awakened conscience and advanced morality,
because we are criticising the things that but a few years
since were not considered reprehensible, or, if they were, did
not rise to the dignity of public attention.
I believe that there never has been a time when the public
morality of America was purer or better than it is today;
that there never has been a time when the conscience of
America has been more sensitive in the rules which it has
applied to the conduct of public men; that there never
has been a time when public servants responded to a higher
standard of obligation in their representation of the people
both in executive and in legislative life than today. The
tendency is rising; the tide sets in the right direction. And
how great is the prospect. How noble and elevating are the
possibUities of the future. Going through our period of
isolation, passing beyond the time of seffishness where we
were making our government for ourselves and thinking only
of our own interests, there is opening before us the vista of
missionary life. I have always thought that there was in the
first French Republic an element of nobUity never before
equalled in human history. Misguided as they often were,
untrained as they were in the application of the good and
noble principles which they professed, stiU the men of the
first French Repubhc beheved in the principles of hberty,
equality, and fraternity, and they were fiUed with a noble
enthusiasm to carry those principles throughout the earth,

PRESERVATION OF AMERICAN IDEALS 265
as the old missionaries carried the cross through heathen
lands. If we believe what we say; if we beheve that the free
institutions under which we live are adapted to lift up the
masses of mankind out of the hard and degraded conditions
under which they have lived In aU human history; if we
believe that the liberty and justice that prevaU under this
flag of ours are competent to bless mankind and bring in a
day of loftier and happier life for aU the world, there opens
before us now the opportunity to testify to our behef .
One step we have made in teaching Cuba how to govern
herself and starting her under her single star, that represents
the aspirations and the struggles of so many a year of sacri
fice and of danger. Another step we are making now In
trying to train the people of the PhUIppIne Islands In the
first lessons of ordered liberty and to teach them how to
govern themselves with justice and respect for law. Another
lies before us: To show in the Isthmus, to the people of
Central and South America, the true conception of hberty.
Not the hberty under which each man is to grasp all he can
of government and government revenues. Not the liberty of
constant rebellion and revolution, but the liberty of order
and law, the liberty of individual opportunity and regulated
power. I believe that the events which wUl culminate to
morrow in the ratfficatlon of the treaty giving us the right to
construct the canal across the Isthmus wUl result In setting
up for the people of South America a standard of good
government, a respect for law, for the practical application
of the principles of liberty and justice, of which they have
had no knowledge before; and that the American people wUl
carry to the people of all those southern coimtries blessings
which wUl come back to us a thousand fold in our own
happiness and our own prosperity.
And for all this, it is not the success of today's speculation,
it is not the buUding of more palaces and more great public

266 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
buUdings, it is not the accumulation of power, it is not honor
and glory among foreign nations; it is the preservation
among the people of the United States of the ideals that have
made us what we are. AU that has made our prosperity is the
confidence, the security, the safety, of American institutions.
All that wUl make the prosperity of our chUdren, all that will
make possible the continued progress of this greatest instru
mentality since the dawn of history for human good, is the
preservation of the ideals of individual hberty and equal
justice. No man can faU to do his part toward preserving
these among his feUow-men in America and not be false to his
chUdren, false to his own higher Interests, false to his country.
And sharing in the hope of promoting these American ideals,
I am here your friend, and your friend so long as life lasts.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE
ADDRESS AT THE NINETY-NINTH ANNUAL BANQUET OF THE
NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY OF NEW YORK
DECEMBER 22, 1904
Those who desire the complete exposition of Mr. Root's views on the Monroe
Doctrine should read also his eighth presidential address before the American Society
of International Law, April 22, 1914 (Addresses on Iniemaiional Subjects, pp.
105-123. Harvard University Press, 1916.)
JUDGE HOWTrAND has well said that our forefathers are
not to be judged by the standards of today. It is equally
true that their descendants are not to be judged by the stand
ards of their day. Our opportunities, the scope and power of
our American life today, afford no recourse or refuge from
responsibility in imitation of the practices to which they
were obliged to resort for the preservation of life and the
state, when, surrounded by hostile foes, contending against
harsh conditions, they led their life of severe and relentless
strife. Our opportunities are world-wide; they are the oppor
tunities of peace and justice, of civilization and brotherhood
for all mankind; and the principles which, under their nar
row and harsh conditions, made the Puritans great, can
make us great, not by doing as they did, but by living in thg^
spirit in which they wrought; not by achieving the results
which they achieved. In the way In which they achieved
them, but by domg the work that lies at our hands in the
way pointed out by the conditions which surround us. We
have had withm a few days In this city a great meeting of the
advocates of peace, a meeting designed to promote the prm-
ciples of arbitration among nations, and with the purpose of
that meeting, with the things that were said and the results
267

268 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
which It sought to accomplish, I heartily agree, and I believe
all of you agree. But after all, the true way to accomphsh
peace among men is to promote justice among men, and good
understanding, for all wars come from misunderstandings or
injustice, a failure of some one to do his duty to his fellow-
men; and if the nations of the earth wUl seek to realize their
obligations to each other, to do their duty, with consideration,
with regard for the rights of others, the reign of peace will
be here. The obligation that rests upon us Is the obligation
to understand not only our own rights but our own duties.
In a repubhc the great issues of peace and war aroleter-
mlned not by presidents and congresses, not by officers in
any station, but by the people themselves; and the first
necessary element of enduring peace is an adequate and clear
understanding, by the people who make war or preserve
peace, of their rights and of those obligations which are
always correlative to rights.
The peaceful, patient, and long-suffering President Mc
Kinley sought with aU his earnestness and his wonderful
skill to avoid war with Spain. But the gathering indignation
of the people compelled war. Ten years ago we were brought
to the verge of a war with Great Britain by a position taken
on the part of the United States, which, with almost any
other power In Christendom, would have produced Immediate
war, and the people were ready for it, although we were
wholly unprepared. But a few weeks ago the English people
were eager for a war over the Doggers Bank incident, the
firing on the fishing boats by the Russian fleet; and the
terrible results of a conflict between Great Britain and
Russia were averted only by the skUlful statesmanship of
Mr. Balfour and Lord Lansdowne. The most essential thing
for peace among men is that the people who make peace or
make war shall understand, shall have reflected upon, the
questions which give rise to peace or war.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 269
The only relation which carries the possibilities of war for
this country is that created by the adherence of the American
people to the doctrine which is called the Monroe Doctrine.
Twenty years ago next year Mr. Samuel J. TUden, that wise
and astute statesman, wrote a letter, since famous, which
was the basis of our entire system of coast defense, upon
which we have aheady expended over sixty millions of dol
lars, and are expending another sixty millions. And the
fundamental proposition upon which he based the necessity
of that expenditure was the danger of war arising from the
assertion of the Monroe Doctrine. The imminent danger of
war over the Venezuela matter ten years ago arose upon
the assertion of the Monroe Doctrine. As the nations of the
earth grow greater, as by the very reign of peace, by the
termination of internal discord, by the doing away with
famine and with pestUence, by the advance of hygiene and
medical science, by the advance of means of communication,
the advance of charity, of good administration, the Malthu-
sian checks to population disappear, the surplus energies of
the nations are sending their population out to the whole
unpeopled surface of the earth. Each nation is jostling
against the other, and every nation Is preparing to maintain
and defend its rights against all who infringe upon them in
the closer contact and conflict of modern life.
The Monroe Doctrine is an assertion on the part of
America: I. That no part of the American continent is justly
subject to colonization by any European power.
2. That the interposition of any foreign power for the
purpose of oppressing or controlling In any other manner
the destiny of any American people wUl be regarded as an
unfriendly act to the United States.
3. That any attempt by a European nation to extend its
system to the American continent wiU be regarded as danger-

270 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
OUS to the peace and safety of the United States. And to that
was added, in 1845, by President Polk, the further item that
no future European colony or dominion should with our
consent be planted or established upon our continent. And
that last extension applies to any voluntary transfer of the
territory of an American country to any European power.
The questions which are liable to arise under that assertion
of American right will not come by a frontal attack; by any
broad and unqualified denial of our right to maintain that
doctrine as a rule of national safety. In the long process of
years I think we can safely say that there has been gradually
accumulated such a weight of assent upon the part of foreign
nations to our rights to assert and maintain this doctrine that
it is no longer open to question.
But the way in which cause of war may arise will be, if at
all, by the conflict of rights — the existence of rights on the
part of foreign powers against American republics, and the
result of the enforcement of those rights of foreign powers
against the American republics coming in conflict with this
doctrine which we assert for our own safety and preservation.
AU sovereignty in this world is held upon the condition of
performing the duties of sovereignty. In the parhament of
man the rights of the weakest state are recognized; the right
of the sovereign ruler or the sovereign people to be protected
against aggression is recognized and protected by the com
mon influence of mankind. But that right is held upon
condition that the sovereign ruler or the sovereign people
performs the duties of sovereignty; that the citizens of other
powers are protected within the territory; that the rules of
international law are observed; that national obhgations are
faithfuUy kept. And whUe we assert that we are entitled to
say that no foreign power shall undertake to control an Amer
ican republic, that no foreign power shall take possession with
or without the wiU of an American people of their territory.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 271
that assertion Is justffied only upon the same condition. We (
do not undertake to say that the repubhcs of Central and
South America are to be relieved from their international
obhgations. We do not undertake to say that the Powers of
Europe shaU not enforce their rights against these members
of the sisterhood of nations. It is only when the enforcement
of those rights comes to the point of taking possession of the
territory of any American people that we say that is incon
sistent with the peace and safety of the United States; ani
we cannot say it with justice unless we also say that the
American repubhcs are themselves to be just.
It is always possible that redress of injury, that punish
ment for wrong, may lead to the occupation of territory.
Egypt today is held practically under the sway of England,
because Egypt was unable to pay her debts. Greece today Is
under the control of a government set up by the Powers,
taken away from the control of her old sovereign, Turkey,
because Turkey was unable or unwUhng to compel Greece
to perform her international duties. And if we are to main
tain this doctrine, which is vital to our national hfe and
safety, at the same time when we say to the other Powers
of the world, " You shaU not push your remedies for wrong i
against these republics to the point of occupying their ter- /
ritory ", we are bound to say that whenever the wrong can- 1
not be otherwise redressed we ourselves wUl see that it is
redressed. That is the doctrine of the quotation from the President's
letter which you find upon our program this evening under
neath the toast to which I speak. That statement of the
American position made by the American President was not
an advance, an aggression, a statement of a purpose beyond
the purposes declared before by American statesmen. It
was a definition and limitation of American purposes with
reference to what had already been said by American states-

272 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
men. The most extreme declaration of the Monroe Doctrine
which I know of was made by Mr. Olney In his letter at the
time of the Venezuela boundary question in 1895, when he
said : " Today the United States is practicaUy sovereign on
this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subject to which
it confines its interposition." The tremendous scope and
meaning of those words for the weak little republics of
Central and South America cannot be exaggerated. " The
United States is sovereign today upon this continent, and its
fiat is law! "
The declaration of the President of the United States in
the letter to the Cuban dinner which is quoted upon this
program, and in his last message, is a disclaimer of all that
we ought not to arrogate to ourselves in that broad and
somewhat rhetorical statement of Mr. Olney. It is a declara
tion that we arrogate to ourselves, not sovereignty over the
American continent, but only the right to protect; that what
we will not permit the great Power of Europe to do on this
continent we wIU not permit any American repubhc to make
it necessary for the great Powers of Europe to do. The
obligation of civilization to see that right and justice are done
by these republics which we protect with our strong arm,
against oppression by other powers of the world is an obliga
tion that always must go with the right that we assert. And
when in days to come vital questions which may make for
peace or for war arise let us be sure that the American people
who wiU determine on peace or war understand, have con
sidered, have discussed, not merely the right, but the duty
that goes with the right. Above aU things let us be just.
Let us do equity when we come into the great court of civili
zation. Let us see that we ourselves and those whom we
protect for our safety are just, and our cause wUl be just.
Then if injustice be done to them or to us we wUl remember
those noble words of President Cleveland, when, in writing

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 273
upon the same Venezuelan question, he said: " There is no
calamity which a great nation can invite which equals that
which follows a supine submission to wrong and injustice and
the consequent loss of national respect and honor, beneath
which are shielded and defended a people's safety and great
ness." Then in the spirit of our Pilgrim fathers, the corner
stone of whose religion was justice, we will maintain our
right and the right of all who depend upon us for protection;
maintain it in the name of justice and hberty; maintain it
with a strong arm, if need be, and maintain it ever.

THE CAUSES OF WAR
ADDRESS AT A DINNER OF THE NEW YORK PEACE SOCIETY IN
RECOGNITION OF THE SERVICES OF THE SECRETARY
OF STATE TO INTERNATIONAL PEACE
FEBRUARY 26, 1909
IT seems to me that the Peace Society has gathered here all
the evidences, all the proofs, has made the demonstration,
of what it is worth to preserve peace; the faces of the dear
old friends of a life-time, the children of many a friend who
has passed away during my absence from New York, all this
that I see about me, is what makes it worth while that peace
shall be preserved — the charm and grace of life, the joy of
living, the virtues, the beauty, the nobUity, preserved,
defended, and continued by this modern civilization which
substitutes peace for war. We have passed In the develop
ment of modem society far from those old days when men
fought for the mere joy of fighting. Except here and there
an individual and here and there a half-savage community,
no one now makes war for the love of war.
So long as seffishness and greed and the willingness and the
brutahty to do injustice continue in this world, we must
have the policeman; and the international policeman whose
presence makes the use of his club unnecessary, is the army
and the navy.
But the work of peace-loving men and women, the work of
all those who love home, who desire that mankind shall be
enlarged in intelligence and in moral vision, of aU those who
desire to see science and art and the graces of life and sweet
charity and the love of mankind for one another continue
and grow among men, their work is to aid, not by great

276 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
demonstration, but by that quiet, that resistless influence,
which among great bodies of men makes up the tendency of
mankind, and in the long process of the years moves men
from savagery and brutality to peace and brotherhood. It
rests with the army and the navy to make aggression and
injustice unprofitable and unattractive. It rests with you
and with me to exercise the powers that God has already
placed in our hands. It rests with every man in the exercise
of his duties, pohtical and social, to move the conceptions of
an honorable life away from the old ideas of savagery towards
the new ideas of civilization, of humanity, that in their prog
ress graduaUy approach the supreme idea of Christianity.
Peace can never be except as It is founded upon justice.
And it rests with us in our own country to see to it that the
idea of justice prevails, and prevails against the declamation
of the demagogue, against the interested exhortation of the
politician, against the hot temper of the thoughtless and of
the Inconsiderate. If we would have peace, it is not enough
to cry " Peace! Peace! " It is essential that we should pro
mote and insist upon the willingness of our country to do
justice to all countries of the earth. In the exercise of those
duties in which the ambassadors of Great Britain, of Brazil,
and of Japan have played so great a part with us in the last
few years in Washington, the great obstacles to the doing of
things which make for peace have been not the wish of the
diplomatist, not the policy of the Government, but the Incon
siderate and thoughtless unwillingness of the great body
of the people of the respective countries to stand behind the
man who was wilhng for the sake of peace and justice, to
make fair concessions.
There is a peculiar situation created when a diplomatic
question arises between two countries. It is the duty of the
diplomatic representative to argue each the cause of his own
country; he cannot turn his back upon an opponent in that

THE CAUSES OF WAR 277
friendly contest and state to his countrymen the weakness of
his own position and the strength of the other side's position,
and It is one of the great difficulties of peace-making and
peace-keepmg that the orators, the politicians, the stump
speakers, aye, often the clergymen of each country, press
and insist upon the extreme view of their own country, and
impress upon the minds of the great masses of people who
have not studied the question, the idea that aU right is upon
one side and all wrong upon the other side.
If you would help to make and keep peace, stand behind
the men who are in the responsible positions of government,
ready to recognize the fact that there is some right on the
other side.
War comes today as the result of one of three causes;
either actual or threatened wrong by one country to another;
or suspicion by one country that another intends to do it
wrong, and upon that suspicion, instinct leads the country
that suspects the attack, to attack first; or, from bitterness
of feeling, dependent in no degree whatever upon substantial
questions of difference; and that bitterness of feehng leads to
suspicion, and suspicion in the minds of those who suspect
and who entertain the bitter feehng, is justffication for war.
It is their justffication to themselves. The least of these three
causes of war is actual injustice. There are today acts of
injustice being perpetrated by one country upon another,
there are several situations in the world today, where gross
injustice is being done. I will not mention them, because it
would do more harm than it would good, but they are few in
number. By far the greatest cause of war is that suspicion of
injustice, threatened and intended, which comes from exas
perated feeling. Now feeling, the feeling which makes one
nation willing to go to war with another, makes real causes of
difference of no consequence. If the people of two countries
want to fight, they wiU find an excuse — a pretext — find

278 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
what seems to them sufficient cause, in anything. Questions
which can be disposed of without the slightest difficulty be
tween countries really friendly, are insoluble between coun
tries really unfriendly. And the feeling between the peoples
of different countries is the product of the acts and the words
of the peoples of the countries themselves, not of their
governments. Insult, contemptuous treatment, bad man
ners, arrogant and provincial assertion of superiority are the
chief causes of war today.
And In this country of ours, we are not free from being
guilty of all those great causes of war. The gentlemen who
introduced into the legislatures of California, Montana, and
Nevada, the legislation regarding the treatment of the
Japanese in those states, doubtless had no conception of
the fact that they were offering to that great nation of gentle
men, of soldiers, of scholars and scientists, of statesmen, a
nation worthy of challenging and receiving the respect, the
honor and the homage of mankind, an Insult that would
bring on private war in any private relation in our own
country. Thank Heaven, the wiser heads and the sounder
hearts, instructed and enlightened upon the true nature of
the proceedings, prevailed, and overcame the inconsiderate
and thoughtless.
There are no two men in this room tonight who cannot
bring on private war between themselves by an insult with
out any cause or reason, and it is so with the nations, for
national pride, national sensitiveness, sense of national honor,
are more keenly alive to insult than can be the case with any
individual. But a few days ago, a member of the House of
Representatives, charged upon the chief magistrate of the
little republic of Panama, a fraudulent conspiracy with
regard to a contract under negotiation by the government of
that country regarding the forests of Panama. All Panama
was instantly alive with just indignation. This insult was

THE CAUSES OF WAR 279
felt all the more keenly because we, with our ninety millions
and our great navy and army, presented an overwhelming
and irresistible force toward a little republic whose sover
eignty we are bound, trebly bound, in honor to maintain and
respect. These are the things that make for war and if you would
make for peace, you will frown upon them, condemn them,
ostracize and punish by aU social penalties, the men who are
guUty of them, untU it is understood and felt that an insult to
a friendly foreign power is a disgrace to the insulter, upon a
level with the crimes that we denounce and for which the law
uffiicts disgraceful punishment.
Two-thirds of the suspicion, the dislike, the distrust with
which our country was regarded by the people of South
America, was the result of the arrogant and contemptuous
bearing of Americans, of people of the United States, towards
those gentle, polite, sensitive, imaginative, delightful people.
Allusion has been made to my visit there, to the generous,
magnanimous hospitality that they have inherited from their
ancestors of Spain and Portugal, and that opened wide the
gateways of their land and their hearts to a message of cour
tesy and kindly consideration. No questions existed before
to be settled, no serious questions have been settled, but the
difference between the feeling, the attitude, of the people of
Latin America and our republic today from what it was
four years ago, is the result of the conspicuous substitution of
the treatment that one gentleman owes to another, for the
treatment that one blackguard pays to another.
Now this is a subject for you to deal with. The govern
ment cannot reach it. Laws cannot control it; public
opinion, public sentiment must deal with it, and when public
opinion has risen to such height all over the world, that the
peoples of every country treat the peoples of every other
country with the human kindness that binds home com-

280 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
munities together, you wiU see an end of war — and not
untU then.
But it becomes less and less necessary to preach peace.
We have not reached ideal perfection yet, far from it; but the
way to judge of conditions in this world is not by comparing
them with the standard of ideal perfection; it is by compar
ing the conditions today with the conditions of the past and
noting, not what we can do today. If we note that alone, we
must be discouraged; if we note that alone, we must be con
vinced of the desperate selfishness, the injustice, the cruelty
of mankind. But if we compare the conditions of today with
the conditions of yesterday and the last decade and the last
generation, and the last century and centuries before, no one
can fail to see that in all those qualities of the human heart
which make the difference between cruel and brutal war, and
kindly peace, the civUized world is steadUy and surely
advancing day by day. No one can fail to see that the con
tinuous and unswerving tendency of human development is
towards peace and the love of mankind.

THE EFFECT OF DEMOCRACY ON
INTERNATIONAL LAW
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS AT THE ELEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF INTERNATIONAL LAW
WASHINGTON, D. C, APRIL 26, 1917
IN trying to estimate the future possibilities of international
law, and to form any useful opinion as to the methods by
which the law can be made more binding upon international
conduct, serious difficulties are presented In the unknown
quantities introduced by the great war, which is steadUy
drawing into its circle the entire civUized world. Hitherto,
we have been unable to form any real judgment as to which
of the two warring groups of nations wUl succeed In the end.
Our expectations and beliefs upon that question have been
the products of our sympathies and our hopes, and of an
optimism for which it is now happUy more easy to find just
grounds than ever before.
Nor have we been able to measure the effects of the war
upon national character, and the probable results In national
modes of thought and conduct. A just estimate of such
forces is not easy. The modern era of nationalities has been
marked by three great convulsions which turned the minds of
all civilized men towards peace, and led them to seek means
to make peace secure.
The Thirty Years' War produced the Peace of Westphalia
and the system of independent nationalities in Europe, and it
produced Grotius and the science of international law; and
practically every power in Europe except the Ottoman Em
pire was a party to the agreement to maintain the system
281

282 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
thus estabHshed. Yet, the century which followed exhibited
the most cynical and universal disregard for the law, and
for the treaty, and for all treaties.
The Napoleonic wars produced the Treaty of Vienna and
the Holy Alliance. That sincere but misguided effort sought
to fix the hmits and regulate the conduct of the nations of
Europe in accordance with the principles which the treaty-
making powers then believed to be in keeping with right and
justice, and to be effective for the permanent peaceful organ
ization of the community of nations, and it sought to main
tain the status quo by the establishment of a league to
enforce peace in accordance with their conception. Yet,
the arrangements were conceived by minds Imbued with the
spirit of the past, and became of no effect when tested
by the changes wrought by the spirit of the future. The old
bottles were filled with new wine and could not contain it;
so the scheme came to naught.
Both of these efforts to secure permanent peace under the
rule of law failed because the unappreciated forces working
for change and growth became stronger than the gradually
decreasing restraint of agreements to maintain a fixed and
immutable relation of territory and opportunities among the
nations. It is reasonable to infer that a simUar result must
foUow any attempt to base a system of international law
upon definite and rigid limitations devised to meet the
expediency of the moment. The law of life is growth, and no
generation can prevent the growth of future generations by
fixing in accordance with its ideas the specific conditions
under which they are to live. As we look back, we see a mul
titude of ancient wrongs protected by the law of nations,
naturally enough, because the law has been made by powers
in possession. We have a vague impression that interna
tional wrongs are cured by time. That is not always so.
There is no international statute of limitations. Time alone

DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 283
cures no wrong. The people to whom wrong is done may be
destroyed, as the Turks are destroying the Armenians; or the
wronged people may be reconciled to the new conditions like
the Saxons in England; but, for example, the unforgiven
wrong of the Turk in Europe, and the unforgiven wrong of
the partition of Poland, are always forces working against the
law that protects them. The maintenance or the redress of
such wrongs is merely a question of relative power. The rise
in power of Christian Europe, and the decadence of the
Ottoman Empire, make inevitable the complete refluence oi
the tide which once reached the waUs of Vienna, and even tc
the valley of the Loire. No human laws or conventions could
bind the forces which work through centuries to achieve such
results. The futility of efforts to control such movements of
mankind by the short-sighted policies of the passing day can
not be better illustrated than by the misplaced energy and
sacrffice of the Crimean War and the fatuous ingenuity of the
Congress of Berlin which sought to bolster up and preserve
the sovereignty of the Turk.
As we consider how it may be possible to reestablish the
law of nations upon a durable basis, we must realize that past
experience indicates that no system of law which depends
upon the physical partition of the earth dictated by the
expediency of the time, no law which must be broken In order
that living wrongs shaU be redressed, or in order that the
new ideas of the future may find room for growth, can be
permanent. We should therefore inquire whether the political and
social conditions to which we may reasonably look forward
after the war, the forces that are to move mankind, the trend
of development, wiU be such as to enable us in our day to
escape the errors of our predecessors, and to establish upon
some basis of principle a system of international law which
can be maintained and enforced.

284 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
The greatest change in the conditions of national life
during the past century has been in the advance and spread
of democratic government, and the correlative decrease in the
extent and power of autocratic and dynastic governments.
It Is impossible to regard the advance of democracy as being
merely local or temporary. It has been the result of long-
continued and persistent progress varying in different coun
tries according to the character of the people, and the nature
of the obstacles to be overcome, but, in its nature, essentially
the same in all countries.
England in her steady-going undemonstrative way has
moved along from government by a king claiming divine
right to a Commons representing popular right through the
revolution of 1688, which established the nation's right to
choose its king, through that civil war over the rights of
British subjects known as the American Revolution, through
chartism and Catholic emancipation, the Reform Bill of
1832, the franchise extension of 1867, the abandonment of
the king's veto power, and the establishment of the Com
mons' right to pass biUs over the rejection of the House of
Lords. France in her own different way with much action and
reaction travelled towards the same goal through the States
General and the Constituent Assembly, through the Reign of
Terror, and her amazing defense of the First Republic against
all Europe, through the heroic surgery of Napoleon's career,
the Bourbon restoration, the assertion of her right to choose
her own king in 1830, and the assertion of her right to dis
pense with a king in 1848, the plebiscite and the Second
Empire, the Commune and the Third Republic, which has
grown in stabihty and capacity for popular government until
the steadiness and self-control and noble devotion of the
French people under suffering and sacrffice have come to be
one of the amazing revelations of these terrible years.

DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 285
Italy strugghng out of the control of a multitude of petty
tyrants sustained by foreign influence, established her newly-
won unity and independence upon the basis of representative
parliamentary government.
Spam has regained and strengthened the constitution of
which Ferdinand VH and the Holy Alhance deprived her.
Throughout the greater part of the world constitutions
have become the order of the day. Switzerland, Belgium,
Holland, Portugal, all Scandinavia, all Latin America, have
established their governments upon constitutional bases.
Japan, emerging from her military feudalism, makes her
entry into the community of civilized nations under a con
stitutional government. China, throwing off the domination
of the Manchu, is striving to accustom her long-suffering and
submissive mUhons to the idea of constitutional right.
The great self-governing British Dominions bound to the
mother-country only by ties of tradition and sentiment have
shown that free democracies can respond to moral forces with
a splendid power of loyalty that no coercion could Inspire.
And now, Russia, extirpating the government which has
been for modern times the typical Ulustration of autocracy,
is engaged in establishing the new self-control of that vast
empire upon the basis of universal suffrage and repubhcan
institutions. The political conception of control from above by mon
archs exercising divine right is not merely disputed by philo
sophers and reformers; it has faded and grown dim in the
minds of the mUlions of men in the civilized nations, and in
its place has spread throughout the world the political con
ception of constitutional government exercising control by
authority of the peoples who are governed.
The persistence and extent of this change in the political
and social conditions of national life forbid the idea that it is
the chUd of individual minds or local provocations or tem-

286 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
porary causes, and distinguish it as one of those great and
fundamental movements of the human mind which no power
can control, and which run their course inevitably to the end
in an unknown future. The existence and assured continu
ance of this process of development of democracy is the great
fact forecasting the future conditions under which the effort
to reinstate the law of nations is to be made.
What is to be the effect of this change In conditions upon
the possibUity of making international law relatively per
manent ? In considering this question, some facts can be
clearly perceived.
The substitution of a democratic for an autocratic regime
removes the chief force which in the past has led nations to
break over and destroy the limitations of law; that is, the
prosecution of dynastic policies. Such policies in general
have In view the increase of territory, of dominion, of power,
for the ruler and the mUitary class or aristocracy which sur
rounds the ruler and supports his throne. The benefit of the
people who are ruled is only incidentaUy — if at aU —
involved. If we turn back to the causes which destroyed the
peace of the world under the dispositions made by the Treaty
of Westphalia, the mind naturally rests on the War of the
Spanish Succession which drenched Europe in blood through
the first decade of the eighteenth century, and ended in the
Treaty of Utrecht only when Louis XIV was reduced to
exhaustion. What was that about ? Nothing more or less
than the question what royal house should have its power
increased by a marriage that would ultimately enable it to
control the territory and wield the power of Spain for its own
aggrandizement. The interests of the people of Spain or the
people of France or of any other country furnished no part of
the motive power. What caused the War of the Austrian
Succession a generation later, when Frederick (called " The
Great ") marched his army into Silesia to wrest that province

DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 287
from the feeble hands of young Maria Theresa in flagrant
violation of his solemn promise to protect her title under the
covenants of the pragmatic sanction, and when the nations of
Europe gathered like buzzards about one dying, eager to
share in the dismemberment of the possessions of the House
of Austria ? It was the desire of royal princes to Increase
their power and glory regardless of law and justice, and the
welfare of peoples, and, incidentally, a desire by some states
to prevent that increase, lest the same rule of spoliation
might more readUy be applied to them.
Underlying the whole age-long struggle to maintain the
balance of power in Europe has been the assumption that
increased power would be used for aggression and to secure
further Increase of power by the conquest of territory and the
subjection of its inhabitants; and the common experience of
mankind under the autocratic system of government by
divine right has justffied the assumption. It was a perfect
imderstandlng of this characteristic of autocratic govern
ment that inspired the words of President Monroe's famous
declaration: " We should consider any attempt on their
part (the European powers) to extend their system to any
portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and
safety." Against the deep and settled purpose of a ruling family or a
mling aristocratic class to enlarge its power, continuing from
generation to generation, usually concealed untU the favor
able moment for action comes, always justffied or excused
by specious pretexts, the advocates of peace, or justice, or
humanity, or law, are helpless. All other causes of war can be
reached. International misunderstandings can be explained
away. Dislikes and suspicions can be dissipated by inter
course, and better knowledge, and courtesy, and kindness.
Considerate justice can prevent real causes of war. Rules of
action to prevent controversy may be agreed upon by diplo-

288 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
macy and conferences and congresses. Honest differences as
to national rights and duties may be settled by arbitration,
or judicial decision; but against a deep and persistent pur
pose by the rulers of a great nation to take away the territory
of others, or to reduce others to subjection for their own
aggrandizement, all these expedients are of no avail. The
Congresses of Westphalia, of Vienna, of Berlin, and a multi
tude of others less conspicuous, have sought to curb the evil
through setting limits upon power by treaty. They have all
failed. The Peace Conferences at The Hague have sought to
diminish the evil by universal agreement upon rules of
action. The rules and the treaties have become "scraps
of paper ".
The progress of democracy, however, is dealing with the
problem by destroying the type of government which has
shown itself incapable of maintaining respect for law and
justice and resisting the temptation of ambition; and by
substituting a new form of government, which in its nature is
incapable of proceeding by the same methods, and neces
sarily responds to different motives and pursues different
objects from the old autocratic offenders. Only when that
task has been substantially accomplished will the advocates
of law among nations be free from the inheritance of former
failure. There wiU then be a new field open for a new trial,
doubtless full of difficulties of its own, but of fair hope and
possibilities of success.
Self-governing democracies are indeed liable to commit
great wrongs. The peoples who govern themselves fre
quently misunderstand their international rights, and ignore
their international duties. They are often swayed by pre
judice, and blinded by passion. They are swift to decide in
their own favor the most difficult questions upon which they
are totally ignorant. They are apt to applaud the jingo poli
tician who courts popularity by public insult to a friendly

DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 289
people, and to condemn the statesman who modffies extreme
demands through the concessions required by just considera
tion for the rights of others. All these faults, however, are
open and known to the whole world. The opinions and
motives from which they proceed, the real causes of error, can
be reached by reason, by appeal to better instincts, by public
discussion, by the ascertainment and dissemination of the
true facts.
There are some necessary features of democratic self-
government which tend towards the progressive reduction of
tendencies to international wrong-doing. One Is that democ
racies are absolutely dependent for their existence upon the
preservation of law. Autocracies can give commands and
enforce them. Rules of action are a convenience, not a neces
sity for them. On the other hand, the only atmosphere in
which a democracy can live between the danger of autocracy
on one side and the danger of anarchy on the other is the
atmosphere of law. Respect for law is the essential condition
of Its existence; and, as in a democracy the law is an expres
sion of the people's own wUl, self-respect, and personal pride,
and patriotism demand its observance. An essential dis
tinction between democracy and autocracy is that while
the government of an autocracy is superior to the law, the
government of a democracy is subject to the law. The con
ception of an international law binding upon the governments
of the world is therefore natural to the people of a democracy,
and any violation of that law which they themselves have
joined in prescribing is received with disapproval, if not with
resentment. This is weU iUustrated by the attitude of the
people of the separate states of the American Union towards
the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States pass
ing upon the exercise of power by state governments. Physi
cal force has never been used to compel conformity to those
decisions. Yet, the democratic people of the United States

290 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
have answered Jefferson's contemptuous remark " John
Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce It."
The answer is that it is the will of self -governed democracy
to obey the law, which it has itself established, and the deci
sions of the great tribunal which declares the law controlling
state action wiU be accepted and observed by common
consent and enforced by the power of public opinion.
Another necessary feature of democratic government is
that the exercise of the power of popular self-government is a
continual training of aU citizens in the very qualities which
are necessary for the maintenance of law between nations.
Democratic government cannot be carried on except by a
people who acquire the habit of seeking true information
about facts, of discussing questions of right and wrong, of
interest, and of possible consequences, who have kindly con
sideration for opposing opinions, and a tolerant attitude
towards those who differ. The longer a democracy preserves
ItseK through the exercise of these quahties, the better
adapted It is to apply the same methods In the conduct of its
international business, and the result is a continually increas
ing certainty that international law wUl be observed in a
community of democratic nations.
The most Important difference, however, between the two
forms of government, is that democracies are Incapable of
holding or executing those sinister policies of ambition which
are beyond the reach of argument and the control of law. A
democracy cannot hold such policies, because the open and
public avowal and discussion which must precede their
adoption by a democracy is destructive of them; and it can
not execute such policies because it uniformly lacks the kind
of disciplined efficiency necessary to diplomatic and military
affirmatives. The settled and continuous policies of a democ
racy are defensive. Nearly ninety years ago De TocquevUle
in his survey On Democracy in America recorded what he

DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 291
deemed to be a weakness of our system of government in
foreign affairs. He said:
Foreign politics demand scarcely any of those qualities which a democ
racy possesses, and they require on the contrary the perfect use of almost
all those faculties in which it is deficient. Democracy is favorable to the
increase of the internal resources of the State; it tends to diffuse a moder
ate independence; it promotes the growth of public spirit, and fortifies the
respect which is entertained for law in all classes of society; and these are
advantages which only exercise an indirect influence over the relations
which one people bears to another. But a democracy is unable to regulate
the details of an important undertaking, to persevere in a design, and to
work out its execution in the presence of serious obstacles. It cannot com
bine its measures with secrecy, and it will not await their consequences
with patience. These are qualities which more especially belong to an
individual or to an aristocracy, and they are precisely the means by which
an individual people attains to a predominant position.
So long as foreign affairs were to continue as they were car
ried on in his day, De TocquevUle was doubtless right. It is
because democracies are not fitted to conduct foreign affairs
as they were conducted In De TocquevUle's day that the
prevalence of democracy throughout the world makes inevi
table a change In the conduct of foreign affairs. Such affairs
when conducted by democratic governments must necessarily
be marked by the absence of those undertakings and designs,
and those measures combined with secrecy, prosecuted with
perseverance, for which he declares democracies to be unfit.
This characteristic of popular governments is weU IUus
trated by the hundred years of peace which we are all rather
proud of preservmg throughout the three thousand mUes of
boundary between Canada and the United States without
fortffications or ships of war or armies. There have been
many occasions when the tempers of the men on either side
of the hne were sorely tried. The disputes regarding the
Northeastern Boundary, the Oregon Boundary, the Alaska
Boundary, were acute; the affair of the Caroline on the
Niagara River, the Fenian raid upon Lake Champlain, the

292 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
enforcement of the fisheries regulations, were exasperating
and serious, but upon neither side of the boundary did
democracy harbor those sinister designs of aggrandizement
and ambition which have characterized the autocratic gov
ernments of the world. On neither side was there suspicion
of any such designs in the democracy across the border. The
purpose of each nation was merely to stand up for its own
rights, and so reason has always controlled, and every ques
tion has been settled by fair agreement, or by arbitral deci
sion; and, finally, for the past eight years a permanent
International Commission with judicial powers has disposed
of the controversies arising between the citizens of the two
countries along the border as unobtrusively and naturally as
if the questions arose between citizens of Maryland and Vir
ginia. Such has been the course of events, not because of any
great design or far-seeing plan, but because it is the natural
working of democratic government.
The incapacity of democracies to maintain policies of
aggression may be fairly inferred from the extreme reluctance
with which they incur the expense and make the sacrifices
necessary for defense. Cherishing no secret designs of aggres
sion themselves, they find it difficult to believe in the exist
ence of such designs on the part of other nations. Only
imminent and deadly peril awakens them to activity. It was
this obstinate confidence in the peaceable intentions of all
mankind which met Lord -Roberts (honored, trusted and
beloved as he was), when long before the present war he
vainly sought to awaken the people of England to the danger
that he saw so plainly in Germany's stupendous preparation
for conquest. It is well known that when the war came
France was almost upon the verge of diminishing her army
by a reduction in the years of service. In our own country a
great people, virile, fearless, and loyal, have remained indif
ferent to aU the voices crying in the wilderness for prepara-

DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 293
tion, because the American people could not be made to
believe that anything was going to happen inconsistent with
the existence everywhere of those peaceful purposes of which
they themselves were conscious.
There is a radical incompatibUity between popular self-
government and continuous military discipline, for mUitary
control is in itself despotic. As compared with military
autocracies, the normal condition of democracies is a con
dition of inferior military efficiency. This invariable char
acteristic of democracy leaves it no option In its treatment of
autocracy. The two kinds of government cannot live per
manently side by side. So long as mlhtary autocracy con
tinues, democracy is not safe from attacks, which are certain
to come some time, and certain to find It unprepared. The
conflict Is inevitable and universal; and it is a outrance. To
be safe, democracy must kill its enemy when It can and where
it can. The world cannot be half democratic and half auto
cratic. It must be all democratic or all Prussian. There can
be no compromise. If it is all Prussian, there can be no real
international law. If it is all democratic, international law
honored and observed may well be expected as a natural
development of the principles which make democratic self-
government possible.
The democracies of the world are gathered about the last
stronghold of autocracy, and engaged in the conflict thrust
upon them by dynastic policy pursuing the ambition of
rulers under claim of divine right for their own aggrandize
ment, their own glory, without regard to law, or justice, or
faith. The issue today and tomorrow may seem uncertain;
but the end is not uncertain. No one knows how soon the
end will come, or what dreadful suffering and sacrffice may
stand between; but the progress of the great world move
ment that has doomed autocracy cannot be turned back, or
defeated.

294 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
That is the great peace movement. There the millions who
have learned under freedom to hope and aspire for better
things are paying the price that the peaceful peoples of the
earth may live in security under the protection of law based
upon all-embracing justice, and supreme In the community
of nations.

THE SPREAD OF INTERNATIONAL LAW IN
THE AMERICAS
ADDRESS AS TOASTMASTER AT A BANQUET OF THE DIVISION
OF INTERNATIONAL LAW OF THE CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR
INTERNATIONAL PEACE, WASHINGTON, DECEMBER 30, 1915
The Second Pan American Scientific Congress, composed of official and unofficial
delegates of the twenty-one American repubhcs, met at Washington, December 27,
1915 — January 8, 1916. Section VI of the congress was devoted to international
law, pubhc law, and jurisprudence, and the American Society of International Law,
the Political Science Association, and the American Society for the Judicial Settle
ment of International Disputes, held joint sessions with the members of this sec
tion. The American Institute of International Law held its first session in connec
tion with and under the auspices of the congress, and it likewise held a joint meeting
with the American Society of International Law, affiliated with it. The American
Institute of International Law adopted at this session its declaration of the
rights and duties of nations. For further information concerning the origin, the
nature, and the services which this scientific body could hope to render, composed
as it is of five pubUcists from each of the American republics, the reader is referred
to Mr. Root's address, entitled " The Declaration of the Rights and Duties of
Nations of the American Institute of International Law," to be found in the volume
of his Addresses on International Subjects, pages 413-426, included in this series.
On December 30, 1915, the Division ot International Law of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace gave a banquet to the delegates attending
Section VI of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress, the members of the
American Institute of International Law, of the American Society of International
Law, of the PoUtical Science Association, and of the American Society for the
Judicial Settlement of International Disputes.
In the course of the remarks delivered by Dr. Ernesto Quesada, chairman of the
Argentinian delegation and a distinguished jurist and economist of his country, he
thus referred to the problems confronting the Americas, to the r61e of the United
States in the settlement of these problems, and to its illustrious statesmen in the
past and its illustrious statesman of the present day:
We all think, in the Southern Hemisphere, that this is perchance the most
solemn and important moment in the Ufe of civilized nations, and that it repre
sents a real tiumng-point in history. The classical international law, framed
alike by facts and doctrine in the ancient nations of Europe, has in effect com
mitted suicide. The present terrible and sad experience shows that it was a sort
of compromise, accepted always with the hidden thought that when the ambi
tions or the interests of those nations should conflict with it, it need not be
observed. We, in America, have quite different international problems, and
295

296 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
our special geographical positions give to these a characteristically continental
aspect. The old European international law is bankrupt: the new American
international law will step in, in its place, as representing the modern tendencies
of civilization, free from the entangling traditions that guide the pohcy of the
nations of Europe.
Therefore, in this very important moment of history, America must hold
upright this part of the social sciences and remodel it in order to give it per
manent life, independent of the unavoidable fetters of the secular European
tradition. This is the noble task that America must take energetically in its
hands, combining the efforts of more than twenty nations. The United
States, as the richest and most powerful of them all, as perhaps the most
important nation in the whole world, with its hundred millions of citizens and
its unbounded resources, must forcefully lead the way. We all think, in both
American divisions of the hemisphere, that the pivot of civilization will in the
future be this country, and that as a consequence, its statesmen — I mean
those of the sort of Hamilton and Webster in the past, and, if you wiU allow
me to express the South American opinion clearly, of Mr. Root in the present —
must be aware of the extraordinary importance of this historic moment. We
all have our eyes fixed on the White House, and, with respect to international
matters, we follow anxiously all its moves.
As president of the American Society of International Law whose representative
he was in the congress, Mr. Root attended the banquet, and in his capacity as
toastmaster delivered the following address:
I CANNOT refrain, in opening the postprandial exercises
of this evening, from expressing the great satisfaction I
feel in taking part in the transformation of the serious and
sometimes dry exercises of our meetings into this social func
tion. It is especially agreeable to me because I cherish such
rich and precious memories of hospitahty received from our
South American guests.
I have said many times to my own countrymen, without
ever provoking resentment on their part, that I wish they
could all learn a lesson in courtesy and the generosity of
friendship from our brothers in South America. I should
have felt that my own participation In this congress was
imperfect and lacked an important element, if I could not
have met you, my old friends of South America, in this
gathering, which excludes the serious and the scientific, and
seeks to cultivate and satisfy only the generous sentiments
of friendship.

INTERNATIONAL LAW IN THE AMERICAS 297
It is with very great pleasure that I announce to you all the
completion of the first step In what I believe wUl be a very
useful and important organization for united effort on the
part of representatives of all the American nations in the
direction of developing and strengthening the law of nations.
You will recall that up to the time when the American Society
of International Law was formed there had never been such a
society in this wide world. The development of the law of
nations was left to governments and to private individuals
and to two great organizations which were international in
their character, the Association of International Law and the
Instltut de Droit International, both of them founded in
1873. But the first departure in the formation of a national
society of international law, a society having a double
aspect, one to promote the development of the law inter
nationally and the other to educate and instruct the people
of the particular nations in their knowledge of the law of
nations, was that which was set in motion by our friend
Dr. James Brown Scott, some ten years ago.
The response, which I confess was to me far beyond expec
tation, of the people of this country to the efforts of that
organization has demonstrated the practicability of such an
institution; and the rapid changes In events have demon
strated year by year more cogently the necessity of such an
institution. For if democracies are to take charge of govern
ment in international affairs, as they are taking charge of
government in national affairs, it is of primary, of vital
importance, that the people of every democracy shah learn
their duties, as weU as their rights, in their relations with each
other. That cannot be done by the meeting of a few savants
to cultivate the mystery of International law. That can be
done only by broadening out Into societies within which shall
be gathered the men of aU calhngs, lovers of liberty and jus-

298 MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES
tice, who desire to do their duty as members of self-govern
ing democracies, not alone toward themselves and their
fellows, but toward all other nations. That can only be done
by the creation of a great number of competent leaders of
opinion who shall direct the impulses and the action of their
neighbors and their fellow-citizens in the performance of the
duty of administering the affairs of nations by the rule of
international justice.
The demonstrated success of this new departure of the
Society of International Law has resulted in the formation of
similar societies in Europe, and it has resulted, through much
communication, correspondence, and intercourse, through
the devoted efforts of Dr. Scott, through a personal visit
paid by our friend, the former ambassador to France,
Robert Bacon, in the formation of a national society of
international law In every American republic. Every one has
its society, prepared to perform the great duty of instructing
the people of the country in their International duties and in
aiding the government of their country in its international
intercourse. Yesterday there was inaugurated an institute — the
American Institute of International Law — which gathered
together the representatives of aU these national societies,
twenty-one in number, which representatives were elected
by each of the national societies whose members may attend
its meetings and are eligible for membership in the Insti
tute. Through that Institute there wUl be hereafter an
Institution for the expression and effectuation of the good
will and love for peace and sense of justice of aU the Ameri
can countries with relation to each other.
Peace we all love; good will we aU entertain; friendship
we aU feel. The nature of man is kindly; all the peoples of
the earth prefer to be friends. But good will, friendhness
and good understanding, because they have no institutions

INTERNATIONAL LAW IN THE AMERICAS 299
through which they may receive effect, stand powerless before
sinister designs, schemes of aggrandizement, and the lust for
power and wealth. Here In the Americas Is created an
institution through which the good will and friendliness of
the American peoples may have voice and effectiveness. . . .
We approach the conclusion of this festival. I shaU ask
you to join me in several appropriate toasts.
First, rise and drink to the President of the United States.
(The guests arose and drank a toast to the President of the
United States.)
And now rise again, and drink to a toast to which I know
every heart wUl respond In consonance with the intelligence
of every guest at this board — the American Republics, one
and Indivisible, forever.
(The guests arose and drank a toast to the American
Republics.) And yet again, join in a toast of broader import, to human
ity, the universal concert of civUized nations, for the prog
ress of civUization and the reign of peace in the world — to
humanity, which the religion we aU profess aims to make
perfect — to peace and good will.
(The guests arose and drank a toast to humanity.)

INDEX

INDEX

Abraham, Heights of, 12.
Adams, John Quincy, American presi
dent, 137.
Adirondacks, the, 61.
Alaska, 102.
Alaska Boundary dispute, the, 97, 154,
164, 291.
Alaska Boundary Treaty, the, 102.
Albany, New York, 19, 20.
Albany county. New York, 26, 45, 57.
Algeria, 145.
Algonquin Indians, 4, 5, 12, 14.
American Academy in Rome, the, 195,
197, 206, 208 f.
American Federation of Arts, address
before the, 205-209.
American ideals, address on the preser
vation of, 259-266.
American Institute of Architects, ad
dresses before, 189-196, 198-204.
American Institute of International Law,
the, 295.
American Revolution, the, 284.
American Society for the Judicial Settle
ment of International Disputes, the,
295.
American Society of International Law,
the, 295, 296, 297.
Amherst, Jeffrey, English general, 27, 31.
Amherst College, 42.
Antwerp, 206.
Armenians, destruction of the, 283.
Army War College, the, 197, 200 f., 203.
Art and architecture in America, address
on, 189-196.
Arthur, Chester Alan, American presi
dent, address on, 109-113.
Asbury African church, the, in New
York, 40, 77.
Association of International Law, the,
297.

Atlanta, capture ot (1864), 116.
Austria, House of, 10, 287.
Austrian Succession, Y'fai of the, 286.
Avery, Charles, professor of chemistry,
42 f.
Aztecs, the, 8.
Balbed, ancient city of Syria, 192.
Bacon, Francis, English philosopher, 11.
Bacon, Robert, American diplomat, 298.
Bacon, WiUiam J., trustee of Hamilton
College, 41.
Baden-Powell, Sir Robert, British gen
eral, 134.
Baffour, Arthur James, British minister,
268.
Baltimore, 195, 211.
Banks of Newfoundland, the, 7.
Barnard, Frederick Augustus Porter,
American educator, 77.
Barnes, Albert, American Biblical com
mentator, 62.
Barrett, George Carter, American jurist,
memorial address on, 241 ff.
Bear, the, Iroquois clan, 6.
Beardsley, Samuel, American jurist, 61.
Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin Caron
de, French financier and writer, 141.
Beecher, Henry Ward, American clergy
man, 135.
Belgium, 285.
Benson, Egbert, 27.
Berlm, Congress of (1878), 283, 288.
BiU of Rights, the, 53.
Boer War, the, 97.
Bogota, 99.
Boston, 31, 191.
Botanic Garden, the, in New York, 40.
Bourbon restoration, the, in France, 284.
Bradley, Dan, 27.
Brazil, 9, 276.

304

INDEX

Breboeuf, Jean de, French Jesuit mis
sionary, 12, 27.
Bristol, Eli, 27.
British Columbia, 102.
British Dominions, the, 285.
Bronson, Green Carrier, American law
yer, 61.
Brougham, John, American actor, 135.
Brown, Elmer Ellsworth, address at the
inauguration of, 71 ff.
Brown, Samuel Gilman, president of
Hamilton CoUege, 42.
Bro^Ti University, address at, 91-101.
Buchanan, James, American president,
233.
Building of the Pan American Union,
the, 202.
Bulfinch, Charles, American architect,
190, 191, 204.
Burgess, John WiUiam, professor in
Columbia University, 75.
Burgoyne, John, English general, 20, 21.
Burr, Aaron, American vice-president,
48.
Business and poUtics, address on, 249-
258.
Butler, Nicholas Murray, president of
Columbia University, 76 f .
Butler, Richard, manufacturer, 217.
Cabots, the, navigators, 7.
California, University of, 73.
Cambon, Jules Martin, Prench ambassa
dor, parting address to, 145 ff.
CampbeU, Douglas, American lawyer
and historian, 86.
Canada, 3, 97, 291 f.; French rule m,
4-15; addresses on, 151-187; the
Canadian reciprocity agreement, 163-
187.
Camion, Joseph Gumey, American con
gressman, address on, 213 ff.
Capitol, the, at Washington, 195.
Carnegie, Andrew, gift of, towards the
John Hay Library, 91.
Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, the, 295.

Carnegie Institution of Washington, the,
72.
Carnot, Marie Frangois Sadi, French
president, address on the assassination
of, 149 f.
Carolmas, the, 7, 20, 116.
Caroline, affair of the, 291.
Carter, James Coohdge, American law
yer, 237.
Cartier, Jacques, French navigator, 7.
Cassatt, Alexander Johnston, American
railroad president, 195.
Castilian Days, 92.
Catlin, Marcus, professor of mathe
matics at Hamilton CoUege, 23.
Cayugas, Iroquois tribe, 5.
CecU, WiUiam, English statesman, 11.
Central America, 221, 222, 265, 271, 272.
Champlain, Lake, 20, 291; address at the
tercentenary celebration of the dis
covery of, 3-15.
Champlain, Samuel de, French explorer,
3, 8, 12, 15; his discovery of Lake
Champlain, 4 f.
Character, importance of, on the bench,
234, 239.
Characteristics, inherited and acquired,
24.
Charles V, emperor (1519-1656), kmg of
Spain (as Charles I, 1516-1556), 9.
Charles I, kmg of England (1625-1646),
11.
Charleston, South Carolina, 191.
Charlotte county. New York, 57.
Chartism, 284.
ChasteUux, Marquis de, French general
and author, 143.
Chattanooga, battle of (1863), 116.
Chicago, 137, 199.
Chicago Exposition, the, 194, 206, 207.
Chili, bay of, 100.
China, 99-102, 262, 285.
City and country life compared, 62 f.
CivU War, the, 115 ff.. 119 ff., 123-127,
219. 233, 261.
Clark, Clarence Don, American senator,
178.

INDEX

305

Clark, Erastus, first treasurer of HamU
ton CoUege, 27, 41.
Clarkson, Matthew, American general,
26, 45.
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, the (1850), 99,
102.
Cleveland, Grover, American president,
126, 237, 272 f.; address on, 105-108.
Clifford, Nathan, American jurist, 233.
Clinton, George, American statesman,
25, 26, 57, 81.
CUnton Light Horse, the, 36.
Colombia, 99.
Colonists, English, in America, motives
of, 11 f.
Columbia CoUege and University, 39, 40,
71; address at, 75-79.
Columbia School of Mines, the, 77.
Colmnbus, Christopher, 158.
Commission for the Extension and Per
fection of the Park System of Wash-
mgton, the, 197, 200.
Commons, House of, in England, 284.
Commune, the, 284.
Conkling, Roscoe, American senator, 61.
Connecticut, 14, 30, 32.
Conqwistadores, 9, 158.
Constituent Assembly, the, in France,
284.
Constitution, the, 21, 63, 111, 125, 253.
Constitutions, estabUshment of, 286.
Continental Congress, the, 33.
Cormth, battle of (1862), 116.
Court of Honor, the, at the Chicago Ex
position, 207.
Cowpens, battle of the (1781), 144.
Crunean War, the, 283.
CromweU, Oliver, 11.
Cuba, 220, 221, 265.
Cummins, Albert Baird, American sena
tor, 187.
Curriculmn, changes in the, 47 f.
Dakota, 252.
DanvUle, Rlinois, 213, 214.
Darling, Henry, president of HamUton
CoUege, 42.

Dartmouth, Earl of, patron of Dart
mouth CoUege, 18, 21, 32; patron of
the school at Lebanon, 28.
Dartmouth CoUege, 27, 41, 42; address
at, 17-22; relation to HamUton Col
lege, 17; contemplated estabhshment
of, on the Mohawk, 31 f.
Dartmouth CoUege Case, the, 21.
Davis, John, American jurist, memorial
address on, 239 f .
Deane, James, missionary to the Oneidas,
18, 19, 20, 27.
Declaration of Independence, the, 123.
Delaware, river, 6, 10, 20.
Delaware, state, 7.
Delta Phi, coUege fraternity, 47.
Democracy, weaknesses and dangers of,
50-59, 288 f., 292 f.; inferior mUitary
efficiency of, 293; address on the effect
of democracy on international law,
281-294.
Denio, Hiram, trustee of Hamilton
CoUege, 41, 61.
DenonvUle, Marquis, governor of
Canada, 13.
Depew, Chauncey MitcheU, American
orator, 85.
Dexter, Simon Newton, trustee of Ham
Uton CoUege, 41.
DiUingham, WiUiam Paid, American
senator, 182 f.
Dixon, Joseph Moore, American senator,
179.
Dodge, WUham E., 217.
Dogger Bank incident, the, 268.
Drake, Francis, Enghsh navigator, 7, 11,
158.
Duane, James, American jurist, 81.
Duquesne, Fort, 13.
Duquesne, Marquis, governor of Canada,
12.
Dutch, the, 10, 85-90.
Dutch East India Company, the, 9.
Dutch founders of New York, address
on the, 85-90.
Dwight, Sereno, president of HamUton
CoUege, 40.

306

INDEX

Dwight, Theodore WUliam, American
jurist, 76.
Dwight, Timothy, American educator,
37.
Eastern Question, the, 137.
Edict of Nantes, revocation of the, 89.
Edison, Thomas Alva, American in
ventor, 47.
Education, liberal, value of, 57 f.
Educational institutions, differentiation
of, 72 f .
Egypt, 271.
Ehot, Charles WiUiam, American educa
tor, 17.
Elizabeth, queen of England (1668-
1603), 11, 154.
Engineers' School of Apphcation, the,
197, 200.
England, 11, 27, 97, 98, 100, 146, 152,
163, 160, 271, 283, 284.
Episcopacy, reaction against, in England,
11.
Europe, 8, 10, 123, 146, 154, 181, 194,
252, 271, 272, 283, 286, 287, 292, 296.
Evarts, WiUiam MaxweU, American
lawyer and senator, 217.
Fenian raid, the, 291.
Ferdinand VH, king of Spain, 285.
Field, Stephen Johnson, American jurist,
233.
Finley, John Huston, American educa
tor, 81 f.
Fisher, Samuel Ware, president of Ham
Uton CoUege, 34, 42.
Fisheries regulations, the, 292.
Florida, 7, 8.
Foot, Moses, 27.
Fort Fisher, North Carolina, address to
the veterans of, 119 ff.
Fort Schuyler, New York, 33.
Fort Stanwhc, New York, 21, 28, 32, 61.
Fort Sumter, attack on, 117.
Prance, 89, 100, 207, 227, 286, 292;
struggle of, for the empire of America,
4-15; presentation of the Franklm

medal to, 141-144; parting address to
M. Cambon, 146 ff.; the assassination
of President Carnot, 149 f.; element of
nobUity in the first French Republic,
264 f . ; progress of democracy in, 284.
Franchise extension in England, 284.
Francis, refugee, 89.
Franklin, Benjamin, American states
man, 13, 47, 63, 161; addresses on,
141-144.
Frederick II (the Great), king of Prussia,
36, 286.1
Prench Academy in Rome, the, 196, 209.
French canal company, see Panama
Canal Company.
French Revolution, the, 10.
Frobisher, Martin, EngUsh navigator, 7,
11, 158.
Frontenac, Comte de, governor of
Canada, 12, 13, 14.
FuUer, Melville Weston, American jurist,
memorial address on, 237 f .
FuUer, WiUiam H., 217.
Gama, Vasco da, Portuguese navigator,
158.
Garfield, James Abram, American presi
dent, 110, 111, 112, 150.
General Electric Company, the, 47.
Genesee, river, 5.
George HI, king of England, 18, 21, 28,
32.
Germany, 10, 98, 100, 227, 292.
Gibbon, James, cardinal, address on,
211 f.
Gilbert, Humphrey, EngUsh navigator, 7.
Gold, Thomas R., 27.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, EngUsh naviga
tor, 7.
Gourgues, Dominique de, Gascon sol
dier, 7.
Governor's Island, government station
at, 197.
Grant, Ulysses Simpson, American gen
eral and president, 116, 233.
Grant Memorial, the, 202.
Grasse, Comte de, French admiral, 142.

INDEX

307

Great Britain, 95, 99, 107, 153, 164, 166,
166, 268, 276; contends with France
for the sovereignty of North America,
4-15.
Great Lakes, the, 20, 163.
Greece, 192, 271.
Greek-letter societies, 46 f.
Grey, Lord, governor-general of Canada,
159.
Grotius, Hugo, Dutch publicist, 281.
Guiteau, Charles, assassin, 110.
Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden
(1611-1632), 10.
Hadfield, George, American architect,
190.
Hague, The, Fust Peace Conference at
(1899), 98, 288; Second (1907), 288.
Hague Convention, the, for the Pacific
Settlement of International Disputes,
98.
Hague Tribunal, the, 98, 99.
Ealf Moon, the, 8.
HaUet, Stephen, American architect, 190.
HamUton, Alexander, American states
man, 19, 33, 48, 81, 82, 296; his con
nection with the founding of HamUton
CoUege, 26, 27, 34, 36, 45.
HamUton CoUege, 65, 73, 75, 76, 77; ad
dress at the centenary of, 23-44;
relations with Union College, 46 f.
Hamilton Oneida Academy, predecessor
of HamUton CoUege, 23, 26 f., 33-40,
45.
Hampden, John, EngUsh statesman, 11.
Hanover, New Hampshire, 18.
Harlan, John MarshaU, American jurist,
memorial address on, 233.
Harrison, Benjamin, American president,
126.
Harvard, John, 72.
Harvard CoUege, 41.
Hawau, 102.
Hay, John, secretary of state, address
on, 91-101.
Hayes, Rutherford Birchard, American
president, 126.

Hay-Herran Treaty, the, 99.
Henry VIII, king of England, 11.
Henry IV, kmg of France (1589-1610),
10, 146, 154.
Herkimer, Nicholas, American general,
21, 61.
Herkhner county. New York, 26, 36, 45.
Hoban, James, American architect, 189,
190, 195, 204.
Ho-de-no-saunee, 6.
HoUand, 9, 85, 89, 285.
Holy AUiance, the, 282, 285.
Hong-Kong, 100.
Hood, Thomas, English poet, 95.
Hopkins, Sewal, 27.
Hornbostel, Hemy, American architect,
203.
Howard, John Eager, American general,
144.
Hudson, river, 5, 6, 8, 20.
Hudson, Hemy, English navigator, 8.
Huguenots, the, 11, 89; in Florida, 7.
Hundred Years' War, the, 146.
Hunt, Richard Morris, American archi
tect, 190.
Huntingdon, Countess of, EngUsh re
ligious leader, 29.
Huron, Lake, 7.
Hutchinson, Ann, Antinomian enthu
siast, 89.
Illinois, University of, 73.
Indiana, 7.
Indies, the, 7.
Individualism, antagonists of, 49, 124 f.
Industrial life, various stages of, among
the American Indians, 5.
Institut de Droit International, 297.
Interdependence, development of, 49.
International Commission, the, 292.
International law, science of, the product
of the Thirty Years' War, 281; ad
dress on the spread of international law
in the Americas, 296-299.
International Paper Company, the, 186.
Interstate Commerce Commission, the,
252, 256,

308

INDEX

Iroquois, the, Indian confederacy, 4-15,
20, 30, 31-34, 61 f .
Irving, Washington, American historian
and essayist, 88.
Italy, 10, 98, 285.
Jamaica, 157.
James I, king of England, 11.
James II, king of England, 11.
Jamestown, Virginia, 8.
Japan, 100, 101, 207, 262, 276, 286.
Japanese, the, 278.
Jay, John, American statesman, 81.
Jefferson, Thomas, American president,
189, 190, 191 ff., 195, 197, 201, 202,
290.
Jews, the, 97.
Johnson, Jacob, missionary, 32.
Johnson, Sir William, superintendent of
Indian affairs in the American colonies,
28 f ., 32.
Johnston, Joseph Eccleston, Confederate
general, 116.
Joint High Commission of 1898, the, 97,
183.
Joliet, Louis, French-Canadian explorer,
12.
Jones, John Paul, naval officer, 144.
Joy, Charles Arad, American chemist, 77.
Jusserand, Jean J., French ambassador,
reply of, 143 f.
Kansas-Nebraska conflict, the, 94.
Kappa Alpha, coUege fraternity, 47.
Kent, James, American jurist, 25.
Kentucky, 7.
Kernan, Francis, American senator, 61.
Kiao-chau, China, 100.
Ku'kland, Daniel, American clergyman,
27.
Kirkland, Captain George W., 35.
Kirkland, John Thornton, president of
Harvard College, 41.
Kirkland, General Joseph, mayor of
Utica, 41, 61.
Kirkland, Samuel, American educator
and missionary to the Indians, 17-22,

72; foimder of HamUton Oneida Acad
emy, 23; his connection with HamUton
CoUege, 24, 26, 27-38, 41, 44, 62.
Knox, Henry, American general, 33.
La Barre, Antoine Joseph Lefevre de,
governor of Canada, 13.
Labrador, 8.
La Caron, French missionary, 12, 27.
Lafayette, Marquis de, 142, 144.
Laird's, New York, 37.
Lansdowne, Lord, British minister, 268.
Lansing, John, 27.
La Salle, Sieur de, French explorer, 12.
Latin America, 285.
Latin race, the, 145.
Latrobe, Benjamin Henry, American
architect, 189, 204.
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, Canadian states
man, 163.
Lawrence, Frank Richard, 133.
Leavenworth School of MUitary Instruc
tion, the, 117.
Lebanon, Connecticut, 30, 32; Wheel
ock's school at, 18, 27, 28.
Legge, WUliam, see Dartmouth, Earl of.
L'Enfant, Peter Charles, Franco-Ameri
can engineer and architect, 189, 190,
195, 197, 200, 204.
Lescarbot, Marc, French explorer, 7.
Liberty, meaning of, 136.
Lihin, 101.
Lincoln, Abraham, American president,
94 f., 96, 102, 105, 150, 233.
Lincoln-Douglas debates, the, 94.
Litchfield Observatory, the, 43.
Loire, the, 146, 283.
London, 18.
Long House, the, see Iroquois.
Lord, Austin WiUard, American archi
tect, 203.
Lords, House of, in England, 284.
Lotos Club, address at the, 133-139.
Lottery, New York state, for the promo
tion of literature, 39 f., 48 f., 76 f.
Louis XI, kmg of France (1461-1483),
146.

INDEX

309

Louis XIV, king of France (1643-1716).
192, 286.
Louisburg, taken by the New England
mUitia, 13.
McClure, David, American clergyman,
29.
McCumber, Porter J., American senator,
171, 174 f., 187.
McKim, Charles FoUen, American archi
tect, 189, 190, 206 f.; memorial ad
dresses on, 197-204.
McKinley, WUliam, American president,
91, 94, 126, 217, 219 f., 222 f., 250, 251,
256, 268.
Madison, James, American president,
190, 191.
Madrid, 95, 147.
Magna Charta, 11.
Maison Carree, the, 192.
Manchu, domination ot the, in China,
286.
Manchuria, 100, 101.
Marconi, Guglielmo, electrical engineer,
47.
Maria Theresa, empress of Austria, 287.
Marquette, Jacques, French Jesuit mis
sionary, 12, 27.
Marshall, John, American jurist, 21, 190,
233, 290.
Martine, James Edgar, American sena
tor, 176 f.
Maryland, 7, 211, 292.
Massachusetts, 7, 14, 85, 170, 171, 178.
Massachusetts Bay, 88.
Mediterranean Sea, the, 101, 102.
Menendez de AvU^s, Pedro, Spanish
soldier, 7.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, the, 197,
206.
Mexican War, the, 46.
Mexico, 7, 62, 98.
Mexico, Gulf of, 8, 13.
Michigan, 7.
Michigan, University of, 73.
Millet, Francis Davis, American artist,
187; memorial address on, 205-209.

MUton, John, EngUsh poet, 11.
Mirabeau, Comte de, French orator, 144.
Missionary Ridge, battle of (1863), 116.
Mississippi, river, 12, 13, 20, 62, 286 f.
Mississippi, vaUey of the, 7, 178, 287.
Missouri, 285, 353.
Mohawk, river, 18, 20, 32, 34, 61, 64, 65,
86.
Mohawks, Iroquois tribe, 6, 6, 8.
Monmouth, battle of (1778), 36.
Monroe, James, American president, 137,
287.
Monroe Doctrme, the, 97, 107, 287;
address on, 267-273.
Montana, 278.
Montcalm, Marquis de, French general,
12, 14.
MonticeUo, Vhginia, 191, 201.
Montreal, 7, 27.
Monts, Pierre du Guast, Comte de,
French explorer, 7.
Moody, Lady Deborah, 89.
Moore, Benjamin, American clergyman,
25.
Morgan, John Pierpont, American finan
cier, 195; memorial address on, 227-
232.
Morris, Lewis, American patriot, 25.
Mullet, architect, 195.
Myers, Michael, 27.
Napoleon, 10, 284.
Napoleonic Wars, the, 282.
Negro, question of the, 125 ff.
Nelson, Knute, American senator, 164,
184.
Nevada, 278.
New Amsterdam, old name for New
York city, 9, 87, 88, 90.
New England, 7, 30, 32, 62, 88, 161, 206;
religious life in, 19; missionary spirit
in, 27.
New England Society of New York, the,
86; address before, 267-273.
Newfoundland, 165.
New Hampshire, 14, 21.
New Hartford, New York, 40.

310

INDEX

New Jersey, 7, 14, 178.
Newport, Rhode Island, 191.
New York, city, 62, 191, 222, 223, 231,
275; address at the two hundred and
fiftieth anniversary of the founding of
its municipal government, 129 ff. ; ad
dress on, at the Lotos Club, 133-139.
New York, state, 7, 14, 36, 53 f., 62, 65,
150, 167 f., 170, 171, 178, 213, 237.
New York, University of the State of, 19,
26 f., 46, 81 ff.
New York Central Railroad, the, 137.
New York Peace Society, address be
fore, 275-280.
New York Tribune, the, 96.
Niagara, river, 5.
Nicaragua, 99.
Nicholson, Joseph, Quaker writer, 89.
NicoUs, Sir Richard, first English gover
nor of New York, 86, 88.
North, Edward, professor of Greek, 42.
North CaroUna, 119.
Northeastern Boundary dispute, the,
291.
North River Sugar Refining Company
Case, the, 242.
Norwich, Connecticut, 27.
Nott, Eliphalet, president of Union Col
lege, 46, 48.
Occom, Samson, Indian student and
preacher, 17 f., 19, 20.
Ohio, river, 6.
Ohio, state, 7.
Olney, Richard, American secretary of
state, 272.
Onandago, Indian chieftain, 19.
Oneida county. New York, 26, 119; ad
dress before the Sons of Oneida, 60-
64.
Oneida Lake,'^20, 61.
Oneidas, Iroquois tribe, 6, 35, 61, 65;
labors of Kirkland among, 18-22, 28,
30, 32, 33.
Onondagas, Iroquois tribe, 5.
Ontario, province, 7, 152.
Ontario, Lake, 20, 61,

' Open door,' the, m China, 91, 100 f.
Oregon Boundary dispute, the, 291.
Oregon treaty, the (1846), 102.
Orient, the, 9, 102.
Oriskany, battle of (1777), 21, 36, 61.
Oriskany Creek, 34, 61, 64.
Ottawa, address at, 167-161.
Ottoman Emphe, the, 281, 283.
Pacific Ocean, the, 101 f.
Pacific raihoads, the, 117.
Palatinate, the, 94.
Palmyra, 192.
Panama, repubhc, 09, 278 f .
Panama, Isthmus of, 102, 221, 265.
Panama Canal, the, 99, 101, 201, 266. ^
Panama Canal Company, the, 99.
Pan American Scientific Congress, Sec
ond, 295.
Paris, France, 95, 143 f., 191.
Paris, New York, 25.
Parish, Elijah, American clergyman, 29.
PeekskUl, New York, 137.
Peking, Chma, 137, 262.
Penney, Joseph, president of HamUton
CoUege, 42.
Pennsylvania, 7, 14, 170, 178.
Penobscot Bay, 8.
PeppereU, WiUiam, American general,
13.
Peter I (the Great), czar of Russia (1682-
1726), 10.
Peters, Christian Henry Frederick,
astronomer, 43.
PhUadelphia, 33, 34, 143, 151, 249, 250.
PhiUp II, kmg ot Spain (1556-1598). 9.
PhUIppines, the, 102, 123, 137, 206, 220,
221.
Phoenicians, the, 102.
Pickering, Timothy, American states
man, 33 f., 36.
Pietro, C. I., sculptor, 23.
Pike County Ballads, 92.
PUgrims, the, 7.
Pious Fund, the, 98.
Plantagenets, the, 146.
Flatt, Jonas, 27.

INDEX

311

Plattsburg, address at, 3-15.
Political Science Association, the. 296.
Polk, James Knox, American president,
270.
Pomeroy, John Norton, American edu
cator, 73.
Ponce de Leon, Juan, Spanish explorer, 7.
Pontgravfi, Frangois, French explorer,
7,8.
Port Arthur, fortress, 100.
Porto Rico, 220.
Port Royal, 7.
Portugal, 9, 279, 285.
Positivist phUosophy, the, 78 f .
Poutrincourt, Sieur de, French explorer, 7.
Pragmatic Sanction, the, of Charles VI,
287.
Princeton, New Jersey, 105.
Princeton CoUege, 29, 42.
Principles, importance of, 58.
Prussia, 10.
Pujo investigation, the, 230.
Pure Food Law, the, 253, 256.
Puritans, the, in England, 11; in New
England, 267.
Quebec, city, 4, 7, 8, 12, 14, 27.
Queen Anne style in architecture, the,
193.
Quesada, Ernesto, remarks of, 295 f.
Raleigh, North Carolina, 116.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, EngUsh courtier
and colonizer, 11.
Randolph, Edmund, American states
man, 190.
Reed, James A., American senator, 175.
Reform BUl of 1832, the, 284.
Regent's Sword, peninsula ot the, 100.
Reign of Terror, the, 284.
RepubUcan party, the, 267.
Revolution, the, 32.
Rhode Island, 14.
Ribaut, Jean, French navigator, 7.
RicheUeu, river, 4.
Richelieu, Cardinal de, Prench states
man, 10,

Richmond, Virginia, 191.
Richmond, Charles Alexander, president
of Union CoUege, 49.
Rio Grande, the, 4.
Roberts, Lord, British general, 292.
Roberval, Sieur de, viceroy of Canada, 7.
Robinson, Edward, American Biblical
scholar, 62.
Rochambeau, Comte de, French general,
142.
Rodgers, John, American clergyman, 25.
Rogers, Publius V., trustee of HamUton
CoUege, 41.
Roman CathoUc Church, the, 98.
Roman supremacy, repudiated in Eng
land, 11.
Rome, 192, 196, 208, 209, 262.
Roosevelt, Theodore, American presi
dent, 86, 91, 94, 126, 129; tribute to,
217-226.
Root, Oren, professor of mathematics,
HamUton CoUege, 23, 42.
Root, Oren, Jr., professor ot mathemat
ics, 23, 42.
Royal Grants, the, 61.
Rumania, 97, 207.
Russia, 10, 97, 100, 101, 207, 262, 263,
268, 285.
Saint Augustine, Florida, 7.
St. Clair, Arthur, American general, 33.
Saint Croix, river, 7.
Saint Gaudens, Augustus, sculptor, 141,
143.
Saint Gaudens, Louis, sculptor, 141, 143.
Saint Lawrence, river, 4, 6, 12, 13, 20.
St. Leger, Barry, British officer, 20, 21.
St. Louis, Missouri, 133.
Samoa, 97.
San Francisco, 144.
Sanger, Jedediah, 27.
Santo Domingo, 97.
Saratoga, surrender of Burgoyne at, 21.
Savannah, 116.
Saxons, the, 283.
Scandinavia, 286.
Schenectady, New York, 26, 46, 46, 47, 86.

312

INDEX

Schuyler, Philip, American general, 26 f.,
33.
Scotland, 30, 31, 94.
Scott, James Brown, American publicist,
297, 298.
Second Empire, the, in France, 284.
Seff-poise, a characteristic of the Dutch,
89.
Senecas, Iroquois tribe, 5, 6, 29, 30.
Sergeant, John, 27.
Seward, Thomas W., trustee of Hamil
ton CoUege, 41.
Seward, WiUiam Henry, American
statesman, 161.
Seymour, Horatio, governor of New
York, 41.
Shakspere, William, 11, 95.
Shantung, Chinese province, 100.
Shaw Monument, the, in Boston, 191.
Sherman, James Schoolcraft, American
vice-president, memorial address on,
66-69.
Sherman, Richard U., 65.
Sherman, WUlett, 65.
Sherman, William Tecumseh, American
general, address on, 116-118.
Shiloh, battle ot (1862), 116.
Shipman, Andrew J., 81.
Siberia, 102.
Sigma Phi, coUege fraternity, 46 f.
SUesia, 286.
Silver Purchase Act, the, 107.
Slavery, overthrow of, 123-127.
Smith, WUliam Alden, American senator,
183.
Society in Scotland for Propagating
Christian Knowledge, the, 28, 30.
Soto, Fernando de, Spanish explorer, 7.
South America, 221, 222, 265, 271, 272,
279, 296 f.
South Carolina, 14.
Spain, 96, 220, 268, 279, 285, 286; declme
of, 8 f., 147.
Spanish Succession, War of the, 286.
Speer, Emory, American jurist, 260.
Spencer, Joshua A., American lawyer
and trustee, 41, 61.

Spenser, Edmund, EngUsh poet, 11.
Stadacona, Indian viUage, 4.
States General, the, in France, 284.
Steuben, Baron Frederick WUliam von,
Prussian-American general, 35, 36, 37.
Storrs, Henry Randolph, American con
gressman, 61.
Story, Joseph, American jurist, 233.
Strong, WiUiam L., mayor of New York,
85, 87.
Stryker, Melancthon Woolsey, president
of Hamilton CoUege, 41, 42.
Stuyvesant, Peter, Dutch governor of
New York, 86, 90.
Suffren de Saint-Tropez, Pierre Andr€
de, French admiral, 144.
SuUivan, John, American general, 33.
Supreme Court, the, 289 f .
Susquehanna, river, 6, 6, 20, 31.
Sweden, 10.
Swedes, the, 87.
Swettenham, Sir Alexander, governor of
Jamaica, 157.
Switzerland, 285.
Tadousac, 7.
Tennessee, 7.
Teutonic race, the, 145.
Third Republic, the, in Prance, 284.
Thirty Years' War, the, 10, 281.
Thornton, WiUiam, American architect,
190, 195, 204.
Throckmorton, refugee, 89.
Ticonderoga, 4, 8.
Tien-tsm, China, 262.
TUden, Samuel Jones, American states
man, 269.
TocquevUle, Alexis de, French states
man and writer, quoted, 55, 290 f .
Tonquin, 100.
Torrey, John, American botanist, 77.
Tracy, Marquis de, viceroy of Canada, 13.
Trade Commission, the, 253, 264, 256.
Tryon county. New York, 57.
Turgot, Baron de, French minister, 144.
Turkey, 97, 271.
Turks, the, 283,

INDEX

313

Turtle, the, Iroquois clan, 6.
Tuttle, Tunothy. 27.
TutuUa, 97.
Union CoUege, founding of, 26, 45 f.;
aided by a state lottery, 39 f., 48 f., 77;
address at, 45-59.
Union League Club ot Chicago, the,
address before, 269-266.
Union League Club ot New York, the,
109; addresses before, 123-127, 217-
226.
Union League Club ot PhUadelphia, the,
address before, 249-258.
Upson, Anson Judd, professor ot rhetoric,
43.
Utica, New York, 37, 40, 41, 61, 65, 66,
67, 119.
Utica Trust and Deposit Company, the,
66.
Utrecht, Treaty ot (1713), 154, 286.
VaUey Forge, 36.
Van Amringe, John Howard, dean of
Columbia College, 76.
Van Brunt, Charles H., American jurist,
address on, 245 ff.
Van Cortlandt, Pierre, Ueutenant-gov-
ernor of New York, 25.
Vanderbilt, Frederick WiUiam, American
capitalist, 135.
Van Rensselaer, Stephen, ' the Patroon,'
19.
Venetians, the, 102.
Venezuela, 97, 98.
Venezuela boundary controversy, the,
107, 269, 272.
Vergennes, Comte de, French minister,
141.
Vermont, 112.
Verplanck, GuUan, regent of the Univer
sity ot the State of New York, 26, 45.
Verrazano, Giovanni da, ItaUan naviga
tor, 7.
Vicksburg, capture of (1863), 116.
Vienna, 95, 283.
Vienna. Congress of (1815), 288.

VUla Mirafiori, the, in Rome, 196.
Vugiuia, 7, 8, 14, 191, 192, 292.
Virginia, University ot, 191.
Wales, Salem Howe, journaUst, 217.
Walters, Henry, American capitalist, 195.
Wampum, demonetization ot, 87 f .
Washington, city, 123, 222; architect
ural problems ot, 189-204.
Washington, George, American presi
dent, 13, 20, 21, 33, 34, 35, 36, 102, 105,
144, 190, 195, 197, 200, 201, 202, 264.
Webster, Daniel, American statesman,
21, 296.
Wei-hai-wei, 100.
WeUs, Samuel, 27.
West India Company, the, 89.
West Indies, the, 137.
WestphaUa, Congress of (1648), 288.
WestphaUa, Peace of (1648), 281, 286.
West Virginia, 7.
Wetmore, Edmund A., trustee of Hamil
ton College, 41.
Wheelock, Eleazar, American educator,
18, 19, 21, 22, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32,
72.
Whitaker, Nathaniel, 18.
White City, the, 194, 199, 207.
White House, the, 189, 190, 196, 197, 201
f., 203.
Whitesboro, New York, 40.
Whitestown, New York, 26, 36, 37, 45,
61.
WiUiams, John Sharp, American senator,
180, 183 f., 185.
Winthrop, Theodore, American novelist,
71.
Wisconsin, University ot, 73.
Wolt, the, Iroquois clan, 6.
Woffe, James, English general, 14, 27.
Wood Creek, 20, 61.
Yale, ElUiu, 72.
Yangtze, the, 100.
Yates, Abram, Jr., 26, 45.
Yates, Joseph, 26, 45.
Yorktown. surrender of (1781), 35.

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