PfPiPiisi I HISTORY OF WASHINGTON THE EVERGREEN STATE FROM EARLY DAWN TO DAYLIGHT IVJTH TOT{TTiAirs ^&CD rBlOG%JlPHlES JULIAN HAWTHORNE v EDITOR ASSISTED BY COL. G. DOUGLAS BREWERTON IN TWO VOLUMES Vol. I As rises on night's jewelled brow Some orb supremely bright, So Washington, from dawn to day. Emerges on our sight. From gloomy depths of endless pines, From privacy of snow ; Where ice-clad peaks o'erlook the vales, Where milder breezes blow ; From doubtful dawn to daylight, From savagery to state, She comes to prove the triumph Of those who watch and wait. NEW YORK AMERICAN HISTORICAL PUBLISHING CO. '893 /YALt (Lvl3 \ PREFACE. Firstly, we propose, for the better enlightenment of the reader of this, our story of Washington, to reopen; with some little ceremony and minuteness of description, the three great doors whose long-sealed portals, thanks to the brave energy of Columbus, Balboa, and Magellan, gave, in the sequence of their successive discoveries, three gateways through which the civiliza tion of the world poured in to reach and occupy, first, the eastern, then the western shores of the South American conti nent ; and then, in the fulness of time, those of our own north west coasts. To this will naturally follow, as briefly as maybe, some notice of later voyages and attempts, more or less successful, to exam ine and settle our own western boundary, not only the explora tions of Spain, but of those who emulated her — the Russian, the Dutch, the English, and American navigators whose united efforts mapped out our geography of to-day. Having thus, as it were, led our reader from ' ' dawn to daylight" upon the coast, we shall endeavor to trace the prog ress of interior occupancy, when the first faint plash of waves was heard, " Erelong to roll a human sea," of those who flocked in by land from the eastward to settle upon the fertile fields of Washington. Having thus occupied and partially settled our State, we will touch lightly here and there upon prominent incidents — those which might prove most interesting to the general reader of her early struggles while still linked with Oregon, her birth into IV PREFACE. territorial individuality, causes which led to the separation, and subsequent admission as one of the sovereign States. Her aboriginal inhabitants, their origin, customs, and fruit less attempts to drive out the whites and repossess their hunt ing-grounds, will supply the material for a separate chapter. Her advantages of climate and soil, her trade, commerce, and manufactures, her natural beauties, material wealth and indi vidual character will find a place and conclude a work whose scope does not permit it to emulate the fulness of Bancroft's elaborate Northwest, or the wonderful minuteness of Evans. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. INTUODUCTOHY. A new star arises on the federal field — No easy task to record its gradual culmi nation — Washington as it was — The wilderness primeval — The name of Wash ington — Its earlier life and history to be traced — The romance of history — A simile — Blind trails and paths of error — Roads that end only in bewilderment — " Prove all, hold fast the good" — Three fields from which to glean — Falsehood leads to the finding of the real — The field of legendary lore — Journals and personal experiences — Accredited history and undisputed evidence — The mist of distance — The witness-box of probability — " With charity for all and mal ice toward none" — Statistical proofs— Prophets not always approved — A subject! too large for our space— The dusty road— A prayer for patient indulgence — " Put yourself in his place." IX CHAPTER II. THE OPENING OP THE FIRST DOOR— COLUMBUS AND HrS GREAT DISCOVERY. Every age produces a hero — Condition of the world in the days of Columbus- Need of. new fields — Columbus not the first discoverer of America— Former visitors—Early life and history of Columbus — Birth, parentage, and educa tion — Becomes a sailor — Causes leading to his enthusiasm for discovery — Stories of unknown lands — Efforts to obtain recognition of his projects — Appeals to Portugal in vain — Also to John the Second— Referred to tho Junta, who decide against him — A mean attempt to steal his plans — Unsuc cessful— He goes to Spain— Scene at the convent door— The friendly prior — Obtains audience with Ferdinand and Isabella — The Council of Salamanca- Rejected by the court, he appeals to wealthy nobles of Spain — Disgusted and about to ask aid of France — Recalled to court — Another audience—Ferdinand declines, but Isabella approves, and fits out an expedition — Difficulty of ob taining sailors — Pinzon comes to the rescue— The fleet sails— Fears of the sailors and mutinous murmurings — Firmness of the admiral — Variations of the compass— Mute messengers from the land — The three days of probation — The light on the port bow— Land at last — His eye the first to discover it — Charac ter and base reward of Columbus 22 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. THE OPENING OP THE SECOND DOOR — BALBOA'S DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC. Character of Balboa, who dies unjustly on the scaffold — Romance of the Darien expedition— The double treaty— Balb:a's native bride— Entangling alliances lead to war— His men quarrel over donated gold— The Cacique's rebuke — Balboa first hears of the Pacific— Determines to verify the report— Returns to Darien to make preparations — Sends gold to the Spanish king — Learns that for alleged crimes he is to be recalled to Spain— Determines to forestall official action by the discovery of the Pacific— Balboa's soldier bloodhound — His Ind ian allies— Sets out from Darien — Adventures by the way — Reaches the mountain top alone and beholds the Pacific— Dramatic situations — Addresses his followers — " To Deum Laudamus" — The Indians wonder, but assist at the raising of the cross and memorial mound of stones— He descends to the shore — Alonzo Martin, the first European to float upon the waters of the Pacific — Balboa reaches the strand and takes formal possession — He wades into the sea and declares it and all its borders a territory of the Spanish crown — Melodra matic ceremonies— A grandiloquent proclamation — Honors the Trinity by cutting crosses with his dagger on three adjacent trees— Concluding remarks. 40 CHAPTER TV. THE OPENING OF THE THIRD DOOR THROUGH THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT BY MAGELLAN. Op?ning remarks — Personal history of Magellan — Neglected by Portugal, he takes service with Spain — Did he know beforehand of the existence of the strait ? — He is placed in command of a Spanish fleet and sets sail — Winters at Port St. Julien— Jealousy among his officers causes mutiny— He puts it down and punishes the mutineers — Sends out explorers— Loss of the Santiago— A native visits his ships— Curious account of Patagonian giants— Attempts to capture them lead to difficulty with the natives— The mutineers tried, sen tenced, executed, or marooned— Death belter than marooning— The fleet, after religious ceremonies, change their winter quarters — See an imaginary eclipse — Finally sail for the strait— Discover and enter it— The question of his pre vious knowledge of it again discussed— One ship has already been wrecked — Another now deserts him — Adventures attending the passage of the Strait of Magellan— Discovery of native buildings and graves— Final passage and extri cation from the strait— The experiences of Columbus — Balboa and Magellan compared— Strain's Darien expedition quoted in proof of great difficulties to be overcome— Small cost of these early expeditions, and singular details of their outfit— False economy ofttimes fatal to success 57 CHAPTER V. OTHER ATTEMPTS TO PENETRATE ''jTIIE NORTHERN MYSTERY." The term Northwest coast— Truth born of error— Rivalry of early explorers — The northern mystery -A wave of discovery — Drake's piratical expedition — Parallel between Drake's and Magellan's experiences— Did Drake discover the Bay of San Francisco ?— Conflicting opinions — Influence of Drake's voy- TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll age on modern diplomacy— Cruise of Cavendish — Policy of Queen Elizabeth — The Golden Hind— Unsuccessful attempt to colonize La Paz — Vizcaino surveys the Californian coast and reaches 42° north— Discovers Cape Orford and returns— Flores goes a degree higher — Vizcaino, failing in attempts to colonize California, returns to Spain and dies- -Spain ceases to explore the North Pacific — Her reasons for so doing 75 CHAPTER VI. DUTCH AND RUSSIAN VOYAGES OF EXPLORATION TO THE NORTHWEST COAST. Discovery of Cape Horn— Behring's first voyage of exploration to the northeast — Its failure— The Javanese junk — Behring's second voyage— Mysterious dis appearance of his consort's boats and their crews — Their descendants discov ered — Sufferings and death of Behring — Loss of his ship — Survivors of his crew build a smaller vessel and return— Skins brought back by his sailors find ready sale in Siberia and lead lo establishment of Russian fur trade on the Northwest coast 88 CHAPTER VII. REVTVAL OF SPANISH INTEREST IN NORTHWEST DISCOVERY. Spain plans new expeditions of discovery on the Northwest coast — Escapes a war with England by mediation of France — Cruise of the Santiago — Attacked by scurvy — Coasts the shore — Lands and trades with natives — Driven seaward by gales — Enters Nootka Sound — Observes Mount Olympus — Returns to Mon terey—Important results obtained, but not being published, are useless — An other expedition undertaken — Attacked by Indians, and boat's crew killed — Ships separated by a gale — One returns to Monterey — Still another expedition sent out, but returns without material result — War between Great Britain and Spain puts a stop to Spanish explorations on this coast 95 CHAPTER VIII. BRITISH EXPLORATIONS ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. Cook's visit to our shores — Significance of his instructions — Reaches the North west coast — Explorations hindered by fogs— Storm prevents the sight of the Strait of Fuca — Not finding it, Cook denies its existence— Anglo-Saxon versus Spanish geographical names — Appropriateness of native appellations — Mid shipman Vancouver — Bold adventure of John Ledyard — Killing of Captain Cook — Captain Clerke dies — Lieutenant Gore, of Virginia, in command — Rev olution in trade with China — The fur fields of the Northwest coast — Cook as a discoverer — Our geographical knowledge a general contribution 100 CHAPTER IX. CONCLUDES THE EXPLORATIONS BY SEA ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. The Nootka Sound imbroglio — English mercantile rascality threatens war be tween England and Spain — Honest acknowledgment— Visit of La Perouse — Berkley's voyage— Captain Meares enters, names, and surveys the Strait of viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. Juan de Fuca — Duffin, his first officer, makes further discoveries — Yankee enterprise sends Boston ships to the Sound — Explorations of the Columbia and Washington — Significance of names suggest patriotic thoughts — Captain Gray the first circumnavigator under the American flag — Discovers the mouth of the Columbia — Quimper's explorations — Vancouver arrives on the coast — Makes careful surveys— Hears of Gray's discovery, but disbelieves it — Gray returns, verifies, and names it after his ship— Scientific versus practical meth ods — Vancouver makes a second visit— Admits the existence but belittles the value of Gray's discovery — Lieutenant Broughton sails up the Columbia, ignores Gray's visit, and impudently takes possession for the British crown— A Rhode Island vessel "leads him out," "civus Bomanus sum" — A tribute to Van couver—Conflicting claims of three different and differing nationalities to territory on the Northwest coast 108 CHAPTER X. DESTRUCTION OF THE A.MERICAN SHIP BOSTON AND MASSACRE OF HER CREW, AS TOLD BY ONE OF THE ONLY TWO SURVIVORS. The Boston, a trader, puts in for wood and water — Anchors five miles north of Indian village at Friendly Cove — Visited by the natives and their king, Ma quina— Dress of the king and his chiefs — Presents of salmon — The captain invites the king to dine — Peculiar diet of the natives — Watching the armorer — The captain's fatal gift — The king breaks it and declares it "no good" — Maquina insulted by the angered captain — Suppressed rage of the chief — He understands English — Lulled into security — A savage's revenge — Assault on the armorer — Desperately wounded, the king interferes, and he escapes for a time — Imprisoned in the steerage — Awful suspense— Ordered on deck — A dramatic reception — The gory knives — " You say no, daggers come" — The row of heads— Jewitt ordered to recognize them — He becomes the king's slave and workman — Promises obedience and fealty — His life spared by the king against the remonstrances of his warriors — The king binds up his wounds and orders him to take the ship to Friendly Cove— Particulars of the massacre. . . . 123 CHAPTER XI. ASSAULTS OF CIVILIZATION ON THE EASTERN WILDS OF WASHINGTON BY' EXPLORA TION AND EMIGRATION OVER LAND. Opening remarks — A pleasant change— From sea to shore — False reports stimu late inland exploration — La Page's chronicles — A second Balboa — The Shining Mountains — Vereudrye's expedition — Alexander Mackenzie, the Columbus of transcontinental travel — His able and far-reaching plans for British aggran dizement of the Northwest — Thomas Jefferson the father of western exploration — Ledyard's fruitless effort — Balked by Russia — Michaux's frustrated by France — President Jefferson's confidential message to Congress— Lewis and Clarke's expedition — Charms of a wilderness life — Travels and explorations bet ter than light reading — Great distances traversed by Lewis and Clarke — Route taken — Wonderful success— Excitement caused by it— Suicide of Lewis— Jef ferson's tribute to the dead explorer — Soldiers and trappers turned back by Indians — Wier's prophecy — The Oak Point settlement — Captain Bonneville's TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX expedition — Captain Wyeth's fishing and trading scheme — Two attempts prove failures— Keeping Indian school — Pursuit of knowledge under difficul ties — The only arithmetic in Vancouver — Wyeth's failure a public gain — Tribute to the pioneer preachers of Washington and the far West — Results of inland exploration — Concluding remarks.. . 132 CHAPTER XII. nOW WASHINGTON WAS WON FOR THE UNION — THE STORY OF DR. WHITMAN'S FAMOUS TRANSCONTINENTAL RIDE. The American too often misrepresented — Dr. Marcus Whitman — British intrigues in the Northwest — English preserves and French Canadian gamekeepers — Americans regarded as poachers— How they kept the Yankees out — Im mense value of the fur trade— Apathy of government and ignorance of our statesmen as to value of the Northwest — Senator Benton's mistake — The god Terminus — The British fur traders' feast — Dr. Whitman their accidental guest — Premature rejoicings — Whitman determines to frustrate their plans— His hasty departure with Dr. Lovejoy — Whitman's transcontinental ride — Suffer ings by the way — Lovejoy gives out, but Wliitman presses on — Arrival at St. Louis — Is the treaty signed ? — A race against time to Washington City — Ar rives just in time — Appeals to Congress and the Cabinet — The nation aroused — "On to Oregon !" — Two hundred wagons in line — British fur traders dis courage Whitman's followers, but in vain — The emigrant army enters Oregon — A tribute to Whitman 165 CHAPTER XIII. THE STORY OF THE BOOK. By the trappers' fire— The Indians hear of " the Book"— A council of the tribe— They determine to obtain the Book — Send out messengers — They cross the mountains— Arrive in St. Louis — Interview General Clarke— He takes little interest — They visit the churches, the ball-rooms — See altars and pictures of saints, but cannot find the Book— Pathetic farewell speech of the messengers — Overheard by General Clarke's clerk, who publishes it— Action of the missionary boards — Dr. Whitman sent out — Returns and appeals to the people— The doc tor's bride— Their wedding journey— Rev. H. H. Spaulding and wife— Tribute to pioneer womanhood — Catlin warns them not to go on — Rough experiences — Kicked by a mule and upset by a cow— They celebrate " Independence Day" at South Pass — Take possession of the country — Nature's register— Solemn ceremonies— Comparison with Balboa — Whitman's old wagon and its work— They reach the Columbia— Twelve links in the chain of events that bound Washington to the Union— Is it chance or Providence ? 180 CHAPTER XIV. THE GREAT FUR COMPANIES OF THE NORTHWEST AND THEIR INFLUENCE UPON AMERICAN EMIGRATION AND SETTLEMENTS. Furs the inducement of the North, gold of the Southern occupancy of this conti nent — The secretly aggressive policy of the fur companies — A condition of X TABLE OF CONTENTS. their license to trade— Their personnel and plan of operations— They labor for British supremacy— Their report to the home government— An admirable sys tem—Birth, territory limits, and charter of the Hudson's Bay Company— King Charles's magnificent gift — A very moderate rental — Treatment of the natives —A prohibitory law well enforced — Indians kept employed— Utilizing the native — " John Bull" versus "Uncle Sam" — John's tender pocket— No competi tion tolerated — Evans details their methods and system of recruiting — A service difficult to desert — Insensible fetters — The Hudson's Bay finds a rival and enemy in the Northwest — Formation and development of that company — Their methods and system of trade— Powerful influence of this new organiza tion — Both agents of the British government — Methods of the two companies compared — The Selkirk project— A bloody skirmish — Both companies in evil case — The rivals merge into one — The Hudson's Bay absorbing the Northwest — Spoiling the spoiler 196 CHAPTER XV. ' SETTLEMENT AND CAPTURE OF ASTORIA. Mr. Astor forms the Pacific Fur Company — His far-reaching and liberal plans — Generous offer to the British Northwest Fur Company — Duplicity of that cor poration — They despatch an emissary to forestall him — Astor makes a grave mistake in selecting his partners— Articles of organization — British doubts settled by the British minister — Despatch of the Tonquin under convoy- — The overland parties — Arrival at Astoria — Capture of the Tonquin and massacre of her crew — Lewis blows up the ship — The massacre avenged — Torture of sur vivors — Thompson too late— Erection of trading posts — Difficulty of obtaining employes— Enmity of the British— The ship Beaver despatched— Building of fort at Astoria — Description of the place — Many discouragements — The situa tion — War declared between England and America — Taken advantage of by the Northwest Company— Mr. Astor betrayed and sold out by his partner, MacDougal — Sad ending of a noble enterprise— The British capture Astoria — Dramatic incidents 215 CHAPTER XVI. SEARCHING OUR TITLE — TREATS OF THE VALIDITY OF OUR TITLE— ITS CONTESTANTS AND EFFORT FOR FINAL " QUIETING" BY TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN. Opening remarks— A clear title all-important— A skeleton search— Four claim ants in the field— Russian pretensions— Spain's assertions— We fall heir to the Spanish rights— Russia not a contestant— Diplomatic tournaments of contend ing cabinets— English arrogation versus American right— England's arguments- Seeking for possession only— Asserts no exclusive right -Evans's lucid exposi tion — America's case as presented — A full statement — Negotiations begun 1807 —Another attempt to settle boundaries in 1814— The Northwest undervalued by us— Unfortunate Treaty of Joint Occupancy — Opinion of Henry Clay Many diplomats doctor the " Oregon question"— Meagre results— England practi cally, the United States nominally in possession— Mistakes of our representa tives—The question in Congress— Oregon finds friends and opponents also— TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI Benton's god Terminus — Bills lost and revived in other forms— Benton, newly converted, now " wants the earth" — Sensible suggestions of General Jesup — President Monroe on Oregon — Floyd to the rescue — Debates in Congress— "Masterly inactivity" — Webster denies any right of England — Exposes her duplicity and arrogant pretensions— Tlie matter still unsettled 239 CHAPTER XVII. OUR BOUNDARIES DEFINED AND OUR RIGHTS AS SECURED. Congress at last awakened to the necessity of legislation — The American people aroused and interested — Dr. Whitman's arguments a powerful factor— Influ ence of the Oregon question on the Presidential election of 1844 — " Fifty-four- forty or fight" — Declaration of the Democratic convention — The Whigs also favor it — President Polk's message affirms our right — Congressional action — ¦ Arbitration proposed by Great Britain and declined— Influence of the slavery question — Diplomatic negotiations renewed — Buchanan's farewell despatch — Notice of abrogation given to England — Arbitration again offered and refused — England submits a treaty — Politic action of President Polk — Democratic Cabinet versus Whig Senate — He submits it to the Senate and asks advice — Articles of the treaty — Senate advises its acceptance — It is so accepted — British claims secured — The fur companies' little bill — Benton is pleased, but Uncle Sam makes a bad bargain — " Fifty-four- forty or fight" cut down to 49° — Benton's singular speech — Vancouver's Island undervalued— A minor point settled afterward — Great Britain, without a claim, wins her case — Pro-slavery her strongest ally — Virtue of persistency at a happy moment — Opinion of Robert J. Walker — General result and general disappointment— The long con troversy finally ended 267 CHAPTER XVIII. PEOPLE WHO PRECEDED US. The Indians and their attitude toward and influence upon the settlement and progress of Washington — The original Indian — From whence did he come ? — Various theories — The glacial period — Organic changes — Savagery and bar barism defined and bounded — Savagery divided into three classes — Savages of Puget Sound — Original Indians tne curse of our coast— Early atrocities — Cooper's models — Native nature and character — Some private views — "Ten derfoot" versus "old settler"- Opinions diametrically opposed— Folly of pres ent systems exposed — The remedy — Two courses open to our Government — Failure of efforts to advance the Indian— The irrepressible conflict — Indian occupancy considered — Has he been cheated ? — Mistakes of Eastern sentiment- alism — Two personal anecdotes — Did the Indian really possess the land ? — Continuation of savagery impossible — The savage and the settler compared — Indians of Washington — Influence of the fur companies on their treatment of the early settlers — Why fur traders and the natives were agreed— Indian hatred of Americans— American martyrs of the early settlements in the Northwest- No poetry in the savage of the Sound 281 Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIX. INDIAN PECULIARITIES— THE ABORIGINES OF WASHINGTON— THEIR MANNERS, CUSTOMS, AND CHARACTERISTICS. Indian characteristics in general— Their religion — Strange fancies — The lobster god— The enchanted loon — Wawa, the great mosquito — Coyote, the superior spirit— Coyote overcomes Wawa— The origin of mosquitoes — The chipmunk legend— How the Indians first obtained fire — Coyote's stratagem — The five blind hags— Water nymphs — Indian Neptunes— Patron spirits — Indian reason ing — Isle of the dead— Fatal curiosity — Dances — Courtship and marriage — Wedding rites and gifts — Indian mothers-in-law— Naming of children— Murder and its penalty — Ceremonies of expiation — Medicine men — Their frauds and devices— Mode of graduation— Spirit power— Strange professors — Their influ ence and peculiar methods of treatment — Indian horror of the spirits of the dead— Fancies and superstitions — The dead— Mourning and modes of sepulture —Canoe burial — The dead-house — Rehabilitation of the dead — Ancient ossuaries — Mystic influences of the wild rose bush — Indian and pale-face superstitions compared — Concluding remarks 300 CHAPTER XX. WASHINGTON INDIANS OF TO-DAY — THE GENEROSITY OF PATSY, THE "POTLACH" GIVER. The word " potlach"and " cultuspotlach" — Patsy, the wealthy giver— Arrival of the guests — Picturesque scenes — The Indian camp— Distribution of food— The great potlach house — Shupald described — Aunt Sally — Opening speeches — Indian songs— Wild dances— The Fourth strangely celebrated — Better to give than receive — The Indian ball — Revival of old memories — The Klootchmen — The potlach proper — Distribution of the gifts — Patsy's presentation speech — Bags of silver money — The savings of a lifetime " potlached" — Reduced to poverty, but high in the social scale— Aunt Sally's song of triumph 335 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Alexander, E. E 343 Anderson, D. F 301 Ayer, Charles H 451 Bakeman, C. H 491 Baker, D. S 25 Bellinger, J. H 295 Beverly, John 337 Boone, W. E 115 Bowman, A. C 223 Browne, J. J 37 Csesar, P. V 379 Calkins, W. H 121 Cathcart, Isaac 43 Charlton, A. D 133 Chilberg, A. 181 Clough, C. F 205 Coiner, B. W 283 Cole, George E 49. Colman, J. M 55 Cook, Francis H 235 Cowley,M.M 253 Davis, G. W. H 277 Day, Jesse N 115 Denney, John C 241 De Pledge, H. G 313 Deutsch, William 501 Dillman, L. C 187 Drum, Henry 61 Durham, Nelson W 199 Ellis, Myron H 355 Eshelman, J. F 289 xiv ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Feighan, J. W 163 Ferguson, E. C 67 Forrest, R. W 139 Getchell, L. W 259 Griggs, Chauncey W 169 Gross, Abe 145 Gross, David 145 Gross, Ellis H 145 Gross, Morris 145 Hale, Charles E 277 Haller, Granville O 31 Ham, David T 373 Hill, John M 481 Hogan, F. Pierce 247 Huggins, Edward 115 Hutchinson, R. H 331 Jenkins, David P 73 Joab, Albert E 277 Johnson, Jonathan 441 Jones, Daniel , , 181 Kilbourne, E. C 181 King, C. B .415 Lane, Franklin K 397 Lee, T. W 157 Lillis, Henry M 397 Little, Gilbert F 349 Loomis, E. G 91 Loomis, L. A 97 Madigan, Francis E 391 Mann, C. B 397 Marks, T. E 421 Mathews, J. W 355 Metcalf, Ralph 403 Metcalfe, J. B 79 Miller, Fred C 307 Munks, William 85 O'Neill, James 211 Parker, Hollon 175 Parker, John A 385 Peterson, Frank M 461 Peterson, Mary A 471 ILLUSTRATIONS. XV PAGE Pomeroy, Joseph 115 Post, Frederick 271 Prosser, W. F 103 Richardson, F. D 313 Ringer, L. M 313 Saunders, J. C 127 Schulze, Paul 109 Seaborg, B. A 265 Simmons, D. W 355 Snell, Marshall K 361 Snell, W. H 319 Stevens, Isaac I Frontispiece Stinson, F. L 223 Stowell, H. L 223 Thronson, Joel A 355 Turner, George 151 Weed, A. B 217 White, Harry 325 Wilbur, Lot 431 Wilkinson, J. A 313 Woodhouse, C. C 277 Spokane Falls 193 Snoqualmie Falls 229 Post Falls, Upper Channel 367 Post Falls, Lower Channel 409 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. VOLUME I. CHAPTER I. • INTRODUCTORY. " As from some mountain's shrouded side The misty veil is drawn, Wlien nature's quickened pulse reveals The coming of the dawn, And cliff and crag groiv rough and real, No longer dim or strange, Till clearly o'er the crested snows The eager eye may range ; So History, piercing Error's night, And legendary lore, Divides the doubtful from the right, Bringing fair Truth to face the light, Making each occult record bright, Through unsuspected door." — Brewerton. When" the patient astronomer, searching the azure fields which the poet tells us are " thick inlaid with pa tines of bright gold," finds some as yet undiscovered planet newly risen into the constellations of those stars which, like the sands upon the seashore, no man may number, he gives his discovery to the world, and straightway the telescope of every observer is turned to verify and add what it may to that which has already been learned of the glittering stranger. It is even so with this new born State whose history is about to be written ; nor is the work to be accomplished in so doing an easy one when we consider the careful winnowing of legendary chaff needed to obtain the 2 18 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. mustard-seed of residuum which remains to the historian of abso lute fact and reliable narrative. During the almost total obscurity of the early years of the current century the present State of Washington was a wilderness but imperfectly explored, of mighty mountains, spreading forests whose vast solitudes no settler's axe had as yet opened to the sun ; inland lakes haunted only by the wild fowl, the deer, and an octopus of sounds radiating through hills crowned with the gloom of pines, whose manifold ramifications knew no keel but the canoe of the Indian and the trapper, or, it may be, through the accidental visit of some vagrant sail exciting a specu lative curiosity in commercial circles far distant from its shores. Now all is changed ; enterprise, the encroaching waves of our ever-advancing civilization, and the irrepressible march of oft- times unexpected events has done and is doing its regenerating work. The region of which we write has suddenly thrown off the chrysalis of her embryo existence, dissolved her twinship with Oregon, and performed her preparatory territorial and necessary constitutional probation to emerge into a statehood so full and perfect, when the time of its existence is considered, that her development seems to rival that of the fabled Minerva, who sprang, as mythology tells us, full-armed from the brain of Jove. So, while all eyes are not unnaturally turned to the con templation of this, almost the youngest born of our beautiful sisterhood of States, we can but wonder at the culmination, progress, and possible future of this new star, now rising so rapidly upon our national horizon, which we are proud to wel come into the federal galaxy under the name most beloved and revered throughout our land — the immortal name of Washington. In the treatment of our subject from a historical standpoint, we propose to rely mainly upon the delineation of its earlier life and history, the exposition of the slower processes of that social and political evolution, that misty, doubtful dawn, often over cast with threatening clouds, which has finally ended happily and ushered in so perfect and promising a day. It will, per haps, prove the more readable, for it is, so to speak, the romance of the young life in all histories, whether of nations or indi viduals, which most interests us. The struggle which ends in success or defeat charms us ; but the charm is rather in the bat tle and conflict than in the assured result—the individual ad- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 19 venture, the war with privation, the perils of the wilderness and the rigors of climate, the encounters with savage foes, or, possi bly, still more dangerous machinations of civilized enemies, in all of which the hardy pioneers of Washington signalized them selves, thereby becoming the factors and founders of her posi tion to-day. We may, if. comparison be in order, liken the course of her story to a mountain stream born of the yielding glacier and the melting snows, ere it becomes the fully developed river rolling on to meet its final destiny in that sea which swal lows all ; for her history comes to us through a region of mist and shadow, the depths of her rock-ribbed canyons, the green recesses of her hidden valleys, the snows of icy peaks lifting their white hands to the sky and sweeping, alas ! with their frozen breezes full many an unknown grave of those who per ished by the way in the making of its incidents. Yet, like that stream, fed by the rivulets from a thousand unexpected and occult sources, it gathers as it goes, though ofttirnes broken and disturbed by doubtful path or rugged rift and chasm, losing itself apparently to reappear with increase of power, till, rolling on its way, it finds at last a tide so broad, so deep and yet so placid that it will bear upon its bosom the argosies of trade or the iron-clads of war. Yet, to make another use of our simile, these streams must be followed with patient steps and constant scrutiny to their fountain-heads that their beginnings may be tested and their purity ascertained. We must avoid those blind trails of error which, like the worn-out buffalo spoors of the great prairies, lead not to water, but dry wallows — roads that end in bewilder ment, or, like the fabled voyages of Juan de Fuca, exist only in the imagination of their mendacious reporter. The task of the historian is, or ought to be, a realization of the scriptural com mand to " prove all things, and hold fast that which is good." We have, it would seem, three separate yet neighboring fields from which to glean our material. First and most ample in its fruitfulness of yield, yet withal the least remunerative in solid results, are the legends of the Indians and trappers, and the tales, more or less embellished, of adventurers and voyagers. It is the very temptation to employ a material so easy to dress and make palatable to the intellectual taste of those (and they are many) who prefer sensation to fact 20 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. that has finally hardened into seeming reality the grossest fic tions. How many mariners risked life and fortune, braving the terrors of the unknown frozen seas to find and explore the mythical Straits of Anian, because the original falsehood was repeated till its very reiteration impressed credulity with its truth. This world is full of men who can repeat a baseless state ment till they really believe it themselves ; and such people, being possessed of vivid imaginations, are ofttimes dangerously circumstantial in their reports. Secondly, we have journals and personal experiences whose value depends largely on the truthfulness and trustworthiness of their authors and narrators, and even then are handicapped with the danger of unconscious exaggeration to which we have fust referred. Third and last, there remains the field of fairly accredited histories, ancient and modern, sustained by collateral evidence and undisputed facts. But even here, like the planet Mars, whose opposition is just at present exciting so much interest and controversy on our own globe, the evidence of even written and accepted history becomes more clear and satisfactory as the events recorded approach our own time, and in so drawing nearer to us emerge from the mists of years, and that cloud of uncertainty which must ever attend upon distance to embarrass the searcher for the truth. And, after all, these records must be combined, contrasted, and put into the witness-box of probability to undergo the cross- examination of common sense, and even then be cautiously received by the painstaking and clear-headed author, who de sires faithfully to fulfil his task. Taking truth for his guiding star in the narrative of public events and in dealing with indi vidual character, never forgetting that he himself must one day render up an account, and, therefore, adopts the noble maxim (and a grander was never enunciated by man) of the martyred Lincoln : " With charity for all, and with malice against none." While statistics, the essence of arithmetical history, cannot well be entirely ignored, we do not propose to burden our pages by mere tabular statements, for even official reports are often times garbled, or at least colored favorably by a natural desire to make a good showing in population or finance. They are, nevertheless, to a certain extent valuable as the barometers, HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 21 more or less faithful, of progress, showing to the weatherwise in social science the probabilities of the future as they rise or fall to their scale of degrees, and compare the present with the recorded past. But as weather prophets, for good or evil, are seldom popular with the world at large, so the pages of a history weighed down by calculations which are ofttimes approved to day and condemned to-morrow are apt to deaden the interest of the narrative for the general reader. Furthermore, the space to which we are necessarily confined must affect the scope of our work and to some extent curtail our record even of facts, to say nothing of more tempting paths into which the writer, as well as the reader, is constantly liable to be beguiled. We must, therefore, walk for the most part in the beaten, albeit dusty road of bounded historical description, eschewing, though sadly against our will, those shady vistas and flowery byways which, promising as they do many a beauti ful beyond, might tempt us to stray from the prosy line to wliich a sense of duty confines us. Having thus said our say as custom demands, as the lecturer makes his initiatory bow to his audience from the platform, we will conclude tliese introductory remarks with the equally con ventional prayer for that indulgent endurance of editorial short comings which, were the positions of author and reader reversed, the latter, with far better appreciation of the difficulties to be overcome, would most freely accord. CHAPTER II. BEING THE OPENING OF THE FIRST DOOR BY COLUMBUS, AND HIS GREAT DISCOVERY. " First in the ranks of those who bravely dare Tempestuous seas in search of shores unknown, Though the new world another's name may bear, The fame of finding must be thine alone ; Thine the Bret eye to catch the transient beam Of welcome watch light on its stranger strand, Foretelling ere the moon brought brighter beam, The certain presence of the looked-for land." — Brewerton. " God will cau=e thy name to be wonderfully resounded through the earth, and will gice thee the keys of the gates of the ocean which are closed with strong chains." — Vision of Columbus, Every age produces its hero. Every crisis in the extreme need of man brings forth some Moses fitted to lead the people through the desert of trial into the Canaan of rest. There are critical periods in the world's general condition also,' times of stagnation when civilization seems to labor upon worn-out and exhausted fields, and cries loudly for new worlds to conquer. Her enterprises, dammed up and circumscribed, chafe against their barriers and require larger opportunities for action. To find some imaginary promised land to enter in and possess it be comes the universal hope and general endeavor. It is the work ing out, but only on a grander scale, of the same spirit which actuates the restless settler of to-day, who takes up his claim, improves it, and then growing dissatisfied with "his. pitch," shoulders his axe and once more loses himself in the wilderness in search of a new location. Yet it is, after all, a wise provision, an aggregation of those tides of unrest which stir the human sea and give healthful motion to the ever-seething waves of political, religious, social, and financial effort. So it was in that old day when Columbus "gave to Castile and Aragon a new world." The arenas of the nation's battle-fields for bread would appear to have become too stale and limited. We may assume HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 23 that a condition of things had been reached which required not only a Moses for its leadership, but some land of promise to be possessed and enjoyed. It remained for Christopher Columbus to solve the problem ; to become, in his search for that then greatly desired " shorter ocean pathway" to the riches of " Far ther Ind," a modern Moses: like the law-giver of the He brews, permitted to see but not to realize the fruits of his labors : building far " better than he knew," lor it would have been a greater revelation to himself than the discovery he actually made could he have seen with the eyecs of centuries to come the vastness of an empire compared witli which the land of ancient promise was but a barren field. In thus giving to civilization an open gate through which the floods of humanity might pour for ages and still find homes and remunerative fields of labor, better opportunities and more assured rewards, Columbus gained what most public benefactors receive at the hands of ungrateful con temporaries — a life of neglect, but posthumous immortality of praise. And now, as the first step leading to the Northwest coast set tlement and occupancy, it may be well to pause for a moment and give some space to the consideration of the character and history of the man whose very obstacles and neglect spurred him on in spite of every discouragement and difficulty to that hour of his final triumph when he anchored the little Pinta and her consorts in a harbor of that hitherto unknown continent which should have borne his name rather than that of Americus Ves pucius ; but, to use his own homely illustration, he had broken the egg, and it was an easy task to follow his example. Among the men who may be said to have lived before their time, and in their extraordinary genius and foresight to have anticipated their proper day, the Genoese, Christopher Colon, or Columbus, stands pre-eminent. Yet though the statement may seem paradoxical to many, especially in view of the fact that in this year of grace 1892 we are about celebrating another centen nial of his great achievement, Columbus (if well-authenticated records are to be believed) did not discover America ; or, to speak more correctly, his discovery was anticipated on both sides of the continent : by a Buddhist monk named Hoei-Shin, sent out by the Chinese as early as the fifth century, who reached the Mexico of to-day with no particular result, and by the Norse- 24 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. men, the sea rovers, and at one time the terror of Europe, who visited Iceland, Greenland, and even Newfoundland in 860, being storm-driven on its coasts. The finding of Nova Scotia followed, and the songs of the Sagas may have mingled with the winter roar of New England pines on the inhospitable coasts of Ply mouth long before the Pilgrims chanted their hymn of deliver ance upon its rock. Even the Welsh bards tell us of one Madoc, who, fleeing from troubles at home in 1169, reached the west ern main with a colony of his countrymen. Catlin, the Indian historian and painter, believes that the Mandans owe their origin to the Welsh, and seems to sustain his position. Vancouver found a tribe in the vicinity of the Columbia whose features favored this theory, and both Lewis and Clark, and also Charle voix, make statements which go to confirm it. Both the Pawnee and Cherokee tribes have been supposed to be of a similar origin. R. H. Major says of Henry of Portugal, a prince of advanced and liberal ideas, Avho devoted his life to the study of astronomy and navigation and the encouragement of geographical discov eries, dying in 1463, nearly thirty years before the landing of Columbus : " The explorations instituted by Henry of Portugal were, in truth, the anvil upon which the link was forged that connected the Old World with the New." It is, however, proper to state that all these discoveries were but as straws heralding ¦ the advent of the breeze, bringing about no solid results in them selves. It is to the unwearied patience, courage, and genius of the great navigator, after all, that we owe the far-reaching super structure of events whose corner-stone was laid on the memorable 12th of October, 1492. But we return to the personal history and condensed life sketch of the man who, under God, wrought this great work, premising that we can but touch the prominent points, omitting many most interesting details. Born, as the best authenticated records assure us — though even. the exact date of his nativity is in doubt — at Genoa, in the year 1436— or, as other authorities claim, not till ten years later — Christopher Colon, or Columbus, was the son of a wool-comber in humble circumstances. His father, however, appears to have been self-denying, or possibly ambitious enough to send his son to the University of Paria, to study sciences which might fit him for nautical pursuits. It is evident that the influences of life in -*g *1>y F. G Kemmftt- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 27 a maritime city naturally created in the boy an early passion for a seafaring life. Learning was then leaving the monasteries to take up its abode with the laity ; printing was recently dis covered, and books more easily obtained ; stories of geographi cal discoveries and adventures were whetting an appetite for larger knowledge, which was increased by the writings of Pliny, Strabo, and others. Columbus began to make voyages when but a boy of fourteen. His enthusiasm ripened with his experience of the sea. The " sailor yarns" of the " fo' castle" of those days, built on the narrowest foundations of truth, loomed beneath the embellishments of their narrators into gigantic proportions. Wonderful tales of the mysteries of those unknown oceans, fan cies whose extravagance rivalled the romance of Eastern fable, were the food upon which his ardent imagination fed. Among other stories of the time was the tradition that there existed a large island in the Atlantic called An tilia, mentioned by Aris totle ; there was another rumor of an island on which St. Bran don, a Scottish and probably very " canny" saint, who knew how to turn his opportunities to the best advantage, landed in the sixth century and founded there a magnificent city. Yet another tale was told of seven Spanish bishops who settled there with their numerous followers and built seven cities, a city to each priest. Then came the story of Atlantis, learned by Plato from the Egyptians — an immense island in the Atlantic, full of large and populous cities, wliich had been swallowed up by an earthquake. Strange, is it not \ that all these stories, wild as the winds, yet showed a germ of truth when submitted to the clearer light of after knowledge % What wonder that an ardent boy, full of vivid imaginations as Columbus must have been, eagerly caught up, dreamed over, and dwelt upon these weird legends of the untraversed seas, or that their inspiration should have fired his daring mind with the desire to explore and satisfy himself as to their reality. A certain religious zeal seems to have enhanced and possibly purified this ambition. There is in the Astor Library (whose learned librarian is the well-known and most deservedly distinguished author, Frederick Saunders, to whose excellent work on Columbus the writer is indebted for much condensed information) an antique folio entitled "The Polyglot Psalter of Augustine Justinian, Bishop of Nebbio, in the Island of Corsica :" on the margin of Psalm xix., verse 4, he 28 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. puts a note in which he affirms that Columbus frequently boast ed that he was tbe person here referred to, and appointed of God to fulfil this biblical statement. "It is recorded," says Saunders, " that on a certain occasion a mysterious voice said to him in a dream, " God will cause thy name to be wonderfully resounded through the earth and will give thee the keys of the gates of the ocean which are closed with strong chains." It was doubtless the result of overwrought study of his theory ; but to the mind of Columbus it must have had the force of a supernatu ral revelation. He very beautifully adds, " Columbus, it has been said, stood midway between the mediaeval and modern ages ; even his adventurous voyage over a dark and perilous ocean seems symbolic of the fact, for gloom and disaster overshadowed his course until he gained the western shore, when they vanished, and all became transfigured with the radiant light." Columbus made voyages in the service of the Portuguese, visiting Iceland in 1477, where he doubtless heard of the discov eries of Erik the Red. Still poor and unable to equip an expe dition, he appealed to the King of Portugal, then too much en gaged with a war against Spain to listen to him. Waiting until his successor, John the Second, ascended the throne, he renewed his supplication. "His scheme, referred," says Saunders, "to a junta composed of two eminent cosmographers and a bishop, was decided to be extravagant and visionary ; yet the king was not satisfied with their decision, and called a council, with no better result. It was then that the bishop, who was the king' s con fessor, proposed the mean stratagem that he should obtain from Columbus his plans, charts, etc., under pretext of consider ing his enterprise. The evil suggestion was acted, upon ; a three-masted caravel was sent to the Cape de Verd Islands, with secret instructions to go as far westward as possible, to ascertain if there was any truth in the theory of Columbus. They did not go far before the cowardly crew became frightened by the storms, and their base attempt ended in disgrace, for Columbus discovered the treachery and left Lisbon in disgust about 1484." "He next appears," says the same authority, "at the gate of the Franciscan monastery near Palos. According to the testi mony of the physician of Palos, a seafaring man accompanied by a very young boy stopped one day at the gate of the convent of La Eabida, and asked of the porter a little bread and water HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 29 for his child. While the porter was giving refreshments to the boy the prior of the convent passed by and was at once impressed by the dignified bearing of the stranger. He entered into con versation with him and invited him to remain as his guest. Co lumbus revealed his name to his benefactor and told his troubles and his purposes. " Meeting in the prior a man himself learned in geographical science, who sent for a scientific friend to come and converse with his guest, a full discussion of Columbus's projects followed, ending in an offer to take his son Diego into the convent and educate him, and provide his father with a favorable letter to the Spanish court. The time was inauspicious, the war spirit rul ing the land to the exclusion of all peaceful enterprise ; so we find Columbus returning, to wait patiently at La Rabida till the spring of 1486, when the court had gone to Cordova. Upon repairing there and presenting his letter, he was curtly dismissed with a shake of the head by the prior in attendance, but, after long waiting, obtained an audience with Ferdinand and Isabella. Then came the famous Council of Salamanca, the favorite theme of many a painter, where our poor mariner took nothing by his motion but the objection "that if the earth is round you will be compelled to sail up a kind of mountain from Spain, which you cannot do, even with the fairest wind, and you could never get back." By some he was regarded as an adventurer, by others a visionary, by all an innovator upon what to their nar rower conceptions were well-established facts. From the throne we find him going to the rich nobles of Spain. The Duke of Medina Celi, to whom he applied, advised another application to the king and gave him a letter to Isabella ; but his proud spirit, grown weary with repeated refusals, rebelled, and he had determined to visit France. When it was found that another power might benefit by his plans, Santangel, the crown treasurer of the Church, pleaded the cause of Columbus with the mon archs. The king doubted, but the queen believed ; and when Ferdinand decided that his battles with the Moors had depleted his treasury, leaving him too poor to invest in so uncertain an expedition, Isabella, with that clearer foresight often given to womanhood, exclaimed, " I will undertake the enterprise, and, if necessary, will pledge my jewels for the money." Santangel declared with emphasis, " It will not be necessary." Saunders 30 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. tells us that " a courier was sent after Columbus, the queen assented to his terms, and," woman-like again, "urged his de parture as speedily as possible. Columbus claimed as his re ward to be named high admiral, governor-general, and viceroy over the land he discovered, together with one tenth of the prod uce of the countries. Ferdinand acquiesced, and the contract was signed by the sovereigns at Santa Fe, on April 17th, 1492. "Furnished with authority from the court, he caused the royal order to be read commanding the authorities of the town to have two caravels ready for sea within ten days, and they with their crews placed at the disposal of the admiral. A sim ilar order was issued for the third vessel. When this edict was announced, although Palos was a seaport and there were plenty of seamen, none seemed inclined to hazard their lives on such a perilous expedition, and the greatest consternation prevailed. Many fled the town to avoid being compelled to serve, and for some weeks no progress was made toward the equipment of the vessels. At this crisis, however, Martin Alonzo Pinzon ap peared, the same who sailed in command of the Pinta, and was either separated by the storm or wilfully abandoned his admiral on the return voyage, arriving on the very evening of the day that Columbus reached Palos. He evidently thought to fore stall and arrogate to himself the honors gained by his com mander, whom he had already reported from Bayonne, and possibly believed, to be swallowed up. His chagrin at the enthusiastic reception and safe arrival of his chief, combined with his own disappointment and his sovereigns' refusal to re ceive him at court, so worked upon him that he died in a few days after landing. This man now came forward with his brother, Vincent Tanez, both navigators of Palos, of great wealth and undoubted courage, and not only agreed to furnish one of the vessels, but to go themselves with Columbus." The expedition sailed, with the benedictions of the Church, on Friday, August 3d, 1492— mark the day, for it seems a singular rebuke to a popular superstition, most common among sailors, that Friday is an unlucky day. Certainly it is a curious coin cidence that Columbus began his voyage on Friday, discovered America on Friday, began his return on Friday, and reached his port on the same "unlucky day," arriving at the Canaries on the 9th. They were detained at these islands for more than three c^/w-UjL^ Gr^/'^&^Jlt^ ^ » &- & *-^c , HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 33 weeks. When passing to the west of the group they laid their course to brave the dangers— magnified a thousandfold by igno rance and superstition— of the unknown western seas. Losing sight of the Canaries and favored by the weather, the little fleet of Columbus pushed boldly out into the mare incog nita. Passing within sight of the peak of Teneriffe, then shoot ing forth its volcanic fires, his sailors began to manifest that fear which increased apparently with every league of their western progress. Two hundred miles more finds the deviation of the magnetic needle adding another element of embarrassment and dread. The variation reaching five degrees to the northwest and continuing to increase, they sail on, with no other guide but the heavenly lights, directing their course by the polar star. Great masses of seaweed, even now a hindrance to the progress of vessels in those latitudes, retard their voyage. But as hope begins to fail and courage to waver, like an angel messenger from the unknown shore comes a land bird to welcome and cheer them on. The murmurs of mutiny are hushed for a while. For eleven days the caravels drive on before a favoring gale, for the wind is easterly, then it shifts to the southwest and dies away, leaving them becalmed. The dim dawn breaks slowly, just gray ing the horizon, when Martin Pinzon, standing on the high stern of the Pinta. shouts to the admiral with exceeding joy, " Land, land, Seiior ! I claim the promised reward." But the phan tom shore vanishes with the sunrise, the first of a series of sim ilar disappointments which add to their disheartenment. A more southerly course is recommended by Pinzon, who has seen a flock of parrots flying from the southwest. But Columbus is not to be moved. Trusting to his own judgment, he holds upon his course. Again the mutterings of mutiny break forth ; hope departs, and they openly defy their commander. With what dignity does he meet their objections and disregard their threats ! Hear his reply : " This expedition has been sent out by your sovereign ; and, come what may, I am determined, by the help of God, to accom plish the object of the voyage." It rests only upon the evidence of Oviedo, for Irving tells us that Las Casas and Navarr do not mention the incident that Columbus at length, driven to a compromise, yields in some measure to his mutinous crew, and promises if within three days 34 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. no land is discovered he will return to Spain. If it were so (and, deeply diamatic as it is, we are inclined to doubt the accuracy of the statement), how great must have been the confidence of the daring navigator, founded on close calculations and watch fulness of the signs, now thickening upon the sea, of his near ness to the goal of his hopes— the long-looked-for coast — the only thing which could render his extorted promise a dead let ter. If it were so, how awful must have been his anxiety lest some untoward accident, some hindrance of storm or calm should exhaust the period of probation without solving the problem ! Did space permit, it might be both curious and instructive to attempt to diagnose the moods of mind and conditions of feel ing through which Columbus must have passed during this purgatory of trial, the fever of hope alternating with the chill of fear. There must have been moments when in the secret cham bers of his heart he may have doubted the reality of his own theories and the exactness of his calculations. If so, he kept his counsel well, never for an instant permitting a look of dis couragement to increase that of his faint-hearted crew. But the hour of his triumph was at hand. They threatened in vain to cast him into the sea and return to Spain ; they even, it is said, were about to execute their threat when that God in whom he trusted sends yet other tokens to quiet their disorders and renew their expectations of ultimate success. A coast fish glides by— a branch of thorn with berries — a cane carved by some savage hand that little knew the outcome of its labor. Columbus is suved, and again the voyage goes on — the half-assured crew obeying, though surlily. Take courage, brave pilot into the unknown ! Your troubles are nearly ended ; your deliverance is at hand. The ever-famous 12th of October, 1492, is about to dawn, and in the fulness of time open a hundred harbored ports to untold millions yet to be. The prophetic voice you heard so long ago in dreams spoke not in vain : " God is about to make thy name to be wonderfully resounded through the earth, and will indeed give thee the keys of the gates of the ocean ;" but ' ' the chains, ' ' alas ! are reserved for thy sole reward. "We might essay in vain to find a more graphic narrative of that most memorable night so fraught with gloom of anxiety and doubt, so glorious in its sunrise of perfect realization, than is recorded in a recent work, based upon the diary of Columbus, HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 35 entitled " With the Admiral." Strange that his should have been the first eye to discover that faint and feeble gleam upon the unknown shore for which through so many weary years he had been industriously searching. What was its purpose, and by what native kindled, who little dreamed that his careless hand was lighting a beacon which should lead to the extinction of his race ! And yet its momentary gleam linked the old with the new— a civilized with a savage world. But to our quota tions : " At ten o'clock his quick eye caught a gleam of light out to sea wliich almost instantly disappeared. Fixing his eye on the quarter whence it had vanished, he called to Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo Sanchez, who were near by, and asked if they could not see it as well ; then raising his voice, he hailed the lookout on the bows : ' Ola, in the prow there, see you not a light yon der off the port-bow 1 ' As the ship rose on a billow, Pedro Gutierrez saw the light plainly, and so told the captain, but Rodrigo Sanchez could not catch sight of it from where he stood. Up from the bows, too, came an answering hail which left the matter still in doubt : ' No, Sefior Captain, we see no light from here ! ' Once or twice more, however, the wavering spark showed itself to Columbus's intent gaze and then sank out of sight. " Sweeping swiftly to the west, for half a gale was blowing, the fleet held on its way, the Pinta leading, with the Nina next, and the flagship last of all. Hour after hour went by without incident of any kind. At midnight the watch was changed, and fresh lookouts took the place of those who had been straining their eyes so far in vain ; but still the troubled surface of the ocean was all that met their sight. On board the Santa Maria the silence was unbroken except by the swash of the waves against the ship's hull, and the low voices of the sailors as now and then they muttered some remark to one another. Just as the watch was again changing, toward two o'clock, the clouds which had been hiding the moon blew off, and the whole sea for leagues around was bathed in a flood of clear white light. Scarcely had the last shadows swept over the rolling sea when a brilliant flash of fire was seen in the direction of the Pinta, and the dull roar of a cannon was borne down the winds to the vessels astern. It was the signal for land in sight, and the flag- 36 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. ship pressed forward to join her foremost consorts. As her impatient sailors neared the Pinta they had no need to ask for news, for directly before them, not more than a couple of miles away, lay the low and rounded summits of what were clearly sand-hills, while on the beach below a heavy surf was dashing in lines of snowy foam. At the very moment the moon emerged from the clouds, Juan Rodriguez Beruejo, one of the Pinta' s sea men, from a little village near Seville, had seen the first beams fall on the glittering sand and the frothy breakers, and had hur riedly fired a gun, with excited cries of ' The land ! the land !' Had the moon remained hidden but a few moments longer there would have been a shipwreck to report. " The great mystery of the ocean was revealed ; his theory, which had been the scoff of sages, was triumphantly estab lished, and Columbus had thus secured to himself a glory as enduring as the world itself." Although doubt has rested upon the exact island of the group on which Columbus first landed, the burden of proof favors Guanahani (its original Indian name), which its discoverer — mindful, doubtless, of the sorrows through which it had been reached, and the Divine Providence which had so signally led him on — immediately called San Salvador (Holy Saviour). It is now known as Watling Island. So ends our record of Columbus and his eventful voyage. If it appear lengthy, let the reader remember that the fourth centennial of that great discovery is at hand, and the eyes of the civilized world are turned, as with one accord, to reverence and do honor to his memory. He stood out like a volcanic mountain against the sky from the age in which he flourished, whose darkness favored him ; for it cannot be denied that just in proportion as civilization ad vances does heroship cease to become conspicuous ; attracting less attention in the increase of general light, just as stars grow most brilliant in the deepest gloom, to pale and finally fade out with the coming of the dawn. Hence it was that, in the obscu rity of the dark ages, men became planets of the first magnitude who in the brighter skies of our greater enlightenment would attract but passing notice. Yet another word as to the much-discussed character of Columbus, which, seen through the haze of four centuries and 11I11HWHPI OL) HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 39 the record of pens, ofttimes inimical, it is no easy task to esti mate justly. Reserving our own and quoting the opinions of others, we may well say, " Who shall decide where so many learned authorities diametrically disagree?" for no less than six hundred authors have written his biography. His dis covery, the greatness of which he never realized, brought him more foes than friends ; the rich regions he opened to others gave poverty to himself. Carlyle, little given to extravagant praise, calls him " the royalist sea king of all ;" Humboldt, " a giant standing on the confines between medieval and modern times, making by his existence one of the great epochs in the history of the world." Irving tells us that " the magnanimity of his nature shone forth through all the troubles of his stormy career." Bancroft, less flattering, remarks, "As a mariner and discoverer, Columbus had no superior ; as a colonist and governor he proved himself a failure." Again we say, "Who shall decide?" This at least they cannot alter : the New World is his everlasting monu ment and will preserve his fame till time shall cease to be. It is now our task to hang beside the description of Colum bus' s achievement as dramatic a picture as we may of that event, most important, though in a secondary degree, considered with relation to the settlement of the Northwest coast— the discovery of the Pacific by Balboa., with the voyage through the strait, which so properly bears his name, of the adventurous Magellan. 3 CHAPTER III. THE OPENING OF THE SECOND DOOR, BEING THE DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC BY BALBOA. " He was the first who ever burst Into that silent sea.'' Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the discoverer of the Pacific, was no ordinary man. He was gifted with great personal magnet ism, courage, and perseverance of a high order, and a nobility of spirit which preferred fame to gold. He rises far above the ordinary Spanish mercenaries who sought the New World only to satisfy their greed. Like others of his race, Balboa was a strange mixture of good and evil, passing triumphantly through many a wild and bloody scene to die at last upon the scaffold, through the indirect influence of the native mistress whom he seemed to have loved, and for a crime of which he was certainly innocent ; for when the crier who preceded him to the block proclaimed him a traitor, Balboa indignantly repudiated the charge, saying, " It is false ! Never did such a crime enter into my mind. I have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, and sought to augment his dominions." He perished in 1517, in the prime of his life (being but forty-one, years old), a man whose name is as enduringly linked with the discovery of the Pacific as that of Columbus with the continent on which we dwell. Well was it for the treacherous governor and his adher ents who condemned him that the little band, then awaiting his return on the Pacific, knew nothing of their leader's extrem ity, or, says Headley, ' ' they would have descended with their old battle-cry of ' Santiago ! ' and swept his enemies into the sea." A romance almost Oriental in its details surrounds the story of his Darien experience— his marriage (if such it may be called) with the daughter of the cacique, whom he had traitorously overcome, who, after reproaching him in moving terms with his perfidy, gave the young and beautiful captive maid, as she stood HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 41 trembling and dejected before him, to be his wife, with these words : " Behold my daughter. I give her to thee as a pledge of friendship. Take her for thy wife, and be assured of the fidelity of her family and her people." Irving tells us that Balboa felt the full force of his words, and knowing the importance of forming a strong alliance with the natives, looked upon her, and she, like Rebecca of old, found favor in his sight. He omits, however, to state whether the charms of the daughter or the influence of her father was the strongest factor in bringing about this left-handed alliance, or what the French would term mariage de convenance. We find him, then, possibly by way of wedding reception, treating his new father-in-law to a grand military display, the details of his ships, his war horses, armor, and equipments, to which he judiciously adds, in the language of the historian, " Lest he should be too much daunted by these warlike spectacles, he caused the musicians to perform a harmonious concert on their instruments, at which the cacique was lost in admiration." Having thus sufficiently impressed him with his power, and loaded him with presents, he suffered his new friend to depart. It will be observed that the mother-in-law does not appear to have played so prominent a part in those days as in our later v and more degenerate times. True to his promise to the father of this Indian beauty, Bal boa makes war against the cacique's enemies and returns laden with the spoil — a considerable one — of their villages. It will be seen that one indirect effect of this native marriage was to direct his attention to the Pacific, of whose existence he had not yet heard. So that, after all, it was the feeble hand of an untutored Indian girl that pointed her steel-clad European lover to the goal which was to link his memory with undying reputation by making him the discoverer of that mighty sea which bounds our western shore. Old Peter Martyr tells us that the eldest son of a cacique, Comagie, one of Careta's allies, to whom the new-made Bene dict made a friendly visit — a chief who commanded three thou sand warriors — perceiving that the Spaniards were a " wander ing kind of men, living only by shifts and spoil, " sought to gain their favor by gratifying their avarice. He himself gave four 42 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. thousand ounces of gold, with sixty slaves — captives taken in battle. Balboa ordered the gold weighed, setting aside one fifth for the crown, and dividing the remainder among his followers. In the division a violent quarrel arose among them as to the value and size of their respective shares. The high-minded sav age was disgusted at this sordid brawl among those whom he had learned to reverence as superior beings. In the impulse of his disdain, says Irving, he struck the scales with his fist and scattered the glittering pieces about the porch. " Why," said he, "should you quarrel for such a trifle? If this gold is so precious to your eyes that for it you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful lands of others, and expose yourselves to such suffering and peril, I. will tell you of a region where you may gratify your wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty mountains!" continued he, pointing to the south. "Beyond them lies a mighty sea, which may be observed from their sum mit. It is navigated by people who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished, like them, with sails and oars. All the streams which flow down the southern side of those mountains into that sea abound in gold, and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among those people of the south as iron is among you Spaniards. ' ' Need it be said that Balboa eagerly asked as to the means of penetrating so opulent a region? He was told of the dangers of the way, those which did exist and some which existed only in the imagination ; for their narrators spoke of fierce and evil cannibals, who were probably a myth. But the warlike cacique Tubanama, with his fierce following, was probably real enough. The territories of this redoubtable chief were, it seemed, distant but six days' journey, and reputed richest of all in gold— a fact wliich probably more than balanced any dread of his prowess in the minds of the soldiers of Balboa. The cacique concluded by declaring that it would require at least a thousand soldiers armed like the Spaniards to effect its conquest, yet at the same time offered, as a proof of his thoughtfulness, to accompany the expedition at the head of his warriors. Surely Balboa had a wonderful talent for making friends among these children of the wilderness ! This revelation, the first intimation he had received of the € HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 45 existence of this, to Europeans, unknown and entirely unsus pected sea, appears to have wrought a revolution in Balboa' s whole character. The hitherto wandering and desperate man had a road opened to his utmost ambition which, if followed to success, would place him among the great captains and discov erers of earth. Henceforth the discovery of the Pacific, ' ' the sea beyond the mountains," was the sole object of his thoughts, rousing and ennobling a spirit set on higher aims. He hastened his return to Darien to make the necessary preparations for this splendid enterprise. " Before departing," says the historian, " he baptized the cacique by the name of Don Carlos, and per formed the same ceremony for his sons and several of his sub jects. Thus strangely did avarice and religion go hand in hand in the conduct of the Spanish discoveries." Lacking provisions on his return to Darien, we find him sending, in his extremity, a second time to Hispaniola for sup plies. He writes also to Don Diego Columbus, who governed at San Domingo, informing him of the great sea and opulent region beyond the mountains, and entreating his influence with the king to obtain a thousand men to prosecute his quest. Strongest argument of all to win imperial favor, he sent fifteen thousand crowns in gold to be remitted to the king as his royal fifth of the sums already gathered. Many of his followers like wise sent money to their creditors at home — greatly, as we must imagine, to the wonder of those to whom they were indebted. Meanwhile a complication of difficulties had terminated in serious complaints against Balboa at the Spanish court which roused the indignation of the king and obtained a sentence against him involving costs and damages. It was, moreover, determined to recall him to Spain to answer to criminal charges. Learning this by his private advices, and in daily expectation of official action which might deprive him of his government, Balboa determines, while still master of his own actions, to obtain restoration to his sovereign's favor by a " bold achieve ment—the discovery of the southern sea. He dared not wait for reinforcements from Spain, but determined, with the hand ful of men at his command, to undertake the task, desperate as it appeared." To linger was to be lost. "Selecting one hun dred and ninety picked men devoted to his person, he armed them with swords, targets, crossbows, and arquebuses ; he did 46 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. not conceal from them the danger of the enterprise into which he was about to lead them ;' ' but there was gold for the finding, and with such a stimulus he might well rely upon the bravery of his adventurers. He also took with him a number of trained bloodhounds, which had been found terrible allies in Indian warfare. One of these hounds — Balboa's special bodyguard and con stant companion, a dog named Leoncico — is thus minutely de scribed by Oviedo : " He was of middle size, but immensely strong ; of a dull yellow or reddish color, with a black muzzle, and his body was scarred all over with wounds received in innumerable battles with the Indians. Balboa always took him with him on his expeditions, and sometimes lent him to others, receiving for his services the same share of booty allotted to an armed man. In this way he gained by him, in the course of his campaigns, upward of a thousand crowns. The Indians, it is said, had con ceived such terror of this animal that the very sight of him was sufficient to put a host of them to flight." He also, in addition to these forces, took with him a number of Darien Indians, whom he had won over by his kindness, and whose services as guides and from their general knowdedge of native habits and resources made them valuable allies in the field, greatly to be counted on. " Such," says Irving, " was the motley armament that set forth from the little colony of Darien under the guidance of a daring, if not desperate, com mander in quest of the great Pacific Ocean." We find our adventurer embarking " on the first of Septem ber with his followers, in a brigantine and nine large canoes or pirogues, followed by the cheers and good wishes of those who remained in the settlement." Standing northwest, he arrives safely at Coyba, the dominion of his cacique father-in-law. The Indian beauty, we are told, had acquired a great influence over her lord, and his friendship with her people appears to have been sincere. Here he was received with open arms and fur nished both with guides and warriors. He leaves half his men here to guard the canoes, and departs to penetrate the wilder ness. Before setting out, however— being, doubtless, deeply impressed both with the solemnity and danger of his mission — he causes high mass to be performed, and offers up prayers to HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 47 God for the success of his perilous enterprise. It was on the sixth day of September that he struck for the mountains. " Their march," says the author from whom we so often quote, " was difficult and dangerous. The Spaniards, encumbered with the weight of their armor and weapons, and oppressed by the heat of a tropical climate, wTere obliged to climb rocky preci pices and to struggle through close and tangled forests. Their Indian allies aided them by carrying their ammunition and pro visions, and by guiding them to the most practicable paths." September 8th finds them at the village of Ponca, the ancient enemy of Careta. All is lifeless, the people having fled. Here they remain for several days to recruit. Guides are needed, and the retreat of Ponca being at length discovered, he is prevailed on, though reluctantly, to come to his enemy, Balboa, by whom he is kindly received and speedily won over. (This Spaniard seems to have been endowed with some special power of fascina tion, or these natives were easily persuaded.) This Ponca be comes his friend, assures him of the existence of the sea, gives him ornaments of gold, and even points out the mountain from whose summit the ocean is visible. Fired with new zeal, Balboa procures fresh guides and pre pares to ascend the mountain. He returns his sick to Coyba, taking with him only the vigorous. On September 20th we see him again setting forth through a broken, rocky country, cov ered with matted forests and intersected by deep and turbulent streams, many of which he is obliged to raft. So difficult is their path that in four days they make only ten leagues of prog ress, and, withal, suffer from hunger. Then follows a battle with the natives, in which the firearms of the Spaniards are, of course, victorious. After this bloody conflict they take the vil lage of Quaraqua, where they find good booty of gold. They reach, in the conquest of this village, the foot of the last moun tain to be climbed. Here some of the Spaniards, disabled by wounds, or exhausted by hunger and fatigue, are reluctantly compelled to remain. But sixty-seven of his own men remain to accompany their leader in his final effort. These he orders to retire early to repose, that they might be able to march with the freshness of the dawn so as to reach the wished-for summit be fore the noontide heat. The day has scarcely dawned— a day so momentous that its 48 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. light reaches even to our own history as it opens the second door to northwest discovery — when Balboa sets forth from the Indian village with his followers to climb the final height. The way is hard and rugged ; but, sustained by the nearness of their goal, their hearts beat high with hope and expectancy. At ten o'clock they emerge from the forest and reach an airy height. The summit alone remains to be ascended, from whence his guides declare the ocean may be seen. Balboa halts his men with the command, " Let no man leave his place !" Who shall measure the emotions of this wonderful man as he nears the spot ? The gambler stands inwardly trembling as he watches the turn of the card or the falling of the dice on which he has staked his fortune ; the captive waits the sentence of death or liberty ; the lover, the crisis of disease which shall give or take away all that is dearest upon earth. How, then, must it have been with this bold gamester for honor and fame ; this captive to a secret fear of enemies at home ; this lover, sitting by the bedside of a hope now to be proved real or fallacious ? He goes alone beneath the sun of that tropic morning. He will have no witnesses but God and nature to the exultation of his triumph or the bitterness of his defeat. For a moment he hesitates ; the last eminence is at hand — a step will bring him there. Well may the heart that never quailed in battle grow faint and sick with anxiety. But disappointment itself is less terrible than suspense ; he nerves himself for the trial, and gains the eyrie from which his eagle eye is to behold what through the ages no European has gazed upon before. The Pacific, with its myriad billows sparkling in the sunshine, its fleecy clouds resting on its far-off horizon, is before him — the mighty sea which is to become the conserver of his fame, even as the continent will tell the story of Columbus — the sea that still bears the name, wher ever its billows break, or on whatever shores, however distant, with which he so appropriately baptized it — the Pacific. Be hind him lay the mountains, the wilderness crossed with such loss and toil ; before him the wild chaos of rock and forest, silver threads of wandering streams, savannas clothed in the rich ver dure of the tropic wild, and beyond all the sparkling of the sea. Who does not know, infidel though he be, that man, in his dire extremity, ever turns to God ? It is even so in moments of great success and exultation. Columbus thanks his Creator, -£>y . byF. G.K&r-rum.73Y // HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 51 and gives the name of his Saviour to the land he had found ; so Vasco Nunez de Balboa, his heart filled with gratitude, stern and cruel warrior though he be, sinks upon his knees and pours forth his thanks to the Almighty for being the first European to whom it was given to make this great discovery. He then calls to his people to ascend, and thus addresses them : " Behold, my friends, that glorious sight which we have so much desired ! Let us give thanks to God that He has granted us this great honor and advantage. Let us pray to Him to guide and aid us to conquer the sea and the land which we have discovered, and which Christian has never entered to preach the holy doctrine of the evangelists. As to yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and true to me, and, by the favor of Christ, you will become the richest Spaniards who have ever come to the Indies ; you will render the greatest services to your king that ever vassal rendered to his lord, and you will have the eternal glory and advantage of all that is here discovered, con quered, and converted to our holy Catholic faith." They answered this by embracing their leader and vowing to follow him to the death. Andres de Vara, a priest of their num ber, lifted up his voice and chanted a " Te Deum Laudamus," the usual anthem of the Spanish discoverer. " The rest," says Irving, " kneeling down, joined in the strain with pious enthu siasm and tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere oblation rise to the Deity from a sanctified altar than from that moun tain summit. ' ' And even so in after years did the Pilgrims, flying from re ligious oppression, mingle their prayers and hymns of deliver ance with the moan of the winter winds that rocked the pines on the wild New England shore. How strange the contrast, yet both flowing from the same overwrought emotion, striving to vent itself in prayer and praise ! Balboa, with all his pious enthusiasm, seems to have been a very practical sort of man. The first burst of exultation having subsided, he calls upon all present to witness that he takes pos session of that sea, its islands and boundaries (a rather large geographical present, by the way), in the name of the sovereigns of Castile ; and the notary of the expedition proceeds then and there to make a testimonial of the same, to which all present, to the number of sixty-seven men, signed their names. He then, 52 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. we are told, " caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the spot whence he had first beheld the sea. A mound of stones was likewise piled up, to serve as a monument, and the names of the Castilian sovereigns were carved on the neighboring trees." Irving adds, " The Indians beheld all these ceremonials and rejoicings with silent wonder, and while they aided to erect the cross and pile up the mound of stones, marvelled exceedingly at the meaning of these monuments, little thinking that they marked the subju gation of their land." ' ' This memorable event took place on the 26th of September, 1513 ; so that the Spaniards had spent twenty days in performing the journey from the province of Careta to the summit of the mountain," a distance, when Irving wrote, requiring but six days to compass. Indeed, the isthmus in that vicinity was not more than eighteen leagues at the widest, and in some places but seven in breadth, but very wild, rugged, and mountainous. In the mean while, one of his exploring parties had gained the beach and found two empty canoes lying high and dry, with no water in sight. While wondering at this, the tide, which rises to a great height on this coast, came rushing in and set the canoes afloat, whereupon Alonzo Martin steps into one and calls his companions to bear witness that he was the first European to embark upon that sea, his example being followed by one Bias de Etienza. On September 29th Balboa, having received the reports of his scouts, sets out for the coast, taking with him twenty -six well-armed Spaniards, and accompanied by the cacique and a number of his warriors. He arrived on the borders of one of its vast bays, to which, it being that saint's day, he gave the name of Saint Michael. The tide being out and still half a league dis tant, he seated himself by the muddy beach, in the shade of a forest tree, and waited for it to rise. The water rushing in, soon reached the spot where the Spaniards were reposing. Upon this " Balboa rose and took a banner on which was painted the Virgin and Child, and under them the arms of Castile and Leon, then drawing his sword and throwing his buckler on his shoul der, he marched into the sea until the water reached above his knees, and waving his banner, exclaimed in a loud voice : ' Long live the high and mighty monarchs Don Ferdinand and Donna HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 53 Jnana, sovereigns of Castile, of Leon, and of Aragon, in whose name and for the royal crown of Castile 1 take real, and cor poral, and actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed, and of the kingdoms and provinces which do or may appertain to them, in whatever manner, or by whatever right or title, ancient or mod ern, in times past, present, or to come, without any contradic tion ; and if other prince or captain, Christian or infidel, or of any law, sect, or condition whatsoever, shall pretend any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to maintain and defend them in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, present and future, whose is the empire and dominion over these Indian seas and terra ftnna, northern and southern, with all their seas, both at the Arctic and Antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoctial line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, both now and in all times, as long as the world endures, and till the final day of judgment of all mankind.' " The reader will, we think, agree with us that the foregoing is a pretty comprehensive and far-reaching declaration, leaving nothing to be desired either in arrogance or assumption, and which, if literally carried out, would have given to Castile and Aragon nearly the whole world. But as Spain, with all her bravado, ere long discovered, it was one thing to claim and quite another to take and retain possession. For the time being, however, as none of the princes or captains referred to were present to dispute his assertions, Balboa called upon his com panions to bear witness that he had duly taken possession. They most loyally endorse his action, and, as before, declare themselves ready to defend him to the death. Meanwhile the notary gets to work again — a character who strongly reminds us of Mr. Commissioner Pordage in Dickens's ' ' Island of Silver Store" — and draws out more "documentary evidence, "to which, as before, all present — and it seems astonishing that so many knew how to write them— subscribed their names. " This done," says Oviedo, in his " History of the Indies," " they advance to the margin of the sea, and, stooping down, taste its water. Finding that it was salt, they, though sundered from the. Atlantic by such mighty mountains, were assured that they had indeed discovered an ocean, and again gave thanks to God." Balboa then draws a dagger from his girdle and cuts a 54 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. cross upon a tree which grew within the water, and two other crosses on two adjacent trees, in honor of the Three Persons of the Trinity, and in token of possession. His followers likewise cut crosses on many of the trees of the adjacent forest and lop off branches with their swords to bear away as trophies. " " So ends," says Irving, " this singular medley of chivalrous and religious ceremonial with which these Spanish adventurers took possession of the vast Pacific Ocean and all its lands — a scene strongly characteristic of the nation and the age." Our next chapter must be devoted to the opening of that third door to Western discovery and settlement, the Strait of Magel lan. The present may be fitly concluded by the following lines : " Alone, ere noontide's burning heats arise, Balboa stands beneath the tropic skies Upon that height where native knowledge told His eye might range o'er billows bright and bold And lands where princes drank from cups of gold ; O'ei; boundless seas— coasts by no people trod Who knew the cross or knelt to Christian God. Can it be true ? He scarce dare lift his eyes — A moment pauses, then with glad surprise Sees green savannas, and beyond them all Where the far foam wreaths of the coast-line fall, That broad blue sea, so deep and yet so still, It keeps its title of Pacific still. Swift to his kdees he sinks upon the sod, And pours his soul in gratitude to God ; Then to the strand he makes his toilsome way ; His soldiers follow, eager to obey. There, in full armor, knee-deep in its tide, Balboa stands that wished-for wave beside, Lifts his bright sword above the sounding sea, Whose anthem greets its sponsors soon to be, Plants on its shore the banner of old Spain, Aud takes possession of that spreading main, Its isles, its coasts, where'er its waters foam, Wide as the woild o'er which its breeze is blown. Alas ! Balboa, little dost thou know What waves of sorrow soon o'er thee shall flow. Improve thy transient hour, thy span of pride, Tliy dream of conquest by Pacific's side. The star that rose thy destiny to sway Already sinks and downward takes its way. Fate waits at Darien with thy reward. Go meet thy doom— the headsman's bloody sword," — Brewerton. J? cyU &o£t* ClsC<^ CHAPTER IV. THE OPENING OF THE THIRD DOOR THROUGH THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT BY MAGELLAN. " What modern mind may judge the care That furrowed brow and whitened hair Of him who trod that narrow deck, Menaced by mutiny and wreck, Yet fearless made his doubtful way Through straits that bear his name to-day ?" He who attempts to write history resembles the mariner who launches upon an unknown and practically limitless sea. Fogs and mists hang about him ; events, seen through the haze of centuries, dwindle or enlarge, according to the medium through which they are beheld ; shallowness is mistaken for depth, depth for shallowness ; sirens wave and beckon their misty hands, entreating him to delay and listen to their story ; doubt and glamour beset him on every hand ; and even when the fog of error clears away and all is truth and certainty, he doubts the - trend and limitations of the coast on which he has fallen. It is even so with the writer. Fain would he tarry with the caravel of old Vincent Pinzon as he skirts the coast of the Brazils and draws favorable deductions from the volume of the Amazon, returning to excite the astonishment of the Spanish court by the exhibition of the first imported opossum ; with Bastidas, through the sinking and subsequent salvage of his treasure ships in the port of Jaragua ; with Solis, to the La Plata, where, we trust, he agreed with the natives who attacked, killed, and de voured him ; to peruse the life story of the navigator Hojeda, mouldering forgotten in the national archives of Spain ; to traverse the seas with Ponce de Leon, as he seeks in vain for the fabled fountain of youth, whose waters, alas ! full many a gray- beard of our own day were fain to discover— yet though he searches in vain for that rejuvenating spring, he locates our land of " sun and flowers," to which, being discovered on Easter Day, he gave the name of Florida— Easter Day bearing the name 58 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. in Spanish of Pascua Jlorida ; and accompany the voyages of Garay, Cordoba, and Allion. But we must leave them all and pass to the subject of our present chapter, the expedition of Fernando Magalhaens, or, as he is commonly called, Magellan, which eventuated in the rinding of the strait that still bears the name of their discoverer — a highway— or perhaps we should rather call it a byway — of the sea that served and still serves its purpose as a maritime door to the Pacific, as well as the more ordinary passage round Cape Horn. We have no time to trace the personal history of this some what remarkable man. Serving with distinction under the Portuguese flag, he becomes disgusted with the neglect of his own country, and being secretly invited so to do, visits the court of Spain, where he is received with open arms and entrusted with the command of a fleet of five vessels, their destination being the Moluccas. It is a mooted point whether Magellan did or did not know that such a strait existed before sailing on this his last and most eventful voyage. Authorities differ on this point. He may or may not have suspected it ; certain it is that he departed with a firm determination to find it, and his efforts were crowned with success. The five ships which he was to command were the Trinidad, which Magellan selected as the flagship ; the San Antonio, com manded by Luis de Mendoza ; the Vittoria, by Gaspar de Quesada, and the Conception, on board of which was Sebastian del Cano, in the quality of lieutenant, who had the honor of bringing back the Vittoria, after making the complete circuit of the globe, thus becoming the first circumnavigator. Lastly, there was the Santiago, a small vessel commanded by Rodriguez Serrano. The total tonnage of this little fleet was but 480 tons. Their preparations being completed, the small squadron sailed from San Lucan on September 20th, 1519, arriving without acci dent on the coast of Brazil. Pursuing his way slowly to the south, Magellan reached in April a safe and commodious harbor in nearly fifty degrees of south latitude, to which he gave the name of Port St. Julien. Here he resolved to pass the winter, which, in this part of the world, where the seasons are the re verse of ours, is exceedingly rigorous. But the strict economy HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 59 observed by him in the distribution of provisions, together with the hardships of a raw and tempestuous climate, gave rise to discontentment among the officers of the expedition, who were otherwise little disposed to submit to the authority of a for eigner. They murmured at the privations and dangers to which they were exposed while remaining inactive on a strange and barren coast. They demanded to be conducted back to Spain, and on Magellan's positive refusal to comply with their wishes, broke out into open mutiny. In this trying conjuncture Magel lan behaved with a promptitude and courage worthy of the grand enterprise he was so unwilling to abandon, " but unhap pily sullied by such an act of treachery and criminal violence as no danger can excuse." He sent to Luis de Mendoza, the leader of the malcontents, a messenger instructed to stab that captain while conferring with him. This cruel order was punctually executed, and the crew of Mendoza' s ship immediately sub mitted. The execution of Quesada followed the next day, and Juan de Cartagena was sent on shore and deserted, with the expectation, perhaps, of suffering a more cruel fate. There is a singular resemblance, in some respects, between this and a portion of Columbus' s voyage. Mutiny menaced the success of both, and the answer of both commanders to the disaffected is very much the same ; though Magellan was enabled, through a wider nautical knowledge, to predict results and argue the cer tainty of ultimate success, while Columbus had but his own theories to sustain his expectations. We have quoted the opin ion of an English writer as to the cruelty of Magellan's course, but are inclined to believe that any naval court would have sus tained him.. His consorts were in open revolt, and Mendoza was cut down or stabbed in the very act of disobedience. Mendoza's body was carried on shore publicly, cried as a traitor, drawn and quartered, and the members spitted on poles. Forty men were found guilty and condemned to death, but pardoned, partly as a wise act of clemency and partly because their services were needed to man the fleet. The captain, Quesada, doubly guilty as a traitor and murderer of the poor contramaestre whom he stabbed to death for faithfulness to his admiral, was found guilty and condemned to death. On Saturday, April 7th, he was taken ashore and executed accordingly, his head being struck off by his own body servant, and his body quartered, as in the 60 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. case of Mendoza. "No more justifiable sentence could have been inflicted." So says the late lecturer on geography at the University (English) of Cambridge ; and he is right. But one cannot expect a civilian to regard acts demanded by the exigen cies of the time with the eyes of the commander, whose painful duty it sometimes becomes to punish promptly and with appar ent severity. This mutiny, thus happily disposed of, proved the turning point of Magellan's career. He had no reason to repeat his les son — they had learned to fear him as one not to be trifled with. But till the day of his departure for the strait, when he ordered their release, the mutineers in chains were kept working at the pumps till their services were no longer required. To keep his men in action, and consequently out of mis chief, the captain -general makes an examination of the coast in his vicinity. The Santiago is chosen for the work, from the lightness of her draught, and the captain-general's entire con fidence in Serrano, her commander, an intimate friend of his chief's. The winter had now set in with severity. Fearing to continue his explorations by sea, Magellan determines to explore inland to a distance of thirty leagues, plant a cross, and open friendly negotiations with the natives. Four men only are sent, well armed. Neither food nor water is to be had, and the expedi tion is a failure. One high mountain is ascended, where they plant a cross, and giving it the name of the Mount of Christ, they return to their ships to report the country untraversable and apparently without inhabitants. This at last is soon disproved. One morning the sailors are astonished by the appearance of a man of gigantic stature upon the beach, who sang and danced, pouring sand upon his head in token of amity. Magellan sent a man on shore with orders to imitate the actions of the savage, and, if possible, to make friends with him. This he succeeded in doing, and the new- comer was brought before the admiral, to the mutual surprise of both— the native being amazed at the huge ships and such little men. He points to the sky, believing them gods who had descended from heaven ; and the Spaniards, wondering at the great stature of their visitor, believe they have come upon a race of giants. Pigafetta writes : " So tall was this man that we came up to the level of his waistband ; he was well made, with a broad face painted red, with yellow circles round HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 63 his eyes and two heart-shaped spots upon his cheeks. His hair was short and colored white, and he was dressed in the skins of animals cleverly sewn together." The description of this ani mal leaves no doubt that it was the guanaco. The hide of the same creature served to make boots for these people, and it was the unwieldy appearance thus given to the feet which led Magel lan to apply to the race the name of Patagao, or, as we read it, Patagonians. The man, who seems in many respects to have been an enlarged copy of our own North American Indians, is further described as peaceably disposed, though not laying aside his arms — a short, thick bow and a bundle of cane arrows tipped with white and black stones. Magellan treated him kindly, and ordered that he should be given food. He was shown a large steel mirror. " So overcome was he at catching sight of him self," says Pigafetta, " that he jumped backward with an unex pectedness and impetuosity which overset four of the men who were standing behind him. He was, nevertheless, induced to accept a small mirror as a present, to which some beads and bells were added, and he was then put ashore under the care of four armed men." The natives, assured of the friendliness of their strange vis itors, now began to visit the ships, bringing their wives with them, whom they treated like beasts of burden (not unlike the Puget Sound "Si wash" of to-day) ; they were not so tall as the men, but fatter, with breasts half as long as a man's arm. Many visits are made, and one of them is taught his "pater" and "ave," and baptized under the name of Juan Gigante (Big John). He disappeared, and is supposed to have been murdered by his fellows. These natives continued to astonish the Span iards. They caught the ships' rats and ate them without skin ning ; they thrust arrows down their throats without injury, which Pigafetta regards as a species of medical treatment for indigestion, possibly to counteract the evil influences of over indulgence in rodents. But all this friendliness, baptizing, and converting ended as usual. Magellan desiring a giant specimen to exhibit ill Spain, attempted to capture him, as an East Indian might treat a rogue elephant, and in so doing brought about the flight of the natives, preceded by skirmish and death, a man-at- arms of the Trinidad being struck with an arrow and killed. So ended the captain-general's attempt to obtain curiosities for their 4 64 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. majesties of Spain. The two captured were placed on different vessels, though only one is said to have arrived in Spain, and even this is uncertain. The actual height of these so-called giants has been a matter of dispute. Lieutenant Musters, the best authority upon Patagonia, gives their average height at six feet— some even reaching six feet four — but their muscular de velopment is excessive ; their dress of guanaco skins making it apparently greater. What would Magellan's followers have thought of the men of the " blue grass region of Kentucky" % Weary of inaction, and anxious to leave the scene of the mutiny, Magellan determines to pass the remainder of the winter at Rio de Santa Cruz, discovered by the captain of the wrecked Santiago. He refits his ships with that intention, but before departing a sentence is to be carried into effect — that of the marooning (that is to say, abandonment on shore — a common naval punishment in those days and for many years afterward) of Juan de Cartagena and his fellow-mutineer Pedro Sanchez de Reina. For some unknown reason — possibly to increase their sufferings by the sight of their comrades still in port — they were put on shore nearly a fortnight before the sailing of the fleet, on Saturday, August 11th . They were provided with ' ' an abundance of bread and wine," Herrera says ; but it must have been a bitter punishment for them to watch the departure of their comrades and to reflect how small was their chance of life, a chance still further diminished by the recent difficulties with the natives. They were ' ' judged to be worse off, considering the country in which they were left, than the others who were drawn and quar tered." Such an opinion seems to have been held many years later by another culprit, who, curiously enough, in the very same locality found himself condemned to a like alternative. In June, 1578, when Drake's little squadron lay at anchor in Port St. Julien, Mr. Thomas Doughtie was found guilty of a plot against the life of his admiral. He was offered the choice of death "or to be set on the main, or to return to be tried in England." He chose the first, giving as his reason that the shame of his return as a traitor would be worse than death, and that he would not endanger his soul by consenting to be left among savages and infidels. On August 24th, every member of the expedition having con fessed and received the sacrament, the fleet left the bay. Though HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 65 nearly lost in a squall, they reached their new winter harbor in safety. Its latitude is fixed with tolerable accuracy at 50°. In this port, of the utter desolation of which Darwin gives a graphic account, they passed two months, making visits to the wreck of the Santiago, still farther to the southward, and securing such articles as had been washed ashore. The only incident seems to have been a supposed eclipse of the sun, minutely described by Herrera —a delusion due to some atmospheric cause — an annular eclipse actually taking place on that day, but not visible in Patagonia. On October 18th, judging the spring to be now sufficient ly advanced, Magellan gets his fleet under way, this time for the strait. The wind is unfavorable, and for ten days they fight their way southward, gaining inch by inch. At length it shifts to the north, and they run before it on a south- southwest course for two days more. On October 21st, 1520, they sight land, " and there," says the pilot Alvo, " we saw an opening like unto a bay." They were off Cabo de los Virgenes, and Magellan had found his long-hoped-for strait at last ! And now comes the question, did Magellan know before hand of this channel for which he so confidently sailed ? If Piga fetta were a more reliable author, the following remarkable pas sage from his account of the voyage would settle it : " We all believed," it runs, speaking of the strait, " that it was a cul de sac ; but the captain knew that he had to navigate through a very well- concealed strait, having seen it in a chart preserved in the treasury of the King of Portugal, and made by Martin of Bohemia, a man of great parts." To this Gomara alludes, but doubts it, saying the chart showed no strait whatsoever. Her rera argues on the same side as Pigafetta, and refers to Martin' s chart mentioned above. Oviedo, writing in 1546, denies any preknowledge on Magellan's part of his discovery, saying, ' ' none had remembrance till he showed it to us ;' ' but again he adds that even if he had, "more is owing to his (Magellan's) capacity than to the science of the Bohemian." But we must avoid this tanglewood of argument, full of labyrinths and by paths, many of which lead to nothing. The strait is reached, the order given for the fleet to enter. Strangely enough, as in the case of Columbus, Theret tells us that Magellan was the first to observe it. " It is not improbable, ' ' 66 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. says a recent English writer, " that the great desire of his life should lend the leader of the expedition a preternatural keenness of vision and reward him as it did Columbus." But much of this, we fancy, is to be taken cum grano sails. The muse of His tory, ever cold and calm, is supposed to avoid all that is merely dramatic and eschew the sensational ; but, nevertheless, not un- frequently rounds her majestic periods with matter which, while it gives point and vivacity, pertains to both. To return : As the ships enter, the Vittoria leading, and therefore giving her name, in one narrative at least, to the new discovery, they pass a cape on the starboard hand, to which, it being St. Ursula's Day, they call the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Vir gins. The bay is spacious and affords good shelter ; they make its latitude 52° 3' south. The admiral orders the Conception and San Antonio to continue the reconnaissance. Meanwhile the flagship anchors with the Vittoria to await their return, their absence being limited to five days. During the night one of the storms peculiar to those regions breaks upon- them. They are forced to weigh, standing off and on till it abates. Their detached consorts suffer equally — attempt to rejoin the admiral, are unable to weather the separating cape, probably the eastern horn of the Great Orange Bank —and are obliged to put about, seeing nothing but destruction before them ; for the bay, as they thought then, appeared to have no visible opening at its head. As they give themselves up for lost they round Ane- gada Point, and the entrance of the " First Narrows" revealed itself. Up there they run, thankful for their escape, and emerge from them to find themselves in a great bay beyond (St. Philip or Bon cant Bay, the Lago de los Estrechos of Oviedo). They prosecute their explorations to the entrance of Broad Reach, and then return, having rapidly surveyed the neighboring waters and assured themselves that the strait led onward an immense distance to the south. Magellan meanwhile awaits them with infinite anxiety, fear ing they are lost ; the more so as he notices several smokes on the shore— signals, as he afterward ascertained, lit by two men from the missing ships to notify him of their presence, but at the time presumed to indicate their shipwreck. While thus doubting, the San Antonio and Conception suddenly heave in sight, crowding all sail and gay with flags. As they approach :B'Vil??F ' GKtvnarulI.Y d^^ rA^^=, HTSTORY OF WASHINGTON. 69 they discharge their large bombards and shout for joy ; " upon which," says Pigafetta, " we united our shouts with theirs and thanked God and the Blessed Virgin Mary as we resumed our journey." The captains of the two ships — probably separated during their search, for their accounts differ — make their report to the admiral that, in their opinion, the inlet led onward into the Pacific ; for not only had they ascended it for three days with out finding any sign of its termination, but the soundings were of great depth, and in many cases they could get no bottom. The flood, moreover, appeared stronger than the ebb. It was impossible, they said, that the strait should not continue. After penetrating three or four miles within the First Nar rows, the admiral signals his fleet to anchor, and sends a boat on shore to explore the country— most likely attracted by the ap pearance of habitations ; for Herrera tells us that at the distance of a mile inland the men came upon a building containing more than two hundred native graves. On the coast, also, a dead whale of gigantic size, with many bones of these animals, were discovered, whence they concluded that the storms of that region were both frequent and severe. "It is impossible," says Guiliemand, from whose excellent condensation of Magellan's life we have largely quoted, " from the sketchy and confused accounts that have come down to us, to reconstruct an exact itinerary of the passage of the strait or to present events in any certain chronological order." Some few facts are not to be controverted. We know that the fleet emerged from the strait on November 28th ; that it was on the 21st that Magellan issued his order for a council of officers as to continuing his voyage (evidently with the determination to dis regard it should it be unfavorable), which resulted in an agree ment to proceed ; the only dissentient being the pilot of the San Antonio, a countryman and relative, but nevertheless enemy, of the admiral, to whom Magellan replies in his forcible fashion : " That if he had to eat the leather of his ship's yards he would still go on and discover what he had promised to the emperor, and that he trusted that God would aid them and give them good fortune' '—an extremity to which he was actually subjected, since, in the scarcity and privation of the long passage across the Pacific, they, were obliged to eat the leather from the yards. 70 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. Next day, making sail down Broad Reach, they approached a point on their port hand. Beyond they came to three chan nels. Magellan anchored to explore them, selecting the south eastern arm, meanwhile following the main channel himself, in company with the Vittoria. Rounding Cape Froward, the ad miral continues on for fifteen leagues and anchors on a river to wliich he gives the name of the River of Sardines, from the abundance of those fish obtained there. The crews also water and cut wood, which they found so fragrant in the burning that, as we are quaintly told, "it afforded them much consolation." Shortly after their arrival in this port they sent on a boat well manned and provisioned to explore the channel farther. In three days it returned with the joyful intelligence that they had sighted the cape which terminated the strait, and had seen the open sea beyond. So delighted were the explorers with this happy termination to their anxieties that salvos of artillery were discharged, and Magellan and those with him wept for joy. And so the three doors (the first being the voyage of Colum bus, or main entrance, so to speak ; the second, or side door, the discovery of the Pacific by Balboa ; and the third, the find ing of the strait by Magellan) stand open for the exploration and settlement of our own Northwest Pacific coasts. And now a word or two ere we part with tliese, the prelimi nary and, perhaps, most fascinating steps of our historic jour ney. Let us linger by the way while we consider the enormous difficulties and many elements of failure which menaced the suc cess of these initial efforts to penetrate and reveal the unknown. Columbus had to combat the elements of doubt, superstition, fear, and a consensus of opinion which, even among the learned, regarded his theories as chimerical, and himself but a crack- brained enthusiast or scheming adventurer. He succeeded, like his followers, through a strong, brave, and incisive individual ity, wliich, next to his trust in God, taught him to rely upon himself, and thereby mould and influence others. AVho sliall doubt that the purifying influences of the crucible of mental pain, born of the many rebuffs and repeated disappointments through which he was called to pass, prepared him, though all unconsciously to himself, to succeed in his final trial ? With Balboa, the discoverer by land, it was somewhat differ ent. His men, strongly devoted and entirely confiding in his HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 71 genius, wTould have followed him to the death. But read Lieu tenant Strain's narrative of the Darien expedition of our own times, with its lamentable results of death, suffering, and final failure ; where, as Strain himself told the narrator, he took but one credit to himself : no act of cannibalism disgraced the manhood of those who slowly starved to death ; adding the serio-comic incident that two officers of the expedition found a live toad, which, having bitten off its head, they proceeded to devour raw, leaving the "poison part" on the ground till the hungrier of the two, with the remark, " Tom, you are growing mighty particular about your eating,' ' added the member with its fabled jewel to his repast. Read this attempt, with all the advantages of our modern times, to pierce the vast solitudes of the tropic wilderness, and then remember that, unlike Strain, Balboa had battles to fight with the natives, while his men were clad in armor and encumbered by the weighty weapons of their day. Yet, thanks in great measure, it is true, to their Indian allies, they succeeded when success seemed impossible. In the case of Magellan, he had to encounter gales in what is perhaps still the dread of all mariners, the tempest-swept regions of the stormy Cape Horn. Mutiny, as in the case of Colum bus, threatened, and actual desertion and shipwreck attended his difficult progress. His ships, too, as compared with those which brave the South Seas to-day, were but as paper. His whole armament cost but £5032 6s. 3d., or about $25,000 of our money, and even this was reduced by stores left behind $2600. Of this sum the ships themselves with their armament cost but 811,245. Even then the vessels selected were old, leaky, and unfit for the severe service for which they were designed. But in those days, we fancy, explorers were looked upon as, after all (unless fitting out their expeditions at their own cost and charges), little better than mendicants ; and it passes as a proverb the world over that " beggars must not be choosers." The number of articles for barter were, however, very large, their total cost being $4825, and (delicate compliment to female vanity) consisted of "looking-glasses for women, great and fayre," five hundred pounds of " crystals" which are diamonds (?) of all colors ; knives, fish-hooks, stuffs and velvets, ivory, quick silver (2240 lbs.), and brass bracelets (a full line of cheap jew elry, we fancy)— all figure largely in the list. But it appears 72 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. that bells were considered the most useful articles for trade, of which no less than twenty thousand were taken. These fleets of exploration seem to have been fitted out in those early dates with an economy ofttiines extravagant in the end, because fatal to success. B>19 ^yF.aKernan,ltY. dar^cL j ^&rzjT^-Ls£- CHAPTER V. " A wild and occult land, and strangely peopled, good Antonio." The term Northwest coast, which covers the territory lying between the latitudes of 42° to 54° north, includes Oregon, Wash ington, and British Columbia. It is, however, with Washington alone that our present story has to do ; the neighboring regions interest us only as their history is entwined with or affects that of the State of which we are writing. Yet until these interests become separate and specific, we are obliged to recognize and treat our subject generically under the common heading of Northwest coast. That it should have been approached, discovered, and ex plored in the first instance from the sea was natural enough — its eastern borders being left to those inland travellers whose adventurous steps first traversed its wildernesses and penetrated its mountain canyons. It is generally, and very properly, supposed that truth is preferable to fiction, and more fruitful of good, even though it be no bigger than the mustard-seed. Nevertheless, paradoxical as it may appear, this western world of ours owes not a little to falsehood, to the mythical stories of explorers who opened the door to real discoveries by the announcement of those based only on their own vivid imaginations or shameless mendacity. As the fabled fountain of youth led Ponce de Leon to the find ing of a real Florida, and the exaggerated tales of untold riches beguiled Balboa to the discovery of the Pacific, so this, our own Northwest coast, was sought, surveyed, and geographically mapped out rather for what it did not have than for that which it really possessed. The fabled Strait of Anian, which should have opened somewhere upon our shores into the Pacific, but failed to materialize, is a case in point. It was the very mystery that veiled the possibilities of what might be that gave zest to the pursuit. Like the yet unexplored valleys of the Olympian 76 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. range, this aurora with which fancy decks and desire enlarges the possibilities of the unseen, will ever offer the subtlest tempta tion to the adventurer and prospector, let the clouds of difficulty and danger darken as they may. It is patent to every intelligent student of our early American history that international complications were produced and great confusion of rights and boundaries resulted from the rivalries of nations claiming the right of first discovery upon our coasts, and thenceforth attempting to hold and possess those lands, having no better title than a cross, cut by some voyager upon the shore, a banner waved over the sea, or some stone heaps on a mountain-top ; of all which Balboa' s melodramatic proclama tion, standing knee- deep in the Pacific, is no bad illustration. The New World at the time of which we write seemed a prey to be disrupted by the vultures of national greed which flocked from every civilized land to seize and dismember the new-found spoil. Russia, descending from her northern snows, added, in the course of time, by slow but sure approaches, Alaska to her already overgrown empire. The haughty Spaniard, displaying the emblazoned banner of Castile and Leon, was first in the field, planting the symbol of his faith beside his national standard, claiming the Californias for his own. Later on we find the Eng lish-speaking race, Great Britain and America, contending for their division of metes and bounds, and building a wall of higher civilization between the Tartar and the Don. But though interested individuals sought from time to time to utilize the possibilities of what Bancroft forcibly styles " the Northern mystery," the spirit of enterprise seemed to have died out, and save for a few weak and fruitless efforts, it wTas not until late in the eighteenth century that any determined attempt was made to obtain adequate results ; and even then it was probably due, so far as Spain was concerned, to a fear of Rus sian encroachment upon the Northwest. Had the hidden wealth of Upper California been known, or the rich return one day to be reaped from the furs and peltries of the Northwest, it would have been different. As it was, our sterile shores were a menace, the gloom of our pine-clad mountain sides a threat. We were the exemplification of the old Latin line which tells us that " the empty traveller may sing in the presence of the robber." The Northwest coast was not worth robbing, for it had nothing HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 77 to lose^ So it came about that dread of the Muscovite rather than any hope of fresh gain induced Spain once more to give her ships to the sea, to. insure the security of that which she had already taken. As if her activity were contagious, Eng lish and American explorers also make, their appearance on the coast — the Russians were already there — and ere long, through their united efforts, the shadows were swept away. The light of discovery penetrated every nook and cranny of our coast and lifted every veil. Little by little the fog was dissi pated, till every cape and headland, every sound, bay, harbor, and estuary of the Northwest coast had been more or less visited, explored, and claimed by one party or the other. The misty dawn of romance had given place to the full-orbed day of cold reality. The "Northern mystery" was dissolved, and specula tive fancy lay cold and dead. It now becomes our task, as briefly as we may, to follow, or at least lightly outline, some of the voyages that more particu larly settled the geography of our sea-beaten western border. The wave of northwestern discovery, so to speak, advanced like a tide, with frequent and irregular intervals, yet neverthe less going steadily, as it were, inch by inch, still sweeping up ward on its northern path, till from its starting-point under Balboa at the Isthmus, it lost itself among the bergs of the frozen Arctic seas. Up to the middle of the sixteenth century this tidal wave of northern exploration had rather languished, only reaching 60° on the Atlantic, and barely touching the Pacific coast at 44°, while inland, a single explorer — one Coronado — had advanced into what is the Kansas of our day. In 1584 Francesco de Gali, coming from the west, reaches our coast in 37° 30' (possibly, says Bancroft, 57° 30'), observes its appearance, but does not land, sailing southward. Another navigator, Cermenon, also from the west, is wrecked, in 1595, at Drake' s Bay, just above the present site of San Francisco. Then comes a representative of the Lion of England, ever greedy for spoil, of whom we shall have more to say in another chapter. He too is looking for that mythical northern strait ; and good cause he has to do so, for his ship is laden with the spoil rent by piracy from the galleons and villages of the southern seas, and he would fain escape the Spanish cruisers who are watching for his return, to regain their 78 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. plundered treasure. He finds not the strait, yet through his means the wave of discovery has now reached 43°, and therefore begins to interest us. Not finding his northern passage, he returns to Drake's Bay, and so sails homeward via the Cape of Good Hope, thereby avoiding his enemies, who might have interfered with the grand reception that awaits him, which, had he been judged by the common law, would have conducted him to Tyburn Hill and left him there with the decoration of a halter. But, after all, he only spoiled the spoilers. This voyage of Drake's, nefarious as it seems, was neverthe less destined to exert a far-reaching influence, becoming, as will be seen, an important factor in the protracted discussions between Great Britain and the United States as to their respective claims to Oregon Territory, when these, of course, included Washing ton. For this reason, and because it is just possible that Drake' s ' ' fair and good bay' ' may have been the Bay of San Francisco, we will outline his voyage, and then quote from the " Coast Pilot' ' and other authorities much relied on at the time of the boundary controversy ; finally settled in our favor by the treaty of June 15th, 1846, wliich recognized our right to the territory south of 49° north latitude. Evans says that "if the expression of opinion was necessary, it would be that the weight of probability and authority establishes that Sir Francis Drake never saw the coast of Northwest America north of 43° north latitude." The same author sketches Drake's voyage quite graphically ; and we shall endeavor to reduce it to quotable limits as the first English visit to the Northwest coast. We may premise, however, that England's " Virgin Queen," Elizabeth, as shrewTd and far-seeing a princess as ever sat upon a throne (full of personal vanities, but never dead to her own interests or those of the people whom she governed), was growing restive and envious under the known discoveries and yet larger assumptions of her enemy and rival, Spain, to hold and colonize the territory on both continents of America. Rome had ceased to rule Eng land. Elizabeth sternly denied the right of "the Bishop of Rome" to bestow upon his ally, the Spaniard, what did not be long to him, nor could she understand why either her subjects or those of any other European prince should be debarred from traffic in the Indies. It was while in this favorable mood that Francis Drake, a young man Avho had already distinguished 11' ut 'rpiFCWilliatw. h&nKi HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 81 himself on predatory voyages to the West Indies, approached his sovereign with the proposition that he should make a voyage into the South Sea through the Strait of Magellan, no English man having yet done so. Elizabeth, foreseeing its advantages, gave her royal assent, and, what was still more to the purpose, furnished the outfit. We now quote from Evans as follows : " Drake's own vessel, the Pelican, of one hundred tons, the Elizabeth, of eighty, and the little Marigold, of but thirty, with two pinnaces, manned by one hundred and sixty men in all- such was the force of the expedition wliich sailed December 13th, 1577, from Plymouth. The two pinnaces were broken up before reaching the Strait of Magellan, which was entered on the 20th of August, 1578. Before passing through, he changed the name of his vessel to the Golden Hind. On the 6th of Sep tember the Marigold parted company and was never heard of afterward. The Elizabeth did not pass through the strait, but deserted Drake and returned to England." And here we interrupt Evans' s narrative to remark upon the singular resemblance between Magellan's and Drake's experi ences in this latitude. Both lose a vessel, both suffer from the desertion of a consort, yet both are equally undismayed by these incidents. To return : " Alone on the Golden Hind, Drake, on the 25th of Septem ber, sailed out of the strait into the open Pacific, and heading northward, pursued his voyage, skirting the Spanish-American coasts from Chili to Mexico, seizing and sacking defenceless ships and towns. To avoid encountering Spanish cruisers, liable to be met should he return by the Strait of Magellan, Drake sought a northern passage into the Atlantic Ocean, where, as detailed in the narratives of the voyage, ' the men, being thus speedily come out of the extreme heat, found the air so cold that, being pinched with the same, they complained of the ex tremity thereof.' " It is a pleasant thing to read, even at this early day, that the air of our northwestern coasts was too bracing to favor piracy, and nipped the rascals shrewdly. "He then stood east, made the coast, and sailed southward in search of a harbor, until the 7th of June, ' when it pleased God, ' says Drake, ' to send him into a fair and good bay within thirty degrees toward the line.' In this bay he remained five weeks, refitting his vessel, and took possession of the country in the name of 82 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. Queen Elizabeth, calling it New Albion. He then sailed for Eng land by way of the Cape of Good Hope," escaping by this con venient back door with his rich booty, and arrived at Plymouth September 27th, 1560. "And now," says the "Coast Pilot," "comes the question, Was this the Bay of San Francisco? Humboldt places Drake's Bay in 38° 10' north latitude— the Puerto de Bodega of Spanish maps. Later authorities fixed his post under the lee of Port Reyes, 37° 59' 5". The adjacent cliffs being white, resembling the coasts of England in the vicinity of Dover, suggested the name ' New Albion.' The latitude of San Francisco Bay is 37° 59'. Drake's continuing in this bay thirty- six days, and the white appearance of the land, warrants the opin ion that Drake found that fair and good bay inside of the Golden Gate. Its entrance was first seen by Ferello, March 3d, 1543, who, running down the coast before a strong wind, saw what he supposed to be the mouth of a great river. Governor Caspar de Portola, in 1769, made land discovery of the bay. Professor Davidson, of the U. S. Coast Survey, the best authority, says Drake's Bay is the Port Francisco of the Spaniards of about 1595. It was certainly known before the time of Vizcaino, who, having separated from his tender, sought her in Port Francisco, and, according to Vizcaino's account, to see if anything was to be found of the San Augustine, which, in 1595, had been sent from the Philippine Islands to survey the coast of California, under the direction of Cermenon, a pilot of known abilities, but was wrecked in this harbor. Among others on board the San Augustine was the chief pilot of the squadron, Velunos, who recognized the bay as being that where he was wrecked." Two narratives were published of Drake's voyage, "The Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake," by Francis Pretty, one of the crew of Drake's vessel, written at the request of, and published by, Hakluyt, and "The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, Collected out of the Notes of Mr. Francis Fletcher, Preacher in his Employment, and Compared with Divers other Notes, who went on the same Voyage." How quaint the titles ! The first of these histories makes the forty- third degree north the extreme limit of Drake's voyage ; the lat ter claims the forty-eighth degree. Little did the actors and recorders of this buccaneering cruise ever imagine that their sayings and doings would one day furnish matter for grave HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 83 diplomatic discussion, settling boundaries for a people yet un born, and nearly bring about a war between two great nations. What a glamour of romance surrounds these early voyages, whether of England or Spain ! going out in their little, poorly equipped vessels, often mere shells, rotten hulks ; for a writer of his time speaks of Magellan's ships as being "old, worn, and tender as butter in the ribs, so that he would not even wish to voyage to the Canaries in them." Yet they dare the same stormy seas to which we commit our iron-clads and " ocean greyhounds," seas then unknown, with no chart to guide and- no certain port of destination — sometimes to succeed, yet again to be swallowed up by the deep, leaving no trace upon the un- traversed waters, or, perchance, returning with crews eaten up by scurvy and reduced to rags. Taking the vessels in which they embarked and the dangers to be encountered, as compared with our own time, into consideration, the world has never seen and never again will see such mariners. Yet they had their rewards. Their names go down the ages entwined with the story of the lands they sought and found, and even in their own day met with the reception so easily accorded to successful adven ture — as in the case of Cavendish, who returns from his cruise to astonish the port from whence he sailed with sailors landing in all the bravery of silk attire from a ship whose sails were of damask and her topmasts covered with cloth-of ¦ gold. By way of postscript to the story of Drake's voyage, history tells us that Elizabeth, with her customary political caution, hesitated to endorse his acts of rapine on the South American coasts, fearing that her recognition might lead to complications with Spain. She did so finally, however, honoring him with knighthood, and heartily approving his every act. She, more over, directed the preservation of his cruiser, the Golden Hind, "that it might remain a monument of his own and his country's glory." Encouraged by the success of Drake, another English free booter, Thomas Cavendish, with three small vessels, followed in his footsteps. He appears to have commanded the Alabama of his time, sinking and burning as he goes no less than nineteen ships, and returns in triumph, yet with nothing of discovery to interest us. We now find the increasing commerce between Mexico and 81 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. the Philippines demanding a port of refuge on the California coast in a higher northern latitude. Correct maps and a greater knowledge of our Northwest shores became a nautical necessity not only to these navigators, but those engaged in traffic with the West Indies. In 1595, therefore, we learn that Philip the Second ordered Count de Monterey, the Viceroy of Mexico, to explore and seize California, and accurately survey its coasts from Acapulco to Cape Mendocino. Sebastian Vizcaino was selected for the service. In the spring of 1596 three vessels •under his command sailed from Acapulco, crossed the Gulf of California, and attempted to establish a settlement, to which Vizcaino gave the name of La Paz, in compliment to the natives for their peaceful reception of him. Within a year La Paz was abandoned and the little fleet returned to Acapulco. " When Philip the Third, who ascended the throne of Spain," says Evans, " in 1598, learned of this result, he issued peremptory orders on the 27th of September, 1599, for the sur vey of the coast and ocean side of the peninsula of Califor nia. His viceroy entered zealously upon this duty. The preparations were upon the grandest scale of any ever at tempted in Mexico. All the requisites for its successful accom plishment were liberally supplied. Pilots, priests, draughts men, and soldiers were engaged, in addition to full crews of selected seamen. Friar Antonio, chaplain to the admiral and journalist of the expedition, pronounced it the most enlightened corps ever raised in New Spain. To Vizcaino was assigned the command, and upon him was conferred the title and office of Captain-General of California. The fleet consisted of three large ships, the San Diego, San Tomas, and Tres Reyes. To Admiral de Corvan was entrusted the navigation. The fleet, which set sail from Acapulco June 2d, 16Q2, commenced the survey of the coast at Cape San Lucas. On the 10th of November San Diego was surveyed. On the 16th of December was discovered and named the Bay of Monterey, in honor of the viceroy. From Monterey one of the ships was sent back to Acapulco ; eighteen days later the other two vessels sailed north. Twelve days after leaving Monterey the San Diego passed San Francisco ; but the smaller vessel having separated, the ship returned to that port to await the arrival of her consort. On the 12th of January, 1603, the ships reached Mendocino. Scurvy had made sad havoc ^ /hu^ HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 87 with the crews. There were but six able to be on deck. On the 19th a high headland and snow-capped mountain in latitude 42° north were discovered. It being the eve of St. Sebastian, Viz caino gave to this cape the name Blanco de San Sebastian (the Cape Orford of Vancouver), being the highest point reached by his ship. He then turned southward, coasting inshore, observ ing the land, and arrived at Acapulco March 21st, 1603. The smaller vessel, commanded by Antonio Flores, with Martin de Aguilar as pilot, doubled Cape Mendocino and continued north to the mouth of a river forty-three degrees north— farther north than Monterey's instructions had warranted ; then with a crew hopelessly disabled by that bane of all ancient mariners, the scurvy, Flores turned southward to Acapulco." Disappointment of some sort seems to have accompanied almost every expedition of these old-time explorers. We find Vizcaino, on his return to Mexico, vainly endeavoring to induce the viceroy to establish colonies. Failing here, he goes to Spain, and obtains from Philip the Third a grant of those regions, with privilege to establish colonies : but his death in 1609 defeats his project. With this expedition, Spanish exploration in the Pacific was for the time discontinued — not from any change of policy, but as a natural result of the condition of affairs. New Spain was in direct communication with the Spanish East Indies. By the isolation of Mexico, Spain was more likely to retain her East Indian trade without interruption. The opening of a north eastern passage, should such a one be discovered, would but open a door to the entrance of piratical cruisers — the Drakes and Cavendishes — to prey upon Spanish commerce in the Pacific. It was against her best interests to open a more direct path for the ingress of her enemies to Spain ; therefore the discovery of the northwest passage ceased to be a desideratum as a promoter of Pacific commerce. But, nevertheless, we see the tidal wave of exploration, urged on by various and ofttimes conflicting influences, gradually gaining both in power and nearness, and already touching the coasts on which we dwell. 5 CHAPTER VI. DUTCH AND RUSSIAN VOYAGES OF EXPLORATION TO THE NORTH WEST COAST. We now come to the year 1613, in which the Dutch enter the field of Pacific exploration. Under the name of the Southern Company, Isaac Le Maire, a wealthy citizen of Amsterdam, associates himself with an ex perienced navigator, a certain Captain William Schouten — Jacob Le Maire, a son of the merchant just mentioned, accompanying him as supercargo — and obtains from the States-General of Hol land the right to make voyages of discovery. With the usual secretiveness of that people and time, their object and destina tion were concealed from other merchants, and even from the sea men they employed. Both vessels reached Port Desire in safety, but in careening, the Hoorne — named after the birthplace of Schouten — was burned, leaving only her consort, the Een- dracht, to pursue the voyage. Sailing southward on January 13th, 1816, they pass, on the 30th, the extreme southern point of South America, to which Schouten, who seems devotedly attached to his native town, gives, as he did to his lost ship, the name of Cape Hoorne— since shortened to Horn— having already given to the easternmost point of Terra del Fuego the name of Staten Land. Pity that he had not called his cape the Cape of Storms, which is still, and ever will be, the terror of the navi gator, the abode of tempests and the birthplace of gales. Run ning south as far as 59° 30' he stands again to the northwest, passing, on February 12th, the western outlet of the Strait of Magellan, and thus becoming the first known mariner to " double Cape Horn." A new route to the Pacific has been discovered, adding an additional menace to Spanish superiority on its west ern coasts, whose settlements are no longer exempt from the hostile visits of armed cruisers, and may well look for a renewal of such attacks as those of Cavendish and Drake. Russia, too, is becoming interested in the geography of our northwestern shores, and is about to dare the bitter breezes and HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 89 icy gales of the Arctic seas as she feels her way by slow degrees, walking blindly yet surely to her goal, a lodgment for her set tlements upon our coasts. The Empress Catherine, newly come to the throne, sends out Behring, from whose orders we extract the following directions : " To examine the coasts to the north and toward the east, to see if they were not contiguous with America, since their end was not known." He sails accordingly on July 14th, 1728, and on August 8th following reaches the latitude of 64° 30' north, when eight men come rowing toward his ship in " a leather boat." They tell him of a mainland at no great distance extending toward the west. Having gained the latitude of 67° 18' and " seeing no land to the east, neither to the north," he regards his instruc tions as fulfilled, and returns to the river Kamtchatka, fully sat isfied that Asia and America are separate. Yet he notices that the waves are not heavy enough to indicate an open sea, and says that "great fir-trees," possibly borne by the outwash of our own Puget Sound, " are seen swimming in the sea," such trees as do not grow in Kamtchatka. So he turns backward, taking little by his first enterprise save the naming of the chan nel of the sea, separating the two continents, through which he sailed, and still known as Behring's Strait. A Javanese junk, storm-driven and stranded, went to pieces upon the inhospitable coast of Kamtchatka July 8th, 1729, and her crew, with the exception of two, were killed by the Cos sacks. The survivors made their way to St. Petersburg, and straightway the fact is established of a water route through the Pacific to Java. Other expeditions in the direction of Russian conquest and exploration in these seas were undertaken about this time — led, strangely enough, by a colonel of Cossacks and a captain of Russian dragoons — but ended in shipwreck, defeat, and failure. On April 17th, 1732, the Russian Government again issues orders " to make voyages as well eastward to the continent of America as southward to Japan, and to discover, if possible, at the same time, through the frozen sea the north passage which had been so frequently attempted by the English and the Dutch. " Behring, now a commander, with two other captains associ ated with him, accordingly set sail, making his second attempt 90 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON, in 1741. Miiller, the historian, to whom we are indebted as the conservator of the incidents of these voyages, volunteered to accompany this expedition, td describe the civil history of the regions to be visited and the manners, customs, etc., of their people. They took with them also a scientific corps. Delayed by the building and fitting out of their ships, they finally sailed from their winter quarters in Awatscha Bay, June 4th, 1741, but on the 20th of the same month we find them separated by a gale and unable to rejoin. They make their way, therefore, sepa rately to the eastward, to gain the American coast. Behring, after a variety of adventures, sights our continent in latitude 58° 28' north, his consort having reached the same coast three days previous in 56°, after an experience which, though a mys tery at the time, seems afterward to have been partially ex plained. Desiring to obtain water, and also to examine the country, the captain sent a boat with his mate and ten well- armed men to explore the coast ; they rowed on until they dis appeared behind a small cape, from whence they did not return. After the lapse of several days, supposing them to be disabled, their commander dispatches the boatswain with six men, includ ing carpenters and materials to make repairs should such be required. They too disappeared. The next day two native canoes were seen paddling toward the ship. The crew, expect ing the return of their missing companions, gathered on the deck to receive them ; when the Indians, as they prove to be, seeing the Russians so numerous, come to a standstill, cease rowing, and standing up in their canoes, cry out, " Agai, agai !" and then resuming their paddles, make hurriedly for the shore. The captain, whose small boats were now expended, dared not approach the breakers with his ship, and, a storm arising, was compelled to bear away, leaving his lost men to their fate, yet, withal, thankful to escape from the perils of this dangerous shore. While nothing was ever definitely known of the particu lars of their separation, the Russian Minister at Washington in 1822, in a dispatch to the American Secretary of State, says that in 1789 the Spanish ship Don Carlos found in latitude 58° 59' Russian establishments to the number of eight, consisting in the whole of twenty families and four hundred and sixty -two indi viduals. These were the descendants of the men supposed to have perished. HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 93 It might be painfully interesting to dwell upon the sufferings of this ill-starred expedition, but space forbids. We conclude our extracts with Miiller's account of the sorrowful ending of Behring, their gallant commander, who was carried ashore on a litter, on their arrival at the bleak and desolate island where they were compelled to make their winter quarters. He says : " He daily grew worse ; the place yielded little of antiscor butic quality, and the herbage that grew on the island was hidden under the snow. The commodore died on the 8th of December. It is a subject of regret that his life ended so miserably. It may be said that he was almost buried while alive, for the sand rolled down continuously from the side of the cave or pit in which he lay and covered his feet. He at last would not suffer it to be removed, saying he felt warmth in it when he felt none in other parts of his body ; and the sand thus gradually increased upon him till he was more than half covered, so that when he was dead it was necessary to unearth him to inter him in a proper manner." In honor of Behring, the island where his remains were en tombed bears his name. It is at once his grave and his monu ment. His ship, the St. Paul, as if sympathizing with the final ship wreck and loss of her brave and gallant commander, went to pieces ; but the material being carefully preserved by the sur vivors, who were destined to bury no less than thirty more of their number before quitting this dreadful locality, was recon structed into a smaller vessel, in which they finally made their escape, reaching home after an absence of fifteen months and the endurance of infinite hardships. But there is no cloud, we are told, which does not wear a silver lining, no lane without some turning. And it was even so in this case ; for to this seemingly disastrous voyage is due the Russian fur trade with its large establishments on the Northwest coast. It came about in this wise : Evans tells us, " that, compelled while sojourning on Behring's Island to subsist on sea animals which there abound ed, and to use the skins as a protection against the rigors of the climate, such skins as were preserved and brought by them to Kamtchatka were purchased by the Siberians with great avidity at handsome prices ; thus the misfortunes and necessities of Behring's crew demonstrated that the North Pacific coast was 94 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. prolific in most valuable furs." So out of this evil a higher power eliminates good. There is, indeed, hardly any crucible of human suffering, either in the unit or the aggregate, which does not discover some residuum of gain or process of purifica tion in its results— a good most unlooked for, because entirely unsuspected. CHAPTER VII. REVIVAL OF SPANISH INTEREST IN NORTHWEST DISCOVERY. " The blazoned banner of old Spain Once more assaults the seas, As on these misty shores again She gi?es it to the breeze ; Her greed of gold and lust of dower Entwining cross and sword, From England's might and Russia's power Her northwest claims would ward." — Brewerton. With the missions now established, and growing favorably under the fostering care of the good fathers in California, we have nothing to do, but the renewal of Spanish exploration in the Pacific during the last quarter of the eighteenth century does interest us, coming within and at various points touching the limits of our Northwest coast. The renewal of this maritime energy on the part of Spain was due to a variety of causes, but its principal object was to strengthen and enforce her claims to that which she already held by right of discovery. Her jealousy of encroachment had already nearly involved her in war with Great Britain, a conflict only averted by the good offices of France, which nation, though declining an offensive alliance with Spain agamst England, offered her services as a mediator, with happy result. Spain, therefore, determines to make her claim to possession on the Northwest coast so strong as to be in disputable by an actual occupancy. To pave. the way to this she dispatches the sloop of war, Santiago, from St. Bias, in January, 1774, under Lieutenant Juan Perez. His orders are to sail northward to 60° ; from there survey the coast southward to Monterey ; to land at convenient places and take possession for Spain. In July he makes the land in 54° north (Queen Charlotte's Island), and names the point by adding another saint to our coast calendar — Cape Santa Margarita — the Cape Dixon of to-day. Scurvy, the bane of old-time navigation, attacking his crew, he turns southward, coasts the shore, lands, 96 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. and trades with the natives till driven seaward by a storm. He makes land again in August in 48° 49', and enters a bay — the present Nootka Sound. Sailing southward, his pilot sees, in 47° 47', a snow-capped peak. Perez names it the Mountain of Santa Rosalia, but we know it as Mount Olympus. He then determines the true latitude of Cape Mendocino, and returns to Monterey. This voyage is important, as from it the Spanish claim the discovery of the present Strait of Fuca and the Cape Flattery of Drake— known on their charts as the Strait and Cape Martinez. They, however, failed to publish these discov eries, thereby relegating to others the honors justly due to Perez. Another expedition follows. The Santiago and Sonora, on June 10th, in latitude 41° 10', anchor in a roadstead they name Port Trinidad. Here they take possession and erect a cross, still visible and seen by Vancouver in 1793. They look for the strait laid down on Bellin's charts as lying between 47° and 48°, but fail to find it. On July 14th an incident occurs of a most serious nature. While in latitude 47° 20' the only boat of the Sonora is sent on shore for water, manned by a crew of seven men ; the men, though well armed, are outnumbered by the natives and all murdered. The Sonora herself barely escapes, being surrounded by the savages in their canoes, who make repeated assaults and are beaten off with difficulty. Whether this was a wanton act of hostility, or brought about by some aggression of the boat's crew, will never be known. If the latter, they paid dearly for it. To this place they gave the name— a very pertinent one this time — of Punta de Martires (Point of Martyrs, now Point Grenville), and to the island near, Isla de Dolores (the Island of Sorrows). It is worthy of notice that Captain Berkley, twelve years later, in the Imperial Eagle, met with a similar experience with a boat's crew, and renamed it Destruction Island in consequence. The loss of his men, added to the breaking out of the scurvy and the generally unsea- worthy condition of the Sonora, induced a desire on the part of their commander, Heceta, to return to Monterey ; but being over ruled in a council of his officers, the vessels headed northward again. A storm, however, soon separated the ships, when Heceta, on the Sonora, returned homeward, leaving his consort, the Bodega, to continue the voyage northward. Heceta first makes the land on his return in 49° 30'. Between 46° 10' and HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 99 46° 9' he " discovers a great bay, the head of which he could not recognize. From the currents and eddies setting him seaward he could not enter, but believed it to be the mouth of some great river or passage to another sea." At night the force of the cur rent driving him far from the coast, he is unable to make further examination. He names the northern cape San Roque and the southern cape Frondosa ; the bay, Eusenda de la Roque, and the supposed river, Rio de San Roque. He reaches Monterey on August 30th with two thirds of his crew disabled by the scurvy. "Bodega and Maurelle," says Evans, "after parting from Heceta, pushed out to sea, first reaching the land in 56° north. Heading east, they discover a mountain in 57° 2', which they name San Jacinto (the Mount Edgecombe of Cook)." Other discoveries and consequent declarations of possession in the name of His Most Catholic Majesty follow. On October 3d a bay is located in 38°, on which Bodega bestows his own name. He surveys it and returns to Monterey, and thence to San Bias, after a cruise of eight months. We learn that upon the results of this voyage being known in Madrid, they were regarded as of the greatest importance. Orders were dispatched to have the survey of the American coast completed by the same officers. A new expedition was accordingly sent out, whose results may be summed up, as stated by Fleurieu : ' ' They might have remained at San Bias without knowledge in geography having sustained any loss by their inaction." Evans tells us that this voyage is notable as the last made for several years by the Spanish from Mexico to the northern coasts of America. War being declared between Spain and Great Britain in 1779 for the time suspended operations. It is almost a relief to know that it is so. One grows weary of this greed of exploration, this mania for the acquisition of territory which, once seen and taken possession of with fantastic ceremonies, halts at the door and makes no earnest effort to peo ple and redeem. One wearies of bombast and saintly names, and longs, as for a line from home, for something of manly, good old English both in nomenclature and colonization. CHAPTER VIII. BRITISH EXPLORATIONS ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. Up to the early summer of the year 1776, made memorable in the annals of time by the assertion of American independence, Great Britain had taken little interest in northwestern discov eries. The piratical visits of Drake and Cavendish toward the close of the sixteenth century added nothing of consequence to the world's knowledge of Puget Sound or the Northwest coasts. The object of their adventure was plunder on the high seas or robbery on shore. Exploration, save so far as they had a con venient retreat (a safe way home to discover), was an incident, or, one should rather call it, accident of their voyages. Now, however, England, grown envious or possibly alarmed by the progress made in this direction by rival nations, determines to enter the field in earnest. She equips two ships, the Resolution and the Discovery — twin names which well foreshadow the work they were to do — and places them under the command of that since world-renowned and most expert geographer, Captain James Cook. His orders take him via the Cape of Good Hope, New Zealand, and Otaheite directly for the Pacific coast of North America. They run as follows, and, as it will be per ceived by those who read between the lines, contain a hidden meaning. Mark the name of " New Albion," given by Drake, their own representative, and the tacit ignoring of Spanish claims where they can safely do so : " You are to fall in with the coast of New Albion in latitude 45° north. You are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far as 65° north, or farther if not obstructed by land or ice, taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account till you get into 65° north, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June. On the way thither (to New Albion) not to touch on any part of the Spanish dominion on the western continent of America un less driven to it by some unavoidable accident." Here follow HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 101 particular instructions to give no offence to Spain, or if in his progress northward he find any subjects of any European prince or State he is not to molest them, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship. Armed with these general yet, at the same time, very clear directions, Cook sets sail July 12th, 1776, to accomplish his mis sion, and Lieutenant Young, in the brig Lyon, is afterward sent to explore Baffin's Bay and co-operate with him should he dis cover that still-sought-for myth, the Northwest passage ; in which, says Evans, if they had succeeded, it was conjectured they would probably have met in a sea to the north of the American continent. Evans very happily dissects and extracts the hidden meaning from Cook' s orders. Condensed, the Eng lish admiralty means just this : " We hold New Albion under Drake's discovery ; we concede certain territories to Russia on the north and Spain on the south, but fix precise boundaries to neither. Be asssured, when it comes to dividing the spoil, the Lion of England will demand and enforce his pretensions to a full share." It is a little singular, by the way, that the Declaration of American Independence should have been proclaimed here almost at the very moment when Cook was departing to in crease England's domain upon the continent where her most valuable colonies were, through her own stubborn rapacity and folly, about to be wrested from her grasp. To resume : Cook and his consort, Captain Clarke, in the Discovery, sailed from Plymouth on the date above given. We make no note of their voyage till on March 7th, 1778, he sights the Pacific coast of North America in 44° V 2" north latitude. Gales force him southward to 43°, when he again turns north ward ; but the fog shuts down and hangs heavy about him. The coast, as if coy of observation, hides itself in mist, and can not be traced continuously ; so that between Cape Foulweather (it will be seen that we have no more saintly christening of cape and headland — they are good Anglo-Saxon names, full of pith and meaning), 44° 55' north, and Cape Flattery, 48° 15' (both named by Cook), the expedition added little to our knowl edge of the coast. Among Cook's officers, it should be mentioned, was a mid shipman destined in after years to be even more thoroughly 102 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. identified with the mapping out of Washington's sea-coast geog raphy than his eminent commander— George Vancouver. An other officer, the distinguished geographer and afterward Ad miral Barney, tells us of Cape Flattery (so called by Cook because the prospect of land near it had given the doubtful promise of a harbor). " We were near Cape Flattery on the evening of the 22d of March, and a little before seven o'clock, it growing dark, Captain Cook tacked, to wait for daylight, intend ing to make close examination ; but before morning a hard gale of wind came on with rainy weather, and we were obliged to keep off the land" — so near and yet so far. To set up his rig ging and fill his empty water-tanks, Cook is compelled to seek a port. He stands away in the night, and consequently fails to discover the Strait of Fuca. So, not finding it south of 48°, he counts it a myth and denies its existence. We next find him (March 29th) at Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, one of the saint ly ports of Perez. Cook calls it King George's Sound, but the Indian nomenclature outlives Cook's compliment to his king, and Nootka it remains. It is a vast pity, by the way, that the meaning of these Indian names do not accompany them, as they are often most beautiful and significant ; take that of Mount Tacoma, for instance, the Mount Rainier of modern geographers, which means "nourishing mother of valleys below," a most concise and poetical rendition of the fact that this great white- crested mountain (which, had Cook entered the sound, would, perhaps, have received some other baptism) feeds from its bosom of eternal snows through their melting streams life and fertility to the valleys that cluster round its foothills. But we digress. After refitting, on April 26 th, Cook sails again to the northward, and devotes the remainder of the season to a thorough examination of the Northwest coast of America, involving also the adjoining shore of Asia ; determines the breadth of Behring Strait, going as far north as 70° 44'. He makes also, says Evans, ' ' an extended examination of the Arctic sea, sailing in both directions till hindered by the ice, which barred his further progress ; then, turning southward, he sur veyed the Aleutian group of islands." Cook seems to have been particularly fortunate in his officers, for besides the distin guished men we have mentioned destined to play an eminent part in the explorations of years to come, we find a " Con- 7* tf^L^z^, HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 105 necticut Yankee," only a corporal of marines, then serving on the Resolution, who proved the stuff he was made of on October 7th, while anchored in the harbor of Sanganoodha, as the fol lowing incident amply indicates. It is thus described by the pen of Captain James Burney, no mean authority : " A present of salmon baked in rye flour, accompanied with a note in the Russian language, was delivered to each of the captains, brought by two natives of Oonalaska from a distant part of the island. Ledyard volunteered to return with the messengers to gain information. Captain Cook accepted his offer, and sent by him a present of some bottles of rum, wine, and porter, and a wheaten loaf, with an invitation to ' his un known friends.' Ledyard embarked in a small baidar, which was a light skeleton wooden frame covered with whaleskin. It was paddled by two men, for each of whom there was a circular opening in the upper part of the baidar to admit of their being seated, and the lower end of their skin jacket or frock was then closely fastened to the rim of the opening to prevent the en trance of water, and they appeared, as it were, hooped in. There was no opening for their passenger, Ledyard, and previous to their both being seated he was obliged to dispose himself at his length, or, as seamen might express it, to stow himself fore and aft in the bottom of the baidar, between the two. The space allotted to him neither in height nor breadth exceeded twenty inches. The length of the voyage performed by Ledyard, pent up in this slight bark, I understood to be twelve or fourteen miles. At the end of two days he returned to the ship, being better accom modated in his voyage home than out, and in company with three Russian traders. These and other Russians, who came to us afterward, communicated their charts, which gave informa tion concerning many islands in this sea. They also mentioned that an expedition had been made in the icy sea with sledges in the year 1773 to some large islands opposite the river Kolyma." It will bring a glow of pride to the cheek of the American reader to know that this humble corporal of marines, this New England Yankee boy, afterward became the distinguished and intrepid traveller, the well-known wanderer and explorer, John Ledyard. This is all that interests our history in connection with Cap tain Cook. This able but most- unfortunate commander sailed 106 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. soon afterward for the Sandwich Islands, where he was killed, with four of his men, by the natives. It was justly said of him that "no other navigator extended the bounds of geographical knowledge so widely as he did." The increased advantages of modern science and our more perfect instruments have only verified his calculations, proving his latitudes and longitudes to be correct. Before taking leave of the incidents and results growing out of Cook's memorable voyage, it seems proper to add that Cap tain Clerke, of the Resolution (Cook's consort), also dying while en route, the command devolved on Lieutenant Gore, a Vir-, ginian, sailing under his command for Canton with a small collection of furs from the Northwest. They found the Chinese so eager to purchase them that they would give almost any quantity of their goods in exchange for them. Out of this visit of Gore's grew a new trade — the collecting of furs in Northwest America, shipping them for Canton in exchange for Chinese goods, which were resold in Europe, making three profits for the dealers : first on the furs, purchased from the Indians for goods costing a mere nothing in Europe ; then on the exchange and traffic, largely in favor of their peltries, at Canton, and thirdly, that upon the teas, silks, etc., sold in Europe — all of which tended to further settlement and development of the Northwest, the rich returns of whose hunting-grounds were thus, with the regions where they lay, largely advertised throughout the civilized world. A careful analysis of Cook' s so-called discoveries on our coast show that he was not, in the strict sense of the term, a discov erer. He was the navigator of his age, verifying or correct ing the discoveries and calculations of those who had gone be fore him, putting in shape and reducing to tangible form their crude reports, and thus bringing geographical order out of chaos. After all, our knowledge of the coast on which we dwell is the result of the labors of no one explorer. Successive keels have ploughed its seas and sounds. It was a road like all others, better known as it became a travelled one. Hence it is that in our geography we have had many instructors, each adding his mite, large or small, to the general fund of information. Spain, Russia, Holland, England, and America have all contributed to HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 107 enlarge our knowledge and acquaint us with the peculiarities of our coasts. We shall have little occasion from this time on to find Eng land either careless or indifferent as to the value and advantage of securing territory on the Northwest coast of America. Trade and commerce seek profitable fields of labor ; they found it here, and occupation and settlement was the natural result. CHAPTER IX. CONCLUDES THE EXPLORATIONS BY SEA ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. " Where are the shadowy ships that bore Those brave and gallant souls, Whose valor sought the tropic shore, And pierced the icy poles ; The men whose ports were coasts unknown, The mysteries of the sea ; By winds of chance to conquest blown, If any chance there be ?'' — Brewerton. Having thus led the reader, as we trust not uninterestingly, and yet as briefly as the great mass of matter to be condensed would permit, from that moonlit glimpse of San Salvador whose trembling light upon the strand the quick eye of Columbus had already discovered, through the record of many successive ex plorations to those which marked the close of the last century, we will, in the present chapter, endeavor to "round up" this portion of our theme by touching lightly upon those which in the present century dispelled the final cloud, leaving the terra incognita of the Northwest coast no longer a mystery, but a well-travelled ocean highway, whose landmarks were established and bypaths thoroughly known. We pass without comment the imbroglio of the Nootka Sound affair, where the rascality of certain English merchants who desired to avoid Chinese port charges by sailing their vessels under the Portuguese flag, coupled with the attempted hoisting of the British flag and the building of a block-house on territory claimed by the Span iards in that region, brought about conflicts and seizures which ended in a multiplicity of negotiations and almost in a war be tween the two interested parties. Lieutenant Pierce, of the marines, a British officer, writing officially in 1795, says of this affair : " But though England, at the expense of three millions, ex torted from the Spaniards a promise of restoration and repara- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. Ill tion, it is well ascertained, first, that the settlement in question never was restored to Spain, nor the Spanish flag at Nootka ever struck ; and, secondly, that no settlement had been subsequent ly attempted by England on the Californian coast. The claim of right set up by the court of London, it is, therefore, plain has been virtually abandoned, notwithstanding the menacing tone in which the negotiation was conducted by the British administra tion, who cannot escape some censure for encouraging these vexatious encroachments on the territorial rights of Spain. ' ' This seems good, plain, sensible talk, wonderfully honest for an officer of those days still in the British marines. The vessels referred to were Portuguese, by a fraudulent arrangement, when these traders desired to cheat the Chinese, but exceeding British when, having got into trouble by their own arrogant and unjust acts with Spain, they desire English protection and damages for injuries received. It was the last attempt of Spain to occupy Nootka Sound. In 1786 we find the Frenchman La Perouse upon our coast. He comes with two frigates of his nation, and makes a careful survey of the shores from Mount Elias to Monterey. The follow ing year brings Captain Berkley in the Imperial Eagle, an Austrian East Indiaman. He examines the coast as far south as 47°, and discovers the entrance of the strait south of Vancou ver's Island. He ascertains the existence of the strait now known as Juan de Fuca ; then by a strange coincidence where in, as we have elsewhere noted, a sad history repeats itself, he reaches the Isle de Dolores of the Spanish explorer, and, like him, sends a boat ashore for water, whose crew is killed by the natives. Captain Meares, of Macoa, learning of the outlet of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, but that it was still unexplored, makes a limited examination of it in June of 1788. He makes the entrance as being twelve or fourteen leagues wide, and thus describes it : " From the masthead it was observed to stretch to the east by north, and a clear, unbounded horizon was seen in that direction as far as the eye could reach ; frequent soundings were attempted, but we could procure no bottom with one hun dred fathoms of line. The strangest curiosity impelled us to enter this strait, which we will call by the name of its original discoverer, Juan de Fuca." His first officer, Mr. Duffin, makes an exploration of fifty 6 112 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. miles, and on July 5th discovers the entrance of our Shoalwater Bay. To Toke's Point he gave the name of Cape Shoalwater. He attests his belief in the errors of the Spanish charts by nam ing Cape Disappointment and Deception Bay. " Disappointed and deceived," says Evans, " he ends his cruise in 45° north." And now, if only by way of relief to the efforts of other nationalities, comes a genuine Yankee flavor into our bead-roll of commanders and ships. Evans tells us that " in 1787 Joseph Barrell, a prominent merchant of Boston, projected a voyage of discovery and commerce to the Northwest coast of America. In this enterprise five other citizens of the United States became associated. Two vessels — the ship Columbia, Captain John Ken drick, and the sloop Washington, Captain Robert Gray — were equipped and provided with assorted cargoes for trade with the natives. They sailed from Boston in October, 1787." Let us pause for a moment and note the significance of these names. There is something almost prophetic in their appro priateness—Columbia, one day to be the name of that mighty river, the Mississippi of the west, which gathers its energies among the snow-capped peaks of inland mountains, to bestow their income upon that graceless sea which returns its favors by heaving up barriers of sand at its mouth ; the Washington, one day to be the proud designation of the State whose history we are writing. Good, honest, patriotic traders must have been Joseph Barrell and his associates, selecting national names for their vessels, and loading them with that "assorted cargo" which should in the fulness of time bring a bountiful return from the natives in furs and peltries. May this happy union of patriotism and commerce never be divorced, or their thrifty children, civilization and progress, cease to thrive where'er they may find a home ! In 1789 the Washington, Captain Gray, enters Juan de Fuca and " sails fifty miles through the strait in an east-southeast direction, and found the passage five leagues wide." Return ing, he meets his consort, the Columbia, in the strait ready for sea, bound for China. Here the captains transfer, and Captain Kendrick, in the sloop, winters on the coast. " The Columbia, under Gray, goes on to Canton, exchanges her furs for teas, and reaches Boston August 10th, 1790, via the Cape of Good Hope. To Captain Gray, then, belongs the honor of command- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 113 ing the first vessel to circumnavigate the globe under the national standard of the United States of America. In the fall of 1789 the Washington sails through the strait, and steering northward, passes through some eight degrees of latitude, and comes out into the Pacific north of latitude 55°. A Spanish ship, commanded by Manuel Quimper, one of a fleet that sailed from San Bias in 1890, explored the Strait of Juan de Fuca in the summer of that year. His survey includ ed the strait and main channel of what is now known as the Gulf of Georgia, the main channel between Vancouver's Island and the continent, to which he gave the name of Canal de Haro, in honor of his pilot. Such is the channel, so notable in history, separating the Island of Vancouver . and San Juan, now the water boundary between Great Britain and the United States as settled by William II. , Emperor of Germany, and consequently the boundary of the State of Washington. About this time Malaspina, a Spanish officer, discovers the mouth of the Fraser River, naming it Rio Blanco. " Twenty-eight vessels," says Evans, " visited Nootka Sound this year, under the flags of Portugal, France, England, Spain, and the United States. Of these, five were national expeditions, the rest were traders." The famous Captain Vancouver, the midshipman of Cook' s voyage, now comes as a leading actor upon the stage of north western exploration. His expedition enters the Strait of Juan de Fuca on April 30th, 1792, and reaches a point on the south shore which he names New Dungeness ; sailing eastward, he enters a bay he calls Port Discovery, and the island opposite its mouth, Protection Island. The channel to the southward of Point Wilson he calls Admiralty Inlet ; its two great southern arms are christened Hood's Canal and Puget Sound —another whiff of sea breeze blowing directly from home. We are meet ing familiar names, which, as the Westerner expresses it, have " come to stay." He explores all the islands, inlets, bays, and harbors. He does his work well among the channels of this mighty inland sea — the Mediterranean of the West. He dispels the idea that its tortuous passages lead through the continent. And now occurs a little conflict of opinion in which the American merchant captain proves to have been right and the scientific naval commander, usually so correct in his calcula- 114 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. tions, decidedly in error. The American sloop Washington, already referred to, made the Northwest coast near 46° north. ' " In an attempt to enter an apparent opening the sloop ground ed, was attacked by savages, had one of the crew killed, and the mate severely wounded. Captain Gray believed this to be the mouth of the river he afterward named Columbia." Speaking Captain Vancouver in April, 1792, he informed him " that he had been off the mouth of the river in latitude 46° 10' north, wdiere the outset or reflux was so strong as to pre vent his entering it for nine days." Coming as it did from a mere Yankee trader, Vancouver, with less good sense than he usually exhibits, attaches no im portance to the statement. It is the old story of the namesake of Gray's vessel — Washington's unheeded advice to Braddock, which might have avoided that perfect savage triumph over Britain's arms and valor— repeated in a different element, but happily with less serious result. After an argument too long to be quoted here, Vancouver dismisses the idea of Gray's discov ery as an impossibility, and sagely adds, by way of rebuke to similar pretenders, the following : " These ideas, not derived from any source of substantial in formation, have, it is much to be feared, been adopted for the sole purpose of giving unlimited credit to the traditionary ex ploits of ancient foreigners, and to undervalue the laborious and enterprising exertions of our own countrymen in the noble sci ence of discovery." A prettily turned and high-sounding period, which, how ever, must be taken cum grano sails, for the mouth of the Co lumbia, with its far-away sources and mighty tide of outflow, was there nevertheless. But it is not the first time that a Brit ish commander might have learned, yet failed to do so, from Yankee eyes and American common sense ; possibly the fact, as Evans suggests, " that the American sailor made no claim to the possession of Vancouver's noble science of discovery," may have turned the scale against the presence of a river wliich two Brit ish navigators, Meares and Cook, had been unable to discover, and which, therefore, by no possibility could exist. Our Yankee captain, leaving this scientific and unbelieving gentleman to prosecute his discoveries northward, returns to re examine his as yet unexplored river mouth, " whose reflux was y cp StY^f^lfi-rT^; Sty* HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 117 so strong as to prevent him for nine days from entering it." We will tell the story of its results in his own words : " On the 7th of May, being within six miles of land, saw an entrance to the same, which had a very good appearance of har bor ; lowered away the jolly-boat and went in search of an anchor- ing-place, the ship standing to and fro, with a strong weather current. At one o' clock p. m. the boat returned, having found no place where the ship could anchor with safety ; made sail on the ship ; stood in for shore. We soon saw from our masthead a passage between the sand bars. At half-past three bore away and ran in northeast by east, having four to eight fathoms, sandy bottom ; and as we drew in nearer between the bars had from ten to thirteen fathoms, having a very strong tide of ebb to stem. Many canoes came alongside. At five p.m. came to five fathoms of water, sandy bottom, in a safe harbor, well shel tered from the sea by a long sand bar and spit. Our latitude obser\ed this day was 46° 58' north." Captain Gray called this ba y Bluefinch Harbor, in honor of one of the part owners of the ship Columbia. It is now known (as it ought to be) as Gray's Harbor. Captain Gray remained there till the afternoon of the 10th. On the 11th Captain Gray's narrative continues : " At four p.m. saw the entrance of our port, bearing east-southeast, dis tance six leagues ; in-steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. At eight a. m., being a little to windward of the entrance to the harbor, bore away and ran east-northeast between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of water. When we came over the bar we found this to be a very large river of freshwater, up which we stood." To this river, up which he sailed to Tongue Point, Captain Gray gave the name of his ship, the Columbia. Upon his return to Nootka Sound our unscientific but very practical Yankee skipper furnished Senor Quadra, a Spanish navigator, and associate with Vancouver in exploration, with a sketch of his discovery. Through him Vancouver himself re ceives it. Shortly after we find him sailing with his fleet " to re-examine the coast of New Albion, and particularly a river and a harbor discovered by Mr. Gray in the Columbia between 463 and 47° north, of which Senor Quadra favored me with a sketch." US HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. " The Daedalus was left to explore Gray's Harbor. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 19th, when, having nearly reached Cape Disappointment, which forms the north point of entrance into Columbia River, so named by Mr. Gray, I direct ed the Chatham to lead into it, and on her arrival at the bar, should no more than four fathoms of water be found, the signal for danger was to be made ; but if the channel appeared to be navigable, to proceed." Leaving Vancouver's account and taking it up as recorded by Evans, " The Discovery followed the Chatham till Vancou ver found the water to shoal to three fathoms, with breakers all around, which induced him to haul off. to the eastward and to anchor outside the bar in ten fathoms. The Chatham came to anchor in ten fathoms, with the surf breaking over her. Van couver was still as unwilling to believe there was much of a river as he had been to credit Gray's statement that it really did exist." He exhibits his reluctance to indorse that which he can no longer positively deny by undervaluing its importance as fol lows : " My former opinion of this port being inaccessible to vessels of our burthen was now fully confirmed, with this exception, that in very fine weather, with moderate winds and a smooth sea, vessels not exceeding four hundred tons' ' (Yankee schooners, perhaps) " might, so far as we are able to judge, gain an admit tance." What would our fellow- citizens of Oregon say were Vancou ver to return in the flesh and reiterate his disparaging state ments ? Truly American names are coming into fashion. "Lieu tenant Broughton, in the Chatham, having rounded Cape Disap pointment, is surprised by the report of a gun from a small schooner at anchor in the bay. It proves to be the Jenny, from Bristol, R. L, commanded by Captain James Baker. This inci dent suggested Baker's Bay as the proper name for the little harbor inside Cape Disappointment. Broughton, with a cutter and launch, continues to ascend this " unimportant" river for a distance of a hundred miles from the anchorage. This point he named Point Vancouver ; it is the present site of the city of Van couver. Then, with characteristic English modesty, he, having been in the river, as he states, ' ' takes possession of the river and HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 119 the country in its vicinity in His Britannic Majesty's name, hav ing every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilized nation or State had ever entered it before." He then re-crosses the bar, the Rhode Island Jenny leading. And yet he found the Jenny there, and must have known of Gray's first discovery. Evans apologizes for him, or, perhaps, we should rather say explains his mistake as follows : " The only palliation for this attempt of Broughton to claim the honor of the discovery of the river will be found in the sin cerity of his belief in his theory that the widening of the Colum bia below Tongue Point really constituted a bay, of which bay Gray was the discoverer ; that the true river emptied into Gray's Bay, and that Gray was never above its mouth. Broughton' s unjust and ungenerous denial of Gray's claim has long been ignored, and Captain Robert Gray, the American sailor, is uni versally accepted as the discoverer of the great Columbia River." It seems to us a little singular, however, if the English lieu tenant believed this theory, that he did not give some new name to ' ' his discovery' ' instead of that which must have been particu larly distasteful to him — the Columbia. But one error should not condemn a man ; and a disposition to believe in and prefer the statements of those of our own nationality is the last sin which an American should find fault with. We are too much given to it ourselves. The civus sum Romanus of old time was not more proudly uttered than the independent ' ' I am an American citizen' ' of to-day. Vancouver did good and honest work. His charts are standard to-day ; his names hold, and his calculations turned out to be accurate. He left the coast late in 1794, and his memory will ever be associ ated with its long line of sea-beaten shores. So ends upon the Northwest coast the maritime explorations and discoveries of a century rich in efforts and ripe in practical fruit. It left us, in some respects, better off than to-day, for from a combination of circumstances the carrying trade of the North Pacific was restricted to American ships. We conclude this portion of our maritime " rounding up" chapter with a statement of the situation as to conflicting claims and claimants upon the Northwest coast at the close of the last century. Evans puts it very tersely thus : " Russia's claim upon the extreme Northwest was undisputed, 120 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. except that Spain had not abandoned the imaginary right aris ing from the grant of Pope Alexander VI. Russian discovery had been followed by settlements which extended southward to about 55° north. Spain had discovered coasts as high north as Prince William's Sound (61° north), but had not attempted set tlement north of the mission of San Francisco, latitude 37° 50' — properly speaking, north of the north line of the Spanish de partment of California. Great Britain had asserted claim be cause Drake, in 1579, had called a part of the coast New Albion, which coast so named, according to Vancouver, was included between 43° and 48°. From 48° to 55° that navigator designated New Georgia. Great Britain also denied Spanish claim to the northern coast above 48° north, claiming that Spain had aban doned such territory by the first article of the Nootka Treaty. The claim by Great Britain of New Albion was a denial also of Spanish claim north of 43°. The United States claim by right of discovery was the territory watered by the Columbia River. Thus the North Pacific coast, between the north line of Cali fornia and south boundary of Russian America, had become a matter of dispute between Spain, Great Britain, and the United States." CHAPTER X. DESTRUCTION OF THE AMERICAN SHIP BOSTON AND MASSACRE OF HER CREW BY THE INDIANS OF FRIENDLY COVE, ON NOOTKA SOUND, AS TOLD BY ONE OF THE ONLY TWO SUR VIVORS. " How deep the hate and passion strong Of him who treasures up a wrong ! Who bides his time and patient waits Till full repayment vengeance sates." — Brewerton. The present century, so far as maritime matters on the North west coast are concerned, opened with the lamentable attack (while trading at Nootka), in March, 1803, upon the American ship Boston, Captain John Salter, by natives under the lead of Maquina, their chief. The ship was destroyed, and but two of the crew escaped massacre. The survivors did not obtain their freedom until after two years of captivity. The journal of the youngest of these, " Captain John R. Jewitt, only survivor of the ship Boston," as he styles himself, is so interesting that we allot some space to his narrative of their surprise and capture, quoting as briefly as we may. After giv ing the particulars of the ship coming to anchor four miles to the north of the Indian village at Friendly Cove (in this in stance a misnomer), he goes on to say : " On Thursday of next day, the 13th, several of the natives came on board from their village of Nootka with their king, called Maquina, who appeared pleased to see us, greeting us most cordially, and welcomed Captain Salter to his country. As I had never beheld a savage of any nation, I was particularly struck with the looks of their king, who was a man of dignified aspect, about six feet in height, and exceedingly straight and well proportioned ; his features were in general good ; his face made remarkable by a large Roman nose — a very uncommon feature among these people ; his complexion of a dark copper hue, though at that time his face, legs and arms were so covered with red paint that their natural color could hardly be per- 124 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. ceived ; his eyebrows were painted black in two broad stripes, like a new moon, and his long black hair, which shone with oil, was fastened in a bunch at the top of his head, and strewed or powdered all over with white down, which gave him a most curious and extraordinary appearance" (he had probably seen Europeans with powder in their hair). " His men were, habited in mantles of the same cloth, which is made from the bark of a tree, and has some resemblance to straw matting ; these are nearly square, and have two holes in the upper part large enough to receive the arms ; they reach as low as the knees, and are fastened round their bodies with a belt about four inches broad of the same cloth. " From having frequently visited the English and American ships that traded on the coast, Maquina had learned the signifi cation of a number of English words, and in general could make himself pretty well understood in our own language. He was always the first to go on board such ships as came to Nootka, even when he had no trade to offer, as he always received some small present, and was in general exceedingly well treated by the commanders. He remained on board of us for some time, during which Captain Salter took him into the cabin and treat ed him with a glass of rum, these people being very fond of dis tilled spirits, and some biscuit and molasses, which they prefer to any kind of food that we can offer them. " As there are seldom any furs to be purchased at this place, and not fully the season, Captain Salter put in here not to trade, but to obtain a supply of wood and water, thinking it more prudent to do so at Nootka, from the generally friendly disposition of the people, than among the ferocious natives far ther north. With this view we were preparing water-casks, etc., during which time I kept myself busily employed" (he was the armorer of the ship) " in repairing the muskets, knives, etc., and doing such iron work as was wanted for the ship. " Meanwhile more or less of the natives came on board of us daily, bringing with them fresh salmon, which they supplied us with in great plenty, receiving in return some trifling articles. Captain Salter was always very particular, before admitting these people on board, to see that they had no arms about them, by obliging them indiscriminately to throw off their garments, so that he felt perfectly secure from any attack. HISTORY' OF WASHINGTON. 125 " On the 15th the king came on board with several of his chiefs ; he was dressed, as before, in his magnificent otter-skin robe, having his face highly painted and his hair tossed off with the white down, which looked like snow. His chiefs were dressed in mantles of the country cloth of its natural color, which is a pale yellow ; these were ornamented with a broad border, painted or wrought in figures of several colors, repre senting men's heads, various animals, etc., and secured around them with a belt like that of the king, but narrower. The dress of the common people is of the same fashion, and differs from that of the chiefs in being of a coarser texture, and painted red of one uniform color. ' ' Captain Salter invited Maquina and his chiefs to dine with him ; and it was curious to see how these people, when they eat, seat themselves (in their country fashion) upon our chairs, with their feet under them, crossed like Turks. They cannot endure the taste of salt, and the only thing they would eat with us was the ship's bread, which they were very fond of, especially when dipped in molasses ; they have also a great liking for tea and coffee when well sweetened." (Had the narrator ever trav elled among the Arabs, this declination to eat salt with their hosts might have put them on their guard. The Arab never will eat salt with those whom he intends to injure.) " As iron weapons, and tools of every kind are in great request among them, whenever they came on board they were always very at tentive to me, crowding around me at the forge, as if to see in Avhat manner I did my work, and in this way became quite familiar — a circumstance, as will be seen in the end, of the last importance to me. The salmon which they brought us fur nished a most delicious treat to men who for a long time had lived wholly on salt provisions. We indeed feasted most luxu riously, little imagining the fate that awaited us, or that this dainty food was to prove the lure to our destruction. " On the 19th the king came again on board and was invited by the captain to dine with him. He had much conversation with Captain Salter, and informed him that there were plenty of wild ducks and geese near Friendly Cove, on which the captain made him a present of a double-barrelled fowling-piece, with which he appeared to be greatly pleased, and soon after went on shore. 126 HISTORY* OF WASHINGTON. " On the 20th we were nearly ready for our departure, hav ing taken in all the wood and water we needed. " The next day Maquina came on board with nine pairs of wild duck as a present ; at the same time he brought with him the gun, one of the locks of which he had broken, telling the captain it was peshalc— that is, bad. Captain Salter was very much offended at this observation, and considering it was a mark of contempt for his present, he called the king a liar, add ing other opprobrious terms, and taking the gun from him, tossed it indignantly into the cabin, and calling me to him, said, ' John, this fellow has broken this beautiful fowling-piece ; see if you can mend it.' On examining it, 1 told him it could be done. As I have already observed, Maquina knew a number of English w~ords, and, unfortunately, understood but too well the meaning of the reproachful terms that the captain addressed to him. He said not a word in reply, but his countenance suffi ciently expressed the rage he felt, though he exerted himself to suppress it ; and I observed him, while the captain was speak ing, repeatedly put his hand to his throat and rub it upon his bosom, which he afterward told me was to keep down his heart, which was rising into his throat and choking him. He soon after went on shore with his men, evidently much discomposed. " On the morning of the 22d the natives came off to us as usual with salmon, and remained on board ; when about noon Maquina came alongside with a considerable number of his chiefs and men in their canoes, who, after going through the customary examination, were admitted into the ship. He had a whistle in his hand, and over his face a very ugly mask of wood, representing the head of some wild beast. He appeared to be remarkably good-humored and gay, and while his people sang and capered about the deck, he blew his whistle to a kind of tune which seemed to regulate their motions. As Captain Salter was walking on the quarter-deck, amusing himself with their dancing, the king came up to him and inquired when he intend ed to go to sea. He answered, ' To-morrow.' Maquina then said, ' You love salmon ? Much in Friendly Cove. Why not go there and catch some % ' The captain thought that it would be very desirable to have a good supply of these fish for the voy age, and on consulting with Mr. Delouisa" (his first mate) " it was agreed to send part of the crew on shore after dinner, with the HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 129 seine, in order to procure a quantity. Maquina and his chiefs stayed and dined on board, and after dinner the chief mate went off with nine men in the jolly-boat and yawl to fish at Friendly Cove, having set the steward on shore at our watering-place to wash the captain's clothes. " Shortly after the departure of the boats I went down to my vise-bench in the steerage, where I was employed in cleaning muskets. I had not been there more than an hour when I heard the men hoisting in the long boat, which in a few minutes after was succeeded by a great bustle and confusion on deck. I im mediately ran up the steerage stairs, but scarcely was my head above deck when I was caught by the hair by one of the savages and lifted from my feet ; fortunately for me, my hair being short, and the ribbon with which it was tied slipping, I fell from his hold into the steerage. As I was falling he struck at me with an axe, which cut a deep gash in my forehead and pene trated the skull ; but in consequence of his losing his hold I luckily escaped the full force of the blow, which otherwise would have cleft my head in two. I fell stunned and senseless upon the floor. How long I continued in this situation I know not, but on recovering my senses the first thing I did was to try to get up ; but so weak was I from the loss of blood that I fainted and fell. I was, however, soon recalled to my recollec tion by three loud shouts or yells from the savages, which con vinced me that they had got possession of the ship. It is im possible for me to describe my feelings at this terrific sound. My blood ran cold in my veins. " Having at length sufficiently recovered to look about me, after wiping the blood from my eyes, I saw that the hatch of the steerage was shut. This was done, as I afterward discovered, by order of Maquina, who, on seeing the savage strike at me with the axe, told him not to hurt me, for that I was the armorer and would be useful to them in repairing their arms ; while, at the same time, to prevent any of his men from injuring me, he had the hatch closed. But to me this circumstance wore a very different appearance, for I thought that these barbarians had only prolonged my life in order to deprive me of it by the most cruel tortures. " I remained in this horrid state of suspense for a very long time when at length the hatch was opened, and Maquina, call ing me by name, ordered me to come up. I groped my way up 130 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. as well as I was able, being almost blinded with the blood that flowed from my wound, and so weak as with difficulty to walk. The king, on perceiving my situation, ordered one of his men to bring a pot of water to wash the blood from my face, which, having done, I was able to see distinctly with one of my eyes, but the other was so swollen from my wound that it was closed. But what a terrific spectacle met my eyes ! Six naked savages, standing in a circle about me, covered with the blood of my mur dered companions, with their daggers uplifted in their hands, prepared to strike. I now thought my last moment had come, and recommended my soul to my Maker. " The king, who, as I have already remarked, knew enough of English to make himself understood, entered the circle, and, placing himself before me, addressed me in nearly the following words : ' John— I speak— you no say no— you say no — daggers come.' He then asked, me if I would be his slave during my life ; if I would fight for him in his battles ; if I would repair his muskets and make daggers and knives for him, with sev eral other questions, to all of which I was careful to answer ' Yes.' He then told me he would spare my life, and ordered me to kiss his hands and feet to show my submission to him, which I did. In the mean time, his people were very clamorous to have me put to death, so that there should be none of us left to tell our story to our countrymen, and to prevent them from coming to trade with them ; but the king, in the most deter mined manner, opposed their wishes, and to his favor am I wholly indebted for my being yet among the living. " As I was busy at work at the time of the attack, I was without my coat ; and what with the coldness of the weather, my feebleness from loss of blood, the pain of my wound, and the extreme agitation of terror I still felt, I shook like a leaf, which the king observing, went into the cabin, and bringing up a great-coat that had belonged to the captain, threw it over my shoulders, telling me to drink some rum from a bottle which he handed me, at the same time giving me to understand that it would be good for me and keep me from trembling as I did. I took a draught of it, after which, taking me by the hand, he led me to the quarter-deck, where the most horrid sight presented itself that ever my eyes witnessed. The heads of our unfortunate captain and his crew, to the number of twenty-five, were all HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 131 arranged in a line ; and Maquina, ordering one of his people to bring a head, asked me whose it was. I answered, The captain's. In like manner the others were shown me, and I told him the names, excepting a few that were so horribly mangled that I was not able to recognize them. " I now discovered that all of our unfortunate crew had been massacred, and learned that after getting possession of the ship the savages had broken open the arm- chest and magazine, and supplying themselves with ammunition and arms, sent a party on shore to attack our men who had gone thither to fish, and, being joined by numbers from the village, without difficulty overpowered and murdered them, and, cutting off their heads, brought them on board, after throwing their bodies into the sea. On looking on the deck I saw it entirely covered with the blood of my poor comrades, whose throats had been cut with their own jack-knives — the savages having seized the opportunity while they were busy in hoisting in the boat to grapple with them and overpower them by their numbers. In the . scuffle the captain was thrown overboard and dispatched by those in the canoes, who immediately cut off his head. " After I had answered his questions, Maquina took my silk handkerchief from my neck and bound it around my head. He then ordered me to get the ship under weigh for Friendly Cove. This I did by cutting the cables and sending some of the natives aloft to loose the sails, which they performed in a very bungling manner ; but they succeeded so far in loosing the jib and top sails that with the advantage of fair wind I succeeded in getting the ship into the cove, where, by order of the king, I ran her ashore on a sandy beach at eight o'clock at night." So ends a weird and most dramatic tragedy— a true story of the cruel northern seas. How he saved his comrade, the sail-maker, by passing him off as his father, having grown into favor with the king, is to be found in that curious volume, " The Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt, " which, after running through several editions in America, was reprinted in Edinburgh in 1824. We have now done with the explorations by sea of our North west coast, and are about to enter it with the early settlers over land, before proceeding to trace the results of their emigration and its effects, as shown in the history of Washington, upon its rise and progress to Statehood. CHAPTER XI. ASSAULTS OF CIVILIZATION ON THE EASTERN WILDS OF WASH INGTON BY EXPLORATIONS AND EMIGRATION OVERLAND. " The hunter may traverse the forest for game, The fisherman follow the stream, But the axeman opens to golden grain The glades where their camp-fires gleam ; To settlers' huts and the emigrants' home, To the cities yet to be, To those who are not as thistledown blown, But firm as the rooted tree.'' — Brewerton. It is a pleasant thing for the author, and, as we trust, an agreeable change to the reader, to turn aside from the dreary monotony of ocean exploration, of sea narrative which, like the element it traverses, oppresses us with a sense of sameness impossible to overcome. No ; vary it as we will with dramatic effects and striking situations, it is there. The ear grows weary with the eternal reiteration of breaking billows ; the tired eye languishes for something to interrupt the flatness of apparently illimitable wastes of cold gray seas. Storms, shipwrecks, and disasters are but accidents, affording no relief, for they seem, dress and disguise them as you will, but duplicates of each other, the old story in a new form. We turn, then, with posi tive delight to the contemplation of " fresh woods and pastures new" in the pursuit of our story — to the assaults of civilization upon the then untrodden territory of Washington's eastern bor ders ; to follow the footsteps of her hardy hunters, voyageurs, explorers, and emigrants who in those old days made their diffi cult way through the green surges of our vast ocean of primeval forest, to camp beneath its shadows, let in with their keen axes sunshine upon its sod, and create oases in its desert of verdure wliich in the fulness of time should blossom as the rose, and replace the wigwam of the savage with the homes, school-houses, and churches of modern civilized life. It is a singular fact that the same causes which led to at- (^^^JS^^T^ HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 135 tempted discoveries by sea stimulated explorations by land. History again repeats itself ; reality is born of error ; the false gives birth to the true, or, to speak more correctly, the search for the fabulous ended of ttimes most unexpectedly in the find ing of what ultimately proved a better thing in the real. Rumors, transmitted from tribe to tribe, and so at last coming to the ears of trappers and hunters, brought to the white settle ments of the East vague reports of the existence of the " shin ing" (now the Rocky) mountains of the far West. The very name suggested possibilities of untold wealth. Fiction, feeding on the theme, sent forth its tales of journeys and discoveries alleged to have been actually made ; pretended maps and charts added to their apparent reliability ; cities were discovered, their inhabitants described ; rivers whose sands glittered with gold and streams thick with uncut diamonds were born of dreams ; and these dreams became waking visions in speculative minds, who received them as true, and straightway set out to discover these Eldorados. As the Strait of Anian myth sent explorers for ma,ny a year to brave the icy seas in search of that fabled pathway to the Ind, so the tales of La Hontan, Hennepin, and others, baseless as they were, fired the zeal of inland seekers, whose repeated quests found at last a way across the continent, and to whose influence we owe the iron pathways of to-day. But it must be remembered that the wave of progress which is tidal in this century moved slowly on the last, and crept with dim and blinded steps in that which preceded it. The early histories of the first inland travellers, seen from our standpoint, read almost like fairy-tales, even when they are true. Take the " Histoire de la Louisiane" of La Page du Pratz, published in 1758, which purports to be the story of a Yazoo Indian, Mon- cacht-ape, meaning "he who kills trouble and fatigue." Of this book Evans says : " In a fascinating vein La Page chronicles the adventures and observations of this learned aboriginal traveller. He details how he ascended the Missouri in its source to the Rocky Moun tains, tarrying with Indian tribes to learn their language and inquire the way ; his crossing those ' Shining Mountains,' ex ceedingly high and beset with dangers ; his march from thence to the beautiful river that flowed into the great ocean. He there met a tribe called the Otters, two of whose people, a man and a 7 136 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. woman, accompanied him westward. His first view of the Pa cific he thus described : ' I was so delighted I could not speak. My eyes were too small for my soul's ease. The wind so dis turbed the great water that I thought the blows it gave would beat the land to pieces.' Can modern description better this much ? The author saw Niagara for the first time with very nearly the same feelings." Evans goes on to say : ' ' La Page is recognized as a reliable writer. He vouches his entire belief in the statements of the Yazoo explorer. That narrative, published as it was previous to any other person having crossed the Rocky Mountains or who had journeyed to the Pacific Ocean, which subsequent visits of travellers have found to be correct, would seem to carry intrinsic evidences of truthfulness, and its statements appear to have been based on actual information." There had been, however, another and previous visitor to these same " Shining Mountains" (pity it is, we think, that the name had not been preserved, for all mountains are rocky, while this great American chain is, whether stony or snow-clad, specially "shining") ; and this first "pathfinder" was a French man—one Vereudrye — whose story, as told by Evans, runs as follows : " In 1731 Marquis de Beauharnais, Governor-General of New France, conferred authority upon Vereudrye, a fur trader, to equip an expedition to reach the head-waters of the Missouri. To avoid the dreaded Sioux, he had permission to ascend the Assiniboin and Saskatchewan rivers, and to follow any stream flowing westward into the Pacific. His real purpose was to establish the fur trade, and to ascertain the practicability of overland communication between New France (Canada and the province of Louisiana) and the Pacific Ocean. A line of posts was built, extending from Lake Superior northwestward, at available points to forts of the Saskatchewan, and at the junc tion of the Assiniboin and Red rivers. From these forts expedi tions were dispatched northward and westward in charge of his brother and sons. In one of these excursions, in 1743, the brother and son ascended the Missouri River to its source in the Rocky Mountains. They travelled south to the Mandan coun try. Discovering no passage through this vast mountain chain, and warned of danger from the Sioux, they turned back and HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 137 reached the Missouri in 1744. To this party belongs the credit of having been the first white men who had ever seen the Rocky or Shining Mountains." " The first traveller to lead a party of civilized men through the territory of the Stony Mountains to the South Sea' ' should be engraved on some massive mountain-face of "the Rockies" in letters so large as to be visible to every passing passenger ; and this epitaph should be linked with the name of Alexander Mackenzie, a native of Scotland and a partner of the Northwest Fur Company, in honor of his then unparalleled achievement. He might well be called the Columbus of the wilderness, the pathfinder of the wooded sea. He himself, at the conclusion of one of his longest canoe voyages of exploration, in which he halted at what he calls "Vancouver's Cascade Canal," mixed up some vermilion and grease and inscribed in large characters on the face of the rock on which his party had slept the night before, ' ' Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada by land, July 22d, 1793." It was from this adventurous yet eminently practical man that the suggestion emanated that the Northwest and Hudson' s Bay Company should combine and divide between them the interior and northern part of North America, beyond the frontier of the United States and the Canadas. He imagined that he descended the Columbia, the " great river" of the natives ; but, as was afterward discovered, was mistaken. The river he actually visited was the Fraser. He seems to have been a Napoleon in the breadth and scope of his commercial plans and generalship, as witness the following from his report : "By opening this entire course between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and forming regular establishments through the interior and at both extremes, as well as along the coasts and islands, the entire command of the fur trade of North America might be obtained from latitude 48° north to the Pole, except the portion of it which the Russians have in the Pacific. To this may be added the fishing in both seas and the markets of the four quarters of the globe. Such would be the field for com mercial enterprises, and incalculable would be the product of it when supported by the operations of that credit and capital which Great Britain pre-eminently possesses. Then would this country begin to be remunerated, for the expenses it has sus- 138 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. tained in discovering and surveying the coasts of the Pacific Ocean, which is at present left to American adventurers who, without regularity or capital, or the desire for conciliating future confidence, look altogether to the interest of the moment. They therefore collect all the skins they can procure and in any manner that suits them, and having exchanged them at Canton for the produce of China, return to their own country. Such adventurers, and many of them, as I am informed, have been very successful, would instantly disappear from the coast." We have suggested a memorial for Mr. Mackenzie, but fancy that the paragraph just quoted is as monumental in brass as any which could be erected. His report is well calculated to attract that ' ' British credit and capital' ' to which he refers. As Evans says, he foreshadows " British policy and intent," those also of the Empire Company, whose agent he was, and more over defined the lines whereby England proposed to bound her claim to the territory of Northwest America. Thomas Jefferson has been called, and has indeed won the right to be so considered, the " father of Western exploration," to which may be added that he was the first of our statesmen to appreciate and make some effort to explore and develop the possibilities of their almost unknown wildernesses lying between the Mississippi and the Pacific. Throwing the search-light of the present upon the history of the past for many years following our declaration of national independence, the apathy and want of foresight of the great mass of our American legislators to the securing new territories and opening up the far West seems incomprehensible. Jefferson alone seems to have possessed a keener eye and wider range of vision. While representing us as our Minister at Paris, as early as 1786, he met John Ledyard, of Connecticut, to whom we have already alluded as the adven turous corporal of marines of Cook's visit to the Northwest coast. Their converse led to a suggestion from Mr. Jefferson that Ledyard should make a journey overland by way of the Russian possessions to Kamtchatka, and thence across by some ship of that nationality to Nootka Sound ; thence downward on the latitude of the Missouri, and explore that region to the United States. Ledyard, as enthusiastic as himself, eagerly embraced the plan. The consent of the Empress of Russia secured the needful passports. Ledyard proceeded on his jour- -ng?byT.G.lL^margrr- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 141 ney, reaching Irkootsk, within two hundred miles of the coast of Kamtchatka, in January of 1787 ; winters there ; is arrested in the spring on attempting to resume his journey by the Russian officials, who accuse him of being a spy, and forbid his return to Russia. His health fails, broken, as we are told, ' ' by the severity of his treatment and the hardships of his journey." Thus was the first attempt of Mr. Jefferson to explore the inte rior and western part of this continent frustrated. Not discouraged by this failure, we find Mr. Jefferson again, in 1792, proposing to the American Philosophical Society the en gagement of a competent scientist to ' ' explore Northwest America from the eastward by ascending the Missouri, crossing the Rocky Mountains, and descending the nearest river to the Pacific Ocean." Captain Meriwether Lewis, of the United States, afterward destined to distinguish himself as one of the leaders of the great expedition of Lewis and Clarke, now comes to the front and urgently solicits the command. But, possibly owing to French influence, presumably potent with Jefferson, Andre Michaux, a French botanist, who offers his services, is accepted, receives his instructions, and gets as far as Kentucky ; but being, as it appears, also in the service of the French Govern ment, he there receives an order from the French Minister to relinquish his appointment and select some other field of re search—a piece of European jealousy which defeats the second attempt at exploration, on which Jefferson seems to be deter mined. Yet a third time, and on this occasion with Americans at the helm, we find Jefferson, now President of the United States, taking advantage of the " Act for the establishment of trading houses with the Indian tribes being about to expire," to recom mend their continuance ; and at the same time, in a confidential communication to Congress (January 18th, 1803), he recommends "An exploration to trace the Missouri to its source; to cross the hi°-h lands (Rocky Mountains) and follow the best water communication to the Pacific Ocean." The reader will remark that it is the same plan. Congress makes the necessary appro priation, and Captain Lewis, whose services were before reject ed, but who has now become the private secretary of the Presi dent, their common tastes for the increase of geographical 142 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. knowledge having possibly drawn them together, obtains its leadership. Lewis requests that William Clarke be associated with him, and Clarke is accordingly appointed a captain in the army and ordered upon this service. " In April, 1803, the Presi dent's instructions were submitted to Captain Lewis, and being duly canvassed, were finally signed on the 25th of June follow ing. The governments of France, Spain, and Great Britain were notified of the expedition, and its purposes and passports issued to it by the ministers of England and France. Among other instructions we find the following : "The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri River and such principal streams of it as by its course of com munication with the waters of the Pacific Ocean, whether the Columbia, Oregon, Colorado, or any other river, may offer the most direct and practicable water communication across the continent for the purposes of commerce." They are also directed to fix by observation the interesting points of the portage between the heads of the Missouri and the waters offering the best communication with the Pacific Ocean, and the course of that water to the ocean in the same manner as that of the Missouri. Their orders go on to say : " Should you reach the Pacific Ocean, inform yourself of the circumstances which may decide whether the furs of these parts may be collected as advantageously at the head of the Missouri (convenient, as it is supposed, to the waters of the Colorado and Oregon or Columbia) as at Nootka Sound or any other part of that coast ; and that trade be constantly conducted through the Missouri and United States more beneficially than by the cir cumnavigation now practised. . . . On your arrival at that coast, endeavor to learn if there be any port within your reach frequented by the sea vessels of any nation, and to send two of your trusty people back by sea in such way as shall appear practicable, with a copy of your notes ; and should you be of the opinion that the return of your party by the way that they went will be imminently dangerous, then ship the whole and return by sea by the way either of Cape Horn or the Cape of Good Hope, as you shall be able. ' ' A persistent man, this President Jefferson, who, after seven teen years of patient effort and waiting, notwithstanding the fail- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 143 ures of Ledyard's and Michaux' s expeditions, finally carries out his plan and sends Lewis and Clarke into the field, who, with equal courage, in face of great opposition, carry out his ideas, fulfil their orders, and gain for themselves a name among the explorers of the earth. The personnel of the expedition consisted, besides its com manders, of nine young men from Kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the United States Army, who volunteered, two French voy ageurs as interpreter and hunter, and a negro servant of Captain Clarke, all of whom, except the servant, were enlisted to serve as privates during the expedition. Three sergeants were appointed from their number. In addition, a corporal, six soldiers, and nine watermen accompanied the expedition as far as the Mandan nation— forty-three souls in all. Leaving late in the season, Captain Lewis very wisely deter mined to winter at the mouth of Wood's River, on the eastern side of the Mississippi. Here he made the needful preparations for an early start in the spring. That the reader may the better understand the route and great distance travelled by these, the first pathfinders going out under government directions to span the continent, we will quote Evans's resume of their operations, and supplement it by Captain Lewis's own summary of their labors. Evans condenses it thus : ' ' On the 14th of May, 1804, the party crossed the Mississippi River and commenced the ascent of the Missouri in boats cor- delled by hand. On the 1st of November, 1804, having jour neyed 1609 miles, it went into winter quarters in the Mandan villages. On the 8th of April, 1805, the party, consisting of thirty-three persons, resumed their westward march, and upon the 18th of August had reached the extreme head of navigation of the Missouri River, upward of three thousand miles from its mouth. They had ascended the main river to the three forks, to which they had given the names respectively of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin. Regarding the first named to be the main stream, they had followed it to its source in the Rocky Mountains. Captain Clarke crossed to the headwaters of the Salmon River (the east fork of Lewis or Snake River), but aban doned it. The party then ascended Fish Creek, a branch of the -Salmon, crossed a mountain ridge, and entered a valley of the 144 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. Bitter Root, and ascended to the mouth of a creek now called Louhou Fork, by them named Traveller's Rest. From thence they passed over the headwaters of the Kooskooskie, and having reached a point navigable for canoes, constructed, boats and fol lowed the river to its mouth in the Lewis Fork of the Columbia (Snake River), which they reached October 7th. Lewis River was followed to its junction with Clarke's Fork, and thence the party proceeded down the main Columbia to Cape Disappoint ment, on the Pacific Ocean, at which they arrived November 14th. They stopped but a few days on the north side of the river, but established their winter quarters at Fort Clatsop, on the south side near its mouth, where they remained until March 23d, 1806." Before setting out on their return eastward several written notices were left with the natives, and one posted up in the fort as follows : " The object of this last is that, through the medium of some civilized person who may see the same, it may be made known to the world that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the Gov ernment of the United States to explore the interior of the con tinent of North America, did penetrate the same by way of the Columbia and Missouri rivers to the discharge of the latter into the Pacific Ocean, where they arrived on the 14th of November, 1805, and departed on their return to the United States by the same route by which they had come out. " " This ' note' fell into the possession of Captain Hill, of the brig Lydia, of Boston, which carried it to Canton and thence to the United States. On the back of it was sketched the connec tion of the respective sources of the Columbia and Missouri, with the routes pursued and the track intended to be followed on the return." The expedition returned by substantially the same route until reaching Traveller's Rest Creek, where the party divided. Captain Lewis, with nine men, pursued the most direct route to the falls of the Missouri, exploring the Maria's River ; Captain Clarke, with the remainder of the party, proceeded to the head of Jefferson River, where he left a small party to descend to the Yellowstone, himself advancing directly to the Yellowstone, and tracing it in boats to its mouth. The several parties reunited at <& <^u?<^L HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 147 the mouth of the Yellowstone on the 12th of August, and hav ing travelled nearly nine thousand miles, reached St. Louis in safety on the 23d of September, 1806, without having lost a member of the party. ' ' Captain Lewis's own summary tells us : ' ' The road by which we went out by way of the Missouri to its head is 3096 miles ; thence by land by way of Lewis River over to Clarke' s River, and down that to the entrance of Travel ler' s Rest Creek, where all the roads from different routes meet ; then across the rugged part of the Rocky Mountains to the navigable waters of the Columbia, 398 miles ; thence down the river 640 miles to the Pacific Ocean, making a total distance of 4134 miles. On our return, in 1806, we came from Traveller's Rest directly to the falls of the Missouri River, which shortens the distance about 579 miles, and is a much better route, reduc ing the distance from the Missouri to the Pacific Ocean to 3555 miles. Of this distance, 2575 miles is up the Missouri to the falls of that river, thence passing through the plains and across the Rocky Mountains to the navigable waters of the Kooskoos kie River, a branch of the Columbia, 340 miles, 200 of which is good road ; 140 miles over a tremendous mountain, steep and broken, 60 miles of which is covered several feet deep with snow, on which we passed on the last of June. From the navigable part of the Kooskooskie we ascended that rapid river 73 miles to its entrance into Lewis River, and down that river 154 miles to the Columbia, and thence 413 miles to its entrance into the Pacific Ocean. About 180 miles of this distance is tide water. We passed several bad rapids and narrows, and one considerable fall 268 miles above the entrance of this river, 37 feet, 8 inches ; the total distance descending the Columbia waters, 640 miles, mak ing a total of 3555 miles on the most direct route from the Mis sissippi at the mouth of the Missouri to the Pacific Ocean." Was ever the history of a grand and glorious achievement, so proud a victory over more than two years of continuous battle with the perils of the wilderness in every variety — mountain snows, rugged steeps, burning plains, desert wastes, savage foes — and exposure in every form more simply or modestly narrated ! It wears the stamp of truth, exact and careful portraiture from nature in every line. It masquerades in no garb of self-lauda tion, no straining after dramatic effect. Pity it is that the youth 148 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. of America, so eager to peruse the distorted, extravagant tales which attempt to portray a frontier heroism, where some ruffian in buckskin plays a melodramatic part, half love, half murder, and both equally disgusting, would not turn from such to the real adventures, quite as thrilling, of Lewis and Clarke and kin dred spirits, who took a manhood and devotion to the duty of the hour with them in their journeys by plain and mountain, and ofttiines laid down their lives with no witnesses but an ap proving conscience and an omnipresent God. Few novels can compare in interest (for it has passed into a proverb that truth is stranger than fiction) with the narratives of Ruxton's " Life in the Far West," or Gregg's " Commerce of the Prairies." It has fallen to the lot of the assistant editor and compiler of this history to follow the steps of these explorers in the years gone by ; to gaze upon the island washed by the seas where Columbus saw the light upon the shore ; to skirt the coasts and enter the harbors where the adventurers of Spain sought for gold ; to sail the seas of Gray and Vancouver, and follow on horseback the paths from ocean to ocean of the early voyageurs ; and perhaps he may be permitted here to step aside from the beaten track of drier history and dwell for a moment upon the charm which lured from the haunts of civilization, and, once beheld, kept forever in its wilds those old time path finders. It was not the greed of gain — the rich furs, the spoils of the chase, so easy in those old days to come by — no, it was something far more subtle — the bluer sky, " Unstained by village smoke ;" the pure air of the " unshorn fields," boundless and beautiful ; of the prairie seas — the solemn stillness of ' ' the groves' ' that "were God's first temples;" the dash of hidden brooks and waterfalls ; the tinkle of mountain rills ; the great mountain peaks, the rock-ribbed guardians of the leagues of pine, wearing their white helmets, plumed by the mist- wreaths of everlasting snow. Pardon this digression, too long, perhaps, of one who knows whereof he speaks, for he has passed many a night by the camp-fire. But to return : this successful adventure of Lewis and Clarke, as may well be supposed, caused no little commotion both in political and commercial circles, nor did its influence HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 149 extend to our own land alone ; it was felt in Europe also. From a lesser and more selfish standpoint it seemed to open new doors to mercantile adventure and trade ; from a higher and more patriotic, it drew forth well-merited encomiums, and a sense of pride in these achievements of these explorers whose exploits had added new lustre to the American name. President Jeffer son himself, in a tribute to Captain Lewis in 1813, says : "Never did a similar event excite more joy through the United States. The humblest of its citizens have taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked with impatience for the information it would furnish. Nothing short of the offi cial journals of this extraordinary and interesting journey will exhibit the importance of the service, the courage, devotion, zeal, and perseverance, under circumstances calculated to dis courage, which animated this little band of heroes throughout the long, dangerous, and tedious travel." It was not until the middle of February, 1807, that Captains Lewis and Clarke reached Washington. The services of the party — though republics are counted proverbially ungrateful— were not overlooked, but were rewarded by a considerable land grant. Lewis was appointed Governor of Louisiana, Captain Clarke was made the general of its militia, and soon after agent of the Unit ed States for Indian Affairs. But, sorrowful to relate, the life of our principal explorer, so bright and promising, so glorious in results already obtained, was only too soon to be suddenly and violently extinguished. Even before he had prepared the jour nals and reports of his explorations, he fell by his own hand while suffering from an attack of acute melancholy, to which he had been long subject. During one of these business compelled him to start for Washington. We will tell the story in Presi dent Jefferson's own most appropriate and sympathetic words : " On his journey thither he did the deed which plunged his friends into affliction and deprived his country of one of her most valued citizens. It lost, too, to the nation the benefit of receiving from his own hand the narrative of his sufferings and successes in endeavoring to extend for them the boundaries of science, and to present to their knowledge that vast and fertile country which their sons are destined to fill with arts, with sci ence, with freedom, and with happiness." How truthful and how prophetic ! Surely he must have 150 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. written that concluding line under an inspiration which not only looked into the future, but beheld the fruition of its com ing days. We have given so large a space to the outlines of this expedi tion and its results because it was in reality the most important and far-reaching in its effects of any which crossed the conti nent, and destined to be no mean factor in settling disputed boundary lines and rival rights to possession destined erelong to shake the land as with an earthquake shock and bring about the yielding of larger concessions in the interests of peace than would now be wrested from the American people by threat of war. The next expedition was destined, unfortunately, to be less successful. We narrate it as an outgrowth of that just recorded. Evans credits it to an extract from an interesting letter. He says : " When Captains Lewis and Clarke returned from their ex pedition they were accompanied by one of the head chiefs of the Mandans. The next spring (1807) a detachment of soldiers was ordered to escort him back to his people. They started up the river in a barge, and about thirty Americans, among whom was Wier (William Wier, one of the earliest trappers who visited the Columbia, and the grandfather of Allen Wier, Esq., editor of the Port Townsend Argus), prepared themselves with traps and a keel boat, and started in company. " Before reaching the Mandan village they were attacked by a band of hostile Indians. The soldiers took to their oars, and with the current went swiftly down the river. The hunters crossed to the other side of the river and continued to give the Indians a fight. The savages gathered up their skin boats ; one which could seat four men could be carried on the head of an Indian. The hostiles descended the river some distance, crossed over, and came down in such numbers that the party was over powered. In a few minutes seven of the trappers were killed and about as many more severely wounded. The party gathered up the dead, fled to their boat, and followed after the soldiers. The whole party returned to St. Louis and waited until next spring. In the mean time, the Missouri Fur Company had been formed. In the spring of 1808 that company employed about three hundred men, principally French, from St. Louis, 2">y rhjyP.S.IternanPJ. l^^T- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 153 and sent them up the river. A party of some forty Americans, among whom was Wier, started also on their own account. In 1809 Wier, with nine others, crossed the Rocky Mountains and struck the headwaters of the Columbia and trapped down the river, wintering just above the Cascade or Coast Range. An other company of Missouri trappers wintered at the mouth of the river. All found the Indians friendly. Wier often spoke of the large fir timber, the mildness of the climate, the beautiful appearance of the land and soil, and gave it as his opinion that some day it would be one of the finest countries in the world." He quaintly added, " At that time it was a long ways from home. ' ' About this time, too, one Harmon, a Vermonter, wintered on Fraser' s Lake, and returned to New England in 1819 to write a history of his travels, published at Andover. A settlement of Americans was also planted at Oak Point, on the south side of the Columbia, but was speedily rooted up by a freshet in the river. In the mean while, the trade by American vessels was active on the coast. It is impossible within the limits of a chapter to follow the many private explorers, whose pathfinding, after all, added lit tle to and only verified the truthfulness of the government sur veys by Lewis and Clarke. We will pass them over nearly a quarter of a century to the year 1831, when Captain Bonne ville, of the United States Army, applied to the War Department for two years' leave of absence. " To explore the country of the Rocky Mountains and be yond, with the view of ascertaining the nature and character of the several tribes of Indians inhabiting those regions, the trade which might profitably be carried on in them ; quality of soil, productions, minerals, natural history, climate, geography, topography, as well as geology of the various parts of the country within the limits of the territories of the United States between our frontier and the Pacific." A pretty comprehensive plan, and, considering the territory to be examined, brief space for its accomplishment. On the 3d day of August following, Major-General Macomb, then commanding the army, granted Captain Bonneville's re quest, giving him the leave desired until October of 1833. At the same time he takes care to instruct the would-be explorer that the Government will be at no expense, " but that he must 154 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. provide suitable instruments and the best maps, especially of the interior, and that he must note particularly the number of war riors that may be in each tribe of natives that may be met with, their alliances wdth other tribes, and their relative position as to state of peace or war, and whether friendly or warlike positions toward each other are recent or of long standing ; their manner of making war, mode of subsisting themselves during a state of war and a state of peace ; the arms and the effect of them, whether they act on foot or on horseback — in short, every in formation useful to the Government." Nor does this leave much to be desired in the way of instruc tions either, being even more minute than those given to Lewis and Clarke, who were provided with all means at the Govern ment's command, both of men and material. But here we have the singular spectacle of an officer given a leave of absence to make explorations, the duties of which are dictated to him, and the appliances to be of the best ; yet he is distinctly informed, by way of preamble, that ' ' he goeth a warfare at his own charge ;" that the Government will be at no expense— in other words, he is virtually directed to "make bricks," like the Egyptians of old, " without straw." All of wThich, considering the great advantages obtained from the results of Lewis and Clarke's expedition, seems niggardly in the extreme. Captain Bonneville, however, appears to have had friends who felt coe- fidence in his scheme, for we find that during the ensuing winter an association was formed in New York from whence he re ceived the necessary financial aid. On May 1st we see him tak ing the field with a party numbering 110 men, with twenty wagons, with which he started from Fort Osage, carrying a large quantity of trading goods destined for the regions watered by the Colorado and Columbia. He remained west of the Rocky Mountains for over two years, though his expedition resulted in but little of geographical value, and in a pecuniary point of view, thanks to the competition of the Hudson's Bay Company and the bitter rivalry of fur traders more experienced than him self, was a complete failure. He was, nevertheless, eminently fortunate in his historian, his adventures being written up by the graceful and elaborate pen of the great American author, Washington Irving, who has thrown about the incidents of Bonneville's journeyings the charm which he alone could give HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 155 of most realistic and fascinating description. In this connection Evans writes as follows : " In that narrative Irving, in his own inimitable style, has chronicled the vicissitudes and novelties of life in the Rocky Mountains as experienced by trappers and adventurers. In lan guage more thrilling and varied than romance, he has pictured the trapper's life, its dangers, its exciting pleasures, the bitter rivalry of competing traders, the hostility of savages— in short, a pen picture has been produced by a master hand from which latest posterity can learn what constituted the fur trade and how it was prosecuted in the heart of the American continent and Oregon within the first half of the nineteenth century. Bonne ville went as far west as Fort Walla Walla. His parties pene trated the valleys of the Humboldt, Sacramento, and Colorado." A certain Captain Wyeth, of Massachusetts, about this time conceived the idea of establishing salmon fisheries on the Colum bia River in connection with an inland trade with the Indians for furs. With this intention he sent out a vessel laden with trading goods ; the ship was never heard of from the day she sailed. Wyeth and his party coming, fortunately for them, overland, reached Fort Vancouver October 29th. Being thus disappointed, with true Yankee readiness two of the party turned to the readiest bread-winner of a New Euglander in distress— school-teaching, and school-teaching under difficulties withal. John Ball, the first to make an attempt in this new direction, accepted from the chief factor, Dr. McLoughlin, an engagement to teach school for six months, and failed. It was possibly rather more difficult to teach the idea of the young Indian how to shoot than his hand. The next to try this doubt ful experiment was Solomon H. Smith, whose name at least in dicates wisdom equal to the task. The school was opened, and the teacher soon almost in a condition of despair ; discouraged w-as too mild a term to express his embarrassment. He tells us that the scholars, all Indians, came in talking their native lan guages. The confusion of Babel was as nothing to it. Cree, Nez Perce, Chinook, Kliketat, and a few others produced a mingling of tongues which, as the poor pedagogue came only prepared to teach English, simply deafened him. He says, " I could not understand them, and when I called them to order there was just one who could understand me. As I came from 1^6 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. a land where discipline was expected in school management, I could not persuade myself that I could accomplish anything without order. I gave directions, and, to my surprise, the only one who understood them immediately joined issue with me upon my mode of government in school. While endeavoring to impress upon him the necessity of order, and through him his fellows, Dr. McLoughlin, the chief factor, entered ; to him I ex plained my difficulty. He investigated my complaint, found my statements correct, and at once proceeded to produce an im pression [probably a striking one] on the refractory pupil which prevented any further trouble in governing. I continued in the school over eighteen months, during which the scholars learned to speak English. Several could repeat Murray's grammar ver batim ; some had gone through arithmetic, and upon review copied it entire. These copies were afterward used as school- books, there having been only one printed copy at Fort Vancou ver." (The reader may fancy in what condition the " only orig inal" must have been by the time that twenty- five young savages — the number of pupils— had finished their English education. Surely the lines of Washington's more modern instructors have fallen to them, by comparison at least, in pleasant places.) Evans tells us that " Captain Wyeth returned overland to Boston in 1833, most of his party remaining in the country, mak ing settlements in the Willamette Valley. Not disheartened by his first failure, the captain renews his efforts to establish a direct trade between Boston and the Columbia River, dispatch ing the brig May Dacre, Captain Lambert, laden with trading goods and supplies to the Columbia via Cape Horn. Mean while, he himself crossed the continent with two hundred men. In that overland train were Dr. Nuttall and John K. Townsend, of Philadelphia, both well known to science, the latter being the author of a pleasing narrative of their journey. The pioneer party of the Oregon Methodist Mission consisted of Revs. Jason and Daniel Lee, and Messrs. P. L. Edwards and Cyrus Shep herd, lay members ; Courtney M. Walker, employed by the mis sion for one year, also accompanied the party. They left Inde pendence, Mo., April 24th, 1834, and reached the junction of Snake and Point Neuf rivers early in July. Here Wyeth built a trading post to store his trading goods, which he called Fort Hall. Having fitted out trapping parties, he proceeded to Fort f TI— IIIIIII III y.i^Jg HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 159 Vancouver, reaching that place about the same time that his brig arrived via Cape Horn. At the lower end of Wapato (now Saurie' s) Island he established a salmon fishery and trading house which he named Fort William." His fishing failed, his trade with the Indians proved unsuccessful ; it was the old story of competition with that Northwestern octopus, the Hudson's Bay Company — they destroyed him. To this was added constant trouble with the Indians, who killed several of his men, and the loss of others by drowning. Unable to bear up under this com bination of difficulties, he finally became discouraged, and gave up the effort. We are told " that the island was thickly inhabited by Indians until 1830, when they were nearly ex terminated by congestive chills and fever. There were at the time three villages on the island. So fatal wxere the effects of the disease that Dr. McLoughlin sent a party to rescue and bring away the few that were left, and to burn the village. The Indians attributed the introduction of the fever and ague to an American vessel that had visited the river a year or two previously. It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise to any one who understands Indian character and their views as to death resulting from such diseases, that Wyeth's attempted es tablishment on Wapato Island was subject to their continued hostility. He was of the race to whom they attributed the cause of the destruction of their people, and his reverses were but the lawful compensation, according to their code, for the affliction they had suffered." His brig sailed with a half cargo of fish in 1835, and never returned to Fort William ; he himself broke up his establish ment disheartened, and returned home. Surely such enterprise and perseverance as his deserved a better fate. He endeavord to sell the remnants of his property in Oregon to the Hudson's Bay Company, whose chilling influence upon his trade may be said, without any attempt at pleasantry, to have literally " frozen him out." On application to their board of management in London, he was referred to their officers in charge at Fort Van couver. In 1837 Dr. McLoughlin purchased Fort Hall from Wyeth's agents. His men generally remained in the territory. This ended the American fur trade west of the Rocky Moun tains. The octopus had crushed out the last attempt at Yankee competition. 160 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. It appears, however, that every cloud of failure has its com pensation more or less remote. To this rule Wyeth's disastrous speculation was no exception. It proved in the highest degree valuable to the territory he was obliged to abandon and to the country at large. His memoir, printed by " order of Congress," attracted the attention of the American people to Oregon, its value and claims to colonization. The statements as to its re sources, climate, soil, etc., stimulated emigration, excited curi osity, and advertised its advantages to the world. " Oregon henceforth," says Evans, "is to be settled and Americanized." So for once we see the narrowness of the Hudson's Bay Fur Company's policy overreaching itself, and their wily engineer ing "hoist by its own petard." Had Wyeth remained and succeeded he would naturally have kept the secret of his good fortune to himself ; disappointed and ruined, he sought the sympathy of his countrymen by publishing it abroad. In our account of Wyeth's last overland expedition we have alluded to the fact that he was accompanied by the pioneer party of the Oregon Methodist Mission. We cannot let the op portunity pass without paying a fit and well-deserved tribute not only to these, but to all other religious pioneer teachers by whatever name they may be called (among whom it cannot be denied that the Methodists stand j)re-eminent), who not only in Oregon and Washington, but throughout our whole Western land, when it was comparatively a wilderness, brought the good news of salvation to many a wanderer upon the plains or dweller in his cabin beneath the shade of the primeval forest. They toiled not for gain, but solely for the advancement of the king dom of their Lord. They had neither house nor land, were oft- times stinted for bread or suffered for water beneath the burn ing prairie suns ; not unfrequently too, like the Master they served, they "knew not where to lay their heads." Their equipment was of the simplest — a horse too old and poor to make it worth while to deprive him of life, ill-fed and journey- worn like his rider ; a steed which scarcely knew a shelter, but de pended upon the wayside grass for his scanty provender, fur nished their sole means of transportation as they travelled the thinly populated districts of their choice, going from house to house. Ever welcome to the isolated settler were these un solicited and almost always unexpected ministerial visits. They HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 161 were met at the door with a cheery word and a warm grasp of some toil-hardened hand ; the old saddle-bags, weather-worn and dilapidated, containing for the most part a single change of underclothing, for he " who had two coats" in those days would have doubted his call to the ministry, and the universal travel ling companions of a preacher — a Bible and hymn-book — were taken carefully in. His horse was cared for ; the good wife put forth the best that her humble larder afforded ; the husband refrained, for the time being at least, from rude speech or pro fane execration ; there was a blessing, if never before, over the settlers1 frugal meal, a sound of praise and a voice of prayer, and when the scatterer of Gospel seed by the wayside departed on the morrow, he left behind him with his entertainers, the women most of all, something of better hope, of purer and more unselfish ambition, and a renewal of far-away home memories of Christian lives which brought unbidden tears to eyes but little used to weep. It is not to be denied that these men were oft- times almost as uncultured as those whom they, attempted to teach — rude shepherds of flocks little used to be tenderly folded, yet perhaps for that very reason far better fitted for the work they were called to do. Their homely similes, their incisive, unshrinking manner of implanting the truth, never sugar-coat ing the Gospel medicine or fearing to administer it, however unpalatable ; but most of all, perhaps, the example of their own self-sacrificing daily lives made them a power in the land. Their work is done ; the lips, of ttimes strangely though rudely elo quent, are now forever sealed ; the eyes that shot forth magnetic glances as they pleaded the cause of a crucified Saviour are glazed in death ; they sleep where they fell, many of them in unmarked graves, fallen by the wayside. Having finished their labors, they have gone up higher to meet their reward. The descendants of those whom they warned or comforted worship in far more pretentious temples than those in which they preached and prayed, yet kneel at no purer altars. They rest from their labors, but their works follow them, and their influ ence lingers still. In bringing to a close the present chapter we feel that the ground to be covered under its heading demanded more space than our limits permit. As it is, we have but endeavored to bind together, though with widely ' separated and differing 162 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. links, a chain of journeys and explorations of which that of Lewis and Clarke stands pre-eminent. The work of the explorer by land, like that of the discoverer by sea, is finished ; he has accomplished his task. The initial path he so doubtingly and timidly followed has become a well- beaten road, a highway for future travellers. The occult ceases to be hidden, the myste rious becomes the well known. As repeated voyages showed the way to the shores of western Washington, rendering its coasts, with all their sounds and inlets, a well-mapped chart patent to every intelligent mariner, so each trapper, voyageur and explorer added something to our knowledge of the interior, and finally opened up the land to the settler and the prospector. Looking over the field from the higher and clearer standpoint of to-day, were we to seek for a simile we should liken this myriad of gradual approaches to our eastern frontiers through such a multiplicity of tangled paths to the network of wires, slight and frail in themselves as the tiny string that connected the philoso pher Franklin with the lightning of the summer skies, yet when bound and braided together like the mighty cables linking two great cities of the Atlantic coast and upholding the bridge that carries the traffic of a metropolis. It is even so with the paths of that old day, then so wearily and painfully traversed, yet in the fulness of time to become the great highways of the present, over which the locomotive thunders, wedding our coasts and practically annihilating time and space as it reduces to hours the journey of a thousand leagues. How little do the men who traverse with the rapid rush of steam those once silent mountains and desolate prairies realize the sufferings, privations, and fearful conflicts with savage foes of those who were its first pathfinders ! There is no stream that has not reflected its camp fire ; no lake that has not borne upon its bosom some hostile canoe ; no spring or water-hole in the desert which has not been the lurking-place of an enemy. Stern strife, tortures too fearful to be narrated, massacres of the helpless and the innocent by those who spared neither age nor sex have been the common incidents of their adventurous journeyings. True it is that they planned, labored, and suffered for themselves, but in so doing unwittingly laid a foundation for the future both broad and deep, building far better than they knew. "¦^•-byr.GKsr-nc^nr CHAPTER XII. HOW WASHINGTON WAS WON FOR THE UNION— THE STORY OB' DR. WHITMAN'S FAMOUS TRANSCONTINENTAL RIDE. " His fingers were frosted, his mantle of fur, Ere he finished that fateful ride, When with purpose too fixed and determined to err, He breasted each bleak mountainside, Or traversed the prairie unbroken and white, Spread with glittering garment of snow ; But little he recked, as he rode for the right, How bitter its north winds might blow !" — Brewerton. The citizen of the United States, or, as they prefer to call us abroad, the Yankee, is too often represented as being a mere money-getter, unscrupulous, keeping, in his selfish greed of gain, only the main chance in view, and ruthlessly trampling under foot every flower of sentiment, every purer and more patriotic consideration as he makes his way to some selected goal of for tune. There are such men, less in number, I fancy, in propor tion to the great bulk of our native population than will be found in the Old World beyond the sea ; but they are by no means a majority. Taken as a mass, no people are more thor oughly devoted to the advancement of the best interests of the land that gave them birth than Americans ; more ready to de fend her rights, and, if need be, pledge, as did their fathers of old, their lives, fortunes, and sacred honor in defence of their integrity. Let those who doubt remember the uprising in 1861, and the cry, " Fifty -four-forty or fight," that rang through the land when at an earlier day our own Northwest boundaries were threatened. It is an equal mistake to i magine because a man leaves his home to become a dweller in the wilderness, that in so doing he forgets its teachings or relinquishes his patriotism ; on the contrary, th.ey grow stronger ; the enforced isolations of the forest and the prairie turn his mind in upon itself, and serve to strengthen and renew them. This was especially true of our Washington pioneers. The flame might be hidden and appar- 166 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. ently dormant, but let an unfriendly word be spoken or a rude hand laid upon our national rights or honor and it straightway became a consuming fire to wither and destroy the opposer. The attempts of Great Britain to make Oregon, and consequently the present State of Washington, English in reality if not in name — a province in sentiment, which the chances of time might, if thus prepared, turn into an actual holding, must be patent to all who have perused the history of their policy and its manipulations as exercised through its willing agent, the Hudson's Bay Fur Company. This action on their part, in sidious though it might be, was not so cunningly managed as to hide itself from some of the comparatively few Americans then abiding on the Northwest coast. To them the trail of the ser pent was visible ; but cut off as they seemed to be from the watch, care and defence of the Federal Government and their fellow -citizens beyond the mountains, to whom the wilds of Ore gon and the Northwest seemed but a land unknown, with little to tempt its occupancy, it was no easy matter to say by what means the people of the East should be aroused from their apathy and made aware of these English plans for usurpation. Such was the condition of things when the need of the hour pro duced a man who saw, comprehended, and promptly grappled with an emergency which had already reached a point where opposition seemed hopeless and the success of the enemy as sured. And that man was Dr. Marcus Whitman, a fearless patriot, a far-seeing, tireless, enthusiastic Christian man, destined, his good work nobly done, to fall, in after years, at his post of duty, a victim to the superstition, cruelty, and treachery of the savages whom he endeavored to save. We had intended to tell in our own words the story of his wonderful ride, compared with which the midnight message of gallant Paul Revere sinks into insignificance, and that of hero Sheridan, so often sung and lauded, becomes a commonplace affair ; but it has been so graphically done by the able pen of Du Bois, that we prefer to quote as largely as possible from his most realistic narrative, giving him credit wherever we adopt his precise words. He says in substance, after a preamble set ting forth the details of the situation which our history antici pates : HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 167 The Northwest coast was in reality a mighty hunting-ground, its interior furnishing the product, its coasts the harbors from whence were exported the rich furs so easily obtained. It was, in fact, a vast game preserve, of which the British were the self- appointed keepers, and every post and station of the Hudson' s Bay Company a watch-tower from whence eager eyes looked constantly forth, to discover and discourage the inroads of such Yankee poachers as imagined that a Treaty of Joint Occupancy gave at least an equal right for American hunting and trapping with themselves. As the English lords and their French-Cana dian gamekeepers were largely in the majority, the fur com pany's revenue was immense, and their profits simply enormous. " In the few months that the Americans held Astoria they bought several hundred thousand dollars' worth of furs. Judge, then, what must have been the gains of this great English cor poration, when we are told that a single vessel of that nationality took away a cargo worth nearly a half million of dollars. There is little reason to doubt that during the years that the North west and Hudson's Bay companies traded in the Columbia River region, they secured, no doubt, furs whose value ran up into the tens of millions. So the Hudson's Bay Company tried to keep its game pre serves and head off American emigration. The terrors of the way were detailed and published abroad, together with state ments as to the absolute worthlessness of the country. It was a hard road to travel, and nothing to gain when the journey's end was reached. Some Americans were frightened, and were turned back or guided off into California. The Hudson's Bay Company well knew the value of that vast region — the people of the United States did not. We can hardly realize it now, but the impression, even at the seat of our Government, was that we should not need the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains. When President Jefferson sent out Lewis and Clarke, even his far-sighted vision did not regard their explorations as likely to result in new States for the American Union. He expected only to plant, as he says, if possible, " the germ of a great, free, and independent empire on that side of the continent." It might be a friendly rather than a hostile neighbor to the United States. Captain William Sturgis, who had traded along the Northwest coast, used this language in a 168 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. lecture given in Boston : " Rather tha,n have new States formed beyond the Rocky Mountains, to be added to our present Union, it would be a lesser evil, as far as the Union is concerned, if the unoccupied portion of Oregon Territory should sink into Symme's Hole, leaving the western base of the mountains and the borders ofthe Pacific Ocean one and the same." Senator Benton, of Missouri, was a Western man, and if anywhere in the United States the value of the fur trade should have been known it was in St. Louis, the depot of that traffic and all other trade with the far West. Yet the grave and well-posted Benton, the father-in-law of " the pathfinder " Fremont, in his oratorical and pompous way says, " The ridge of the Rocky Mountains may be named without offence as presenting a convenient, natural, and everlasting boundary. Along the back of that ridge the western limits of the republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god Terminus should be raised upon its highest peak, never to be thrown down. " How strange all this sounds — how blind, how forgetful of the fact that a mountain chain which marks the wall of separation between any two nations engenders strife and bloodshed, while with insensible boundaries the living tides flow naturally together and pleasantly inter mingle ! The waves of humanity, like those of the ocean, break against an obstacle, but occupy the level without friction. To return to Du Bois's narrative : "The time was coming wliich should decide whether the Pacific northwest should belong to England or to the United States. With such indifference on our part, and with possession mainly on that of the English, it seemed as if it would go into the hands of the enemy. The American emigrants were depend ing on the fact that they had come to stay, claiming that the trappers were not settlers. Not until England sent those who intended to remain in like manner was her claim good as to oc cupation. So things stood on a certain day in October, 1842 — a day long to be remembered— when Dr. Whitman, having been called to see a patient at Fort Walla Walla, an English trading- post twenty-five miles from his mission, met a gathering of traders and clerks from various parts of the territory. He was invited to dinner — a memorable feast, for it cost, indirectly at least, the British crown an empire. The whole tone of the jolly conveisation about the festive board was of confidence in Eng- % HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 171 lish occupation, Dr. Whitman being the only guest who repre sented opposing interests. Less than two hundred and fifty Americans had come in so far, and what was that ! It was boasted that a treaty was about to be signed between the two countries, giving all this territory to Great Britain. While still at the table a message was received that the first colony of one hundred and fifty had arrived from Canada, and were near Fort Colville. AVe may imagine the scene. ' The news,' says Bar rows, ' sent a thrill of joy along the tables, and carried the excite ment of the hour to a climax.' A young priest, more ardent than wise, sprang to his feet and exclaimed, ' Hurrah for Ore gon ! America is too late, and we have the country ! ' " Not yet, young enthusiast ! there is many a slip 'twixt the cup of expectation and the lip that waits to prove its contents ; an obstacle, though all unexpected, shall be found to bar your path, apparently so near and easy, to conquest in the man who sits beside you. To Dr. Whitman this news came with a shock that almost stunned him. He well knew that what England once gained she would retain. It was to be a neck-and-neck race for numerical supremacy. Perhaps the treaty was already signed — perhaps it might be delayed ; and, in the mean time, American emigration might be stimulated. Lord Ashburton and Daniel Webster had been framing a treaty, and it might dispose of all this region, equal in size to half-a-dozen Englands. Not a day, not an hour was to be lost. Dr. Whitman excused himself, mounted his Cayuse pony, and in two hours, white with foam, it stood before the mission door at Waalatpii. In hurried speech he told of the plans of the British, of the danger to be feared, of the need of apprising the Government of the value of the country, and the great loss if it should fall into the. hands of a rival nation. To make these facts known, to postpone action on the treaty, to stimulate emigration, to save the Pacific Northwest to the American Union, Dr. Marcus Wliitman resolved to ride to St. Louis, braving perils such as man had never yet faced from hungry beasts and savage Indians, in the depth of a winter whose terrors in these bleak wilds are indescribable. But, having resolved, he faltered not, for he was a man to whom fear was unknown. Only this — he would not fail. " It was hard to leave wife, and friends for a journey fraught 172 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. with such hardship and peril. Never before had he faced dan gers that might be his death. He thought not of himself, but of his country. "In twenty-four hours from that dinner-table speech, Dr. Whitman was in his saddle and dashing off on the four-thou sand-mile trip to Washington. Dr. Amos Lovejoy had consent ed to go along with him, and with a guide and two pack mules the party set out. " To avoid some of the winter hardships, it was determined to strike south from Fort Hall, so as to reach the Sante Fe trail. The greatest danger was from losing their way by reason of snow, and perishing from severe cold. Passing Salt Lake on the right, their course was south and east across Green River, the head of the Grand River, one of the upper branches of the San Juan, and so on through the most rocky and barren por tions of the American continent. Grand River, one third of a mile wide, was frozen except in the middle. It must be crossed ; there was neither time nor timber to make a raft. The guide would not go ahead, but Dr. Whitman urged his horse on the ice, swam with him through the dark and chilly water to the ice band on the other side, and came out on the bank with his horse and equipments. His guide and companion followed." (It was the lot — with his friend Kit Carson and a select party of Fremont's old men— of the assistant editor and compiler of this history to raft and finally swim both these rivers in 1848, when the writer lost not only arms and ammunition, but food and clothing in its bitterly cold and treacherous rapids. He can fully verify the dangers, even greater than his own, that Dr. Whitman must have encountered, for he barely escaped Avith his life at a much more favorable season for making the passage.) " Much time was spent in floundering through the snow, threading rocky canyons, and climbing over craggy heights. Once a heavy storm struck them in the fastnesses of these wild mountains, and for ten days they had to keep sheltered in a gorge. It seemed as if they might be starved as well as frozen. Impatient, thinking of the treaty, Dr. Wliitman decided to push on over the divide ; but the cutting wind, drifting snow, and intense cold bewildered the animals ; they lost their way, and it seemed as if they would freeze to death in the mountains. " They struggled on for weeks and months, until they niSTORY OF WASHINGTON. 173 reached the Santa Fe trail in the early days of '43. Mr. Love joy was nearly dead and had to be left to recover, but Dr. Whit man pressed on to St. Louis. There he was the wonder and ad miration of the city. No white man had ever come through those rocky fastnesses in the dead of winter. A hundred questions were asked him — of the region he had left and the route he had travelled ; of the feeling of the Indians ; as to whether furs and goods were scarce or plentiful. But the doctor had little inter est in these things, and he began to question, ' What about the treaty ? Had it been signed ? Did it include the Pacific North west ? ' The treaty had been signed August 9th, and on Novem ber 10th President Tyler had proclaimed it to be law. But it did not include the region beyond the Rocky Mountains. Yet that was likely to be traded off. It was rumored that the Secre tary of State, Daniel Webster, thought so little of this great sec tion that seemed so inaccessible and so worthless, that he had offered to trade it for some advantage in a cod fishery." What American can read this without bated breath, to think how near we were to losing the Pacific States ! What Briton, when he remembers what England almost gained and yet so nar rowly lost ! " The whole of the Northwest was to be handed over literally for C. O. D. ; such action might be taken at that session of Congress. Yet the bill would hardly reach the President for signature before adjournment, March 4th. Could Whitman reach Washington before that time ? He would make a desperate effort to do so. ' ' Dr. Whitman was full of his own strong purpose. It seemed to bristle in his stiff iron-gray hair, in his four-months' growth of stubby beard. It seemed to electrify the hairy cov erings in which he was dressed, for he was clothed in furs from head to foot. His fingers, ears, nose, and fe'et had been pinched by Jack Frost ; he had little appetite for the dinners to which he had been invited and with which his fellow-citizens sought to honor him. He had fed on mule and dog meat on the moun tains ; he wanted no luxuries ; he would press on to Washing ton ; he would stand before kings and not before mean men ; he would, accoutred as he was, go to Secretary Webster and to President Tyler, to senators and representatives, and appeal to them to save the Pacific Northwest to the American Union. He left his horse and took the stage for Washington, arriving theie 174 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. March 3d, the day before the end of the session— five months from Washington Territory to Washington City ! Whitman' s ride was a whole campaign in the face of enemies more appal ling than those of the battlefield. To inspire him there was no music, no host marching shoulder to shoulder, no shouts of ad miring comrades to cheer him on. Had he perished there would have been for him no immortality of fame ; none but hungry wolves would have officiated at his funeral ; his bones would have bleached on the plains, and even the memory of his heroic sacrifice been lost forever. ' ' Dr. .Whitman arrived in Washington but just in time to arouse the nation to the value of the misrepresented Northwest. By. the treaty the line of division was to run from the Lake of the Woods along the forty-ninth parallel to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. Beyond that it was not fixed. Webster had wanted to continue it on the same line to the Pacific. England wanted the forty- second parallel beyond the mountains, and, at the very least, the section northwest of the Columbia, with the fine Puget Sound harbors, timbers, and minerals, then the choice hunting-ground of the continent. " Succeeding to the Spanish claims, we might insist upon taking all of the Pacific coast up to Alaska. When the nation, aroused through the agitations started by Dr. Whitman and others, was awakened to the value of the region in dispute, claims were made to this entire coast. Senator Benton, who had wanted the god Terminus placed on the Rocky Mountains to mark the limit of our western boundaries, now wanted the earth, or a large share of it, for the Union. He had learned its value. The hosts of settlers who had followed Whitman had stirred up the nation on the Oregon question, as it was called. The demand now was for all or none ; ' fifty -four- forty or fight ' became the rallying cry. This was demanding too much." (The writer here begs to differ with Mr. Du Bois. He believes we should have anticipated the future, and asked even more.) " But it helped along the prospects for a compromise. Secre tary Webster wrote to Edward Everett, our Minister to England, * The United States has never offered any line south of 49°, and never will. The ownership of the whole country is very likely to follow the greater settlement and larger amount of popula tion.' He said later, 'It is safe to assert' " (and these words 2>y HyF. G. Ker-ncmflY- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 177 should be inscribed in indelible characters on a tablet of brass) " ' that our country owes it to Dr. Whitman and his associate missionaries that all the country west of the Rocky Mountains and south as far as the Columbia River is not owned by Eng land and held by the Hudson's Bay Company.' " After giving out facts which could not fail to convince Congress and the administration, Dr. Whitman's work com menced of arousing the American people. The delay was in his favor. Said Calhoun, ' Time is actiug for us ; wait patiently, and all we claim will be ours.' But working was needed as well as waiting. AVhitman must work ; Calhoun could wait. Dr. AArhitman spoke not only to Congress, the Cabinet, and the President, but to the people. He had thousands of circulars printed, which he caused to be distributed from Maine to Mexico. He was as the voice of one crying from the wilderness, and he showed that that wilderness could be made to blossom as the rose. " ' He blew aloud a bugle blast that rang o'er mount and glen ; Ere echo died from far and wide there came a thousand men.' " He had only to give the word for action and name the rendezvous. ' Early in June you will meet me,' was the word he passed along on the Santa Fe trail as he came riding down from the snow-capped mountains. ' Meet me on the borders in June,' he said, as he flew through the States. ' ' The missionary board met him coldly, and called him to account for the wild goose chase they thought his to have been." Strange that these people should have been too blind to per ceive the magnitude of his work or the immense results which might be expected to flow out of his self-appointed mission ; as it was, " they wounded him in the house of his friends." But he knew too well the importance of his object in the eyes of God and of the nation, and he was not dismayed. Back to the fron tier he went, and began gathering his invading army at West- port, Mo. Hardy adventurers were there from all parts of the country. Two hundred wagons fell into line, filled with pioneers and their families. He gathered there the best material that the nation or the world could have given him for the founding of new States. These were the germs of the highest, because American civilization, and of that little army of pioneers Whit man was the general and the leader. His was the influence that 178 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. not only inaugurated their expedition, but advised, guided, and sustained it upon its long and weary march. He ministered to the sick, encouraged the weary and faint-hearted, bound up broken wagons and bones, went ahead to search for wood and water, and corralled the entire party and their animals at night by arranging their wagons in a circle. " Everywhere his knowl edge of frontier life and his unbounded energy and resources were made to tell. He permitted no delay, but urged them on— on to the goal of their hopes, the new AA'ashington. At last Fort Hall is reached, and the alarmed fur traders resort to every art of decoy to break up the party. Ahead, they said, wTere rocks and barrens, or wild forests and savage Indians. The old plan was tried to steer them off to California. Useless to pro ceed ; certainly no sane person would think of taking cattle and wagons down the canyons of the Snake River ; but Dr. AA'hit man' s influence was again predominant. Where his old wagon had gone seven years before theirs would go now ; where he had met friendly Indians, longing for the Book of Life, they would find friends ; where grass grows and water runs cattle would thrive. They need have no fears ; he had been there for six years ; he had been tried, and they had found him faithful." Not a man deserted him ; not an animal or a wagon was left. On marched this army of possession. Into the promised land they entered, and the Northwest States of Oregon, AVashington, and Idaho were saved to the American Union. Just eleven months from the time that the horse of Dr. AVhitman had left for the city of AVashington, the clatter of those hoofs were heard on his return to what is now the State of Washington. He had aroused our rulers, and, better still, aroused the nation ; he had brought with him the vanguard of the army of occupation ; he had seen the wave of humanity rise and sweep over the snowy crests and dark defiles of the Rocky Mountains into a land of promise — the first faint ripple of that mighty living tide, where erelong should roll a human sea — a new illustration of the philosopher Berkeley's most prophetic line : " Westward the star of empire takes its way." Dr. Whitman possessed noble qualities, and, better still, proved to the world that he could well employ these gifts. Of such as he come the heroes who achieve and the martyrs who HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 179 lay down their lives for the principles they profess. In him was embodied the resolute, the most heroic character. His deed was dramatic, almost sublime ; the end of his career was even more so ; it fitted well with the record of his life of patient self-sacri fice. For the Master whom he served he valued it not, that he might win souls to Christ, the Saviour whom he followed even unto death, and, like Him, was slain by those whom he came to. save. The Indians had, in common with the fur traders, the desire to preserve this vast domain for the chase. They did not welcome men who came to own and till the land ; they were easily influenced against the missionaries. Dr. Whitman' s best skill could not save some Indians sick unto death. The report was circulated that he had poisoned them. Then came the bap tism of blood, and the work of Dr. Whitman was done. " Well done, good and faithful servant ; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord." He had fairly earned an earthly and a heavenly im mortality. Is there any reader who can conclude the perusal of this most eventful history, so dramatic in action, so vital and far-reaching in effect, yet fancy for a moment that we have accorded too large a space to our reproduction of Mr. Du Bois's most thrilling recital of its incidents ? No history of Washington could be complete which did not do justice to the man who saved its broad domain from British trickery to give it to the American Union. His work is his monu ment ; but to how many is it known ? Ought not the people of AVashington, and, most of all, the Methodists of the Northwest, of which church he was so distinguished an ornament, and in whose service he died, to perpetuate the memory of his heroic deeds and virtues by erecting in some park of a city of the Sound, or possibly the capital, as most appropriate, a statue and monument which should bear on one side the encomium of Web ster and on the other this, if no better should be found : " Erected by the people of the Northwest [or Washington] to perpetuate the memory of Dr. Marcus AVhitman, a Methodist missionary, whose energy, courage, and perseverance preserved this State to the American Union, and emphasized a devotion to duty which he finally sealed with his blood." CHAPTER XIII. -THE INDIANS' LONG JOURNEY TO SECURE "THE WHITE MAN'S BOOK OF HEAVEN" OPENS THE WAY TO " WHITMAN'S RIDE." The " AVhite Man's Book of Heaven" tells us that " if we cast our bread upon the waters, we shall find it after many days," and truly has this promise been verified in the sequence of events which brought about the heroic action of Dr. Whit man and that famous transcontinental ride which saved our AVashington to the Union. We are aware that our narrative in verts the time in giving the results in the preceding chapter, since the present must be devoted to the causes which brought about so providential an outcome. To do this, and properly link together the chain of events, we must go back to a period which antedates by a decade the story of " the ride." The year is 1832 ; the scene is laid upon the upper Columbia River ; the occasion a solemn conference of the Flathead Indians. Imagi nation, with her vivid pencil, depicts the dusky forms as they stand or recline about their council fire ; their old men, wise with the experience of many winters, are there ; their middle- aged warriors, proud of their battle scars ; their young men, ready to listen to the words of their chiefs ; but there is no sign of war — neither plume nor paint to indicate hostility. No such gathering, perhaps, was ever held for such a purpose among the tribes of the Northwest— possibly not of the continent. They had heard a strange story. Far up on Clarke's Fork an Ameri can trapper, smoking with some of their people over the twi light camp fire, had told — perhaps in idle mood or, it may be, beneath the influence of the evening hour, coupled with some tender recollection of a far-off Christian home— the story of the cross, of God and His Bible —that Book to which the Indian, in his simplicity, straightway gave the name of " the white man's Book of Heaven." What might it not contain ! The secrets, perchance, which made the paleface so bold, so warlike, so sue- & (P.^tcUn^u^ y:'<< /§fau^<^ ^LU^^y HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 183 cessful ; which gave him so much more of wealth and comfort, ¦ even when roaming like themselves. Ah, if they could but find it and secure an interpreter sufficiently wise to expound and reveal its dark sayings ! Filled Avith this thought, they returned to their villages and told the story ; and now this gathering about their council fire, held in the long ago, of which we of to-day are the unseen Avitnesses, is called to evolve some scheme to obtain it. Many speeches are made, long and thoughtfully do they smoke OArer it. At last a determination is reached, their plan of action settled. They Avill send a chosen delegation of their warriors upon the long and weary trail across the Shining Mountains till they reach the great village of the Avhites upon the big river far away. Let us leave our own Aveaker words and once more avail ourselves of Du Bois's graphic pen. He says : " In 1832 four Indians, Flatheads from the Upper Columbia, arrived in St. Louis, weary and Avorn by a journey of a thousand leagues. Indians Avere not rare there, for St. Louis was the headquarters for the AA'estem fur trade on the frontier. But these Indians came not to trade. Far away in their own hunting-grounds they had heard from some Avandering American trapper of the AA-hite man's God, of the happiness of the blessed, of a home eternal. They had heard of danger to those who knew not the words of life as contained in a book which would teach them all they desired to know of God and heaven. Per haps they were anxious to secure the secrets of the Avhite man' s superior wisdom and strength. At any rate, they longed to know of the religion which the white man possessed, and their motives seem to have been singularly pure and noble. The peo ple consulted together and resolved to learn the secrets of the book, with its wonderful words of life. Some one must go and bring back the book. Two old men were selected — one a chief— and two young braves, joining thereby wisdom and strength for the long expedition. They started, and on they went for hun dreds of miles, often weary, hungry, and faint; often surround ed by enemies, but still steadfast in their purpose to bring back the Word of Life to their people. " Arriving at St. Louis, they no doubt wondered much at the fine buildings and goods, at the hundreds of new things on all sides. They sought out General William Clarke, whose name had been given to the river in that far-off land on whose banks 9 184 HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. they were born. To him they spoke of their object ; but accus tomed as he Avas to regard Indians merely as trappers and hunt ers, he does not seem to have cared much about their mission. They sought in vain, it seems, for those who could or would explain to them the secrets of the book. Even the church of St. Louis Avas given up to ceremonial rather than to religious life. The poor Indians saAv much parade and little piety, much of the externals of religion but little of its vital essence. The tAvo older died at St. Louis. One of the younger contracted disease, and on his return journey faltered and fell by the way. AA'hen the time came to return, this, their fareAA'ell address, was given in General Clarke's audience-roorn : " ' I came to you over a trail of many moons from the setting- sun. You were the friend of my fathers, who have all gone the long way. I came with one eye partly opened for more light for my people, who sit in darkness. I go back with both eyes closed. Hoav can I go back blind to my blind people ? I made my way to you with strong arms through many enemies and strange lands, that I might carry back much to them. I go back with both arms empty and broken. The two fathers who came with us, the braves of many winters and Avars, Ave leave .asleep here by your great water and wigwam. They were tired in many moons, and their moccasins worn out. My people sent me to get the white man' s Book of Heaven. You took me Avhere you allow your Avomen to dance as we do not ours, and the Book was not there ; you took me where they worship the Great Spirit with candles, and the Book Avas not there ; you showed me the images of good spirits and pictures of the good land beyond, but the book was not among them to tell us the Avay. I am going back the long, sad trail to my people of the dark land. You make my feet heavy with burdens of gifts, and my mocca sins Avill grow old in carrying them ; but the Book is not among them. When I tell my poor blind people again sitting in the big council that I did not bring the Book, no word will be spoken by our old men or our young braves. One by one they will rise up and go out in silence. My people will die in dark ness, and they will go on the long path to the other hunting- grounds. No Avhite man Avill go with them, and no Avhite man's Book to make the Avay plain. I have no more words.* " HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 185 Is not this the realization of the multum in parvo ? What strength, what brevity, what simplicity, what incisive direct ness of speech, and withal how keen and scathing the rebuke it administers ! It is the realization of the great traveller, Bayard Taylor's, confession "that the bent knee of heathen devotion had oft rebuked his prayerless Christian lips." "They departed sadly by the first 'fire canoe' which ever made the long trip of twenty-two hundred miles up the Mis souri to the mouth of the Yellowstone River. The pathetic speech was heard by a clerk in General Clarke's office, and he wrote an account of their mission and its sad ending to friends in Pittsburg. Confirmation of his report was asked and sent, and the clerk' s letter was published. It came" to the attention of the American Board of Missions. In 1834 the Methodist Board sent Revs. Jason and Daniel Lee. In 1835 the American Board sent Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus Whitman on a tour of inspection. These men met at the American rendezvous oruGreen River the Nez Perce Indians who had sent their agents to St. Louis on their search for the Book three years before. Rev. Samuel Parker remained in the valley of the Columbia until 1836, and returned by way of the Sandwich Islands ; but Dr. Whitman saw before him his grand life work, and after looking over the ground, he came back only that he might return fully equipped for the labors that awaited him. He saw the possi bilities of rapid development for this broad and beautiful Pacific Northwest, and his prophetic eye already, it may be, beheld the States yet unborn to be added to the American Union. He saAv, best of all, in this virgin field an opportunity for the grandest triumphs of the Christian civilization of the nineteenth century. He took back with him to the States two Nez Perce boys as specimens of the people Avho were waiting for the Book. He went East and he told his story. The presence of the bright Indian boys gave it a more personal and more dramatic interest. His appeal went to the hearts of his hearers, and it was decided that missionaries must be sent to Oregon — that at least two men Avith their wives should go. They rightly thought that permanent Christian influence could be exerted through the family, with its combination of strength and sympathy, of courage and faith. The missionaries who had so far gone into the wilderness Avere celibate priests, and their influence, though salutary, stopped 186 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. short of that refinement and purity possible only through the influence of a noble womanhood. The Christianity of the French missionaries had done little to influence the conduct of the French voyageurs, and it could have still less effect upon the Indians. So here we are to come into the presence, not of a Christianity without morals, but one whose very basis is true refinement and solid character." And now there comes to relieve the tedium of our narrative, if Avearying it should be found, a little glimpse of romance, or, perhaps, we should rather call it reality, that reality strongest of all, of a Christian woman's brave endurance of every danger and trial in the cause of duty and devotion to the husband of her love. "Dr. Whitman's betrothed Avas ready to go on a Avedding journey of thirty-five hundred miles to the Pacific. No woman had ever gone through those wild and rocky mountain fast nesses, no wragon Avheel had ever passed through its deep can yons. The Indians had been so incensed by the outrages of brutal white men that they were dangerous. Yet Dr. Whit man' s bride dared to go. He sought for a comrade, and found one in Rev. H. H. Spaulding, who, like himself, aatis just mar ried, and on his way as a missionary to the Osage Indians. AA'hitman literally ran after him, stopping his novel conveyance, half sleigh, half wagon (with a touch of the prairie schooner), and proposed that he should go with him to the end of the earth (as it then seemed), to a land of silence and of savages. Mr. Spaulding' s wife had just recovered from a serious illness, and it seemed that such a long and severe journey would for her be dangerous and possibly fatal. But this devoted young couple took counsel of the Lord, and in ten minutes the young wife, Avith a cheerful face, said, ' I have made up my mind for Ore gon.' The husband warned her, but dared not dissuade ; he spoke of the three thousand miles of hard travel, most of it by canoe, in the saddle, or even on foot, with danger on all sides ; but the wife answered, ' I am ready, not to be bound only, but also to die on the Rocky Mountains for the name of the Lord Jesus.' " And here again Ave step aside to pay our brief tribute to American womanhood — above all to the Christian, wifely, brave, energetic, and never- despairing Avomanhood of the female pi- ¦np 'rby F G.K?~r->i.anN- HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 189 oneers of our own Northwest. Making the best of the worst situations, calm in the midst of dangers that might appall a man, bringing to their weary journeyings and pine-shaded log-cabin homes a devotion and continual self-sacrifice which purified their own lives, made beautiful their humble abodes, and so entwined their memories Avith good and gracious deeds that the wives and mothers of our Washington pioneers gone hence to meet their reward, leave behind them, though entombed in forgotten graves, a savor of sweetness as of pressed yet still fragrant flowers — the record of those of whom it may be said they lived not in vain, doing the duty nearest to their hand, and finally passing away " Beloved in life, and sainted in the grave." To return to Du Bois's narrative : " There were no railroads then toward the AVest. It was fifteen years before the locomo tive found its way to Chicago. At Pittsburg, Catlin, the great Indian traveller, who had explored all the new Northwest, warned them against attempting to take women over the plains and through the steep, dark, and bloody passes of the Rocky Mountains. In every town they passed there were fears ex pressed as to their fate ; but they pressed on to St. Louis, and here amid a mixture of costumes and a jargon of languages they began to realize something of the rough but picturesque life of the great AA'est. " Under the convoy of the American Fur Company they start ed early in 1836. Dr. Whitman had roughed it long enough to get on more easily, but the minister had experiences calculated to lower his dignity. He was shaken by the ague, kicked by a mule, his blanket was whisked away by a frisky tornado, and, to take the last bit of starch out of him, he was crowded off a ferry-boat by a cow, who went with him, and to whose tail he clung with the tenacity of desperation until rescued, and yet he was not daunted (not even cowed) in his resolve to push on for the Pacific. June 6th they Avere at Laramie, and on July 4th they celebrated the nation's natal day in the famous South Pass and on the grand ' divide ' of the waters of the continent, Avhence, within a few hundred yards, flow in opposite direc tions streams which go, one to the Atlantic and the other to the Pacific Ocean. Here Mrs. Spaulding was ill and fainted, but with a cup of water from the stream leading toward the Pacific 190 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. was revived. As that stream went on, joined with others, and in ever-broadening flow made green and fertile the valley of the Columbia, so did the beginning of her influence even here tend to that higher civilization born of unselfish aims and purified ambitions. The little rill of influence from a noble soul joins others, and in their union produces moral and religious fresh ness and beauty in the world." Here, in this South Pass, on the anniversary of the birthday of the republic, did these two weak women keep the day, and inscribe their names upon a rock which Fremont, " the path finder," was to reach in 1842, six years afterward, and there dis cover the trail traversed by this adventurous party. Having thus, as unexpected guests, written their names in nature's register, they proceeded to celebrate the day, for though in the depths of the unbroken wilderness, twenty-four hundred miles from home, their American patriotism remem bered its nationality. The missionary party dismounted, raised the Stars and Stripes, sang as did the pilgrims of old, making the forest arches of God's own sanctuary ring to the strain of that music borrowed from the English, but set to better words— " America"— -and never, perhaps, was " My country, 'tis of thee," rendered with more heartfelt enthusiasm ; and then, having thus poured forth their souls in song, all knelt about the Book and took solemn possession of the great Northwest in the name of God and the American Union. "Look," says Du Bois, "on this picture, and then on an other — the discovery of the Pacific by Balboa more than three hundred years before. With theatrical pomp and formal words and ceremony he takes possession of that ocean, its seas and coasts, in behalf of the Spanish crown and the ' Holy Catholic Church.' It is counted one of the most dramatic incidents of modern history. How different the act of possession we have just depicted ! The flag of Spain Avaved by the steel-clad Balboa over the Pacific Avas stained and sullied by a thousand deeds of cruelty and crime. Its policy aaus treachery, its tender mercies terrible, its hate as unrelenting as its lust and greed for gold. Spanish adventurers were everyAvhere A\-elcomed by the Indians and received as friends ; their own base acts turned those HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 191 friends into fiends. They sowed the seeds of murder and out rage more than three centuries ago, and we reap its bloody har vests of hate and retaliation even unto the present hour. Bal boa claimed the coasts of the Pacific as regions in which to plunder and destroy ; but our little Christian band, looking but to conquests of peace, knelt upon the unbroken sod around the Bible that they loved and lifted up their hearts to the God of justice and mercy, seeking His aid and blessing upon their efforts to enlighten the ignorant, to raise the fallen, and show to the blinded heathen whom they came to teach a better light and a purer way. " They had reached the ' big divide ; ' the larger part of the distance had been travelled, but the worst of the journey was still to come. So far, Dr. Whitman had insisted upon bringing his old wagon. He had been ridiculed about it, but he persist ed. The Indians had never seen one. In their alliterative lan guage they named it ' chiek-chiek ' when it rattled over the prairie, and ' kai-kash ' when it crushed or jolted over the stones ; so the full name of the wagon became ' chiek-chiek- shani-le-kai-kash.' Dr. Whitman had an object in bringing the wagon beyond that of personal convenience for the wives of the missionaries. Heretofore it had been given out that no wagon could pass through to the Columbia. If no wagons could get through, it would be very difficult for emigrants to go, and almost impossible to transport household goods or even provi sions. But Dr. AVhitman' s old wagon Avent on and prepared the way for the long caraA-ans of similar vehicles which in after days were to follow his lead into the valley of the Columbia. " At Fort Hall the party came upon an outpost of the Hud son's Bay Company, the absorber of the Northwest Company, which found strangers at Astoria (the Astor Fur Company) and ' took them in,' as the whale did Jonah. It was here that this arrogant and all-dominating corporation stood in the gate to bar the advance of progress and say> ' Thus far shalt thou come, and no farther.' It was given out that down into the Snake River Valley no wagon had ever gone. It was dry, rocky, barren, Avith no lands beyond of the slightest agricultural value. They were only good for hunting and fishing." As we do not desire to cover ground Avhich falls under the head of the great fur companies and their influence, we Avill 192 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. simply state that their policy with the American settler was one of discouragement, Avhich halted at no misstatement, and stooped to the lowest mendacity in the pursuit of its object. Their agents were their soldiers, wandering and nomadic by nature, travelling by command. They suited the Indians, for their tastes, habits, and occupations were similar — they were dwellers in the forest, hunters and fishers like themselves. The Ameri cans, on the contrary, came as settlers, to take up land and im prove it. ' ' No white women were welcomed to the woods. . The men lived singly or wedded nominally — nomads like them selves—the natives of the wild ; love was laughed at, constancy a mockery, and family ties of any reality unknown. The woods were to remain unbroken, the soil unfilled. A beaver-dam was a source of profit, a mill-dam but a disturbance and menace." Such was the condition of things Avhen our little party reached their post and entered upon their labors in the valley of the Columbia. But mark the sequence of events — the links, slight and apparently trifling in themselves, which in the provi dence of God unite the careless words of a wandering American trapper, spoken by his camp-fire in those continuous woods " Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound Save his own dashings," and the peaceful wresting of an empire from British rule, there by adding three more stars to the azure field of the flag of the American republic. There are just twelve links in that most important chain — links which required a decade of years to forge and bind to gether : 1. The trapper's tale. 2. The Indian council. 3. The sending for the Book. 4. The failure of the messengers. 5. Their farewell speech. 6. The young clerk' s letter. 7. Its pub lication. 8. Action of the missionary boards. 9. Sending out of Wliitman. 10. His "accidental" presence at the British traders' feast. 11. His patriotic and wonderful ride. 12. His arousing of the land, ending in the American occupation of the great Northwest. Do you think that these Avere accidents, or like the tokens that He cast upon His billows to cheer the faint ing heart of the great discoverer and still the murmurings of his mutinous crew with evidences from the wished-for land '( Well hath the poet sung : cc cca0- ccO O HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 195 " God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform ; He plants His footstep on the sea, And rides upon the storm." To which, writing under the inspiration of the facts recorded, the author adds some verses which may not inaptly close the story of the Book : The Indian seeks but fails to find "the white man's Book of Heaven." Perchance they dreamed some magic lay Within the sacred tome, Some spell to drive disease away, Or fright the fever moan. To lead at last to hunting-grounds Beyond the bright blue sky, Or breathe a blessing o'er the mounds Where buried kinsmen lie. They journeyed far the prize to gain, " The Book" their only quest, Yet sadly sought the woods again — None heeded their request. They saw the sacred altars where Soft lamps lit silver shrine, Yet 'mid the censer-perfumed air Found not that Book divine. The image of our dying Lord Upon the cruel cross Touched in their hearts no answering chord, No sense of grief or lo3S. " The Book," and some one to reveal The secrets it might hold, To ope with solemn words its seal, And hidden truths unfold. In vain they turn with tearful eyes To tread their homeward trail, Beneath the Western sunset skies To make their mournful wail. To say, " ' The white man's Book ' is dark, To us a fountain sealed. We plead, alas ! they would not hark, Nor tell what it concealed." — Breweeton. CHAPTER XIV. THE GREAT FUR COMPANIES OF THE NORTHAVEST AND THEIR INFLUENCE UPON AMERICAN EMIGRATION AND SETTLEMENT. " Strange merchants these, who dwell alone, Their roof the spreading tree, Their lullaby the night wind's moan, Their home the forest free. " They breathe the fragrant scent of pine, They hunt the moose and deer ; The mountain rill supplies their wine, The woodland wealth of cheer." ' —Brewerton. As the El Dorados, real or fancied, of the Spaniard obtained notice and settlement from the greed of gold, to discover and secure which wras the aim of the early adventurer, so the rich furs and valuable peltries of our own Nortinvest coast offered the lure that finally opened this country to emigrants of less wandering and more civilized ambitions. A speedy result of the discovery of this new source of wealth was the engendering of enterprises that ended in the establishment of such great cor porations as the Russian and, as more nearly affecting our selves, the Hudson's Bay, Nortinvest, Astor (or Pacific Fur) and other kindred fur companies, the far-reaching systems of two of which, both as regards their Indian policy and trade, made them a power in the land, carrying beneath the mask of apparent friendship and extended hand of frank courtesy and good-will the spirit of secret enmity and a grasp as of gauntleted steel, ever ready to crush out any and all Avho attempted to compete with their operations. It is a fact patent to every intelligent reader of the histoiy of Washington, that these great fur companies of the North Avest exercised an immense influence over our early emigration and settlement by encouraging the English and to the extent of their power disgusting and driving out the American ; nor was HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 197 this the result of accident ; on the contrary, it was the out growth of plans wisely matured and deliberately carried out. Their secret and avowed object to those who were in their con fidence was to make this yet unpeopled region from the Pacific to the Rocky Mountains so entirely English that, even if we should finally possess the land, it would require half a century of education under our own flag ere its original inhabitants could be dispossessed of the idea that they still owed an alle giance to the British crown ; nor was this action entirely a mat ter of their own volition. It was, as will be seen, not only fostered and encouraged, but even instigated by their home Government, which introduced a clause into their charter of exclusive right to trade to the following effect : "One of the conditions on which this license to trade is granted is that English laws and the jurisdiction of English courts shall be extended over all parts of North America not yet organized into civil or provincial governments" — a condition strictly adhered to and most loyally carried out by the factors of the great Hudson's Bay Company, Avho for years, backed by large capital and endoAved with almost unlimited powers, absorbed the wealth and insensibly acquired dominion over the country and people of the whole Northwest. Let us look for a moment at the forces and plan of opera tions, admirably disciplined and supplied, of this peaceable army of conquest, wrho, working under the guise of remunerati\re trade, were in reality seeking to establish British supremacy and inculcate English sentiment wherever their influence could be felt. First, as to their forces, quoting their own statement as embodied in their petition to the home Government, Avhen, find ing their original charter about to expire, they applied in 1837 for its renewal Avith enlarged privileges. They say : " The company now occupy the country between the Hocky Mountains and the Pacific by six permanent establishments on the coast, sixteen in the interior country, besides several migra tory and hunting parties ; and they on the coast maintain a marine of six armed vessels, one of them a steam vessel. Their principal establishment and depot for the trade of the coast and interior is situated ninety miles from the Pacific, on the northern banks of the Columbia River, and called Vancouver, in honor of that celebrated navigator. In the neighborhood they have large 198 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. pasture and grain farms, affording most abundantly every spe cies of agricultural produce, and maintaining large herds of stock of every description ; these have been gradually estab lished ; and it is the intention of the company still further not only to augment and increase them, to establish an export trade in wool, tallow, hides, and other agricultural produce, but to encourage the settlement of their retired servants and other emi grants under their protection. The soil, climate, and other cir cumstances of the country are as much adapted to agricultural pursuits as any other spot in America ; and with care and pro tection the British dominion may not only be preserved in this country, which it has been so much the wish of Russia and America to occupy to the exclusion of British subjects, but Brit ish interest and British influence may be maintained as para mount in this interesting part of the coast of the Pacific." So much for the material means at their command. They do not tell us of the number of their servants or the men — one day " to be retired" — under their supervision, with whom " British influence and dominion" was already paramount, but directly and indirectly they must have been a majority in that early day. Of their system and modus operandi it was, as Evans tells us, simply " admirable." Their discipline was not only perfect, but extended through all the ramifications of their enormous trade, from the superintendent of a post to the far-away Indian gathering their furs as he trapped upon some lonely river. We wish that our space would permit an extended statement of their methods — methods which would seem, looking at results, to have been, so far as their treatment of the natives was con cerned, a vast improvement upon our own. For certain it is that British rule in North America has had far less difficulty in its relation with its Indians, considering the extent of terri tory and the character of the tribes to be controlled, than we have had with our own. In this connection let us go back a little. The Hudson's Bay Company came into life by special grant in December of 1821. Its power extended from 42° north to the southern border of the Russian possessions, a state of affairs lasting for a quarter of a century, during which Oregon, and consequently our State of AATashington, of Avhich it was then a Jr+ 7Y HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 201 part, was merely an adjunct, a trading district of the company for the gathering of its furs. Evans puts the situation very tersely thus : "The Hudson's Bay Company Avas present in Oregon by virtue of its license for a term of years to prosecute the Indian trade in those parts of North America not included in its chartered territory. Its charter • not only conferred corporate existence — it was an immense grant of territory from the King of Great Britain — but that grant did not extend to territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Under the Joint Occupancy Treaty of 1818, as British subjects this corporation extended its opera tions into Oregon. By the license of trade all other British sub jects had been excluded in 1824 by act of Parliament of July 2d, 1821 ; and the Hudson's Bay Company were the only British sub jects permitted to trade Avith the Indians west of the Rocky Mountains." With the almost regal powers of the predecessor of this company — the corporation known as " the Governor and Com pany of the Adventurers of England," chartered by King Charles of England in 1670 and ratified by the Parliament of 1690 — we have little to do ; but we will quote a somewhat curious passage from the immense privileges thereby conferred, wrhereby they are constituted " The true and absolute lords and proprietors of the territo ries, limits, and places, saving always the faith, allegiance, and sovereign dominion due to us (the crown), our heirs and succes sors for the same, to hold as tenants by free and common socage and not by knights' service, reserving as a yearly rent two elks and two black beavers." We fancy that King Charles' elks would be harder to obtain than in the days when lie rented that empire of land and sea for two elks and a brace of beaver. One is simply astounded as one examines this deed of gift to the original company. Their grant is an empire ; the owners are lords, subject only in their fealty to their king ; its directors, powerful noblemen, " solid" with the English court ; its powers simply unbounded, and excluding all competition. To return to their (the company of the present century's) treatment of the Indians. It may be reduced from Evans's sum ming up as follows, and he may well say that it commands 202 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. favorable consideration. It duplicates in many respects Penn's action in the settlement of the " Keystone State," and in a lesser degree that of the Spanish missions of California. He says : " Hoav profitable the lesson, how worthy of adoption that system upon which was predicated the successful career of the company in acquiring absolute control and unbounded influence over the aborigines of the territories in which it operated ! This policy had a twofold object : first, to hold in moral subjection the native tribes as a matter of self-defence and economical man agement ; and second, to convert them into dependents and allies. Thus did the company draw to itself and retain all the Indian trade as a matter of preference. At the same time, it con verted the native tribes into auxiliaries, ready to serve the com pany should such service be required. " The gift or sale of ardent spirits to the Indians was posi tively prohibited." (It is needless to dwell upon the excellent results arising from this rule.) " AVith comparatively few to defend their posts, oftentimes established in the midst of large bands of Indians, completely isolated and unprotected, yet those posts and the employes continued safe. Under Hudson's Bay rule there were no Indian outbreaks nor wars, and but little bloodshed. The establishment of schools, the effort to educate Indian children, the employment of Indians, all embraced within their Indian policy, continued to assure the confidence and gain the friendship of the native population." They kept the Indian employed ; they excited his zeal and encouraged him to supply their posts with furs, fish, and game ; they required little or no land for settlement, hence the Indian neither feared the loss of his hunting-grounds nor the graveyards of his people. The Indians became, instead of enemies, as with ourselves, their guides, their messengers, the providers of the furs in which they dealt, and their friends. Instead of avoiding, they located their forts among the tribes, at the same time scat tering their warriors in pursuit of game, for which and their peltries they were, from their standpoint, fairly and remunera tively paid. Again, the Indian soon came to depend upon the company for comforts wliich they learned to appreciate and consider necessaries of life— weapons, blankets, fishing tackle, wearing apparel, and cooking utensils— all of which served to cement a union advantageous to both parties. But withal they HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 203 held the hand of their power with no feeble or tremulous grasp. H an Indian was violent or threatening he was promptly and severely punished. In this connection Evans tells us : " No half-AA-ay measures were used. Uniformly kind and conciliatory to the AArell-disposed, punishing with promptness and firmness the wrongdoer, the natives were taught that it was their true interest to live on terms of friendship with the com pany. This influence Avhich the company acquired over the Indian population was eradicated with difficulty. Indian sus picion of Americans resulted from their educated devotion to the Hudson's Bay Company, continuing for many years after the actual withdrawal of the company from the territory." The author takes occasion to remark here : Why were we more unfortunate in our early experiences with the Indian tribes on Puget Sound and the interior ? Why did they evince a desire to expel the American white and permit the English to remain ? AVas it the result of a less conciliatory policy on our part, or jealousies secretly fomented by our British friends (?) of the Hudson's Bay Company ? Meanwhile, it is but fair to admit that the company's treat ment of Americans as individuals was worthy of all praise so long as that American did not come to trade, thereby touching that most sensitive nerve of our English cousin, " John Bull" — his pocket. If he did so, his trading post soon found a rival, and competition " froze out" the new-comer. But to the travel ler of consideration, the army officer or missionary of our nationality, they were uniformly courteous and kind. Evans says : " The hospitality of the officers in charge of their posts to the first American emigrants entitles the company to the lasting gratitude of the early settlers." After all, " blood is thicker than water," and the whites of both races have many a time stood shoulder to shoulder in bitter perils by land and sea, forgetting sectional jealousies, and only remembering the claims of a common origin and the same mother tongue. It would seem to be the mission of the Anglo-Saxon to dominate and drive out the black, the yellow, and the red of a more effete man hood. But, as we have just suggested, when it came to a competi tion of trade Evans tells us : " The American who made an effort to trade with the Ind- 204 HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. ians, to trap, hunt, or do anything in which the company was engaged, found in the company a rival and competitor. In such opposition the result Avas generally that the American trader was obliged to retire from the field. Whenever an American established a trading house, post, or kindred enterprise, imme diately the company formed a counter establishment in the vicinity ; American vessels were obstructed — nay, defeated in obtaining cargoes upon the coast ; Hudson's Bay Company ves sels were not allowed to import from the Sandwich Islands goods or supplies ordered or purchased by American merchants. They Avere without mercy for a rival trader, yet the unfortunate avIio suffered by land or sea Avas freely offered shelter or food in the various establishments of the company. ' ' After all, looked at from a financial standpoint, was it not a " fair fight" ? If all methods are considered allowable in con tests of love and war, why not those on the broader battle-fields of commerce ? Let such merchants as the late A. T. Stewart answer the question, or, haply, the heavy operators on the stock exchanges of our OAvn day. Turning from their Indian and rival trader policy, let us look for a moment at their treatment of their own employes. There were no " strikes" in those days. Their subordinates, by a Deed Poll of June, 1834, executed by the company, were divided into four classes — chief factors, chief traders, clerks, and servants. Evans's details of their contracts with their people are so elaborate and instructive as compared with our wages of to-day that we feel it impossible to condense or resist the temptation to give them in extenso. He says : ' ' The chief factors superintended the affairs of the company at the trading posts. The chief traders under their direction managed the trade with the natives. The clerks served under both. Extra allowance of necessaries, free of charge, was made to chief factors Avintering tit inland posts. Personal and private trade with the Indians for individual benefit Avas not tolerated. The failure to annually make strict account was severely pun ished by the council, Avho possessed the power to reprimand, impose penalties, or suspend a servant. Three chief factors and two chief traders were annually allowed to leave the country for one year. Wintering three years in the country entitled a factor or trader to retire with full share of profits for one year, and Erf ^fy^OJCtrru^KY. ' HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 207 half profits for four years. AVintering five years entitled the same officers to half pay for six years. Three chief factors, or tAvo and two chief traders, were permitted annually to retire, according to rotation. The legal representatives of a deceased chief factor, avIio had AA'intered in the country, Avere entitled to all the benefits deceased Avould have received had he lived. A proportionate allowance wTas made for a shorter duration of ser vice. After the payment of all expenses, sixty per cent of all the profits went to the shareholders and forty per cent to the chief factors and chief traders in lieu of salaries. The next grade below were clerks, who received from S100 to $500 per annum." So far the company's arrangements seem fair and even liberal in their provisions. It is to be remembered, too, that the clerk hire of that day was far less than our OAvn, not to mention the fact that the dissipations and dress of the wilderness — gambling excepted — were by no means extravagant. " Dudeism" was confined to some squaw's elaboration of a suit of buckskins, and the game dinners of the Avilderness, though superior ¦ in flavor, were less expensive than those of Delmonico's. Evans goes on to say : " The perfect absolutism of the com pany's system is found in the enlistment of the servants. The pay was about $85 per annum" (less than four months' wages oftentimes paid to an incompetent female domestic with us), "out of which the servant clothed himself. The term of ser- Adce, or, more properly to speak, enlistment, Avas five years from the date of embarkation. He bound himself by indentures to devote his whole time and labor to the service of the company, to obey all orders of its agents, to defend its property, not to ab sent himself from its service or engage in any other employment during his term of engagement. He was faithfully to obey all laws and defend all servants and officers of the company to the utmost of his power. He engaged also to enroll as a soldier if required, and attend all drills and military exercises. In con sideration of his wife and children being furnished with provi sions,, he obligated that they should render light services upon the company's farms. If a servant desired to return to Europe at the end of his enlistment, he gave a year's notice of his in tention before expiration, and entered into an obligation to work a year longer, or until the next ship should leave for England. 10 208 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. If called upon to enroll as a soldier, he was entitled to be fur nished by the company with a uniform suit every two years, and be supplied, free of cost, with arms and ammunition. Should he desire to remain in the country after the expiration of his term as a settler, he was allowed fifty acres of land, for which he rendered annually for seven years twenty-eight days' service. The company retained the right to dismiss the servant during his term or at its conclusion, in which event he was car ried back in one of their ships free of expense. Desertion and neglect of duty were followed by forfeiture and loss of wages without redress. AArith such a pittance, is it to be wondered at that at the end of his term the servant was in debt for advances ? As a consequence, he was obliged to continue service to dis charge his obligations. " Marriage with Indian women was encouraged. Attach ments were formed, and at the end of his enlistment the servant, surrounded by a family to whom he owed support, could not abandon them. Thus precluded from gratifying the desire of returning to his native land, he was left the election between re- enlistment or acceptance of the grant of land, continuing de pendent upon the company for the necessaries of life." Their system in this respect stopped but little short of the ' ' peonage' ' of Mexico, leaving the man free in name but not in reality, by so enveloping him in a network of ever-increasing pecuniary liabilities that, struggle as he might, he was consigned to a slavery most hopeless, because ever strengthening its chains. This great corporation surrendered its " license to trade" in 1838, and received a renewal one for a period of twenty-five years. Its terms were sufficiently ample, granting " the exclu sive right of trading over a territory embracing the whole coun try west of the Rocky Mountains between 42° north latitude and the Russian line. The rental was as moderate as the rights conferred were enormous, being nothing for the first five years, and afterward a yearly rental of five shillings, payable on June 1st. The company Avas, hoAvever, obliged to execute a bond to insure the service of legal process within their boundaries, and the rendition of any of its servants accused of crime. The clause which, as Americans, most interests us, is that in which they are enjoined from "claiming or exercising any trade with the Indians on the Northwest coast to the prejudice or HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 209 exclusion of any of the subjects of any foreign State avIio, under or by force of any convention or treaty for the time being between Great Britain and such foreign State, may be entitled to and shall be engaged in such trade" — a restriction which, so far as they could evade it, they certainly never pro posed to abide by. There is a marked resemblance between the financial methods and policy of the Hudson' s Bay Company and the operations, in this day " of trusts," of many of our own great corporations. Like the serpent of the fairy-tale, they simply swallowed and made a part of themselves any opponent too strong for their competition to undermine otherwise. Its one great rival, the Northwest Company, Avas for years its most persistent and dan gerous adversary. But even this was finally bought out and absorbed by the Hudson's Bay — a fitting fate and well deserved, for to its (the Northwest's) treacherous treatment and to the demoralization of his agents did Mr. Astor owe the overthrow and failure of his company (intended to be American), the Pa cific Fur. But ere we treat of that tmlucky scheme and the causes which led to its downfall, let us give a page or two to the his tory and methods of the Northwest Company of Montreal. Or ganized in 1784, it was, as the name suggests, an outgroAvth of Canadian, as the Hudson's Bay was the offspring of British enterprise. In 1778 Frobisher and Pond, of Montreal, built a trading post on the Elk River, which, till Fort Chippewyan, Avas the most distant from the white settlements. This, with other enterprises of a similar nature by merchants of Montreal, was too weak to sustain itself against Hudson's Bay opposition ; hence the creation of the Northwest, formed from an ordi nary mercantile partnership, but growing, like a descending- snowball, which gathers as it goes, into immense proportions. Its partners numbered twenty-three, of whom the wealthiest remained in Montreal and furnished the capital. They were the agents and general managers. The ' ' wintering partners' ' did duty at and gave their personal supervision to the trading posts. In -the prosecution of their trade they employed no less than two thousand persons— clerks, traders, guides, interpreters, and voy ageurs. The clerks, young Highlanders of good family, Avhich will account for the array of "Macs" Avhich figure in Astor's later scheme, served a thorough apprenticeship of from five to 210 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. seven years. Merit in the discharge of their duty (as in the case of MacDougal) rendered them eligible to partnership. Tliese clerks traded with the Indians at points selected by the company on lakes and rivers, some of which were hundreds or even thousands of miles distant from Montreal ; the other em ployes also enlisted for a term of years, Avith increased pay if faithful to their trust. When disqualified by age or infirmity they were retired with a pension. Evans gives us a very clear idea of the manner in which their trade was earned on. He says : " The trading goods imported from England were packed in bundles, each AATeighing ninety pounds, and distributed among the various trading posts. Furs were packed in bundles of the same weight. These packs were transported by bark canoes by the chain of lakes and rivers, which canoes and packs were car ried over portages by voyageurs. Some of these points Avere three thousand miles distant from Montreal." The results of these trading operations Avere twTofold : they carried out the plans of their projectors ; but, though by no means a part of their scheme, these trading parties became explorers also, opening paths Avhich in the fulness of time should be util ized by those whose aims were far higher than men who limited their ambitions to a full cargo of furs. The railroad engineer, the settler, the stockman, and the agriculturist have all taken a leaf from the unwritten journals of the trapper and voyageur. The indefatigable Alexander Mackenzie was its mainspring and pilot ; but to him and his inscription on the rock Ave have already referred. MacDougal, the traitorous partner in Astor's enterprise, also figures more respectably in this capacity. They seem to have had one American among their " wintering" partners —Daniel Williams Harmon, a Green Mountain boy, who did them good service, crossing the Rocky Mountains and Avintering upon Fraser' s Lake. After a series of adventures he returned to his native Vermont to write them up in a book subsequently pub lished at Andover. Truly the unknown even in those early days suffered many things at the hands of their journal- writing ex plorers. The failure of Astor's enterprise in 1813 left the North - Avest in full possession of their ill-gotten gains, and Avithout a competitor in the region of the Columbia. In fact, they Avere in absolute possession of the whole territory west of the Rocky EHf ^by F!-&Ke >' nsitoMY HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 213 Mountains between the Russian on the north and a trading post or two of the American Fur Company on the extreme southeast. This state of things continued for years, and the unfortunate " Joint Occupancy Treaty" endorsed, and British subjects pro tected their sovereignty. Evans tells us that for a period the Northwest Company wielded a powerful influence in British America. Its operations reached far and wide into the unexplored and the unoccupied. It respected no right of territory ; it sent out its parties wher ever profit was to be gained. The inland voyages of Mackenzie were all made in its interest. In 1804, when advised of the pro posed expedition of LeAvis and Clarke, it attempted to forestall it by sending out a party with instructions to reach the Columbia in advance of the United States expedition. It failed, owing to the ill health of its chief. It must be a source of gratification to every patriotic^ reader of the history of Washington to see how clearly the hand of a higher Power seems to have interposed to interrupt and bring to naught the Avily plans and subtle machina tions of the British Government and these great corporations, its allies, and lead our people, a weak and feeble band as compared with those already in occupancy, to finally invade, hold, and secure to our flag and nationality this land of promise, so full of present fruition and teeming with future promise. Growing by slow degrees from its organization in 1784, the Northwest Company grew to imperial influence in the first decade of the present century. In 1805 it had become the suc cessful rival of the Hudson' s Bay, whose theory of trade was exactly the reverse of (and it seems to us inferior to) their own. The Hudson's Bay, relying upon its long establishment, was stationary — furs came to it ; on the contrary, the Northwest, so to speak, " drummed" their trade, sending out parties to scour the land ; their agents were everywhere ; they were visited at regular intervals and at appointed rendezvous. In these palmy days the Northwest Company employed thousands, doubling the salary of their eminently successful men. In the Hudson's Bay let a man work as he might, his salary was fixed, his promotion slow. It Avas, in fact, the old British red-tape system as opposed to the wide-awake, wise Yankee method of picking out the best man and remunerating him accordingly. And the keen blade of self-interest carved a way when circumlo- 214 HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. cution failed to enter. Space does not permit us to enter upon difficulties with various rivals and embarrassments, notably those of the " Selkirk project" and the colony at Assiniboia — difficulties ending at length in actual Avar, in which, on June 19th, 1816, a battle Avas fought between the Northwest Company and the colonists, in which the company were Auctorious, killing twenty-two of the colonists, among whom was Mr. Semple, the Governor of Assiniboia. Competition had led both companies to the verge of insolvency when, in the Avinter of 1819-20, the British Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Bathurst, interposed his good offices to bring about their peaceable union, Avhich ended in an agreement in March, 1821, merging both into a single cor poration under the charter of the Hudson' s Bay ; so the North- Avest, as such, virtually ceased to exist— a state of things which ended in their entire absorption when, in 1824, the Hudson's Bay acquired all their rights, becoming the sole grantees under the license of exclusive trade of December, 1821. " So the spoiler Avas spoiled, yielding to its rival and enemy even as Astor's company, whose inception and disastrous career Ave are about to narrate in the next chapter, was plundered and captured by themselves. CHAPTER XV. SETTLEMENT AND CAPTURE OF ASTORIA. " As cunning spiders wisely weave The web that nets their prey, So patiently does commerce plan For gain of future day ; Yet as the insect's well-wrought snare By chance of breeze is blown, ' So wisest schemes are fruitless found By circumstance o'erthrown." — Brewerton. As the reader must already have discovered, the British fur companies Avere the bitter enemies of all who attempted to com pete with, them in a region which they had already come to regard as exclusively their own, and where they used every effort to retain their supremacy. Weaker attempts to oppose them had been rendered abortive by a policy which systematically discour aged or "froze out" (to use a most expressive Westernism) their authors. Matters were in this condition when Mr. John Jacob Astor, the beginnings of whose then great fortune (for a few hundred thousand dollars in those days ranked their possessor with the millionaire of our own time) had risen from his dealings in furs, determined to form a company and establish the traffic on a large scale as an American enterprise on the Northwest coast. Now this Mr. Astor, so widely Isnown uow as the founder of a family of enormous wealth, was not an American by birth, but a native of Heidelberg, who came here poor, amassed a fortune, and was a citizen by adoption of the United States. Had he been "to the manor born" we fancy his enter prise would loave been more patriotically American and have end,ed more happily than it did. As it was, he regarded his undertaking as a mere commercial investment, selected its per sonnel accordingly, and failed. Otherwise his plans were far- seeing and well laid. He proposed to prosecute the fur trade 216 HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. over all the unsettled regions claimed by the United States, to furnish the Russian settlements wdth supplies to be paid for in furs, and then re-sell at Canton, taking silks and teas in ex change. It Avas a colossal scheme, and deserved to succeed ; had it done so it would have built up a trade which would have ad vanced American settlement and actual occupancy on the North west coast by at least a quarter of a centuiy, given employment to thousands, and transferred the enormous profits of the Hudson's Bay and Northwest British fur companies from English to American coffers. Looking over the ground, and being well aware of the jeal ousy he Avould excite and the difficulties thus engendered, and being, therefore, like the prudent man of business that he was, anxious to disarm and soften the enmity sure to grow out of his effort to enter their field as a competitor, we find him beginning his enterprise cautiously. Having this in mind, he writes to the directors of the Northwest Company, then in the zenith of its power and a serious rival of its older brother, the Hudson's Bay, though it (the Northwest) maintained no trading posts west of the Rocky Mountains south of 52° north latitude, being confined to a region known as New Caledonia. To these gentle men, shrewd, unscrupulous, and of great experience, he most unwisely, as the sequence" proves, detailed his plans, and gener ously offered them a third interest in his enterprise. He was met with a duplicity and want of good faith perfectly in ac cordance with the source from whence it emanated. To gain time to send a party to occupy the mouth of the Columbia, to forestall and, if possible, disappoint Mr. Astor's intentions, they pretended to take his proposition into consideration, and imme diately dispatched David Thompson, their surveyor and astrono mer, with instructions " to occupy the mouth of the Columbia, to explore the river to its headwaters, and, above all, to watch the progress of Mr. Astor's enterprise." They then declined Mr. Astor's proposal ; but if they expected to discourage a man of Mr. Astor's stamp they reckoned Avithout their host, for this un gracious return for his generosity and good-will only stimulated him in his determination to carry out his plan. On June 23d, 1810, the Pacific Fur Company was formed. Mr. Astor says : " I preferred to have it appear as the business of a company HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 219 rather than that of an individual ; the several gentlemen were, in effect, to be interested as partners in the undertaking so far as respected the profit which might arise, but the means were furnished by me and the property was solely mine, and I sus tained the loss." AVe will now revert to Evans's narrative of the sequence of eArents which, leading through a chain of misfortunes, culmi nated in the final overthrow of Mr. Astor's undertaking, cutting down his elaborate statement of facts to such limits as our story will permit. " Mr. Astor associated wuth himself as partners Alexander Mackay, Duncan MacDougal, and Donald Mackenzie, all late of the Northwest Company, men of great experience. Mackay had accompanied Alexander Mackenzie in his two voyages of discovery." (The reader will probably remember the strong anti- American sentiments that worthy laid down.) " The part ners subsequently added were David and Robert Stuart and Ramsey Crooks, all Scotchmen" (as their names indicate), " John Clarke, of Canada, AVilson P. Hunt and Robert Maclellan, citi zens of the United States." And here at the very outset we find Mr. Astor, with all his shrewdness, making- his first and most fatal mistake. In this choice of partners he was doubtless influenced by a desire to ob tain skill and experience coupled with a thorough knowledge of the country and the particular trade in which he desired to en gage ; but he might better have had less experience and more loyalty. Had he been American by birth, he would probably have reasoned Avith better results. He forgot in his selection to take into account the strength of an opposing nationality, to say nothing of previous association with the rival company, with whose secret enmity he Avas called to compete. When the Ethio pian changes his skin and the leopard his spots will the English man forget that he is born a Briton ; and we are not sure, if he exhibit his partiality in an honest way, that it is not commend able. But if Mi-. Astor had ever heard of the order and acted upon it said to have been given by AVashington, " Put none but Americans on guard," the Pacific Fur Company might have survived, as it did not, the AVar of 1812. But to return : " The articles of organization provided that Mr. Astor, as the head of the company, should remain in New York and man- 220 HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON, age its affairs, vessels, goods, supplies, arms, and ammunition- in fact, every necessary was to be furnished by him at prime cost, provided they did not necessitate at any time an advance to exceed $400,000. The stock was divided into one hundred shares, of Avhich Mr. Astor retained fifty. The remainder went to other partners and such persons as might be added to the company. Mr. Astor reserved the right to introduce other per sons as partners, at least two of whom were to be conversant Avith the Indian trade ; but no individual should be permitted to hold more than three shares of stock. Twenty years was the duration of the company, but at the end of fiA~e years, if the business Avas found to be unprofitable, it might be dissolved. For the first five years all the loss Avas to be borne by Mr. Astor, after which each partner shared the loss in proportion to his Stock." Could any terms have been fairer or more liberal ? His asso ciates could lose nothing but their time, and might be large gainers. The chief agent on the Columbia was to hold his posi tion for five years. For this position AVilson P. Hunt, one of the two Americans, was selected. AVhen he was absent his place was to be temporarily filled by a meeting of the partners then present. But the English leaven is already working, and the time-serving spirit of his British associates begins to display itself. The partners were to solemnly bind themselves to faith fully execute the objects of the company ; before signing this obligation two of the British partners communicated to Mr. Jackson, the British Minister then in New York, the full details of Astor's project, and desired, to know their status as British subjects trading under the American flag in the event of Avar between the two countries. Mackay was assured by the minis ter " that he saw our object Avas purely commercial, but that all he could promise was that in case of a war they should be re spected as British merchants and subjects." All scruples of these British partners were dissipated. "Their patron," says Evans, " did not learn until too late of this gross disregard of mercantile honor or he might have guarded himself from the humiliating sacrifice which effectually transferred his enterprise to unscrupulous enemies." The main party, consisting of four of the partners, twelve clerks, five merchants, and thirteen Canadian voyageurs, was to HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 221 go to the mouth of the Columbia via Cape Horn and await the arrival of Mr. Hunt, the chief agent, at the mouth of the river. Mr. MacDougal was to take charge. To convoy the party the ship Tonquin, 290 tons, was fitted for sea, commanded by Cap tain Jonathan Thorne, a lieutenant in the United States Navy, on leave. A full assortment of Indian trading goods, a bounti ful supply of provisions, and the frame timbers of a schooner designed for coasting — in short, everything necessary to secure comfort was provided for the proposed settlement. We come now to the first covert attack (unless the dispatch of Thompson as a spy may so be considered) upon the enterprise. " Before the Tonquin was ready for sea Astor was apprised that a British vessel of war was cruising off the Atlantic coast- to intercept the Tonquin and impress the Canadians as British subjects. This was at the instance of the Northwest Coast Com pany, so as to delay the departure of the ship, and thus give time for their emissary, Thompson, to arrive first at the mouth of the Columbia. To thwart this, Astor secured from the United States convoy off the coast till the Tonquin could proceed with out interruption. On the 8th of September she sailed under convoy of the frigate Constitution, Captain Isaac Hull, of the United States Navy. Meanwhile, Mr. Hunt, the chief agent, with whom was associated Donald Mackenzie, who was to lead the overland party, had gone to Montreal and Fort William to recruit the necessary voyageurs for the service. " The Tonquin reached the mouth of the Columbia and an chored in Baker's Bay on the 22d of March, 1811. The crossing of the bar was attended with serious difficulties, and eight of the crew were lost in their attempt to mark out the channel. Qn the 12th of April the launch, with sixteen persons, freighted with, supplies, crossed the river and landed upon Point George. Then and there was established a settlement to which was given the name of Astoria, in honor of the projector of the enterprise. By the end of the month the keel of the schooner of thirty tons had been laid, to be constructed of the frame timbers brought out jn the Tonquin. They soon learned that a trading house had been established by their rival, the Northwest Company, on the Spokane. River, about twenty miles from its mouth ; at the same time they established forts on Clarke's Fork of the Columbia and on the -Kootenais. 222 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. " On the 1st of June the Tonquin sailed north, Alexander Mackay, one of the partners, going as supercargo. By the mid dle of the month she had reached Clyoquot Sound, on the west side of Vancouver's Island, and was anchored opposite the Ind ian town of Ne witty. They were about to commence trade Avith the Indians of AVickanish's tribe for sea otter skins. At a preconcerted signal the Indians, who had unwisely been per mitted to crowd the deck of the Tonquin, commenced an attack. Captain Thorne and Mr. Mackay were almost instantly killed ; all upon deck met a like fate. AVhen Captain Thorne first observed that the actions of the natives indicated hostility, he had en deavored to make sail, and had ordered some of the crew up into the rigging. Five of the sailors were still aloft, but one in de scending was badly wounded. The remaining four had con tinued concealed. After the fight was over the Indians went on shore. Returning to strip the ship, the live survivors success fully repelled the savages with fire-arms. In the night, at the earnest solicitation of Lewis, the Avounded sailor, the four left the ship in one of her boats. Next morning the Indians in great numbers once more boarded the Tonquin. AVhen they had most numerously collected the gallant Lewis, the wounded sailor, fired the magazine and blew up the ship, creating sad havoc among the hordes of savages who were stripping and robbing the Tonquin. Thus was the murder of Captain Thorne and the crew of the Tonquin promptly avenged. The four sailors who had endeavored to escape were overtaken and put to death with. terrible tortures. One Indian interpreter was the sole survivor of this cruel massacre. He was retained in close captivity for more than two years, when he escaped through the various coast tribes. The story of the Tonquin's loss was told by him on his return to Astoria. There had, it seems, been a misunder standing between Captain Thorne and the Indian chief on the preceding day. Captain William Smith, an old and experi enced trader on the Northwest coast, then mate of the Alba tross, of Boston, attributed the real provocation of this tragic affair to the conduct of Captain Ayres, of Boston. A short time previous the latter had been trading at Clyoquot Sound, and had induced some teii of the tribe to accompany him to the islands near the Bay of San Francisco to hunt seals. He had given a most positive assurance of their safe and early return. He I&jt (j^fiMJn^^ 1 A/^s-^&^t^C, HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 225 sailed southward and violated that promise. In accordance with Indian custom his inhuman perfidy AA'as avenged by an equiva lent sacrifice of white men aaIio fell into the hands of the out raged tribe." And now let us see how it fares Avith David Thompson, the Northwest Company's surveyor, astronomer, and spy, who on July 15th, nearly three months too late to anticipate the Ameri can party, arrivred with a crew of eight men in a canoe flying the British flag at Astoria. He proceeded on his mission, reached the Rocky Mountains, but Avas long delayed in finding a pass. Deserted by several of his men, he was obliged to return to the nearest post to winter. In the spring of 1811, however, he makes an early start, crosses the Rocky Mountains in 52° north, and strik ing the extreme northern source of the Columbia, builds a canoe to descend the river. He builds huts at the forks of the river as he goes, erects flags upon them, and distributes smaller ones (he seems to have a cargo of flags) among the natives, which, a la Indian, were most probably devoted to head decorations by the squaws. Having gotten rid of his flags, he then proceeds to take formal possession ot the country watered by the Columbia and its tributaries (rather a large slice of the NortliAVest, by the way) in the name of the King of Great Britain, but always for the Northwest Company. But Astor was already in possession at its mouth, which, of course, he could not occupy. It might be a curious geographical problem to decide (had his " taking pos session" been Avorth anything) where his British fountain-head mingled with its larger American flood below, and at what precise point we were to draw the dividing line between Mr. Thompson's canoeing and the discovery by the New England Gray, backed up by the settlement of Astor ! And now we come to the very significant statement that though sent as an avoAved emissary of their rival, and while actually engaged in an expedition hostile to the best interests of his employer,, we find Thompson received and entertained as a welcome guest by MacDougal, the temporary chief agent, representing Mr. Astor. In spite of the earnest remonstrance of his fellow-partner, Stuart, MacDougal furnishes Thompson with supplies and means to return to his employers. At the junction of the Columbia and Ocanagon, Mr. Stuart erects Fort Ocanagon, the first interior post west of the Rocky 226 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. Mountains south of 49° north, and winters there Avith his com pany in a log-house built of the drift-wood collected on the point made by the two rivers. On October 2d the Astorians launch the little schooner Dolly, the first United States vessel built on the Pacific coast. The lit tle band, reduced in numbers and their supplies beginning to fail, look Avith growing anxiety for the arrival of the Tonquin, her reinforcements and supplies. They have not yet heard of her fate, though Indian rumors came to them of some ship in the Strait of Fuca being destroyed and her crew murdered, nor has anything yet been heard of Mr. Hunt and his overland party. Winter is at hand, and there is little to encourage them. At last a portion of Mr. Hunt's party arrives on January 8th, 1812 ; they reach the settlement in wretched plight. The remainder arrive on February 15th. They have suffered terribly from hard ships and privation by the way. Even at Montreal, whither Hunt and Mackenzie had gone in the summer of 1810 to procure recruits, did the ill-will of their rival, the Northwest Company, folloAV and hinder them. Men Avho had engaged to serve were threatened, dissuaded, and bought. Unsuccessful at Montreal, they went to Fort William, Avhere the same tactics produced similar results. Baffled and disappointed, they re turned to St. Louis, where they arrived September 3d. There the Missouri Fur Company interfered, and did them more harm than their foes at Montreal and Fort AVilliam. To retain the men they had secured, Hunt left St. Louis on October 21st ; his party in three boats ascended the Missouri four hundred and fifty miles to the mouth of the Nodowa, Avhere he established his winter quarters. This was in November ; in January Ave find him again in St. Louis, whither he had returned for reinforcements. Again with great difficulty he makes up his number, returns Avith his new men to the winter camp, from whence he finally starts for the Columbia on April 17th. They ascend the river in four boats, on the largest of which they have mounted a swivel and tAvo howitzers. The personnel of the party is composed of five partners, one clerk, forty voyageurs, an interpreter, and several hunters. The Missouri Fur Company, determined to break up the expedition, hang upon their flanks and wage a sort of guerilla warfare during their ascent of the river through delays, difficulties, and trouble with the Indians. They travel fourteen history of Washington. 227 hundred miles by water, then abandon their boats and proceed overland. Following the headwaters of the Yellowstone, they crossed the Rocky Mountains in September. Reaching the affluents of Lewis's Fork of the Columbia, they build canoes, intending to descend to the mouth of the Columbia ; but de terred by rapids and other dangers of navigation, they abandon the project, and finally conclude this chapter of accidents, delays, dangers, and long preparations by reaching Astoria, overland. On May 5th the Beaver, a ship of 400 tons, which had been loaded and dispatched by Mr. Astor, reached Astoria. She brought as passengers John Clarke, the Canadian partner, six clerks, and twenty-six Kanaka laborers. Among the clerks was Ross Cox, afterward the author of " Adventures on the Colum bia River," from whose pages we quote this word-painting of Astoria : ' ' The spot selected for the fort was a handsome eminence called Point George, which commanded an extensive view of the majestic Columbia in front, bounded by tlie bold and thickly wooded northern, shore ; on the right, about three miles distant, a long, high, and rocky peninsula covered with timber, called Tongue Point, extended a considerable distance into the river from the southern side, with which it was connected by a nar row neck of land, while on the extreme left Cape Disappoint ment, with the bar and its terrific chain of breakers, was dis tinctly visible. The buildings consisted of apartments for the proprietors and clerks, with a capacious dining hall for both ; extensive warehouses for the barter of goods and furs, a provision store, a trading shop, a smith's forge, a carpenter shop, etc., the whole surrounded by stockades forming a square, and reaching about fifteen feet above the ground. A gallery ran around the stockades, in which loopholes were pierced sufficiently large for musketry ; each bastion had two stories, in which a number of chosen men slept every night ; a six-pounder was placed in the lower story of each, and they were both well provided with small arms. Immediately in front of the fort was a gentle de clivity, sloping down to the river's side, which had been turned into an excellent kitchen garden ; and a few hundred rods to the left a tolerable wharf had been run out, by which bateaux and boats were enabled at low water to land their cargoes without sustaining any damage. An impenetrable forest of gigantic 228 history of Washington. pines rose in the rear, and tjie ground was covered Avith a thick underwood of brier and whortleberry, intermingled Avith ferns and honeysuckle." It is Robert Stuart, Avhile en route to carry dispatches to Mr. Astor, who discovers the South Pass in the Rocky Mountains, which afterAvard became the great gateway to the overland emi gration. Various posts were also established in the upper Colum bia country, one at the junction of the Coeur d' Alene and Spokane rivers and another on Avhat is now known as the Snake. " On the 4th of August the Beaver sailed for Sitka, Mr. Hunt accompanying. AVhile at Sitka Mr. Hunt negotiated Avith Baranoff, the Governor of Russian America, a highly advan tageous arrangement for the Pacific Fur Company. The tAvo companies Avere not to interfere with each other's hunting or trading grounds, and they were to operate jointly against tres passers on the rights of either. The Pacific Fur Company Avas to enjoy the exclusive privilege of supplying the Russian posts, the pay for which was to be in peltries. The Pacific Fur Com pany was to receive all the Russian furs and convey them to Canton, and to receive a commission for their sale. " Having collected large quantities of furs, the Beaver pro ceeded to Canton instead of returning to Astoria. Mr. Hunt, the route being by the Sandwich Islands, went with her to Oahu, there to aAvait the vessel then expected from New York, by which he was to return to Astoria. Before this agreement could go into effect Avar had been declared betAveen Great Britain and the United States. Mr. Astor learned that the Northwest Com pany was fitting out the Isaac Todd, a ship mounting twenty guns, to seize Astoria. As a large majority of the employes of the company Avere British subjects, Mr. Astor anticipated diffi culty as soon as the existence of the war should become knoAvn. He appealed to the United States Government for a force to de fend Astoria, to maintain possession of the mouth of the river. His efforts being in vain, he fitted out the Lark, A\hich sailed March 6th, 1813." The early part of 1813 found matters at Astoria in a very un satisfactory condition. The Beaver, with Hunt on board, had not been heard from. Mackenzie, at his post on the Shahaptan, had been unsuccessful and was discouraged. In this mood he went to Clarke. While Mackenzie Avas there they w*ere visited by SNOQUALMIE FALLS, NOR. PAC. R. R. HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 231 one MacTavish, a partner of the Northwest Company, who com municated the news of the declaration of Avar, and boastfully stated that the Northwest Company's armed ship, the Isaac Todd, had sailed and was to be at the mouth of the Columbia in March, and that he had received orders to join her at that time. Mackenzie, alarmed, went back to Shahaptan, broke up his post, cached his provisions, and returned to Astoria. Here he in formed MacDougal of the Avar, and after a conference Mac Dougal, being in charge during Hunt's prolonged absence, determined to abandon Astoria in the coming spring and re-cross the Rocky Mountains. Upon returning to recover his cached provisions, which he had intended to use to purchase horses from the Indians, he found they had already discovered and stolen them. On his way he carried letters to Clarke and D. Stuart, informing them from MacDougal of his determination to abandon Astoria, and advising them to prepare for their return to the States. While going Mackenzie met a party of the North west Company, under the command of MacTavish and Laroque, en route to the mouth of the Columbia to await the arrival of the Isaac Todd. The parties appear to have encamped together in the most friendly and agreeable manner— suspiciously so, we fancy, for Mr. Astor's interest. " AA'alla AValla was now agreed upon as a rendezvous for the three parties to meet and proceed to Astoria for conference. But Clarke and Stuart, who had been very successful, utterly ignored the advice to prepare to leave the country. Mackenzie's provisions having been stolen, he could accomplish nothing, and of necessity the departure was deferred. Clarke and Stuart finally yielded a conditional assent that if aid did not come from the United States and prospects improve at Astoria the country should be abandoned in the spring." And now we find a condition of things which, considering the long-continued hostility of the Northwest Company and its agents, to say nothing of the actual state of wa r between the two nations, seems simply unaccountable, and can on! y be inter preted through the existence of an excellent understanding be tween MacTavish and MacDougal. MacTavish, who was camped at the fort, whsre, as an avowed enemy in time of war, he should never have been permitted to stay, made application to purchase trading goods. MacDougal 11 232 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. proposed to sell him the post on the Spokane for horses (with which to quit the country), to be delivered next spring. After much urging by MacDougal and Mackenzie this proposition was accepted. Mackenzie was transferred to the post on the Willa mette for the winter. Three clerks (among whom was Ross Cox) were transferred to the service of the Northwest Company. There seems to have been no reluctance to take service with the enemy. And now comes the beginning of the end. An arrange ment for the dissolution of the company, to take effect June 1st of the next year in accordance with the terms of agreement, which provided for the abandonment of the enterprise if found unprofitable, was signed by the four partners. Clarke and Stu art (evidently true men) were extremely reluctant, yielding be cause of the determination of MacDougal and Mackenzie to abandon the country. On August 20th Hunt arrived at Astoria. He was powerless to change the result. The causes of discour agement were presented by MacDougal, wdio pretended that he desired to save Mr. Astor's interests before the place fell into the hands of the British vessels on their way out. Mr. Hunt at length acquiesced, and consented that the management of the business should be entrusted solely to MacDougal if he (Hunt) did not return by January 1 st. Mr. Hunt then sailed to secure a vessel to convey the property to the Russian settlements till peace should be declared, and also to give a return passage to the Sandwich Islands of the Kanaka laborers. Hunt agreed that if the men became dissatisfied they might be transferred to the Northwest Company, MacTavish becoming responsible for their wages, accepting goods to discharge indebtedness to them. Let us stop the flow of our narrative for a moment, leaving the incidents which led to the situation and are soon to precipi tate its catastrophe, and analyze the characters of these men, nearly all foreigners, and subjects of a rival and then openly hostile nation, to whom Mr. Astor had most unfortunately com mitted the conduct of this enterprise. Here Ave have five of the partners present on the ground and actively engaged— Hunt, MacDougal, Mackenzie, Clarke, and Stuart. Hunt, temporarily absent, and, Ave think, a perfectly honest but not overstrong man — certainly not of the Andrew Jackson type— finds his ab sence taken advantage of to dissolve the company, and yields, as we think too readily, to MacDougal' s presentation of the o HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 233 " causes of discouragement." A man of more resources would have cut his way out rather than have played into the hands of his enemies, the Northwest Company. MacDougal, who seems to have been the moving spirit, was a traitor pure and simple, always on excellent terms— doubtless looking to the end— with his old employers, the rival company. Mackenzie seems to haA'e been either his blinded or willing tool, to do his work and carry out his plans. Clarke and Stuart were honest, true men, yielding to pressure they felt themselves unable to resist. The fact, more- OATer, that the majority of their employes were not of American nationality, and, therefore, secretly inclined to favor the British, must have seriously tied their hands. In fine, the circumstances and surroundings of the hour were favorable to MacDougal and his schemes, and he is about to take advantage of them for his own selfish purposes. Our story grows more sensational. " On the 2d of October," says Evans, " Mackenzie, with a party of twelve men in two canoes, started to advise Clarke and Stuart of the new arrange ment. He met MacTavish and J. Stuart, partners of the North west Company, with seventy -five men in ten canoes on their way down the river to meet the frigate Phoebe and the ship Isaac Todd. Clarke had been advised of the alarming news, and had come with them as a passenger. Mackenzie encamped with the party that night, and resolved to return with them to Astoria. Mackenzie and Clarke during the night made an attempt to slip off, Avith a vieAv of getting a start and reaching Astoria first with the news ; but as they pushed out into the river, two of Mac Tavish' s canoes followed. On the 7th of October MacTavish and Mackenzie both reached Astoria. The Northwest Company's party camped at the fort. MacDougal prohibited the hoisting of the American flag by the young American employes." It is a comfort to see even a breath of pure native American patriotism coming to the surface above these troubled waters, so foul with basest duplicity and English enmity. The next day sees MacDougal assembling his employes and preparing their minds for surrender by reading to them a highly sensational letter from his uncle, Angus ShaAv (he seems to have been bound both by blood and interest to Mr. Astor's opponents), one of the prin cipal stockholders of the Northwest Company, announcing the sailing of the frigate Phoebe and the ship Isaac Todd with orders 234 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. "to take and destroy everything American on the Northwest coast." So, the way being thus nicely prepared, we are told that "this dramatic scene was followed by a proposition of Mac- TaA'ish to purchase the whole interests, stocks, and establish ments of the Pacific Fur Company. MacDougal, now almost ready to throw off the mask which hitherto has so slightly shielded his dishonest intentions, assumes, in the absence of Hunt, supreme control and agency. He holds repeated confer ences with MacTavish, from which his fellow-partners are care fully excluded and their presence ignored, and finally concludes the sale of all Mr. Astor's possessions on the coast at certain rates. A few days later Mr. J. Stuart arrived with the re mainder of the Northwest party. He objected to the bargain made by MacTavish, and materially lowered the rates agreed upon. MacDougal, who seems to have been agreeable to any proposition coming from his old employers, consents, and the agreement to transfer is signed October 16th." By this piece of mercantile infamy, "Duncan MacDougal, for and on behalf of himself, Donald Mackenzie, David Stuart, and John Clarke, partners ofthe Pacific Fur Company, dissolved July 1st," pre tended to sell to his British confreres and co-conspirators of the Northwest Company " the whole of the establishments, furs, and present stock on hand on the Columbia and Thompson rivers," payable in three drafts on Montreal. This transaction, so dishonorable and perfidious to Mr. Astor, so disgraceful to the parties aaIio consummated it, is thus detailed by John Jacob Astor in a letter to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State : " MacDougal transferred all my property to the Northwest Company, who were in possession of it by sale, as he called it, for the sum of fifty-eight thousand dollars, of which he retained fourteen thousand dollars for wages said to be due to some of the men. From the price obtained for the goods, etc., and he him sell' having become interested in the purchase and made a partner in the Northwest Company, some idea may be formed as to this man's correctness of dealing. He sold to the Northwest Company eighteen thousand one hundred and seventy and a quarter pounds of beaver at two dollars, Avhich at that time was selling in Canton at five and six dollars per skin. I estimated the Avhole property to be worth nearer two hundred thousand ?ng TryFlG_Ke,rn.a,n,7$~Z HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 237 than forty thousand dollars, about the sum I received in bills on Montreal." Mr. Astor took into consideration everything but the one leak which finally sunk the ship — the possibility of treachery grow ing out of the employment of men brought up in the service of the rival company, whose opposition to his enterprise had already been demonstrated, and the even more remote contingency of a war between the two nations, which would make his principal post assailable by sea from the enemy's cruisers, while those in land Avould be equally menaced by the British traders, whose employes were largely in the majority even among his own men. In all other respects his provision was liberal, his plans well found ed, and his arrangements with his fellow-partners unselfish in the extreme. " He was practical, generous, broad." He was a brave man Avithal in placing his capital on a venture where adverse influences largely preponderated, and every known " coign of vantage" was already held. The termination of this mingled tissue of fraud, dissimula tion, and misfortune is somewhat dramatic. The British sloop of war Raccoon, Captain Black, arrived at the Columbia on December 1st, 1813, with orders to destroy the American settlements on the Columbia. There were probably many pleasant, anticipations both in her wardroom and between decks of the rich booty to be obtained and prize money dis tributed from the looting of this Yankee trading house, Avith its precious gathering of furs. Judge, then, the surprise and disap pointment of Captain Black and his officers when he was in formed of the purchase by the Northwest Company, and the con sequent change of ownership. The British flag now waved over British property— a fact, however, which did not deter the gal lant commander of the Raccoon from taking possession of As toria in the name of His British Majesty and re-baptizing it by the name of Fort George. Evans tells us that " he insisted upon an inventory of the purchased property being taken with a view- to ulterior proceedings, but he subsequently relinquished the idea, and never prosecuted his imaginary claim." The formal surrender took place on December 12th, 1813, when the American flag was lowered and the British raised, there to remain till peace was restored ; and in accordance Avith the Treaty of Ghent, signed in December, 1814, which provided 238 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. for the restoration of all places taken by either party, it was given up as captured property. The British Government send ing orders to that effect, Captain Biddle entered the river in August of 1818, and on the 19th the Stars and Stripes once more floated over Astoria, which resumed its name, that of " Fort George" departing Avith the flag of its late captor. This was the fort of which the English Captain Black remarked, Avhen he first saw its Avooden defences, " Is this the fort about which I have heard so much % D — n me, but I'd batter it down in two hours Avith a four-pounder !" The fort under British rule had been considerably enlarged, having a stockade 250 by 150 feet. It was armed with twelve guns of different calibres and a number of swivels, and defended by some seventy men of different nationalities. Mr. Astor had intended to resume operations, but never resuscitated the Pacific Fur Company, nor did he resume the fur trade Avithin that territory. It must have been a sore subject with him. A rich man may lose money and forget it— it is an accident of trade ; but let him be basely swindled out of even a much smaller sum, and it leaves a lifelong impression of disgust. As for the North- Avest Company, it continued its trade under that most mistaken compact for America — the Joint Occupancy Treaty — whose agreements were constantly violated in the spirit if not in the letter by the exercise of British influence, ever seeking to Angli cize the Northwest. CHAPTER XVI. SEARCHING OUR TITLE — TREATS OF THE VALIDITY OF OUR TITLE — ITS CONTESTANTS AND EFFORT FOR FINAL " QUIETING" BY TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN. " Fifty -four-Forty ok Fight." " A wordy war, with bitter ardor waged, Fierce iu dUcussion while the conflict raged. A game of ' brag,' too oft of treachery too, Its stakes the region then so wild and new. The hunters haunt the home of deer and stag, Its roof the pine, each snowy peak its flag. Emblem of truce and peace one day to be, Of empire linking east with western sea." —Brewerton. Haaing now, as a skilful engineer lays down his approaches, making gradual advances to the work he proposes to attack, environed our subject, so to speak, both by land and water, it is high time to take possession of such outworks of fact as may finally lead to the capture of the whole subject and enceinte of this our history of the State of AVashington. When a man purchases an estate, before entering and making improvements his first anxiety is to ascertain the validity of his title and the security of the foundation on wliich he rests his claim. To do so thoroughly he must go to the fountain-head of ownership, examine records, ancient and modern, look into the liens and mortgages which might affect it, the sufficiency of the witnesses who certify to its testaments, and in all respects as sure himself that it is perfectly sound and good, even though his quest should take him back to a period when, as the old English Jaw quaintly expresses it, " the memory of man runneth not to the contrary." States, like individuals, must hold their possessions under certain conditions fixed and regulated in their case and laid down 240 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. in what is generally known as the " law of nations.' ' It may be by right of first discovery, enforced by colonization ; by peace ful purchase or similar rendition, or by conquest of war perma nently confirmed by treaty on cessation of hostilities. It becomes us, then, as citizens of this sovereign State and commonwealth of Washington, to know how our title to this fair domain on which we dAvell was acquired, by what claimants opposed, their grounds of action and the legality of the manner in which our own title was finally assured and quieted. In so doing, how ever, Ave do not propose to try back to the period of which we have spoken — ¦" when the memory of man runneth not to the contrary" — nor shall we enter into the intricate details of proto cols, protests, arbitrations, and conferences, finally ending in that mutual agreement of the " high contracting powers" Avhich we call a duly ratified treaty. Our search must be a skeleton at the best, dating back to the beginning of this century, when the situation of affairs on the Northwest coast may be briefly summed up as follows : The boundaries were unsettled and con flicting, the claimants and parties in action being four — Russia, Spain, Great Britain, and the United States. We will touch lightly, by way of preface, upon the claims of the two powers first named — Russia and Spain — as those soonest disposed of and least interesting to ourselves, because involving- no particular conflict with American interests. Russia demanded all the territory north of 51°, Avith its adja cent islands. This she founded on the discovery of Russian navi gators. The limits of her claim will be found in the imperial grant issued by the Emperor Paul to the Russian- American Fur Company in July of 1799. It is further strengthened by the declaration that the whole of the Pacific north of the latitude mentioned was " a closed sea," because completely bordered by Russian territory — a vexed question, entering into the sealing difficulties of our own day. Russia again asserts her claims, and that in no uncertain language, but autocratic as the Czar himself, in its imperial ukase of September 4th, 1821, which de clares " that the vdiole west coast of America north of the fifty- first degree, the Avhole east coast of Asia north of 45° 50', with all adjacent and intervening islands, belong exclusively to Rus sia ; and it also prohibits the citizens and subjects of all other nations, under severe penalties, approaching within one hundred ^^f'tfyF.G.K&rnan,/NT -£z^/& A/7^^^ HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 243 miles of any of these coasts except in cases of extreme neces sity." It is not necessary to pursue the Russian title, as Mr. Sew ard's farseeing and most fortunate purchase of Alaska settled for a very reasonable sum, though counted extraA-agant at the time, all controversy Avith that nation. Spain, as asserted by Chevalier de Onis, her Minister at AA'ashington, defines her rights as f oIIoavs : ' ' The right and dominion of the crown of Spain to the North west coast of America as high as the Californias is certain and indisputable, the Spaniards having explored it as far as 47° in the expedition under Juan de Fuca in 1592, and in that under Admiral Fonte to 55° in 1640. The dominion of Spain in its vast regions being thus established and her rights of discovery, conquest, and possession being never disputed, she could scarcely possess a property founded on more respectable principles, Avhether of the law of nations, of public law, or of any others which serve as a basis to such acquisitions as compose all the independent kingdoms and States of the earth." Evans tells us that this clear and concise enunciation was uttered by the chevalier "at a time when Spain was asserting title adversely to all other nations. It was the same that she ha d claimed for centuries. " These utterances interest us, because by the Treaty of Flori da, dated February 22d, 1819 (which left the Saline River the Avestern boundary of the United States), our southern boundary was defined by " a line drawn on the meridian from the source of the Arkansas River northward to the forty-second parallel, thence along the parallel to the Pacific Ocean (afterward adopted, January 1 2th, 1828, by treaty with the republic of Mexico as the northern boundary of our sister republic — that is to say, the western and southern line of the United States as laid down in the Florida treaty). By this solemn convention we became pos sessed of all the rights of Spain to any territory north of the said forty-second parallel — a cession which closes our search for title so far as this power is concerned, leaving only the conflict ing claims of Great Britain and the United States to be consid ered ; for with Russia we have no quarrel, and by the Florida treaty just referred to we become Spain's successor in interest, being clothed with all rights and powers growing out of her dis coveries and explorations on the Northwest coast. 244 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. The contestants in this long and bitter struggle for territorial supremacy Avere thus reduced to America and Great Britain, the other nations represented— Russia and Spain— having bar tered their claims or rested in armed neutrality, mere spectators of the fight. The tilting grounds were the cabinets of England and Washington ; the reward of the victor, the virgin wilds, almost unbroken, of our own Northwest. The champions who stood forth, either as challengers or defenders, to lose fame or win renown in this diplomatic tourney, were the best and wisest among the statesmen and publicists on both sides. The specta tors before whom they encountered were the representatives of the courts of Christendom, and in a lesser degree, yet most inter ested in the result, every hunter and trapper, every axeman, settler, or emigrant who loved his flag and remembered his nationality amid the then far-off wilds of our present State of Washington. AVith the knightly courtesy of "distinguished consideration" they dipped their pen lances in ink, using every feint and guard, every thrust and parry of treaty or protocol, protest, precedent, or proviso known to modern diplomacy to defeat their opponents. Musty documents were ransacked, an cient archives consulted ; half -forgotten journals of mariners and adventurers long since passed away suddenly became of vast im portance. The laAvs of nations were invoked, Vattel and Puffen- dorf quoted as never before ; dispatches were exchanged which, though courteously worded, oft times breathed a spirit of defi ance and presumption Avhich sounded like bugle blasts inviting to battle. Once and again did Ave tremble on the verge of actual war. Assumptions were made which, if adhered to, would have mobilized armies and sent fleets to every sea. But for the action of Scott, the fiery Harney would have opened a fire whose iron hail had speedily ended the harmless interchange of paper bul lets. " Fifty-four-forty or fight" was not merely the slogan of a Presidential conflict or the catch cry of an excited election ; it "meant business;" it was the stern determination of a nation that knew its rights and meant to maintain them at any cost. It is true that we yielded too much — far too much — to Great Britain in that final settlement which fixed our present North Avest ern boundary ; but treaty-makers are inclined to be conservative, and err, unless fresh from some recent battle-field, upon the side of conservatism. But history repeats itself, and America may HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 245 afford to patiently bide her time, well assured that the arbitra tions of peace or the accidents of war will sooner or later give to the United States the limits assigned by nature and nature's God— boundaries AA-hose fated termini are the billows that wash the shores of the North American continent and lave those out lying islands which rightfully belong to us as the sentinels and guardians of our coast. Let us, then, proceed to trace, as a general gallops down the line and reviews the battalions of his army, the sequence of events which marked the ebb and flow of this diplomatic war. AVe have now to deal with England, ever a most determined antagonist, fighting for every foot of the territory in dispute, con ceding nothing save under protest, exhausting technicalities, and even when visibly beaten yielding ungraciously, making her concessions a matter of favor rather than of right ; giving ground like an experienced fencer, who bides his time and only waits his opportunity to make a more deadly lunge. Her proceedings in the open courts of national arbitration and adjustment were as fruitful in arrogant pretensions, false pretences and assumed premises as her more occult methods were unworthy, being con ducted through the medium of the elaborate systems of her secret agents, the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Fur companies. While touching rather delicately upon the vexed question of "original right and first discovery," where her own legislators must have perceived the weakness of their case, Great Britain seemed inclined to trust herself to the oft-repeated legal assur ance that "possession is nine tenths of the law," an argument for the maintenance of which her agents already referred to had most industriously prepared the way. England did not, it should be remembered, assert an exclu sive right to any portion of the Northwest coast ; at the same time, she had no idea of relinquishing any advantage which might be founded upon the voyages of Drake, Cavendish, Cook, or Vancouver to our coast, or the inland explorations of the in domitable Sir Alexander Mackenzie. These men had displayed that historic flag which the poet tells us has " Braved a thousand years the battle and the breeze," and with more or less of ceremony had taken possession in the name of the British crown, ofttimes regardless of the fact that a 246 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. newer ensign had seen its stars reflected in those waters before their later visits, and forgetful of previous footsteps in their twice-trodden inland paths. Her negotiators thus defined her status : " Great Britain claims no exclusive sovereignty over any por tion of that territory. Her present claim, not in respect to any part, but to the whole, is limited to a right of joint occupancy in common with other States, leaving the right of exclusive dominion in abeyance. In other w-ords, the pretensions of the United States tend to the ejection of all other nations, Great Britain among the rest, from all the rights of settlement in the district claimed by the United States. The pretensions of Great Britain, on the contrary, tend to the mere maintenance of her own rights in resistance to the exclusive character of the preten sions of the United States.'-1 Evans puts the situation so clearly and forcibly that we de spair of improving upon it, and so quote at length, as follows : " Fairly stated, Great Britain asserted no exclusive title, but preferred to acquire and rely upon possess lon, strengthening her claim by settlements permitted by other nations, who in such permission admitted that their title was insufficient to authorize her exclusion. Being thus in possession, and herself the judge of the indefeasibility of an adverse title, she could elect whether she would be ousted. The situation is thus defined : ' While Ave have not the title, we want the possession ; in the mean time, we do not admit that your title is any better than ours— in other words, just such a title as in all ages of the world m i ght has made right.' " To this claim the United States opposed a twofold right : AVe had discovered the Columbia River when Gray sailed into it and informed Vancuuver of its existence ; Lewis and Clarke had ex plored its banks and tributaries ; Americans had settled beside its waters. " It is a law of nature, universally recognized, that the discovery of a river followed by occupancy secures the right to the territory watered by it and its tributaries." Hence Ave claimed the country lying west of the Rocky Mountains between 42° and 51° north latitude, subject, of course, to the claim of Spain, the rewards of whose previous explorations became ours by the Treaty of Florida. Where is the flaw in our premises, the missing link in our claim of evidence to a good and sufficient "E'ng^byT, G. KbtkuitiHT HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 249 title ? But we strengthen this by our additional pretensions as "successors to France" by virtue of the Louisiana purchase in 1803, " by which Ave acquired the claim of continuity to the ter ritory from the Mississippi westward to the Pacific, of the breadth of that province, its north line, according to the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), being the dividing line between the Hudson's Bay territory and the French provinces of Canada." The doc trine of continuity has been recognized as a strong element of territorial claim, and its application universal in the colonization of the Atlantic seaboard. All European powers, in making set tlements, maintained that colonial grants or charters (if not otherwise expressed) comprised not only the limits named therein, but included a region of country of like breadth extend ing across the continent to the South Sea or Pacific Ocean. For the integrity of this principle the war between Great Britain and France was waged, terminated by treaty in 1763. By that treaty the former power received Canada and Illinois ; renounced to France all territory west of the Mississippi, and thereby sur rendered any claim to continuity west of that river. So Ave, as successors to both France and the rights acquired by treaty with Spaiu, backed by first disco\Tery and occupation of the Columbia and its tributaries (which must to any fair and legal mind give a perfect title to the United States of the whole territory in dis pute), Avere, and ought to be, seized of even more than the North - Avestern territory we now possess. With, a view to settle this vexed question, negotiations were attempted in 1807, which, so far as we were concerned, did not touch our territory, and, beyond a British effort to beguile us into trouble with Spain, came to naught. Another effort w-as made in 1814. The United States offered to settle on the basis of the forty-ninth parallel from its intersection by a line drawn from the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods westward to the Rocky Mountains, or to the territory belonging to or claimed by either party on the continent of America to the westward of the Stony Mountains. This would have been ac ceded to, but England wanted the right of navigation of the Mississippi River from British America to the Gulf of Mexico. This was asking too much, so that item of the Treaty of Ghent failed to materialize. It only touched our local interests in a clause which covered the rendition of Astoria. 250 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. It is more than probable, if the real value of this Northwest territory had been known to our statesmen— as it was, through the large returns of its fur trade, patent to the British — there would have been less apathy and more decided action on our part. As it was, we treated it as a matter of little account, and permitted England to establish a kind of occupancy which, under other circumstances, might have brought about an American emigration that would have more than balanced the influence of the fur companies' employes, and prepared the way to its speedy settlement and Americanization. Still another attempt was made, but again the demand for the navigation of the Mississippi stood in the way. We were represented by two able men— Gal latin and Rush — who went over the old ground of right of Gray's discovery, etc., but made the mistake of not asserting an exclu sive right to the territory in dispute. Agreement being impossi ble, compromise was resorted to, and the unfortunate Treaty of Joint Occupancy, signed October 20th, 1818, " determined the boundaries of the United States westward to the Rocky Moun tains.'' The following article of this treaty will give its general scope as influencing our own coasts of the Northwest : " It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the Northwest coast of America westward of the Stony Mountains shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers Avithin the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers. It being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim A\-hieh either of the two high contracting powers may have to any part of the said country." It seems at this day a mystery, unless our Government be lieved that " the game was not worth the candle," that we should have consented to such a treaty, Avhich, Avhatever might have been its temporary conveniences, seems to admit a doubt of our rights to claim the whole as absolutely belonging to the United States. At all events, it gave England just Avhat she de sired—an opportunity to make the territory British in sentiment, by encouraging settlers of her own nationality. It is simply impossible within the scope of this history to HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. 251 enter into the details of a controversy so complex and protracted. It might be styled the thirty years' war of peaceful negotiation. As for the substantial results of the conflict, we are inclined to believe that though we hold nearly all that Ave claimed, Great Britain, who came into court without a case, gained the verdict — at least she succeeded, between bullying and cajoling, in ob taining Vancouver' s Island, all of which should have been our own. In 1826 Henry Clay, then Secretary of State, says in his instructions to Albert Gallatin, our Minister at the court of Saint James : " Nor is it conceived that Great Britain has or can make out even a colorless title to any portion of the northern coast.''' He adds, " By the renunciation and transfer contained in the treaty Avith Spain in 1819, our right extended to the sixtieth degree of latitude." Later on he tells Mr. Gallatin that " our offer of the forty-ninth parallel was conceived in a genuine spirit of conces sion and conciliation, and it was our ultimatum, and he might so announce it." This the British negotiators rejected, and then like a trumpet-blast comes the declaration which should have been maintained throughout : " Say to Great Britain that the American Government does not hold itself bound hereafter, in consequence of any proposal which it has heretofore made, to agree to the line which has been so proposed and rejected, but will consider itself at liberty to contend for the full extent of our just claims, which declaration you must have recorded in the protocol of one of your conferences ; and to give it more effect, have it stated that it was done by express direction of the Presi dent." This was in 1826-27 ; and Evans tells us that though the British claim was defended by such able advocates as Huskisson, Grant, and Addington, they ultimately admitted that England did not assert any title to the country, but urged her claim as good against the United States, quoting the Nootka convention and its alleged concessions by Spain. They also object to the President's recommendation to establish a military post at the mouth of the Columbia, and a bill already passed by Congress to provide for occupying the Oregon River. To this Mr. Gal latin replies by quoting the yet larger powers, from whose opera tion and penalties American citizens were not excepted, con ferred by Parliament on the Hudson's Bay Fur Company. The 252 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. British negotiators were obliged to acknowledge that our min ister's point Avas well taken, and withdrew their protest. We again offered the forty-ninth degree to the Pacific, Avith the further concession that " the navigation of the Columbia should be perpetually free to Great Britain, provided that the line should strike the northeasternmost, or any other branch of that river, at a point navigable for boats." This offer was summarily rejected by the British ministers, who renewed the offer of 1824, with certain concessions, which, as we rejected them, are not necessary to enumerate. This negotiation, how ever, bore fruit in the treaty of August 6th, 1827, which was in reality a continuation of the Joint Occupancy ten years' agree ment, but for an indefinite period, with the proviso, however, that either party might abrogate this convention by giving twelve months' notice. This Joint Occupancy Treaty aided the British, but from its very inception was a hindrance and drawback to American prog ress in Oregon. On the side of the United States it was offered in the spirit of peace ; and it cannot be denied that w-e lived up not only to the letter but to the spirit of its unwise equal-right provisions. We " did no act in derogation of Great Britain's claim, though Ave well knew that her title was unfounded." England, however, less frank and open, depended upon a " mas terly inactivity," biding her time till her secret influences should bring about a sovereignty of settlement — a preponderance of British opinion, which should finally leaven the AA-hole lump and Anglicize the debatable land of Oregon. The Hudson's Bay Company was still there, active and dominant, and the home Goverument could safely rely on its most loyal exertions. Evans puts the Joint Occupancy situation very neatly thus : "The treaties of 1818 and 1827 have passed into histoiy as conventions for joint occupancy. Practically they operated as grants of possession to Great Britain, or, rather, to her repre sentative, the Hudson's Bay Company, who, after the merger with the Northwest Company, had become sole occupant of the territory. The situation may be briefly summed up as follows : The United States claimed title to the territory ; Great Britain, through its empire trading company, occupied it, enjoyed all the wealth and resources derivable from it. In fact, these ' Joint "' Mi ?V HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 255 Occupancy ' treaties secured to England all that she desired — time for the Hudson's Bay Company to ripen possessory rights into a fee simple in the soil itself." Our negotiators — Messrs. Adams, Clay, and Gallatin — were undoubtedly honest men, doing what, in accordance with their lights, they believed to be for the best interests of the republic, and without prejudice to the ultimate possession of all that we claimed on the Northwest coast. They were simply overreached by British guile and covert machinations — by profession wear ing the mask of apparent frankness and good-will, yet really in tended to deceive and beguile. In agreeing to a convention they relinquished nothing ; its provisions in no manner touched our claim ; it simply left that claim in abeyance. If it was good, then it would be so still at the termination of the ten years of joint occupancy. All that we granted was an equal privilege for a stipulated time, a parity of right to use and occupancy. However good in intention, it Avas nevertheless a mistaken policy, even though granted with modifications — a power to give notice of abrogation, and the fact, to which Mr. Adams, in discussing these two treaties on the floor of Congress, drew attention when he said that the latter, unlike the former, contains no allusion to the claims of Spain, our treaty with that power having, in the mean time, conferred upon us all her rights in the premises, and thus strengthened our title to the sole ownership on the North west coast. In 1822 we find the " Oregon question," as it had come to be called, again occupying the attention of Congress. It should be remembered, also, that when " the Oregon ques tion" came up for discussion in our national Legislature during the heated debates of 1845-46, a venerable statesman, speaking in answer to Butler King, of Georgia, made use of the following language : ' ' There is a very great misapprehension of the real merits of this case, founded on the misnomer which declares that conven tion to be a convention of joint occupation. Sir, it is not a con vention of joint occupation ; it is a convention of non-occupation — a promise on the part of both parties that neither of the par ties will occupy the territory for an indefinite period ; first for ten years, then until the notice should be given by the one party or the other that the convention shall be terminated— that is to 13 256 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. say, that the restriction, the fetters upon our hands, shall be thrown off which prevents occupation." This shows the intention and understanding of these famous treaties of " joint occupancy" as understood by its framers and the signatory powers on our side. But even if this be admitted, it is difficult to see what America had to gain by such a compact. Far better to have followed the Irishman's theory of " lighting for conciliation" than to have turned this British wolf into our sheepfold, unoccupied as it was, of the Pacific Northwest, in the form of " a bill to authorize the occupation of the Columbia River, and to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes therein." In the discussion wliich followed, Mr. Floyd opened in its support, folloAved by Baylies, of Massachusetts. There was a grand passage in that speech, full of beauty, too fanciful, as it Avas counted then, ever to be realized, yet in realization falling far short of the oratorical imagery in which it Avas clothed. He said : " A population of scarcely six hundred thousand swelled into ten millions — a population which in their youth extended scarce one hundred miles from the Atlantic Ocean, spreading beyond the mountains of the AVest and sweeping down those mighty waters which open into regions of such matchless fertility and beauty. Some noAv within these walls may, before they die, witness scenes more wonderful than tliese, and in after times may cherish delightful recollections of this day, Avhen Ameri ca, shrinking ' from the shadows of coming events,' first placed her foot upon untrodden ground, scarcely daring to an ticipate the grandeur that aAvaited her. Let us march boldly on to the accomplishment of this important, this useful, and this splendid object, and, my word for it, no one who gives his vote for this bill Avill repent. On the contrary, he may consider it one of the proudest acts of his life." Of a far different temper was Mr. Tucker, of South Carolina, who opposed the bill ; whose objections deserve to be quoted, if only for the singularity of the reasons advanced. He spoke as follows : " I oppose this bill because it is calculated to draw off the population and capital to a point where it will be less efficient and useful than at present, and where it must be eventually HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 257 lost to the States." While he considered that the progress of population to the West was inevitable, he had no wish to ac celerate it, because " in the nature of things the people of the east and west sides of the Rocky Mountains must have a perma nent separation of interests." Truly this conservative gentleman would seem to bear in mind Benton's fabled god Terminus, who was to stand forever on the ridge of the Rocky Mountains to mark our AVestern boundary, or Avas, possibly, a disciple of that retired sea captain who would rather " see Oregon sunk in Symme's Hole than other States added to the Union on the shores of the Pacific." The measure Avas lost by a vote of sixty-one ayes to one hun dred noes. But it comes up in the Senate in February, 1823, in another form, when Mr. Benton, now quite out of love with the location of his god Terminus, introduced a bill " instructing the Military Committee to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation to enable the President to take and retain posses sion of the territories of the United States on the west coast of the Pacific. Upon the resolution being modified with his con sent, substituting a reference to the Committee on Foreign Rela tions, Mr. Benton made his first speech in advocacy of imme diate action. Evans, quoting from Benton, summarizes his speech thus : " He affirmed the following propositions : 1. That our claim to sovereignty is disputed by England. 2. That England is now the party in possession. 3. That she resists the possession of the United States. 4. That the party in possession in 1828 will have the right of possession, under the law of nations, until the ques tion of. sovereignty shall be settled by war or negotiation." He thus concluded : ' ' That it was now apparent that the republic, partly through its remissness, partly from the concessions of our ministers in London, but chiefly from the bold pretensions of Great Britain, is in imminent danger of losing all its possessions beyond the Rocky Mountains. The evils of such a loss to us and the advantage of such an acquisition to her are too obvious to be here insisted upon. Every one can see that the mouth of the Columbia in the hands of England would immediately be converted into a grand naval station for the protection of her trade and navigation in the Pacific Ocean and for the destruction of the commerce of all other powers. Not an American ship will 258 HISTORY OF AVASHINGTON. be able to sIioav herself beyond Cape Horn but with the permis sion of the English. The direct intercourse between the valley of the Mississippi and Asia would be intercepted. The fur trade of the Rocky Mountains would fall into the hands of British subjects, and with it the entire command of all the Indians, west and north, to be turned loose upon the frontiers of Missouri and Arkansas and Illinois and Michigan upon the first renewal of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain." The condition of things with their possibilities could not be more forcibly stated ; the more so as coming from a statesmau whose opinions had been so radically altered from the desire to fix our Western limits on the Rocky Mountain ridge, to a deter mination to accept nothing less than the shores of the Pacific. Truly there is no advocate so zealous as a new convert. The motion was adopted, but the committee failed to report. An other committee — this time with Floyd, an advocate for occu pancy, as its chairman — did report, and embodied a letter from General Jesup, then our quartermaster-general, whose ideas probably suggested the action ultimately, but not till years afterward taken. After asserting that the possession and mili tary command of the territory Avas necessary not only for the protection of trade but the security of the Western frontier, he goes on to recommend " The immediate dispatch of a force of two hundred men across the continent to establish a fort at the mouth of the Co lumbia River ; that at the same time tAvo vessels Avith arms, ordnance, and supplies be sent thither by sea. He further pro posed the establishment of a line of posts across the continent to afford protection to our traders, and on the expiration of the privilege gi anted to British subjects to trade on the waters of the Columbia, to enable us to remove them from our territory and secure the whole to our citizens. These posts would also assure the preservation of peace among the Indians in the event of foreign war, and command their neutrality or assistance as avc might think most advisable." It is refreshing to meet with good hard common sense tersely embodied in suggestions that can be practically applied. AVe are inclined to believe that, Avithout derogation to the eminent statesmen who represented us from time to time at the court of St. James, if such old veterans as Jesup, thoroughly acquaint- Ftng hiyT. GKB.-mcm.'SY HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 261 ed as they were Avith frontier needs from frontier service and actual observation, had been in charge of these " delicate diplo matic negotiations," we might have had war, but we should never have been embarrassed with what Adams justly styled " the fet ters" of " joint occupancy" and similar treaties. Diplomacy, however, was just then in the ascendant. Con gress was unwilling to assert our claim, preferring to put off the evil day, and permit the velvet hand of negotiation to extract the flower from this " nettle danger" of the " Oregon question" rather than grasp it with the iron gauntlet of war. Yet who does not know that the nettle yields to a confident clasp, but stings the finger that assaults it tenderly ; and we have yet to learn that " the Canada thistle'' is an exception to the rule. One result grew out of the publication of General Jesup' s letter of advice : " It is alleged that the publication of this able document fur nished a strong incentive to Great Britain to labor more assidu ously to retain the advantages of that occupancy which had ac crued to her subjects by the treaty of 1818." But it was not only with England that Jesup' s letter stimu lated action ; it rendered our own conservative States uneasy, and strengthened the hands of the little " Oregon party" in Con gress. In December of 1824 President Monroe refers to Oregon in his message, invites the attention of Congress to the necessity of a post at the mouth of the Columbia, and suggests an appro priation to carry out his views. At the same session Floyd, the champion of Oregon, once more comes to the front, breaks his lance in gallant fashion with Trimble, of Kentucky, in a masterly defence of the American title, but is defeated by a decisive vote. Buchanan, with the weak diplomacy which was to meet its culmination of wavering in his senile official dementia of 1861, moved to strike out all that provided for the establishment of a port of entry and ex tending the revenue laws over the territory, because it was an infringement of the treaty of 1818. It cannot be denied if our " English cousins" had been half as anxious to carry out the spirit of the treaty of " joint" (why not " sole" ?) " occupation" as Mr. Buchanan and some other sympathetic souls were to de fend its letter, we should have heard far less of British rights in 262 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. the day of final settlement. Gazley, of Ohio, replied. Floyd explained that the bill left discretionary poAvers with the Presi dent as to the time of its application. Taylor, of New York, opposed the formation of territorial government, but favored the establishment of a military post as recommended by the Presi dent's message. Smythe, of Virginia, moved to amend by strik ing out the proposed name of the territory, and simply described it as " the territory of the United States on the Northwest coast of America." Taylor's amendment being adopted, and grants of land to actual settlers being stricken out, the bill passed the House by one hundred and thirteen to fifty-seven. The title of the bill was also changed to read, " To provide for occupying the Co lumbia River." Going to the Senate in February, it was ably defended by Barbour, of Virginia, but defeated by Dickinson, of New Jersey, avIio is equally delicate with Buchanan about a pos sible interference with " joint occupancy." The bill was accord ingly laid upon the table by the close vote of nineteen to seven teen. It was again called up in March to give Benton an opportunity to reply to Dickinson ; but Benton's magnificent plea in behalf of an American Oregon availed nothing as against the diplomatic conservatism of his colleagues, for the bill again fails, going to the table by the decisive vote of twenty-five to fourteen. Other legislation, but fruitless of result, followed. • Citizens of Massachusetts, Ohio, and Louisiana formed organiza tions, proposed emigration, and asked grants of land and protec tion, presenting their petitions through their respective repre sentatives. These efforts were ably supported in Congress, and ended in a bill formulated to carry them out ; the same delicacy as to existing treaties stood, dragon-like, in its path, and with the lion of English occupation at its back, paralyzed every effort. AA'ith this final struggle Congress made for years no further at tempt to legislate upon the American interests in Oregon. In 1831 we find the question of settlement revived through diplomatic correspondence. Jackson is now President, Van Buren our Minister at London. Our claim is asserted not Avith arrogance, but with confidence in our sole title. Mr. Livingston, the Secretary of State, says : " This subject is open for discus sion, and until the rights of the parties can be settled by negotia tion, ours can suffer nothing by delay." AATe too have become converts to the practice of a " masterly inactivity." The matter HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 263 drops, as might be expected. Tyler becomes President, and now the Oregon controversy wakes once more from sleep, this time aroused by Great Britain, whose self -written deed of possession may now be supposed, thanks to the Hudson's Bay Company, to be almost ready for record. They are prepared "to be fair, and only want an equitable conrpromise" — in other words, John Bull has now dwelt in Uncle Sam's house without paying rent so long that he has persuaded himself that he is owner of the prem ises, and is Avilling to receive a deed from the United States for the property. Wonderful that his modesty does not permit him to charge us for his care-taking during "joint occupancy"! Formal negotiations are for a time suspended. Webster resigns, Upshur succeeds him. Our new secretary intimates that the forty-ninth parallel may be again offered, with the possible free dom of the Columbia River to both parties. " Beyond this the President is not prepared to go." We should think not. Never theless, our Minister at St. James is empowered to propose or re ceive, subject to approval, other terms. In February, 1844, Hon. Richard Packenham arrives in Washington with full powers to negotiate on behalf of Great Britain the boundaries of the Oregon or Columbia territory. Then on the terrible day of the " peacemaker," the Paixhan gun on board the Princeton kills Secretary Upshur, who is succeeded by John C. Calhoun, March 4th, 1844. Negotiations are resumed in July. We are again offered the Columbia River boundary, with free ports as desired south of 49° — a generous proffer of our own property ; a deed of gift from the trespasser to the legitimate owner. This offer is declined in September on the ground that it would restrict our territory to less than its rightful dimensions —in other words, Mr. Calhoun declines to violate the arithmetical axiom that " the lesser cannot contain the greater." Our space does not permit us to follow the arguments of these diplomatic gentle men. Calhoun did not propose to cede what was evidently our own, and Packenham used all the subtleties of his assumptions in vain to obtain it. The conferences came to a fruitless close, with a protest from Mr. Packenham, September 24th. It may be most fitly reviewed on the British side, as regards the rightful ness of their claims, in the words of Webster, uttered as a sena tor of the United States : " I do not believe that Great Britain has any just right to 284 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. any part of the country not tributary to the waters of Hudson's Bay and that side of the continent. All her pretended right was founded on the encroachments of the Hudson's Bay Company, and -the usurpations, spoliations, and diplomatic trickery of her Government." But this, our "search for title," already too extended, yet impossible to condense, must find its continuation in another chapter, which must be headed, Our Boundaries Defined and our Right to them Secured. 33hj ?hy-F.&Xh.rn,zri?t~T CHAPTER XVII. OUR BOUNDARIES DEFINED AND OUR RIGHTS AS SECURED. " To harbor now the ship draws nigh, Our ship of State from adverse tide ; No fairer flag may frigate fly Than hers in which our hearts confide. The Western ocean sweeps the shore, That shore we now may call our own ; What matter how its breakers roar — They wash the bulwarks of our home." — Brewerton. The reader will now perceive that not only is Congress awa kened to the value and importance of our possessions in Oregon and the necessity of immediately asserting our claim to their ex clusive dominion and settlement in accordance with our rights, but the people at large are beginning to inquire in relation to the advantages and resources of the vast wilderness, American in name, British in reality of occupancy, which divides the Western foot-hills of the Rocky Mountains from the billows that beat the shores of Puget Sound and its adjoining coasts. A mighty mist, as it were, had enveloped and concealed this hitherto unknown land. But the cloud was now about to be lifted, though it required the fuller sunshine of a later day to fully reveal the beauties which it had hidden to the world. Many winds blowing from divers quarters at length dispersed the cloud ; shapes of evil seen through, its gloom were now found to have been magnified ; voices came out of its recesses, echoes from far away ; reports no longer distorted by British emissaries in English interests, but truthful tales from the lips of our own pioneers, explorers, and adventurers. Dr. Whitman, in his win ter ride across the continent, had aroused the land as he speed ed through the States on his errand of territorial salvation. As the messengers bearing the war signal of the fiery cross through the Scottish hills shouted their warning as they ran, so did 268 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. Whitman rouse the army of peaceful occupation with the cry, " Meet me on the frontier in June," as he speeded, fur-clothed and frost-bitten, on his way to the Washington of the East from the Washington yet to be of the Western shore. Many witnesses added their testimony, and the people throughout the land, moved by indignation at the threats of British usurpation, and restlessness born of a desire to find homes and recompense for their labor in newer fields, began to turn their eyes toward the Northwest coast, and speculate upon its possibilities. But even then the processes of our evolution were slow, though destined to be finally sure in their results. As the rill broadens and deepens to the river, or the gray dawn brightens to the perfec tion of day, so the "Oregon question" lingered or seemed to linger by the way. Some still doubted the value of stakes which might involve so large an expenditure of wealth and possibly of blood to win the game. The conservative clung to the existing state of things ; the timid dreaded to provoke England, the fabled mistress of the seas, to unloose the dogs of war. Now and then some manly voice spoke out in Congress ; but the ful ness of our time, though near at hand, was not yet fully come. We leave the details of legislative agitation of our subject to the ampler space and exhaustive narratives of Evans and his fel low-historians, and pass to the time when, in the Presidential election of 1844, the Oregon question became the war-cry of both parties, but especially of the Democratic and successful nominee, Mr. Polk. The declaration of that Democratic National Conven tion had no timid or uncertain sound. It declared : " Our title to the whole of Oregon is clear and unquestion able. No portion of the same ought to be ceded to England or any other poAver, and the reoccupation of Oregon at the earliest practicable period is a great American measure." That of the Whigs, under the banner (destined to be defeated) of Heniy Clay, though less arrogant, was equally decided. So it was that the Oregon question came before the great jury of the American people and won its verdict in the universal accept ance of "fifty-four-forty or fight" as a watchword and battle- cry — a declaration which gave diplomacy to understand that should it fail or even linger by the way, its treaties and protocols must give place to the sterner arbitration of shot and shell. The British Minister now offered arbitration, but it was declined. A HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. 269 bill to organize a territorial government in Oregon was intro duced into the House, December 16th, 1844, referred to the Com mittee of the AVhole, and amended on motion of AVinthrop, of Massachusetts, which amendment was incorporated into the bill by a vote of one hundred and thirty-one to sixty-nine— " That there shall neither be slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." In this connection says Evans : " That glorious vote, dedicating to freedom the great North west, explains why so much of Oregon so soon thereafter was so readily surrendered to Great Britain. Lying north of 36° 30'. the compromise line on the admission of Missouri, it would necessarily become free territory and ultimately free States. The territorial integrity of Oregon, though so heartily endorsed by the people, had been already sacrificed. The bill was further amended to require the delivery to British authorities of any British subject arrested. Grants of land were made subject to the settlement of title by the two governments" —in short, things were to go on pretty much as they were until the twelve months had expired. The amendment requiring the President to give such notice passed by a vote of one hundred and twenty- one to eighty-two. February 3d, 1845, Atchison, of Missouri, introduced a bill in the Senate to organize the Territory of Ore gon ; it went through the usual stages, but on March 3d, when its friends in the Senate tried to press it to a vote, it was re fused by a majority of two. Both houses of Congress and the great mass of our people being in favor of some decided action, the President-elect, in his inaugural message, committed his ad ministration to a similar policy. Negotiations are again in order. The United States versus England, represented by such eminent counsel as Buchanan and Packenham, the ball of argument being tossed to and fro from July 16th to August 30th, 1845, when the " run home" is made by Mr. Buchanan in the follow ing farewell dispatch : ' ' And how has this proposition been received by the British plenipotentiary?" (referring to an offer to draw the line at 49°, with free ports on Vancouver's Island to England). " It has been rejected without even a reference to his own Government. Nay, more, to use his own language, he ' trusts that we will pre- 270 HISTORY OF WASHINGTON. pare to offer some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fairness and equity, and to 117/, the reasonable expectations of the British Government.' Under such circumstances the undersigned is instructed by the President to say that he owes it to his country, and a just appre ciation of her title to the Oregon territory, to withdraw the proposition to the British Government which has been made under his direction, and is hereby accordingly withdrawn." President Polk's first annual message (December 14th, 1845) rehearsed the history of the so far abortive negotiations. He concludes by affirming our title to the whole of Oregon ; the im possibility of surrendering any portion of that right to Great Britain ; urges the immediate giving of the twelve months' notice to abrogate the Joint Occupation Treaty, and invokes Congress to adopt measures to sustain our rights and extend federal juris diction over the territory, with ample protection to American set tlers. On April 28th, after some preliminary legislation, a resolu tion passed both houses directing the President to give the re quired notice and abrogate the convention of 1827. The majority in the Senate was thirty-two ; in the House, ninety-six. The notice was accordingly given April 28th, 1846. It was acknowl edged and accepted by the British Foreign Office in London, May 22d, 1846. The abrogation was fixed to take effect May 21st, 1847. In December, 1845, the British Government again proposed arbitration. This we declined, followed by a modified proposi tion of a similar nature, that if neither government should be found to possess a title, the disputed territory should be divided between them " according ton. just appreciation of their claims." This met the same fate. Then a treaty was proposed by the Brit ish Minister, which President Polk submitted to the Senate with a request for their advice in the premises — a procedure unprece dented since the days of Washington. His letter is cautiously worded. He obligates himself in advance to be bound by their decision, yet refers to his own outspoken opinions and expressed policy on the Oregon question. AAHiile standing by the " fifty-four- forty" battle-cry of his party, he seems not unwilling to let a AVhig Senate take the onus and odium, if need be, of putting them selves on record as retrograding from the stand so publicly taken JtAMJ^Lm Zy