Yale University Libraiy

YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

LOVEJOY MOXVMEXT, ALTOX, ILL/X<)f.s
{Erected, iSgb-y)

abicago
FOUNDED BV JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER

HISTORY OF
NEGRO SLAVERY IN ILLINOIS AND
OF THE SLAVERY AGITATION
IN THAT STATE

A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND
LITERATURE. IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY)

BV
NORMAN DWIGHT HARRIS

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
lgo6

Copyright, 1904
A. C. McCLURG & CO.
CHICAGO

Cb78."

TO MY FATHER
whose kindness has made possible my
advanced studies
THIS BOOK
is affectionately dedicated

INTRODUCTORY
THIS book was originally written for the University
of Chicago, as a portion of the work required for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
In preparing the volume for publication it was thought
unwise to sacrifice too largely the historic value of the
production for popularity of form. It has been written,
as far as possible, from the original documents and
sources, but the present scattered state of the material on
Illinois history has rendered this task extremely difficult.
It is hoped that the results of these investigations will
not only be of interest to the general public, but also will
serve as a basis for a great history of the Slavery Con
flict, which some future historian of American History
shall write.
The author wishes to express his appreciation of the
suggestions and criticisms made by Dr. Asa C. Tilton of
the University of Wisconsin, who read the entire manu
script. He acknowledges his indebtedness, also, to Pro
fessor Frederic J. Turner of the University of Wisconsin,
President Edmund J. James of Northwestern University,
and Professors F. W. Shepardson and J. Franklin Jame
son of the University of Chicago, for their kindly interest
and encouragement.
N. Dwight Harris.
Appleton, Wisconsin,
July, igo^..

CONTENTS
PAGE
Chapter I. The Beginnings of Slavery in the
Illinois Country— 1719-1783 ... i
Chapter II. Slavery in the Illinois Territory
— 1800-1818  6
Chapter III. Slavery and the Constitution of
1818  16
Chapter IV. The Contest for a Convention —
1820-1824  27
Chapter V. Negro Servitude under the Con
stitution OF 1818  50
Chapter VI. The Lovejoy Episode — In St. Louis 68
Chapter VII. The Lovejoy Episode (Continued) —
In Alton  78
Chapter VIII. The Slavery Question in the
Courts— 1819-1864  99 1
Chapter IX. The Beginnings of the Anti-Slav
ery Agitation  124
Chapter X. The Origin of the Illinois Liberty
Party and the Free Soil Party 146
Chapter XI. The Free Soil, Free Democratic,
and Republican Parties — 1848-
1856  177
ix

X CONTENTS PAGE
Chapter XII. Later Slavery Agitation and the
Lincoln-Douglas Debates . . . 206
Chapter XIII. The Progress of Sentiment on the
Negro Question — 1840-1875 . . . 226
appendices
I. Bibliography  245
II. Specimen Copies of Slave Papers . . . 258
III. Data Relative to the Contest of 1823-24. 263
IV. Table of Abolition Votes ... . 267

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

page

Lovejoy Monument, Alton, III. . . . Frontispiece
Facsimile of Underground Railway Advertise
ment  16
Portrait — Elijah P. Lovejoy  68
Portrait — Lyman J. Trumbull  gg
Portrait — Zebina Eastman  124
Portrait— Owen Lovejoy  146
Portrait — Abraham Lincoln  206
Portrait— Stephen A. Douglas  212

CHAPTER I.
THE BEGINNINGS OF SLAVERY IN THE
ILLINOIS COUNTRY.
1719-1783.
The control of the French colony of La Louisiane was
conferred upon Sieur Antoine Crozat on September 14,
1712. He was authorized at the same time to open a
traffic in negroes with the coast of Guinea, provided slave
labor was necessary for the development of the new coun
try, and he was guaranteed a monopoly of the trade."
M. Crozat failed to make use of his rights, and noth
ing came of the first suggestion of the French government
concerning the introduction of slaves into Louisiana.
In August, 1 71 7, the management of the colony was
transferred from him to a commercial company, called the
"Compagnie de 1' Occident";^ and the inauguration of
the slave trade took place on June 6, 17 19, when the first
merchant ship arrived from Guinea with five hundred
blacks on board. These negroes were destined for Lower
Louisiana; i. e., the region between New Orleans and
Natchez.^ In the same year Philip Francis Renault left France
with two hundred miners and workmen to pursue the min
ing industry in Upper Louisiana under the protection of
' "Lettres Patentes du Roy, Donnees a Paris le 14 Septembre, 1712."
* "Lettres Patentes du Roy, Donnees a Paris an mois d'Aoiit, 1717, Por
tant etablissenaent d'une Compagnie de Commerce, sous le nom de Com
pagnie de rOccident ou La Louisiane."
' For particulars concerning the beginning of the slave trade in Louisiana,
see the Journal of La Harpe, in Vol. IV., page 119 and following, of French's
Historical Collections of Louisiana.

2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the same organization. En route he stopped at San Do
mingo and purchased five hundred slaves. On reaching
the continent, he proceeded to the northern portion of
Louisiana — then known as the "IHinois Country" — and
established himself near Fort Chartres, at a place which
he named St. Philip. His venture, however, does not
seem to have been a success, and in 1744 Renault sold
his negroes to the inhabitants of the district and returned
home. Slaveholding was thus early introduced into the
French settlements on the Upper Mississippi. During
both the French and English occupancy of that region
occasional additions were made to this nucleus, but they
were neither frequent nor numerous."
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the French
had established five settlements in the alluvial district
which, beginning at Kohokia,^ extends along the east bank
of the Mississippi to the mouth of the Kaskaskia River.
These they named Kaskaskia, Kohokia, Fort Chartres,
St. Philip, and Prairie du Rocher.^
M. Vivier, the French missionary to the Illinois In
dians, thus describes this region in June, 1750: "We
have here Whites, Negroes, and Indians, to say nothing
of cross-breeds  There are five French villages
and three villages of the natives within a space of twenty-
one leagues  In the five French villages there are
perhaps eleven hundred whites, three hundred blacks, and
some sixty red slaves or savages. The three Illinois
' Dunn, in his "Indiana," on page 258, enumerates the following:
1722— A number of families with slaves were escorted up from New Orleans
by Captain Renard.
1723— Some Germans were sent to Upper Louisiana by the Company of
the west and granted negroes.
'Opposite and a little below St. Louis.
= For a detailed description, see ".\b Historical Narrative and topograph
ical description of Louisiana and West Florida, comprehending the Rivet
Mississippi with its branches," by Thomas Hutchins, Philadelphia 1784

SLAVERY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY 3
towns do not contain more than eight hundred souls
[natives] all told."' It is seen by this that Indians, as
well as negroes, were held in bondage.
Although the French king fixed the price of blacks at
"660 livres India currency" in 1721, and issued at Ver
sailles in March, 1724, under the title "Le Code Noir ou
Recueil de Reglements, " ' a severe system of rules, under
which the slaves of Louisiana were to be held and man
aged, the Illinois settlements were not particularly affected.
They were governed by a "major-commandant," residing
at Fort Chartres, and appointed by the Governor of New
Orleans; but the settlers managed their plantations quite
as they pleased.
Slaves were regarded as "bien- fonder," or real prop
erty; but they were treated everywhere with much leniency
and kindness. They were fed chiefly on maize, and used
both as laborers and as house-servants. On Sundays and
feast days they were allowed liberties, and their children
were taught the catechism. There were few large slave
farms. The majority of the planters possessed but a
small number of negroes. A man was well off if he
owned three or four. The management of the planta
tions was just and liberal, and the relations existing
between masters and servants were friendly; but the
easiest service was doubtless on the lands of the Jesuit
missionaries." The condition of the negroes in the southern district
of Louisiana, of which New Orleans was the centre, was
wretched in the extreme. The "Cede Noir" was rigidly
enforced, the masters indifferent, the overseers often
• Jesuit Relations, Vol. 69, page 144.
' For an English translation, see Dillon's "Indiana," Vol. I., page 41.
'Jesuit Relations, Vol. 69, page 145, et seq.; Vol. 67, page 283; Vol. 70,
pages 232, 233.

4 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
cruel, the district of country unhealthy, and the character
of their work debilitating as well as degrading."
When the IHinois Country passed into the hands of the
English (1763), its total population was about three thou
sand. Of these a large proportion — about nine hundred
— were negro slaves. General Thomas Gage gave the
French the alternative of selling without restraint their
estates and removing with their personal property, or of
becoming Enghsh subjects." A large number decided to
leave, and disposed of their lands and slaves. Of these
some went to New Orleans, but the majority crossed the
river to St. Louis, St. Girardeau, and neighboring towns.
The Jesuits departed for New Orleans with forty-eight
negroes, whom they sold, and then returned to France."
This decrease in population was attended by a corre
sponding decline in the prosperity of the region — already
noticeable when Captain Philip Pittman visited it in 1770.
He gives an interesting picture of the towns and planta
tions, and mentions, among others, M. Beauvais, who
owned "240 arpens of cultivated land and eighty slaves,"
a captain of miUtia at St. Philip possessing twenty blacks,
and M. Balet — the richest man in Illinois — who resided at
St. Genevieve, and controlled "a hundred negroes, besides
hired white people constantly employed." *
The population of the district had decreased at that
time to about sixteen hundred inhabitants, of whom about
' For details on the condition of the negro slaves in Lower Louisiana at
this time, see:
Dumont, "Memoirs de La Louisiane," 1753; "Vue de la Colonie Espagnole
du Mississippi," 1803.
Robin, C. C., "Voyages dans I'lnterieur de La Louisiane," 1807.
La Harpe, Journal in Vols. 111. and IV. ol French's Historical Collections
of Louisiana. ¦^ Proclamation dated at New York, December 30, 1764.
^ Jesuit Rel ations. Vol. 70, page 283.
""The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississinni "
by Captain P. Pittman, London, 1770. '^^ '

SLAVERY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY 5
six hundred were slaves. By the end of the century mi
gration from the East and South had begun, whereby the
population of the Illinois Country was considerably
increased. The English government laid no restrictions upon the
holding of negroes as slaves by settlers of this region, and
when it came under the control of the United States, slav
ery still existed there unhampered.

CHAPTER II.
SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY.
1800-1818.
When Virginia ceded her claims on the Territory of
the Northwest to the Government of the United States,
she stipulated that the French, Canadian, and other
inhabitants of Kaskaskia and the neighboring villages
should be allowed to retain their possessions and to enjoy
their ancient rights and liberties." The continuance of
these privileges was guaranteed by Congress in the
Ordinance of 1787; but a clause prohibiting slavery in
the district "Northwest of the river Ohio" was inserted
in the same instrument."
The residents of the Ilhnois Country were considerably
disturbed by this latter provision, and many thought of
moving across the Mississippi into Spanish territory.
Governor St. Clair, however, chose to interpret the clause
as intended only to prevent the introduction of slaves, and
not as aiming at the emancipation of those already there;
and the migration did not take place." All doubts grad
ually disappeared; the view of the governor was univers
ally accepted; and ere loag the belief that article VI. of
the Ordinance of 1787 in no way affected the existing
relations between masters and servants became a settled
conviction. ' Deed of Cession, March i, 1784.
^ Ordinance of 1787, articles 11. and VI.
» St. Clair to the President of the United States; St. Clair Papers Vol 11
page 176. I '"'. »!.,
6

SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY ^
Governor Ninian Edwards — one of the most distin
guished lawyers in the Territory — -maintained in 1817 that
the Ordinance of 1787 permitted "voluntary" servitude;
i.e., the indenturing of negroes for limited periods of
service. He advocated reducing the term to one year,
and advanced the belief that such contracts were "reason
able within themselves, beneficial to the slaves, and not
repugnant to the public interests."" Some of the less
learned citizens advanced the argument, that since the
French had obviously the right to retain their slaves the
other settlers of Illinois possessed the same right. ^
No reference was made to the subject of slavery in
the first three General Assemblies of the Northwest Terri
tory, other than the le'vying of a tax on all negroes over
twenty-one years of age."
By 1803, however, it was found necessary to provide
some legal status for the numerous indentured blacks, and
to regulate the relations between masters and servants.
The Governing Council of Indiana proceeded to draw up a
slave code, the chief material for which was obtained
from the codes of Virginia and Kentucky. This set of
laws was re-enacted, in the main, by the Indiana Terri
torial Assembhes of 1805 and 1807; and it was regarded
as a legal authorization of the existing system of inden
tures. Under the provisions of this code, all male negroes
under fifteen years of age, either owned or acquired, must

' "Western Intelligencer," January i, 1818. Speech to the Legislature.
^ John Grammer of Union County is credited with having expressed him
self in the Legislature a few years later, as follows: "I will show that are propo
sition is unconstitutionable, inlegal, and forninst the compact. Don't every one
know, or leastwise had ought to know, that Congress that sot at Post Vinsan
[Vincennes] garnisheed to the old French inhabitants the right to their nig-
gars, and h'aint I got as much rights as any Frenchman in this State? Answer
me that, sir!" Memoirs of Judge Gillespie.
= Statutes of Ohio, 1788-1833 (Chase), Vol. I., Chapter 3.

S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
serve till the age of thirty-five; women till thirty-two.
Children born to persons of color during the period of
service could also be bound out — the boys for thirty years
and the girls for twenty-eight. All slaves brought into
the Territory were obliged to serve the full term of their
contracts ; but all owners were required to register their
servants with the County Clerk within thirty days after
entering the Territory. Transfers from one master to
another were permitted, provided the slave gave his (or
her) consent before a notary."
Other provisions were added concerning the duties of
masters to servants. Wholesome food, sufficient cloth
ing, and lodging were to be provided for each slave. The
outfit for a servant was enumerated as follows: "A coat,
waistcoat, a pair of breeches, one pair of shoes, two pair
of stockings, a hat, and a blanket."^ Not an abundant
supply surely, but it did well for a beginning. No pro
vision was made for a future increase of wardrobe. Nor
was there any penalty connected with a failure to provide
the original outfit; and no evidence is obtainable that
masters generally complied with this enactment, or trou
bled themselves greatly concerning the servants' food or
clothing. Lazy or indifferent servants might, on an order from
the Justice of the County, be punished by whipping. It
is not to be inferred from this that the owners always
went through the form of procuring a license before pro
ceeding to the punishment of refractory negroes. In
those free and easy days, when the administration of
justice and the enforcement of the laws were no easy
•Laws of the First General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana 1801;
Chapter 26. ' ^'
' Laws of the Fourth Session of the Governor and Judges of Indiana Terri
tory, Subdivision 11., Sections 3 and 4.

SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 9
matter, owing to the isolation of the various communities
and the lack of efficient machinery for carrying out the
decrees of Governors and Legislatures, the letter of the
law was not always closely adhered to. The landowners
were left unmolested in the management of their estates;
and the question of the treatment of servants was very
seldom if ever raised.
Negroes who refused to work or who tried to run away
must serve two days extra time for every idle or absent
day; and the expenses of recapture were to be worked
out by the servant in extra service. Any person harbor
ing a runaway slave must pay the master one dollar for
each day that he concealed the negro. It was forbidden
under severe penalty " to trade or deal with a servant with
out the consent of his master. Negroes or mulattoes
might purchase servants, provided these were not white.
They could retain all goods or money acquired by gift or
other la'wful means during their servitude, if their master
gave consent; and they might obtain certificates of free
dom from the county courts on presentation of proof that
they had served out their time.^
An attempt was made to protect the servants from
cruelty or unfair treatment on the part of the master.
The county courts were to punish all owners guilty of ill-
treatment of their slaves; but we are left in ignorance as
to how the masters were to be proved guilty of this mis
demeanor. It is to be inferred, however, that it was
through the testimony of neighbors rather than by any
complaint on the part of the negro, since the latter was
forbidden to serve as a witness, save in cases where
^ "Four times the value of the things sold; the costs, $20 for any one who
sues; or 3g lashes well laid on his or her bare back."
' Acts of the Fourth Session of the Governor and Judges of Indiana Terri
tory, 1803. Subdivision II., Sections 4-12. Acts of First Session of the Gen
eral Assembly, Chapter 26.

IO NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
colored people alone were concerned. It was provided
further that "all contracts between master and servant
during the time of service shall be void"; and masters
who allowed any sick or lame negro to become a county
charge were to be fined thirty dollars."
Servants of color were not allowed to serve in the
State mihtia,' to have bail when arrested," to engage in
unlawful assemblies, or to absent themselves from the
plantation of their owner without a special pass or token.*
Finally, if any negro should refuse to serve his master
when brought into Illinois, the owner might remove to
any of the slave states with his property within sixty days.
The above code^ was by no means a dead letter;
for the evidence is ample to prove that an extensive sys
tem of indentured servants was carried on under its pro
tection. During the decade following 1807, a large
number of negroes were brought in and registered. In
the four counties of Gallatin, St. Clair, Madison, and
Randolph alone, there were over three hundred,^ and the
whole number of slaves in the Territory increased from
one hundred and thirty-five in 1 800, to seven hundred and
forty-nine in 1820.'
¦ .\cts of the First General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, Chap
ter 26. ' Acts of the Third General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, concern
ing militia, September 17, 1807.
' Acts of the Third General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, concern
ing practice in the General Court.
¦* Acts of the Third General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, Chapter
g. Sections 2-3.
"This was known in later years as the "Black Code." It appeared again
in the Constitulion of 1818, the Statutes at Large of 1818-181Q, and the Consti
tution of 1848, and was not repealed till February 7, 1865.
8 The precise number cannot be ascertained, since the Registers of St
Clair and Gallatin counties have not been preserved. The Registers of Madi-
w?iirB-i?-''"?°<l''f" <^°"5"=^ e*y'5 ?,'°'al of 253 actually registered; and from
\\ lis, Bills of Sale, and County Court Records it is possible to enumerate
at least 324 instances of indentured negroes in the four counties Unfortu
nately the records of Jackson County were destroyed bv fire on lanuarv m
1843, and its valuable Re-ister of Slaves was also consumed. January 10,
^ United States Census, 1800 and 1820.

SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY II
The greater proportion of the negroes came from Ken
tucky and Tennessee, although numbers were brought also
from Virginia, the Carolinas, Maryland, and even Louisi
ana." A considerable number of these servants were
registered to serve till the age limit fixed by law was
reached. This meant from ten to twenty years in most
cases, as the majority of negroes brought into the Terri
tory were mere boys and girls. ^
Most of the settlers owned slaves and were anxious to
get as much service out of them as possible. Some, it is
true, like Governor Coles, came into the state for the
express purpose of freeing their negroes, but these were
exceptions. The majority purchased slaves when very
young in order to secure the longest legal terms of service.
Not satisfied with that, they registered them for periods
of servitude far in excess of the legal limit, many being
booked to serve from forty to sixty, and even ninety-nine
years." Ninian Edwards, the first Governor of the Territory,
who knew the law well enough to register several slaves
in strict accord with its provisions, felt quite free to enter
his servants: Rose, twenty-three years of age, for thirty-
' Of IQO registered by the County Clerk of Randolph County, 8i came trom
Kentucky, ig from Tennessee, 13 from Virginia, 13 from Louisiana, 5 each from
the Carolinas and Maryland, 4 from Georgia, 4 from Missouri, a few scattering,
and 36 former residence not given.
^ For example, Benjamin Stephenson registered with the Clerk of Madison
County, on June 15, 1817, six negro children: Moriah, 42 days old; Barkeley, 2
years; Debb, 4 years; Winn, 6 years; Frank, 8; and Louisa, 14 years old.
^ Madison County Records:
1815, October 23, Sam, aged 15, bound to serve 50 years.
1816, May 31, Nat, aged 17, bound to serve 35 years.
1817, May 12, Willis, aged 16, bound to serve 50 years.
1818, May 12, Sarah, aged lo, bound to serve go years.
1818, June 2g, Milly, aged 16, bound to serve 45 years.
1817, November 6, Peter, aged 17, bound to serve 99 years.
Randolph County Records and others:
1810, July 14, Maria, aged 15, bound to serve 45 years.
1811, March 8, Jean, aged ig, bound to serve gg years.
1811, November ig, Duncley, aged 16, bound to serve 40 years.
1815, December 6, Rebecca, aged 16, bound to serve 40 years.

13 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
five years; Antony, forty years old, for fifteen years;
Maria, fifteen years of age, for forty-five years; and Jesse,
twenty-five years of age, for thirty-five years of service."
The law was further evaded by registering the children
of colored servants for thirty-five in place of thirty years
of service on the ground that they were not born in Illi
nois. A case in point is Ninian Edward's Joseph, whom
he registered at Kaskaskia on June 14, 1810, to serve
thirty-five years. Joseph was then eighteen months old,
and had just been brought into the Territory with his
mother.^ All this the masters did knowingly, believing, quite
rightly, that no one would take the trouble to prosecute
them for holding their slaves to unlawful service. The
ignorant negroes were deceived into believing that it was
legal and just to bind themselves for such long periods.
This deception was kept up until 1840; and one of the
chief complaints of the slaveholders against the la'wyers
who later defended the negroes in the State Courts was,
"You tell our slaves they are free." "
Transfers of colored servants were frequent. The
consent of the servant being legally necessary, it was cus
tomary to secure it by a commutation of the term of ser
vitude, as in the case of Jane, whom Hezekiah Davis of
Jackson County sold in August, 18 17, to Samuel Coch
ran, and whose term of service was shortened from fifty
to forty years.* Judging from the bihs of sale still extant,
it is evident that this formality was frequently overlooked,
• County Clerk's Register Randolph County, June 8 and July 14 i8io lune
17, 1811. ' County Clerk's Register at Chester, June 14, 1810. Also St. Clair County
Records under date of August 24, 1852.
Silvy, one month old, was also registered on October 11, 1816.
= Personal testimony of Nathaniel Niles, one of the leading antislaverv law
yers in south-central Illinois before the war.
^See Appendix II.

SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 13
and masters disposed of their property without consulting
the wishes of the slaves themselves.
Negi-oes were also bequeathed by will and sold at auc
tion " like any species of personal property. In making
bequests some citizens evidently believed that they pos
sessed their slaves, soul and body, for all time. The
majority of these were French,^ but some were men of
genuine Southern pioneer stock." Others, like Samuel
Campbell and Benjamin West, although believing quite as
firmly in the right of holding slaves, transferred to their
descendants the "time" of their servants and made just
stipulations for their freedom in the future.*
No attempt was made to conceal the traffic in slaves.
Frequent notices of desirable negroes "for sale" and
"wanted" appeared in the "Western Intelligencer" of
Kaskaskia. The "Missouri Gazette," pubhshed at St.
Louis, and enjoying a considerable circulation in Illinois,
contained, from 1808 to 1820, many similar advertise
ments. The St. Louis Exchange and Land Office, owned
by S. R. Wiggins, and dealing largely in slaves, not only
advertised in the Illinois papers, but also had branch
offices at Kaskaskia and Edwardsville." It was easy,
however, for the settlers of Southwestern Illinois to cross
the Mississippi to St. Charles or St. Louis, and the in
habitants of Gallatin County to visit Kentucky, at any
time to purchase slaves.
* Auction sales were advertised in the "Western Intelligencer," as, for exam
ple, on January 22, 1817, and January 13, 1818. Records ofthem are preserved
also at some of the county-seats.
'See will of Michael Lacroix of Kohokia, probated in St. Clair County,
June 22, 1848, but signed' April 12, 1821.
^For example, Benjamin Keykendall of Gallatin County, who bequeathed
to Polly Gatten, his negro boy David "to have and to hold as her own prop
erty from this time forth and forever." Gallatin County Will Record, March
31, 1814. ?Gallatin County Will Record, July 17, 1821.
St. Clair County Will Record, December 6, 1819.
" "Western Intelligencer," January 23 and February 4, 1818.

14 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The lot of the indentured servant was not so pleasant
but that he was glad to escape from it. The fhst num
bers of the "Western Intelligencer" contain rewards
offered for runaway slaves; and similar notices continued
to appear until long after the Territory became a State."
Even at this early day, too, the practice of kidnapping
had begun. Negroes whose terms of service were about
to expire were seized, carried off to New Orleans and
the South, and sold into a servitude more wretched than
before. The Legislature laid the penalty of a thousand
dollars fine on the abduction of a slave; but the practice
continued unabated.^
Indentured servants were of course taxable property;
and in two counties at least owners were taxed a dollar
per year for each one held." Their worth depended
largely upon the length of their term of service still to
run. One year's time of a negro was sold for one hun
dred dollars. The prices of boys and girls varied from
three hundred to six hundred dollars, according to their
physical qualifications and the period of servitude. They
were used, moreover, as security for the payment of
notes, or the fulfilment of contracts, and if men had no
use for their servants themselves, they rented them out
by the year to their neighbors.*
The commonest form of employment for the negroes
' They are to be found in the "Edwardsville Spectator" as late as 1829.
» "Western Spy" (published at Cincinnati) July 25, 1817. Articles on Kid
napping in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.
"Western Intelligencer," May 7, 1817, and "Edwardsville Spectator,"
August 14, 1819.
^ These were Madison and Randolph.
Madison County, Records and indentures, 1813-1818, Vol I, page 12
Randolph County, Records of Court of Common Fleas Vols I and II
page 145.
"See especially cases in Madison County Records. Also Memorandum
of transaction between Louis Keykendall and John Cranshaw of Shawneetown
concerning a note of $2,000, now in possession of Charles Carroll, Jr of Shawnee
town, and letter of Ninian Edwards to Colonel Wright, dated June' 2^ 1820 also
in possession of Mr. Carroll. j, y, u

SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 15
was tilling the soil of the plantations, as the farms in
Southern Illinois were then called; but they were also
used in all kinds of household work, and served as waiters
in the taverns, as dairymen, as shoemakers , as cooks, and
as toilers in the salt mines." The hiring of negroes for
the last named industry, legalized by statute in 1814,^
served as a pretext for the holding of slaves in other parts
of the Territory.
"To roU a barrel of salt once a year or to put salt into
a salt-cellar was sufficient excuse, ' ' says Governor Flower,
"for any man to hire a slave and raise a field of corn." "
This was not the only scheme resorted to in order to
evade the laws. The word "servant" was used to cover
a multitude of sins. No matter under what name the
farmers held their negroes — whether as "servants," "yel
low boys, " or "colored girls" — the fact still remained that
slavery existed in the Territory of Illinois as completely as
in any of the Southern States. It was not limited to the
settlements and towns along the Ohio and Mississippi
rivers, but was practised all over the southern portion of
what is now the State of Illinois, and as far north as San
gamon County,* which was then just beginning to be
settled. ' In this connection one should note the advertisements in the "Western
Intelligencer" and "Edwardsville Spectator" during the years i8i6-i8ig.
'Statutes of 1814, December 22, Act concerning Negroes and Mulattoes.
^George Flower, "History of the English Settlement of Edwards County,"
Chapter 1.
•* Records of Sangamon County Probate Court, Vol. B, pages 88-8g, case of
Benjamin Farmer, etc.

CHAPTER III.
SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION OF
1818.
The situation in the years just previous to the forming
of the first constitution of Illinois was a curious and inter
esting one. The majority of the population, other than
the French, were recent emigrants from the Southern
States — Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, the Carolinas,
and Georgia furnished the greater proportion."
Those from the first three mentioned States were the
better and more enlightened class of Southerners. They
were keen, intelligent men, progressive in spirit, but con
servative by nature. Ever kindly and hospitable to stran
gers and friends, they became, when once aroused, bitter,
passionate, and vindictive opponents in business or poli
tics. Strong in their convictions and prejudices, persist
ent in the maintenance of existing ideals and institutions,
they were the champions of justice, equity, and freedom
of speech and action.
Some, hke Reynolds, Edwards, Coles, and Breese,
possessing great political and legal talents, rose to posi
tions of importance in the State and Nation. The greater
number were proslavery in their sympathies and ideals,
although some, like Governor Coles, were strong anti-
slavery men, and had come to Illinois on purpose to free
their negroes.
• Records of Indentured Servants in Randolph and Madison Counties
iohn Woods, "Two Years' Residence in the Illinois Country," Pub 1822 Geo
'lower, "History of the English Settlement of Edwards County."
16

NEW ARRAMGEMEIMT--'-NIGHT AND DAY.
The improved and spionuid Locomofives, Cla^l;sofl.
.•ind Lundv. with their trains fitted op in the best style of
accommodation for passengers, will ran iheir reunlar
trips during the present season, between llie border:? :if
the Palriarelial Dominion and Liberlvville, Upper Crinrirla.
Gentlemen and Ladies, V, lio may v/ish to improve their
health or Circumstances, by a nortliern tour; are I'cspect-
fully invited to jrive us their patronage.
SEATS FREE, irrc^pfctji.c. of color.
Necessary Clothing funli^hod gratuiiously to such ns
have "fallen among ilnev.cs,"

" Hide the outcasts — let (he oppressed go free." — Bible.
|X!?°For seats ?-Pply at any of the trap doors, or to
the conJuclof of the train. .7. CROSS, Proprietor.
'N. fi. For the special bonellt of I*i-o-Slavery Police
Oliiecrs, an extra heavy wagon for. Te.\as, will be fur
nished, whenever it may be necessary, in which thuv
v.'ill be forwarded as dead freight, to tho " Valley of Uas-
calsj''..'tlways at the risk of the o^l^ners.
[rjr=Extra Overcoats provided for sucli of thcra as
arc alllicteil with prolnictod cliilhj-phohia.

FACSIMILE OF UXDERGROUXD RAILWAY ADVERTISEMENT
{From ''^The Westerii Citizen ^^'' July 13, 1844)

SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION i7
The majority of those who had migrated to the Terri
tory from Georgia and the Carolinas belonged to that
class now usually designated as "poor whites." They
were ignorant, shiftless, and obstinate. To secure their
ends they were often unscrupulous and dishonest. The
times were hard, and the ways and means of earning a
livelihood extremely limited. In the struggle for existence
these Georgians had little use for soft measures, but sought
success by hook or crook, with little regard for persons or
principles. On the subject of slavery they retained the
ideas and prejudices of their youth. They were opposed
to the presence of the free negro, and clung with great
persistence to their "colored servants." Some would
have liked to have Illinois a slave State, and all possessed
a strong antipathy for the settlers from the East, whom
they designated as "Yankees."
All classes of Illinoisans were strong believers in the
personal rights and liberties, guaranteed to all citizens by
the Constitution of the United States. Every man was a
politician, intensely interested in all questions relating to
the welfare and development of the State. Three weeks'
residence qualified one to vote." There were no organized
political parties, and the citizens simply took sides on the
leading questions of the day, such as the opening up of
the new Territorial lands, the formation of a judiciary,
the Indian problem, internal improvements, and the estab
lishment of a State bank.^ The contests were between
men rather than measures. Each candidate placed himself
in nomination — usually through the medium of the news
papers — and ran chiefly on his own merits.
The slavery question came into prominence as a politi-
• "Illinois Intelligencer," September 2, 1818, Editorial. The Constitution
of 1818 made six months' residence a prerequisite of citizenship.
^ See the "Western intelligencer" during the years 1816-17.

1 8 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
cal issue as early as December, 1817." It first appeared
in connection with the framing of the Constitution of
18 18. The holders of colored servants feh reasonably
secure in the possession of their property because of the
Territorial legislation^ supporting the indenture system
and of the publicly expressed opinions of Governors St.
Clair and Ninian Edwards.' Yet, as the time for the
drawing up of the State Constitution drew near, the pro-
indenture advocates began to lose confidence in the legal
strength of their position.
It was seen that in order to secure the admission of
Illinois into the Union, its constitution must express itself
against slavery — nominally at least. This the proslavery
leaders determined should be done. At the same time
they believed that the new State Legislature could, if it
so desired, legally reenact later all of the old Territorial
code of "Black Laws." In order not to arouse public
suspicion, great secrecy was observed concerning their
plans and ultimate object.
The Constitutional Convention was to meet at Kaskas
kia in August, 1818. As early as April 1st, articles dis
cussing the advisability of making Ilhnois a slave State,
and vice versa, began to appear in the "Western Intelli
gencer." * After the 17th of June there was scarcely an
edition that did not contain one or more communications
on the subject.
' See the report on the debate in the Legislature concerning the repeal of
the act admitting negroes and mulattoes into the Territory, in the "Western In
telligencer," for December 18,1817. Also Governor Coles's letter to the Rev.
Thos. Lippencotton this point, published by Lippencott in the "Alton Tele
graph, ' February 24, 1865, in which Coles says (after denying Mr. Lippencott's
statement in his "Reminiscences," that the slavery question was probably
not agitated before the Constitution Convention of 1818): "On the contrary at
a very early period in the settlement ol Illinois, the question was warmly agi
tated by zealous advocates and opponents of slavery.'
' Described in Chapter 11.
^^ See above, pages 12, 13.
¦""Western Intelligencer," April i, 1817, article entitled "Slavery" and
signed "A Republican." ¦"

SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 19
The main arguments advanced in favor of slavery were :
that it would tend to increase the tide of emigration from
the Southern States towards Illinois, and thereby to pro
mote the speedy settlement and improvement of the
country; that slave labor was necessary to the opening up
of the new lands; that the liability of slave insurrections
was less when the negroes were distributed over the nation;
and that, to provide the colored people with a partial es
cape from the servitude of the South by the possibility of
a transfer to the lighter indenture system of Illinois, would
be an inestimable blessing to the race."
All this was refuted with considerable force and skill
by the antislavery supporters, who maintained that slavery
was a great social and economic, as well as moral, evil;
and that its perpetuation in Illinois would impede rather
than advance the progress of the new State.
Several compromises were suggested, but only one
was practical. This appeared in an article signed "Pacifi-
cus" and addressed to the "Honorable Members of the
Convention of the Illinois Territory." It advocated the
incorporation of the existing indenture system in the new
constitution, provided the term of service were made forty
years, the slaves were instructed in religion and the rudi
ments of education, and that a general emancipation
should occur on January i, 1860.^ This proposal met
with little acceptance, partly because "Pacificus" was in
advance of his times, and partly because of the opposition
to long term indentures, then becoming general.'
'"Western Intelligencer," April i, June 17, July i, 2, and 22, etc. ".\
Friend to Inquiry" exclaims (July 22), "And would it not be a proud triumph to
our posterity, after the business of universai emancipation shall have been
effected, in tracing the effect to the cause, to find its origin in the benevolent
policy of our Territory?"
' Published in the "Western Intelligencer," August 12, 1818.
^'This is shown by the fact that the Constitution of 1818 reduced the time
limit of indentures from thirty-five to twenty-one years. Ninian Edwards ex
pressed himself strongly in favor of une year.

20 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The election of delegates to the convention occurred
early in July. The votes were aU given viva voce; and
there was but one poHing place in each county. Although
no organized political parties existed, the majority of the
candidates were either professed opponents or well-known
advocates of slavery. Some, like Mr. Elisha Kane, of
Randolph County, tried to evade the direct issue."
The constitutional convention met on the 3d of August,
and completed its work on the 26th of the same month.
Thirty-three delegates were present, representing fifteen
counties. Among the prominent members were Jesse B.
Thomas, E. K. Kane, Hezekiah West, and James Hall.
Unfortunately the minutes of the convention have been
lost, and the greater part of the records and newspapers
of the time have disappeared. So it is extremely difii-
cult to determine the real attitude of the various delegates
regarding the slavery question.^
Mr. W. Kitchen' informs us in the "Ilhnois Republi
can," of June 30, 1824, that there were "twenty-one
members against the introduction of slavery and twelve in
favor of it." This should be interpreted to mean, that
there were twenty-one delegates opposed to putting any
article in the Constitution of 1818 that should legalize
slavery in Illinois, and twelve who favored the introduc
tion of such an article.
There was no distinct division into proslavery and anti-
slavery parties, as these terms are generally used. The
'George Churchill's "Annotations," No. 7, in the "Alton Telegraph," May
12, 1865. ' Even if a copy of the Journal of this Convention were in existence, it is
still questionable whether it would determine for us the exact position of the
parUes on the slavery question. Mr. Churchill — a keen observer and one
thoroughly acquainted with the history of this period— says that he once pos
sessed a copy of this journal, but was not able to make out from it the position
of the parties. "Annotations" No. 7, ".¦\lton Telegraph," May 19, 1865.
''Mr. Kitchell was a near relative of Joseph Kitchell, a delegate tn the
Convention from Crawford County.

SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 21
vote was decided more by policy than by principle ; but it
is possible to distinguish three classes of men in the con
vention of 1818. First, there were those who desired an
out and out proslavery Constitution; second, those who,
opposed to slavery in any form, wished an entirely free
Constitution; and third, a set of "compromisists" who
preferred to maintain as far as possible the existing sys
tem of indentures, while at the same time giving to the
State the semblance of a free Constitution." These last
seem to have been numerically the strongest, for they
succeeded in having their policy adopted. This they
accomplished by securing the adherence of the men
opposed to slavery solely on economic grounds,^ of those
who feared that Congress would reject the Constitution
if it contained a distinct provision admitting slavery,
and finally, of those opposed to slavery on principle,
who accepted the compromise in lieu of anything
better. This state of affairs in the convention does not seem
to have been clearly understood at the time by outsiders.
The general impression was that a strong movement — one
likely to succeed — was being made to secure a Constitu
tion favorable to slavery.
It was to prevent this that thirteen of the prominent
men of St. Clair, Madison, Monroe, and Washington
counties issued an "Address to the friends of Freedom in
' The leader of the convention and champion of this compromise party was
Mr. E. K. Kane, later United States Senator. He has been classed as a pro-
slavery man, but during the whole period from the election to this convention
till the vote "for" or "against" a State convention in 1824, he played the part
of an astute politician who wished to secure the favor and support of both
sides. He held slaves, however, and was possessed in the main of proslavery
sentiments. Records of County Clerk, Randolph County, where Mr. Kane's
slaves were registered, and newfspapers of period, especially the "Edwardsville
Spectator." L
* George Churchill's "Annotations," No. 7. "Alton Telegraph," May 12, 1865.
Churchill says he refused to vote for one of the antislavery candidates as a
delegate to this convention, because he (the candidate) said he believed
slavery would be an advantage to the State,

22 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the State of Illinois,"" in which they declared that
"strong exertions wih be made in the convention to give
sanction to that deplorable evil in our State, ' ' and earn
estly solicited "all true friends of freedom in every section
of the Territory to unite in opposing it both by the elec
tion of a delegate to Congress who will oppose it and by
forming meetings and preparing remonstrances to Con
gress against it." ^
The "compromisists" were, however, completely suc
cessful, as is well shown by Article VI. of the Constitution
of 1818, which embodies the work and the attitude of the
convention on this subject. The first section reads as
follows: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shah
hereafter be introduced into this State otherwise than for
the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have
been duly convicted. Nor shall any male person arrived
at the age of twenty-one years, nor any female person
arrived at the age of eighteen years, be held to serve any
person as a servant under any indenture hereafter made,
unless such person shall enter into such indenture while
in a state of perfect freedom, and on condition that a bona
fide consideration received or to be received for their ser
vice.' Nor shall any indenture of any negro or mulatto
hereafter made and executed out of this State, or if made
in this State, where the term of service exceeds one year,
be of the least validity, except those given in case of
apprenticeship." ¦*
In the second section it is provided that slaves bound
in other States shall not be hired for service in Ilhnois,
except (until the year 1825) within the district of the sah
' "Illinois intelligencer," August 5, 1818.
' Nothing further ever came of it however.
'^ This might easily be a promise of board and clothes merely.
* Constitution of 1818, Art. VI., Sec. 1.

SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 23
works near Shawneetown. Such contracts were limited to
one year, but were renewable. The third section provided
that aU contracts and indentures made before 18 18 should
be enforced, and all negroes and mulattoes should serve
out the fuU term of years for which they had been bound
under the Territorial laws. Children of indentured ser
vants were to become free, males at twenty-one years of
age, and females at eighteen."
All this, with a few modifications, was a confirmation
of the existing system. The poor negroes who were
already indentured did not have their service lessened by
a day. The limit of age at which colored people might
be indentured was reduced from thirty-five years in case
of males, and thirty-two in case of females, to twenty-one
years and eighteen years respectively. This was a slight
advance. The limiting of indentures to one year's service and
making them apparently optional with the negro was sup
posed to have practically transformed the slavery in Illi
nois into a pleasant sort of personal service. But it did
not work out that way. Nor is it likely that the majority
of the framers of this article thought that it would do so.
It was too easy to force the negroes annually into a
renewal of their indentures and the majority of the slave
holders were too anxious to retain all their property rights
and the advantages of the preexisting system of inden
tures, to allow such loosely defined regulations to hamper
them much in the management of their colored servants.
In fact, they seem never to have seriously entertained for
a moment any intention of giving up the old system of
indentures, to judge from the laws enacted the following
March (18 19) "concerning negroes and mulattoes."
' Constitution of 1818, Art. VI, Sec. 2.

24 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
These comprised the greater number of the Territorial
"Black Laws," including the right of sale or transfer of
a contract or indenture from one master to another. In
addhion, negroes were forbidden to settle or reside in the
State without a certificate of freedom; and it was made
unlawful to bring in slaves for the purpose of emancipat
ing them."
Still the one year limit placed on all the new contracts
for service was an effectual check upon the bringing in of
negroes and indenturing them for long periods of servi
tude. By April, 1819,^ this custom seems to have been
largely given up. At least there are no records of regis
trations of indentures after that date. This was greatly
aided by the increasing revulsion in public opinion against
the practice discountenanced by the new Constitution.
There was considerable uncertainty as to whether
Congress would admit Illinois under this Constitution of
18 1 8 or not. The first legislature of the State met early
in October, 1818, and proceeded to the election of United
States Senators, and of chief and associate justices for
Illinois, and to the confirming of the appointments to the
Governor's cabinet. When this httle business had been
transacted they adjourned, requesting the Governor to call
them together again when he should have ascertained that
Congress had admitted the State into the Union.' It is
evident from this unusual action that the Legislature was
very much in doubt as to the actual outcome of the Con
gressional deliberations in the matter.
' Act respecting Free Negroes, Sec. 3, Laws of Illinois, 1819, March 30, 2d
Session. /'Randolph and Madison County Indenture Registers. The last slave
registered in Madison County was David, servant of G. Pattisson, whose name
was inscribed on April 16, t8iq.
= 1st Volume of Session Laws of IHinois Legislature.
Geo. Churchill, "Annotations," No. 7, in "Alton Telegraph," for May 12,
1805. "Illinois Intelligencer," October 14 and 21, 1818.

SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 25
The question of slavery seems to have been the vital
point. On November 23, 1818, the report of the com
mittee " favoring the admission of Illinois was read in the
House for the third time. Mr. Talmadge rose in oppo
sition, "upon the ground that the Constitution was not
sufficiently conclusive in the rejection of slavery," the
article in that instrument respecting slaves being of itself
alone, in his opinion, sufficient to render the whole inad
missible. Mr. Poindexter, of Mississippi, took the lead
in favoring the admission. He thought the measure rela
tive to slavery "fraught with utility" and "an excellent
safeguard to the negro." While slavery was an evil in
his eyes, he nevertheless did not believe general emanci
pation a thing possible to obtain ; and the provision in the
Constitution of Illinois relative to the negroes seemed to
be well suited to the condition of things in that locality.
Mr. Harrison, of Ohio, supported Mr. Poindexter.
He maintained that the "compact," as he called it, of
1789, had no reference to the slaves already held in the
Northwest Territory. He regretted that the people of
Illinois had not freed their slaves as the citizens of Indiana
had done; but since her people had the sovereign right
to do as they chose with their own negroes, he did not
think the State should be excluded on a mere technicality.
The discussion was soon ended and a vote taken, which
resulted in the passage of the bill by 117 ballots for and
only 34 against. The Senate approved the bill without
discussion on December i, and Ilhnois became a State. ^
By this ready acceptance of the Constitution of IHinois,
Congress showed its approval of the theory advanced by
' Mr. Anderson, of Kentucky, was chairman.
= "Annals of Congress," Vol. HI., pp. 32 and 312.
"Debates in Congress," Vol. I., pp. 204-7.
"Illinois Intelligencer," December 23, 1818.

26 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Governor St. Clair and General Harrison, that the Ordi
nance of 1789 did not apply to negroes already held as
slaves in the Northwest at the time when it was enacted.
The labors of the compromise party in IHinois were
thus crowned with success. The State was admitted, and
the right to retain negroes as "indentured servants" was
recognized and secured.

CHAPTER IV.
THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION.
1820-1824.
The question of the admission of Missouri into the
Union was debated for the first time in Congress during
the winter of 1818 to 1819." The people of Illinois took
a hvely interest in the matter. Many were outspoken in
opposition to the formation of another slave State on their
border; and the Illinois Senators and Representatives in
Congress were severely censured because they voted
against the prohibition of slavery in Missouri. In
August, 1819, Mr. Daniel P. Cook was elected Repre
sentative, largely because his opposition to slavery was
well known. ^
This attitude of the people of Illinois on the Missouri
question, the indirect efforts of many of her citizens to
prevent the admission of that Territory as a slave State,
and the able antislavery speeches of Daniel P. Cook in
the House of Representatives during the following win
ter, drew upon the Ilhnoisans the bitter animosity of the
slaveholders of Missouri.
So deeply did the Missourians feel that they and their
cause had been injured by the attitude of the Illinoisans
that they determined upon retaliation. The remark was
commonly heard in Washington circles during the winter
' Missouri petitioned the House on March i8, 1818, and in February, 1819,
the House went into a Committee of the Whole to discuss the question.
¦^ Mr. Cook's majority was 633. OfHcial records at Springfield; also the
"Edwardsville Spectator," September 25, 1819.
27

28 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
of 1 8 19-1820 that "it would be doing nothing more than
justice to IHinois to create a reaction by engaging their
side of the river in a contest at home, which would pre
vent them from so particularly interesting themselves in
our concerns." "
Those Missourians and other Southern leaders desirous
of striking a blow at the "Yankees" of IHinois, found
ready sympathizers among the holders of indentured
negroes in IHinois, who were anxious to introduce into
their State an unlimited indenture system, or better, un
restricted slavery. A scheme was soon agreed upon by
which an attempt should be made to secure a slave con
stitution for IHinois through the calling of a general
convention for the purpose of revising the existing
Constitution. Because of the numerical superiority of settlers of
Southern birth, it was beheved that one needed only to
establish a proslavery newspaper at Edwardsville to set
such a movement in operation.^ It was agreed to support
the candidacy of Mr. Elias Kane — then a nominee for
Representative to Congress, and a well-known proslavery
sympathizer — and to establish General Joseph M. Street
as the editor of a new paper at Edwardsville, that should
advocate the introduction of slavery into Illinois. The
"IHinois Gazette," of Shawneetown, was to be purchased,
and if possible, the support of the other newspapers of
the State was to be secured for their cause. As soon as
the conditions were deemed favorable it was determined
that an attempt should be made to secure a vote in the
' Letter of a St. Louis gentleman who was in Washington during the winter
of 1819-20, to Ninian Edwards, and published by him in the "Edwardsville
Spectator," on July 25, 1820. A letter of the Rev. J. M. Peck pubhshed in the
"Free West" on May 3, 1855, and written as comment on Mr, Warren's "Remi
niscences, confirms this also.
. „' Letter to Ninian Edwards, dated at St. Louis, June 27, 1820, and printed
in the "Edwardsville Spectator" on July 25.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 29
Legislature for the caUing of a convention to revise the
State Constitution."
Unfortunately for the conspirators, Mr. Hooper War
ren, editor of the "Edwardsville Spectator," and a
staunch opponent of slavery, became cognizant of their
plans. He exposed the whole plot in an editorial on July
II, 1820, laying special emphasis on the significant fact
that a determined effort to force a slave constitution upon
the people of Ilhnois would be made within the next two
or three years.
Mr. Kane answered this editorial in a personal letter
to the "IHinois Intelligencer," dated July 13, 1820. He
denied he had been nominated by the "old slave party,"
denounced the "scheme to introduce slavery" as a com
bination that had never been thought of, and attributed
the authorship of such an idea, not to the editor of the
"Spectator," but to "the juggler behind the scenes."^
This stout denial of all connection with the so-called
slavery plot brought out within the next few weeks
extended and very convincing testimony on this point
from various leading men in the State, chief among
whom was Ninian Edwards — the "juggler behind the
scenes." It was well established in this discussion that, although
Mr. Kane might not have been personally connected with
this scheme, he must have known of its existence, and
must have been well aware that he would have the sup-

"Edwardsville Spectator" July 11, 1820, and the various letters published in
nd the "Illinois intelligencer" during the next three weeks.

the "Spectator" and

Illinois intelligencer," July 18, 1820. Ninian Edwards and Hooper Warren
have both testified that Mr. Edwards had nothing to do with the exposure of
the plot in the "Spectator" on July 11. See the "Spectator" for July 25 and
August I, 1820. Mr. Warren, in an editorial on Reminiscences in the "Free
West" for May 3, 1855, says that Kane issued a furious handbill charging Gov
ernor Edwards with having written the article in question. When Mr. Edwards
heard of it, he said "Stand your ground, Warren. I will answer Kane over my
own name."

30 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
port of the proslavery element in his candidacy for the
office of Representative."
Through the remainder of the short campaign of 1 820,
Mr. Kane continued to receive the support of the pro-
slavery papers and leaders, and was generally regarded as
the representative of the proslavery party. ^ His opponent
was Mr. Daniel P. Cook, a man of strong antislavery
principles, who had, by his superior abilities and capacity
for work, earned an enviable reputation during the previ
ous winter at Washington. He was sustained by the
antislavery element and re-elected Representative on
August 7, by the large majority of thirteen hundred and
twenty-three.' After this defeat the proslavery leaders decided to
postpone the execution of their plans for two years, in
order to give time for the allaying of the popular excite
ment caused by the exposure of their plans, and to afford
ample opportunity for the strengthening of their forces
and the maturing of their desigjis. Mr. Warren's warn
ing was soon forgotten. Some of his friends even thought
him premature and visionary; but later events have proved
the truth of his prediction.*
In 1822 a Governor, a Representative to Congress,
and a new State Legislature were to be elected. Although
there were four candidates for the gubernatorial chair,
the real contest lay between Edward Coles, a strong
antislavery man, who had come to the State from
Virginia three years before, and Joseph PhHlips, who
' Letters and communications in the "Spectator" on July ii, i8, 25, and
August 1, 8, and 29, 1820.
"See the "Ilhnois intelligencer" and the "Spectator" for July and August.
'Ofiicial returns as given in records at Springheld. The "Spectator" gives
Mr. Cook s majority as 3.036.
T 1"*^' yPP^"^?"''u° "Ear'y Days in Madison County," printed in the "Alton
Telegraph" for March 10, 1H65.
Warren's "Reminiscences,'' in the "Free West," May 3, 1855.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 31
was Chief Justice of Illinois and proslavery in his sym
pathies." There was no definite organization into proslavery and
antislavery parties; yet that question was made a promi
nent issue in the campaign. The papers of the day,
especially the "Spectator," are fuH of letters and com
munications referring to the position of the leading candi
dates on this subject. Articles attacking Judge PhiHips
for his proslavery tendencies, and accusing him of being
connected with the party desiring the introduction of
slavery into IHinois, were especially numerous.^
After an exciting contest Mr. Coles was elected by a
small plurahty of forty-six votes.' At the same time Mr.
Daniel P. Cook was again elected Representative over a
proslavery opponent, Mr. John McLean,* but in the elec
tions for the State Legislature a majority of the proslavery
candidates secured seats. '
Mr. Warren had warned the people repeatedly in the
"Spectator" that a movement was on foot to call a con
stitutional convention, and that the only way to preclude
such an event was to see to it that men of professed anti-
slavery sentiments were in the majority at the next meeting
of the Legislature. One of the proslavery newspapers —
the "Illinois Gazette" — had even boldly announced that
"exertions are making in the lower section of this State
for the purpose of introducing slavery into Illinois.""
Little if any heed was given to these warnings. The
' The other candidates were Thomas C. Brown, an Associate Judge, and
Major General James B. Moore.
" "Illinois Intelligencer," "Star of the West" (only few issues extant), and
the "Spectator" from April lo to August 24, 1822.
' Ofhcial returns, as given in "Spectator" for December 7.
* Ofificial records give Mr. Cook's majority as 874.
^ See the returns in the records at Springfield and the vote of the Legisla
ture on the Convention question as given in Appendix IV.
' Issue of April 6, 1822.

32 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
people seem to have been indifferent or unsuspicious,
refusing generally to believe that any such scheme had
ever been really seriously thought of; and no real effort
was made, except in a few communities, to secure the
election of antislavery men.
The legislature had not been in session many days
before it was evident that the proslavery men had their
plans well matured. In his inaugural address, on Decem
ber 5, 1822, Mr. Coles made an urgent request for the
repeal of the so-caHed "Black Laws" and for legislation
that would prove effective in preventing the kidnapping
of free negroes within the State. Committees were ap
pointed immediately, both in the Senate and in the House,
to consider these reforms. The Senate committee admit
ted its inability to solve these problems, asserting that
there was "no other source of remedying the evHs men
tioned by the Governor than by calling a convention to
alter the Constitution." In the House a second commit
tee ultimately produced a series of laws calculated to pre
vent kidnapping and to remove the abuses of the indenture
system, only to have them tabled. Thus every attempt
to revise the existing laws on the holding of slaves failed
completely in both Houses."
One of the most important questions in the early days
of this session was the contested election of the Repre
sentative from Pike County. The rival candidates in the
August election of that county were Nicholas Hansen and
John Shaw. Mr. Hansen was a young lawyer of moder
ate abihties, but well educated and honest, who had
opened a land office in EdwardsviHe in 1819,^ but later
¦ House and Senate Journals for December 1822. Also the reports of the
Governor s speech and action of Legislature in the "Spectator" during the
same month. *
» Advertised in the first number of the "Edwardsville Spectator," May 2q,
1819, and for a httle over a year thereafter. ¦ j m>

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 33
had been appointed Probate Judge for Pike County. John
Shaw was a clever politician who possessed little educa
tion, but through business ability and clever manipulation
had secured a controHing influence in the affairs of his
county." There were but three polling places in Pike County,
the most important of which was located at the county-
seat, Colesgrove. On the day of the election Mr. Shaw
averred there was an iHegality in the appointment of some
of the judges of election, and set up a second poHing place
in Colesgrove. Mr. James Whitney,^ the Clerk of the
County, rejected the returns from this unauthorized poll
ing place, and gave the certificate of election to Mr.
Hansen. The legality of Mr. Hansen's election was
further sustained by certificates of two justices of the
peace and by the written testimonials of Chief Justice
Reynolds and several prominent la-wyers.'
On December 4 — the day following the organization of
the House for business — the papers relating to the con
tested election of Mr. Hansen were taken up and read in
part. Mr. Shaw was admitted within the bar of the
House, and after having been approved by the committee
on elections and discussed in the "Committee of the
Whole" throughout the good part of one day, the election
' For additional particulars see:
Mr. Lippencott's letters to the "Alton Telegraph," beginning March 3, 1865,
and entitled "Early Days in Madison County."
Mr. ChurcfuH's "Annotations," No. 9, in the "Alton Telegraph" for May 10,
186;. Mr. Shaw's "Autobiography" in Reports of the Wisconsin Historical Soci
ety. Vol. II.
Mr. Brown's "Historical Sketch of the Early Movement in Illinois for
Slavery." " Whom Mr. Warren describes as an "honest, good sort of man."
^ For the contest in Pike County see "Spectator" editorial in issue of Feb
ruary 15, 1823.
Hansen's account, letter in the "Spectator," March 29, 1823.
Shaw's account, letter in the "Spectator," December 13.
Lippencott's "Early Days in Madison County," in "Alton Telegraph"
March 17, 1865.
Churchill s "Annotations," in "Alton Telegraph," May 10, 1865.

34 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
of Mr. Hansen was confirmed, on December 9, by a vote
of twenty to fourteen."
The question seems to have been decided entirely upon
its merits, irrespective of party considerations. A review
of the vote shows that Mr. Hansen was sustained by both
"Conventionists" and "Anticonventionists," whHe men
of both of these factions opposed his being seated.^ And
as Mr. Washburne suggests, "The fact of the unanimity
of the committee [on elections] is good evidence that it
was not a party question." '
The Senate committee on the reforming of the "Black
Laws" had proposed in December a resolution calhng for
a constitutional convention. This was laid on the table *
in order to delay voting until there should be present the
requisite two-thirds majority in favor of such a conven
tion. Time, too, was needed to organize and consohdate
the convention forces in both Houses. There were two
distinct groups of men favoring a convention, which must
be united. One section desired a constitutional assembly
for the purpose of introducing slavery, and the other in
order to make certain needed constitutional reforms.^
It was generally understood that, as soon as John
Grammer of Union County should arrive, there would be
a majority in the Senate in favor of a convention. His
coming was uncertain, and not expected by some. At
' House Journal of 1822-1823, page 11; see Appendix, III.
^ House Journal, pages 46, 47.
" "Sketch of Governor Coles," page 80. This has even more force when it
is remembered that all the members of this committee were proslavery men
who, if any party questions had been involved, would not have hesitated in
approving Mr. Shaw's credentials rather than Mr. Hansen's. It is affirmed by
Mr. Ford and Mr. Reynolds in their histories that Mr. Hansen was given the
seat to secure his vote for Jesse B. Thomas as Senator. There is no evi
dence that this was true. Both candidates were "convention" men, and Mr.
Ihomas was elected Senator by a substantial vote. Senate Journal, page 198.
^Senate Journal, page 28.
,.^ f ^r.- Coles's letter to Nicholas Biddle, April 22, 1823, in Washburne's
Coles, page 147.
Mr. E. J. West's letter to the "Spectator" in issue of July 12, 1823.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 35
length, on Friday, February 7, 1823, he arrived, was
sworn in, and took his seat." On Monday, February 10,
the December Resolution calling for a constitutional con
vention was taken up from the table and passed by a vote
of twelve yeas to six nays.^ Mr. Thomas Lippencott, the
Secretary of the Senate, reported the passage of the reso
lution to the House the same day.'
The conventionist leaders in the House were now nearly
ready for a decisive vote. They had been industriously
agitating the matter since the first days of the session.
Several test votes on the subject had been taken to ascer
tain the relative strength of the contending forces, notably
on January 27, when the resolution in favor of calling a
convention failed of passing by only two votes.*
It was therefore imperative to gain two more votes,
and no stone was left unturned to win over some of the
members of the opposition. All other interests feH mo
mentarily into the background while the question of a
convention occupied the thoughts of all. The excitement
increased. The proslavery element was determined to win
at any cost, and adopted for its motto, "The Convention
or Death." Promises, alluring inducements, and even
threats were freely indulged in. Numbers of "lobby mem
bers" from Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and our own
State hung about the corridors and anterooms, stimulating
popular sentiment in favor of the introduction of slavery.
News of the contest spread over the State, and instruc
tions began to pour in upon the members. At length Mr.
Ratten, of Green County, announced that he was author
ized by his constituents to vote for the convention. Mr.
' Senate Journal, page 28.
* Senate Journal, page 30.
* House Journal of 1823, page 424.
* House Journal of 1823, pages 2S6, 287.

36 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
McFatridge, of Johnson County, was won over by the
promise to remove the county seat of that county from
Vienna to Bloomfield." Success now seemed assured.
The proslavery men were jubilant.
On February 1 1 , the convention resolution of the Sen
ate was taken up in the House and put to vote. The
result astonished every one. The returns showed twenty-
three for and thirteen against the resolution ; it had there
fore faHed to pass by one vote. Some one had changed
sides at the last moment. On reading the names it was
seen at once to have been Mr. Hansen, of Pike County.''
The rage and indignation of the conventionists knew
no bounds. Hansen was assailed from all sides. His
action was not understood at the time, and all sorts of
rumors were soon afloat about him. It was said that the
Governor had bought him over by the promise of an ap
pointment to the office of Recorder of Fulton County;
but there is no foundation for such a statement.'
Mr. Hansen's own account of the affair is honest and
straightforward enough to be readily accepted as true.
He assures us that he was always opposed to a conven
tion, but voted with that party in order to gain time to
carry through certain measures of importance to his
county, feeling certain that there was no danger of a
convention resolution passing before the arrival in the
Senate of John Grammer, of Union. He was led to such
a policy by "having received repeated intimidations, and
in two instances positive declarations, that the vote of my
contested election would be reconsidered if I opposed a
' This promise was never kept.
* House Journal, pages 435, 436.
.V, ufe!"''''j°' ""^ Special Correspondent of the "Spectator" at Vandalia in
the Edwardsville Spectator" for February 15, 1823. Fulton County had just
8° °'g^™^^^ °"' °' * section of Pike. See the House Journal, pages 215, 210,

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 37
convention; and the disposition of the majority to succeed
at any rate left no doubt in my mind that such a measure
was very probable, if not certain." "
He was not free from the natural desire to retain office
when once in his seat ; but he is to be commended that he
did not allow personal ambition and the petty interests of
Pike County in the end to triumph over his political prin
ciples and the welfare of the State.
The failure to obtain the necessary two-thirds majority
in the House, caused by Mr. Hansen's change of front,
would result in a complete defeat of the measure unless a
reconsideration of the vote could be effected. As soon as
the result of the ballot was known, Mr. Daimwood (a
conventionist) therefore moved to reconsider, but he was
ruled out of order by the Speaker, whose decision was
sustained by a vote of the House. The House then
adjourned for the day amid considerable confusion and
excitement.^ That night — the nth of February — there was a public
indignation meeting held in the State House, where
speeches were made by lobby members and a popular
movement inaugurated to intimidate the minority party.
When the meeting was over, a crowd of men and boys
burnt Hansen in effigy, and marched about the streets of
Vandalia beating drums, blowing horns, and shouting,
"The Convention or Death." They paraded before the
residences of Mr. Churchill and other members of the
minority, where "three groans for ChurchiH," Hansen,
and others, and "three cheers for the Convention" were
' Mr. Hansen's "Address to the Public," dated March 20, and published in
the "Spectator" March 29. This attempt to intimidate Mr. Hansen is corrobo
rated bv Thomas Lippencott (the Secretary of the Senate) and Mr. George
Churchill (a member of the House at the time) in their Reminiscences in the
".41ton Telegraph," March 17 and June 2, 1865.
' House Journal, pages 43-46.

38 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
given." It was thought that such a demonstration would
serve to frighten some of the opposition into a recession
from their position.
The same night it was argued among the convention
leaders that Mr. Hansen must be turned out and Mr.
Shaw seated in his place. Some of the members of the
House even signed an agreement with this object in view.^
The following morning, contrary to customary parlia
mentary rules,' it was voted to reconsider the question of
the election of Mr. Hansen. The documents relative to
that subject were produced and reread; but the only new
evidence submitted was the affidavit of Levi Roberts,'
dated January 28, 1823, testifying that in his opinion Mr.
Shaw had been elected Representative of Pike County by
a majority of twenty-nine votes. In the debate which
followed neither Mr. Field nor any of the other members
of the majority advanced convincing or satisfactory argu
ments in favor of Mr. Shaw's right to the seat.
' "Spectator," February 15, 1823, letter from Vandalia correspondent.
"Spectator," March 8, 1823, letter from "a member."
"Spectator," April 19, 1823, letter from "a lobby member."
"Spectator," September 27, 1823, letter signed by the "Stenographer of the
Caucus." Mr. Churchill's "Annotations," No. 13, 14, 15, in the "Alton Telegraph" of
June 30th, July and August 11, 1865.
Mr. Lippencott's "Early Days in Madison County,'' "Alton Telegraph,"
April 7, 1865.
According to Mr. Churchill a local poet wrote up this affair as follows (in
part); "And those we'd reason to suspect.
Subscribed a bond to that effect.*
*To remove Mr. Hansen and seat Mr. Shaw in his place.
With this the meeting then broke up
And sallied forth to take a cup
Of good hot new Convention Whiskey,
In order to feel fine and frisky."
Then after describing the burning of Hansen in effigy and the torchlight
procession, he closes the scene with
"Till tired at last we skulked to bed
And rested many an aching head."
» A writer who signs himself "A Republican" in an article printed in the
"Spectator," February 3, 1824, says that eighteen members signed this bond.
= Rule No. 20 of Jefferson's Manual (then the standard authority for all
Legislative bodies) reads: — "Nor shall any motion for reconsideration be in
order unless made on the same day on which the vote was taken or within the
next two days of the actual session of the Senate thereafter."
* A personal friend of Mr. Shaw and a resident of Pike County.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 39
On the other hand, the defense of Mr. Hansen was
most ably conducted by Mr. Churchill and Mr. Mather.
They argued, with reason, that the decision of the House,
based on a satisfactory report of its committee on elec
tions, ought not to be reversed merely on the presentation
of such slight and insufficient new evidence; and they
emphasized the injustice of removing Mr. Hansen at that
late date without allowing him an opportunity of procur
ing new testimony. All in vain. The Conventionists
were determined to force the issue at any cost, and a
resolution giving the contested seat to Mr. Shaw was
hurried through by a vote of twenty-one to fourteen."
Certain, at length, of a controlling vote, the majority
hastened to complete their work. The ruling of the
Speaker that Mr. Daimwood was out of order, in moving,
on the pre'vious day, a reconsideration of the convention
resolution, was reversed, and the original motion favor
ing a convention was taken up and passed by a ballot
of twenty-four to twelve with the aid of John Shaw's
vote.'* The convention forces were jubilant, and that night
their victory was celebrated by another noisy street parade.
But "murder wiH out," and within three days the whole
proceedings of the sessions of February ii and 12 were
made public by the "IHinois Intelligencer." It was
asserted in addition, that the real object of the Conven
tionists was the introduction of slavery into the State.'
¦ House Journal, pages 440-445.
^ House Journal, page 446.
' Editorial, written by the Junior Editor, Mr. W. H. Brown, in the "Intelli
gencer" for February 15, 1823. For this Mr. Brown was forced to sell out his
interest in the paper to Mr. Berry, a Conventionist member of the House, who
was associated witfi him as Editor.
See also article signed "A. B.' in the "Intelhgencer," February 15.
Editorial in the "Spectator," February 22.
After Mr. Brown's editorial appeared the feeling in Vandalia was so strong
against the paper that a mob collected in front of the office and threatened to
destroy the press.

40 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
This the friends of the convention tried in vain to
deny. The story of the contest in the Legislative halls
— often exaggerated and grossly overdrawn in details
— spread rapidly over the State, and everywhere the
outrage of unseating Mr. Hansen worked to their disad
vantage. No time was lost in opening the campaign. The
Legislature," having accomplished nothing of lasting im
portance to the State, adjourned on February i8, but on
the 15th the leading Conventionists had held a public
meeting in Vandalia and drawn up "An Appeal to the
citizens of IHinois."
The policy of the Conventionists at first seems to have
been to separate the question of slavery from that of the
convention. In their "Appeal" ^ no mention was made
of slavery, but the calling of a convention was urged on
the ground that several imperative reforms in the State
Constitution demanded it. The connection of the two
issues was denied in the "Illinois Intelligencer." ' Some
of the leading Conventionists announced with naive frank
ness that the two questions were quite distinct,* but for
the most part no mention was made of slavery at first in
the public speeches or published articles of the friends of
the convention.
The opponents of a constitutional convention hastened
' In the "Spectator" for March i, 1823, there appeared the following
"Beneath this cold and earthly pall.
Sleeps soft a Legislature,
Whom all the world, I think will call
A black, infernal creature.
His beauty bloomed! Oh what a pink!
His death. Oh what a chasm !
But sure the world will laugh to think
The D  safely has 'im."
' Pubhshed in the "Spectator," March i, 1823.
' Mr. Berry's editorials in the March issues.
•For instance, Mr. E. J. Vilest in letter to "Spectator" pubhshed July 12.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 41
to answer the "Appeal" of the Conventionists in another
"Appeal to the People of IHinois," dated February 18,
and signed by fifteen members of the minority party in
the Legislature just adjourned. They denounced the
recent action of the Senate and House in favor of a con
vention as a movement for the introduction of slavery into
IHinois, and urged the people in eloquent and imperative
terms to give the subject their most earnest consideration,
and to rise in the defense of freedom."
The struggle was now on. Both parties organized
their forces early. The Conventionists placed the general
direction of their campaign in the hands of a central
committee of ten, resident at Vandalia, and appointed
sub-committees in every county and township. There
were on an average fifteen men at work in each
county as "recruiting sergeants"; but at times there
were nearly double that number actively engaged for
a month or six weeks previous to some great convention
rally.' The Anticonventionists held a secret meeting on Febru
ary 18 at a house where several of them boarded, and
contented themselves for the present with simply appoint
ing a committee to raise funds, requesting the Rev.
Thomas Lippencott to make sure that the "Edwards-
vHle Spectator" would support their cause, and con-
' "Spectator" March i, 1823. The names of the signers were; Ridson
Moore, William Kinkade, G. Cadwell. A. Bankson, Zach. Ogle, Curtiss Blake-
man, Abram Cairnes, Thos. Mather, Wm. Lowry, James Sims, Daniel Parker,
Geo. Churchill, Gilbert T. Pell. D. McGahey, and S. Stillman. There were
three others who voted against this convention resolution, namely, Emmitt,
Frazier, and Pugh, who did not sign this appeal. Very likely, as Mr. Wash
burne suggests, they had gone home, or could not be found in time to secure
their signatures.
' "Spectator." August 16, 1823, and April 13, 1824.
Governor Coles's letters to Robert Vaux and Morris Birkbeck, dated
December 11, 1823, and January 29, 1824, published in Washburne's "Coles,"'
pages 162 and 182.
In Madison County the Conventionists had twenty-five men at work
between June 28 and August 9, the latter being the date of one of their special
meetings.

42 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
tributing money for the immediate publication of their
appeal." At first the weight of influence and power seemed to
be on the side of the Conventionists. A majority of the
leading politicians, such as ex-Governor Bond, Judge
PhiHips, Elias Kane, T. W. Smith, and Benjamin West,
were enlisted in their cause. ^ The press of the South, as
weH as the papers of St. Louis, which had a considerable
circulation in Illinois at the time, supported them. They
controHed four out of the five newspapers of the State,'
while in the extreme south of IHinois there existed already
a strong sentiment in favor of the introduction of slavery.
The Anticonventionists did not lack able leaders. In
their ranks we find Governor Coles, displaying more than
usual activity and energy; Samuel D. Lockwood, judge
of the Probate Court; Thomas Mather and George
ChurchHl, leaders of the minority in the recent Legisla
ture; J. M. Peck, the preacher and agent of the American
Bible Society; Thomas Lippencott, secretary of the IHi
nois Senate ; and Hooper Warren, the talented editor of
'For the proceedings of this meeting, see "Alton Courier," July 15,
1858; and,
a. Copy of the list of subscriptions, etc., in writing and signed on back by
Captain CTurtiss Biakeman, dated February 15, 1823, in Appendix III. C.
b. "Spectator," June 28, 1823. Letter describing same by Thomas Lippen
cott to "Illinois Intelligencer" for June 12.
c. Lippencott "Early Days in Madison County," No. 37 in "Alton Tele
graph" for April 7, 1865.
^ For a more complete list see the "Intelligencer" and "Spectator" lor
1823-1824, especially the issue of March i, 1823.
Reynolds, "History of Illinois," page 154.
= Mr. Coles's Letter to Nicholas Biddle, April 22, 1823 (Washburne, p. 147).
The "Illinois Intelligencer," owned by Wm. Berry, a member of the "Con
vention majority" in the House, was their leading organ.
The "Shawneetown Gazette," edited by Henry iiddy, favored their cause,
but was sufficiently broad minded to publish the famous "Jonathan Freeman
Letters" of Morris Birkbeck.
The "Star of the West" was started at Edwardsville on September 14,
1822, but failed before the end of the contest.
The "Illinois Republican" (which replaced the "Star of the West" at
Edwardsville under the editorship of T. W. Smith) and the "Repubhcan Advo
cate" were less pronounced on the subject of slavery.
'They made an effort to wm over the fifth, the "Edwardsville Spectator"
also, but in vain. ("Spectator," May 10, 1823.)

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 43
the "Edwardsville Spectator." Whh one exception,"
these opponents of the convention worked together in
complete harmony. They displayed everywhere the
greatest activity. Societies^ with secretaries of corre
spondence, and financial committees were organized in
many counties. "No Convention and Freedom" was
taken as a motto; and every energy was devoted to the
task of agitation. It is a notable fact, moreover, that a
large number of ministers took part in the contest, and
always on the side of the Anticonventionists.'
The chief strength of the opponents of the convention
lay in the number of gifted writers and thinkers who
enlisted in their cause. Many of the articles written by
them were so exceedingly well conceived and so cleverly
put that the Conventionist writers were never able to con
trovert them. In reading over the fragments of this con-

' Governor Coles and Hooper Warren had a disagreement over the policy
to be pursued by the antislavery element on the opening of Governor Coles's
administration. The Governor thought he ought to inaugurate a campaign
against slavery in his inaugural address by advocating the repeal of the "Black
Laws," while Warren said that such an action was inexpedient and would pre
cipitate the convention question. Warren criticised Governor Coles's action
in this regard rather severely through his paper, which act displeased Mr.
Coles, and he refrained from contributing much to Mr. Warren's paper during
the contest over the vote for a convention.
Lippencott's "Early Days in Madison County," Nos. 37 and 39, in "Alton
Telegraph," April 7 and 21, 1865.
Churchill —"Annotations" — March 10, 1865, in "Alton^ Telegraph," quotes
Governor Coles's letters to him on subject.
'Societies were founded;
Madison County, July 4, "Spectator," July 12, 1823.
Monroe County, May 31, "Spectator," May 31, 1823.
Sangamon County, July 4, "Spectator," May 31, 1823.
Edgar County, July 4, "Spectator," August 9, 1823.
Pike County, July 4, "Spectator," August 9, 1823.
Greene County, July 4, "Spectator," August 9, 1823.
Morgan County, July 4, "Spectator," August 30, 1823.
Lawrence County, August 11, "Spectator," September 6, 1823.
Piason Township, Greene County, "Spectator," September 20, 1823.
White County, December 27, "Spectator," March 16. 1824.
St. Clair County, March 22, "Spectator," April 12, 1823.
Bond County, "Spectator,' March 21, 1823.
See also J. M. Peck's letter. No. 3, in the "Free West," May 3, 1855.
' Rev. Mr. Peck assures us that there were thirty present at the formation
of the St. Clair Anticonvention Society. The Rev. Thomas Lippencott was
prominent in the Madison County Society, and a number of other clergymen
contributed articles to the "Spectator."

44 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
test which stiH remain, one is struck with the superior
exceHence of these antislavery papers." The arguments
of their opponents in comparison seem singularly lacking
in force, in logic, and in originality. No Conventionist
ever produced anything equal to Morris Birkbeck's^ "Let
ters of Jonathan Freeman, "^ which caught the public mind as
perhaps few political treatises have ever done in this State.
The extended interval which must elapse between the
adjournment of the Legislature in February, 1823, and
the next general election in August, 1824, was another
item in favor of the Anticonventionists. It gave time to
arouse public sentiment in their favor and permitted them
to profit by the rapidly increasing immigration into the
State from the East and North. In the year 1823 three
new counties — Morgan, Marion, and Edgar — were organ
ized, each one of which was settled largely by antislavery
men.* This was a promising sign for the opponents of
the convention, since nearly every person opposed to
slavery was also an opponent of the convention or became
such by the time the election arrived.
' See numerous articles in the "Spectator," 1823-24, signed by "Laocoon,''
"A Looker On," "A Friend to Liberty," "A Republican," "Aristides," "Benev-
olus," "Freedom," "Josiah Wright," "A Citizen of St. Clair County," "A Sixty-
sixter," "A Friend to Illinois, ' and "One in Many" (Governor Coles), etc.
After Coles purchased the "Illinois Intelligencer," he says "there were very
few numbers of that paper which did not contain something from my pen."
This vvas during a period of three months just before the election, namely, from
May nth to August 2d. This work included a series of articles, which were
intended to summarize the speeches and writings of the most celebrated men
of Europe and America on the question of slavery, and which were published
under the title of " The Voice of Virtue, Wisdom, and Experience on the Sub
ject of Negro Slavery." Besides this, he did a great work in procuring and
publishing, at his own expense, numerous pamphlets, or popular works in
pamphlet form, on slavery that could be obtained through an extensive corre
spondence, largely in the East. Among others, his friend Robert Vaux, of
Philadelphia, contributed several articles. Then he assisted his party with
advice and support, especially the "Anticonvention Society" at Edwardsville.
See Coles's letter to Lippencott, published in "Alton Telegraph," April
21, 1865. ' An Englishman and farmer of Edwards County, one of the pioneer set
tlers of the State.
" Published in the "Shawneetown Gazette.'
' .'\ll three gave Anticonvention majorities in 1824.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 45
Meanwhile the work of agitation was being vigorously
pushed by both parties. Speeches were made in aH the
county seats and leading towns. At every public dinner
toasts were given on one side of the question or on the
other. Thousands of pamphlets were printed and dis
tributed broadcast," whOe through the press the contest
was carried on with nearly equal vigor on both sides.
The Conventionists were no longer able to ignore the
connection of slavery with the movement for a con
vention; and in June, 1823, they boldlv admitted the
fact.' As the time for the election approached, the excite
ment increased. AH sorts of accusations were hurled
against the leaders of both parties. The feeling became
bitter and intense between the contending forces. Per
sonal encounters were not infrequent. Liquor flowed
freely, especially in the so-caHed "Convention groceries,"
where the leading political questions were discussed day
and night, and where every one who entered was forced
to give "three cheers for the Convention," whether he
knew what this meant or not. The spirit manifested
throughout the contest by the Conventionists was vindic
tive and abusive, while the discussions of the antislavery
men were dignified and convincing in tone.'
' Large numbers were sent in packages and boxes to various central points
for distribution. Governor Coles is accredited with having furnished most of
the money used for this purpose. See "Free West," May 3, 1855.
' The editor of the "Shawneetown Gazette" declared on June 14, 1823, that
the people of the region of the salt mines are all determined to have slavery in
some form, and intend to use the convention to that end.
' A comparison of the toasts given at the public dinners ol the two con
tending parties stiows this most clearly. Among those given by Convention
ists we find these: "The Convention — The means of introducing and spread
ing the African family." (Three cheers.) "The Enemies of the Convention-
May they ride a porcupine saddle on a hard trotting horse a long way without
money or friends." "May those individuals who are opposed to our cause, be
fore the next election abandon the State of Illinois; and then we will have a free
silver circulation, combined with a numerous black population." "The State
of Illinois— The ground is good, prairies in abundance. Give us plenty of
negroes, a little industry, and she will distribute her treasures." "Slavery— A

46 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The press of Ohio and of the East endeavored to
support the Anticonventionists. But these efforts were
neutralized by the irritation caused among many well-
meaning citizens, by their continued haranguing on the
rights of the Federal Government, and what it would do
in case IHinois adopted a slave constitution."
At length two events occurred which turned the scale
in favor of the antislavery party. On December 9, 1823,'
the State House at Vandalia was set on fire by a mob
which paraded the streets shouting "the State House or
Death, ' ' and burned Governor Coles in effigy amid mournful
groans. These proceedings were laid at the door of the con
vention party, and it never successfully denied the charge.'
In the spring of 1824 the "IHinois Intelligencer," the
chief organ of the Conventionists, became financially em
barrassed. The leaders of that party faHed to come to
the assistance of the editor, either because they did not
reahze the seriousness of the situation or because their
own finances were running low. In May, Mr. Berry was
political hobby-horse which some of our great men have loved to saddle. (Six
cheers. Go to the D  and shake yourself.)"*
And among the anticonvention toasts there were the following; "The
Crisis — It is big with the fate of Illinois, and requires every friend of freedom
to rally under the banners of the Constitution.' f "The Freedom of the Late
Northwest — May it be like the little stone that was cut out without hands, and
became a great mountain and filled the earth." (Nine cheers.) "The Con
vention or no Convention — The world listens to hear the decision of our moral
and political character pronounced by ourselves." (Six cheers. )t "We have
confidence in the people of Illinois to support a free constitution and prohibit
slavery; if we should be disappointed in the people, we still have confidence in
the general government." (Six cheers )§
* "Spectator" for July ii and 23. 1823.
t Given by Governor Coles at dinnet given in Edwardsville in his honor on
Bth of March, 1823. "Spectator," March 8, 1823.
t Given at dinner of Sangamon County Anticonventionists, held in honor of
Coles and Cook on July 4, 1823. "Spectator," July 8, 1823.
§ "Spectator," July 23, 1823.
' See Coles's letter to Nicholas Biddle, dated September 18, 1823, and given
in Washburne, page 159. And "Trenton True American," "Philadelphia
National Gazette," "Chilicothe (Ohio) Gazette," "Circleville (Ohio) Ohio
Branch," "Cincinnati National Republic," and the "Spectator," May 3, 1823,
May 10, 1823, June 14, 1823, and June 21, 1823.
^"Spectator," December 13, 1823.
"The purpose of the burning is not known, unless it was to destroy the
records of the previous Session of the Legislature, which showed up clearly the
corruption practised by the Conventionists.

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 47
forced to close his doors. The news reached Mr. Coles,
who hastened to purchase the paper and to place it in the
hands of Mr. Samuel D. Lockwood as editor."
The antislavery partisans were jubilant, while the Con
ventionists were astonished and chagrined. Three months
yet remained before the election, and the "Intelligencer"
was used by the Anticonventionists throughout all that
time to great advantage. Governor Coles ordered the
paper to be sent regularly to aH the old subscribers, no
matter if they ordered it to be discontinued or refused
to pay for it. In this way large numbers of citizens were
reached whom the antislavery party could not hope to
touch through any other channel.
The August election day drew near. Signs of the
weakening of the convention boom were seen in the fail
ure of the "convention groceries" here and there. ^ The
Anticonventionists took great care to warn the people
against spurious ballots, and Mr. Warren printed the act
of the Legislature containing the regulations for voting
"for" or "against" a convention in the "Spectator."'
Nevertheless, the Conventionists printed cleverly arranged
baHots, which in the hands of ignorant or careless people
might easily be cast for 'the convention, when the holders
really intended to vote against it.*
' "Illinois Intelligencer," May ii, 1823 — Berry and David Blackwell were
then owners of the "intelligencer." In order not to arouse the suspicions of
the Conventionists, Coles loaned Blackwell the money to buy out Berry and
gay up debts of the paper, on condition that the paper be put into Coles's
ands for editorship, until the pending political contest should be decided.
See also Coles's letter to Thomas Lippencott, printed in Lippencott s "Early
Days in Madison County," No. 40, ".\lton Telegraph," May 5, i86s. Peck, in
the "Free West," May 3, 1855.
' "Spectator," July 6, 1824, and following numbers.
' "Spectator," July 13.
*One of these ballots has been preserved. It reads;
"People's Ballot.
"For a new Constitution.
"For the article prohibiting banks.
"For the exclusion of negroes and mulattoes.
"No right of suffrage or office for negroes and mulattoes.
"For laws excluding negroes and mulattoes from coming into and vot
ing in the State."

48 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The 2d of August came. At the polls the antislavery
men were confident and jubilant, the Conventionists deter
mined but despondent. The result was a decided victory
for the opponents of the convention. The figures were
4,972 votes for, and 6,640 against, or a majority of 1,668
votes against the convention out of a total ballot of 11,612."
At the same time Mr. Daniel Cook (antislavery) was
elected Representative over Ex-Governor Bond (proslav
ery) by a large majority,^ and the Anticonventionists made
substantial gains in the elections to the State Legislature.'
The results of this victory to the State and people of
Illinois were considerable. The question. Shall IHinois
be ranked among the slave States? was settled once and
forever. Emigration from the South was checked, be
cause Southerners would not go to a country where the
prospects of retaining their slaves were extremely limited.
On the other hand, the door was more effectually opened
to emigrants from the North and from the East; and
within six years they had poured into Central and North
ern Illinois so numerously as to preclude the possibility of
the proslavery element ever gaining supreme control in
State affairs. Thus the character of immigration to our
State was early determined; and the predominance of
antislavery sympathizers made the problems of later
generations easier to solve.''
' Official returns as given in records at Springfield.
* Official returns give 3,016 as Mr. Cook's majority.
=* Official returns — In the House the parties stood; 22 antislavery, 14 pro-
slavery; Senate, 11 proslavery, 7 or 8 antislavery. "The exact status in the
Senate, after the election, is most difficult to determine. The vote on January
18, 1825, resulted in a defeat for Morris Birkbeck (for Secretary of State) by 7
ballots (antislavery) to 10 (proslavery). However, one or more Senators were
absent, and one proslavery man (Widen) voted for Birkbeck.
¦"It is not claimed here that the Southern element already in the State did
not play an important role in later Illinois history; but if the people had been
evenly divided on the question of negro servitude, the contest over that subject
in the State would have been vastly more severe, and more difficult to settle.
If the majority had been proslavery men, there is not much doubt that the
State might have been divided at the opening of the Civil 'War

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 49
It was a great advantage economically, moreover, that
the institution of slavery was thus early excluded from the
prairies of Illinois. If it had been encouraged, slave
labor would have driven out aH other labor, the want of
independent, energetic, and progressive farmers would
have been felt, and the development of the country very
materially retarded. Further, the State was saved a
lengthy contest with the Federal Government on the
question of its right to change its practically free Consti
tution, on the basis of which it had been admitted into the
Union, for one which recognized the institution of slavery."
' The Constitution of 1818 was not submitted to the people for approval;
and doubtless the proposed one would not have been. Therefore the vote of
1824 was the only opportunity for the people to show their will.

CHAPTER V.
NEGRO SERVITUDE UNDER THE CONSTI
TUTION OF 1818.
The triumph of the Anticonventionists in IHinois was
generally regarded, both in the North and South, as an
antislavery -victory, and the prevailing opinion seems to
have been that a strong antislavery party existed within
the State. The population at once increased rapidly
through immigration, so that the number of inhabitants
rose from 55,211, in 1820,^ to 71,309, in 1825,^ and
attained the remarkable figure of 157,575 by 1830."
Within the same ten years thirty-four new counties were
organized, of which twenty-nine were settled chiefly by
Eastern men and but five by men of Southern sympathies.'
One might naturally infer from this, that a strong anti-
slavery party would be evolved from the anticonvention
party as a nucleus, or at least a powerful antislavery senti
ment created during the decade from 1820 to 1830, which
would have brought about the dissolution of the indenture
system. Nothing of the kind occurred. No antislavery
movement of any sort grew out of the contest of 1 823-1 824.
With the vote in August, 1824, the organization of the
Anticonventionists fell to the ground. The discussion of
slavery in the papers ceased.* People generally stopped
' United States Census, 1820 and 1830.
= State Census of 1825, as given in the "Spectator," January 14, 1826.
» Vote by counties on the convention in the records of the Secretary of
State; List of counties and date of organization given in Moses' "Illinois,"
Appendix, Vols. 1 and II; and on Blanchard's map of Ilhnois.
'The "Spectator" and "Intelligencer" from August, 1824, to lanuary, 1826,
contain but one article, "Total Abolition," in "Spectator," Novem'ber 2, 1824.
50

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 51
talking about it, and it played no vital part in the selec
tion of a United States Senator in 1826," or in the popu
lar elections of 1826, 1828, and 1830.^ The subject of
slavery seems to have been dropped by common consent.
The Anticonventionists, joyous over their victory, felt no
desire to carry the matter further, since the State was safe
from slavery for all time. The Conventionists were
anxious to see the topics of slavery and convention sink
as rapidly as possible into oblivion. They desired to
regain popularity and to be free from the taint of associa
tion in the scheme to make IHinois a slave State. So the
subject was allowed to fade quietly out of mind, no word
even being raised against the holding of negroes as inden
tured servants.
The courts sustained masters in their right to hold
slaves,' and the Legislature showed little disposition to
repeal the "Black Laws" of 18 19. In 1825 the freeing
of negroes who had lately come within the State was
made possible under certain conditions,* but no law was
enacted which altered in any way the existing contracts
for personal service. In fact, the disposition was to
strengthen rather than to weaken the position of the
master. In 1827 and 1829 laws were passed forbidding negroes
to act as witnesses in the courts against any white person,
and prohibiting them from suing for their freedom.*
Judges were ordered not to grant freedom to slaves, but
' Between E. K. Kane and John McLean, "Spectator," December 7, and
November 30, 1824; Senate Journal, p. 38.
'There is no mention of slavery in the "Spectator" or Intelligencer" in the
weeks preceding these elections.
'Cornelius v. Cohen, in 1825, HI. Supreme Court Decisions, "Breeze,"
page 131.
Nance v. Howard, in 1828, "Breeze," page 242.
'Senate Journal, page 170 (1825); Home Journal, page 162.
'Session Laws, 1827, "An Act Concerning Practice."

52 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
to turn them over to the sheriff, who should send them
back to their owners." This last referred primarily to
fugitives from the Southern States, but it applied equally
well to the Illinois servants. It was provided, in addition,
in 1826, that aH slaves who attempted to escape must
serve extra time in payment for the expenses of recapture.^
The number of negroes held in Illinois under the in
denture system gradually decreased. In 1830 there were
only seven hundred and forty-six.' This was due to
deaths, removals from the State, expiration of indenture
contracts, and the granting of freedom papers.'' There
were comparatively few persons, however, like J. S.
Colton and Joseph Atwater, of Madison County, who
freed their slaves on principle. They were too valuable
property to be parted with easily. Usually we find mas
ters granting freedom to their negroes, because, "he has
compensated me by his labor and money for the amount
I paid for him, viz., $825"; ° or, because "she has served
out her time faithfully." "
Negroes were not only retained in servitude after 1824,
but they were sold and transferred from master to master
just as before the adoption of the new Constitution.
There are biHs of sale still preserved, dated as late as
1837,' and one in 1848. The newspapers contained
' Session Laws, 1829, "An Act on Negroes," etc.
* Session Laws, 182b, "An Act Concerning Apprentices."
^ United States Census for 1830.
*See the records of St. Clair, Madison, Randolph, and Gallatin counties.
'St. Clair County "Register of Negroes and Mulattoes," case of William
Ross, freed by Elizabeth Padfield on October 29, 1841.
' Records of Gallatin County, case of Sarah Hargrave, freed by Henry Eddy
on February i2t 1848.
' Records of Madison County, bills of sale of] ^ gl^tn'oSeJ' if iW-
Records of Greene County, bills of sale of three negroes, December 7, 1835,
and seven on September 18, 1848.
Deed Records of Jackson County (p. 466), sale of 'VVilkenson Dumbaley by
John Logan, July 3, 1837, etc.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 53
advertisements of negroes for sale, or wanted, tHl 1826.
Colored persons found in the State without freedom
papers and unclaimed by masters were arrested and sold
at auction by the county sheriffs. Notices of these
sheriff-sales appeared as late as 1853." In most cases of
this kind, the negroes were bound out only for one month
or a year.
It is quite impossible to determine when the last of
these indentured servants secured his (or her) freedom,
owing to the great difficulty of procuring accurate knowl
edge regarding all the cases. It is safe to assume, how
ever, that many were not set at liberty tiH after the
Supreme Court decision of 1845.^
For the most part, they seem to have been weH treated;
yet, during the years from 1820 to 1826 a large number
of cases of runaway negroes were reported. They were
pursued, and rewards were offered for their capture.
Judging from the length of time these fugitives were
advertised, it appears more than likely that few if any
were retaken. There are no cases mentioned after 1826,
and one may safely conclude that, either the lot of the
negro was pleasanter after that date, or that he was more
contented. At that time, however, there were two good reasons
why the slaves should remain satisfied with their lot.
These were, the almost unbearable position of the free
' "Alton Telegraph," January 26, 1853; "Chicago Journal," July i, 1853; etc.
° There are several cases dated later than 184J, reported in the county
records that 1 have examined, especially the case of Cynthia Prater, freed by
S. D. Marshall on August 31, 1853; Gallatin County Records, 1853; see also;
Madison County "Slave papers," case oi Amos, held by Henry Bienvenul
(of XC^slC3Slf 13^
St. Clair (i'ounty Records (June 22, 1848), will of Michael LaCroix shows
slaves held.
St. Clair County Records (March 25, 1844), will of D. Coons, gives girl
Charlotte to wife to be free on wife's death.
Madison County, the West family held slaves till 1845; personal testimony
of E. W. West, of Belleville.

54 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
colored people in the State, and the barbarous practice
of kidnapping all unattached negroes. The former was
caused by the strong public sentiment against the intro
duction of free negroes into the State, and the stringent
statutes which deprived them of all civil and political
rights, and tolerated their presence on the soH of IHinois
merely as an unavoidable evil. The latter was begun as
early as 1816," but by 1822-1823 it had assumed such
proportions that it was condemned by the press, and the
Legislature was appealed to frequently to put a stop to it.^
At length, in 1825, an "Act to More Effectually Pre
vent Kidnapping" was passed, in which this nefarious
practice was forbidden under penalty of the piUory,
together with twenty-five to one hundred stripes, or of a
thousand doHars' fine. This does not seem to have
proved effectual, however. There is no evidence that
any attempt even was made to enforce the law rigidly;
while, on the other hand, kidnapping increased rapidly
until it assumed the proportions of an established enter
prise.' Two or three men were usually associated together for
this business. One would establish himself at St. Louis,
or at one of the other border towns, and work up a repu
tation as a seller of slaves. The others would move about
the Illinois counties on the lookout for negroes — slave or
free. The freebooters never stopped to inquire whether
a colored person was free or not. The question simply
was, could he be carried off in safety? The chances of
pursuit were less if the negro had no owner or interested
' "Edwardsville Spectator," August 4, 1819; "Western Spy" (Cincinnati),
July 2S, June 8 and 28, 1817.
-"Missouri Republican" (St. Louis), April 10,1822; "Edwardsville Specta
tor," September 21, 1822, June 7, 1823, etc.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1825 (Act dated January 18); later enactments were
made January 6, 1827; 1831; February 26, 1833; February 15, 1855; under "Crimi
nal Code.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 55
friends. The slave-hunters seized their victims secretly,
or enticed them to accompany them under false promises,
placed them in wagons, and drove as rapidly as possible
to the borders of the State. They usually succeeded in
getting several hours' start of the county sheriff, or other
persons likely to pursue them, and escaped in safety.
Occasionally, however, they were overtaken and com
pelled to release their prey."
Another method of procedure, which grew more popu
lar as the danger of pursuit and recapture increased, was
to carry the negroes to some spot on the Mississippi or
Ohio River. Once there, they were smuggled on board
ships and forwarded to Memphis or New Orleans, where
they were sold into slavery. Young able-bodied negroes
brought good prices. One could hardly fail to make less
than one hundred doHars on a slave. Often it was very
much more, and consequently kidnapping proved a profit
able business.^
To evade the letter of the law, a scheme was devised
by which the negroes were taken from county to county
by different men and finally delivered to agents from the
South within the limits of IHinois. Thus residents of IHi
nois were in no way guilty of abducting negroes out of the
State. The kidnappers were, moreover, materially aided by
the laws regarding colored people. No free negro or
' Testimony of Nathaniel Niles, of Belleville, and other old residents of cen
tral and southern Illinois. See also Mr. Eastman's papers at the Chicago His
torical .Society, and Mr. George M. McConnell's article on "Illinois and its
People," in the Proceedings of the Illinois Historical Society No. 7.
^ The "Illinois Spectator," 1825-1826. The most noted of the negro-stealers
who operated with St. Louis and lllinoistown (now East St. Louis) as a base
were James Duncan, Joseph McAdams, and Mose Twist. A prominent resi
dent of Shawneetown — Mr. John C — had a cave near by on the Wabash River,
where he used to secrete negroes until he could send them south on the Ohio
River boats.
Interesting accounts of attempted kidnapping are given in Mr. Eastman's
papers (also copied in Vol. I of Andreas's "History of Chicago") and in Mr.
McConnell's article, referred to above.

56 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
mulatto could settle or reside in the State without a cer
tificate of freedom." This certificate must be shown to
the Commissioner's Court of the county in which resi
dence was desired. In addition, a bond of a thousand
doHars had to be furnished as security that the negro
would obey the laws and not become a county charge.
Further, it was illegal for any person to hire a negro who
possessed no certificate of freedom. The unfortunate
individuals who had no certificates were to be advertised
by a justice of peace, or by a county sheriff, and bound
out to service again by the year or month. ^ Under such
conditions, any negro who entered the State as a free man
without a duly certified testimonial of freedom, or who
became free within the State by completing his required
term of apprenticeship without receiving papers from his
master acknowledging this fact, was a legitimate prey of
the kidnappers.
In course of time, numbers of runaway slaves appeared
in IHinois, who were of course included in this class of
uncertified free negroes. Consequently — and particularly
since they were known to the fugitives from Southern
plantations — they became especial objects of pursuit for
the kidnappers. The pretense of a master pursuing his
escaping property under sanction of the fugitive slave
laws was an excellent subterfuge. This was made use
of by the kidnappers not only to seize negroes known to
be runaway slaves but to get possession of many free and
unsuspecting colored persons.
The majority of Illinoisans were opposed to the prac-
' statutes of Illinois, 1819, March 30, "Act concerning free negroes," etc.
bee. i; also in Revised Statutes of 1845 and approved.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1819 Sec. 7, "Act concerning free negroes," etc.
Statutes of Illinois, 1829, Sec. 2, "Act concerning free negroes," etc.
Statutes of Illinois, 1853 (February 12), Sec. 4, "Act to prevent immigra
tion of free negroes.'

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF i8l8 57
tice of kidnapping, and in many localities, like Eden, it
was almost impossible for the kidnappers to get away
wifh a free negro, except with the utmost secrecy and
under cover of darkness, on account of the open hostility
of the inhabitants to the negro-hunters.
When the business of kidnapping had in a way been
legalized by falling heir to the work of recapturing fugi
tive slaves, an important change occurred in public opinion
concerning the practice of negro-hunting. The fact that
the slave-hunters were the agents — or the pretended
agents — of Southern slaveholders, who, in accordance
with the laws of Congress, were engaged in an effort to
secure their lost property, introduced a division of senti
ment in the matter. Great numbers of the people, espe
cially in the southern part of the State, sympathized with
the slave-owners. They thought that the masters were
only asserting their just rights, and should not be hindered
in the effort to regain their runaway slaves. Many even
thought it not wrong to assist the masters, or their sup
posed agents, in capturing the fleeing negroes.
On the other hand, the vast majority of the people in
the north and centre of the State, and in some districts
scattered here and there in the southern part, sympathized
with the negro, especially when it was known that his
pursuer was not his lawful master. This class was for the
most part composed of people of strong antislavery prin
ciples and sympathies. They were only too glad to see a
poor slave escape safely from bondage, and were quite
willing to assist him when necessary in eluding his pur
suers. This state of things in the districts near the Slave
States gave rise to the most intense feehng and the bitter
est opposition between the two parties. It amounted in
many cases almost to open hostilities. The proslavery

58 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
sympathizers aided and abetted the negro-hunters, whHe
the antislavery men protected and defended the negroes.
Out of this struggle grew the so-caHed "Underground
Railway, ' ' which was instituted by the antislavery sympa
thizers in order to aid the negroes to escape to the North
in safety. It is difficult to comprehend, at this date, the bitter
animosity felt by the inhabitants of southern Illinois
toward the conductors of this railway. So great was
the hostility in many sections, that the lives of well-known
antislavery men were often threatened, and absolute
secrecy as to the location of the Underground Railway
"stations" was necessitated not only to facilitate the
escape of the negroes, but also for the better security of
the lives and property of the Underground Railway pro
moters. The spirit displayed by these men was admirable and
worthy of a noble cause. Many were well-to-do farmers,
brave, rough-handed men, simple in their lives and creeds.
Some were honest tradesfolk and prominent citizens in the
towns. Everywhere they displayed an indomitable cour
age backed by a will not to be balked or thwarted. Noth
ing illustrates their spirit as weH as the authenticated
story of Burlingame."
Mr. Burlingame was a prominent antislavery leader
and farmer living at Sparta. One day it was noised
about that Mose Twist (the well-known kidnapper) was
at Sparta looking for an escaped slave. Burlingame went
immediately to Sparta, and sought out Twist. "You're
lookin' for a runaway nigger?" he asked. "Yes,"
replied the slave-hunter. "WeH," retorted Burlingame,
' Authority of Nathaniel Niles (of Belleville), and James Hood (of Sparta),
both of whom knew Burlingame well.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 59
"that nigger is at my house. You come there at your
peril. Good day, sir!" It is needless to add Twist did
not go.
The position of the men who were engaged in the
Underground RaHway was rendered dangerous by reason
of the laws which attached a penalty of five hundred
doHars to the crime of harboring or secreting a slave."
The conductors of the Underground Railway did not
hesitate, however, to aff'ord the negroes under their
roofs personal protection, even to the use of firearms.^
But generally the presence of the slaves was kept very
secret. Many interesting incidents are related by men
who StUl remember those stirring times, concerning the
escape of negroes via the Underground Railway, and very
few who once got safe on board an "Underground" train
were ever retaken.'
The practice of assisting fugitive slaves was begun as
early as 1818, but the Underground Railway movement
was not weH established untH about 1835.* It was not a
systematic organization with regular stations and officers,
' Session Laws, 1826, Act on apprentices. Section 9-12.
Session Laws, 1827. See also revised Statutes, 1845.
Session Laws, 1833, Criminal Code, Section 147-49.
'See "Belleville .Advocate," September 5,1851, for account of the armed
resistance made by citizens of Sparta, Illinois, to Sherwood, of Missouri, and
his friends, who were pursuing his runaway slave.
' Personal testimony of Mr. James Hood, of Sparta, and others. Among
those which we have lieard related were the incident of John Hood, uncle of
James. He and his wife aided a negro and wife to escape from a party of
kidnappers who had them in charge on the homeward journey, and who had
stopped for the night at Mr. Hood's house, by removing the negroes from the
cellar, where their captors had placed them under lock and key, to the centre
of a large haystack on the farm, where they were fed and concealed a whole
week. Also the case of a negro named John Walker. Walker had come from
Tennessee wittiout freedom papers, and was hired by Archibald Hood, father of
James. Two kidnappers appeared, and one claimed to be the master of the
negro, who said be had never seen him and did not know him. When the
kidnapper attempted to take him by force, the farmer and his sons held the
slaver s assistant and gave the negro a chance to fight it out with his supposed
master. The negro. Walker, came off best in the affray and escaped, leaving
the kidnapper badly wounded, to be carried off to the Sparta tavern by his
friend and Mr. Hood.
*See Siebert, "Underground Railway," p. 40, and following.

6o NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
but rather a number of isolated communities where the
escaping negro was sure of rest and protection. Usually
when a slave reached one of these so-caHed "stations,"
he was fed, housed for a short time, and assisted in one
way or another to reach the next "depot," if the location
of one such was known. Often, however, the negro had
to make his way North alone, as best he could, from the
general directions that his last host was able to furnish
him. There were a number of so-caHed "lines" which
crossed the State, especially its northern portion. These
were nothing more than a series of places, more or less
connected, where the negro could be reasonably secure of
protection and assistance.
The starting-points of three of these routes were Ches
ter, Alton, and Quincy. The first mentioned passed near
Eden, CoulterviHe, and Oakdale to a point near Nashville.
Then the negroes were directed due northward to the
Illinois River, passing en route probably near Vandalia,
Decatur, and Bloomington. From Alton the negroes
were aided northeastward by JacksonvHle till the Illinois
River was reached, and then along its banks to the vicin
ity of La Salle and Ottawa. From Quincy the fugitives
were assisted to La Salle via places in the vicinity of
Mendon, Plymouth, Galesburg, Osceola, and Princeton.
One of the routes, worked between Ottawa and Chicago
for some time, lay through Northville, Plainfield, Cass,
and Lyons."
' None of the present railway systems which cross Illinois were in opera
tion before 1850, so that they could not have been used by the negroes before
that date. Nor have I been able to find any evidence that the railways were
used between 1850 and j86o. Professor Siebert, in his "Underground Rail
way" (pp. 14-15), assures us that they were used; but it seems he must be in
error. For neither in the records nor in private conversation (or correspon
dence) with those once connected with the Underground Railway have I found
any confirmation of his theory.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 61
The objective point in common of aH these "Under
ground" lines was Canada. A few of the fugitives found
homes and work in the northern part of IHinois, but the
great majority were smuggled on board ships at Chicago
and forwarded to English soil. The officers of the ves
sels were wont, like Captain Blake of the "Ilhnois," to
discover the presence of the blacks when nearing some
Canadian port on the Great Lakes, and then to hurry
them almost violently ashore with a great show of anger
or displeasure. It is hardly possible to estimate at the present writing
the number of colored persons who were assisted to free
dom in this way, but in the course of twenty-five years —
1835 to i860 — it must have been very considerable.
"Scores at a time," we are told, "were aided by the
Hoods, Moores, McClurkins, and MHligans of the Eden-
Nashville route."" Mr. Van Dorn, of Quincy, in the
course of twenty-five years, gave help to some two or
three hundred fugitives.^ Philo Carpenter, of Chicago,
is said to have assisted two hundred negroes to embark in
that city,' and many of Mr. Carpenter's friends, such as
Mr. Z. Eastman and Dr. Dyer, frequently aided slaves to
escape — sometimes secreting them in their own residences.*
Before the Underground Railway had been fully inaugu
rated, the interest in the question of slavery, as a purely
State problem, had gradually died out, and the subject
had become, politically speaking, a back number. There
were, however, large numbers of men who had been
' Siebert, p. 15.
= Siebert, p. 88.
'E. G. Mason, "Early Chicago and Illinois," p. no,
* Personal tesdmony of Mr. Sidney Eastman and article by Z. Eastman on
Dr. Dyer, at time of the latter's death, in the "Chicago Times," for April 25,
1878. Dr. Dyer's home was a regular "depot" of the Underground Railway, and
he is credited with having assisted the first fugitive slave to escape, who
reached Chicago.

62 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
trained to believe that slavery was a leading element in
the State's prosperity. And whenever the people of IHi
nois were loaded down with debts and depression in busi
ness, such men were ever ready to put forth the claim
that all would be well if the State government would only
call a convention and readjust the Constitution so that
slaves could be purchased and held there. Such declar
ations continued to be made as late as 1840," and one
stirring appeal for the introduction of slavery on economic
grounds was published even in 1854.^
The holding of indentured servants, the kidnapping of
free negroes,, and the continual excitement over escaping
slaves served to keep the general subject in a measure still
before the people. There was, however, no approach to
a general agitation over the question of slavery for some
years^ — till the labors of the abolitionists began to excite
universal comment and criticism. It was chiefly through
their writing and efforts to arouse the people everywhere
into a realization of the evHs of slavery and to awaken
within all hearts a desire to see the slaves freed, that the
negro question again became a predominant issue in the
politics of Illinois. The antislavery movement in Illinois
did not begin to assume important proportions untH some
time after the death of Lovejoy. Still in the West, as in
the East, the eloquent and uncompromising utterances of
WiHiam Lloyd Garrison, in his "Liberator,"' demanding
immediate and unconditional emancipation, impressed all
thinking men, and his principles found some acceptance.
' Z. Eastman, "Anti-Slavery Agitation in Illinois." Article in Blanchard's
"Illinois." ^ "Belleville Advocate" for November 8, 1854, in which is reprinted a "Let
ter to the Charleston (Illinois) Courier," written by Dumas J. VanDeren, and
dated September 16, 1854, which advocates the right of any State to change
its Constitution on the question of slavery, and urges Illinois to do so for the
benefit of all agricultural pursuits.
= EstaUished in 1831.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 63
The opposition to the doctrines of the abolitionists, on
the other hand, was at this time as intense and bitter in
Illinois as in other sections of the North. The majority
of the people, even among those who were opposed to
slavery on principle, looked upon the movement for imme
diate emancipation as premature and ill-judged. The
press of the State opposed the doctrine. The "Chicago
American" was especially outspoken in its opposition to
the abolitionists. It regarded slavery as an evil, but
looked "with abhorrence upon all measures which may
intend to instigate the blacks to insubordination and
insurrection," and deplored "the interference of the abo
litionists, who only forged new fetters and placed in immi
nent peril the lives and property of the white population.""
Even such men as Z. Eastman, who later became the
editor of the "Western Citizen"^ — the official organ of
the Liberty Party — and the Reverend J. M. Peck, a
strong anticonvention man in 1824, were opposed to the
abolitionists in the thirties. Mr. Eastman claimed that
the movement for immediate freedom was ill-judged and
that the introduction of negroes into white society was
"an Hl-timed and unhappy movement." In all their
efforts the abolitionists seemed to him to be advancing
far too rapidly with their theories to retain the support of
public opinion.'
The abolition doctrines met with general disapproval
everywhere throughout the Union. The sentiments ex
pressed in Congress, in 1837,* were shared ahke by the
' "Chicago American," September 5, 1835.
' Established in 1840 as the "Genius of Liberty," by Warren and Eastman,
in La Salle County and in Chicago in 1842, as the "Western Citizen."
' "Vermont Free Press" (edited by Eastman), August, 19, 1834.
* "Your Committee cannot conceive how any true friend of the black man
can hope to benefit him through the instrumentality of abolition societies.
.... 'They have forged new fetters for the black man and added a hundred
fold to the rigors of slavery. They have scattered the firebrands of discord

64 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
masses both in the North and South. The abolitionists
declared again and again, that their aim in agitating the
subject of immediate emancipation was only to convince
the Southern slaveholders of their duty to humanity, that
they desired the emancipating to be done by the masters
themselves, and that they were opposed to "the oppressed
vindicating their rights by physical force in opposition to
the laws of the land"; but their statements were not
believed. On the contrary, their purposes were wilfully mis
represented, their theories distorted, and their methods
ridiculed. "There are thousands and tens of thousands,"
wrote Dr. Channing to Mr. Birney, in 1836, "who do
honestly believe that in all their movements the abolition
ists are actuated by a fierce and reckless spirit of fanati
cism, careless of aH consequences, and determined to
carry their point and effect the emancipation of the
slaves, even though it should involve the whole land in
carnage and flame. We verily thought so once, induced,
as are others, by the abominable misrepresentations and
slanders of those who knew better. ' ' '
The press, the pulpit, orators in Congress and on the
stump tried to throw the movement into discredit and to
force its leaders to give up the fight. All in vain. The
more they were attacked, so much the more did the abo
litionists labor to spread their doctrines and to refute the
arguments of their opponents.
Finding that the emancipationists were not to be
silenced by arguments or by the general disapproval of
and disunion among the different States ot the Confederacy. They have ex
cited the most rancorous and embittered feelings in the same community.
They have aroused the turbulent passion of the monster-mob." "Philanthro-
E ist" for April 14, 1837; Report of the "Select Committee" appointed jointly
y the two Houses to consider the memorial on abolition societies, presented
by the States of Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, New "York, and Connecticut,
' Quoted in full in the "Observer," January 5, 1837.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 65
their principles and methods manifested by the public,
the people in many places showed a disposition to crush
the abolition movement by an individual persecution of its
promoters. Mobs first appeared in 1834 with the July
riots in New York City, where the abolition meetings at
Chatham Street Chapel were broken up by the rabble,
which threatened Dr. Cox and Lewis Tappan, leading
aboHtionists, with ink baths." Then foHowed other per
secutions, in PhUadelphia, in Montpelier, in Utica, Lock-
port, and other New York cities, in New Hampshire, in
Ohio, and at St. Louis. ^
In Cincinnati, the press of the "Philanthropist" was
destroyed by a mob on July 12, 1836, and again early in
August of the same year.' Notices were posted at the
street corners stating that the citizens of Cincinnati were
resolved to arrest the course of the abolitionists, which
was injuring business, and that the breaking of their press
was a warning to them.*
The Southern press by its violent criticisms, and the
Southern people by their threats and by the persecution
of all abolitionists in their midst, only added fuel to the
flame. The "MilledgeviHe (Georgia) Federal Union"
printed on February i, 1836, a notice signed "Many
Citizens," offering ten thousand dollars reward for the
delivery to the Sheriff of Chatham County of the "person
of the noted abolitionist, A. A. Phelps." ^ The Citizens
of HiHborough, Georgia, in June, 1836, seized the Rev.
A. W. KhcheH (a native of New Jersey, and graduate of
' "Vermont Free Press," July 13, 1834.
' "The Liberator," and "Emancipator," and "Philanthropist," 1834-39, and
other papers of the time.
= "Philanthropist," July 15, 1836, and September 23.
* "Philanthropist," July 15, 1836. The "Philanthropist" was forced to dis
continue its paper, after destruction of press early in August, until September
9, 1836. '"St. Louis Observer," April 28, 1836.

66 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Princeton), tarred and feathered him, and rode him out
of town on a rail, merely on suspicion that he was an
abohtionist." This sort of persecution and denial to citi
zens of their rights of free speech and fair trial was a
grave error. Instead of intimidating the abolitionists, it
only made them the more bold and incited them to more
earnest efforts. In addition, the very flagrant injustice
of such proceedings served to win over many to the cause
of abolitionism who heretofore had been mere opponents
of slavery on principle. The "Cincinnati Journal," com
menting on the case of the Rev. A. W. KitcheH, said,
"He had suspicious papers  Did they allow him a
moment's time to gain witnesses or evidence? No 
We tell the inhabitants of HiHborough plainly that the
hairs on that man's head, if counted, would not equal the
number of abolitionists which this intolerable breach of
private rights in a slaveholding community wHl make."^
The effect was the same on those who suffered perse
cution because of their antislavery sym_pathies. They,
too, could scarcely fail of being forced into the abolition
camp by the very stress of circumstances and.by the revul
sion of feeling against their persecutors and all proslavery
men. Thus, as Lovejoy said in Kitchell's case, "What
ever Mr. Kitchell may have been before, we have little
doubt that he is an abolitionist now, and that he will con
tinue such as long as he lives." '
IHinois was not behind in the "persecution of the
prophets." There the word "abohtion" was one "cov
ered over with shame"; and it was the exulting boast of
her people, in 1837, that no abolition paper would be per-
' "St. Louis Observer," July 14, 1836. Also "Newark Advertiser," "Cin
cinnati Commercial Advertiser," and "Cincinnati Journal," of same date.
'"Journal,'' July i-S, 1836; "St. Louis Observer," July 14, 1836.
' "St. Louis Observer," July 14, 1836. Mr. Lovejoy's own experience and
hfe are another example of this truth.

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 67
mitted to flourish on her soil." Only one abolition society,
of sixty-five members, existed in the State. Even this
met only at long intervals and cannot be said to have pros
pered well, since hardly more than fifteen new members
were added in three years. ^ Large masses of the people,
especially in the southern portion of the State, were
opposed to any public discussion of the subject of slavery.
The majority preferred that the whole question be left
quietly alone, and thus all bitter and rancorous feelings
would be avoided and personal encounters prevented.
Into such a community as this came Mr. Lovejoy, with a
religious newspaper, whose columns were open to a free
discussion of slavery and its evils. Was it then not to be
expected that the State, which thirteen years before had
risen in the defense of liberty within its own boundaries,
would now ere long earn the title of the "Martyr State".'
' Eastman, "The Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," in Blanchard's
"Illinois," = "Philanthropist," July 28, 1837, Report of the Secretary of the Adams
County Antislavery Society. Also "Alton Observer," July 10, 1837.

CHAPTER VI.
THE LOVEJOY EPISODE.
LOVEJOY IN ST. LOUIS.
Elijah Parish Lovejoy was born in Albion, Maine, on
November 9, 1802. He was the son of a Presbyterian
minister, and received his early education at the academies
of China and Monmouth. In 1826 he graduated from
WaterviHe College with the highest honors, and began
teaching in an Eastern academy.
The young Lovejoy possessed a remarkable memory,
and as a student had distinguished himself by thor
oughness and proficiency in the languages. Courageous
and manly, he won the admiration of his feHows by his
skill as an athlete and a kindly sympathy manifested
toward all.
In 1827 he made his way to St. Louis, and for the
next two years supported himself by teaching and occa
sional contributions to the "Missouri Republican" and
the "St. Louis Times." The latter paper employed Mr.
Lovejoy as assistant editor in August, 1 830, and he re
tained the position untH February, 1832."
St. Louis was the scene of a series of revival services
in January, 1832. Mr. Lovejoy was deeply impressed,
and decided to enter the ministry. He graduated from
' "St. Louis Times" for August 14, 1830, when his name appears for the first
time, tin February 18, 1832, it was during this time that he wrote some stan
zas, entitled "Mother," in which the following almost prophetic lines appear;
"My mother, 1 am far away
From home and love and thee.
And stranger hands may heap the clay
That soon may cover me."
68

I From a Rare Silhouette Portrait)

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 69
Princeton Seminary in the spring of 1833, and in the faH
was summoned to St. Louis to edit a weekly religious
paper, called the "St. Louis Observer."
The first issue appeared on the 22d of November.'
Its editor from the first took a firm stand on all questions
of religion, morality, and citizenship. His aim was to
establish a thoroughly reliable newspaper, devoted not
only to the religious interests of his denomination, but
also to the principles of truth, righteousness, honesty, and
sobriety. His opinions were always given without hesi
tancy or dissimulation, and when once his judgment was
fully formed upon an issue, he never faltered in the
defense of what seemed right. He denounced the evils
of his time with a boldness and directness that often
startled his contemporaries. Although frequently severe
in criticism, he was never unnecessarily bitter or unjust,
but preserved a spirit of mildness and forbearance quite
unusual in an editor.
From the beginning Mr. Lovejoy was opposed to
slavery on principle; but he was slow in taking an active
part in the discussion of the subject. He wished to feel
certain that he saw clearly the right solution of the prob
lem.^ Colonization schemes for removing the negroes
seemed to him utterly visionary. "Immediate, uncon
ditional emancipation," was most abhorrent to Mr. Love
joy, because it "would be cruel to the slave himself and
injurious to the community at large." ' He did not sym
pathize with the method of agitation used by the abolition-
' An almost complete file is preserved in the State Historical Library at
Springfield. ^In June, 1834, he wrote in the "Observer"; "The subject [slaveryj is one
which has always, since we have known anything of the South and South
west States, been regarded as exceedingly delicate and difficult of manage
ment. We feel it so .... not because we fear the truth and are unwilling
to perform our duty, but because there is real difficulty in ascertaining what
that duty is."
" "St. Louis Observer," April 16, 1835.

70 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
ists, and he feared that they would not adhere strictly to
their platform.
Yet the necessity of awakening the South to the evils
of slavery impressed Mr. Lovejoy, and he began to advc-
cate the freeing of the negroes by a gradual process where
the emancipation should be brought about solely by the
voluntary act of the master, "made from a conviction of
its propriety." He urged as a first step a reform in the
religious status of the slave."
When the report reached St. Louis, in Aug'ust, 1835,
that the abolitionists were using the mails to send incendi
ary pamphlets to the negroes, and that petitions were
pouring in from the South asking the Federal Govern
ment to prohibit such a practice, the city was thrown into
a furor of excitement. The newspapers denounced the
abolitionists in the strongest terms. ^ Mass meetings were
held and a "Committee of Vigilance" appointed, whose
duty should be to preserve absolute silence upon the sub
ject of slavery. If the civil authorities failed to give the
committee sufficient support, it was authorized to enforce
its own decrees — this meant with the whip and the rope.'
Every person suspected of being an abolitionist was in
danger of being mobbed. Threats were abroad against
the "Observer." Mr. Lovejoy, because of his antislavery
and anticatholic editorials, was a special object of attack.*
Fortunately he was out of the city at the time.'' His
friends warned him not to return; that his hfe was in
' "St. Louis Observer," April 30, 1835.
'See the "St. Louis Republican" for October 20; compare with their de
nunciation of the abolitionists on April 28, 1835.
= "St. Louis Repubhcan." October 27, 29, 31, and November 2, 1835.
«He was accused of being an abolitionist and of circulating abolition
pamphlets, although he had never even subscribed for an abolition paper or
exchanged with one. "Observer," November 5, 1835.
' Had gone to camp-meeting at Potosi, and later attended the Presbyterian
Synod at Marion, Missouri.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 71
danger; and the pubhshers of the "Observer" hastened
to assure the public that they were not issuing an aboli
tion sheet, and that, while they were not responsible for
Mr. Lovejoy's editorials, he would doubtless refrain, on
his return, from the further publication of articles on
slavery." There were violent riots in most of the leading cities
of the North and South at this time, as weH as in St.
Louis. ^ A spirit of lawlessness and of utter disregard for
order and good government was abroad in the land. Life
and property were constantly in danger. It was a critical
and anxious time. No one knew what a day or a week
would bring forth. People generally were apprehensive
of the future; and many thought the government was in
danger of dissolution.' Public welfare and personal
security demanded immediate action, and fearless men
were needed to champion the cause of good government
and freedom of speech.*
Mr. Lovejoy met the issue calmly, thoughtfully, fear
lessly. He was the only Protestant minister and religious
editor in the city. Not a voice had been raised against
the reign of mob law. Not a paper had condemned the
excesses of the populace. Was the "Observer" to
remain sHent too? Would it be right for one who had
stood thus far as a champion of truth and righteousness
in the West to falter — to remain a quiet spectator of the
most outrageous violations of law and order? Was it
' Twice they found this necessary; on October 8 and again on the 22d.
'See previous chapter; for further particulars, see the daily papers of this
period, also files of the "Liberator," "Emancipator," and the "Philanthropist"
for 1835. = See the collection of editorials on this subject in the "Observer," Novem
ber 19, 1835.
¦'Two white men suspected of having assisted some negroes to escape
were seized by a crowd of sixty citizens of St. Louis during these days of
excitement and given two hundred lashes with rawhides. "Missouri Republi
can," October 18-21, 1835,

72 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
honorable to witness the introduction of the "New Code" '
of lynch law without uttering one word in defense of the
inalienable rights of free citizens?
Such was the problem presented to Lovejoy. He
considered it seriously — prayerfully. Not in the least
excited or carried away with the fanatical enthusiasm of
one desiring the glory of martyrdom, he viewed the situ
ation with all the calmness of superior strength, and
reached his conclusion after the most careful and thought
ful deliberation. Mr. Lovejoy's mind was soon made up,
his duty apparent. Mob rule must be denounced and the
freedom of the press defended.
The decision once reached, nothing could deter him
from carrying it out.^ He returned to St. Louis about
November 1st, expecting, as he says himself, "to be
lynched, or tarred and feathered, or may be hung up.
AH is threatened."'
On November 5th he published in the "Observer" an
eloquent appeal, entitled "To my FeHow-Citizens."
This is one of the best articles ever penned in defense of
freedom of speech and of the press. Few political docu
ments equal it in eloquence, in logic, in beauty of expres
sion, and in earnestness of appeal. A spirit of dignity
and charity pervades it throughout. There are no violent
diatribes against leaders or people, no wild harangues, no
vituperative personal criticisms. The truth is told fear
lessly, the arguments presented with ardor and dignity.
' Such papers as the "Pittsburg Times," "Salem Landmark," "New Eng
land Galaxy," "MaryviUe [Tennessee] Intelligencer," "Cincinnati Gazette,"
and "New York Courier and Inquirer," were denouncing this tendency to
mob law. Charles Hammond, of the "Cincinnati Gazette," took as firm a
stand for the freedom of the press as did Mr. Lovejoy
= He was detained in St. Charles a few days by illness, but neither the per
suasion of his friends nor the prayers of his wife could keep him from returning
to St. Louis. His wife — formerly Miss Celia Ann French, of St. Charles —
finally urged him to go, since he considered it his duty. See letter to his
brother in January, 1836, and editorial in "Observer" on November 5, 1835.
= Letter to brother, dated November 2, 1835.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 73
The justness and good sense of the people are appealed
to, with the utmost confidence as to the result. Few
pohtical orators or writers have taken a higher or nobler
stand for truth and freedom; and few have displayed such
a spirit of charity toward their opponents. The justness
of his arguments and the moderation of his language dis
armed his enemies.
Little space was given to the subject of slavery. Mr.
Lovejoy emphasized the fact, however, that he was not
an abolitionist, declaring fearlessly at the same time that
he was — and would ever be — "an emancipationist."
Referring to the dangers of mob dictation, he wrote:
"To-day a public meeting declares that you shall not dis
cuss the subject of slavery  To-morrow another
meeting decides that it is against the peace of society that
the principle of popery be discussed  The next
day a decree is issued speaking against distilleries, dram
shops, or drunkenness. And so on to the end of the
chapter. The truth is, my fellow-citizens, if you give
ground a single inch, there is no stopping-place. I deem
it, therefore, my duty to take my stand upon the Consti
tution. Here is firm ground; I feel it to be such. And
I do most respectfully, yet decidedly, declare to you my
fixed determination to maintain this ground."
In conclusion, Mr. Lovejoy requested the people to
respect the property of the office and the persons of the
proprietors and printers. For, as he said, the latter
had nothing to say as to the matter printed. "I alone
am answerable and responsible  If the popular
vengeance needs a victim, I offer myself a willing sacri
fice."" This appeal was unexpected by both the friends and
' The "Observer," November 5, 1835. "To my Fellow-Citizens."

74 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
foes of the "Observer," and its effect was remarkable.
The proprietors of the paper thought the step too bold, in
view of the excitement of the time. They requested Mr.
Lovejoy to resign. His enemies were nonplussed, and
rendered inactive for the moment by the fearlessness and
lofty spirit of the editor. For a day or two aU was quiet
in the city. The suspense to Lovejoy and his friends was
terrible; and the result was awaited with almost breath
less anxiety.
Slowly the tide began to turn in his favor. Friends
and opponents alike began to rally about him. Men who
had no sympathy for his religious or political views gave
him their support for the sake of freedom of speech. As
a defender of the rights of free citizenship he must be
sustained, they said." The papers all over the country
praised his firmness and his defense of the freedom of the
press. ^ Letters came in rapidly from Illinois and Mis
souri, thanking him for the stand he had taken, and urging
him to continue the fight.' "The pressure," he says,
writing later to his brother, "which seemed as though it
would crush me to the earth, began to lighten. Light
began to break in on the gloomiest day I have ever seen.
I cannot think or write about it without my eyes filling
with tears, for the deliverance which God wrought by so
weak and unworthy an instrument as I am." *
By November lO, the crisis had passed.^ The "Ob
server" was safe, and freedom of the press had triumphed.
' Letter to his brother, written in January, 1836.
= The "Cincinnati Journal" and "Cincinnati Gazette" for November 10;
also dailies of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia of about the same date.
^The "Observer," December 17 and 31, 1835.
"Letter to his brother in January, 1836, printed in "Memoir," by his
brothers. " On this date he wrote his brother; "I do not think I shall be mobbed.
.... A reaction has taken place in the city  The crisis is now
passed.. . . Tell mother theie is no danger — not the least."

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 75
By the 23d all danger of mob violence was at an end, and
peace and order were restored within the city."
Although Mr. Lovejoy resigned in accordance with the
request of the proprietors, he was almost immediately
reinstated as editor, through the agency of Mr. Moore,
who was compeHed by reason of the temporary financial
embarrassment of the paper to assume control of the
"Observer." Accordingly the paper was reissued on
November 19, only one regular number having been omit
ted. Its editor appealed to the subscribers and to the
public for support; and he was well sustained. Letters
of sympathy and encouragement poured in from all sides;
and many new subscriptions were received. By the 26th
of the following May the circulation of the paper had so
increased that Mr. Lovejoy was able to issue the "Ob
server" in an enlarged form.^
During this period no serious effort was made to inter
fere with its publication.' But in April, 1836, an event
occurred which filled St. Louis with excitement. A
negro, named Francis Mcintosh, who had killed a deputy
sheriff in attempting to escape from justice, was burned
to death by a mob of St. Louis citizens. This barbarous
act was condemned by Mr. Lovejoy in an editorial in the
issue of May 5. He made no reference to the color of
the victim, but warned the people of the dangers of mob
rule. "We must stand by the Constitution and laws, or
all is gone," he urged.*
' See letter to his mother of this date, printed in the "Memoir."
' "St. Louis Observer," December 17, 24, 31, 1835, and May 26, 1836.
'In December an attempt was made — by fiaring handbills anda public
meeting at the Court House — to inaugurate a movement against Mr. Lovejoy,
but it failed completely. It is interesting to note in this connection that the
"Missouri Republican,' which six weeks before urged mass meetings again&t
the abolidonists, now preaches against mobs and mass meetings. "Observer,"
December 10, and "Missouri Republican," December 8, 1835.
^ "Observer," May 5.

76 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
For this act of good citizenship the office of the "Ob
server" was entered twice between May 30 and June 6,
and the press so damaged that it was possible to get out
only a diminutive number on June 9."
At the trial, in June, of the leaders of the mob which
burned Mcintosh, Judge Lawless promulgated the remark
able doctrine that a crime, punishable by death when com
mitted by an individual, could be committed by a multitude
with impunity.^ Mr. Lovejoy was absent from the city
at the time,' but in July he entered a vigorous protest
against such a theory, in an able editorial headed "The
Charge of Judge Lawless." The peace and security of
the nation, he argued, would be endangered if such a
sentiment were universally accepted.*
During the night following the publication of this edi
torial, a number of men — possibly twenty — broke into the
office of the "Observer," smashed the press and type,
and threw the remnants out of the windows. This was
the answer of the Catholics^ and slaveholding "mobo-
crats" to Mr. Lovejoy's patriotic appeal. The news
papers of St. Louis now openly defended his conduct."
It had been determined some time before to remove
the paper to Alton, Illinois, and public notice of the fact
had been given.' It was thought that the "Observer"
' "Observer," June 9.
'In his charge to the jury he said; "If, on the other hand, the destruction
of the murderer of Hammond, was the act .... of congregated thousands,
seized upon and impelled by that mysterious metaphysical and almost electric
frenzy which, in all ages and nations, has hurried on infatuated multitudes to
deeds of death and destruction — then I say .... the case transcends your
jurisdiction — it is beyond the reach of human law." — "Observer," July 21, 1836.
' He was attending the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church at
Pittsburg. * "Observer," luly 21. For other criticisms of this charge, see the "Cin
cinnati Gazette," June and July; "St. Louis Republican," June and July 23, etc.
¦^Judge Lawless was an Irish Catholic. Loveioy refers to this in his
editorial, and had published several editorials directed against the power of
Catholicism. " "Missouri Republican," July 23; "Alton Telegraph," July 27.
' "Observer," July 21, 1835.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 77
would be much better supported and enjoy greater free
dom in the expression of its opinions in Alton than in St.
Louis. No attention was therefore paid to the action of
the mob, and the final arrangements for the removal of the
paper were concluded.
Fortunately the press had not been damaged beyond
repair. So it, together with such type and office material
as the mob had spared, was sent by boat to Alton. They
were landed on a Sunday morning, contrary to instructions,
and that night the press and supplies were completely
demohshed on the wharf by a crowd of men, supposedly
from St. Louis, and the pieces thrown into the river."
' "The Observer," Extra, dated August lo, and "Alton Telegraph," July 27,
1836. The people of Alton disclaimed any knowledge of, or participation in,
this affair.

CHAPTER VII.
THE LOVEJOY EPISODE
(continued).
LOVEJOY IN ALTON.
In 1836-1837 Alton' was a thriving httle city of some
2,500 inhabitants, situated on a cluster of hiHs overlook
ing the broad Mississippi. It lay on the east side of the
river, and about twenty mHes north of St. Louis, with
which it competed for the trade of the Mississippi and the
West. Its reputation was exceHent, its future promising,
and its citizens industrious, enterprising, and benevolent.
There were men of Southern birth and sympathies among
her inhabitants, but the people were not to any great
degree proslavery in their sentiments.^
On July 25 — the day after the press of the "Observer"
was thrown into the river — a well-attended public meeting
was held. Resolutions were adopted, deploring the
destruction of the press, promising funds for a new one,
guaranteeing to all ample protection for life and property,
but attacking rather fiercely the abolitionists and their
doctrines.' Mr. Lovejoy took occasion at this meeting — and in a
letter to the "Alton Telegraph," dated July 27 — to define
his position. He was not an abolitionist. Nor was he
come to Alton to set up an abolition paper. However,
' For detailed description of Alton at this time, see "Illinois in 1817," pub
hshed in that year by G. S. August; "The Rambles or Travels in the West,"
1837. '"Alton Spectator," "Alton Telegraph," ".\lton Observer," and the
"Western Pioneer" of Upper Alton, edited by J. M. Peck, 1836-37.
= "Alton Telegraph," July 26, 27, 1836. 78

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 79
he was opposed to slavery, and believed it to be the duty
of every man "on all proper occasions to raise his voice
against it, and by all proper and lawful means to endeavor
to effect its peaceable removal." Further, he should
always consider himself free to "speak, write, or publish
whatever he pleased on any subject." "
The editor of the "Observer" seems to have thought
that the antiabolition resolutions of this meeting were all
for effect — that there would be no serious objection to a
discussion of the slavery question. The assurances of
support given him would appear to confirm this belief.
But he was mistaken. There was not only a strong feel
ing of antipathy for abolitionism in Alton, but also a
decided opposition to any lively discussion of the slavery
problem. The subscription list and account books of the "Ob
server" had escaped destruction, but iH-health and the
necessity of procuring a new press prevented the reissu
ance of the paper untU the 8th of September.^ The
publication was resumed with about a thousand subscrib
ers, of whom a hundred had been secured in Alton since
the location of the office there. The circulation increased
steadhyuntH August, 1837, when the number of subscrip
tions reached two thousand.'
Meanwhile the "Observer" was conducted with the
same fearless spirit as in St. Louis, and the subject of
slavery unceasingly discussed. Mr. Lovejoy's opinions
were, however, undergoing a radical change. He was
' "Alton Telegraph," July 27. Letter to his brother Joseph dated July 30.
Compare also with the testimony of the leading citizens on this point, given in
Mr. 'Tanner's "Martyrdom of Lovejoy," page 87, note.
•On August 15 a small sheet headed "Extra" was gotten out. It was
printed only on one side, and contained Mr. Lovejoy's letter to the "Alton
Telegraph" (printed July 27) and an editorial which had appeared in the same
paper on the same date.
'Editorial in "Observer," August 10, 1837.

So NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
passing from gradual to immediate emancipation. He
began taking abolition publications in the winter of 1836-
1837, and admitted his interest in them the following
May." The impression that this reading was making upon Mr.
Lovejoy was early evident. In December, 1836, he
wrote, "The slave-masters of the South, though guilty of
great cruelty, are not monsters of inhumanity. Far from
it. The great majority of them are men of generous
human sentiments. But they do not know what they do.
And the first call made upon them to emancipate their
slaves sounds very much in their ears as it would if you
should demand of them no longer to harness up their
horses and plow their fields. The call must be reiterated,
accompanied with reasons why it should be attended to,
and ere long it will prevail." ^ These words are moder
ate, but they contain one of the leading principles of abo
litionism — agitation.'
In January he admits that the abolitionists are not so
fanatical and incendiary as people seem to believe.* Some
of their leaders are possibly extremists and cranks, but
the majority of antislavery men are honest, thoughtful,
and enHghtened citizens. They have justice, good sense,
and right on their side. They, too, are aiming at the
extermination of the evils of slavery. Whose methods
are the better, the right ones, — his or theirs?
' Issue of May 4.
' "Observer," December i, 1836.
'When the National Antislavery Convention met at Philadelphia on
December 4, 1833, it adopted the following platform: "We shall organize anti-
slavery societies if possibie in every .city, town, and village in the land. We
shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of
entreaty, and rebuke. We shall circulate unsparingly and extensively anti-
slavery tracts and periodicals. We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the
cause of the suffering and the dumb. We shall spare no exertions nor means
to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance."
* "Observer," January 5, 1837.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 8 1
The citizens of the South had devised no scheme — were
proposing none — whereby the negroes might in time be
freed. Was there any real hope that the South would
ever undertake such a task unless thoroughly aroused to
the dangers and evHs of the system? Could the slave
owners be stirred to vital action by moderate appeals and
half-baked theories of gradual emancipation? Or was it
possible that only a far-reaching and impressive agitation
upon the issue of immediate freedom would startle them
into a realization of the situation and inspire them with a
desire to liberate their servants? Thus the issue of the
hour forced itself upon him. He must decide, and decide
for himself alone.
Mr. Lovejoy faced the problem squarely, earnestly,
deliberately. In February he resolutely discarded coloni
zation schemes and gradual emancipation as absolutely
inadequate. "As weH might a lady," he wrote, "think to
bail out the Atlantic with her thimble, as the Colonization
Society to remove slavery by colonizing the slaves in
Africa."" Next he turned to the "Gospel of the Son of God" as
the real remedy for the trouble ; but before long this was
abandoned. All that the preaching of the Gospel had
thus far accomphshed was "the good treatment of the
slaves,"^ when the "very first step in this good treat
ment" ought to have been — to set them free.^
The first sign of Mr. Lovejoy's readiness to adopt
abolitionism came in June. The secretary of the National
Andslavery Society wrote the "Observer" for the names
of persons willing to assist in petitioning Congress for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. The
' "Observer," February 2, 1837.
'See Mr. Lovejoy's comments ("Observer," March 16) on the Rev. J.
Douglass's letter on this subject in the "Boston Recorder," February, 1837.

S2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
editor approved the plan, and published this letter in the
issue of June 29."
A few local antislavery societies existed at the time in
IHinois. The supporters of the movement seemed to be
increasing almost daily. Many influential men were urging
the formation of a State organization,^ and the conditions
appeared favorable for its inauguration. On July 6, Mr.
Lovejoy published an eloquent editorial, advocating the
organization of an "Illinois State Antislavery Society,"
and requesting opinions as to the best time and place for
holding a convention to form such a society.
His appeal met with a ready response, and by August
it was generally agreed that a State Convention should be
held in Alton about November i.' On August 15 the
Madison County Antislavery Society extended an invita
tion to the State Antislavery Convention to meet in Upper
Alton on October 26, 1837.*
Thus Mr. Lovejoy took his stand in the front ranks of
abolitionism. He never regretted the step; never
faltered; never looked back; but fought valiantly and
fearlessly for the cause as long as he lived.
His antislavery editorials had already brought him into
disfavor, and stirred up in Alton a strong sentiment of
opposition to the "Observer." Since the spring all sorts
of slanderous stories had been circulated about him.*
His principles were so misrepresented and his character
so maligned that many were led to believe the editor of
the "Observer" a dangerous citizen, a fanatic, and an
' "Observer," June 29, "The United States Government has no right to
interfere with slavery in the States, but it can and ought to forbid it in the Dis
trict of Columbia," he wrote.
'Testimony of Dr. Beecher in the "Alton Riots," page 20.
' "Observer," July 10, August 17, 1837.
* "Observer," August 17.
' It was reported that he had said, if his wife died on Sunday, he would
marry a negress before the next Saturday night. "Memoirs," page 212.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 83
incendiary. Now that he was beginning to associate him
self openly with abolitionism, the opposition grew more
outspoken and more direct in its attacks.
On July 8 a mass meeting " — attended chiefly by those
interested in silencing Mr. Lovejoy — was held in the
Market House, where the opinion was expressed, that the
antislavery articles in the "Observer" were causing undue
excitement in the city. Resolutions were passed censur
ing the editor for aHowing the subject to be discussed in
his paper, and averring that he was violating a sacred
pledge in mentioning the topic of immediate abolition. A
committee of five was delegated to wait upon Mr. Love
joy and to ascertain what he proposed to do in the matter.^
Nothing came of it until after the appearance of Mr.
Lovejoy's second important abolition editorial, entitled
"What Are the Doctrines of Antislavery Men?" ' This
was a clear, moderate, and unimpassioned exposition of
the main principles of abolitionism. Its keynote was a
caH for the immediate emancipation of the negroes by
their masters in such a manner as the slaveholders them
selves should select. Its author had no thought of excit
ing discord and anarchy in Alton.* His object was simply
to place the doctrines before the public in their true pro
portions, and to awaken interest in the abolition movement
about to be inaugurated in that district.
The committee of five at once wrote Mr. Lovejoy,
inclosing a copy of the resolutions adopted at the mass
meeting of July 1 1 . He rephed in a dignified and respect-
' Called by printed handbills. "Memoirs," page 206.
' Official report of the proceedings in the "Missouri Argus" of St. Louis,
July 18, 1837; also "Alton Telegraph, July 12, 14, and August 16.
' "Observer," July 20.
' On the contrary, he assured his readers that he "trembled lest through
any inadvertence of language we should make ourselves liable to be misunder
stood, and thus repel the minds of those we wish to gain."

^4 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
ful epistle," denying the right of a public meeting to dictate
what sentiments should or should not be discussed in a
duly authorized newspaper.
No reference was made to the question of a "pledge
of silence" concerning abohtion doctrines. This was a
grave mistake. Mr. Lovejoy had never dreamed of
making any such promise. Nor had he thought it pos
sible that his words could be so misconstrued. He ought
at this time to have had his speech and letter of the previ
ous year reprinted, and to have shown the pubhc just
where he stood in the matter.
His brothers have assured us that he intended to deny
the charge of having broken his pledge, but his friends
persuaded him not to mention the subject.^ If so, the
friends were at fault, and did him deadly injury. His
sHence was construed by many as a tacit acknowledgment
of the truth of the accusation. And the report, whether
true or untrue, became an effective weapon in the hands
of his enemies, and did irreparable injury to the reputa
tion of a man already unpopular.'
The antiabolition leaders were determined to silence
the editor of the "Observer," or to drive him out of the
city. It was thought that threats alone would suffice.
Late on the night of August 21, as Mr. Lovejoy was
hurrying into Alton after medicine for his wife, he was
surrounded by a crowd of men and threatened with a coat
of tar and feathers if he would not promise to leave town
or to keep sHent on the question of slavery.
' Printed in the "Alton Telegraph," August i6.
' "Memoirs," page 220.
' Mr. Loveioy did finally send a letter denying this charge to the "Missouri
Republican" of St. Louis, dated August 26, published September i, but he was
not believed. The editor of the "Missouri Republican" commented on the
letter (issue of September i), as follows; "In spite of all we do believe that he
violated his promises to the citizens of Alton on the subject of slavery," and he
is "certain that but one opinion prevails in the community on the subject."

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 85
The editor made no resistance, declaring firmly they
might do with him as they liked, but he would make no
such promise. Nonplussed by this brave stand, and not
wishing as yet to attempt personal violence, the leaders
allowed him to proceed on his way unharmed. But they
led their men to the office of the "Observer," and pro
ceeded to destroy the press."
Many people now believed that Mr. Lovejoy and his
friends would give up the attempt to maintain a paper in
Aton. "You may confidently assure our friends and the
public," wrote the Alton correspondent of the "Missouri
Republican," "that abolitionism is now at an end in
Aton." ^ The gentleman was wrong. Abolitionism did
not die so easily. Nothing made it flourish as v/ell as
persecution of this sort.
The friends and supporter of the paper met immedi
ately and voted unanimously to reestabhsh the "Ob
server." ' An appeal was issued at once to the subscribers
and the general public* No mention was made of slav
ery, but funds were solicited for a new press, in order that
freedom of speech might be sustained in Illinois. A
hearty response followed. Money and subscriptions came
in so rapidly that Mr. Lovejoy's brother was able to pur
chase another press in Cincinnati and return with it by
September 2 1 .
The report that a second press had been ordered in-
' For particulars, see "The Philanthropist," September 8, letter from Love
joy; "The Philanthropist," September 22, letter from special correspondent;
"Alton Telegraph," August 23; "Missouri Republican," August 24, September
i; Lovejoy's letter to his mother, dated September 5, in the "Memoirs"; Auto
biography of G. M. T. Davis.
' "Missouri Republican," August 25, 1837.
'^ "Memoirs," page 244.
'Printed in the "Philanthropist" at Cincinnati, September 8. Fifteen
hundred dollars was needed, and all interested in helping were asked to let the
editor know immediately. See also Mr. Lovejoy's letter to the "Philanthro
pist," August 24.

86 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
creased the excitement in Alton. The animosity displayed
toward Mr. Lovejoy grew more pronounced; his ene
mies more active. On the other hand, his friends
lost heart, and were divided by difi'erences of opinion.
Some thought it unwise to maintain a contest which
involved a continued loss of presses and property. Others
were convinced that the "Observer" ought to leave the
subject of slavery alone and keep to religious questions.
Still others were of the opinion that the whole matter
would easily be settled if Mr. Lovejoy resigned the
editorship. No hesitation was shown by Mr. Lovejoy. He wrote
the proprietors of the paper offering to resign or to con
tinue the fight as the majority of the Presbyterian breth
ren should direct. A series of meetings were held. It
was at length decided unanimously that the "Observer"
must be maintained in Alton, but no action was taken
with regard to the editorship." This was interpreted by
Mr. Lovejoy as a tacit consent to his continuance in
office. Thus the abolitionists avoided the responsibility
of immediate action at a time when prompt decision and
strenuous effort were imperative. They do not seem to
have fully comprehended either the seriousness of the
situation, or the resolute determination of the enemies of
free discussion.
Even the destruction of the second press, on Septem
ber 21, immediately after it had been landed on the wharf, ^
did not arouse the friends of the "Observer" to the
alarming state of affairs. They went on quietly with the
preparations for the approaching antislavery convention,
as if nothing had happened. On September 27, a sum-
' "Memoirs," page 250.
' "Alton Telegraph," September 27; "Missouri Republican," September 22;
letter from Mr. Lovejoy to the "Philanthropist," in issue of October 17.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 87
mons, signed by 242 persons, was issued for an antislavery
State convention to be held at Upper Alton on October
26.' At first the invitation was limited to those persons
who thought slavery a sin and desired its immediate abo
lition,^ but through the efforts of Dr. Edward Beecher,
of Ilhnois CoHege, this was extended on October 18 to
include aH the "friends of free discussion."' It was
hoped by thus broadening the invitation that many influ
ential residents of the State who were not abolitionists
would be induced to attend and take part in the discus
sions. It did not work in the manner expected. On the
contrary, a large number of antiabolition men attended
the meeting under the pretense of being "friends of free
discussion," carried things aH their own way, and ad
journed the convention after a two days' session without
anything of importance being accomplished.*
However, on Saturday, October 28, the antislavery
men managed to assemble by themselves at the home of
the Rev. T. B. Hurlburt, in Upper Alton. Here unmo
lested, they organized a "State Antislavery Society"
numbering fifty-five members, and passed resolutions to
the effect that the "Observer" ought to be reestablished
at Alton with its present editor. A new press was ordered,
and the friends of the "Observer" began to talk of organ
izing a company of militia to protect it on its arrival.
Mr. Krum, the Mayor, promised to do all he could to
preserve order, but he possessed no police force adequate
' See the little pamphlet "Proceedings of the Illinois Antislavery Conven
tion, held at Upper Alton, on the 26th-28th October, 1837," pubhshed 1838.
' "Alton Riots," page 24, and the above note. No. i.
» "Alton Telegraph," October 18, 1837.
*For particulars, see "The Proceedings," mentioned in note No. i; "Alton
Telegraph," November i, 1837; "Alton Kiots," pages 26-30, etc.; "Memoirs,"
and note by Dr. 'Willard at back of Tanner's "Martyrdom of Lovejoy."

88 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
to meet the emergency. The newspapers urged the citi
zens to respect the laws and maintain order. Yet little
real effort was made to restore peace in the city."
The persecution of Mr. Lovejoy continued.^ On
October I, the house where he was visiting in St. Charles,
Missouri, was attacked by a mob led by citizens of Alton.
But for the bravery of his wife and the assistance of a
friend, Mr. CampbeH, he would have been lynched or
tarred and feathered. FinaUy he escaped from the rear
of the house and found refuge at the home of a friend in
the suburbs.'
On another occasion he narrowly escaped being mobbed,
because the gang of men lying in wait failed to recognize
him in the cap he wore in place of the usual wide-brimmed
white hat.* The windows of his house in Upper Alton
were shattered with stones. Threats against his life were
heard abroad, and it became unsafe for him to appear on
the streets. His brothers and intimate friends took turns
sleeping in his house with weapons at their sides to pro
tect him.
When it was known that the supporters of the "Ob
server" were expecting another press (the third), the
excitement became intense. Leading citizens recognized
that the time for immediate action had come, and two
pubhc meetings were held, on November 2 and 3, in the
vain hope that some plan might be devised whereby order
should be restored in the city before any violence to per
sons or property had been perpetrated.
The friends of the "Observer" insisted in the name of
' Lovejoy's letter of November 6 to the "Philanthropist," printed in that
paper on November 28.
'The "Missouri Republican" approved it and urged it on. See issue ot
September 22, etc.
' Letter of Mr. Lovejoy in "Alton Telegraph," October 4, 1837.
* "Life of Enoch Long," page 93.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 89
the freedom of the press that it was the duty of the city
and the citizens to give Mr. Lovejoy ample protection for
his person and property. The antiabolitionists, on the
other hand, claimed that for the sake of peace and har
mony, Mr. Lovejoy ought to resign his position as editor
and leave the to'wn. Neither party made any attempt to
meet the other halfway. The abolitionists never even
thought of making concessions, and their opponents,
although they suggested the necessity of compromise,
took no step in that direction themselves."
Mr. Lovejoy was present, and at the second session
made a briHiant speech in defense of his position and the
right to freedom of speech. He said he would wiHingly
resign at the request of the subscribers of the "Observer,"
but never at the demand of a mob. He asked why he
was so persecuted, and why they had not brought him
before the courts, if he was deserving of punishment.
Would the course they were pursuing, he demanded almost
prophetically, stand the scrutiny of the nation? of poster
ity? Above all, of the judgment day? "Pause, I beseech
you, and reflect. The present excitement will soon be
over, the voice of conscience wiH at last be heard, and in
some season of honest thought, even in this world, as you
review the scenes of this hour, you will be compelled to
say, 'He was right; he was right.' " '
AH in vain. The meeting adjourned without taking
action, other than the passage of certain partisan resolu
tions. These were directed against Mr. Lovejoy and the
"Observer," and show the determined spirit of the anti-
' See official proceedings of these meetings, published in the "Alton Tele
graph," November 8, 1837; also Mr. Beecher s version in the "Alton Riots,"
pages 52-62 and following; "Memoirs" by brothers, pages 270-280.
'"Alton Riots," pages 85-91. This is the only complete report of Mr.
Lovejoy's Speech. He wrote it out at the close of the meeting to please
Mr. Beecher.

9° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
abolitionists. No discussion of slavery would be permit
ted. It made no difference what editor, or what paper,
dared attempt it." AH hope of compromise was now
past. Nothing could be expected further from public
conferences. The only remaining alternatives were, a
resort to force, or the voluntary withdrawal from town
of one of the contending factions.
Mr. Lovejoy, wearied by the unrelenting persecution
to which he was subjected, became alarmed for the safety
of his family. He saw the folly of attempting to maintain
the "Observer" in Alton, where no effective police pro
tection could be secured. Moved by a sincere desire to
see order restored and the paper continued, he determined
to sacrifice himself and make a public resignation. Ac
cordingly he handed to Mr. Bailhache, editor of the
"Alton Telegraph," for pubHcation in that paper, a note
in which he signified his intention of severing his connec
tion with the "Observer." Before the letter could be
set up, one of Mr. Lovejoy's intimate abohtion friends
came into the office and asked leave to borrow the note.
The friends of the editor, he said, wished to see it before
it was printed. It never again appeared. Thus an easy
solution of the problem was prevented, and Mr. Lovejoy
forced to continue the contest. '
The friends of the "Observer" were united in the con
viction that the paper ought to be reestablished, with Mr.
Lovejoy as editor, but divided in opinion as to where it
' One of the resolutions said that "the citizens could not recommend the
reestablishment of the 'Observer' or any other paper of a similar character and
conducted with a like spirit." — "Alton Telegraph," November 8, 1837. Mr.
Linder testified in the Alton Trials that "it was not Mr. Lovejoy against whom
they ob ected but his principles; and that if any man, even Daniel Webster,
Henry Clay, or Andrew Jackson, should come there to discuss them, it would
make no difference." "Alton Riots," page 94.
' Editorial in the "Alton Telegraph," June 28, 1845; Mr. Bailhache was
still editor. Also an article by Thomas Dimmock in the "Missouri Republic,"
July 23, 1871, entitled "Lovejoy." Mr. Dimmock names the Rev. F. W. Graves
as the person who called for Mr. Lovejoy's note.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 91
should be set up. Some thought it ought at any cost to
be maintained in Alton. Others — more prudent — wished
to remove it to some other place. At first it was pro
posed to deposit the press secretly at some landing on the
river below Alton, where it could be kept hid until the
excitement was over. Owing to bad weather and the delay
in getting it up from Cincinnati, this plan was unfortu
nately abandoned. It was decided to let the printing
machine come on to Alton, but arrangements were made
for landing it at night and storing it away secretly. It
was hoped that its existence in the city would remain
unknown till the supporters of the "Observer" should
determine where to set it up."
In addition an effort was made to insure the safety of
the press. The Mayor could furnish but one or two con
stables. So, with his approval,^ a volunteer citizens'
guard numbering about forty men was organized and
drilled on November 5. Mr. WHliam Harned was chosen
captain, and a special number were detailed to watch for
the printing-press.
About two o'clock Tuesday morning, the 6th, the
steamer "Missouri Fulton," arrived, and in the presence
of the Mayor, the press was safely landed and carried to
the store of Godfrey, Oilman & Co. No one appeared to
molest the work. Those present were elated with the
complete success of the manoeuvre, and believed that the
worst was over.
The following day the presence of the press in the city
became known, and ere long it was reported that an
attempt to break into the store would be made that night.
' Collection of articles and testimonials of persons who shared in the
events of November 2-7, printed in the "Observer," December 28, 1837.
'Letter of the Mayor in the "Alton Telegraph,' November 15, and his
testimony in the Alton 'Trials. "Alton Trials," by Lincoln, pages 38-9.

92 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
At first the antislavery men — or as they preferred to call
themselves, "the friends of good order" — gave little credit
to the report. As the day advanced, however, their fears
increased, and when evening came, a guard of twenty men
was stationed in the store."
About seven o'clock definite information was received
by Mr. Oilman that a mob was collecting and would soon
make a determined effort to secure the press. Prepara
tions were immediately put under way for the defense.
Mr. Tanner, with eight men, was given charge of the
ground floor, and the remainder of the men were stationed
on the second and third stories under the command of
Enoch Long. It was agreed to act merely on the
defensive and to use firearms only in case of extreme
necessity.^ The defenders now awaited in anxious expectancy the
appearance of the mob. They felt reasonably secure.
The building was a three-story stone structure extend
ing through the whole block from the river-landing
to Second Street. The lots on both sides were vacant,
so that the warehouse could easily be assailed from all
sides. The only vulnerable points, however, were the
doors and windows at the front and rear, and the wooden
roof. The doors were quite strong, but the windows
were without shutters. Not anticipating serious trouble,
the "friends of good order" had made no preparations to
withstand a siege. They had no food, and only a limited
supply of ammunition.
' "List of men in building" that night, presented by Mr. H. Tanner to the
Alton Historical Society. Testimony of Keating, H. W. West and others
in the "Alton Riot Trials"; Thos. Dimmock's Speech on Lovejoy, and
"Memoirs" of brothers, page 283. Mr. Lovejoy's brothers assure us that only
three or four of them were abolitionists, while the rest were citizens who were
interested in preserving good order.
'Lecture on "Early Reminiscences of Alton," by Joseph Brown. Mr.
Brown was a boy at the time, and present in the store on the night of November
7. Later became Mayor of Alton.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 93
About ten o'clock a crowd of men," armed with pistols,
clubs, and stones appeared at the south end of the store
and demanded the press. Mr. GHman addressed the mob
from a third-story window, urging the men to disperse
peaceably to their homes, and refusing to give up the
press. The crowd then passed around to the other end
of the building and demolished the windows with a volley
of stones. They next procured a piece of timber and
prepared to break in the door. In order to frighten the
defenders back from the windows above before the rush
on the door was made, a few shots were fired into the
warehouse. No one within was injured. The attack on
the door began, and that instant Captain Long ordered
the defenders to fire. Lyman Bishop,^ who was helping
to carry the timber, was shot and mortally wounded. He
was carried to the office of Dr. Hart, where he died soon
after, and the mob retired for a time.
Its leaders raised their spirits in the grog-shops and soon
returned, brandishing their weapons and shouting, they'd
"hke to kill every d — d abolitionist in town." Their follow
ers had increased in numbers, and they were better armed.
Meanwhile the church bells had been rung, a great
crowd of curious spectators had assembled, and the Mayor
had arrived. He tried to persuade the multitude to dis
perse. Failing in this, Mr. Krum entered the store and
endeavored to induce the besieged to compromise with the
mob. Not succeeding here either, he withdrew from the
building and announced to the crowd that the defenders
of the press were determined not to yield.
Immediately the excited throng rushed again to the
assault, shouting, "Fire the house!" "Burn 'em out!"
' The Mayor gives the number as 20 to 30.
' He was a young carpenter who had come to Alton from New York State
just a few days previously.

94 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
They passed around to the east side, where there were no
windows, and placed a ladder against the wall. Before
they could mount five of the besieged volunteered to gain
control of the ladder. Among them was Mr. Lovejoy.
They rushed out from the south door, fired a volley, fright
ened the men away from the ladder, and returned to load.
In a few moments Mr. Lovejoy and several others
stepped outside to reconnoitre. It was a moonlight night.
They could see plainly and were themselves exposed to
view. Just at that moment some one behind a pile of
lumber in the lot fired upon them, mortally wounding Mr.
Lovejoy and slightly injuring Mr. Weller. Mr. Lovejoy
ran into the warehouse, where he feH, exclaiming, "I am
shot," and expired almost immediately."
Mr. Harned then informed the mob of Mr. Lovejoy's
death, and offered to surrender the press, if those inside
were aUowed to retreat in safety. Receiving no definite
answer, the besieged decided to make a dash from the
rear door along the river front. Some shots were fired
at them, but they effected their escape unharmed, leaving
behind the dead and wounded. Meanwhile some inter
ested spectators extinguished the fire on the roof, and the
mob broke into the warehouse. The press was thrown
out onto the landing, smashed as much as possible, and
tossed into the river. ^
The next day a few friends removed the body of Mr.
' "Memoirs," pages 289 and 290.
' The battered press lay in the river till 1858, when W. R. Mead bought
the "find" for $35, and removed it to Iowa. From 1858 to 1870 it was used to
print the "Cresco Plain Dealer," at New Oregon. Howard County, Iowa. Then
George E. Frost bought it for $100 and printed the "Clear Lake Observer"
on it till about 1876, when it was again sold to F. A. Gates, editor of the
"Belmont Herald." For about twenty years it remained in service at Belmont,
Iowa, and was then sold to Mr. C. F. iSunther, of Chicago, who exhibited it in
"Libby Prison," and in whose possession it now remains.
Testimony of Mr. Frost in "Clear Lake Observer," December, 1876; "Bel
mont Herald, December 15, 1876; E. A. Pierce, present editor of "Belmont
Herald," in personal note; and C. F. Gunther.

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 95
Lovejoy to his home. Vulgar jests and sneers were hurled
at the little company as they moved along the streets.
There was no inquest, and he was buried on November 9
without ceremony — other than a prayer at the grave by
the Rev. Thomas Lippencott, his father-in-law."
It has never been proved who shot Mr. Lovejoy.^ On
Friday, January 19, 1838, a number of the chief partici
pants in the events of November 7 were arraigned before
the Court; but they were aH unanimously acquitted on
the ground that the evidence presented was not sufficient
to prove that those persons mentioned in the indictment
had taken part in the riot or in the destruction of the
press. The testimonies given clearly show, however,
that each of the individuals on trial had been present, and
that most of them had had weapons of some sort in their
hands.' The counsel for the defense was Mr. U. F.
Linder, State's Attorney, and one of the men who had
spoken strongly against Mr. Lovejoy in the meetings of
November 2 and 3.
The character of this defense of the rioters, the refusal
of the citizens to give the protection requested by the
friends of the "Observer," and the fact that the jury
returned a verdict of "not guilty" within fifteen minutes,
all go to prove that the Alton pubhc not only wished to
protect the participants in the riot, but also applauded
their deeds of the night of November 7.
In fact, in Alton and its immediate vicinity public
sentiment decried Lovejoy and laid the blame of the ex-
' For particulars of the events of November 7, see letter of Mayor, "Alton
Telegraph," November 15, 1837; letter signed "W," "Cincinnati Journal," No
vember 8; "Missouri Argus," November 18; "Missouri Republican," November
10; "Alton Telegraph," November 8, 15, 29; "Alton Observer," December 28,
1837; testimonies in the "Alton Riot Trials,'' "Memoirs," "Alton Riots,' etc.
' Dr. Samuel Willard says that J. M. Rock was the person who did the
shooting. See Appendix to Tanner's "Martyrdom of Lovejoy."
' "Notes on the Alton Trials," by Lincoln, pubhshed 1838.

9^ NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
citement and the riot upon the shoulders of the abolition
ists and of Mr. Lovejoy himself, ^ but throughout the
nation generally the action of the rioters was condemned
and Lovejoy's death laid at their door.
The press of the North was almost unanimous — non-
abolition as well as abolition — in its support of Mr. Love
joy and his conduct.^ The abohtiomsts naturally claimed
him as a martyr to their own cause. ^ The other papers —
even those like the ''Peoria Register," the "Clermont
(Ohio) Courier,'* and the ''Pittsburg Times/' which were
distinctly antiabolition — regarded Mr. Lovejoy as the
champion of the liberties of the country. They spoke of
the event as a violation of the freedom of the press, and
argued conclusively that such illegal violence would do
more for the cause of the abolitionists than any number
of speeches, pamphlets, or books could ever do.
It is remarkable also that the strongest sentiments of dis
approval of the action of the Alton mob came from Southern
editors; and that as a whole the papers of the South depre
cated the murder and arson as much as those of the North.*
^ See, for example, "Missouri Saturday News," February 3, 1838, and "Mis
souri Republican" for November lo, 14, December 3 and 21, 1837.
= See all newspapers of the time, of which we can mention the "Peoria
Register," "Philadelphia Observer," "Galena Advertiser," "Fitchburg- Cour
ier, "Haverhill Gazette," "New York Evening Post," "New York Observer,"
"Massachusetts Spy," "New York American," ''The Pennsylvanian," "Taunton
Whig," "Painesville (0.) Republican," "Hennepin Journal," "Boston Daily
Advocate," "Pittsburg Commercial Journal," "Pittsburg Gazette," "Pittsburg
Times," "Cincinnati Gazette," "Clermont (0 J Courier," "Jeffersonville (la.)
Courier," "Providence Journal," "Boston Times," "Louisville Journal,
"Louisville Herald," "Baltimore Chronicle," "Elizabeth (Ky.) Star," "Boston
Atlas," "New York Baptist Register." "New York Journal of Commerce,"
"Salem Gazette," "Zion's Herald," "The Watchman, ' "New York Christian
Intelligencer," "Western Christian Advocate," "Ohio Political Register,"
"Circleville (0.) Herald," and the "Concord Freeman," "Philanthropist,"
"Emancipator," and "Liberator," all of which deplored the riot and praised
the stand of Lovejoy.
^ See the "Philanthropist," November 21, 1837, November 28, 1837, and
December ig, 1837; and other abolition papers in their November and Decem
ber issues. ¦*See, for instance, the editorials in the "Philadelphia Observer" in refer
ence to the Southern press, November 20 to December i. 1837; also, for same
dates, "Louisville Herald" and "Journal," "Elizabethtown (Ivy.) Star," and the
"Baltimore Chronicle."

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 97
The "Observer" was reissued at Cincinnati on Decem
ber 28, 1837, with Ehsha W. Chester as editor, and hs
pubhcation continued tiH the foHowing April.' Its patron
age had vanished, however. Its vitality seems to have
gone out with the life of its able editor and founder. No
further attempt was made to replace it. Nor was there
any antislavery paper published in Illinois for several
years thereafter.
The contest waged by the "friends of good order" in
Alton did not benefit materially the cause of freedom of
speech. It aroused but a temporary revulsion of feeling
throughout the Union against such lawless proceedings.
SimHar outbreaks have occurred quite commonly at inter
vals ever since.
On the other hand, the death of Mr. Lovejoy proved a
great gain to the general abolition cause. It secured for
that movement such men as WendeH PhHlips and the Hon.
Richard Fletcher, who might not have been won in any
other way.^ And it stirred all loyal antislavery men to
renewed efforts and greater enthusiasm.
In Illinois the effect of the rioting at Alton upon the
antislavery cause was not at once apparent. There was
a small public meeting in Chicago, which condemned the
assault on the warehouse as a blow at the freedom of the
press. This and the censure of a few papers like the
"Peoria Register" were the only protests against the out
rage. In fact, few people in the State cared to raise their
voices in condemnation of the deed — such was the disre
pute in which the abolitionists were then held.^
' Discontinued after April 19, 1838. File in Chicago Historical Society.
* "Boston Times," November 10-20.
' Z. Eastman's article, "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," in Blanchard's
"Illinois." in 1837 the General Assembly of Illinois unanimously approved the report
of a special committee, which condemned abohtionism in strong language, and

98 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Nevertheless, the martyrdom of Lovejoy had a bene
ficial effect on many minds, and as will be more fully
shown in the following pages, the antislavery movement
in Illinois had its origin in the work and death of Elijah
P. Lovejoy.
closed with these words: "We sincerely deplore the evils of abolition societies;
and we firmly believe their doctrines and proceedings are more productive of
evil than of moral and political good." "Philanthropist," April 14, 1837.

¦m^^

L ] \MA N /. 77? I 'MB ULL
{Fro/11 Portrait ui Possession of George H. Robbins,^ Esq,, Chicago)

CHAPTER VIII.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS.
It has already been shown how the system of inden
tured servants was introduced by the Territorial laws of
Indiana in 1807, and confirmed by the IHinois Constitu
tion of 1818, and the Statutes of March, 1819, in seeming
contradiction -srith the Ordinance of 1787. It might have
been expected that ere long cases would arise to test the
vahdity of these enactments, but in point of fact, such
cases were very slow in making their appearance in the
Supreme Court. It was six years after the laws respect
ing indentured servants were passed before the first case
was argued, and nearly ten years before that court ren
dered any decision on the legahty of the laws of 18 19.
This was due to various causes. In the first place, negroes
were forbidden by law to appear as witnesses in court.'
Then they were too poor, for the most part, to inaugurate
lawsuits and fight their way up to the Supreme Court.
Moreover, the public concerned themselves very httle
about the indentured servants in those days. Nor were
the lawyers sufBciently interested or philanthropically
enough inclined to champion their cause.
The first case which came before the Supreme Court
of IHinois having a bearing on this subject was that of
Cornelius vs. Cohen. ^ This was tried in the winter term
of 1825. It was the case of a negro girl, named Betsey,
whose mother — Rachel — had apprenticed herself to one
' Statutes, iSig (March), and 1827 (February), "Act Concerning Practice."
' Ilhnois Supreme Court Decisions; Breeze, page 131.
99

lOO NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Joseph Cornelius, on October 6, 1804, for a term of
fifteen years. The indenture, which had been signed only
by Rachel, had expired, and the woman was now free.
Mr. Cornelius, however, claimed the right to the services
of Betsey, the daughter of his former servant Rachel,
under the Territorial law of 1807.
Justice Lockwood rendered the decision of the Court,
to the effect that the 13th section of the Act of 1807 did
not embrace cases where the master and servant did not
agree upon the time of service before the County Clerk.
Therefore we have the principle established, that inden
tures not signed by the master are void. It is to be
inferred, also, that the Court did not consider indentures
legal unless signed by both contracting parties, or in other
words, unless issued in strict compliance with the terms
of the Act of 1807. This was a smaH but an essential
gain for the negroes, since this decision must have acted
as an effectual check on all unscrupulous masters who
would, if it were possible, entice and browbeat free
negroes into their service.
The first important case was that of Nance vs. Ho'ward,'
which was decided in December, 1828. The vital ques
tion at issue was. Can negroes be sold in IHinois? The
Supreme Court was of the opinion that "registered ser
vants are goods and chattels, and can be sold on execu
tion." As proof of this assertion. Justice Lockwood showed
that both the Territorial Legislatures ^ and the State
Legislature ^ had considered registered servants as per
sonal property. Then, too, the execution and attach
ment laws of the State provided that the time of negro
^ Breeze, page 242.
* Acts, September 17, 1807, on "Execution," Sec. 7; on "Servants," Sec. 3.
^ State Session Laws, March 27, 1819; February 18, 1823; February ig, 1827.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS loi
servants may be sold or transferred,' and while a poll tax
was forbidden by the Constitution, negro servants have
always been taxed as property, not per head but per value."
Therefore, since registered servants are property, they are
transferable hke other goods and chattels on execution.
This was a question of vital interest, as it affected
both the transfers of indentured negroes, which were con
stantly occurring, and the sale by the sheriffs of the time
of negroes who might be found at liberty in the State, but
without freedom papers. The judgment in this case of
Nance vs. Howard, confirmed then the legality of those
laws which provided for the sale of the time of indentured
negroes. This held good until the Supreme Court, twelve
years later, reversed its decision, and declared that the
presumption of the law in Illinois is, that every person is
free without regard to color, and that the sale of free
persons is illegal.*
In the same session in which the case of Nance vs.
Howard was decided, a far more important judgment was
rendered in the case of Phoebe vs. WiHiam Jay.* The
facts of the affair were as follows: Phoebe had been
indentured by Joseph Jay in November, 1814, to serve
forty years. In course of time Joseph Jay died, leaving
all his property to his son, William Jay, who was also his
executor. The question now arose, did Phcebe go to
WiHiam along with the other property? and if so, could
he therefore compel her to render service to him by whip-
' Execution Laws, March 22, i8ig. Statutes of Ilhnois, page 181; Feb
ruary 17, 1823, page 173.
Attachment Laws, January 24, 1827, page 76; on slaves.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1827. Act on Revenue, page 331, levies tax of one-
half per cent on all property.
5 Cases of Bailey vs. Cromwell et al., 1840, (July Term) 3 Scammon, 71 Su
preme Court Decisions. Kinney vs. Cook, i840(Deceniber Term), 3 Scammon
232. Sarah vs. Borders, 1843 (December Term) 4 Scammon, 341,
* Breeze, page 268.

I02 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
ping or other punishment? In order to settle the question
it was necessary first for the Court to give its opinion on
the right to hold indentured servants under the laws and
Constitution of Illinois — a point it had thus far carefully
avoided. In rendering the opinion Justice Lockwood ' be
gan by declaring that the Act of 1807 was void, being
repugnant to the 6th Article of the Ordinance of 1787. In
support of this claim he said, "I conceive that it would be
an insult to common sense to contend that the negro, under
the circumstances in which he is placed, had any free
agency. The only choice given him was a choice of evils.
On either hand, servitude was to be his lot. The terms
proposed were, slavery for a period of years, generally
extending beyond the probable duration of his life, or a
return to a perpetual slavery in the place from whence he
was brought. The indenturing was in effect an involun
tary servitude for a period of years, and was void, being
in violation of the Ordinance." "
But he went on to prove that indentures contracted
under that law were made valid by the 3d section of
Article VI. of the Constitution of 1818, on the ground
that a Constitution can do what is impossible for a legis
lative act to accomplish.*
Then he proceeded to show that the Ordinance of 1787
was no longer binding on the people of Illinois, because
the parties to it had abrogated it by "common consent."
The people of Illinois had abrogated it, by consenting to
indentures in their Constitution of 18 18; and Congress
had abrogated it by accepting the same Constitution
when the State applied for admittance to the Union.
^ It is interesting to note that this Judge Samuel J. Lockwood was one of
the leaders in the antislavery movement in this State in 1823-1824 against the
Conventionists. = Breeze, page 270.
^ Breeze, page 271.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 103
It was also demonstrated in the argument on this case
that, in the event of the death of a master, his servants
were not free; nor did they descend to his heirs or heirs
at law; but they must pass into the hands of the de
ceased's legatees, executors, or administrators. The
administrator, however, had no power to compel the ser
vant or servants to perform services; but he was to hold
them in custody merely, until their terms of service could
be sold. Thus the Supreme Court supported the Legis
lature in declaring the holding of indentured slaves legal,
and thereby fastened the fetters more securely on the
negro. StHl it was an advance to have the bequeathing
of negroes by will forbidden.
There was no law on the subject, and therefore people
had handed down their servants to their children or other
relatives as they saw fit. TiH then there had been no
chance of the negro escaping from the fuH term of his
indenture. This decision gave him at least one loop
hole of escape. Some one charitably inclined might
buy him at the administrator's sale and set him free
immediately, or after a very short term of service. Yet,
in the main, these were all false hopes. Nothing of
great or lasting value could be expected from such a
decision. It was not untH the year 1836 that the first decisive
step was made toward freeing the colored people from
unjust legislation. In that year it was first insisted upon
by the Supreme Court that all indentures not made in
striot conformity with that portion of the act of 1807
embodied in the Constitution of 1818 were iHegal, and
that service under them could not be enforced. This
meant that all negroes who were not registered or inden
tured within thirty days after being brought into the State

I04 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
could not be held to service, and would therefore become
free through continued residence in the State.' We shah
soon see how this latter point was confirmed by the judges
of the Circuh Court six years later.
Another important decision of 1836 was that in the
case of Boon vs. Juhet.^ This was a question of the right
of Boon to the services of the children of a colored
woman, named Juliet. Juhet had been registered in Ran
dolph County on July 20, 1808, by one Gaston. In
course of time she had been sold by the Gastons to the
Boons, and had finally served out her time. She had,
however, three children — Peter, Harrison, and Enoch —
two of whom were born before 18 18 and one since that
date. Bennington Boon claimed the right to the services
of these children for some years yet, under the Act of
1807 and of the proviso attached to section three.
Article VI. , of the Constitution of 1818. The Court
decided that the children of negroes registered under the
Territorial laws of Indiana and IHinois were unquestion
ably free. Justice Smith, who rendered the opinion of
the Court, affirmed that the law of 1 807 did not refer to
registered negroes, but only to indentured servants, and
that the proviso of section three. Article VI. , of the
Constitution did not necessarily make the persons therein
named subject to slavery; for a proviso in law is in
tended to qualify the section preceding it; and this one
was purposed as a mere limitation on the imagined right,
by inference from the law of 1807, of the master to the
services of their chHdren. In other words, it was intended
' Choisser vs. Barney Hargrave, i Scammon, p. 337. Barney Hargrave had
been hrought into Illinois in 1816, or before, and was not registered as an in
dentured servant until August 15, i8i8. Barney was sold by his first master,
Willis Hargrave, of Gallatin County, to A. S. Wright, and by the latter to John
Choisser, "^ I Scammon, page 258.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 105
by the framers of the Constitution that the children of
indentured servants should not be generally held as slaves,
but where masters possessed any legal right to hold such
children in their service, by mutual agreement or other
wise, the term of servitude should not extend beyond the
twenty-first birthday in the case of males, and the eight
eenth in the case of females.
The importance of this decision is at once apparent,
when we remember that the larger proportion of the
younger slaves were the offspring of negroes who had
been indentured under these Territorial laws. It is
most difficult to determine at present just how many re
ceived their freedom through this act of the Supreme
Court, but the number must have been considerable.'
In the years 1840 and 1 84 1 it was established, in the
cases of Bailey vs. CromweH^ and Kinney vs. Cook,* that
"the presumption of the law in Illinois is that every per
son is free without regard to color," and "the sale of a
free person is ihegal." Thus the selling of indentured
servants was rendered illegal. This decision, as weH as
that rendered in the case of Phcebe vs. Jay, was confirmed
in the case of Sarah vs. Borders,* which came before
the Supreme Court in its December term, 1843. This
celebrated case shows so well the feeling between slavery
and antislavery men at the time, as well as the great diffi
culties in getting such a case a fair trial in the lower
* The United States Census for 1830 places the number of slaves in Illinois
at 747, while that of 1840 reports only 184. This, if correct, would give the re
markable decrease of 563 in ten years, or about 75 per cent. There seems to
be an error in the returns for 1840, however. Messrs. Bailhache and Company,
editors of the "Alton Telegraph," in their "Tabular Statement," published in
February, 1841, give the number of slaves as 300. This "Tabular Statement"
was compiled from the returns made by J- A. 'Townsend for the United States
Marshal. This would make the decrease in slaves held for the decade 1830-do
nearer 60 per cent than 73 percent. This was not all due to the decision in
the case of Boone vs. Juliet. The granting of freedom papers, the expiration
of indentures, the kidnapping of colored servants, and ravages of death all
played a part in this lessening of the number of slaves held.
° 3 Scammon, page 71. ' 3 Scammon, page 232. " 4 Scammon, paje 341.

io6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
courts and in carrying it safely to the superior courts for
final judgment, that the history of it should be related in
fuH. In the early forties Andrew Borders,' a man weH known
for his cruelty and rapacity, was living near Eden in Ran
dolph County. He possessed several negro servants, to
whom he clung with all the determination and passion of
a true Southerner. Two of his colored women, feeling
entitled to their freedom, and anxious to escape the cruelty
of their master, left him, and with three children made
their way northward. One of these women was named
Sarah Borders, and was the mother of the three young
negroes. The party proceeded in security, aided by persons here
and there, who were known as "friends of the negro,"
untH they reached French Creek in Peoria County. Here
they were given a temporary home at the house of John
Cross, a well-known abolitionist. They had been in the
house only a few days when a party of men, led by a
justice of peace, named Jacob Knighthnger, appeared, who
carried them off per force and lodged them in the county
jaH at KnoxviHe. This was in the latter part of Septem
ber, 1842.
The negroes were treated as fugitive slaves. Their
arrest was advertised by the County Sheriff, and it was
expected that they would be sold at auction if their
master did not put in a claim for them. The two women
claimed to be free, and the sympathy of all the antislavery
residents of the region was aroused in their favor. The
* For authorities in the details of Borders's case, see "Western Citizen,"
July 6, 1843, letter dated Galesburg, June 23, 1843, and signed "Liberty."
"Western Citizen," February 22, 1844, article on the three cases of Borders,
Eells, and Willard. "Western Citizen," July 8, 1844, letter from J. Cross.
"Western Citizen," September 23. 1842, letter from J. Cross; letter from Gales
burg, Eden, etc., in "Western Citizen," October 7, 28, and December 23, 1842;
also 4 Scammon, page 341.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 107
abolitionists made the quarters of the negroes in the jail
as comfortable as possible, and exerted themselves to the
utmost to secure their freedom.
As soon as Mr. Borders's representative appeared with
papers claiming the fugitives, the case was hurriedly
brought before a justice of peace, who declared that both
the women and the children were entitled to their free
dom. But Borders's lawyer appealed the case immedi
ately to the County Court, at the same time bringing suits
against the abolitionists who had aided the negroes, for
seizing and carrying off the property of Mr. Borders.
The trial soon came off in the midst of considerable
excitement, there being many persons who sympathized
with Borders, as well as antislavery partisans who sus
tained the negroes. Borders won his suits, and even
succeeded in getting a verdict against the first justice who
heard the case, for detaining Borders's papers from Mon
day till Saturday before deciding the suit. Then the
abolitionists appealed the matter to the Circuit Court,
which was to be held the following June (1843) at Gales
burg, Knox County, by the Honorable Jesse B. Thomas.
Here again both parties made strenuous efforts. Mr.
Cross was his own counsel, defending himself and the
negroes vigorously. Mr. Borders's agent exerted him
self not only to win his suits, but also to punish the
abolitionists for interfering in Borders's affairs. The
abolitionists claim that he bribed a number of the officials,
packed the jury with slavery sympathizers, and brought
up from Randolph County a barrel of peach brandy,
which was presented to the sheriff for the use of the Court
and its officials.
The old man was again successful in getting his right
to the children sanctioned, in spite of testimony by w.n

loS NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
from Randolph County that Hannah had been kept eigh
teen months over time. The cases for trespass and carry
ing off of the negroes were dismissed by the Court, since
the jury found no cause for action; and the right of the
two women to their freedom was confirmed. In addition,
Borders's desire for revenge was somewhat appeased,
when the jury found bills of indictment on trumped-
up charges against some of the men who had clothed,
fed, and protected the colored children.'
However, the "friends of the slave" were not discour
aged. In junction with other antislavery men in Eden, a
suit was brought against Borders in Randolph County, for
holding negroes in service after the time set by law had
expired. Borders was again successful, and finally the
case was appealed, and came up before the Supreme Court
in the December term, 1843. Lyman TrumbuH and
Gustave Koerner were the attorneys for the plaintiff.
They made an able and exhaustive argumiCnt to prove
that the holding of negroes as servants or slaves in Illinois
was iHegal, being contrary to the Ordinance of 1787,
which they asserted was still binding. They were not
able to convince a majority of the judges of the correct
ness of their argument, and the Court expressed itself,
through Judges Scates and Thomas, as fully in sympathy
with the argument and position of the court in the case of
Phoebe vs. Jay, and rendered its verdict accordingly.
This decision excited much criticism throughout the
State, especially from the antislavery men. The Court
was accused of corruption, and of subserviency to the
slave power, and its opinion was a matter of great disap
pointment to many who had earnestly hoped that the Court
^ One. was sentenced for beating his wife, and another for misapplying the
funds of the School Board of Galesburg, of which he was a member.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 109
would declare the holding of negro indentured servants
illegal. In the year 1842 two cases came up before the Circuit
Court of Sangamon District, which show the increasing
tendency among the ranks of the judiciary (that had
already manifested itself prominently among the inhabi
tants of central and northern Illinois) to give the negro
full legal protection and justice. The first was the case
of the negro Daniel, who had been arrested and commit
ted to jaH in Springfield for having no freedom papers.
This was in accordance with the law passed on the 17th
of January, 1829, which provided, as we have seen, that
every black person found in the State without freedom
papers should be arrested, and after six weeks' notice
should, by the sheriff of the county, be hired out by the
month. Daniel, by the help of friends, secured a writ of
habeas corpus, and had his case brought before Judge
Treat. The judge declared that the act of 1829 was un
constitutional, and that Daniel was entitled to his free
dom, which was granted to him.'
The second case was that of James Foster,^ a colored
man, who had been living in Springfield during the two
or three years previous to that time. A citizen of Arkan
sas suddenly appeared, claimed Foster as his slave, and
demanded him in accordance with the act of Congress
regarding fugitive slaves. The matter was brought before
Judge Treat for adjudication. He required the slave
holder to prove the negro was his property "by disinter
ested witnesses," before he would surrender the slave to
' "Sangamon Journal," February 18, 1842; "Genius of Liberty," February
26, 1842. '^This was confirmed later (1849. December term) by the Supreme Court,
in "Thornton's Case," 11 Illinois (Supreme Court Decisions), page 332; and in
1853 by Judge Skinner in the case of a negro arrested under a similar cliarge in
Adams County. "Free West," December 8, 1853.

no NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
his supposed master. This, as Mr. Lundy has already
pointed out,' was in excess of the requirements of the act
of Congress, which only stipulated that the slaveholder or
his agent should make an affidavit of the identity of the
person claimed. Yet it was a step in the right direction,
because to white men aH negroes look alike, and the prac
tice of kidnapping negroes had become so prevalent that
the most stringent regulations were needed to protect the
free blacks in Illinois.
The early forties were, too, the period of another series
of lawsuits which finally accrued to the advantage of the
negro from still another point of view. These were the
direct outcome of the Act of 1829, concerning runaway
slaves, which imposed a penalty of five hundred dollars
for harboring a negro not possessing a certificate of free
dom; for the agents of Southern slaveholders and their
sympathizers in Ilhnois were not slow in getting out
indictments against such antislavery men as dared to aid
a fugitive black. ^
The first of the cases which arose under that law was
that of Owen Lovejoy, who was tried for the supposed
harboring of a negro woman named Nancy, by the Dis
trict Court of Bureau County, on October 5, 6, and 7,
1843.* Mr. Purple, a la'wyer of Peoria, and a strong
opponent of abolitionism, had gotten out a warrant against
Mr. Lovejoy for "keeping in his house, feeding, clothing,
and comforting the said Nancy," and also a negress
named Agnes. The case was first tried before the
County Court of Bureau County in May, 1843, where
Purple seems to have been victorious. In October it
' "Genius of Liberty," February 26, 1842.
' Illinois Statutes, 1829, January 17. Sec. i and 2, and Revised Statutes, 1845,
Sec. 5, Chapter 74, S500 penalty for harboring a negro without freedom papers.
^For good but sliglitiy partisan account, see "Western Citizen," July 13,
August 3, October iq and 26, 1843.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS m
was carried to the Circuit Court of the same county, and
tried before Judge Caton. There was much interest
manifested in the affair. The excitement in Princeton
was considerable, and the court-room was packed. The
Honorable James H. Collins was the counsel for Lovejoy,
and made a telling speech of seven hours' length in defense
of his chent. Mr. Lovejoy was fully acquitted of the
charges. Since Mr. Lovejoy and Mr. Colhns were both
abolitionists, this acquittal was considered a great triumph
for the antislavery element, and was duly celebrated as
such in all antislavery papers and gatherings.
In his charge to the jury, while declining to pass judg
ment on the constitutionality of the law under which the
case was tried, Judge Caton made the following remark
able interpretation of the effect of residence in a free ter
ritory upon an escaped slave. He said: "The right to
property in a slave is not one of those natural rights which
necessarily and spontaneously result from the organization
of society, like the right to property in animals, in fruits
of agriculture, minerals, or the like, which are found by
accident or produced by toil; but slavery can only exist
either in the statute laws, the common laws, or by cus
tom. It is necessary, however, to be shown to exist in
some of these forms in the State, District, or Territory
where the supposed slave was held in bondage, before it
is possible to show legally the relation of master and
slaves." It was therefore necessary for the jury to find
this evidence and the residence of the master of Nancy,
before Lovejoy could be legally convicted.
StiH, as regards Illinois, Judge Caton continued: "By
the Constitution of this State, slavery cannot exist here.
If, therefore, a master voluntarily bring his slave within
the State, he becomes from that moment free, and if he

112 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
escape from his master whhe in this State, it is not an
escape from slavery, but it is going where a free man has
a right to go; and the harboring of such a person is no
offense against our law; but the tie which binds a slave
to his master can be severed only by the voluntary act of
the latter." ' If the slave comes in without the consent
of the master he always belongs to the master, no matter
where he may go.^
This is the first instance where the courts of Ilhnois de
clared that residence in a free Territory entitled a slave
to his freedom.^ This opinion was confirmed by the
Supreme Court of the State in Jarrot vs. Jarrot, in 1845,*
and reaffirmed by Judges Wilson and Treat in the Octo
ber term, 1847, of the Coles County Circuit Court, in
the case of General Matteson.^ Its effect upon the hold
ing of indentured servants in Illinois, we shall soon see,
was most important.
In the same term (December, 1843) that the Supreme
Court of IHinois rendered its decision in Sarali Bor
ders's case, it gave judgment in two other cases which
excited great public comment, and had an important bear
ing upon the question of fugitive slaves and the rights of
their masters to retain them.
The first of these was the case of Richard EeHs of
Quincy. This came up from Adams County, where
^ "Western Citizen," October 26, 1843.
^ This last was in accordance with the Constitution and Laws of the United
States and the Laws of the State from which the slave came,
^The Supreme Courts of other States had already rendered similar de
cisions; Mississippi, 1818, Harvey vs. Dacker, Miss. R. 36, (Supreme Court
Decisions). Louisiana, 1830, Merry vs. Chexnaider, 20 Martin bog (Supreme
Court Decisions). Indiana, 1820, Indiana vs. Lasalle, i Blackf. 60 (Supreme
Court Decisions). Missouri, Winny vs. Whiteside, i Mo. 72 (Supreme Court
Decisions). Missouri, 1827, Merry vs. Tiften, i Mo. 725 (Supreme Court De
cisions). * 2 Gilmore i, (Supreme Court Decisions).
" "Coles County Globe" for October, 1847; "Charleston Globe" for October,
1847; and "Western Citizen," September 7, November 16, and December 18, 1847.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 113
Eells had been tried for secreting a runaway slave, before
the Circuit Court, over which the Honorable Stephen A.
Douglas presided. The judgment had been adverse to
Dr. Eells, and he had been fined four hundred dollars
for the offense.' The Supreme Court then reviewed the
case and confirmed the opinion of the lower court.
The following points were brought out by Judge
Shields, who rendered the opinion of the bench. A State
has the right to legislate upon the subject of fugitive
slaves; it may even prohibit the introduction of negro
slaves into its territory, and punish its citizens who intro
duce them; but no State can pass a law which will inter
fere -syith the right of the master to his slave, or in any
other way infringe upon that portion of the subject cov
ered by the "Fugitive Slave Laws," passed by the Con
gress of the United States. To secrete a slave is an
attempt to defraud its owner of his property, and so much
of section 149 of the Criminal Code^ of IHinois as pro
vides for punishing any person who shall secrete a negro
slave is not in confhct with the third paragraph of section
2, of Article IV. of the Constitution of the United States;
nor does it interfere with the remedy provided by Con
gress for the recovery of the slave, or the mode of prose
cuting that remedy.^ Here again the latter portion of the
charge to the jury by Judge Caton in the Lovejoy case
was maintained, namely, that the escaping of a slave to
free territory did not make him free, but he remained still,
wherever he might go, the property of his master. He
might be claimed by his owner at any time, and any per
son who should assist or secrete such a slave rendered him
self liable to arrest and punishment under the State laws.
* "Western Citizen," February 22, 1844.
'Same as in law of 1829, referred to above.
'4 Scammon, page 498, Richard Eells vs. The People.

114 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The other case was that of Julius A. WiHard vs. The
People.' WiHard was an abohtionist who lived in Jack
sonville. He had been indicted in the Morgan County
Circuit Court and fined twenty doHars and costs by Judge
Lockwood for hiding a runaway negro woman. This
slave belonged to a Mrs. Leshe, of Louisiana, who had
voluntarily brought her negro serving woman with her
into the State and had resided for a short time in Jackson-
viHe. When Mrs. Leslie was proceeding towards Mis
souri (St. Louis) on her homeward journey, the negress
escaped from her mistress. Willard aided in her escape,
but a number of the proslavery citizens of the region
joined in the pursuit, overtook the fugitives, and returned
the girl to her mistress.^
The Supreme Court affirmed the judgment of the lower
court, and through Judge Scates, expressed the opinion
that, "A slaveholder has a perfect right to pass through
Illinois with his slaves, and comity between the States
will protect him in regarding the slaves as such, while
within our limits."^ Here we see that the Supreme
Court was not quite ready or willing to take the position
of Judge Caton in the Lovejoy case, that the voluntary
bringing of slaves into the State makes them free, but
makes a distinction between temporary and permanent
residence. These two decisions, together with that in the
Sarah Borders case, aroused intense feelings and severe
criticism over the State. The abolitionists did not hesi
tate to condemn the action of the court in outspoken lan-
g"uage and accuse the judges of proslavery sympathies.*
^ 4 Scammon, page 461.
,^See full account in Willard's letter to Eastman in "Western Citizen,''
.'Vugust 24, 1843, and February 22, 1844.
^ 4 Scammon, page 461.
'"Western Citizen," February 22, 1844. The "Western Citizen," too, in
speaking ol the decision in the Jarrot case, a year later, said, "Hitherto the

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 115
The "Alton Telegraph"' spoke of the decision in the
Willard case as "in direct conflict with the decisions made
upon the same question in Massachusetts and Pennsyl
vania, and what is regarded now as the settled law of
the land. The only distinction that was or could be
drawn between the cases is, that in Illinois slavery to a
certain extent exists under our Constitution and laws."^
The correspondent of the "Chicago Express," ^ who
doubtless voiced the sentiment of a large proportion of
the conservative citizens of the States, comments on all
the cases as follows: "Is it not passing strange that the
Supreme Court of the State of Ilhnois should be caHed
upon to decide whether slavery exists in the State .'....
If slavery exists in this State, either under the name of
apprenticeship, indentured servants, or French slaves, I
think it is high time to amend the Constitution. ' ' * Re
ferring especially to the cases of Eells and Willard, he
adds that they were "a solemn warning to abolitionists
to mind their own business."
All citizens of the State who sympathized with the
Southern slaveholders, or who, while opposed to the sys
tem of slavery, looked with disapproval upon the theories
and acts of the abolitionists, doubtless agreed with the
correspondent of the "Express," and thought that these
decisions would serve as an effectual check upon the
efforts of those antislavery enthusiasts to assist escap
ing negroes to a safe retreat. But the contrary result oc
curred. The Putnam County Antislavery Society passed
Supreme Court has uniformly decided against freedom when slavery was con
cerned; and no tribunal has ever been more servile or subservient to the slave
power than this Court." "Western Citizen," February 17, 1845.
^ A Whig paper, but antislavery in its sympathies.
' "Alton Telegraph," February 3, 1844.
=> A Democratic paper opposed both to slavery and abolitionism.
•"Chicago Express," February 20. Quoted also in "Western Citizen,"
February 22, 1844.

Ii6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
a resolution to the effect that "we are fully determined to
protect the fugitives. ' ' ' The IHinois Antislavery Society,
at its sixth anniversary, held in Chicago, June 7, 1843,
elected Richard Eells president for the ensuing year, and
took the ground, in one of its Resolutions, that by the
Constitution of the United States, free States are not
bound to deliver up fugitives,^ and at the seventh anniver
sary of the same society, held at Peoria, in June, 1844,
the executive committee made a full report of aH the im
portant fugitive slave cases during the year that had just
passed, praised the conduct of Lovejoy, Eells, and Wil
lard, criticised the decisions of the Supreme Court, and
urged the right and justice of assisting all negroes to
escape from bondage.'
In addition, assistance was rendered to fugitive negroes,
even more energetically than before, not only by abolition
ists, but also by some of those who were merely antislav
ery in sentiment,* and the "Western Citizen" took pains
to herald the escape of every negro as a triumph for
justice and righteousness. °
The indignation which the decisions in the EeHs and
Willard cases had aroused in the abolition camp was
before long almost completely allayed by the decision in
Jarrot vs. Jarrot.^ This was the case of a so-caHed
French slave, named Joseph Jarrot, alias Pete, who,
claiming to be free, sued his mistress, Julia Jarrot, of
Cohokia, for pay for his past services.
' "Western Citizen," February 23, 1843.
* "Western Citizen." June 15, 1843.
^ "Western Citizen," June 20, 1843.
¦* See cases reported in "Western Citizen" on April 6, 1843, November 2,
1843 (Mendon); February 20, 184S (Edeni; March 6, 184S (Bristol); November 3,
1846 (Chicago); November 23, 1847 (Bristol); January 18, 1847 (Morgan County);
November 22, 1850 (Chicago and Quincy); June 10, 1851 (Chicago).
"^Seethe files of the "Western Citizen" for the years 1844-1851, and the
advertisement of the Underground Railway in that paper, July 18, 1844.
® 2 Oilman, 1. (Supreme Court Decisions.)

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS n?
Pelagic, his mother, was bought (at four years of age)
together with her mother, Angelique, by Nicholas Jarrot,
of Cohokia, from one Le Brun, in 1798. Angelique, the
grandmother of Joseph, had been owned and held as
a slave by the father-in-law of Le Brun, one Joseph
Trotier, before the United States got possession of the
Illinois Country. Joseph Jarrot, who was therefore a
descendant of a typical French slave, was bequeathed in
the will of Nicholas Jarrot, dated February 6, 1818, to
Juha Jarrot, the appeHee.
The case was first tried in the Circuit Court of St.
Clair County, in 1843, before Judge Shields and jury,
when it was decided that a slave could not sue his
master for wages.' The Supreme Court, however, re
versed this in 1844, declaring that "a colored person
may maintain an action of assumpsit for services ren
dered, and in such action his right to freedom may be
tried.'" The court then heard the case and declared that "the
descendants of the slaves of the old French settlers, born
since the Ordinance of 1787, and before or since the
adoption of the Constitution of Illinois, cannot be held in
slavery in this State.'" This decision was based almost
entirely upon the previous judgments of the Supreme
Courts of Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, and Missouri,
affirming that the "deed of cession by Virginia did not
deprive Congress of the power to pass the sixth article
of the Ordinance of 1787,"* and that residence in a
free territory, when the master voluntarily settled
' "Western Citizen," February 17, 1845, and "Chicago Journal," February
1, 1845. ' 2 Oilman, i.
^ 2 Oilman, i. Judges Treat, Thomas, and Shields dissenting.
* Supreme Court Decisions of Louisiana; 20 Martin, 699. Merry vs. Chex
naider; tried in 1830.

ii8 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
with his slaves, entitled such negro servants to their
freedom.' The effect of this decision was most fortunate for the
negro. It not only admitted him to the right to sue (for
his freedom) in the courts, but it practically rendered the
holding of any negro indentured servants within the State
iHegal. For if Illinois was a free State, and if residence
within her boundaries, when voluntary on the master's
part, entitled a slave to his freedom, it would then be
impossible for any citizen of the State to hold an inden
tured negro for any length of time in his service. Such
at least was the interpretation which both the press ' and
people of the State ' put upon the judgment in this case of
Jarrot vs. Jarrot, and it was welcomed as a great triumph
by all antislavery men.
The Supreme Court Judges, Wilson and Treat, ex-.
pressed a similar opinion two years later, in the case of
General Robert Matteson. Matteson was a resident of
Bourbon County, Kentucky, who had taken up a tempo
rary residence for several years on a farm in Coles County,
Illinois, where he had brought and kept for some two
years a number of negro slaves. A negro woman named
Jane, with her children, learning that Matteson was about
to carry them back to Kentucky, left him and took refuge
^ Supreme Court Decisions of Mississippi; Walker's Mississippi Reports,
36. Harvey vs. Dexter, 1818.
Supreme Court Decisions of Indiana; i Blackf., 60. Indiana vs. Lasalle, 1820.
Supreme Court Decisions of Missouri; i Missouri, 472. Winny vs. White
side. Supreme Court Decisions of Missouri; i Missouri, 725. Merry vs. Tiffen
and Menard, 1827.
Supreme Court Decisions of Missouri; 5 Peters, 510. Menard vs. Aspatia.
' The "Western Citizen," February 17, 1845, spoke of the event thus: "By
this decision, it is said, the question is fully settled that Illinois is a free State.
Several hundred persons, including descendants, we are told, have t)een held
in slavery in the region ot the country, now Illinois, for nearly 60 years."
' Mr. Benjamin W. West, a Southerner, still living at Belleville, Illinois,
told me that his father and he held their slaves, which had been brought by his
father from Virginia, in their service until the decision had been rendered in
the Jarrot case.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 119
in a little settlement of antislavery Presbyterians near by.
They were eventually arrested as fugitive slaves, and
through the influence of interested abolitionists the case
was carried to the Circuit Court of Coles County in
October, 1847. Here it was decided that, by reason of
residence in the free State of Ilhnois, Jane and her chil
dren were entitled to their freedom.' It was now no
longer to be doubted that the Supreme Court would
remain consistently of the same mind as in the Jarrot
case. A few more minor cases and the gi-eat problems of
slavery and of fugitive slaves were definitely settled, as far
as the courts were concerned. In 1849 the Supreme
Court decided, in Thornton's case,^ that sections 5 and 6
of Chapter 74 of the Revised Statutes of 1845 [or the old
law of January 17, 1829, wherein it was provided that
fugitive slaves would not be aHowed to sue for freedom in
the State, but should be sent back to their masters, or
sold out to labor'] were unconstitutional,^ being in direct
conffict with the provisions made by the Congress * for the
capture and return of runaway slaves.
In the November term of the Supreme Court in 1852,
the interesting case of Hone vs. Ammons" was decided.
Hone, claiming the ownership of a negro who was at the
time at large somewhere in Illinois, transferred by a note
the said negro to Ammons, a citizen of IHinois, in pay
ment of some obligation due the said Ammons. The negro
was not to be found, and Ammons sued Hone for his
> "Coles County Globe" for October; "Charleston (III.) Globe" for October;
"Western Citizen," September 7 and November 16, 1847.
* II Illinois, 332; reaffirmed by Judge Skinner in Adams County Circuit
Court in 1853; "Free West," December 8, 1853.
'Revised Statutes 1845, Chapter 74, Sections 5 and 6; and Laws of 1829,
Act Concerning Negroes, etc.. Sections 2 and 4.
* Act of Congress, passed February 12, 1793.
" 14 Illinois, 29.

I20 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
money.' The Supreme Court rendered the judgment
that "a contract made in Illinois for the sale of a person
as a slave who is in the State at the time, and to a citizen
of the State, is iHegal and void." ^
StiH another phase was touched upon in the case of
Rodney vs. IHinois Central Railway Company,^ where the
effect of the laws of States from which fugitives should
escape, upon the condition of the negro in IHinois, was
discussed and settled. This case came before the Supreme
Court in November, 1857, and the court was of the opin
ion that the laws of other States recognizing slavery can
not affect the condition of a fugitive in Illinois, so as to
give his owner any property in or control over him.*
In February, 1853, the Legislature of IHinois passed
a law forbidding free negroes to come into the State under
a penalty of a fifty-dollar fine, or sale by county sheriff to
whosoever would pay the fine and costs of the arrest
and sentence.' It was some years before a test case came
up under this act. Finally, in January, 1864, the ques
tion was decided in Nelson vs. The People,^ and the
Supreme Court gave its verdict that the sale of a negro
under the Act of February 12, 1853, does not reduce
him to slavery. This is the last word of the Supreme
Court of IHinois on the subject of slaveholding, or
the much-mooted question of fugitive negroes within the
State. The Legislature had its last word a year later, -when it
finally arose to the occasion and wiped out from the Stat-
^ 14 Illinois, 29.
" 14 Illinois, 29.
' 19 Illinois, 43.
* Rodney vs. Illinois Central R. R. Co., 19 Illinois, 43. Opinion read by
Judge Skinner.
• Laws of 1853, February 12. "An .Act to prevent the immigration of free
negroes into this State." Sections i-g.
' See 33 Illinois, 390.

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 121
ute books the infamous "Black Laws." ' They had been
legally in force in the State for forty-six years, in spite
of all petitions to the Legislature and attempts to have
them repealed, and their final erasure was an outcome of
the struggle of 1861-1865 between the North and the
South. On the other hand, the Supreme Court, although
cases were heard on the subject during a period of forty-
five years, practically decided the question of slaveholding
in IHinois in 1845, in Jarrot vs. Jarrot, or at the end of
twenty-six years.
The abolitionists have accused the Supreme Court of
subserviency to the "Slave Power." It is, indeed, prac
tically impossible to prove such an accusation to be true,
but it is a fact that several judges who sat upon its bench
were proslavery in their sympathies. Such were Theophi
lus W. Smith, Judge McLean, Sidney Breeze, and Jesse
B. Thomas, all of whom were Conventionists in 1823-
1824. It may be true, and doubtless is, that the general
feeling in the State on the slavery question was reflected
somewhat in the members of its Supreme Court; and as
the universal sentiment changed, the sympathies of the
judges experienced a like alteration.
When the State as a whole felt little or no interest in
the condition of the indentured negroes, the court had no
incentive to declare illegal a time-honored custom which
some of its members even were practising.^ But when
the cry for universal freedom began to shake the State
from end to end, it was impossible for the judges to re
main longer uninfluenced by popular sentiment. So up
' See Acts of 1865, February 7; "An Act to repeal Section 16 of Division III.,
Chapters 30 and 72."
' Randolph County Records show Jesse B. Thomas as registering three
negroes — Fanny, aged 20, on January 27, 1805; Abigail, aged 28, on August 12.
1813; and James, aged 27, on June 21, 1814. 'The first was to serve 11 years and
6 months, and the last two 30 years. The same Records show Sidney Breeze
in possession of a riegro woman and her infant son as late as August 11, TS:^.

122 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
to 1836 we see that aH the decisions rendered were pro
tective of the indenture system, while the majority of
those rendered afterwards were destructive of it, in ten
dency, and after Jarrot vs. Jarrot, in 1845, every judg
ment is on the side of antislavery.
The period of greatest struggle, however, and of great
est triumph for the antislavery advocates, was that from
1840 to 1845. The contest during these five years was
serious and stubbornly carried on. It involved talent,
ingenuity, determination, and perseverance on both sides.
The abolitionists are to be accredited with stirring up con
siderable interest over the State in some of the cases.
Southern sympathizers and the holders of indentured ser
vants in the southern portion of the State were naturally
considerably concerned in the decisions of the Supreme
Court. StiH there seems to have been no widespread
interest or universal agitation in the State over this con
test in the courts. It was carried on chiefly through the
benevolence of a comparatively small number of citizens
who were actuated by a firm belief in the evils of slavery;
while the brunt of the fray fell to a few able and devoted
lawyers. Among these were W. T. M. Davis of Alton, Nathaniel
Niles of BeUeviHe, Gustav Koerner of BeHeviHe, and
Lyman Trumbull. James H. Collins, a noted abolition
lawyer of Chicago, should also be highly praised for his
work in the Lovejoy and Willard cases, but to the
other men the real victory is to be ascribed. They were
the most powerful friends of the negro, and lived where
their assistance could be readily secured. They told the
negroes repeatedly that they were free, urged them to
leave their masters, and fought their cases in the lower
courts time and time again, often without fees or remuner-

SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 123
ation. Chief among them was Lyman TrumbuH, whose
name should be written large in antislavery annals.
He was a lawyer of rare intehectual endowments, and
of great ability. He had few equals before the bar in his
day. In pohtics he was an old-time Democrat, with no
leanings toward abohtionism, but possessing an honest
desire to see justice done the negro in IHinois. It was a
thankless task in those days of prejudice and bitter parti
san feeling to assume the role of defender of the inden
tured slaves. It was not often unattended with great risk
to one's person,' as weh as to one's reputation and busi
ness. But Trumbull did not hesitate to undertake the
task, thankless, discouraging, unremunerative as it was,
and to his zeal, courage, and perseverance, as well as to
his ability, is to be ascribed the ultimate success of the
appeal to the Supreme Court.
This disinterested and able effort, made in aH sincerity
of purpose, and void of all appearance of self-elevation,
rendered him justly popular throughout the State, as well
as in the region of his home. The people of his district
showed their approval of his work and their confidence
in his integrity by electing him Judge of the Supreme
Court in 1848, and Congressman from the Eighth
District of Illinois by a handsome majority in 1854, when
it was well known that he was opposed to the Kansas-
Nebraska BiH.'
^ See case of attack on Mr. Whitehead, a lawyer, of St. Louis, who was de
fending a negro in a lawsuitlat Kaskaskia, Illinois. "Genius of Liberty," Octo
ber 2, 1841. The account of the treatment of Whitehead as given in the
"Genius of Liberty" seems to have been somewhat overdrawn, according to
the "Alton Telegraph" for September and October, 1841.
' "Free West," December 21, 1854, and all the papers of the State for the
same month. In 1855 Trumbull was elected United States Senator.

CHAPTER IX.
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ANTISLAVERY
AGITATION.
The contest for a convention in 182 3-1 824 was neither
a real nor a typical slavery contest — that is, one concern
ing that subject per se. There was no thought or dis
cussion regarding the existence of the indentured slaves
within the State. It was simply and solely a question
whether Illinois should adopt completely the slavery
system of the South. When this question had been once
settled by the vote of the people, aH discussion in the
matter speedHy ceased, as we have seen.
Occasional antislavery articles continued to appear in
Warren's "Spectator," as long as it was issued in Ilh
nois.' This paper soon went out of existence, and for
the next ten years there was no paper in the State that
defended the rights of the negro. No special attention
was given to the subject by the other papers. Nor was
there any general discussion of the subject attempted by
any one until Elijah Lovejoy began to publish antislavery
articles and editorials in the "Alton Observer."
During this time, copies of Lundy's "Genius of Uni
versal Emancipation,"^ Garrison's "Liberator,"'' the
"Emancipator," ^ and the "Philanthropist" ^ of Cincinnati
' "Edwardsville Spectator," November 2, 1824; October, 1826.
'The "Genius of Universal Emancipation" was started in Ohio (Mt.
Pleasant), January, 1821, and was the pioneer abolition journal in the United
States. The "Liberator" began its career in Boston, in 1831, while the
"Philanthropist" came into existence in Cincinnati in the early thirties. The
"Emancipator" was started in New York, later Boston, in 1834, and ran till
1848. 124

ZEBIXA EASTMAX
(From Photograph in Possession of Hon. Sidney Eastman, Chicago)

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 125
had been received in the State, and the seed of abolition
ism sown. The "Liberator" and the "Philanthropist"
had the largest circulations. AU thinking men into
whose hands such ably conducted papers fell could hardly
fail to be moved by the earnest appeals of the antislavery .
writers. Here and there able and good men were won to
the cause, but the abolition foHowing was extremely small
before 1836.
It remained for the "Alton Observer" to stimulate and
unify the scattered elements, and for the first time, to
create something like a general antislavery sentiment
within the State. The paper had been running hardly a
year before the effect of Mr. Lovejoy's work was appar
ent, and requests for the formation of a State antislavery
society began to pour in upon him from various portions
of Illinois. The final outcome, as has been shown, was
the organization of the Ilhnois Antislavery Society, in
October, 1837, at Upper Alton, with a membership of
fifty- five.'
There were then five county societies in existence, only
one of which — the Adams County Society — was founded
before 1837.^ These five societies — four county and one
State — might be called Mr. Lovejoy's legacy to the aboli
tion cause, for from this little nucleus were to come the
antislavery agitation and the Abolition and Liberty
organizations of the future.
After the death of Mr. Lovejoy there was a tempo
rary cessation of effort on the part of the abolitionists.
Those in Alton were either frightened or awed into silence,
' "Proceedings of the Antislavery Convention," 1837, page 5.
*The five were:
Adams County Antislavery Society, founded August, 1836.
Will County Antislavery Society, founded February, 1837.
Madison County Antislavery Society, founded August, 1837.
Putnam County Antislavery Society, founded July, 1837,
Jersey County Antislavery Society, founded in 1836.

126 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
and the feeling against them generally was known to be
so great and so bitter, that they felt the necessity of
proceeding for a time with great caution.
The "Observer" was reissued at Cincinnati in Decem
ber, 1837, and continued with Ehsha W. Chester as editor,
untH a lack of funds caused its suspension in April, 1838.'
After an unsuccessful attempt to raise the necessary
capital, the enterprise was abandoned;^ and the Illinois
abolitionists had to resort once more to the columns of the
"Philanthropist" and the "Emancipator."
The demand for a local paper continued, and in May
Benjamin Lundy, who had lately been burnt out in Phila
delphia,' was invited to come to Illinois with his press.
It was thought that this "nonresistant" Quaker, weH
known for his prudence and moderation, was the only
person whom the people of Illinois were likely to tolerate
as an antislavery editor.* Yet precautions were deemed
necessary, and his paper, the "Genius of Universal
Emancipation," which now appeared to come from Hen
nepin, was actually printed in Lowell, Illinois. Its first
issues were gotten out early in 1839, the second number
bearing the date February 26, 1839.^
Mr. Lundy announced the policy of the journal to be
"the advocacy of Free Discussion, the Total Abolition
of Slavery, and the firm establishment of the Constitu
tional, inalienable, and universal Rights of Man. These
^ See the numbers of the "Observer" from December 28, 1837, to April ig,
1838. = Messrs. Beecher and Hale were sent out to collect money and subscrip
tions. Report of the executive committee in the "Genius of Universal
Emancipation," February 26, 1839.
^ On May 17, 1838. For an account, see Wilson's "Rise and Fall of the
Slave Power," page 297.
* Report of the executive committee, dated October 3, 1838; see the
"Genius," February 26, 1839.
''Number one is not now in existence. Numbers two to twelve, dated at
Hennepin, may be seen at the Chicago Historical Society's Library. Lowell
was the postoffice for the hamlet of Hennepin.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 127
objects are sought to be accomplished by the promulga
tion of facts and arguments, by moral suasion, by appeals
to the reason, justice, and reflection of the people and
their representatives. A strict neutrality is observed with
respect to the general doctrine and proceedings of religious
sects and political parties, under the present organi
zation."' Such was the program laid down by this generous,
conscientious, and noble-minded man, and which he
carried out faithfully till the day of his death. His sub
scription list was very small, and the abolitionists of Illinois
gave him almost no financial support. So Mr. Lundy —
laboring often under great disadvantages and almost in
poverty — had to publish the paper chiefly at his own
expense. LoweH was then a little village of hardly more than a
dozen houses, lying on the banks of the sluggish VermH-
ion River. Lundy's printing "office" consisted of a one-
room building about twelve feet square, and made of
common plank set up edgeways. Here he worked and
slept. His press was an "old iron half-pattern of Dr.
Franklin's 'Ramage, ' which had to be puHed twice to get
an impression of one side of his little sheet." The type
were worn down, battered with age and use, and filled
with dried ink of bygone years. His paper was given
him by Christian Donaldson of Cincinnati, but it was too
small for his form, so that the columns had to be made
over to fit it.
Mr. Lundy was not a practical printer, and suffered
much at first from incompetent workmen, who finally
deserted him, leaving him alone with his little boy and
girl to get out the paper. At length Z. Eastman, accus-
' "Genius of Universal Emancipation," No. ^.

128 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
tomed to type-setting as well as to the duties of an editor,
arrived. From the first Mr. Lundy seems to have reposed
confidence in the young printer from the East. A strong
friendship grew up between them, and Mr. Eastman re
mained in intimate association with Mr. Lundy in the
pubhcation of the "Genius" untH Mr. Lundy's death, in
August, 1839.'
Meanwhile the Illinois Antislavery Society was taking
definite steps toward the organization of the abolition
movement within the State. It held its first annual meet
ing in Farmington, in October, 1838, and chose officers
and a board of managers for the ensuing year. Ninety-
nine delegates were present, representing sixteen Illinois
counties, and including two representatives from the Iowa
and Wisconsin Territories. The Rev. Chauncey Cook
was selected as a travelling agent for the society, and two
thousand dollars was voted to meet the expenses of the
coming year. The "Genius of Universal Emancipation"
was adopted as the official organ of the society, and the
executive committee was requested to evolve a plan for
the promotion of the abolition work.^
The plan proposed involved the organization of anti-
slavery societies in every county, which should be auxili
aries of the State society. They were to hold quarterly
meetings, engage lecturers, circulate antislavery pamphlets
and petitions to Congress, raise funds, and agitate the
subject generally. In addition, district societies were to
be formed in every town or neighborhood, which should
hold their meetings monthly and work along the same
^ Z. Eastman in "Early Abolitionism," article in the "Chicago Inter-
Ocean," August 31, 1883; see also article on "Lundy," in the "Chicago Tri
bune," June II, 1874; and an unpublished MS. on "History of Antislavery
Reform." * Minutes of the convention in the "Genius of Universal Emancipation,"
February 26, 1839.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 129
lines as the county associations of which they were to be
auxiliaries. Antislavery newspapers and almanacs were
to be circulated as far as possible. Great stress was laid on
individual effort, and finally, a model constitution for district
societies was suggested by the committee in their plan.
Weak in numbers, deficient in effective organization
and working facilities, cramped by great financial weak
ness, and faced on all sides by a stern opposition, the
Illinois abolitionists labored on, hopefully and earnestly,
to carry out during the year that followed — October,
1838, to October, 1839 — the proposed scheme of organi
zation and agitation. During that time three county and
sixteen district societies were formed, nineteen in all. Of
these, nine at least were formed directly by the agency of
the IHinois Antislavery Society.' About three hundred
and fifty members were added to the ranks of antislavery
adherents. Of these, some two hundred and sixty were
won over through the labors of the agent of the State
society. Rev. Chauncey Cook.^
Mr. Cook travelled and lectured during May and June
in the Rock River district and in Knox, Fulton, Peoria,
and La Salle counties. His own description of his tour
gives such a clear and interesting picture of the methods
employed by the abolitionists and of the reception with
which their doctrines were met in these different sections,
that we quote it almost in fuH. "In my tour in the Rock
River Country," writes Mr. Cook, "I visited eleven
' See file of "Genius of Universal Emancipation," February to September,
1839; county societies as follows:
LaSaUe County Society, March 13, 1839.
Knox County Society, May 13, 1839.
Warren County Society, March 2, 1839. „..,., ^,
And District Societies as follows: Lyndon, Delaware, Florid (M. E.),
Hadley, Buffalo Grove, Daysville, Franklin, Bliss's Grove, Princeton, Roches
ter, Farmington, Canton, Galesburg, Indian Creek, Big Grove, and Libbon.
'Report in "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 5,1835; in Indian
Creek, Big Grove, and Lisbon, 66; in other places, 200; total, 266

ISO NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
towns, and delivered twenty lectures in the various places,
generally to large and attentive audiences. A new anti-
slavery society was formed at Buffalo Grove, and another
at DaysviHe, while I was there. I found four respectable
societies previously organized in that part of the State.
Some collections were made for the State society in sev
eral places that I visited, viz., Lyndon, Buffalo Grove,
Franklin, Daysville, Bliss's Grove, and Princeton. A
formidable opposition to my labor was manifested at
Dixon's Ferry, at the Rock River Rapids, Grand De
tour, and at Oregon. All that appeared to be wanting
in other places was light on the subject, to bring almost
the whole population on the side of the oppressed.
"After my return .... I proceeded to the coun
ties of Knox, Fulton, Peoria, etc. In this journey I
visited eight towns and delivered seventeen lectures. I
found one society at Rochester, in Peoria County, and
another at Knoxville. At Farmington, Canton, and
Galesburg I found societies already organized. I made
some collections at each of these places, and also at
Knoxville. Returning .... I performed a tour
through LaSalle County. In that section I visited five
towns and delivered fifteen lectures. I succeeded in
organizing three societies, viz., one at Indian Creek, of
about fifteen members; one at Big Grove, of twenty-five
members; and one at Lisbon, of twenty-six members. I
found no opposition, except at Ottawa. There the slave
has a few genuine friends, but the mass of the people
appear to wish that his bands shaU remain unbroken. To
the above I may add that about two hundred new mem
bers have joined the different antislavery societies, in the
places I have cited.'"
* "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 5, 1839.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 131
We see, then, that the work of this one man amounted
to twenty-four towns visited, fifty-three lectures given,
seven Antislavery Societies founded, and two hundred
and sixty-six members added to the list of abolition fol
lowers. It is not likely that Mr. Cook's labors were
limited to these two or three months, but no record has
been preserved of any further work on his part that year.
In addition, the Putnam County society engaged the
Reverend James H. Dickey, of Union Grove, to make a
tour of several places in the northeastern counties. He
endeavored by his lectures to awaken an interest in anti-
slavery matters among the people and the churches there,
but met with a very cold reception, the doors of the
churches and school-houses being generally closed to him.'
These results were excellent for so short a period, and
in the face of so many discouragements, and it would
seem to have been a most praiseworthy exertion on the
part of the State society to keep such an agent as
Cook in the field. But, in fact, the society did not sup
port him at aU. He was sustained by such voluntary con
tributions as he was able to collect in the various cities
and towns for the cause of freedom, in the name of the
IHinois Antislavery Society. The society allowed him
this privilege, being unable to pay for his services. The
collections were paid sometimes in money, but more often
in farm produce and in articles of trade.
This policy was pursued by the State association for
several years, and as may well be imagined, the agents
had a hard time to coHect enough to live on.' Still it was
a happy expedient for the society, since it had no ready
means of raising funds for this work in any other way.
' "Genius of Liberty," December 4, 1841 (Letter of Dickey to Eastman).
'See "Genius of Universal Emancipation," 1839.
"Genius of Liberty," 1840-1842: and "Western Citizen," 1842-1845.

132 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
It was thus enabled to have an agent and to be relieved,
at the same time, of the necessity of raising funds for his
salary. The agents were to be like WaHenstein's soldiers
— self-supporting. There was this difi'erence, however:
WaHenstein's soldiers lived, for the most part, on their
foes, while the abolition agents lived on their friends and
patrons. The greatest obstacle which the Illinois Antislavery
Society had to overcome was the opposition, everywhere
displayed, to the propagation of abolition doctrines. In
many localities the subject of slavery, as a great moral
and national evil, was a new topic ; and people had not as
yet begun seriously to think about it. In other regions
public sentiment was strongly antagonistic to abolitionism,
its methods, and its promoters. And in still other dis
tricts where the proslavery element was in the ascendant,
the citizens refused to allow any slavery discussion what
ever in their midst.
Mr. Lundy died, after a brief iHness, on August 22,
1839, and the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," after
being issued in several different States,' closed its career,
on September 8 of the same year, in Ilhnois.^ As early
as July 5, the Putnam County Antislavery Society had
urged the State society to assume the expense of publish
ing the "Genius,"^ and the executive committee of the
central organization had talked of it.* But nothing had
been done, and on the death of Mr. Lundy, it stopped for
lack of support.
* It had been printed at Mt. Pleasant, O.; Jonesboro, Tenn.; Baltimore,
Washington, and Philadelphia. For an account of the life and travels of Mr.
Lundy. see "Life, Travels, and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy,' Philadelphia,
1847. ' After August 21, it was continued by Mr. Eastman at the request of the
subscribers. ^ "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 12, 1839.
* "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 26, 1839.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 133
For over a year IHinois remained without a local anti-
slavery journal, and the abolitionists were again forced to
use the "Philanthropist" of Cincinnati as a medium for
their communications. The need of a local paper was
soon greatly felt. The Illinois Antislavery Society at its
annual meeting, held at Princeton, in July, 1840, passed
a resolution to the effect that "the necessities of the anti-
slavery enterprise most imperatively demand the establish
ment of an antislavery paper in this State, and we cordially
pledge our influence and patronage to sustain it." '
But contrary to the hopes of many of the abolitionists,
the executive committee was not authorized to undertake
such an enterprise. Nor was anything further done by
the State society at the time. It was the same story of
the "agent" repeated. The society saw the need of an
antislavery paper in the State and wished to see one
published there, if it were self-supporting, or if some
one would undertake the risk of it, but it was unwilling
to undertake such a publication itself for lack of adequate
funds. At length, when it was seen that nothing was to be
expected from the State society, the LaSalle County
Antislavery Society authorized its board of managers to
pubhsh a paper in their name, which should be devoted
exclusively to antislavery interests in Illinois, "a sufficient
number of indi'viduals having previously agreed to become
responsible for its pecuniary concerns. " ^ Messrs. Hooper
Warren and Zebina Eastman were engaged as editors and
publishing agents.
Mr. Warren we remember as the former editor of the
"Edwardsville Spectator," the only antislavery paper

' "Genius of Liberty," December 19, 1840.
' "Genius of Liberty," December ig, 1840.

134 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
published in Illinois during the Convention struggle in
1823-1824. He had been engaged in pubhshing a paper
in Cincinnati for some years after leaving Edwardsville,
but was hving in Lowell, LaSalle County, in 1840.
Mr. Eastman ' was the late associate of Mr. Lundy on
the "Genius," as has been shown. He had managed,
together with J. A. Tenney, the "Vermont Free Press,"
an independent sheet, published at Fayetteville, Vermont,
in 1 834-1 83 5.' At that time he had thought the abolition
movement ill-judged and ill-timed,^ and like Lovejoy, he
was disposed in favor of freedom but slow in accepting
the platform of the abolitionists as the sole remedy for
slavery. The friendship of Myron Holly and the death of
Lovejoy seem to have contributed greatly toward making
him an abolitionist. Mr. Eastman was naturally phHan-
thropic, and the negroes in bondage appealed strongly to
the best in his character.* He was a member of no politi
cal party, but at the time he began his labors on the
"Genius of Universal Emancipation, " he aspired to see
formed "a political organization, delivered from national
apostasy, which should administer the government on the
doctrine of the Fathers — the natural equality of all," to
use his own words.'
The new paper was styled the "Genius of Liberty,"
and its first number appeared on Saturday, December 19,
^ Mrs. Eastman told me, in a personal interview, that her husband prepared
a short obituary sketch of Mr. Lundy, which so pleased the abolitionists that
they engaged him to continue Mr. Lundy's paper and work. For this obituary
sketch, see "Genius of Universal Emancipation," No. lo, August 23, 1839; see
also "Memorial of Zebina Eastman," page 7.
"From June 7, 1834 to February 14, 1835; see file in Chicago Historical
Society, and "Memorial to Z. Eastman," page 6.
Mr. Eastman worked at times also on the "Hartford Pearl" and "Peoria
Register," of which Mr. J. Brown Terrinton was editor, and on the "Amherst
Gazette." ' The "Vermont Free Press," July 13, and August 9, 1834.
¦* "Memorial," page 7.
""The Antislavery Agitation in Ilhnois," page 664. (Old edition of Blan
chard's "Illinois.")

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 135
1840.' It was published in LoweH, from the old press of
the "Genius of Universal Emancipation, " ^ of which it
proved a worthy successor. It bore the same motto at its
head as its predecessor, and in its prospectus, we are told
by the editors, "But as the 'Genius of Universal Emanci
pation' was always, it will be the object of the publishers
of the 'Genius of Liberty' to make it the feariess and
unfhnching opponent of oppression in every form, and par
ticularly slavery in the United States."
A section of the paper was also to be devoted to "sub
jects that wiU elevate the morals, expand the interests,
improve the finer feelings, and give zest and stability to
the social and democratic relations of the inteUigent and
enhghtened freeman, and teach him the better to observe
and discern an American's rights and duties." ^ To this
end articles on philosophy, science, political economy,
agriculture, and on subjects interesting to the emigrant,
were to be introduced from time to time. This paper
continued to be issued from Lowell for over a year, but
in the summer of 1842 the enterprise was transferred to
Chicago and resumed under a new name.
The difficulties of supporting an abolition paper in Illi
nois at that time were fully reahzed by the editors. In
the first issue, Mr. Eastman made an urgent appeal to all
abolitionists in the State to take the paper, but he espe
cially requested the aid of aH the friends of the cause in
the East, without whose support he deemed the journal
could not be sustained.
This last bears eloquent testimony to the weakness of
the abolition forces in 1840. We have no complete infor-
' File in Chicago Historical Society, Nos. 1-52, December 19, 1840-April 2,
1842. ''Eastman's "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," page 665.
^ "Genius of Liberty," December 19, 1840.

136 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
mation concerning the results of the efi'orts of the Illinois
Antislavery Society and its agents in that year, but the
little that has been preserved to us is far from encour
aging. The Reverend W. T. Allen was then its official
representative, and his report for the months of Septem
ber, October, and November shows at least how universal
and determined the opposition was.' He covered during
this period the region between Alton and JacksonvHle,
travelling with a horse and wagon, but he made little
impression on the negro-hating citizens of "Upper
Egypt." Most of them, he found, were Southerners,
and some were still slaveholders. Those few who were
in favor of freedom for the slaves, advocated the coloni
zation plan, and did not want any free negroes in the
State. Negro-hatred was the great sin of these people,
he claimed. Five lectures were delivered in peace in Upper Alton,
but the Mayor of Alton, on the petition of the citizens,
caused the trustees of the Presbyterian Church to close
its doors to Mr. Allen, when he was about to commence
a series of talks there. At Manchester and Jerseyville he
was disturbed by mobs; and opposition to his work was
shown in other places. But at Salem, CoHinvHle and
Bethel, he was weH received. His final summary of the
conditions prevalent in this district is noteworthy. "The
great mass of the people in this section," he wrote, "are
inaccessible on this subject. They v/iH not come to the
light. But notwithstanding all this, there are many warm
friends to the slave, and the cause is slowly but steadily
advancing. This community is very much like a slave-
' "Genius of Liberty," June 30, 1841. Mr. Cook seems to have been still
an agent, according to the report of the committee on funds, at the July meet
ing, 1841; but no account of his labors has been preserved. However, we
judge from this report that he was still in the society's debt, rather than its
agent in 1840-1841. "Genius of Liberty," July 3, 1841.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 137
holding community  The tenacity and strength
of the people's ignorance are indeed astonishing." '
The abohtionists thus early recognized the hopelessness
of accomplishing much by antislavery agitation in
"Egypt"; and consequently we find their efforts directed
hereafter largely to Central and Northern Illinois.
In the year 1841 we find increasing activities, although
the lack of sufficient funds was still severely felt, espe
cially by the editors of the "Genius of Liberty." On the
24th of February a special meeting of the Ilhnois Anti-
slavery Society was held at Lowell.'' There was a good
attendance and the best of feeling animated the delegates.
Great interest was shown in the topics discussed, and some
of those present averred that this was the most enthusiastic
abohtion meeting ever held (up to that time) in the State. ^
Here the ground was taken that slavery was to be re
moved through laws on the subject, and therefore, that it
was inconsistent and suicidal for abolitionists to vote for
proslavery men for legislative and executive offices.
Here, too, for the first time, the agitation of the temper
ance question along with slavery was discussed.*
The society then recommended its executive committee
to accept the offer of the LaSalle County Antislavery
Society to transfer the control of the "Genius of Liberty"
from its own hands to those of the State society, and to
make that paper the official organ of the Illinois Anti-
slavery Society.'^ This the committee proceeded to do at
' "Genius of Liberty," January 30, 1841, letter from Allen dated December
7, 1840. July 3, 1841, report of the executive committee of the Illinois Anti-
slavery Society, and also a letter from Moses Lemen, of the "Lemen s Settle
ment," near Collinsville. "Genius of Liberty," March 26, 1842.
- "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841.
^ "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841.
* "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841, minutes of meetings and resolu
tions passed.
•"Genius of Liberty," February 27,1841; one hundred and sixty dollars
was pledged at this meeting towards its support.

138 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
its next meeting, on July 5,' and the "Genius of Liberty"
bore the name of this committee at its head from July,
1 84 1, tiH AprH, 1842.
On February 25, the day following the meeting of the
IHinois Antislavery Society, the same men assembled, with
possibly a few others, in an Illinois State Antislavery
Convention. This was the first political State convention
of antislavery men in IHinois. Here the recent action of
Congress in regard to receiving petitions was discussed,
and the question of sending delegates to the National
Antislavery Convention to be held at New York in May
was debated. No delegates were appointed, but the
Reverend John Cross was deputed to convey to the con
vention in New York the resolutions of this meeting.
These resolutions denounced the Congressional action on
petitions and approved the movement for political unity
and action among abolitionists, in the interests of which
the New York convention had been caHed.^
The attention of the Illinois abolitionists throughout
this year seem to have centred largely upon the two
topics of petitions to Congress and of repeal of the
"Black Laws" in Illinois. In the annual report of the
executive committee, made at the annual meeting in June,
1 84 1, we learn that two hundred copies of the minutes of
the last annual meeting, in which both subjects are urged
by resolutions, had been distributed in the State, and
that five hundred copies of the form of petitions to the
State Legislature to repeal the "Black Code" had been
printed also, and in large part distributed.^ In addition,
' "Genius of Liberty," July lo, 1841. This was held at the Union Grove
mteting-house. This committee was composed of H. G. Pendleton, Owen
Loveioy, Chester Dyer, Z. Eastman, Caleb Cook, S D. Laughlin, R. E. W.
Adams, H. L. Fulton, J. N. Dickey, James Todd, J. Clark, and W. Selby.
= "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841.
3 "Genius of Liberty," July 3, 1841.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 139
the "Genius of Liberty" urged continually the repeal of
the "Black Laws," and asked for any information that
would expose the evHs arising from these enactments,' and
in July a petition advocating the abolition of slaveiy in
the United States, and signed by seventy-one Illinois abo
litionists, was read in the Senate.^
The agents of the State society met with increasing
success in their efforts during this year. The Rev. W. T.
Allen was the society's chief agent,^ but in October the
executive committee appointed Elder Edward Matthews
an agent for Northern Illinois and Wisconsin.* Mr. Allen
was not permitted to speak on slavery in any of the
churches in Springfield, but otherwise he was able to hold
meetings in most of the places which he visited, without
great opposition.^ In the late winter and spring,'' Mr.
Allen journeyed into the "MHitary District," where his
meetings were well attended, the "interest deep and the
results most cheering."
Later he worked in the region near Springfield. After
the middle of October, he travelled northward to Chicago,'
but we have no record of the results of his labors. The
Reverend James K. Dickey was invited to speak in one of
the towns in Putnam County, where three years before,
the doors had been closed against him,' and two new soci
eties were formed during this period — one in Taswell
County and the other in Chicago." Early in 1842 two
* "Genius of Liberty'* for 1841, especially July 21 and 28.
' "Genius of Liberty," August 14, 1841.
^ He began his labors, as we have seen, on September i, 1840, in "Upper
Egypt." * "Genius of Liberty," October 23, 1841.
= "Genius of Liberty," June 5, 1841 (letter from Allen, dated Groveland,
May 271.
"Genius of Liberty," July 3, 1841; report of committee.
* Three months previous to April i.
' "Genius of Liberty," October 23, 1841.
*= "Genius of Liberty," December 4, 1841.
» "Genius of Liberty," September 18, 1841, and January 15, 1842; Taswell
County Antislavery Society.

14° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
others were organized, one in LaSalle and one in McHenry
County.' The results of this year's labor are more apparent
when we look at the increase of the abolition vote in July.
1 84 1, over that of November, 1840. The gain was 367,
or considerably more than double the vote of 1840.^ This
was a most flattering reward for their efforts.
The financial receipts of the State society show up
fairly well on paper at this time, but in actuality they
were far from sufficient. From November, 1840, to
April, 1842, the total sum actuaUy received by the treas
urer, as far as reported by him in the "Genius of Liberty, "
amounted to $689.49. If we add to this the reported
coHections of the society's agent, Mr. AHen, which were
$438.36^4, we increase this total income to $1,127,851^.
Then, if we unite with these the reported income of the
"Genius of Liberty" for the same period, whose manage
ment, as we have seen, the society had assumed, the sum
total of the IHinois Antislavery Society's direct and indi
rect receipts reached the figure of $1,405.95}^. This
sounds well for so young and feeble a society, but 'when
one remembers that $200 of this was in the shape of a lot
in Alton, given by C. W. Hunter,' and that a very large
proportion of the balance was paid in produce and articles
of trade,* it is seen that this sum was by no means as
effective as it appeared. When we consider that out of
this fourteen hundred dollars were to come the salaries
of the travelhng agents, the support of the "Genius of
^ Troy Grove, 2"^ members (LaSalle County); Cold Spring Prairie (McHenry
County), 33 members; "Genius of Liberty," February 26 and March 19; 1842.
"Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841-Apnl 2, 1842.
^ The vote in 1840, 160; and in 1841, 527. Most, if not all, of the abolitionists
lived in the third district at this time.
^ "Genius of Liberty," October 2, 1841.
* See especially "Genius of Liberty," October 2, 1841, and .\pril 2, 1842;
Allen's report,

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 141
Liberty," the sums for the printing of antislavery pam
phlets and tracts, and the cash for numerous incidental ex
penses, it is readily apparent that the society's income
was far from meeting the demands upon it. In point of
fact, when the society's agents were unable to raise
enough money for their own support, and were compelled
to call upon the society for the balance of their salaries,
it was found impossible to pay them. It was some years
before this debt was finally discharged.'
Meanwhile the "Genius of Liberty" was being carried
along from month to month on the very edge of bank
ruptcy. Editorially it was ably conducted, but having no
advertising facilities, it had to depend almost wholly on
subscriptions. This was practically leaning on a "broken
reed" in those days, when abolitionism and antislavery
doctrines were unpopular,^ yet every effort was made to
put it on a self-supporting basis. Twenty-four persons
were appointed in February, 1841, as agents of the paper,
in different parts of the United States, of whom nine were
in Illinois.' In October the number was increased to
thirty-nine, of whom thirty were in Illinois.*
The Illinois Antislavery Society made an unavailing
effort at the same time, through its central committee, to
increase the circulation.^ It soon began to look as if the
paper would have to be given up. At length, after con
sultation with a number of prominent antislavery men,
especially in Chicago and Will County, it was decided to
^ Last debt on this score was paid to Mr. Allen at the ninth anniversary of
the society, held at Princeton, May 21, 1846; and the debts of the society
cleared up; "Western Citizen," June 10, 1846.
' Dr. Charles Volney Dyer was the first, and for quite a time the only sub
scriber in Chicago. Article on "Dyer" in the "Chicago Times" at the time of
his death, April 31, 1878.
""Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841.
'"Genius of Liberty," October 16, 1841.
^ "Genius of Liberty," February 27, May i, October 2, 1841.

142 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
remove the journal to Chicago.' Accordingly, while
arrangements were being made to this end, the "Genius
of Liberty" was temporarily suspended, its last LoweH
issue appearing in April, 1842.^
Besides the labors of the State society, there were
active efforts to win over antislavery supporters on the part
of the county and district associations, especially those of
Putnam and Will counties.' Meetings were held at least
twice a year. Pamphlets and tracts were distributed.
Subscriptions raised for the "Genius," and antislavery
sermons were frequently preached by ministers whose
sympathies for the negro drew them to the side of
freedom. One of the leading features of the antislavery move
ment in Ilhnois is the prominence of clergymen among its
leaders and promoters. Foremost among them were
Owen Lovejoy, John Cross, W. T. AHen, Chauncey
Cook, and James H. Dickey. Moreover, in the whole
antislavery ranks it would have been difficult to find a
single adherent who was not at the same time a strong
religious believer. In fact, the organization had its birth
in the conviction which seized upon a number of consci
entious, sincere, and zealous souls, that slavery was for
bidden by the Bible, and therefore a sin.
This earnest conviction was not long in making itself
felt. Men conceived it their religious and solemn duty to
denounce this sin and to plead for its abolition. They
buHt up an elaborate defense of freedom upon the teach
ings of the New Testament, which they styled the "Bible
argument." This was used with great effect by many of
the eloquent antislavery orators in their political speeches,
¦ "Genius of Liberty," October 2, 1841; April 2, January 8, 1842.
* "Genius of Liberty," number 52, dated Saturday, April 22.
= "Genius of Liberty," during year 1841.

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 143
as weH as by the ministers in their pulpits. Abolitionists
all over the North were united on the general ground,
that slavery was a great moral and political evil and ought
to be abolished. But various opinions were developed as
to the best means of securing this end. Some were con
servative and temperate in their views, while others were
combative and radical. Still others, with a zeal more
earnest than prudent, rushed into theories and practices
that were Hl-timed and weH-nigh fanatical. The abohtion
forces were therefore soon divided into dissenting sects,
when unity of spirit and action was most desirable and
necessary. In the East, Garrison, who was completely carried
away with the moral theory — to abolish slavery through
the propagandism of immediate and unconditional emanci
pation — declared for "no union with slaveholders" in
Church or State.' He did not approve of carrying the
struggle into politics,^ which action numbers of the ab
olitionists were advocating as the only method likely to
succeed. Gerrit Smith and his followers believed that
slavery was unconstitutional, and hoped to see it abolished
by a decision of the Supreme Court. But they proved
not unwilling to use the ballot.'
In IHinois there were no divisions as yet. All was
harmony and unity. Her abolitionists believed in the
' The division between the Garrison faction and the Liberty party aboli
tionists occurred in 1840, when Birney, G. Smith, Wright, Earle, the Tappans,
and others formed the "Foreign and American Antislavery Society." Wilson,
Vol. 7, page 288, and Von Hoist, Vol. 2, page 290.
' "We deprecate the organization of any abolition political party, because
it changes the moral aspect of our cause, and is the substitution of a human de
vice for a moral instrumentality to extirpate the system and the spirit of
slavery from the land;" report of American Antislavery Society, 1837, page 13.
""Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," Eastman. Lysander Spooner and
William Goodell both reached this conclusion through independent reasoning;
Smith "Free Soil and Abohtion Parties," page 98. G. Smith tried to have this
sentiment adopted by the Liberty Party at their national convention at Buf
falo in 1847, and by the Free Soil Party in 1852, but failed. He had no follow
ing to speak of outside of New York.

144 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
saving power of the United States government, if the
principles of the Declaration of Independence were once
thoroughly enforced. In the words of one of their lead
ers, "They believed in the necessity of continuing to
administer the national government on the principles of
the Declaration of Independence, and that faHing to do
so, ah political parties had gone into a state of apostasy.
The reform in Ilhnois particularly was propagated on this
basis. Antislavery men here were trained to be so, on
the truth of the Declaration of Independence. They were
never divided or troubled with the divisions that charac
terized the East, under the stringent lead of Garrison,
Gerrit, Smith, or Greely. They fellowshipped with aU
these, but foHowed the lead of none of them. They were
working for a genuine Liberty party to administer the
Government on the Constitution as it is under the Declar
ation of Independence as the Magna Charta." '
Here the writer is referring primarily to the abolition
movement in the State before 1848, and to the men
who formed the Liberty party. His assertions are
fully borne out by the platforms of the State, county,
and district Liberty organizations throughout IHinois (as
we shall soon have occasion to note), as well as by the
principles which were continually maintained in their
meetings. The beginnings of an agitation attempted by these men
were not over-propitious. Nor was their organization
thorough and effective, owing largely to a lack of means.
But their efforts were earnest, sincere, progressive, and
their work met with at least one promising result — it
awoke among the people of Illinois a lively interest in the
^ Eastman in "The Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," page 663. (Blan
chard's "Illinois," old edition.)

BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 145
question of slavery, it started an impulse, vigorous, sym
pathetic, and zealous, in favor of the negro and freedom,
which refused to be silent, and which prepared Illinois to
assume a prominent role in the great antislavery conflict
that foHowed.

CHAPTER X.
THE ORIGIN OF THE ILLINOIS LIBERTY
PARTY AND THE FREE SOIL PARTY.
In 1840 the abolitionists of IHinois cast one hundred
and sixty votes for James G. Birney, the national Liberty
candidate for President.' This was the first abolition
vote poHed in the State ; and in it only twenty- two out of
eighty-eight counties were represented. Of these Adams
County ranks first with forty-two votes. Will County
second with sixteen, and then Bureau, Knox, and Putnam
with thirteen each. Cook County cast but one ballot.^
The great majority of votes were polled in the North, only
twenty-two having been received south of Springfield.'
At that time there was no organized antislavery party
in the State. Nor was there any systematic or extended
canvass made to secure abolition votes. It is true that
an antislavery convention was held in Farmington* to
nominate presidential electors. This was done more from
necessity — that the abolitionists of IHinois might cast a
presidential vote — than from any largely prevalent desire
for a State organization. The scarcity of antislavery
adherents (and they were widely scattered over the State),
the lack of funds and of proper facilities for maintaining
a central organization, the diversity of opinion among the
' Records of elections, page 302, Springfield, Illinois.
'The honor of casting this vote in Chicago lies between Dr. Dyer and
Calvin DeWolf.
^ These were deposited as follows: Green County, 3; Jersey, 11; Madison,
3; and Morgan, 5.
*See Mr. Eastman's article on "Dr. Dyer," in the "Chicago Times," April
30, 1878. 146

¦^#I|W8%

OIVF.V LOVEJOY
Froju Photograph in Possession of Elijah P. Eovejoy, Princeton, Illinois)

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 14?
abolitionists as to the propriety of political action,' and
the lack of a partisan paper, ^ would certainly have pre
cluded a State organization for political purposes at the
time, if it had been attempted. But the effort was not
made, nor does the question seem to have been even
thought of seriously. The time was not yet propitious.
Those aboHtionists favorable to political action were,
however, not idle. As early as September, 1839, the
Ilhnois Antislavery Society was urging every abolitionist
to carry his "abolition principles to the polls" with him.'
No definite steps were taken toward political organization
until nearly two years later, and these only for local
purposes. In January, 1 84 1, an antislavery convention of the
third Congressional district was held at Galesburg, and
the Honorable Fred Collins nominated for Congress.*
The result of this Congressional campaign, ending the
following July, was very gratifying to the abolitionists.
Although they could not hope to elect Mr. Collins, they
succeeded in raising their total vote in the district to 527.^
This was more than double the entire State ballot of the
previous year,° and small as it may seem, it controlled
the balance of power in the third district.' This gain
^ Mr. Eastman assures us in 1842 that many of the members of the Illinois
Antislavery Society did not believe in the use of political measures. "West
ern Citizen," January i, 1842.
* This election came in the interval between the suspension of Lundy's
"Genius" (September, 1839), and the commencement of the "Genius of
Liberty," by Warren and Eastman (in December, 1840).
= See the resolutions of the Illinois Antislavery Society, published in the
"Philanthropist," November 26, 1839.
* "Genius of Liberty," June 19, 1841.
' "Genius of Liberty," September 18, 1841.
" However, this district embraced nearly the whole of the antislavery re
gion of the State.
' "Genius of Liberty," November 6, 1841, Democratic vote  34,542
Whig vote  34,188
Democratic majority  354

148 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
shows the resuhs of the first pohtical antislavery agitation
in Illinois, promoted by the traveHing agents of the IHi
nois Antislavery Society, the county and district societies,
and the "Genius of Liberty."
Mr. Colhns was the only abohtion candidate put in
nomination in this Congressional election; but the efi'ort
was a praiseworthy one, and did much toward awakening
an interest in their cause in the northern part of the State.
It has been shown in the preceding chapter how the
first political antislavery State convention was held at
Lowell, in February, 1 84 1. The committee of corres
pondence, appointed at this convention, summoned, in
February, 1842, a "Liberty State Convention," to meet
in Chicago the following May.' This May gathering was
the first real Liberty State convention, and was attended
by one hundred and six delegates. Cook County had a
large representation, and a number of Chicago ^ men took
a prominent part in the debates and work of the assembly.
Among these latter were Dr. C. V. Dyer, Calvin DeWolf,
S. D. ChHds, J. H. Collins, Henry Smith, and Philo
Carpenter, and from that time on the "Windy City"
became the chief centre of the abolition movement in the
State. This May convention adopted the platform of the na
tional Liberty party, which had for its central plank the
abolition of slavery,' and added one other issue, the repeal
of the IHinois "Black Laws." Charles W. Hunter, of
Alton, was nominated for Governor, and Frederick Collins,
^ "Genius of Liberty," February 19, 27, 1842.
^ The Chicago delegation numbered twenty-eight.
^ On this point the platform (as given in an article headed "Address to the
Electors of Illinois," "Western Citizen,'' July 26, 1842), reads: "All that the
power of the government legitimately administered can do — all that its honest
patronage and indirect moral influence can effect toward the extirpation
throughout the Union — of all this we are in favor  We contemplate
no invasion of the rights of others."

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 149
of Adams County, for Lieutenant Governor. A State
central committee, numbering five, was appointed to
assume the direction of the coming campaign, and it was
determined to establish an antislavery newspaper in
Chicago.' To raise the necessary funds for the paper, it was
decided to issue a thousand doHars of stock to be taken
by the subscribers at five dollars a share. Only eight
hundred dollars worth of stock was, however, subscribed,
and of this but five hundred dollars was ever paid in.
Mr. Eastman was engaged as editor, and agreed to keep
the paper going five years if properly supported.^ The
subscription list of the old "Genius of Liberty" was trans
ferred to the new sheet, which started with four hundred
subscribers. By the end of the first year its circulation
had increased to a thousand, and in 1846 it passed the
two-thousand mark.'
The new paper, the "Western Citizen," soon became
the most potent force of the Illinois Liberty party. Its
caH for freedom was ever clear, strong, effective. There
was nothing radical or fanatical in the conduct of the
paper. Its editorials were conservative, clean, honest,
straightforward. The editor's heart and conscience kept
pace with his hand. His policy was always earnest and
progressive. Ever bold to denounce the moral and politi
cal evils of his time, always alert to show up the errors
and mistakes of his political opponents, Mr. Eastman
conducted the "Western Citizen" with moderation, jus
tice, and integrity, at a period when impetuous partisan
ship, insincerity, and unscrupulous political apostasy
• "Western Citizen," July 26, 1842.
" "Western Citizen," October 18, 1853, editorial; Mr. Eastman's name does
not appear on the paper till July 27, 1843.
"Report of Press Committee, "Western Citizen," September 14, 1843;
February 23, 1847; editorial, October 18, 1853.

150 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
characterized too generally the press of the State and
nation. The policy of the new Liberty party was defined in the
opening issue of the "Western Citizen." It wished to
"save this nation from the evHs and curse of slavery, and
from the pohtical degeneracy which has fallen upon us."
This the party proposed to accomplish by advocating its
principles with energy and fearlessness, but they wished
it distinctly understood that their course was "reforma
tory and not destructive." '
The abolitionists now devoted their energies to the
promotion of a systematic and complete political organiza
tion. The State Liberty party increased steadily in num
bers, in resources, and in effectiveness. District and
county associations were speedily formed in Northern and
Central IHinois. Liberty nominees were placed in candi
dacy at aH State elections, and in many district, county,
and town contests. The first counties to hold Liberty
conventions and to nominate Liberty candidates were
Bureau, Cook, WiH, KendaU, Winnebago, La Salle, Kane,
Putnam, MarshaH, Fulton, and Knox — eleven in aH.^
This was in the summer of 1842. By June, 1846, there
were twenty-seven counties regularly nominating Liberty
candidates.' The result of the gubematcrial election of 1842 was
encouraging. The antislavery vote for governor was nine
hundred and thirty-one,* a gain of four hundred and four
votes over the abolition ballot of 1841. There were
' "Western Citizen," July 26, 1842.
'"Western Citizen," July 26, 1842. Dr. Smith, in his "History of the
Liberty and Free Soil Parties," page 57, says there were twenty counties mak
ing regular Liberty nominations in 1842, but he gives no authority for the
statement, nor does he name the counties.
=* "Western Citizen," June 17, 1846.
* Official returns quoted in "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 151
returns from thirty-seven counties, an increase of nine
over the previous year, the highest number of votes being
cast in Adams County.
The next year (1843) came the Congressional elections,
and the Liberty men put their shoulders to the wheel again
with zeal and earnestness. Candidates were placed in
nomination during June and July in five out of the seven '
districts of the State — in the first, fourth, fifth, sixth, and
seventh.^ At the invitation of Mr. Eastman, Mr. Ichabod
Codding came from Connecticut to speak for freedom.'
In company with Mr. J. H. Henderson, the Liberty
candidate for the fourth district, he made an extensive
canvass of that district. In the course of their journey,
they met the Rev. John Cross, Mr. Farnum, and Owen
Lovejoy, who were also engaged in making speeches for
the Liberty candidates.*
Ichabod Codding was an orator of considerable power.
So, toe, was Owen Lovejoy. Their eloquent and con
vincing speeches did as much toward winning votes for
their party, as their clean-cut, moderate arguments and
gentlemanly treatment of opponents did toward populariz
ing the antislavery cause. Aliways in demand, ever faith
ful to principles, devoted to liberty, self-sacrificing, ener
getic, courageous, and kindly spirited, these men became
the idols of the Illinois Liberty party, and appear as two
of the most striking figures on the political stage during
this period.
The political canvass of 1843 does not seem to have
been energetic or organized outside of the fourth district,
> By the apportionment of March i, 1843, Illinois was divided into seven
Congressional districts.
"See "Western Citizen" for June and July, 1843.
' Eastman in ".Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," Blanchard's "Illinois."
* Letter from Codding in the "Western Citizen," August 10, 1843.

152 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
yet the outcome of the elections was highly creditable to
the Liberty men. Their total vote cast was nineteen
hundred and fifty-four, more than double the ballot of the
preceding year. Returns came in from forty-four coun
ties, Kane County leading with a hundred and seventy-
five. The greatest gain by districts was -n the fourth,
where the vote rose within a year from three hundred and
fifty-three to eLren hundred and seventy-four.'
In estimating the cause of these successes, the work of
the IHinois Antislavery Society should not be overlooked.
Between July, 1842, and July, 1843, four county and four
local societies were organized,^ and from four to five hun
dred adherents acquired for the antislavery cause. Elder
Matthews '' was kept at work in Southern Wisconsin, and
the Wisconsin Antislavery Society organized at Delavan
in August, 1842.* The Rev. T. W. AHen was caHed
again into the field and lectured at Magnolia, Springfield,
Winchester, and JacksonvHle.^ Numbers of antislavery
tracts also were distributed, but on the whole the work
of the State society was far from satisfactory. It was
severely handicapped by a lack of funds and supporters.
The abolition movement in IHinois had become, after May,
1842, a political rather than a moral agitation, and the
Ilhnois Antislavery Society, although it existed until 1848,
remained only an adjunct of the State Liberty party.
The Liberty leaders now thought of replacing the local
antislavery societies by "Liberty associations," which
should serve as centres for pohtical agitation. The first
* "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843.
^ "Western Citizen"; the four counties were Kane, DeKalb, Lake, and
DuPage. "See Matthews' reports in the "Western Citizen," October 7, 14, 21, 1842.
* "Western Citizen," September 23, October 31, 1842; and January 18, 1843.
" "Western Citizen," August 5, 1842; and Aliens report in the issue of
February 23, 1843.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 153
of these associations was organized in Chicago in October,
1843,' and served as a model for the rest. Every mem
ber was pledged not to vote for any "slaveholder, apolo
gist for slavery, ' ' or person who was not committed to the
cause of freedom, and to use his influence with others for
the same end. The associations were to meet four times
yearly, and raise funds for the State Liberty part-y. Dur
ing the next three years fourteen were organized,' but
they never became of vital value to the party.
In January, 1844, a Liberty State convention was held
at Aurora to prepare for the Presidential campaign of
that year. There were one hundred and ten delegates
present, but only nine counties represented, owing to the
rough roads and bad weather. It was, however, an
enthusiastic and harmonious meeting, the members all
working together in complete unison and sympathy.'
Presidential electors were appointed, female Liberty asso
ciations approved, three thousand dollars voted for cam
paign purposes, and it was agreed that no one should be
recognized as an abohtionist who did not vote the "Lib
erty ticket."* "The delegates returned to their homes,"
wrote Mr. Codding, who was present, "in high spirits
and holy purposes, and with unquenchable enthusiasm —
their motto will be. Work! Work! Work! ' ' ^
The campaign of 1844 — Presidential, Congressional,
and local — was begun early. In February Mr. Codding
made a very successful tour in Lake County. Large
meetings were held everywhere, and he was accompanied
> "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843.
' "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843, to April 22, 1846.
= "Western Citizen," February i, 1844. It was the "largest and best anti-
slavery meeting ever held in the State," according to Mr. Eastman.
""Western Citizen" (Minutes, Resolutions Nos. 7,. I3. 16), February i,
1844. $796,28 was pledged and part raised at this convention.
• "Western Citizen," February i, 1844.

154 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
by Mr. William Jones, a free colored man, who told how
he had been robbed and kidnapped in Chicago.' It soon
became the custom for the abolition orators to take around
with them on their campaigns former slaves, or free
negroes whom slaveholders' agents had attempted to kid
nap. The stories of these negroes never failed to be
received with teHing effect.
In the municipal elections in Chicago in March, the
Liberty party secured one triumph. It elected one alder
man — Ira MHtmore — in the third ward. This is the first
victory of the Liberty party in Illinois, and it was with
such minor successes that they had to content themselves
for some years. The returns show, however, that Chicago
had at least quadrupled her Liberty vote in the year
1843-1844.'' By the middle of March, 1844, numerous counties —
both those that had organized Liberty associations and
many that had not — were holding conventions, raising
money, distributing tracts, holding special meetings, and
appointing active committees.' From May 16 to August
3 Mr. Codding canvassed and lectured in eighteen coun
ties.* District conventions were held in the first, fourth,
fifth, sixth, and seventh Congressional districts, and Lib
erty candidates nominated. State Representatives and
Senators were nominated by the Liberty men in various
sections of the State, ^ and in spite of the many discour
agements, the campaign was pushed strenuously.
The Congressional election came first, being held early
^ "Western Citizen," February i, 13, 1844.
^ "Western Citizen," February 29, and March 14, 1844.
Vote for Mayor, 1843, 45; in 1844, 193.
^ "Western Citizen," March 21, April 25, 1844.
""Western Citizen," May 9, 1S44. Will, Woodford, Adams, Fulton, La
Salle, Peoria, Hancock, Knox, Putnam, Morgan, McDonough, Warren, Henry,
Stark, Marshall, McLean, Vermilion, and Cook.
' "Western Citizen," May 23 to June 27, and September 5, 1844.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 155
in August. The returns were again encouraging. In the
five districts where Liberty candidates were nominated,
the total vote amounted to 3,149 ballots,' a gain of 1,195
over the Congressional vote of 1843. This was indeed a
fiattering increase for one year's work. No Liberty can
didate for the higher offices had as yet been elected, but
in one of the local contests they won this August their
second victory, by the election of Peter Adams as Justice
of Peace in the West Juhet (now Joliet) district.'
In November the Presidential election occurred, at
which time the Liberty men of IHinois cast 3,469 votes
for Birney, the national Liberty party candidate.' In this
vote fifty-five counties were represented, of which ten
gave Liberty returns for the first time. It would seem as
if there had been a real gain of three hundred and twenty
votes by the aboHtionists between August and November,
but this was not the fact. Some gain there doubtless was,
yet the difference between the Congressional and the
Presidential votes is largely to be accounted for by the
fact, that in the former election the Illinois antislavery
voters were largely influenced by local preferences and
circumstances, while in the latter contest they voted
for Birney simply as a matter of principle. The Presi
dential vote, then, should show more accurately the real
strength of the Liberty party of Illinois in 1844. If we
compare this with the abolition vote in 1840, we see at a
glance that the percentage of gain was very considerable,
— from 160 to 3,469 votes. This sounds large, but when
we remember that the population of IHinois in 1840 was
476,183, it is apparent how very slow the people were
' "Western Citizen," September 5, 1844. See also table of antislavery votes
from 1840 on in Appendix.
' "Western Citizen," September 5, 1844.
'Secretary of State's Record of Elections (Springfield), page 422.

15^" NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
generally to accept the antislavery propaganda. The gain
in abolition votes fell very far short, even of the increase
in the popular vote during the same four years.'
Many men were opposed to slavery, — the larger pro
portion of the inhabitants living north of Springfield
doubtless, — but comparatively few were as yet ready to
join a political party organized expressly to abolish negro
servitude. Then, too, the Democrats possessed a major
ity of the votes in these years.' To these staunch sup
porters of "State rights" nothing could have been more
repugnant than a party which would seem to have been
organized for the express purpose of forcing the Southern
States to abolish slavery. The antislavery propaganda —
pohtical and moral — met thus with so much opposition
and so little general acceptance that, if things had gone on
under the then existing conditions, slavery would doubtless
have been still in existence in these United States.
In spite of the unpopularity of their cause, and the
limited number of its supporters, the aboHtionists were
not at all discouraged by the slowness with which new
recruits were added. They rejoiced over the progress
already made, and when the time arrived to prepare for
the Gubernatorial and Congressional elections of 1846,
they were early in the field with their candidates, and made
preparations for a more active and extended canvass of
the State than any they had ever before attempted. AU
the Congressional districts, save the second, held Lib
erty conventions and nominated Liberty candidates.'
' The increase in the total Presidential vote in Illinois in those four years
was 14,005; in 1840, 93,013; in 1844, 107,018. Moses' "Illinois," II. , page 1212.
^ The Democratic party controlled all general elections in the State from
its admission into the Union in 1818 till 1856, when the Republicans elected the
Governor by a majority of 4,732 votes. Table in Moses' "Illinois," II., page 1212.
'This was one more than in 1843 and 1844, Ihe sd District having at
length put a candidate, Elijah Bacon, of Edgar County, in the field. Owen
Lovejoy was nominated in the Fourth District, and Wait Talcott, in the Sixth.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 157
On May 20, the Liberty State convention was held
at Princeton. It was "numerously attended," writes
Eastman, "and characterized by a noble enthusiasm and a
brotherly spirit." Richard Eells,' of Adams County, was
nominated for Governor, and Abraham Smith, of Vermil
ion County, for Lieutenant Governor. Then the following
plan was adopted for more systematic and effective work
in the coming campaign. A central committee of five
was appointed to have charge of the whole State canvass.
A committee of three in each county should manage the
campaign in their respective districts. The county com
mittees should appoint committees of three members each
in every precinct, and the precinct committees in turn were
to appoint a committee in each School District. The
county committees must of course be appointed by the
Liberty county conventions, which should be called for this
purpose and to nominate men for local offices. The counties
also were expected to contribute to the campaign fund.'
How far this plan was actually carried out cannot be
completely ascertained at present. A State central com
mittee was appointed by the convention at Princeton, and
did exceHent work.' It urged the plan of the State Lib
erty party on the Liberty men in the various counties, but
they seem to have been very slow in taking it up. Twenty
thousand tracts, of which about five thousand were those
containing the Slave Code of IHinois, were printed and
distributed by the State committee. A special committee
of three was appointed by it, to manage the campaign in
the fourth district.
¦ This is the same R. Eells who figured in the famous case of R. Eells vs.
the People. 4 Scammon, 498.
' "Western Citizen," June 3 and 10, 1846.
'"Western Citizen," June 3, 1846. This committee consisted of East
man, L. C. F. Freer, Philo Carpenter, of Chicago; I. Codding, of Will County;
and M. Pettengill, of Peoria.

15S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
In this same district eleven counties appointed cam
paign committees, and it was decided to make a special
effort to carry this (fourth) Congressional district for
Owen Lovejoy. Mr. Lovejoy "took the stump" in May,
and from then till August he was actively engaged in
making a thorough canvass of the whole district. He
addressed large meetings everywhere, and in some places,
Hke St. Charles, he spoke to assemblies of five thousand.
Mr. Codding had an equally successful tour not only in
the fourth district, but also in other parts of the State.
The "Western Citizen" got out a weekly campaign
edition, which rose from a circulation of 3,100, on May
27, to 3,648, on July 14.' Of these 1,300 were special
campaign subscriptions.'
A second abolition paper, called the "Liberty Banner,"
was started in Rock Island, in April, by C. B. Waite,' and
a monthly periodical, entitled the "Liberty Tree," was
begun by Eastman and Davidson.* In Chicago and Cook
County greater efforts were put forth than ever before,
and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. The Chicago
Liberty Association hired the City Saloon — the largest
and most convenient hall in town — located on the comer
of Lake and Clark streets, for six months. Mass meet
ings were held there twice a week, and on Sunday night.
All the prominent abolition speakers of the State, and
some from the East, made addresses at different times.
These meetings were enlivened with music, furnished by
the Liberty Choir and the Chicago Brass Band.*
' "Western Citizen," June i, lo, 23; July 14, 27; April 29, 1846.
^ "Western Citizen," July 14, 1846.
'See the prospectus of the paper in "Western Citizen" of April 29,1846.
Waite was a voung lawyer of Northwestern Illinois, and thought the State
would support two abolition papers.
" This was continued two years.
' "Western Citizen," May 6, 1846, and following numbers.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 159
Cook County was districted, and from one to three
meetings were held in each district per week. On June
4, a Northwestern Liberty Convention was held in
Chicago. There was great enthusiasm manifested, and
at the evening meeting six thousand are reported as being
present. Many speeches were made by prominent men,
including Lovejoy and Codding, and popular slavery songs
were sung by the choir and audience.'
The result of all these efforts was apparent as soon as
the election returns were made. The Liberty vote for
Governor was 5,147, an increase of over 1,600, greater
than the Presidential vote of 1844. The total Liberty
Congressional vote figured up to 5,220, but the best
showing was made in the fourth district, where Mr. Owen
Lovejoy received 3,531 baHots — almost double the vote
in the same district in 1844.' This was so encouraging
that the Liberty convention of the fourth district, held at
Elgin, in February, 1847, decided to begin preparations
immediately "to carry the district in 1848." As an
effective means of preparation, it was decided to make a
special effort to elect the local Liberty candidates in
the August elections of 1847, in Lake, McHenry, Kane,
De Kalb, Du Page, KendaH, and Bureau counties. A
committee of three was appointed to have charge of this
preliminary campaign work. Money was to be raised
among the various counties to support one permanent
lecturer. Each county was recommended to name cam
paign committees, and subscriptions to the amount of
three hundred and fifty doHars were asked to sustain the
tract enterprise for the coming year.'
The abolitionists of the fourth district did not long
' "Western Citizen," June 30, 1846.
« "Western Citizen," September 8, 1846.
' "Western (Citizen," February 23, 1847.

i6o NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
delay in carrying out this plan. They held two more dis
trict conventions that year.' They appointed Henry
Bibb, of Michigan, lecturer,' and made Mr. A. St. Clair
the financial agent and corresponding secretary of their
central commhtee.' CM. Hawley, of the State Liberty
Committee, of New York, in company with Lewis Wash
ington, an escaped slave, made a tour of Northern Illinois
and Southern Wisconsin during the months of June and
July, speaking in all the principal towns. Will, Du Page,
McHenry, Putnam, Bureau, De Kalb, Lee, Lake, Kane,
Kendall, Cook, Winnebago, and Whiteside counties made
local Liberty nominations, and one county at least —
Whiteside — supported its own abohtion lecturer.
The project was entertained in June of publishing a
monthly paper caHed the "Campaign Western Citizen,"
which was to be made up from matter published in the
"Western Citizen," and to be one-half its size. Mr.
Eastman reports, on October 2J, 1847, the receipt of
several hundred subscriptions for this paper, and in April,
1848, its regular issuance had begun.
The August election at length took place, but the abo
litionists failed to elect any of their candidates to the
higher offices in any of the counties in the fourth district,
though in Kane County they elected a justice of the peace,
and a constable in the Elgin precinct.*
While the campaign was in progress, another election
had taken place, which clearly showed how these August
elections would result. This was the election of delegates
to the Constitutional Convention of 1847, that occurred
^ At Aurora, June i6 and 17, and August 9.
' Minutes of Aurora convention, June 16; "Western Citizen," June 22,
1847. ' Minutes of Aurora convention, August 9, in "Western Citizen," August
17, 1847- ""Western Citizen," June 15, August 3 and 10, 1847.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES l6l
on April 19. In these contests the abolitionists only suc
ceeded in electing one delegate. This was Mr. Huriburt
Swan, in Lake County, but even this victory was due
largely to Whig votes.'
Hardly were the local elections of August decided
when the fourth district abolitionists were again in con
vention.' They voted to raise five thousand doHars for
the campaign of 1848, offered a thirty-dollar prize for the
best tract against slavery, resolved to hold County Lib
erty Conventions in each county during the fall, and to
prepare a plan for a general canvass of the district in the
winter.' The abolitionists of the southern counties were not
much behind their northern brethren. On October 6, at
Eden, a Southern Illinois Liberty Convention was held.*
Here a committee of ten was appointed to agitate on the
subject of slavery in that part of the State, to prepare
for the coming campaign, and to consider the question
of establishing an antislavery paper in the southern
district. In addition the Southern abolitionists expressed
their disapproval of the proposed State Constitution
(1848), because it restricted citizenship to white persons
and because of Article XIV., prohibiting free persons of
color from immigrating to and settling in the State.
They urged every antislavery man to vote against it.
These last sentiments were indorsed at the State Liberty
convention, held in Chicago in February, 1848*; and
all through this period the abolitionists steadily opposed
any discrimination against the negro, the Mexican War,
• "Western Citizen," May 4, 1847; returns of election given.
' On August g, at Aurora.
' Minutes given in "Western Citizen," August 17, 1847,
* Minutes given in "Western Citizen," November 2, 1847.
' "Western Citizen," February 15, 1848, and "Chicago Journal," February
10, 1848.

i62 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
or the acquisition of Texas, and advocated the repeal of
the Illinois "Black Laws."
The campaign of 1848 came. The antislavery men of
the fourth district were the first in the field. In February
they nominated Owen Lovejoy for Congress, appointed a
committee of five to manage the campaign, and raised
three hundred and eighty-eight dollars by subscription.'
In AprH, Mr. Lovejoy "took the stump," and made a
thorough canvass, while his candidacy was ably supported in
the "Western Citizen." He was accompanied by James
Perry, who enlivened the meetings with antislavery songs.'
All the other Congressional districts followed with
Liberty nominations.' James E. Burr and John P. Hale lec
tured in Northern Illinois during May and June, and in July
the State Liberty party nominated Dr. Charles V. Dyer for
Governor and Henry W. Snow for Lieutenant Governor.''
Peace had been made with Mexico in February (1848),
and a large territory acquired by the United States.
Should this be a free or a slave district? was the vital
question that now forced itself upon the public mind.
The South demanded that a part at least should be open
to slavery, while many in the North did not hesitate to
raise the cry, "No more slave territory." A fierce con
troversy arose in Congress and throughout the country on
the question.^ In this, IHinois had her share, and a
strong sentiment of opposition to the increase of slave
territory soon made itself manifest— even among the
Whigs and Democrats.
^ "Chicago Journal," February lo, 1848.
' "Western Citizen," April 18, 25, 1848.
' "Western Citizen," April i, July 4, 1848.
" "Western Citizen," July 11, 1848.
"See Von Hoist "Constitutional History of the United States," Vol. IIL,
Chapter VUI., page 348, and following, for a detailed discussion of the situation
at this time.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 163
The abolitionists early perceived this growing move
ment against slavery extension. The question then arose
• — in the very outset of the campaign of 1848 — should
they unite with those men who were opposed to further
slave extension? or should they go their own way inde
pendent of all other parties or factions? Already, at their
national convention, held in Buffalo, on October 20-21,
1847, the Liberty party had put John P. Hale and Leices
ter King in nomination for the offices of President and
Vice-President. The Liberty men of Illinois were fully
in sympathy with these nominations,' but they showed
themselves ready to unite with any other party that was
truly opposed to slavery and its extension, declaring that
in so doing they in no way retreated from their cardinal
principle — the total abolition of slavery.'
With reference to the Ohio Wilmot Proviso conven
tion, Mr. Eastman wrote early in June: "The call is not
defiiute on other points than the Proviso, yet it speaks the
language of abolitionism. If it is simply for the forma
tion of a party on the single issue of the extension of
slavery, we hope it will meet with no more success than
any other con'vulsive movements of conscience-stricken
men. As some of the first fruit of the seed of our sow
ing, of course we would not disown it." '
Speaking of the resolutions passed by the Barn-burners
^ Nominations approved by resolution at State Convention in Chicago on
February 9, 1848, and in State Convention at Hennepin, July 4 and 5, 1848;
"Western Citizen," February 15 and July 11, 1848.
'The Liberty men also, at their State convention on July 4 and 5, unani
mously voted ""That we hail with pleasure the indications of any advance in the
cause of liberty by any seceding portion of the Whig and Democratic partie:-;,
but we can never consent to turn aside from the primary object of our organi
zation, the entire abolition of slavery, to amalgamate with any party whose
highest aim is only to hmtt its extension." "Western Citizen," July 11, 1848.
Minutes of Convention, printed in full.
'"Western Citizen," June 6, 1848. The Wilmot Proviso men met at
Columbus on June 22, nominated the same candidates as the Liberty party had
done in October, 1847, and called a general antislavery convention at Buffalo
for August 9, 1848.

164 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
of New York in their convention at Utica, on June 23,
"We have not indorsed them, nor shall we do so. If
they are honest in their antislavery professions, and shall
come nobly up to the platform of aggressive antislavery
political action, so far as such action maybe constitutional,
we wih not insist, as a test of our co-operation with them,
that their views as to what may be constitutional shall
come up to ours, who have been there fifteen years,
closely studying this subject." '
While the Liberty men of Illinois were not ready to
indorse the action of the New York Barn-burners, they
approved in general the step which the latter had taken
against slavery. They hoped there would be a union of
the Ohio and New York liberals in the coming Buffalo
convention in August, and felt that all antislavery advo
cates — Wilmot Proviso partisans. Barn-burners, Liberty,
or Free Soil men — should unite to bring this convention
up to the highest and purest antislavery standard.' It
was the earnest belief that each faction should come pre
pared, in all sincerity and loyalty, to surrender party ideals
and distinctions, for the sake of principle and union.'
On July 4-5, 1848, the Liberty party of Illinois held a
State convention at Hennepin to discuss the matter of
^ "Western Citizen," July 4, 1848. The "Barn-burners" or Free Soil Demo
crats of New York State had bolted from the Democratic National Convention
at Baltimore on May 22. 1848; and held this convention at Utica, June 23, where
they nominated Van Buren for the presidency. In August they joined with the
Liberty men in the antislavery convention at Buffalo.
' Editorial in "Western Citizen," July 4, 1848. "All should unite in bring
ing that meeting (Buffalo convention) up to the proper standard." And
"Western Citizen," June 27, 1848, where the editor urges union of Ohio lib
erals and New York Barn-burners; and "The time for a death struggle seems
to have come, and if the advance of the enemy is not brought to a stand at
this point, we very much fear for the consequences — not that slavery will
ultimately triumph, but that the struggle will be indefinitely postponed.
'Minutes of meetings at Bristol, Warrenville, and Roscoe, in "Western
Citizen," July 11, 1848, in first of which it was resolved: "That we here to day
(June 29) lay aside all party preference, and unite on the platform of F'ree Soil,
Free Labor, and Free Men, Equal Representation, and constitutional opposi
tion to slavery.'" "That party names were things of no importance, principles
and objects alone were to be tenaciously adhered to." (McClellan's Report of
the State Liberty Convention at Hennepin, July 4-5.)

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 165
sending delegates to the Buffalo convention. By unani
mous agreement nine delegates were appointed to repre
sent the State,' to defend the principles of the Liberty
party, and to "induce if possible that convention to con
firm the nomination of John P. Hale and Leicester King."
In the discussion which ensued in the Hennepin con
vention, as to what instructions should be given to the
Illinois delegates, considerable difference of opinion was
shown to exist as to the exact part the Liberty men should
play in the Buffalo convention. On the whole, the major
ity wished to be conservative. They would not pledge
themselves under any circumstances to give up their
national candidates, or to unite on any platform which
should seem to them to contain any departure from the
cardinal principles of the abolitionists. There was a dis
agreement as to what interpretation of the principle —
"Constitutional opposition to slavery" — should be main
tained at the Buffalo convention.' "For," wrote Mr.
McCleHan, assistant editor of the "Western Citizen,"
who was present at the Hennepin convention, "a jealousy
for the integrity of our principles led a portion of the
convention to urge an expression of all the various modes
of constitutional legislation against slavery, which the
Liberty party have come to apprehend as indispensable to
co-operation, while another portion were content with the
adoption of the broad principle of all constitutional legis
lation against slavery, leaving the various applications of
this principle to be learned by those who do not yet fully
comprehend them, hereafter.'"
'These delegates were Chas. V. Dyer, of Cook County; O. Lovejoy, of
Bureau County; C. W. Hunter, of Madison County: Luke Hale, of Kane
County; Lucius H. Parker, of Knox County; J. H. Collins, of Cook County;
Moses Pettingill, of Peoria County; John Cross, of Lee County: J. McClellan,
of Cook County.
'Minutes of Convention in "Western Citizen," July 11, 1843.
'Report in "Western Citizen," July 11, 1848.

1 66 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
So there were no instructions given the delegates on
this point. Nor was any definite platform outlined which
the Liberty representatives should stand by and insist
upon. In one point alone was there general unanimity.
This was that their delegates should refuse to concur in
any platform which limited itself to the mere shutting up
of slavery within the existing slave States. "But, " writes
McClellan, "for co-operation with the proposed Buffalo
convention on the single issue of the Wilmot Proviso, and
contemplating no future action against slavery, where it now
e.xists, there was no single advocate. It was believed that
every honest Wilmot Proviso man could have no objection
to pledging all other constitutional legislation against slav
ery, while the Liberty party by merging themselves in an
other organization which did not contemplate doing its work
would prove recreant to the great object of its mission."
In July the Illinois Liberty delegates set out for the
Buffalo convention. Among the nine representatives was
Mr. Eastman of the "Western Citizen." The journey
was made chiefly by boat around the Great Lakes.
The result of the August convention at Buffalo is well
known. It was a complete victory for the Free SoH advo
cates. Van Buren was nominated for President, and
Charles Francis Adams was named for Vice-President.
A new antislavery organization, called the Free Soil party,
was organized on a platform which met with the universal
approval of all the delegates — Barn-burners, Conscience-
Whigs, and Libertymen alike.'
'Eastman in "Western Citizen," August 22, 1848. See also Joshua Leav-
itt's letter in the same issue. Leavitt was one of the committee ol four
especially delegated to secure the nomination of Hale and King at Buffalo.
He writes: "The Liberty Party of 1840 is not dead. It has expanded into the
great Union Party of Free Democracy in 1848. What have we lost? Not one
of our principles, not one of our arms, not one of our men. Let John P. Ha!e
stand as he stood in the Senate of the United States: he is young enough to
abide his time, and we could not spare him to be elected President now. We
have gained everything, lost nothing."

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 167
The main points in this platform were : the declaration
that the Federal Goverment must exert itself to abolish
slavery everywhere within the constitutional limits of its
power; the demand that Congress should prohibit slavery
by law in all territory then free — especial reference being
made to Oregon, Cahfornia, and New Mexico; and the ready
acceptance of the "issue of the Slave Power, more slaves
and more slave temtory, ' ' to which their "calm but final an
swer" was "No more slaves — no more slave territory." '
This platform was accepted with readiness and enthu
siasm by the Libertymen of IHinois. Eastman commented
on it as follows: "We have raised the new banner of the
Liberty party — Free Soil and Free Men — and on that
banner we have placed the names of Van Buren and
Adams  They are for a total divorce of the gov
ernment from slavery, and an antislavery administration.
.... This is all in the platform of the Liberty party.
The Liberty platform has been adopted by the Free SoH
party and its nominees. Hence we have gained all this —
with all the good, intelligent, and the honest of aH other
parties to aid us. We are aH brethren together. We
forget the past. We forgive as we hope to be forgiven.
.... We were shut between two mountains, with a
cloud of darkness before us and a pillar of fire behind,
and knew not which way to turn — but lo ! in a day, in an
unexpected way, deliverance came. Fraternity was
offered us. Help from the good of all parties is offered
if we but receive them on equal terms." A new principle
had been estabhshed — "Union without compromise —
Fraternization." ^
Such were the rosy colors in which the abolitionists of
' See platform in Hopkins's "Political Parties in the United States," Appen
dix .\; also "Western Citizen," August 22, 1848.
= "Western Citizen," August 22, 1848.

i68 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS '
IHinois viewed the new "Union" party. They expected
great results from this fraternization; but they did not
have to live many months more before they realized how
thoroughly they had been mistaken. They then saw that
the union had never been a real one. It was one of policy
and of heart rather than of principle. It existed more
on paper and in the enthusiasm of the delegates assembled
in Buffalo than in any genuine drawing together of the
different antislavery organizations for the definite and
determined purpose of exterminating slavery, as the abo
Htionists believed and hoped.
The abolitionists gave up with reluctance their candi
dates and their party organization for the common good.
They received for this sacrifice only good words, fair
promises, and an imperfect and unsatisfactory party
organization. The Free SoH men were not aggressive
enough in action, nor definite enough in purpose, to suit
the Liberty men. The majority of the Free Soil advo
cates were not yet ready to enter, as were the abolitionists,
upon a universal crusade against slavery, that should
never cease till its object had been accomplished. They
had not been sufficiently aroused on the subject. It is
true they threw up their hats and shouted with the Lib
ertymen, "No more slavery!" but if it could then have
been limited strictly to the slave States, these Free SoH
supporters would have been quite satisfied and ready to
rest, for the time at least, from their labors. Nationally
the union had its advantages, but locally (in Illinois) it
proved a grave error, and gave the antislavery movement in
our State, as we shall soon see, a setback for several years.
However, in August,' 1848, aU was enthusiasm in Illi-
' "Chicago Journal," July 17, 31. 1848; "Western Citizen," July 11, 1848;
"Alton Telegraph " July 28. i'<48. Popular demonstrations in favor of Free Soil
had begun in Illinois, especially in the northern part, early in July. Union meet-

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 169
nois for the new Free SoH party. On the 21st the "Chi
cago Free Soil League" was formed to promote the prin
ciples of the Buffalo convention. Its meetings were held
every Saturday night. On the following day a great
mass meeting of from twelve hundred to two thousand
people was held in the Public Square. A wooden stand
had been erected for the use of the speaker; and amid
considerable enthusiasm, the platform of the Free Soil
party and the nominations of Van Buren and Adams were
ratified.' Similar confirmation meetings were held throughout
the State.' A "State Convention of Free Democracy"
was held in Ottawa on August 30, where the expressions
in favor of Free Soil and Van Buren were unanimous.
The name Liberty party was no longer heard. Every
thing was Free SoH now. The "Western Citizen" began,
in this same month, the publication of a weekly campaign
paper, entitled the "Free Soil Banner," which proved a
fair success.'
But the "Citizen" was no longer the only antislavery
paper of influence in Illinois. A daily Free Soil paper
was started in Chicago; and a number in the country
were speedily begun, or took up the support of this plat
form, so that long before the campaign was ended there
were fifteen papers promoting the Buffalo convention
doctrines.*
ings were held in Kendall, DuPage. Winnebago, and Lake counries, and at
Alton, Cook and Lake counties nominated Independent Free Soil (local)
candidates; and in all the meetings resolutions advocating a Free Soil presi
dential candidate and platform were passed.
' "Western Citizen," August 29, 1848, and following issues.
'Canton, August 24; Savannah, August 24; Belvidere, September, 26;
Sycamore, September 5; Rockford, September 16; Hennepin, August 26;
Lowell, September 9; etc.
' "Western Citizen," August 29 and October 3, 1848.
"See Eastman on the history of "Western Citizen," in editorial entitled
"Last Words." "Western Citizen," October 18, Vol. XL, No. 52 This Chicago
paper was "The Chicago Tribune," founded on July 10, 1847, to agitate the

170 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The campaign of 1 848 was waged energetically in other
ways throughout the State of IHinois. Free SoH societies
or organizations were formed in many counties.' Free
SoH or "True Democracy" meetings were held throughout
the centre and north of the State. There seems to have
been a general feeling of enthusiasm and confidence among
the antislavery men throughout the whole of Illinois.' In
Chicago, large and enthusiastic political meetings were
held almost every evening. No previous campaign seems
to have equalled this in energy, in the variety of agencies
used, or in, popular interest.
In order to draw votes from the other parties, and to
prove that their party was really interested in the general
national welfare, the Free Soil party in Illinois, following
the lead of the National party, put several planks — other
than that of constitutional opposition to slavery — in their
platform for 1848. This was the first time other political
issues had been recognized by the abolitionists of this
State.' Those now entered were, the granting of the
public domain in limited quantities to actual settlers, free
trade, abolition of the franking privilege, cheap post
age, the improvement of our harbors, and the election of
United States officers by a direct vote of the people.*
This did not help them greatly. In fact, aH their
principles later adopted by the Republican party. Andreas, "History of Chi
cago." Vol. I., page 401. and following:
Among these country papers were: "Lake County Chronicle," "Peru
Telegraph," "Alton Telegraph," "Bureau County Advocate," Princeton:
"LocKport (Will County) Telegraph," "St. Charles Patriot," "Free Press,'
Rockford; "Quincy Tribune," "Alton Monitor," ""Western Mercury," Geneva;
and 'Chicago Staats-Zeitung."
' Those specifically mentioned in "Western Citizen" were De Kalb County,
Vermilion County, Brown County, Winnebago County, Kane County, Kendall
County, McHenry County, Bureau County, La Salle County, etc.
'See the numerous letters from many sections of the State, quoted in
"Western Citizen" for September 19 and September 26, 1848, all of which speak
in most hopeful terms of prospects for the elections of 1848.
'With the possible exception of the Temperance issue.
"Owen Lovejoy's letter dated Chicago, July 15, 1848, defining platform of
his party. "Western Citizen," July 18, 1848.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 171
efforts to secure an increased vote in the local elections
were rendered futile by the action of the Whig party of
IHinois. The effect upon the national vote is not so ap
parent, because Van Buren was more popular with all
classes of antislavery men than either Taylor or Cass.
The Whigs of IHinois early in this campaign took a
stand against the extension of slavery in the United
States.' The Fourth Congressional District raised as its
war-cry, "Scammon and Free SoH."' And itwas not
long before every District and County Whig convention
had declared itself for Free SoH.' Consequently, every
local and every Congressional Whig candidate ran upon
a platform in which Free Soil was a prominent plank.
This created, so to say, two Free Soil parties in the State.
The Free Soil party proper (or old Liberty party) formed
an extreme antislavery body, while the Whig party became
a moderate antislavery organization.
The result was one which redounded to the glory of
the Whigs. By the adoption of a Free Soil plank, they
not only stole much of the Liberty men's thunder, but
retained within their own ranks many antislavery Whigs
who otherwise would most certainly have joined the Free
Soil party.
The Democrats of IHinois tried to hedge also, but with
far less success. They were known as the party which
was responsible for the Mexican war, and which was
staunch in its support of the rights and claims of the
Southern States. In the main, they made no pronounced
denial of the accusation that they were favorable to the
' The "Chicago Journal" wrote on February 17, 1847: "They [the Whigs of
the Fourth DistrictJ are opposed to the further extension of slavery because
they consider the 'peculiar institution' a blighting curse upon the country. "
'"Chicago Journal," during July and August, 1848. J. Young Scammon
was the Whig Congressional nominee of Fourth District.
'See "Chicago Journal," April 10-17, 1848.

172 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
opening of the new Territories to slavery.' But in the
northern part of the State — notably in Chicago ' and Cook
County' — they expressed themselves as opposed to the
extension of slavery.*
This stand doubtless exercised a restraining influence
upon some of the old "Loco-Focos" with antislavery
sympathies in the northern counties, who might otherwise
have bolted the ticket. In these northern counties, the
feeling of opposition to slavery extension was so strong
among the Democracts that, in the Presidential contest,
many cast their votes for Van Buren. But the majority
remained by the party in the local elections, largely be
cause their nominees — such as Wentworth, Maxwell, and
Sherman — declared themselves favorable to Free SoH.
Thus were the abolitionists robbed of the hoped-for
vote of the moderate antislavery men. The chief object
of their union with the Free Soil party remained for them
a delusion and a snare, since very few of the purely Free
Soil advocates in IHinois ever joined hands with them.
In this connection, the vote of 1848, State and Na
tional, is helpful. The official vote for Van Buren, the
Free Soil candidate for President, in Ilhnois was 15,702.
This was a gain of 12,233 in four years, or over four
' The "Chicago Journal" denounces the Democrats throughout this cam
paign as opponents of nonslavery extension, and on F"ebruary 9, 1848, quotes
their paper, the "State Register," as saying that it is ''hostile to the principles
of the Wilmot Proviso."
The Democratic State Convention, however, issued a "Circular to the
Northern Democrats of fllinois," in which they made a point of Cass's opposi
tion to the extension of slavery.
' At the "Grand Democratic Rally" for Cass in Chicago, on July 10, a reso
lution was passed "That while we deprecate the existence of slavery in our
country, and are opposed to its further extension," etc. "Chicago Journal,"
July II, 1848.
' See same sentiments in the Cook County Democratic convention in July.
"Chicago Journal," July 13, 1848.
"See letters of two Democratic Congressional nominees, P. Maxwell and
F. C. Sherman, on subject; "Chicago Journal," July 13, 1848. And J. Went-
worth's speech as to his position (antiextension.) "Chicago Journal," February
17, 1848.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 173
times the vote of 1844.' This shows that the union of
the Liberty men and the Free Sellers resulted in a great
gain in Illinois on the national ticket. But this was on
the national ticket alone — as the other returns show.
This was due in large part to accessions from the Whig
forces, because, as the "Chicago Democrat" prophesied
early in the campaign, "The antislavery Whigs will never
vote for a man who holds slaves." Since Taylor was
known to be a slaveholder, the antislavery Whigs of Illi
nois — ever loyal to Henry Clay — scratched his name and
voted for Van Buren. Further union with the Free Sell
ers they did not make, but voted, as for the rest, the
straight Whig ticket.'
The antislavery vote for Governor was 4,748, or about
400 less than two years before, and in the fourth Con
gressional district — the stronghold of abolitionism — Mr.
Lovejoy received only 2,872, as against 3,531 polled for
him in 1846. In the same district, the Whigs, running
' It was about three times the Liberty vote of 1846, wnich was 5,147.
' A considerable number of votes were no doubt given to Van Buren by the
Free Soil Democrats of Northern Illinois, but it is by no means clear to us that
the 15,702 were "drawn almost entirely from the Democratic ranks," as Dr.
Smith asserts in "Liberty and Free Soil Parties," page 156. The Democratic
Presidential vote of 1848, fell behind that for Governor in 1846 by only 2,400. and
lacked but 1,620 votes of the Democratic Presidential ballot of 1844. in these
four years (1844-1848) the Democratic majority decreased 0,139 votes, while the
Whg vote increased 7,519. The difference between these figures is 1,620 votes,
or the exact decrease in the Democratic popular vote. These 1,620 votes must
then have been given to the Free Soil candidate. Now the total increase in the
popular vote of 1848 over 1844 was 18,103 ballots. But a glance at the Whig
returns for 1840, 1842, 1844, and 1846, shows that the Whig party in Ilhnois was
decreasing in numbers rather than increasing. Therefore the gain of 7,519
votes in 1848 was probably not natural, but must have accrued from Demo
cratic forces. This is seen more forcibly when we remember that in the Fourth
district the falling off of Wentworth's majority in 1848 accrued to the advan
tage of the Whig candidate, Scammon, and not to Lovejoy, Free Soil. Con
sequently some 7,519 Whig votes must have been cast for Van Buren;
otherwise the Whig gain would have been 14,000 instead of 7,000. If we sab-
tract the Whig gain of 7,519 and the Free Soil gain of 1,620 (all from the
Democrats) from the total increase of votes 18,703, we have a total gain of 8,964
for the Free Soilers. which came from some source not now clearly ascertainable.
But did they not receive the 7,000 (or thereabout) votes from the Whigs?
This would leave them a natural gain of about 2,000 votes. Possibly these
2,000 were votes that ordinarily would have gone tor the Democratic candi
date. If so, the Free Soilers would have received in 1848 approximately 3,600
Liberty, 4,000 Democratic, and from 7,500 to 8,000 Whig votes.

174 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Mr. Scammon on a Free SoH plank, made a gain of 2,273
votes over their ballot two years previous.'
In ah the State elections' the Democrats were, as
usual, victorious. The Whigs made no nomination for
Governor, thinking it would prove a useless expense.
The Democratic nominee. Governor French, was conse
quently elected without serious trouble, receiving 67,453 "
votes. All the Congressional contests, save that in the
Galena District, resulted favorably to the Democrats,*
giving them six out of seven Representatives chosen in
the State. In the elections for Supreme Court judges
the three chosen were all Democrats.' So it is evident
that in the State elections, both Democrats and Whigs —
even though antislavery in sympathy — remained faithful
to their old parties. All that the Liberty men got out of
the so-called Union, True Democratic, or Free Soil
party was a large increase in their Presidential vote.
This could have availed them but little, since it was a
foregone conclusion that the Free Soilers would not carry
the State for Van Buren, while, where they greatly
needed help — in the local contest — none was forthcoming
for them. The result, consequently, of the 1848 election
was most disappointing to the antislavery leaders. The
Liberty party organization, which had been held partially
intact * during this campaign, fell to the ground almost
immediately. The abolitionists were left without political
' "Chicago Journal," September 12, 1848.
' In 1848 there were four general elections in Illinois, (i) Election of State
officers in August; (2) election of judges on first Monday in September; (3) on
the adoption of the new constitution on March 6; and (4) Presidential election
in November. But the constitution of 1848 placed all on the same date there
after, the first Tuesday after first Monday in November.
' Moses, II., page 560. Tabular statement of official figures.
" Colonel E. D. Baker, Whig, elected. Moses, II., page 561, for vote.
' Those elected were John D. Caton, Northern District; Samuel H. Treat,
Central District; Lyman Trumbull, Southern District.
' Held together in part until the State elections in August, 1848.

ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 175
organization, although they belonged practically to the
new Free Soil party. Their leaders lost heart, and for
the first time since the antislavery movement was inaugu
rated, were utterly discouraged. Hard times, incident to
a failure of the faH crops, came upon the whole State.
The abolitionists suffered with the rest. They were poor
enough generally, since the greater proportion of their
constituency was to be found among clergymen, farmers,
and smaU tradesmen. Consequently, the momentary
financial distress bore most heavily upon the abolitionists
and their party.
The "Western Citizen" lost much of its prestige and
patronage, on account of the establishment of the numer
ous Free SoH papers during the campaign of 1848, and
this, together with the losses incident to the financial
depression of the next two years, so injured the enterprise
that it never regained its wonted influence and patronage
in the State. Its editor was compelled to drum up his
own coHections, and — this proving vain — to raise the
necessary funds for its continuance, by means of job
printing, advertising, the steam-power press, and other
forms of mechanical labor.'
The Free Soil movement had not met with much
genuine popularity in the State. There had not been
sufficient time between the Buffalo convention in August
and the faH election for the position of the new party to
be clearly defined and its organization completed. The
results of the campaign were so discouraging that all effort
to continue the organization ceased. No attempt was
made by the abolitionists to coalesce with other parties.'
' Eastman in an editorial reviewing these' days, entitled "Last Words," in
"Western Citizen," October 18, 1853. Vol. XL, No. 52.
'"Western Citizen," April 24, 1849, editorial on "Union of Free Soil and
Democratic Parties."

176 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Leadership seemed wanting, and for almost two years, no
definite steps were taken to complete the organization of
the new party.
Thus the old Liberty party reached its palmiest days
and disappeared in the movement incident to the forma
tion of a new antislavery party. Its self-sacrifice met
with but poor returns at first, while the beginnings of the
new party were far from propitious; yet many of its lead
ers and constituents lived to realize that their sacrifice had
not been in vain.

CHAPTER XI.
FREE SOIL, FREE DEMOCRATIC, AND
REPUBLICAN PARTIES.
1848-1856.
The period from 1849 to 185 1 was a time of disinte
gration and depression in the Illinois antislavery forces.
The Free SoH organizations, caHed into being during the
contest of 1848, dissolved as soon as it was over. Nearly
all the Free Soil papers ceased to exist. All effort to
hold the new party together seems to have died out; and
the leadership of the antislavery movement went begging.'
In some districts — like Kane County — there was a ten
dency to revive the old Liberty party, but this plan, opposed
by Mr. Eastman and other leaders, was soon abandoned.'
One important result of the Free Soil campaign of 1848
now became apparent. A universal sentiment of decided
opposition to the further extension of slavery had been
horn in Central and Northern Illinois, and was shared
ahke by Free SoHers, Whigs, and Northern Democrats.
In fact, each party claimed this as one of its own
distinctive principles. This was noticeable as early as
January, 1849, when aH three parties contributed to the
passage, through the General Assembly, of a resolution
approving the WHmot Proviso.' Antislavery, Whigs, and
' "Western Citizen," April 24, 1849; May; and June 5, 18, 1850; editorials
on "Union of Free Soil and Democratic Parties," etc.
' "Western Citizen," December 4, 11, 1849.
'"Chicago Journal," January 5, 13,15,1849. Also Moses, "Illinois," Vol.
11., page 564.
"Western Citizen," January 16, 1849. it was thought that this would force
177

178 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Democrats ("Barn-burners") were content to remain by
their old parties, as long as it seemed hkely that these
parties would adopt opposition to slavery extension as a
party plank; and the existence of a special Free SoH party
seemed unnecessary.
The Free Soil men, however, refused to coalesce with
the supporters of either of the other parties.' They
doubted the sincerity of their opposition to slavery, but
lacking a definite policy and progressive spirit themselves,
the Free Soilers were exceedingly slow in reorganizing
their own party for active political work. It was not tiH
the late summer'' of 1849 that they began to prepare for
the fall elections of that year, and then Free Soil candi
dates were nominated only in four counties and one dis
trict.' Mr. O. H. Haven was elected Representative in
the State Legislature by a small majority, but aH the other
nominees were defeated.* This slight gain was the first
Free SoH victory in the State, and it cheered correspond
ingly the depressed spirits of the antislavery men.
In February, 1 850, Cahfornia^ apphed for admission
to the Union, and Henry Clay brought forward the famous
Compromise Bill of that year. This last was a rallying
point for the Free Soilers, and they quickly made good
use of it. Mass meetings were held, and the immediate
admission of a free California, the repeal of the Fugitive
Slave Law, and opposition to all compromises with the
Mr. Douglas to resign; but he escaped by asserting that the resolution in
question was not the voice of the people of Illinois."
' "Western Citizen," April 4 and September 25, 1849; June 18, 1850.
' They made a dismal failure in Cook County trying to run candidates for
County Judge, Prosecuting Attorney, and iCIerk, on a Free Soil platform.
"Western Citizen," April 3, 1849.
'These were McHenry, Kane, Bureau, and LaSalle counties, and the
district comprising Kendall, DuPage, Will, and Iroquois counties. "Western
Citizen," September 25, and October 2, 9, 16, 1849.
" Mr. Haven's majority was i6r. ""Western Citizen," November 20, 1849.
' On February 13. The Territory had adopted an antislavery Constitution
on November 13, 1849.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 179
slave power became the most prominent planks in their
platform.' The Compromise was denounced. A State
convention of Free Soilers was proposed, but it failed to
materialize before the foHowing year.^
The leaders of the antislavery movement in the Fourth
District, however, decided to organize, and an enthusi
astic, harmonious meeting took place at Joliet in June to
arrange the preliminaries.' A regular convention was
held in August, and William B. Ogden put in nomination
for Representative.* Mr. Ogden was widely known and
respected. His candidacy was warmly approved by the
Free SoH and Whig papers. °
In nominating Dr. Maloney for the same office the
Democrats of the Fourth Distict pledged themselves to
oppose the extension of slavery into Territories then free."
Dr. Maloney was not satisfied with this, but in a public
letter to Mr. Ogden, declared himself in sympathy with
the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and in favor of
making slave States out of Texas only. Thereupon Mr.
Ogden withdrew from the contest, saying that two Free
Soil candidates were unnecessary.' In this way the anti-
slavery Democrats of the district were retained within
their party, and a severe blow was given the real Free
SoH party.'
' "Western Citizen," February 26 and March 16, 1850, etc.
'Advocated by the "Citizen" in issue of April 2,1850. See also editorial
on "The Crisis," in issue of March 5, 1850.
' "Western Citizen," June 18, 1850.
" "Western Citizen," September 3, 1850.
^ In the "Western Citizen" for September 10, a list of quotations from the
leading Whig and Free Soil papers is given, showing their attitude toward
Mr. Ogden.
" Official report of the JoUet convention in "Chicago Journal," September
12, 1850. ' Letter of Mr. Maloney in "Chicago Journal," October 11, 1850.
Letter of Mr. Ogden in "Chicago Journal," October 29, 1850.
' Mr. Maloney's action did not meet with general approval among Demo
crats. "The State Register," of Springfield, and the Boone County Demo
cratic convention, for instance, criticised him severely.

i8o NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
At the same time the Whigs were placing Churchill
Coffing in nomination for Representative on a similar plat
form, and elsewhere over the State their conventions
were giving expression to the same sentiments, opposing
slavery extension and the Fugitive Slave Law.'
The majority of the Free Soilers — especially the old
Liberty men — held together and nominated James H.
CoHins, a prominent Chicago lawyer, in place of Mr.
Ogden. Mr. Codding and Owen Lovejoy at once took
the field for the new candidate, but it was too late to
accomplish much in that campaigjn. Mr. Collins made a
fair showing in the September elections but, by drawing
the Free Soil votes to himself, he contributed to the defeat
of the Whig candidate, Mr. Coffing.'
Meanwhile the agitation over the Fugitive Slave Law
continued. Mass meetings were held in many places and
resolutions condemning this measure were passed. In
Chicago the excitement was intense, especially during
October. The Common CouncH passed resolutions de
claring the Fugitive Slave Law unconstitutional, and enor
mous public meetings were held from October 22 to 26 in
front of the North Market, where this law was the centre
of the discussion.'
On the 23 d, Senator Stephen A. Douglas attempted
to deliver there a speech in defense of the Compromise
Bin, and his connection with its passage. The feeling
against him was very bitter, and such a disturbance was
raised on the first two evenings, by groans, hisses, and
yells, that he could not finish his oration. It was only on
the understanding that he would be answered by the op-
' See the '"Chicago Journal," August lo, 15, 19, 20, 21-25, ^nd September
19-28. 1850.
'The vote, according to the "Citizen" and the "Journal," was: Maloney,
11,231; Coffing, 10,587, Collins, 1,076.
' "Western Citizen" and "Chicago Journal," October, 1850.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN i8l
ponents of the Fugitive Slave Law that he was permitted
to fiiush an able two-hour address in its favor. He was
listened to with respectful silence, but the answering argu
ments of the Honorable James H. Collins, E. C. Larned,
and George Manierre, condemning the law as unconstitu
tional, were received with great applause. Mr. Douglas
met with an equally cool reception in other Northern Illi
nois cities, though in the Central and Southern sections
he was received as warmly as ever.
At the close of 1850 the question of reorganization
was taken up by the antislavery men. The first move
was made by the leaders of the old Liberty party. A
conference of prominent men was held in Chicago in
December,' and in January, 1851, a State antislavery
convention, attended chiefly by Liberty men of the middle
counties, assembled at GranviHe. The sentiment in favor
of political reorganization was unanimous, and a State
Antislavery Society was once more called into being. A
central executive committee was appointed, and three men
engaged to lecture in the interests of the society. Some
county organizations were effected. Ten hundred and
twenty-three doHars was raised by subscription during the
year, but the new society seems never to have acquired
the influence or importance that the old Ilhnois Antislav
ery Society enjoyed.'
The demand for a new antislavery party was renewed
at a Southern antislavery convention, held at Sparta. Illi
nois, in June,' and again at the Putnam County conven-
' December 9. It was decided here to call an antislavery State convention
and to organize a new antislavery society, "Citizen," December 17, 1850.
The call was published in the "Western Citizen" on December 24, 1850,
and the reorganization ably urged in editorials by Mr. Eastman, entitled
"Organization," December 24; and "The State Antislavery Convention,"
December 31.
'"Western Citizen," January 14, 21, 28, and February 18 to November 25,
1851, also issue of (jctober 12, 1852.
'Minutes of this convention in the "Citizen," July 15, 1851.

103 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
tion ' the same month. It finally became the central issue
of a fairly representative State antislavery convention
convened at Aurora in July.' Here the IHinois advocates
of freedom expressed themselves in favor of a new na
tional antislavery party whose aim should be to secure the
total abolition of slavery and the estabhshment of right
eous civil government in the United States. Not wishing
to commit themselves further, they nominated without
special instructions thirty-seven delegates to the two na
tional antislavery conventions which were to meet the
following September — the one at Buffalo, and the other
at Cleveland. The Liberty party convention at Buffalo was attended
only by delegates from New York, Ohio, Illinois, and
Michigan. Gerrit Smith dechned the Presidential nomi
nation for 1852, but Charles Durkee was named for the
Vice-Presidency. Resolutions were drawn up, embodying
the main features of the old Buffalo platform, con
demning the Fugitive Slave Law, and advocating the unity
of aH antislavery men in one party. The Cleveland Free
Democratic convention — more truly national in its repre
sentation — passed similar resolutions, except those rela
tive to a new "Union" party. Instead, it appointed a
committee to arrange the time and place for summoning
a national antislavery convention to nominate Presidential
candidates, as if all antislavery men would raHy under its
banners as a matter of course.
The Illinois abolitionists were not satisfied with the
results of either of these conventions. They desired more
definite steps toward union and more pronounced opposi
tion to slavery. While waiting for the final action of the
' Minutes of this convention in the "Citizen," July 22, 1851.
'On the 29th and 30th. See "Western Citizen," August 5. 1851.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 183
Free Democratic party, they continued the agitation foi
a true National Liberty party, and directed their energies
toward the foundation of a new Liberty party within their
own State.'
No definite program could be adopted until after the
National Free Democratic convention had declared its
position, but during the winter of 1851-1852 conventions
were held, notably at Rockford and Princeton,' the ques
tion of a new party was thoroughly discussed, and prepara
tions were made for an active campaign in the fall of 1852.
The chief motive of these efforts was the desire to unite all
men who were opposed to slavery on principle, in one
party, and as Free Soil ideas were rapidly gaining a large
hold on Northern and Central Illinois, the propects for
success were bright.
"Our great business now is," wrote Mr. Eastman, in
March, 1852, "to awaken the people of IHinois, and to
interest them in this movement. To this end we have
now labored for the past year and a half. It has been
the hardest year and a half's work -we have ever done.
We have not worked so much through the columns of the
paper, as through other means. We have appealed to
phHanthropists and churches at home and abroad to help
us  We have thus been struggling, while our peo
ple and State are almost bankrupt, while but little money
could be found to live upon, and while every man has had
his hands full to provide ways and means for his own pre
servation. Yet the progress has been slow and sure. Our
reform never stood on a better basis, and never looked so
hopeful for the future. What we need now is work.'"
'See the resolutions at the conventions at Rockford, Princeton, and of
Stark, Ogle, iLake, Kane, Knox counties, etc. "Western Citizen," October,
1851, to July, 1852.
'Fifteen counties were represented, and the session lasted two days.
'Editorial on "Freedom Pohtics in Illinois," in issue of March 9, 1852.

184 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The lead in this activity was taken by the "Western
Citizen," supported by the "Sparta Freeman,'" and
occasional words of approval were received from Whig
papers untH August. On the eleventh of that month Mr.
J. P. Hale and Mr. Juhan were nominated for President
and Vice-President by the Free Democratic convention
at Pittsburg. On the sixteenth a large Free Democratic
mass meeting in Chicago approved these nominations, and
similar demonstrations occurred throughout Northern Illi
nois untH the State convention of the Free Democratic
forces met at Granville on the 25th and 26th.
Here the nominations of Hale and Julian were sus
tained. Presidential electors chosen, and the platform of
the National Free Democratic party approved. Mr. D.
A. Knowlton of Freeport, a man of high political integrity
and a representative of the Free SoH section of the con
vention, received the nomination for Governor. Plulo
Carpenter of Chicago was slated for Lieutenant Governor,
to conciliate the Liberty men. A central committee was
appointed to take charge of the fall campaign, and the
new movement was inaugurated with great enthusiasm.'
The Free Democratic party of IHinois, now duly
launched, played an important part in the campaign of
1852. Its central committee authorized the publication
of the "Chicago Daily Times" for three months in the
interests of the new party and its nominees. It was
printed by agreement on the press of the "Western Chi-
zen, " and its subject matter used again largely in that
paper.' Immediately following the Granville Convention Mr.
' The "Sparta Freeman" was begun in January, 1850, with J. N. Coleman
as editor." ' "Western Citizen," August 17 to October 10, 1852.
' "Western Citizen," August 31 and October 18, 185-2, editorial.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 1S5
Eastman lectured at Magnoha, Lowell, VermilionviHe,
Morris, Lisbon, and Joliet. In October Mr. Kelsey
delivered speeches throughout the central part of the
State. Mass meetings were held frequently in Chicago
and the northern towns. "Hale Clubs" were formed
here and there, but the attempt to secure their organiza
tion generally over the State was a failure. County Free
Democratic conventions were held at various county seats
north of Springfield, where the national and State nomi
nations were confirmed, and local Free Democratic candi
dates placed in nomination. In September the Second
and Third Congressional Districts put Free Democratic
candidates in the field, and in October the First and
Fourth followed their example.
The results of the campaign were very encouraging,
although it feh far short of that of 1848 in enthusiasm
and facilities for work. There was more real unity in
feeling and action among antislavery advocates; men
were more certain of their position on the slavery ques
tion; and many who were timidly Free Soil in 1848 were
now ready to join a party pledged to the abolition of slav
ery. None of the nominees of the Free Democratic party
in Illinois were successful, but the ballot showed a con
siderable increase in the antislavery vote.'
In December Mr. Eastman undertook the publication
of the "Chicago Daily Times" on assurances from the
Free Democratic Central Committee and leading Chicago
antislavery men that the money and subscriptions still due
would be paid in. The committee was soon dissolved,
and the promised funds never appeared. After conduct-
' Free Soil vote in 1848: for President, 15,702; for Governor, 4,748- Free
Democratic vote in 1852; for President, 9,966; for Governor, 8,809. The ballot
for Governor is the real test in this case, as the Free Soil Presidential vote of
1848 was not strictly an antislavery ballot, but rather one where the personnel
of the candidates played a great part.

iS6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
ing the paper for six months at his own expense, Mr.
Eastman was forced to discontinue the "Daily Times"
and to appeal to the Free Democratic party for aid to
continue the weekly "Citizen." '
After considerable correspondence between the leaders,
a State convention was held in May, 1853, ^t Ottawa, to
formulate plans for the more efficient organization of the
party and the successful continuance of the "Western
Citizen," or some other paper, as a party sheet. Some
twenty-four counties — covering the district from Chicago
and Galena to Eden — were represented. The delegates
were enthusiastic, united in purpose, and ready for work.
The business of the convention was more ably conducted,
its results were more consistent and satisfactory than at
any previous State gathering of antislavery men.
A plan of organization was agreed upon. A State
board of directors numbering twelve was to sit at Chicago
and undertake the effective reorganization of the party.
This board was to be assisted by committees of five in
each county and Congressional district, and committees
of three in every town. Ten thousand copies of the
"Western Citizen" were to be distributed broadcast
weekly, and the committees were to secure as many
subscriptions as possible. Lecturers were to be kept
constantly in the field. State conventions should convene
at regular intervals, and Free Democratic associations
were to be formed in every county and town as far as
possible.' The work of putting this Ottawa plan into operation
was begun at once. The "Citizen" was no longer issued,'
' "Western Citizen," October i8, 1853.
' "Western Citizen," June 7, 1853.
'Its last number was dated October 18, 1853. It had been temporarily
suspended until the Ottawa convention had taken action.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 187
but in December the "Free West" appeared in its place,
under the patronage of the board of directors in Chicago.'
Its edhors were E. Goodman, Hooper Warren, and Z.
Eastman. They knew from bitter experience how diffi
cult it was to maintain a strictly partisan sheet by sub
scriptions. Accordingly an effort was made to place the
paper on a self-supporting basis, by rendering its pages
more attractive to the general public. Its prospectus
assures us that it was to be a "typical Western journal,"
devoted to the interests, the development, and the pros
perity of the West.'
Otis Richardson was appointed by the La SaHe County
committee to lecture in that county and in the Third Con
gressional District. D. M. Kelsey was employed in Kane
County, and the Rev. J. F. Markham in DuPage. Mr.
Eastman and Mr. C. M. Hawley lectured in nine county
and ten local meetings between December 20, 1853, and
January 13, 1854, the most important of which were in
WiH and McHenry counties. During October, 1853,
Frederick Douglas lectured in the State, and late the fol
lowing spring, I. Codding and Cassius M. Clay began a
lecture tour, speaking especially against the Kansas-
Nebraska BiH.'
Within fourteen months of the Ottawa convention at
least sixteen Free Democratic associations were reported
as formed. It is quite probable that there were others,
as several of the strongest Free Soil counties — such as
Lake, Cook, and DeKalb — do not appear on the hst.
Most fortunately for the new organization two statutes
were enacted at this time — the one by the IHinois Legis-
' Its first number was issued on December i, 1853. The subscription list
of the "Citizen" larger than ever, containing some 1,500 to 2,000 names, was
turned over to the new paper.
' "Free West," December i, 1853.
'"Free West," December 15, 1853, to June 22, 1854.

1 88 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
lature, and the other by Congress — which aroused public
sentiment as never before on the slavery question, and
which made possible a universal antislavery agitation
throughout the State. The first of these, passed Febru
ary 12, 1853, prohibited the immigration of free negroes
into Illinois. It was a crime for any one to bring in a
colored person, and any negro who appeared in the State
and remained ten days was liable to be arrested and fined
fifty dollars. In case of inability to pay the fine, he was
to be sold to any person who would pay the costs of the
trial.' This bill was intended as a blow at the abolitionists
who were aiding slaves to escape, and as a concession to
Southern slaveholders, who were allowed to reclaim their
servants on payment of the costs. Its supporters at
tempted to justify it on economic grounds, and urged the
necessity of preserving the State from the evHs associated
with an over-supply of negro laborers. But its passage
raised a great storm of opposition and criticism all over
IHinois. Not only did the Free Democracy, in its paper
and its conventions, denounce it in the strongest terms,
but nearly every Whig and Democratic journal in the State
was outspoken against it.' From the faH of 1853 to the
spring of 1854 the Free Democratic party made the repeal
of this law, and of the so-caHed Black Laws, the chief
local issues in a progressive and extensive antislavery cam
paign. In May, 1854, the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska
BiH by Congress gave a new impetus to their efforts.
This statute provided for the formation of two Territories
' Illinois Statutes of 1852. ".^n act to prevent the immigration of free
negroes into this State." Sees. 1-4, 8.
' "Chicago Journal," February, 22; "Alton Courier," March 4; ".^Iton Tele
graph," February 21 and March 12; and "Belleville Advocate, "Galena -Ad
vertiser," etc., of same dates.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 189
out of the district lying west and northwest of Missouri,
and between the paraHels of 37" and 43°. Since this
region — a portion of the old Louisiana Purchase — was
situated north of 36° 30', it had become free territory by
the Missouri Compromise of 1820. That measure was
now declared "inoperative and void," because it was
"inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by
Congress with slavery in the States and Territories as
recognized by the legislation of 1850." ' The real aim of
the new bill was — to use the words of its great author,
Stephen A. Douglas — "not to legislate slavery into any
Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regu
late their domestic institutions in their own way, subject
only to the Constitution of the United States. ' '
The Kansas-Nebraska Bill was unexpected by the
masses, and aroused indignation and alarm throughout
the North. It had hardly been introduced into Congress
before a campaign against it was inaugurated in Illinois.
On February 2d, the "Free West" pubhshed the ap
peal of the Free Democratic members of Congress to
the citizens of the United States, entitled, "Shall Slavery
be Prohibited in Nebraska?" It urged the people to "get
this into their heads, ' ' and to arouse themselves generally
against the bill.' And during the months of agitation that
followed, this paper remained an active and determined
opponent of Senator Douglas and his biH.
An enthusiastic Anti-Nebraska BHl meeting was
held in Chicago on February 8, where resolutions were
passed condemning the measure and asking the IHinois
Legislature to instruct the State's representatives to vote
'The Kansas-Nebraska Bill.
' "Free West," February 2, 1854.

190 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
against it. On the eleventh Mr. Douglas's friends at
tempted to get up a meeting in support of the proposed
statute, but it was a dismal faHure.'
Throughout the State hvely "Anti-Nebraska" meet
ings were held during February and March, in which men
of aH political parties took part. Even though Congress
passed the bill, the agitation against it was continued on
through the summer. In July Cassius M. Clay made
speeches at Chicago, Ottawa, Bloomingjton, Johet, Free-
port, Rockford, Elgin, Springfield, Alton, and Quincy,
where for the most part large audiences greeted him. At
the same time Ichabod Codding was addressing county
conventions and mass meetings in the smaller towns of
Central and Northern IHinois.'
About the 1st of August a movement was started to
nominate Independent candidates who should run on a
distinct "Anti-Nebraska" platform in the approaching
Congressional elections. The DuPage County Free
Democratic convention, at Wheaton, declared, on August
I, 1854, that a new national party was needed to restore
the "government to its original basis of liberty." The
Declaration of Independence was proposed as a platform,
and the delegates announced, "We are wiHing to surrender
our party name and to be known by the name of Republi
can, suggested by the friends of freedom in Wisconsin,
Vermont, and other States." This was the first mention
of the name Republican in Illinois conventions.'
On the same day a large Anti-Nebraska convention
was held at Ottawa by the Whigs, Democrats, and Free
Democrats of the First Congressional District. The word
"Republican" was not used, but principles similar to
' "Chicago Journal," February 13, 1854.
' "Free West," June 29, July 20, August 3, 1854.
'See the platform in full, in the "Free West," August 10, 1854.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 191
those adopted by the Repubhcan convention in Wis
consin were approved, and independent action in the
next Congressional election was recommended.' Many of
the papers of the State began to urge united action for
freedom, and on August 10, Mr. Eastman wrote: "The
newspapers of the most progressive order through the
middle portion of the State are calling for a State mass
convention against the Nebraska Bill. We are a httle
surprised at the earnestness of tone of these papers on
the subject. They spurn party trammels, and ask for
immediate action. ' ' '
The "Free West" advocated the formation of the
Repubhcan party in Illinois — already suggested by a num
ber of county conventions — for the first time on August
24.' On the 30th the First Congressional District was
organized on an independent Republican basis at Rock
ford, and nominated the Hon. E. B. Washburne for Con
gress on that platform. The Second District followed, on
September 20, placing James H . Woodworth in nomination. *
The main points of the platform adopted by both con
ventions were: (i) to restore the administration of the
Government to the principles of hberty and justice; (2)
the repeal of the Nebraska and the Fugitive Slave laws;
(3) the restriction of slavery to the States where it then
existed; (4) the prohibition of slavery in the Territories,
and opposition to the creation of more slave States.
An effort was made to unite all antislavery men in this
new party, especial hope being placed in the accession of
the Northern Whigs.^ In this the Republicans were
' "Free West," August 24 and September 7, 1854.
' "Free West," August 10, 1854. Editorial urging a State convention.
' In editorial on "The Repubhcan Party in the .'Ascendency."
" "Free West," September 7 and 21, 1854.
'Editorial entitled "Is There Yet Hope?" "Free West, ' October 5, 1854.

192 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
doomed to much disappointment. Though strongly
"Anti- Nebraska," the Whigs were equally strong in de
votion to their party. For the most part they were loath
to desert the old ship till the new party was an assured
success. The Whigs joined with the Republicans in the First
district, but in the Second they nominated a candidate of
their own.' In the Third and Fourth districts, the Whigs
joined with the Republicans, largely because the men
chosen were old Whig men and popular with that party as
well as with the Free Democracy.' In the remaining dis
tricts no fusion tickets were attempted, but the Whig
candidates everywhere ran on an Anti-Nebraska platform,
thereby drawing to themselves the votes of the Free
Democrats and other antislavery men.
One interesting and suggestive fact is noticeable in this
campaign; it is the unbiased way in which the antislavery
men and papers of all parties stood together in support of
the Anti-Nebraska candidates. The "Free West" advo
cated industriously the candidacy of Archibald Williams,
Richard Yates, W. B. Archer, — aH Whigs, — and of
Lyman Trumbull, a Democrat, because aH were opposed
to the Nebraska BHl. On the other hand, the "Chicago
Journal," a Whig sheet, supported the Repubhcan nom
inees — Washburne, Norton, James Knox, and Trumbull —
for the same reason.'
Everywhere the campaign against slavery-extension
was progressive and enthusiastic. The Anti-Nebraska
candidates all "took the stump" in their respective dis-
' "Free West," July 21, 1854. The real cause of their failure to unite was
not a disagreement on principles, but on the question of the apportionment of
votes that each party should have in case the two conventions united. They
met at Aurora on the same day.
' "Free West," November 2, and "Chicago Journal," October 3, 1854.
' "Free West" and "Chicago Journal," October-November, 1854.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 193
tricts. In addhion, Ichabod Codding, Owen Lovejoy,
Wright and J. R. Giddings were busy lecturing during
the entire period. But a more general interest centred
around the speeches of such men as S. P. Chase, Gustave
Koerner, Judge Trumbull, and Abraham Lincoln — aU of
whom denounced the Nebraska Bill.
Senator Douglas, on the other hand, was actively can
vassing the State in defense of his own doctrines. His
reception in Northern and Central IHinois was exceedingly
chilly. When he attempted to address a meeting at the
North Market HaH in Chicago, he was hardly able to
finish a sentence, so great was the uproar and confusion,
and he left the place in disgust.' At Joliet, Bloomington,
and Cariinsville he was allowed to speak, but his words
evoked no applause.'
At the State fair at Springfield, the "little Giant" met
with better treatment. His personal friends and the old-
time Democrats were present there in great numbers, and
gave him a ready support. He made a lengthy address
before an enormous assemblage in Representative Hall,
but his eloquence did not win its customary success. The
next day he was answered by Mr. Lincoln in a four-hour
speech, "conceived and expressed" — to use the words of
an eye-witness — "in a most happy, pleasant style, and
which was received with abundant applause." '
A so-called Anti-Nebraska Republican convention
was held on October 4, in Springfield, and James Miller
was nominated for State Treasurer.' It was a gathering
' Speech of September i, see "Free West" of September 7 and other Chi
cago papers.
' "Free West" September 7-21, and "Chicago Journal' October 5, 1854.
' Correspondent of the "St. Louis Republican," quoted also in full in the
"Chicago Journal," October 7, 1854.
" Mr. E. McClure was the first nominee chosen, but he declined. "Chicago
Journal," October 7, 1854.

194 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
of the more radical antislavery men. Nearly aH the
twenty-six delegates were old Free Democrats. The
Anti-Nebraska Whigs and Democrats refused to attend,
and the former Liberty leaders had everything their
own way. Abraham Lincoln — then a Whig — had been
asked to attend, but his friends dissuaded him.' He was
nominated, however, on the State Central Committee,
but declined to serve.'
The November election day came, and with it success
for the antislavery cause. The Republican nominees in
the first four districts were elected by majorities consider
ably greater than those of the Free Soil and antislavery
Whig candidates in the same districts in 1852. In the
Eighth District, Judge Trumbull, an Anti-Nebraska
Democrat, was chosen by a large plurality, while the
Anti-Nebraska candidate in the Seventh District was de
feated by only one vote. The elections of State Senators
and Representatives resulted in an Anti-Nebraska major
ity of eighteen in the Senate, and fifteen in the House.
The Republicans alone elected some twenty-eight Repre
sentatives, among whom was Owen Lovejoy, sent up by
Bureau County. There was great rejoicing among anti-
slavery men, and all looked forward with high hopes and
great expectancy to the Presidential election of 1856,
while the demand for an organized State Republican party
increased on all sides.'
For a time an approaching Senatorial election drew
general attention to the Legislature. Senator Shields, a
' Lincoln's Ottawa speech, "Debates," page 73; also see Morse's "Lin
coln," Vol. 1., page 95.
' Letter from Lincoln to Codding, dated November 27, 1854.
' The vote as given in the official records was, according to "Free West,"
December 21, and "Chicago Journal," November 6, 1854:
1854, District No. I, Washburne, plurality, 5,596; 1852, 236 majority.
1854, District No. 2, plurality, 4,374.
1854, District No. 3, plurality, 4,258; 1852, 181 majority.
1854, District No. 4, plurahty, 2,559; 1852, 202 majority.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 195
Democrat and a supporter of the Nebraska Bill, was a
candidate for re-election, but there was little hope for
him, as the Anti-Nebraska men controlled both the Sen
ate and the House. Abraham Lincoln and Lyman Trum
bull were the chief Anti-Nebraska candidates. Mr.
Lincoln had been elected to the State Legislature by San
gamon County, but declined to receive his credentials, in
order to run for Senator. His popularity was consider
able, but many Republicans were suspicious of him. He
was not yet pronounced enough in his antislavery prin
ciples to suit them all, and some feared he was too much
of a Whig to make a good Republican.
"We would not advise the Republicans," the "Free
West" said, in November, "to support for this station
Lincoln or any of the moderate men of this stamp. He is
only a Whig, and this people's movement is no Whig
triumph  Let a man of the people be elected
Senator."' Thus, while the more moderate Republicans under the
leadership of the "Chicago Tribune"' favored Lincoln,
the more radical element, the former Liberty men and
Free Democrats, opposed him. The latter were espe
cially loath to take any step which would look as if they
were selling themselves out to the Whig party.' In spite
of this, a majority might have been secured for Mr. Lin
coln, as Joshua Giddings had written Owen Lovejoy urg
ing the Liberty men to support him, but five of the
Anti-Nebraska Democrats refused to vote for him or for
any Whig. This precluded any hope of securing for Mr.
Lincoln the number of votes necessary to elect.*
1 "Free West," November 30, 1854.
' Founded largely to advance the interests of the Republican party.
'"Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," by Z. Eastman, in Blanchard's
"Illinois," page 669, old edition.
" Lincoln's letter to Washburne, Lincoln's Works, 1., 218.

196 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
He was the first to take in the situation, and although
receiving a large vote on the first bahot, he withdrew with
rare magnanimity from the contest in order that an Anti-
Nebraska man — Lyman TrumbuH — might be chosen.
The final baHot saw his action justified in the victory of
Mr. TrumbuH by four votes over Governor Matteson.'
Much good was expected from Mr. TrumbuH's work and
influence in Congress, and his election was regarded as a
rebuke to Senators Douglas and Shields. The IHinois
Legislature emphasized this rebuke by passing almost
immediately a resolution instructing the Illinois Senators
to oppose the admission of slave States formed out of the
Kansas-Nebraska Territory, and to advocate the restora
tion of the Missouri Compromise.'
In September, 1855, Mr. Douglas made a tour of
South-Central IHinois and "Egypt," in order to explain
his attitude on the slavery issue and to strengthen his hold
on the IHinois Democracy. His effort does not seem to
have been largely successful, but he aroused the opposi
tion of the "Chicago Democratic Press" most powerfully
against him, because he declined to meet Judge Trumbull
in joint debate.'
' For detailed accounts of this election, see —
"Chicago Journal," February 9, 1855.
"Chicago Tribune," February g, 1855.
"Alton Telegraph," February 2-9, 1855.
Morse "Lincoln" 1., 97.
The Democrats united all their forces on Governor Matteson after the sixth
ballot, deserting Shields entirely.
' "Chicago Journal," February 12, 1855. The resolution passed the Senate
on February 10.
' "Chicago Daily Democratic Press," October i-ii, 1855; "Belleville Zei-
tung, September 25, 1855. Because he ignored Judge 'Trumbull's request, and
evaded direct answers to questions put to him during his St. Louis speech, and
elsewhere, Douglas was called "The Great Dodger" by the "Press 'and other
papers. Douglas prevented 'Trumbull from answering him at Salem by talking
most of the afternoon, although the citizens of Salem had invited Trumbull to
come there. Trumbull answered Douglas that night, however, and lateral
Mt. Vernon and Alton. Concerning Douglas's Mt. Vernon speech, the corre
spondent of the "Alton Courier" wrote; "Douglas gained no ground by his
effort here." 'The same report was rendered of his addresses at Salem and at
Belleville.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 197
The current of opposition to the spread of slave terri
tory grew steadily stronger week by week, and the vari
ous orders of antislavery advocates were drawn ever closer
together. The Liberal spirit of self-sacrifice for the sake
of principle became daily more manifest, while the men
of all parties — Whigs, Free Democrats, Liberty men,
even many Democrats — showed themselves ready to sur
render their old parties for one which would take the right
kind of advance stand against slavery.
At length the time seemed ripe for a State Republican
party, which should unite aH the antislavery elements in
the State into one powerful and harmonious whole.
Then, and only then, could the forces opposed to slavery
extension expect to labor with true success in IHinois, or
to -wield any great influence in the nation at large. The
preliminary step to such an organization was taken at an
Anti-Nebraska convention of newspaper editors, held at
Decatur in February, 1856.' There were eleven delegates
present, among whom were Charles H. Ray of the "Chi
cago Tribune," Paul Selby of the "JacksonviHe Journal,"
WiUiam J. Usrey of the "Decatur Chronicle," and George
Snyder of the "Chicago Staats-Zehung."' After select
ing Mr. Selby as chairman, and Mr. Usrey as secretary of
the meeting, they proceeded to a discussion of the prin
ciples upon which the new State organization should be
buih. They were all agreed that the slave States should be
sustained in all the rights guaranteed to them by the Con
stitution of the United States, and in disclaiming any
desire to interfere with slavery in the States where it
existed. With those admissions, they then passed these
' "Chicago Journal" and "Tribune," February 25, 1856.
' For complete list, see Moses' "Illinois," Vol. II., page 598.

198 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Resolutions: (l) "That we are in favor of the restoration
of the Missouri Compromise, or in other words, that we
will strive by all legal means to restore to Kansas and
Nebraska a legal guarantee against slavery, of which they
were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted
faith of the nation; (2) that we hold the settlement
of the true relations of the General and State Govern
ments to slavery, and the restriction of slavery to its pres
ent authorized limits, as the paramount questions for
consideration.'" In addition, they advocated reform in
the administration of the State government.
On such foundation principles the new party was to
be organized, and to insure that end immediately, a State
convention was recommended, which should meet at
Bloomington on May 29 foHowing. A State Central
Committee of eleven was appointed to supervise the
organization and interests of the new party.'
In the spring of 1856 this Central Committee cahed an
antislavery convention at Bloomington. Besides the in
centive of organization, the chief object of such a conven
tion was the nomination of State officers who should run
on an "Anti-Nebraska" platform in the coming elections.
On May 20, in an editorial on the Gubernatorial elec
tion, the "Chicago Daily Press" advocated in strong
terms the nomination of William H. Bissell of St. Clair
County for Governor, and Francis A. Hoffman of Cook
County for Lieutenant Governor. On the 21st the
"Staats-Zeitung" accepted these nominees with manifest
' "Chicago Journal," February 25, 1856.
' "Chicago Journal," January 25, 1856. This committee included both
Democrats and Whigs, and was composed as follows: ist District, S. M. Church,
of Rockford; 2d District, W. B. Ogden, of Chicago; 3d District, G D.A.Parker,
of Will County; 4th District,T. J. Pickett, of Peoria; 5th District, E.J.Dudley.
of Quincy; 6th District, W. J. Herndon, of Springfield; 7th District, R. J.
Oglesby, of Decatur; 8th District, Jas. Gillespie, ot Edwardsville; and qth Dis
trict, D. L. Phillips, of Jonesboro; and for the State at large, Gustave Koerner
and Ira 0. Wilkinson.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 199
approval, and shortly they were seen to be the acknowl
edged favorites among Anti-Nebraska men throughout
the State.
On the 23d a Cook County Anti-Nebraska conven
tion was held in the South Market HaH, Chicago.'
Members of aH the old parties were in attendance.
Speeches were made by F. C. Sherman (who presided),
Norman B. Judd, Judge Skinner, and Grant Goodrich;
but the prime mover in all things was John Wentworth,
of former Democratic fame. On his motion resolutions
were passed, repudiating the platform of the two recent
political State conventions (of the American and the
Democratic parties),' and advocating a third convention,
where all men of all parties who desired to restore the
Government to the principles of the Declaration of Inde
pendence might unite. Seventeen delegates were ap
pointed to attend the Bloomington Convention, and pledged
to the support of Mr. Hoffman.'
The State Anti-Nebraska Convention assembled in
Bloomington on May 29. Seventy-one counties were
represented. The name "Republican" or "Republican
party" was not used, but this is to be considered as the
first real Republican State convention.* Men of all parties
were present — Democrats, Abolitionists, Free Democrats,
and Republicans.
The Kansas-Nebraska Bill had wrought a division in
the Democratic party, which was never again to be healed.
There were now "Douglas" Democrats and the "Anti-
' "Chicago Daily Democratic Press," May 20, 23, 24; the "Weekly Press."
May 24.
'The Democratic State convention was held at Springfield on May i, 1856.
W. A. Richardson, of Adams County, was nominated for Governor, and John
Moore, of McLean, for Lieutenant Governor.
' Minutes of Convention in the "Press" for May 24, 1856.
* For full record of the proceedings of this convention, see the "Chicago
Daily Press," May 30, 31, 1856, and "Journal" and "Tribune" of same dates.

200 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Nebraska" Democrats. After the passage of that biH,
such staunch Democratic papers as the "Chicago Daily
Press" and the "Southern Illinoisan," and such con
servative "old liners" as Governor Koerner and N. B.
Judd felt that they could no longer support Mr. Douglas,
because, as Koerner said, "the Nebraska BiU was a repeal
of the Missouri Compromise, and a sectional measure
devoted to the interests of slavery." These Democrats
were unwilling to join either the Whigs or the more radi
cal Free SoHers, but they were not averse to joining a
new party formed on Anti-Nebraska lines. The new
party should, however, according to Koerner, "meet aH
the important political issues clearly and distinctly, with
out mental reservation. "I could not cooperate with any
party that did not, while asserting the principle that soil
heretofore free shall remain free as long as it is territory,
at the same time affirmatively maintain that the Constitu
tional rights of the Southern States should never be inter
fered with." '^
Many of these Democrats had hoped with Koerner that
the Democratic State and National conventions would
adopt platforms such as Anti-Nebraska men could consist
ently stand upon. But in vain. The Democratic State
convention, held at Springfield, on May i, had passed
strong "Nebraska" resolutions. They maintained that
"Congress has no rightful authority to estabhsh or pro
hibit slavery in the States and Territories, ' ' and expressed
the belief that "the only sure guarantee for the public
tranquilhty is by a strict adherence to the provisions of
the Constitution and by non-intervention upon the sub-
' Letter to the editor of the "Illinois Banner," ol Peoria; quoted also in
the "Chicago Press," May 13, 1856.
'Koerner's letter to the "Belleville Advocate"; quoted also in the "Chi
cago Journal," March 10, 1856.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 2oi
ject of slavery, applying alike to the States and Terri
tories."' In addition, to please the South, they advocated "entire
and absolute equality among aU the States," urging that
it was not "competent for the Congress or any other
power to impose upon new States coming into the Union
any conditions or restrictions in respect to their domestic
institutions or internal concerns, which the Federal Con
stitution has not imposed upon the original States."
They close by commending Mr. Douglas for the
"manly, daring, and undeviating fidelity with which he
has always maintained State sovereignty and National
honor," and instructing their delegates to the National
Convention at Cincinnati to support him for the Presi
dential nomination, in case his name were proposed. '
These resolutions destroyed the last lingering hopes of
the Anti-Nebraska Democrats,' and accordingly, we find
their leaders — such as Wentworth, Judd, Palmer, Baker,
Allen, and Koerner — all active in the Bloomington Con
vention.* John M. Palmer was made president, and the meeting
proceeded as quickly as possible to business. Bissell and
' Colonel Richardson (a Douglas supporter) wrote to the "Richmond
Inquirer" at that time: "We must, in the Cincinnati Platform [National Demo
cratic], repudiate Squatter Sovereignty and expressly assert State Equality.
We must declare that it is the duty of the General Government to see that no
invidious or injurious distinctions are made between the people or the property
of the different sections in the Territories. We do not mean to dictate. It
may be that the assertion in the platform of the abstract proposition of State
equality may suffice to carry along with it the consequences which we desire.
.... It must appear from our platform that we maintain practical State
equality and repudiate that construction of the Kansas-Nebraska act which
would defeat it.' Quoted also in "Chicago Democratic Press," May 7, 1856.
' "Chicago Democratic Press," May 7, 1856.
' The Democratic National convention passed similar resolutions at Cincin
nati on June 2, and declared ihat the "only sound and safe solution of the
slaverv question" was in the principle of "nonintervention by Congress with
slavery in State and Territory and in the District of Columbia." Democratic
Platform, 1856.
"Several of the counties revolted from the Democratic party as soon as
the Springfield platform had been made known; for example, Peoria, Madison,
and Cook. "Chicago Press," May 24, 26, 1856.

202 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Hoffman were unanimously nominated amid great enthu
siasm. The remainder of the State ticket was formulated
by a nominating committee, of which Lincoln was chair
man, and adopted without alteration. A State Central
Committee numbering five was appointed to call further
conventions if necessary, fill vacancies, and direct the
coming campaign. The resolutions passed show httle
alteration from the Anti-Nebraska platform suggested by
the editorial convention at Aurora. It was, however,
conceived purposely in a liberal spirit, and contained only
the broadest antislavery expansion principles. In this way
the support of all classes of antislavery men was secured,
and all the elements of slavery opposition were united in
one powerful party. One thing only of importance was
added, namely, that the admission of Kansas on the Con
stitution adopted by the people should take place immedi
ately. The convention further urged the formation of
Anti-Nebraska clubs and praised the recent work of
Trumbull in the Senate.
When the business had been disposed of, speeches
were made by O. H. Browning of Quincy, Owen Love
joy, and B. C. Cook of Ottawa.' But it was left to
Abraham Lincoln to make the most teUing address and to
raise the audience up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm.
He spoke for an hour and a half, holding the assembly
spell-bound by his irresistible logic, his earnestness, and
his briHiant forensic oratory. When he finished, the
"audience sprang to its feet and gave cheer after
cheer.'" This remarkable speech was the first of a series of for
ensic triumphs which were to win for him a national
' "Chicago Press," May 31, 1856.
' Quoted from the correspondent of the "Press" who was present. "Press,"
May 31, 1856.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 203
reputation as an orator and thinker. In it he defined his
position on the slavery question fairly and fearlessly, and
took his stand firmly as the uncompromising enemy of
slavery expansion.' The abolitionists hesitated no longer.
They hastened to give him their support, and the Anti-
Nebraska advocates began to rally about him as the un
doubted leader of the new party in Illinois.'
The contest of 1856 was a noteworthy one, and fuH of
promising signs for the new party. The National Repub
lican party had put John C. Fremont and William L.
Dayton in nomination for President and Vice-President at
its Philadelphia convention on June 17. But to the Illi
noisans, the real interest centred in their Gubernatorial
and Congressional elections, since the election of a Demo
cratic President seemed rather a foregone conclusion.
The Republicans of IHinois — -or "Anti-Nebraskans, "
as they yet preferred to call themselves — made great exer
tions to carry their State ticket and to elect their candi
dates in the first four (Northern) Congressional districts.
Each candidate took the stump and canvassed his own
district thoroughly.' In addition, many prominent men
from without the State — like General Nye of New York,
N. P. Banks of Massachusetts, J. P. Hale, and Governor
'This Bloomington speech seems never to have been printed, so we are
forced to judge of its contents from meagre newspaper report.
* Mr. Eastman has recorded an interview about this time between himself
and Mr. Herndon, Lincoln's law partner. Mr. Eastman visited Springfield to
assure himself and his abolition friends as to Mr. Lincoln's real position on
the slavery issue. Mr. Herndon assured him that Lincoln was all right. "He
has been," he continued, "an attentive reader of your paper for several years;
he believes in the Declaration of Independence, and .... he is well
posted. That he might get all sides of that question, I take Garrison's "Liber
ator,' and he takes the "National Era" and the "Western Citizen " Although
he does not say much, you may depend upon it, Mr Lincoln is all right; when
it becomes necessary, he will speak so that he will be understood. And," con
cludes Mr. Eastman, "he did speak, too, at the Bloomington convention.
After this there was no longer any opposition to Mr. Lincoln from the most
radical of the abolitionists.' ".'inti Slavery Agitation in Illinois," page 671, old
edition of Blanehard s "Illinois," 2, 3. (See page 265.)
' For the particulars of this campaign, see "Chicago Journal," October 6 to
November i, 1856; "Tribune" and other papers of same date.

204 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Robinson of Kansas — were induced to come and assist in
the campaign. Among the local orators who traversed
the State in the interests of the Repubhcan party, Lincoln
and Trumbull were the most effective and the most
popular.' Anti-Nebraska clubs were organized in many places,
parades indulged in, and enthusiastic mass meetings held
out of doors in groves or public squares. The result in
November was such as to gladden the heart of every
Republican. Although the State went Democratic in the
national contest, the Repubhcans were completely suc
cessful in the election of State officials,' and they elected
Repubhcan Congressmen in the first four Congressional
districts by large majorities.' This was the first time in
the history of Illinois that the Democrats had faHed to
secure a majority in the State elections, and that any other
party had ever elected its entire State ticket. The
Republicans were justly proud of this achievement, and
on Wednesday evening, December lo, a great banquet
was held at the Tremont House, in Chicago, in celebra
tion of this memorable victory. Lincoln, Lovejoy,
Turner of Freeport, James MiUer, J. J. Beardsley, and
B. C. Cook delivered rousing speeches, and great enthu
siasm prevailed.*
This triumph in 1856 gave the new party in Illinois
immense prestige within the State, and inspired its mem
bers to more extensive efforts. Heretofore it had been
merely a "Union" party of heterogeneous elements work
ing together to prevent the expansion of slavery. Yet,
' Lincoln made about fifty speeches. Morse's "Lincoln," Vol. I., page 112.
'Vote for Governor was: Democratic, 110,584; Republican, 111,372. "Chi
cago Journal," November 21, 1856.
' "Chicago Journal," November 24, 1856.
" "Chicago Journal," December, 11, 1856, and "Tribune" of same date.

FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 205
how nobly the elements had stood together! The abo
litionists led by Owen Lovejoy, the Whigs headed by
Lincoln and Yates, and the Anti-Nebraska Democrats
inspired by Palmer, Judd, and Wentworth, had labored
in the greatest harmony and unison throughout the cam
paign. Every leader realized fully that the victory was
due to the efforts of each faction and to the unity of all.
Confidence in the new party took possession of every lover
of freedom. Present success seemed but the promise of
future triumph, and the chief result of the campaign of
1856 in Illinois proved to be the welding of all the anti-
slavery elements firmly into one great, harmonious organi
zation, which in time became the State Republican party.
This outcome is to be attributed largely to the agitation
incident to the Nebraska Bill. It is extremely unlikely
that any such union would have been effected at this time
if that measure had not been passed through Congress.'
"Two years ago," said Mr. Lincoln, at Springfield, in
1858, "the Republicans of the Nation mustered over thir
teen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the
single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with
every external circumstance against us. Of strange, dis
cordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the
four winds, and formed and fought the battle through,
under the constant fire of a disciplined, proud, and pam
pered enemy." '
' "I am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the country, and I
know it has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe ....
it has endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the
Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest all the time in the belief that Slavery
was in the course of ultimate extinction" "Debates," page 18; Chicago
speech. ' "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 5. Compare with statement on page
106.

CHAPTER XII.
LATER SLAVERY AGITATION AND THE
LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES.
The united "Anti-Nebraska" or Republican party in
IHinois was placed on a permanent footing in 1856. The
strength of its numbers and the comparative harmony of
its elements promised weH for its future success. In the
months and years immediately following its establishment,
events came thick and fast, which increased the deep-
seated opposition to slavery extension, stirred the intense
agitation on that subject to ever-increasing proportions,
and drew into the new party innumerable recruits. These
occurrences form a part of the great national slavery
agitation, and can be only briefly referred to here. Their
effect upon the people of Illinois as regards the slavery
problem was much the same as in aH the Northern States.
The most important of these incidents were: the at
tempt to force the Lecompton Constitution and its sub
stitute, the "English BiH," on the people of Kansas, the
border warfare in the same State, the assault on Senator
Sumner of Massachusetts by Representative Brooks of
South Carolina, and the famous Dred Scott case. The
Supreme Court, in rendering its decision in this Scott
trial, declared that Congress could not prohibit slavery in
the Territories.' This aroused violent criticism through
out the North. Many antislavery men, hke Lincoln,' were
convinced that this was but one step in an organized con-
' 15 Howard 393, Scott vs. Hanford.
'Springfield speech, June 17, 1858, "Debates," pages 3, 4.
206

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 207
spiracy to extend and perpetuate slavery. The Republican
and Anti-Douglas press in Illinois condemned the decision
in strong terms. Conventions were held in the Northern
sections, and resolutions that were directed against the
Lecompton Constitution and the Dred Scott decision
were adopted.'
While this controversy was raging, the time for the
election of Congressmen drew near once more. In addi
tion. Senator Douglas's term would soon expire, and thus
a Senatorial election would be necessary in 1858. Doug
las was a candidate for reelection, and the only choice of
his party. Ere long it was evident that the Republicans,
too, had but one candidate for the same office. On June
5 the Republicans of McLean County, in a convention,
suggested Abraham Lincoln as the Republican nominee
for Senator, for, they said, "We need a big man with a
big mind and a big heart to represent our big State." '
Other Northern counties were not slow in foHowing
this example,' and at the Republican State convention,
held at Springfield on June 16, it was unanimously re
solved amid great enthusiasm: "That Honorable Abra
ham Lincoln is our first and only choice for United States
Senator, to fill the vacancy about to be created by the
retirement of Honorable Stephen A. Douglas."*
The platform adopted included the support of the
Federal Constitution, non-interference with slavery in the
States where it then existed, prohibition of slavery in
the Territories, a denunciation of the (then) present ad-
» "Chicago Democratic Press," June 12-17, and "Journal," April i to
June, 1858.
' "Chicago Democratic Press," June 12, 1858.
' "Chicago Democratic Press," June 17, 1858 (Shelby County), and June 12
(Cook County), etc.
"The Cook County Delegation had brought into the convention a banner
bearing the words: "Cook County for Lincoln." On the motion of a delegate
this was changed to read: "Illinois lor Lincoln."

2oS NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
ministration on account of the "Lecompton" affair, and
the condemnation of "the principles and tendencies of the
extra-judicial opinions of a majority of the Judges of the
Supreme Court ' of the United States in the matter of
Dred Scott." It is noticed here that no aggressive policy
is outhned. No detahed program is laid out, by means
of which the extension of slavery should be checked,
other than the freeing of the Territories. Nor is there
any suggestion of an attempt to abohsh slavery entirely.
Such a thing was never considered for a moment.
On such a comparatively simple platform Lincoln
began the celebrated political canvass which ended in the
Lincoln-Douglas debates. When the business of the
Springfield convention was over, he made a speech which
defined clearly his position on the slavery question, and
laid down the chief issues of the forthcoming campaign.
He began with these now famous, oft- quoted words: "I
believe this government cannot endure permanently half
slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be
dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one
thing or aH the other." '
Then, beginning with the Nebraska bill, he showed in
a clear and concise argument how step by step through
that measure, the Kansas frauds, the election of Buchanan,
and the Dred Scott decision, a systematic and organized
effort was being made to extend and perpetuate slavery.
' ' Put this and that together, ' ' he added, ' ' and we shall
have another nice little niche, which we may ere long see
filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that
* Because it affirmed that the "Federal Constitution extends slavery into
all the Territories of the Republic, and so maintains it that neither Congress
nor the people through their Territorial legislation can by law abolish it." —
"Chicago Democratic Press," June 19, 1858.
' "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page i.

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 209
the Constitution of the United States does not permit a
State to exclude slavery from its limits." '
The only way to put a stop to this was by overthrow
ing the existing Democratic administration, and placing the
control of the government in the hands of the Republican
party. A careful selection of leaders was imperative to
secure such a result. Men of sterling character and
undoubted antislavery principles should be chosen:
"Those whose hands are free — whose hearts are in the
work — who do care for the result."
Finally, with unquestionable faith in the justice of his
cause, and sublime confidence in its ultimate triumph, Mr.
Lincoln concluded: "We shall not fail if we stand firm;
we shall not fail! Wise counsels may accelerate, or mis
takes delay it; but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to
come.'" After the adjournment of Congress in June, 1858, Mr.
Douglas repaired to New York, where he remained till the
1st of July, carefully maturing, Napoleon-hke, his plans
for the coming Senatorial canvass in Illinois. In addition,
he wished to give his friends ample time to complete the
necessary arrangements for insuring a successful cam
paign.' The first act in this great drama was the "triumphant
entry" of Senator Douglas into Chicago. He came from
New York via the Michigan Southern rahway as far as
LaPorte, Indiana, which he reached on the afternoon of
Friday, July 9. There he entered a carriage and was
driven over to Michigan City, where a special train was
waiting to convey him into Chicago and to land him near
* "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 4.
' "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 5.
'New York correspondent to "Press," on July 2, 1858; quoted in same,
July 10, 1858, and accompanying editorial. Mr. Lincoln in Springfield speech,
July 27, 1858; "Debates," page 58.

2IO NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the Tremont House. He was escorted from the station
by two companies of militia, a band of music, and a great
concourse of people. Bells were rung and fireworks set
off. A few moments later he appeared on the balcony
of the hotel, from which he delivered a long and eloquent
speech to the people who thronged the streets and side
walks below, and filled the windows of the surrounding
buildings. It is estimated that some twelve thousand
persons heard him. Men of aH parties — Democrats,
Republicans, abolitionists — were among the crowd.'
Senator Douglas's remarks on this occasion were
devoted chiefly to an explanation of his conduct in Con
gress with reference to the Lecompton Constitution, and
to an attack upon Lincoln's recent Springfield speech.
In reference to the latter, he asserted that Mr. Lincoln,
in saying that our government could not endure half slave
and half free, was advocating "clearly a war of sections,
a war of the North against the South, of the free States
against the slave States — a war of extermination to be
continued relentlessly until the one or the other shall be
subdued, and aH the States shall either become free or
become slave." As a second point of criticism, he dis
tinguished Mr. Lincoln's interpretation of the meaning
and effect of the Dred Scott decision as "a crusade
against the Supreme Court." '
The following evening Mr. Lincoln replied to Senator
Douglas from the same balcony.' On that occasion there
were about nine thousand people in attendance, most of
whom were friendly to him and his party. He was
greeted with a perfect storm of applause, and as soon
¦ For description of Douglas's reception at this time, see "Press," "Jour
nal," "Times," and "Tribune, July lo, 1858.
' "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page g.
'See "Press" and other Chicago papers, July 12, 1858.

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 211
as partial quiet was restored, he delivered an apt, logical,
and eloquent answer to the arguments of the Senator. In
these speeches the main issues were clearly defined, about
which the "battle royal" would be waged throughout the
summer and faH. These were, "popular sovereignty"
and the "Dred Scott decision." considered in relation to
the slavery problem.
From Chicago Judge Douglas journeyed to Johet,
WilliamsviHe, Bloomington, and Springfield, making
speeches at each place.' He rode in a special train, the
baggage-car of which bore the words, "Stephen A.
Douglas, the Champion of Popular Sovereignty." On
the rear platform of the last car there was a brass six-
pounder which announced the arrival and the departure of
the popular hero. Mr. Lincoln followed, heard him speak
at Bloomington on July 16, and answered him at Spring
field on the 17th. Then there ensued a correspondence
between the two gentlemen, beg^n by Mr. Lincoln. It
was finally agreed to hold joint debates in seven of the
chief towns of Illinois, namely, at Ottawa, Freeport,
Jonesboro, Charleston, Galesburg, Quincy, and Alton.'
One of them was to open the debate with an hour's
speech, then the other to reply for an hour and a half;
and then the first speaker to have a half an hour in which
to reply. As proposed by Mr. Douglas, this arrangement
gave him four openings and closes to Mr. Lincoln's three,
but Mr. Lincoln raised no serious objection, and the agree
ment was sealed.
The two men about to begin this forensic contest
differed greatly in physique, in character, and in talent.
Mr. Lincoln was tall, lank, and somewhat awkward, but
' For detailed account, see "Press" and "Times," July 19, 1858.
'See the complete correspondence in the "Debates," pages 64-66.

212 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
dignified in his bearing, and serious in his dehvery. Mr.
Douglas was short, stout, round, and of full countenance,
and possessed an easy, graceful delivery. He was not
only a great orator, but he was also a consummate debater.
He was a master in all the strategies and expedients of
forensic warfare. It was most difficult to trip him up or
to hold him to a point. He seems to have lacked in origi
nality and logic, but he made up for this by his wonderful
power of distorting his opponent's arguments and making
them seem highly disproportionate in form and ridiculous
in logic. No one knew better than he how to master an
audience, and as a speaker, he was powerful, alert, bril
liant. He was ready in repartee, witty, and aggressive,
but in criticism he was severe and patronizing by turns.
On the other hand, Mr. Lincoln's power lay chiefly in
his straightforward and convincing logic, his deep earnest
ness, and his ready wit. Although not a graceful orator,
he was impressive and majestic. He possessed a remark
able power of analysis, and worked out in concise thought
almost unanswerable arguments based on historic facts.
Constitutional Law, and political ethics. He strove ear
nestly and industriously to find the truth — to ascertain the
real and fundamental principles involved in the slavery
question and its solution. When once his mind was clear
as to these principles, he defended them with an honest
zeal and a directness of logic born of a thorough convic
tion of religious duty. WhHe fair and decorous in his
treatment of an opponent, he was ever ready with some
humorous sally that irritated his antagonist, but delighted
his audience.
In addition, it must be remembered that Mr. Douglas
was then a man of national reputation and the recognized
leader of the Democratic party. For nearly ten years he

STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 213
had been the most striking figure in political circles, and
he had the support of the organized Illinois Democracy '
behind him. Mr. Lincoln was scarcely known outside his
O'wn State, yet his honesty, his powers of argument and
of oratory, and his earnest opposition to slavery exten
sion had won him considerable repute in Ilhnois. His
friends felt confidence in him, and looked forward to this
contest, believing their prot6g6 would not prove unworthy
of their trust. He himself was not ignorant of the great
task before him, and he has jocosely described the relative
standing of Douglas and himself at the opening of the
debates. "Senator Douglas," he said, "is of world-wide
renown. All the anxious politicians of his party, or who
have been of his party for years past, have been looking
forward upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be
the President of the United States. They have seen in
his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices,
marshalships, and cabinet appointments, chargeships and
foreign missions, bursting and sprouting out in wonderful
exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands.
And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture
so long, they cannot, in the httle distraction that has taken
place in the party, bring themselves to give up the charm
ing hope ; but with greedier anxiety they rush about him,
sustain him, and give him marches, triumphal entries, and
receptions beyond what even in the days of his highest
prosperity they could have brought about in his favor.
On the contrary, nobody has expected me to be President.
' Mr. Douglas had lost the confidence of his constituency somewhat in 1854
(see above. Chapter XL), but his popularity with the masses was still great.
It began with his first great Chicago speech, August 4, 1838, and was founded
deservedly on his numerous and important services to his party and his State.
Together with Judge Breeze he was the promoter of the hrst railways in
Illinois, and the champion of all the great schemes for the internal improve
ment of the State, between 1840-1855. For an impartial description of his
pohtical work, see the "Chicago Times," August 19, 1877, article called "By
gone Days."

2 14 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
In my poor, lank face nobody has ever seen that any cab
bages were sprouting out. These are disadvantages all,
taken together, that the Republicans labor under. We
have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principle
alone. I am, in a certain sense, made the standard-bearer
in behalf of the Repubhcans. I was made so merely
because there had to be some one so placed — I being in no
wise preferable to any other one of the twenty-five, per
haps a hundred, we have in the Republican ranks 
We have to fight this battle without many — perhaps with
out any — of the external aids which are brought to bear
against us." '
Under such circumstances the great debates began.
One contestant, supported by the enthusiastic and devoted
adherents of a thoroughly organized and powerful Democ
racy, fought to maintain his great name, to defend his
pohtical theories, to reestablish his prestige in the State,
and to strengthen his influence in the national Democ
racy, with a view to securing the Presidency in i860.
The other, sustained it is true by many local and influ
ential friends, but resting his chief confidence in a poorly
organized and equipped party composed of somewhat dis
cordant elements, fought for principle, justice, and honor.'
The first meeting was held on August 21 at Ottawa.
Early on that morning all the roads leading into the town
were white with the clouds of dust that arose from the
crowds of teams pouring into the place from far and near.
Large delegations came by train from Galena, Peoria,
Quincy, Rock Island, Bloomington, Springfield, Alton,
' "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 55. This was uttered in his speech at
Springheld on July 17, 1858.
' For excellent and detailed portraits of Lincoln and Douglas, see Nicholay
& Hay, "Lincoln," "Century" for July, i 87; Von Hoist, "History of United
States," Vol. VI., Chap. 6: Blaine, "Twenty Vears of Congress," Vol, 1., page
145, and following; Morse, "Lincoln," Vol. 1., etc.

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 215
and other places. A train of seventeen cars arrived about
eleven o'clock from Chicago with Mr. Lincoln on board.
Seated in a carriage decorated by the ladies of Ottawa, he
was escorted by a band and a great procession of people
to the Mayor's house. After a short address from the
veranda, thanking the people for his kind reception, he
repaired inside to rest and to dine.
Mr. Douglas was given a like though possibly not so
demonstrative a reception, and escorted to the Geiger
House.' By 2:30 in the afternoon a vast concourse of
some twelve thousand persons had assembled to hear the
discussion, which was opened promptly by Mr. Douglas.
He was greeted with applause, and listened to with eager
attention and interest. Occasional cheers and bursts of
applause interrupted the gifted Senator, but they were
moderate when compared to the storm of applause that
greeted Mr. Lincoln when he arose to reply. But Lin
coln was among friends, since Ottawa was in the very
heart of the strongest antislavery section of the State.
Nevertheless, his eloquence and forcible logic raised his
audience to the highest pitch of enthusiasm.' After the
debate they carried him to the train on their shoulders.'
SimHar demonstrations attended the other six joint
debates. Enthusiasm prevailed everywhere. Enormous
crowds — varying from five thousand to eighteen thou
sand people (with the exception of Jonesboro) — were
in attendance.* Music, processions, banners, and fire
works were indulged in. Both candidates were well
' For account of doings at the Ottawa Debate, see the "Chicago Press
and Tribune," August 23, 1858.
' "Press and Tribune," August 23, 1858.
' Lincoln in his Jonesboro speech, "Debates," page 129, 130.
"The "Press and Tribune" gives the attendance as follows: Ottawa;
12,000; Freeport, 15,000; Jonesboro, i,4C0 to 1,500; Charleston, 12,000 to 15,000,
Galesburg, 18,000; Quincy, 12,000; Alton, 4,000 to 5,000; October li, 1858.

2i6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
received everywhere, but Mr. Lincoln seems to have
received most of the applause.' The participants con
fined themselves in the debates to a few great central
issues, and much of their first arguments was repeated
at each successive contest. Mr. Lincoln, however, did
succeed, from time to time, in introducing some new
evidence and additional weighty arguments, but Senator
Douglas, though he was able in most cases to find
answers to his opponent's points, failed to bring forward
much that was original or new. He accused the Republi
cans of scheming to aboHsh slavery ultimately in the States
as well as in the Territories, of desiring negro equality and
amalgamation,' of advocating the immediate repeal of the
Fugitive Slave Law, and the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, and of attacking the Supreme Court
of the United States, because they disapproved of the
Dred Scott decision, and he argued that his plan of popu
lar sovereignty, if rightly carried out, would settle success
fully and amicably the slavery question.'
Mr. Lincoln replied that the Repubhcans had no inten-
' For description of these debates see "Press and Tribune," "Times" or
"Journal," August 23 to October 18, 1856. Some of the banners carried by the
Republicans at these debates were very amusing. At Freeport, for example,
there were these: "Carroll County for Abe Lincoln," "Winnebago County
for Old Abe." At Charleston there was one, "Coles County 400 majority for
Lincoln"; on the back of which was a picture of Mr. Lincoln plowing corn,
and entitled, "Old Abe, 30 years ago." The Champaign County delegation,
which came to hear him at Monticello, had a banner bearing these words:
"C/zrtwpaign for Old Abe is Keal Pain for Dug."
'On this point he said at Ottawa: "Do you desire to turn this beautiful
State into a free negro colony in order that when Missouri abohshes slavery
she can send 100,000 emancipated slaves into Illinois to become citizens and
voters on an equality with yourselves.^ If you desire negro citizenship, if you
desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if
you desire them to to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them
eligible to office, to serve on iuries and to adjudge your rights, then support
Mr. LincLjln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizen
ship of the negro. For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and
every form." "Debates," page 71. In the same speech he says that Lincoln
believes the negro his "equal, and hence his brother," and adds: "Lincoln has
evidently learned by heart Parson Lovejoy's catechism." — "Lincoln-Douglas
Debates," page 71,
'"Lincoln-Douglas Debates," Chicago, Ottawa, Freeport and Jonesboro
speeches.

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 217
tion whatever of disturbing slavery in the Southern States,
and that, in regard to negro equahty, "there is no reason
in the world why the negro is not entitled to aH the
natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Indepen
dence, the right to hfe, liberty, and the pursuit of happi
ness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the
white man. I agree whh Judge Douglas he is not my
equal in many respects — certainly not in color, perhaps
not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right
to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which
his own hand' earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge
Douglas, and the equal of every living man.' AH I ask
for the negro is, that if you do not like him, let him alone.
If God gave him but httle, that little let him enjoy." '
Mr. Lincoln did not favor the unconditional repeal of
the Fugitive Slave Law, but rather a removal of its most
irritating features. Slavery should be gradually abolished
in the District of Columbia, provided a just compensation
were paid "to unwilhng owners." He was not opposed
to the Dred Scott decision as such, but as a "rule of
pohtical action" that the people and all departments of
the government must foUow.'
In regard to "popular sovereignty," Mr. Lincoln
showed that it was inconsistent with the decision of the
Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case — at least as far as
slavery was concerned. "Can the people of a United
States Territory," he asked Senator Douglas, at Free-
port, "in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen
of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior
to the formation of a State Constitution.'"
To this Mr. Douglas rephed: "I answer emphatically
» "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 75.
'"Lincoln -Douglas Debates," page 63.
'"Lincoln Douglas Debates," page 61.

2i8 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
.... the people of a Territory can .... introduce it,
or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery
cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless it is sup
ported by local police regulations. Those police regula
tions can only be established by the local legislature, and
if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect repre
sentatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation
effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst.'
If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislature will
favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision
of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question,
StiH the right of the people to make a slave Territory or
a free Territoiy is perfect and complete under the
Nebraska biH."'
It is generally admitted that in thus disregarding the
Supreme Court decision in the Dred Scott case — as ap
phed to the Territories — Mr. Douglas lost his hold on the
Southern Democrats, and thereby injured his chances for
the Presidency.' His reply to Lincoln's question was not
a direct answer, but rather a sophistical evasion which, if
generally accepted, would have deprived the South of ah
the advantages of the Dred Scott decision. The South
erners were accordingly enraged, and believed that Senator
Douglas had deliberately deserted a principle he was
pledged to support. This completed the rupture between
the party leaders, begun over the Lecompton Constitu
tion, and made possible the complete division of the
Democratic party in i860.*
^ "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 90. Question 2. Mr. Lincoln proposed
four questions for Mr. Douglas's consideration and answer, at Freeport.
' "Lincoln Douglas Debates," page 95. (Freeport Joint Debate.)
'See Nicholay & Hay, "Lincoln," in "Century," for July, 1887, page 394;
Morse, "Lincoln," Vol. 1., page 142; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," Vol.
VI., page 292, and following; Blaine, "Twenty Years of Congress," Vol. I.,
page 148; Wilson, "Epochs of American History," page 202, etc.
" Speech of Senator J. P. Benjamin, ol Louisiana, in Senate, May 22, i860;
quoted by Nicholay & Hay, "Century," July, 1887, page 395.

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 219
Furthermore, Mr. Douglas seems to have injured his
reputation somewhat by his careless or intentional error
in entirely misquoting the Anti-Nebraska platform adopted
at the Springfield convention in October, 1854. In his
Ottawa speech he quoted this, and declared that Lincoln
was a party to it. Mr. Lincoln showed that this was a
bogus platform, never adopted at Springfield, but con
cocted by the editor' of the "Springfield Register."
Then, too, his plain misstatement of facts — as when he
said that Lincoln was carried off by his friends at Ottawa
because too weak and frightened to stand — told against
him. These seven joint debates were but a section of the
Illinois political canvass in 1858. That canvass was with
out doubt the greatest political campaign ever conducted
in this State.' Besides the speeches already referred to,
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas travelled over most of the
State for a period of a hundred days (from July 9 to
November 2), making speeches everywhere.' The Con
gressional candidates and the nominees of both parties for
State offices all took the stump. The Republican party
was more active than ever before. J. M. Palmer, Judge
TrumbuU, Oglesby, Blair, Conklin, Yates, B. C. Cook,
and others were kept busy addressing the people. Hecker
and Carl Schurz made speeches to the Germans.
In October Governor Chase and Ex-Governor Johnson
of Pennsylvania arrived to share in the work.* The result
was a victory for both parties. The Republicans elected
' A friend of Mr. Douglas.
'The "Press and Tribune," October 15, 1858, calls it "the most brilliant
and successful political canvass ever made in the country."
' "Last year in the Illinois canvass, 1 made just 130 speeches." Douglas's
Wooster, Ohio, speech, quoted by Nicholay & Hay, "Century," July, 1887,
page 369, note.
" "Press and Tribune," August 20, October 28, 1858.

220 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
their State ticket by a majority of some four thousand
votes,' and their Congressional candidates in the first four
districts by large majorities.' The Democrats elected the
remaining Congressmen, and returned Mr. Douglas to the
Senate by a vote of fifty-four to forty-six on the joint
ballot in the Legislature.'
There are several reasons why Mr. Douglas should
have come out so successfully in this campaign.* The
chief of these was the fact that the existing legislative
apportionment was greatly in his favor. It had been
framed by the Democrats on the Census of 1850, and it
was calculated that under ordinary circumstances, Mr.
Douglas would control a majority of three in the Senate
and nine in the House at least. The increase in popula
tion since 1 8 50 was largely in the Northern portion of the
State, and accrued to the advantage of the Republicans,
but it availed them little under the old apportionment.
This alone was enough to insure the defeat of Mr. Lincoln.
In addition, the Democratic forces were better and
more efficiently organized than the Republicans, the per
sonal popularity of Judge Douglas was still very great,
and his cooperation with Chittenden and Seward in defeat
ing the Lecompton plans of the Buchanan administration,
together with the consequent opposition of that adminis
tration to him in this campaign, won him innumerable
votes, as it was felt that he was running in opposition to
the proslavery party. His adroit methods of "making
light of the Dred Scott decision" which the Republicans
^ "Press and Tribune," November i8, 1858: Miller's (Rep.) majority, 4,025.
Republican majority on Congressional election, 4,144.
' Vote as given in "Press and Tribune" (Rep. majority): ist District,
9,414; 2d District, 8,639; 3d District, 7,443; 4th District, 2,711.
' "Press and Tribune," November 5, 1858.
" "Press and Tribune," November 5, 1858, for the causes of Lincoln's
defeat, from a Republican standpoint.

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 22 1
were striving to make the chief issue of the campaign,
contributed not a little to the favorable result.
As to the outcome of the personal encounter between
him and Mr. Lincoln, it has been universally admitted
that in principle, in self-control, in logical argument, Mr.
Lincoln had the advantage. On the other hand, it must
be admitted that no one then living could have made a
more briHiant or masterful defense than did Senator
Douglas under the peculiar circumstances in which he
stood.' The efforts of Mr. Lincoln in this canvass, and in the
speeches he made the following year in Ohio and the East,
brought him before the American people in an unexampled
manner. From a somewhat obscure politician in Illinois,
he awoke up to find himself one of the foremost antislav
ery leaders and popular orators in the United States.
Thus was made possible his nomination for the Presidency
by the Republican party at Chicago, in May, i860. '
The history of the campaign of i860 and its outcome
are well known. They need not be detaUed here. It is
perhaps sufficient to recall to mind the fact that the elec
tion of Mr. Lincoln was made possible by a division in the
Democratic ranks — the Northern section supporting Mr.
Douglas and the Southern Mr. Breckenridge. In IHinois
the Republicans carried both the National and State tick
ets amid great enthusiasm and excitement.*
During the critical years that foHowed, IHinois stood
' See "Blaine," Vol. 1., page 148, and following.
'The editor of the "Press and Tribune," in an editorial "Closing the Can
vass," October 29, 1858, wrote: "He entered upon the canvass with a reputation
confined to his own State; he closes it with his name a household word wher
ever the principles he holds are honored, and with the respect of his opponents
in all sections of the country."
•' He was nominated on the third ballot by 364 votes out of a total of 466,
Mr. Seward being the chief competitor. "Press and Tribune," May 19, i860.
•Lincoln's majority over Douglas was 11,996. "Press and Tribune,"
November ig, i860.

222 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
faithfully by her great son, and Stephen A. Douglas led
the Northern Democracy to the support of Mr. Lincoln in
the dark days of 1861.
With the organization of a new and powerful political
party, and the election of a President pledged to the ulti
mate extinction of slavery, the long period of slavery
agitation drew to a close. The question was henceforth
not one of political action, but of mihtary force. The
labors of the antislavery men had at length met with a
well-deserved reward. It is not pretended here that the
abolitionists brought about the final abolition of slavery
in the United States, but their work contributed not a
little to that end.
The antislavery men exerted an influence in two ways
— morally and politically. For a period of over twenty
years they agitated the subject of slavery throughout the
North. They denounced it as a sin and a disgrace to the
Nation. It is true that they were despised and hooted at
when they began their labors, and that their zeal and
exalted devotion to one idea often led them into the advo
cacy of measures too radical for the time, and of theories
which savored too much of fanaticism — and perhaps of
religious enthusiasm — to meet the approval of their fellow-
citizens. Their opponents took advantage of their errors to mis
represent them wilfully and woefully and to hold them up
to ridicule. The abolitionists were, however, honest in
their convictions, and ever faithful in the performance of
what seemed to them an imperative duty. They were
convinced that, in the main, they were right. It was a
question of principle with them, not of men or of meas
ures, and they proposed to fight it out on that line to the
end. In the course of time these antislavery men, work-

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 223
ing through the press, the pulpit, and the stump, created
the beginnings of an antislavery sentiment. It was smaH
at first, but each year saw it increasing in strength and
widening in influence. Steadily, earnestly, energetically,
the abolitionists worked in each Northern State until in
each section the people had been aroused to feel that
slavery was a great moral and political evil. Then they
joined hands from State to State throughout the North,
worked with more harmony, unison, and organization, and
at length saw their antislavery doctrine gradually meeting
with some degree of universal acceptance.
Pohtically also their influence was considerable. At
first they abstained from voting, but it was not long before
they realized that only through political action could they
expect to make any real headway against the evil of slav
ery.' Not being able to join with any of the existing
political parties, because they did not recognize the slav
ery issue in their platforms, the antislavery men organized
a party of their own on the single plank of opposition to
slavery. In all the various forms of their political action
— in the Liberty, the Free Soil, and the Free Democratic
parties — they were aiming at the same result — the hmita-
tion and ultimate extinction of slavery. It was not many
years before their vote was felt and sought for. In many
sections they came to hold the balance of power, so that
no candidate dared to run without declaring his position
on the slavery question. By the election of a few capable
Senators and Congressmen, they exerted an influence in
national circles that was not to be despised.
It required much moral courage and great devotion to
' Referring to Lincoln, Mr. Eastman once said: "He is a politician, as
every man must be who tiolds an important office, and such men, and only
such, can kill slavery, because .... the life of slavery is its political
power." Lecture on the "History of the Antislavery Agitation in the United
States," read at Fishponds, near Bristol, England. Unpublished MS., page 44,

224 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the cause to vote year after year for men whom it was
impossible to elect. It was not an easy thing to work on
term after term in the face of discouraging odds, in
numerable obstacles, and irritating limitations — the least
of which was the lack of financial facilities — and then, to
be laughed and jeered at for one's pains. Enough cannot
be said in praise of the self-sacrifice, the patient perse
verance, the conscientious devotion to duty, the high sense
of political honor, and withal, the genial liberality of these
men. Never disheartened, but with unalterable faith in
the justness and righteousness of their cause, they labored
on confident of the ultimate victoiy of the right.
When at last they cast their votes for Lincoln and saw
him elected, they felt that their day of triumph had come.
AH the devotion, the self-sacrifice, the labor, the trials,
the discouragements, the hopes, and the triumphs of
twenty years were concentrated in that ballot. It was a
vote that paid. No citizen of the United States ever felt
before or since such a sense of genuine pleasure and of
just reward in any political act as an old-time antislav
ery man did sharing in the election of Abraham Lincoln.'
The abolitionists of Illinois shared the burden of agi
tation with their Eastern brethren, and long years of
patient toH elapsed before the great political leaders of
the State were ready to join hands with the Liberty men.
Much has been said and written in praise of Lincoln,
Palmer, TrumbuH, Yates, Oglesby, Judd, and others who,
realizing that the slavery pioblem was a question of prin
ciple, of justice, and of national honor, threw themselves
^ "It was just a twenty years' campaign with me. During that time I never
voted with the least hope of success for my candidate, high or low, until I voted
for Lincoln. That I voted with an emphasis. My political purchase for twenty
years culminated in that vote. I feel now completely compensated for the
twenty years' ostracism from political life." Unpublished MS. of Mr. Z. East
man — "Lecture on Political Questions of the Day."

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 225
into the contest with a zeal and devotion worthy of such
a cause, and succeeded in carrying IHinois for the Republi
can party and for liberty. But sufficient justice has not
yet been done the work of such self-sacrificing and con
scientious men as Z. Eastman, Owen Lovejoy, I. Codding,
and James Collins, who, in the midst of persecution, pov
erty, and tremendous difficulties, cleared the ground and
prepared the way for the results of i860.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE PROGRESS OF SENTIMENT ON THE
NEGRO QUESTION.
1840-1875.
Before 1840, and for several years after, the negro
had no legal status in Illinois. He was an ostracized indi
vidual, existing, by the sufferance of the people of
Illinois, without citizenship and without social recognition.
Before the Illinois Supreme Court decisions of 1843 and
1845 there were three classes of negroes: indentured ser
vants (those serving out a limited period of time) ; French
slaves (a few negroes bound to perpetual servitude) ; and
the free colored people. This distinction was made as
late as December, 1845.' The condition of the inden
tured negroes and of the French slaves has already been
described. Also, the story of how they acquired their
freedom has been told. Therefore we will here confine
our remarks to a discussion of the free colored people and
their status in Illinois before the CivH War.
As we have seen, negroes in the early forties were not
aUowed to vote,' to sue for their hberty in the courts,' to
serve as witnesses,* to hold property,^ to serve in the
^The negro population of Madison County was reported in December,
1845, as follows: "Free males, 223; tree females, 209; indentured, 3, and unin-
dentured (French), 8." — Alton Telegraph, December 6, 1845. See also Statutes,
1829, Act to Provide for the Census, Sec. 3, passed January 13: approved
March 8, 1845; Revised Statutes, 1845, same three classes described.
-Constitution of 1818, Art. 12, Legal \'oters: "All white male inhabitants
above twenty-one years of age and actual residents ot the State."
'Illinois Statutes, 1829, "Act on Negroes," etc., passed January 17, Sec. 4.
First acquired by negroes through the case of Jarrot vs. Jarrot in 1845.
"Illinois Statutes, 1827, "An Act Concerning Practice." Sec. 3, dated Feb
ruary 2.
'This was regulated by custom rather than by any measure of the Legisla
ture. The people of Southern and Central Illinois were bitterly opposed to any
226

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 227
State mHitia,' or reside in the State without showing a
certificate of freedom at some County Commissioner's
Court and gi-ving a thousand doHars bond that they would
never become a county charge.'
Pubhc offices of every kind were closed to them. For
the most part, schools, academies, and colleges were not
open to them. There were few trades or lines of employ
ment in which it was easy for them to secure work. Lest
they should attempt to form alliances with the whites,
which might tend to give them some sort of social stand
ing, intermarriage between the negroes and the white
people was forbidden under severe penalty.' With the
exception of Chicago and one or two other sections in the
northern part, and Eden — with possibly Upper Alton and
Belle-nlle — in the southern portion, they were not well
received, but on the contrary abused and ill-treated.
Even in the places where they were well treated, it was
only the few who had any regard or consideration for
them, their rights, or their welfare.
"Despised and rejected of men," the poor colored
people realized that freedom in Illinois was not without
its drawbacks. They were allowed to exist free, it is
true. No one could force them into slavery, but the
people of IHinois granted them little else. The great
majority of citizens did not care to see lUinois an out-
and-out slave state, nor were they anxious to see the
holding of lands by negroes, and even to any settling of them in the State.
The attitude of the framers of the proposed constitution of 1861-2 shows this
plainly. See Art. XVIIL, page 1098, of the Journal of 1861.
' Illinois Statutes, 1826, January 25; ".4ct for the Organization and Govern
ment of Mihtia." Sec. l, confined to "All/««w/!?<« male inhabitants" between
eighteen and forty-five years. See same in Constitution of 1818 and 1845, under
Malitia. 'Ilhnois Statutes, 1826, January 17, "Act on Negroes," etc.. Sec. i.
'Statutes of Illinois, 1829, January 17, "An Act on Negroes," etc.. Sec. 3.
Also a severe penalty was to be inflicted upon any officer of the State who
should grant a license or marry any negro to a white. This was a blow pri
marily at the abolitionists, who were falsely said to have advocated ^^amalga
mation,"

228 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
existing condition of the negro improved or changed.
But rather, as was said so many times later during the
fifties, they preferred just to let him alone — to let him
enjoy his "right" to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness" as best he might.
This policy of "Laissez faire," however, could not go
on forever. It was shaken to its foundations a few years
later, when the abolitionists and other antislavery men in
force began to travel up and down the State advocating
equality, citizenship, education, and moral training for
the negro. But it was a long time before the policy of
the State really changed, or the status of the colored
people radically altered. So slow has been the movement
toward granting complete equality that in some sections
of the State there has been but little advance over the
conditions of 1840-1845. Indeed, it is extremely doubt
ful whether they will ever acquire anything like complete
equality in the southern portion of this State.
The presence of the free negro in the State has always
been a source of irritation and discomfort to the people
of Ilhnois, especially to those living south of Springfield.
One of the most vexatious and troublous problems that
his existence here has forced upon our citizens is the
question of negro education. ShaU he be educated at aU?
and if so, shah he be educated together with the white
children, or in schools provided especiaUy for him? These
questions were asked and discussed when schools and
coHeges were first founded in the State. They have been
questions of vital importance ever since; and to-day in
some parts of Southern Ilhnois the final solution of them
has not yet been reached.
When, on January 15, 1825, the Legislature passed
"An Act to Provide for the Establishment of Free

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 229
Schools, ' ' they decreed that a common school should be
established in each county which should "be open and
free to every class of wliite citizens between the ages of
five and twenty-one.'" From that time untH 1872 the
Legislature has persisted in recognizing the pubhc schools
as institutions for white children only.' In the special
acts to incorporate schools in the various towns and cities
it was always the white chHdren who were to be benefitted.
This was true as late as 1869,' and in places as far north
as NapervHle.* Not satisfied with closing the public
schools to the negroes, the legislators went a step further.
In December, 1826, they passed a law concerning the
apprenticeship of children, in which it was provided:
"That the master or mistress to whom such child shall be
bound as aforesaid shall cause such child to be taught to
read and write and the ground rules of arithmetic, ....
except when such apprentice is a negro or mulatto." ^ This
was kept in force untU the Supreme Court of the State
declared the holding of negro apprentices iUegal, in 1845."
Furthermore, the legislators seem to have had no com
punction about compelling the free negroes to pay taxes
for schools from which they derived no benefit.' It was
not untH 1855 that any notice appears to have been taken
of this injustice. In that year the Legislature provided
' Statutes of Illinois, January 15, "An Act to Provide for the Establishment
of Free Schools," Sec. i.
' Statutes of Ilhnois, 1872. "Act to Estabhsh Schools," dated April i, is the
first whicti fails to use the word •white.
' Statutes of Illinois, 1869, March 24 — Tuscola Union, Douglas County.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1863, June 13 — Naperville Graded Schools.
'Statutes of Ilhnois, 1826, December 30, "Act respecting Apprentices,"
Sec. 4.
'This Section of the Act on "Apprentices" appears for the last time in the
Revised Edition of Statutes of Illinois, 1845, approved March 3, 1845.
'The ".'\lton Telegraph" published an editorial on April 14, 1853, praising
Ohio for estabhshing schools for colored children, and criticising Illinois for
taking money from the blacks to educate the white children; but to no pur
pose. 'The Legislature and people paid no heed.

230 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
that: "In townships where there are persons of color the
Board of Trustees shall allow such persons a portion of
the school fund equal to the amount of taxes collected for
school purposes from such persons of color, in their re
spective townships."' The ostensible purpose of this
regulation would seem to have been the establishment of
free schools for the negroes. But no other provisions
were made to secure such an end. Nor does the State ever
appear to have seriously attempted any such movement.'
We must not conclude from what has just been stated
that the negroes were entirely precluded from enjoying
the advantages of a common school education before the
war. In the early days, when schools were first being
established in the State, there were two notable exceptions
at least, among the numerous institutions for "white chil
dren between the ages of five and twenty-one." The
earlier of these exceptions was the public school at Alton.
This was incorporated in 1 82 1 by an Act which provided
that "every child of suitable age" should attend.' This
would not necessarily imply that colored children were
intended to be included in the word "every." But when
we remember that until three or four years ago, when the
city officials of Alton by skilful management shifted all
the colored scholars into two schools where they were to
be taught by themselves, the white and the negro children
attended the same schools, we may then safely conclude
that the first school was open to both. At any rate, if
this was not so at the very first, it was not many years
before colored chHdren were tolerated in the Alton public
schools. 'Statutes of Illinois, 1885, School Act, Sec. 79-81, dated February 15.
' The State Superintendent of Schools, at Springfield, possesses to-day no
data even on the colored schools in the State.
'Statutes of Illinois, "An Act for Appointing Trustees for the Town of
Alton," approved January 30, 1822.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 231
The second exception, and the earhest case it would
seem, where the intention to admit negroes was clear and
decided, was the Hamilton Primary School in Jersey
County. This was founded by Dr. Silas Hamilton, who
left by his wiU, dated the 20th of October, 1834,' four
thousand doHars, of which two thousand was to be used
to erect a suitable ' building and two thousand was to be
reserved as an endowment fund for the support of a
teacher.' There seems to have been some little delay in
getting the institution started, but it was finally incorpo
rated by the State Legislature on February i, 1840. In
that act it was provided that "the said school shall be
open to all classes of people and denominations of Chris
tians."* This was in accordance with the wishes of Dr.
Harmlton, who, we are assured by those who have had
charge of the finances of this school for years, desired
that the negroes of the district might enjoy the advantages
of education. A number of colored children attended it
during the forties and fifties,^ as well as a goodly number
of white children, some of whom came later to be num
bered among Illinois's most prominent sons.'
As the years went on and the antislavery sentiment
grew powerful in Northern Illinois, the colored people
were suffered to attend the pubhc schools without moles-
^This will was probated at Carrollton (Greene County), and a copy of part
of it may be seen in the County Records at Jerseyville, Jersey County, 111.
' "Suitable for a school and for a place of worship," reads the will.
' And "for the benefit of my friends and relations in this neighborhood,"
reads the will.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1840 — "Act to Establish Hamilton Primary School,"
approved February i.
' One of these — George Washington Hamilton — inherited a considerable
sum of money from Dr Hamilton, and being thrifty and capable, he accumu
lated quite a little fortune before he died. He left Si, 500 to build a monument
for his master and benefactor, and Sio,ooo to educate negro people. This fund,
now amounting to about ,?i8,ooo, is under the control of a committee of five,
and supports from three to seven negroes annually at the Hampton Institute
in North Carolina.
'Such as Hon. T. S. Chapman, S. V. (Deacon) White, Levi Sidway, Gen
eral John Hamilton, Judge Stillwell, and others.

232 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
tation or question in many places. In the matter of higher
education the attitude of the Illinoisans towards the free
colored people was practically the same as it was regard
ing their admittance to the pubhc schools. In the "Act
to incorporate JerseyvHle Academy" — one of the earhest
of the academies to be founded — it was provided that
"the Academy, when erected and in operation, shall at
all times be open for the use and privilege of any free
white person within the United States." '
Similar provisions are to be found in the acts of incor
poration of many other academies,' and also in the General
Act "to incorporate Academies and Seminaries of Learn
ing, "'passed March 6, 1843.* It is true that many of
these academies ^ and practically all the colleges ' were,
like Alton CoHege (now Shurtleff), "open to aU persons
of good morals."' This sounds well, but if we could
visit every one of these institutions and investigate their
records which antedate i860, we should doubtless find
very few, if any, that actually admitted colored students
within their walls before that date. For, in many sec
tions, negroes were very far from being considered as
"persons of good morals," and there seems to have been,
throughout the State, except in the strong abolition cen-
^ Statutes of Illinois, 1837, March i: "An Act to incorporate Jerseyville
Academy." ' See Statutes of Illinois:
1837, February 24; ".\n Act to incorporate Rushville Academy."
1841, February 27: ".An Act to incorporate Juliet .Academy" ("VVill Co.).
1841, February 27: "An Act to incorporate Naperville Academy."
1839, March 2: "An .Act to incorporate Warren County Male and Fe
male Seminary," etc.
' These were replaced later by our present system of high schools.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1843; also in Revised Statutes, 1845, and approved.
' Statutes of Illinois, 1836-7-40; Lacon, Gramicle, Griggsville, Peoria, Pitts
field, Quincy Academies, etc.
'Statutes of Illinois, 1833-40; "Union," "McDonough," "Belvidere,"
"Knox," "Stonington," "Hanover,' "St. Mary's," "Rush, ' etc.
'Statutes of Illinois, 1833; "An .Act to incorporate Alton College,"
approved March i. Sec. 7.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 233
tres in the north, a most decided opposition to the educa
tion of colored people.
Previous to the sixties there was but one serious at
tempt made to secure the admission of the negro to the
pubhc schools. The committee on education at the Con
stitutional convention of 1847, of which John M. Palmer
was a leading member, proposed to introduce a clause in
the new Constitution authorizing the General Assembly
to provide a system of common schools "equally free to all
the children of the State."' This was ruled out, how
ever, in the convention, and no real change occurred in
the situation until the schools were made free to aU —
white and black ahke — in 1872.'
As the antislavery propaganda began to find support
in Illinois, petitions were sent to the Legislature, asking
for the repeal of the "Black Laws," which practically
ostracized the negro.' No heed was paid to them. AH
the agitation of the abolitionists for twenty years could
effect nothing on this point. In fact, the antipathy of
the whites for the negroes, and the desire to keep the
colored people out of everything — politically and socially
— seem to have increased with the growth of the agitation
for their freedom.
Mr. Kitchell, in the Illinois Senate in 1829, struck the
keynote of the policy toward the free negroes, which was
to be carried out consistently and persistently by the lead
ers of the State's politics untH the close of the CivH War.
He said: "Their residence among us, even as servants,
.... is productive of moral and political evil 
1 Report of the committee, sections; J. M. Palmer's Unpublished Memoirs,
1847, pages 8 and 10.
' Statutes of Illinois, 1872: "Act to Establish and Maintain a System of Free
Schools." 'See the "Western Citizen," February 9, 1843; January 16, 30, 1845; Sep
tember 19, 1848; "Chicago Journal," December 3, 1844; January 9, 1845; Sep
tember 15, 1848, and many others

234 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The natural difference between them and ourselves forbids
the idea that they should ever be permitted to participate
with us in the pohtical affairs of our government." ' The
immigration of negroes into the State was therefore to be
discouraged, since it would be a great calamity to have
IHinois overrun with free blacks who, if aUowed to vote,
might get the control of the Government into their hands.
This was the attitude not only of the residents of South
ern Illinois, but also of nearly every good Democrat in the
State.' Although nothing was done by the Senate in that year
(1829) to forbid the settling of free negroes in the State,
the Legislature began at once to place obstacles in their
way. Ten days after Mr. KitcheU's speech, an act was
passed making it obligatory upon every free colored per
son desiring to reside in the State to show a certificate
of freedom and to give a thousand-dollar bond that he
would keep the laws and never become a County or State
charge.' In 1 83 1 it was provided further that no colored person
should be aHowed to enter the State untH he had first
shown a certificate of freedom and given the required
bond.* It would have been most difficult to enforce this,
as it would have entailed an extensive system of police
along the boundary of Illinois. There is ho evidence
that the attempt was ever made to put this regulation
into effect, yet it shows the spirit of the Legislature.
The House in 1845, by way of answer to the numer
ous petitions for the repeal of the "Black Laws" just
* Senate Journal, 1828-29, page 182.
'The same attitude was assumed later by such Democratic leaders as
S. A. Douglas, J. Wentworth, and J. A. Logan.
' Statutes of Illinois, 1829, "An Act on Negroes," etc.. Sec. i.
"Statutes of Illinois, 1831, ".An Act on Negroes," etc.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 235
then pouring into the Legislative halls, declared that "the
laws prohibiting the marriage of whites and blacks ought
not to.be repealed, and that free negroes ought not to be
allowed to vote." '
By 1847 the sentiment had grown strong in favor of
prohibiting entirely the immigration of free negroes into
the State. In June at the Constitutional convention ' of
that year, Mr. Singleton read a petition ' praying for action
against the free negroes, and proposed that the introduc
tion of free colored persons into the State be prohibited,
and that the question be submitted to popular vote.
Accordingly, in Article XIV. of the proposed Constitution
of 1848, the Legislature was empowered to pass acts at its
first session, which shah "effectually prohibit free persons
of color from immigrating to and settling in this State." *
The vote on this article was taken separately, and in
spite of the labors of the antislavery men, the "Western
Citizen" and a number of Whig and Democratic papers,
itwas adopted by a majority of 28,182.^ In addition,
the Constitution of 1848, which denied the right of suf
frage and of service in the State mHitia to the negro, ^ was
approved by a majority of 44,028 votes.'
The question now was. Would the Legislature really
enact laws to prevent the immigration of free blacks into
Illinois? The people were not kept long in waiting. In
January, 1853, Mr. John A. Logan brought forward a
biU' making the introduction of a free colored person into
' House Journal, 1845, January 8 or 9; also "Chicago Journal," January 11.
' Held at Springfield.
' Signed by H. G. Grimsley and five others.
"Convention Journal, pages 95-6.
¦ Official returns given in "Western Citizen," April 25, 1848.
" Constitution of 1848, Articles VI. (Sec. i) and VIII.
' "Western Citizen," April 25, 1848.
' House Journal, 1853, page 271.

236 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the State a crime punishable by a fine of one hundred
doHars to five hundred dollars, and rendering any negro
who came into IHinois liable, within ten days, to arrest
and fine. If he had no money, he must serve out in labor his
fine and the costs of the trial. After some debate, in which
Mr. Logan was prominent, the biH passed the House on
February 5, by a vote of forty-five to twenty- three,' and
the Senate approved it on the nth by a majority of four.'
The framers of this law had evidently two purposes in
view. In the first place, they wished to satisfy their own
and their constituents' desires in regard to keeping the
colored people out of the State. In the second, they
wished to conciliate their Southern neighbors. This
latter object they thought to accomplish by a special pro
vision in the ne-w law, giving owners the right to "claim,
prove, and take back" their fugitive slaves on payment
of the costs.' It was intended, moreover, as a blow at
the abolitionists; and the success of the measure is to be
entirely credited to the Democratic party, at that time in
control of the Legislature, which hated the negro as much
as it did every species of antislavery agitation.
The passage of the act raised an intense and extended
discussion all over the State. In the northern part,
numerous mass meetings were held and the biH was univer
sally condemned. The press was quite generally opposed
to it, and outspoken in its condemnation. Only a few
Democratic sheets, devoted to the administration, at
tempted any defense.* But, while the Free Democrats,
' House Journal, 1853, pages 363-4, 442-3. Mr. Logan of course voted for
this measure, and a few days before he voted, with an enormous majority of 58
to 7, not to repeal the "Black Laws " Journal, page 364.
'Senate Journal, 1853, February 11. The Governor signed the act on thei2th.
'Statutes of Illinois, 1853: "An Act to Prevent the Immigration of Free
Negroes into the State." Sections i-g.
"The "Alton Telegraph" claimed, March 12, 1853, that the "Quincy Her
aid" and the "State Register" (Springfield) were the only ones that supported
the law.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 237
Northern Whigs, and many Democrats united in criticis
ing it, it is doubtless true that the majority of citizens
were not opposed to such a law in general. Many thought
the provisions of this Act of 1853 too radical and too
stringent. Some, like that conservative Democratic
paper, the "Alton Telegraph," feared that it might virtu
ally establish slavery in Illinois.' But the general senti
ment seems to have been that it was unconstitutional, and
that it could not and would not be enforced.'
The question naturally arises. Was the Act of 1853
ever put in force? Yes. At least three cases ' of the
arrest and sale of negroes are reported within a year of
its passage. The actual sale of the last of these did not
take place, because the negro in question was a fugitive,
and by a writ of habeas corpus, his case was brought
before Judge Skinner almost immediately. The Judge
declared that Section VIII. of the Act of 1853 was iHegal
and void, since it assumed to legislate on a subject over
which Congress had been granted exclusive control by the
Constitution of the United States.*
The negro was accordingly discharged from custody;
but while this decision nullified one part of the law of
1853, the remainder continued in force untH January,
1864. ¦A.t that time, the Illinois Supreme Court decided,
in the case of Nelson vs. the People,* that the sale of
a negro under the Act of 1853 did not reduce him to
slavery. Finally, just as the CivH War was closing,
'Issue of February 21, 1853.
'See ".Alton Courier,' March 4, 1853; also "Chicago Journal," "Press,"
"Galena Jefiersonian," "Belleville Advocate, " etc., of about the same date.
'See "Chicago Journal," July i, 1853; "Nashville Monitor," "Galena Jef-
fersonian." August i, "Quincy Whig," November 24; also "Belleville Advo
cate" and "Alton Telegraph," December 9, 1853, Dec. 14, 1853.
"Judge Skinner based his judgment upon the decision of the Illinois Su
preme Court in Thornton's case. Illinois cases, page 332.
' 33 Illinois, page 390.

238 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the General Assembly repealed the much-controverted
measure.' In spite of aU the agitation incident to the passage and
enforcement of the law of 1853, and the triumph of the
Republican, or Anti-Nebraska, party, in 1856, the attitude
of the majority of Illinoisans toward the negro, per se, was
not materially changed. They were perhaps willing to
aUow negro residents the privUege of remaining in the
State, provided they obeyed the laws and were peaceful.
But they still had no desire to make them citizens, to let
them hold office, possess property, or attend the free
schools. Nor did they wish others to immigrate into the
State. At the Constitutional convention held in Springfield
in 1862, an article referring to negroes and numbered
XVIIL was added on March 5 to the proposed Con
stitution. It read as foUows:
Sec. I. "No Negro or Mulatto shaU migrate or settle
in this State, after the adoption of this Constitution."
Sec. 2. "No Negro or Mulatto shaU have the right
of suffrage, or hold any office in this State."
Sec. 3. "The General Assembly shall pass all laws
necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this
article.'" The first of these sections was adopted by a vote of
57 to 7,' the second by 42 to 20,* and the last by a baUot
of 45 to 18.* This article was to be submitted to a special
vote of the people along with the Constitution, and each
'Statutes of Illinois, 1865, "An .Act to Repeal Section i6," etc., approved
February 7.
' Convention Journal, 1862, page 1098 (in Constitution).
'Convention Journal, 1862, page 692.
"Convention Journal, 1862, page 693.
' The party strength in that convention was as follows: Democrats, 45;
Republicans, 21; Fusionists, 7; doubtful, 2.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 239
section was to be balloted on separately. The origin of
this measure no doubt lay with the Democrats, who were
in majority at the convention, yet it is interesting to note
that the convention was nearly a unit in favoring the (first)
section that prohibited negro immigration into the State.
The popular vote on the proposed Constitution of 1862
was taken in August of that year. Its result was most
remarkable. The Constitution itself was defeated by a
majority of 16,051 votes.' This was caused, partly by
the disgust and distrust created in many minds by the
unusual claims of supreme authority made by the Con
vention, and partly by the fear that such a strongly parti
san Constitution would throw the whole State Government
completely into the control of the Democratic party.'
The vote on the negro article was entirely independent
of that on the Constitution proper. The first section,
prohibiting the immigration of negroes into Illinois, was
approved by a majority of 100,590 votes;' the second —
to prevent negroes from holding office and from voting —
was adopted by the enormous majority of 176,271,' only
35,649 voting against it; and the final section, authorizing
the Legislature to make the laws necessary to enforce the
above, was passed by 154,524 majority.* No better com
mentary than this vote can be found on the real attitude
of the people of Illinois toward the negro at that time.
They did not want him in the State. They were deter
mined to keep him out, and those of his kind who hap
pened to be already residing in IHinois they would let
remain on mere sufferance, but would grant them none of
' Official vote as given in "Alton Telegraph," August 15, 1862: see also in
Davidson & Stuve's "ilhnois," page 877.
'See Davidson & Stuve's "Illinois," pages 872-7, and papers of the time.
'"Alton Telegraph," August 15, 1862.
" "Alton Telegraph," August 15, 1862.

240 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
the rights or privHeges of citizenship. The result of the
CivH War did not greatly affect the prevalent opinion on
these points. The fact that a Republican State Legisla
ture repealed all the "Black Laws" and the Act of 1853,
in February, 1865,' and within the next four years ap
proved the XIII., XIV., and XV. amendments to the
Constitution of the United States,' does not prove that
the opinion of the majority of the people as to negro suf
frage and negro citizenship had materially changed. A
few years could not bring about such a radical transfor
mation. Even the lapse of a quarter of a century has
failed to bring about any universal transformation in this
regard throughout the State.
The question has long since ceased to be of pohtical
importance. In the centre and north of the State, the
people have become accustomed to the presence of the
negro in schools and in public hfe, and the subject of his
right to citizenship has ceased to be discussed — even to
be thought of. In the southern section, on the contrary,
the question is still a vital one. The negro is despised
and hated as of old, and if a vote could now be taken, it
would doubtless be astonishing to find what a large pro
portion of our citizens — not only in the south, but among
the more liberal residents of the centre and north of IHi
nois — would ballot to deprive the negro of the right to
vote or to hold office. But why this long and persistent
opposition to the poor colored man? The reasons are
various. First, there was, and is, the deep-seated antip
athy of the white for the black. Then the idea prevaHed
for many years, that the introducfon of the negro into the
' statutes of Illinois, 1865, February 7, "Act to Repeal Section 16," etc.
' Approved the XlII. on February i, 1865; the XIV. in January, 1867; and
the XV. in 1869. See Statutes of Ilhnois, 1865, page 135; Statutes of Illinois,
1869, page 417; House Journal, 1867, page 155. Senate Journal, 1867, page 76.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 241
State meant the influx of a vast colored population,
together with the necessary granting to them of equality
and citizenship with the whites. Such a possibility was
regarded a grave misfortune for the State, should it ever
occur. Further: opposition to the negro immigration
and citizenship was one of the cardinal principles of the
Democratic party, which controlled the politics of Illinois
for so many years. The great strength of the Democracy
lay in the never-faHing support of the "Sohd South" —
the region (let us say) south of Springfield. The people
of that region, as we have seen, were largely Southern in
blood and sympathies. To them the idea of negro equal
ity was most obnoxious, and all plans for preventing an
influx of blacks were most popular. The very presence of
the colored people was irritating. These people, moreover,
were as narrow-minded and stubborn as they were kind-
hearted and hospitable. They have insisted upon retain
ing their dislike to the negro, and have never approved of
granting him equality and citizenship. The presence of a
large population thus predisposed and immovably grounded
in its opposition to the person of the negro was a great
barrier toward the elevation of the colored race in the
State. Another thing doubtless played some part in re
tarding the "Pro-Negro" movement. The continuous and
persistent agitation of the abolitionists aroused many of
the citizens in all sections, but especially in the south
of Ilhnois, to a more bitter opposition than ever to the
poor colored man. Finally, many believed that it would
be impossible to educate the negroes, and unwise by reason
of their color and their capacities to allow them a share in
the government with the white people.
Since the war, the status of the negro has gradually

242 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
improved in Northern and Central IHinois. He now
occupies a place in society, holds public offices, exercises
the right of suffrage, and sends his children to the public
schools. He acquired these privHeges only gradually, and
after a struggle. It was necessary for the Legislature in
1874 to pass an act laying a severe penalty on any person
who should prevent colored children by force or intimida
tion from attending the free schools, before the negroes
could avaU themselves of that right in peace and security.
Before that time a great deal of excitement and trouble
ensued in many places — as in Springfield ' and in Jo
Daviess County' — over admitting them to the High
School and the pubhc schools. Special schools for col
ored children were started in various places ' and continued
for a time, though it was hard at first to get teachers for
them. The school question was largely settled in the
north after the passage of the Act of 1874.
In the southern part of Illinois, matters have not
changed much, and lines are still very closely drawn.
Colored schools exist in many places. Alton has forced
its colored people out into schools by themselves. In
some towns a colored man is not allowed to take up his
residence* — hardly to stay over night. In others^ an
open feud exists between the races, and on the whole, a
state of affairs very simHar to that in the Southern States
' See 1st Annual Report of Superintendent of Schools. Springfield. There
was considerable commotion caused in Springfield over the admittance of the
first colored person — Gertie Wnght—-\\\^o the High Kchool. She was ad
mitted on October 7, 1873. Mr. Brooks — Superintendent in 187--5 — gave me
much interesting information on this point, and on the colored schools and tlie
relation of the negroes to the schools in Springfield.
' "History of Jo Daviess County," page 363.
' In Springfield, December 21, 1858, to November 4, 1873. See "Report of
Schools," page 85, and following. In Vandalia, 1870-75. "Testimony of Mr.
Estercy, present Superintendent of Schools.
"Testimony of A. C. Glenn, concerning his place of residence, Mar-
issa. 111.
' Car'terville, for example, where five negroes were shot down in the streets
three years ago.

SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 243
exists there.' The colored man finds it most difficult to
get even justice or a slight regard for his rights, and the
negro question still exists waiting for a solution. So,
too, it awaits in the Southern States. How and when it
wiU be solved no one can teU, but solved it must be before
peace and concord can prevail throughout this State and
this Country. The interests of humanity and of good
government demand that the eminent and gifted states
men of our land should devote a portion of their time and
energies to an earnest and enlightened endeavor to dis
cover some practical solution of this racial problem.
' Note the lynching at Danville in July, 1903.

APPENDIX I.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
The present scattered state of the sources of Illinois history
has rendered the task of consulting and obtaining authorities for
this iTork a difficult one. The author does not claim to have dis
covered all the sources for the different periods of Illinois history
under consideration. The following list of authorities is pre
sented merely as the result of a year and a quarter's research and
of three months' travel, and it stands open to improvement, doubt
less, in many respects.
The materials from ¦which this ¦work has been prepared have
been found in the foUo^wing places : Chicago Historical Society;
Ne^wberry Library (Chicago); Chicago Public Library; Wiscon
sin Historical Society (Madison); Cincinnati Public Library; His
torical and Philosophical Society of Ohio (Cincinnati); St. Louis
Mercantile Library; Office of the "Missouri Republic" (St.
Louis); Missouri Historical Society (St. Louis); State Historical
Library, Springfield, 111.; Secretary of State's Document Room,
Springfield; Public Library, Champaign, 111. (E. G. Mason Col
lection); Alton Public Library; Belleville Public Library; Office
of the Alton Telegraph (Alton) ; Office of the Greenville Advo
cate; and the county seats' of Gallatin (Sha^wneeto^wn), Madison
(Edwardsville), St. Clair (Belleville), Jersey Qerseyville) , Green
(Carrollton), Bond (Greenville), Fayette (Vandalia), Randolph
(Chester), Jackson (Murphysborough) , and Sangamon (Spring
field) counties.
Information has also been secured from collections of news
papers and other material in the possession of the following per
sons: Miss F. Dolbee, Alton, 111.; Hon. Sidney Eastman,
Chicago; the late Thomas Blanehard, Chicago; the late Hon. J.
M. Palmer, Springfield; and from personal interviews or corre
spondence with Nathaniel Niles, Belleville; Benjamin W. West,
Belleville; Rev. J. Wylie, Sparta; James Hood, Sparta; Chas.
'County Clerks' offices. 245

246 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Carroll, Jr., Shawneetown; Hon. Theodore Chapman, Jersey
ville; Mrs. Zebina Eastman, Chicago; Thomas Dimmock, St.
Louis; the late Hon. John M. Palmer, Springfield; Hon. R. W.
Ross, Vandalia; Ezra Jenkins, Sr., Vandalia; Judge S. A. Phelps,
Greenville; Rev. M. Jameson, D.D. , Alton; Dr. Samuel Willard,
Chicago; and G. M. McConnel, Chicago.
As a matter of convenience, the sources are arranged in accord
with four periods of Illinois History.
PERIOD I.— 1719 to 1818.
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS.
Lettres Patentes du Roy, Donnees a Paris au mois d'Aoiit,
1717, Portant etablissement d'une Compagnie de Commerce sous
le Nom de Compagnie d'Occident ou la Louisiane.
Lettres Patentes du Roy,' issued to M. Antoine Crozat, at
Paris, on September 14, 1712.
Ordinance of the Commissioners of the Council deputed by
the King for the government of the India Company,' issued at
Paris on September 2, 1721.
Le Code Noir ou Recueil de Reglements, issued by Louis XV.,
at Versailles, in March, 1724.'
Laws of the First General Assembly of the Territory North
west of the River Ohio, Cincinnati, 1800; September to Decem
ber, 1799.
Laws of the Indian Territory, 1801-1806; reprinted Poole,
Ind., 1886.
Laws of the Fourth session of the Governor and Judges of
Indiana Territory, 1803.
Laws of First Session of the General Assembly of Indiana
Territory, 1 805.
Laws of the Territory Northwest of the River Ohio, 1788-
1802; reprint, Cincinnati, 1833.
Will Record Book, No. i; 1816-1830, of the County Clerk of
St. Clair County.
Records and Indentures, No. I, of the County Clerk of Madi
son County, 1813-1818.
'The originals of these I have been unable to find here in the West, but
an English translation of the last two will be found in Dillon's Indiana. Vol. I.,
page 41, and following, and of the ist in Wallace's History of Illinois and Louis
iana under French Rule, page 238.

APPENDIX I. 247
Record Book, "A." Register of Negroes of the County
Clerk of Randolph County, January 27, 1809-December 23, 1818.
Records of the Court of Common Pleas, Randolph County,
No. I, 1807-1814; No. 2, 1814-1824.
Records of the Court of Common Pleas, Gallatin County,
1814-1821. Records of the Court of Common Pleas, St. Clair County,
No. I, April, 1798, to June 16, 1817.
Records of the Court of Common Pleas, Madison County,
No. 2, 1819-1825. (.')
JOURNALS AND LETTERS.
Journal of Captain Henry Gordon, 1766. In appendix to A
Topographical Description of North America, by T. Pownall,
London, 1776.
The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants — Europeans
and Indians — of Louisiana, by an Officer at New Orleans to his
Friend at Paris, 1744.
Letters of Vivier, dated November 17, 1750, and others, repro
duced in Early Jesuit Missions in North America, by William
Kipp, Albany, 1866.
Relations des Jesuites, edited by R. G. Thwaites.
The Present State of the European Settlements on the Missis
sippi, by Captain Philip Pittman, London, 1770.
Journal historique de I'etablissement des Franjais a la Louisi
ane, signed by Bernard La Harpe, in Historical Collections of
Louisiana, edited by B. F. French, Vol. III.
Jesuit letters, especially one dated at Ft. Chartres on Novem
ber 24, 1750, reproduced in Bannissement Des J 'suites de la
Louisiane. Relation et Lettres inedites par Auguste Carayon,
Paris, 1865.
Clark's Campaign (Letters and papers of George Roger
Clark) in Collections of the Historical Society of Kentucky, the
Ohio Valley Series, Cincinnati, 1869.
The St. Clair Papers, 2 Vols., edited by W. H. Smith, Cin
cinnati, 1882.
Views of Louisiana, with a Journal, by H. M. Breckenridge,
1814.

248 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
NEWSPAPERS.
Western Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1816 (May to December).
Western Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1817 (January to December).
Western Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1818 (January to May 20).
Illinois Intelligencer,' Kaskaskia, 1818 (May 27 to December) .
Missouri Gazette,^ St. Louis, Missouri, 1808-1818.
Liberty Hall and Gazette,^ Cincinnati, Ohio, 1814-1816, 1818.
Western Spy,* Cincinnati, Ohio, 1817-1818.
NARRATIVE AND DESCRIPTIVE SOURCES.
Topography of Virginia, by Thomas Hutchins, 1771.
An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of
Louisiana, by Thomas Hutchins, London, 1784.
Voyage dans les deux Louisianes, in 1801, 2 et 3, par M.
Perrin du Lac, 1805, Paris.
Voyages dans I'lnterieur de la Louisiane, etc., 1802-1806, par
M. C. C. Robin, Paris, 1807, 3 Vols.
Description de la Louisiane, etc., Louis Hennepin, Paris,
1683. Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales, M. Bossu, Paris,
1768. Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in the West, by James
Hall, Philadelphia, 1835.
Illinois in the Eighteenth Century, Fergus Historical Series,
No. 12.
Kaskaskia in 1800, article by J. Reynolds in Alton Telegraph,
March 27, 1854.
Western Gazetteer, 1817, 1819.
The Early History of Illinois, W. H. Brown, Fergus His
torical Series, No. 14.
^The Western intelligencer changed its name on May 27, 1818, to the Illi
nois Intelligencer; file in the Mercantile Library, St. Louis.
^ This file, which is in the possession of the Missouri Republic, of St. Louis,
is far from complete.
^ File in the Public Library, Cincinnati.
"File in the Public Library, Cincinnati; also in Wisconsin Historical
Society, Madison.

APPENDIX I. 249
GENERAL HISTORIES.
Memoire historique et politique de la Louisiane, Vergennes,
1802. Memoires historiques sur la Louisiane, Dumont.
Histoire de la Louisiane, Du Pratz, 1758.
D^couvertes et Etablissements des Fran9ais dans I'ouest, par
Pierre Margry, Vols. III. and IV. and V., Paris, 1880 and 1883.
History of Louisiana, Francois Xavier Martin, New Orleans,
1827. The History and Geography of the Mississippi Valley, Tim
othy Flint, 1832.
The History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of
the Mississippi, J. W. Monette, 1846.
Indiana, J. P. Dunn, Boston, 1888.
Michigan, T. M. Cooley, Boston, 1885.
Western Annals, J. M. Peck (2d edition of J. H. Perkins's
Western Annals), St. Louis, 1851.
The Early History of Illinois, Sidney Breeze, 2d edition, 1884.
The Pioneer History of Illinois, J. Reynolds, 1852.
Missouri Gazetteer, Dr. Lewis C. Beck, 1823.
The Old Northwest, Hinsdale, New York, 1888.
The Westward Movement, J. Winsor, Boston, 1897.
Narrative and Critical History of the United States, Winsor,
Vols. IV. and V.
The Winning of the West, Roosevelt, New York, 1899.
History of Indiana to the Close of the Territorial Government
in 1816, J. B. Dillon, Indianapolis, 1859.
History of Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule, by
James Wallace, Cincinnati, 1893.
PERIOD IL— 1818-1824.
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES.
Records of Elections, No. i. Document Room, Springfield.
County Records, see under Period I.
Illinois Constitution of 1818.
Journal of House (Illinois), 1823-1824; 1824-1825.
Journal of Senate,' 1823-1824 (portion quoted by Mr. Churchill
' There is no copy of the Senate Journal of 1823-4 now in existence.

250 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
in his Annotations in the Alton Telegraph, and by Warren in the
Edwardsville Spectator, 1823-1824).
Journal of the Senate, 1824-1825.
Annals of the Congress of the United States, 1787-1824, 42
Vols., Washington, 1834-1856.
Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 29 Vols., Washington,
1825-1837.
LETTERS AND PAMPHLETS.
Early Days in Madison County,' a series of letters to the
Alton Telegraph in 1865, especially Nos. 29 (February 24) to 43
(June 16), by Rev. Thomas Lippencott.
Annotations,' a series of letters, Nos. I-15, commenting on
the above, by George Churchill, in the Alton Telegraph, March
24 to August II, 1865.
Letter of Governor Coles to Mr. Lippencott, Alton Telegraph,
February 24, 1865.
Letter of Hooper Warren to Mr. Lippencott, Alton Tele
graph, March 3, 1865.
Editorial on "Voice from the Past," by H. Warren in Genius
of Liberty, December 19, 1840.
Editorial on "Ford's Illinois," by H. Warren in Free West,
December 21, 1854.
Reminiscences, letters by H. Warren in Free West, May 3
and 10, 1855.
Peck and Coles, letter by H. Warren, in Free West, July 5,
1855. 1 Mr. George Churchill was a member of the Illinois House of Representa
tives in 1823-4, and the Rev. Thomas Lippencott was Secretary of the Senate
during the same period. In 1865, upon request of some friends, Mr. Lippen
cott, who had published a pamphlet on Governor Coles (no copy of which I
have been able to find), vi-rote a series of articles to the Alton Telegraph to
make plain the contest of 1823-4 concerning slavery. Mr. Lippencott seems to
have relied almost entirely on his memory for his facts. After Mr. Lippencott's
letters began to appear, Mr. Churchill undertook to correct and enlarge upon
Mr. Lippencott's articles in a series of letters which he {Mr. Churchill) desig
nated as annotations. These annotations are extremely valuable not only
because Mr. Churchill was a man very clear and exact in his statements, but
also, and chiefly, because he substantiated his remarks with quotations from,
and references to. the sources which he used. He speaks of his authorities as
"a defective memory, a number of imperfect newspaper tiles, and a very imper
fect diary kept only for a short period." (Alton Telegraph, March 24, 1865.)
He seems also to have possessed a cipy of the Senate and House journals for
the Sessions of 1823-4, since he makes frequent quotations from them, giving
page and date.

APPENDIX I. 251
Letters from J. M. Peck, on the struggle of 1823-1824; Free
West, April 6, 12; May 3, 1855.
Letter from George Churchill, on the contest of 1823-1824;
Free West, December 12, 1854.
The Early Movement in Illinois for the Legalization of Slav
ery, W. H. Brown, Fergus Historical Series, No. 4.
Recollections of Early Illinois and her Noted Men, by Hon.
Jos. Gillespie, Fergus Historical Series, No. 13.
Ninian Edwards Papers, Chicago Historical Society Collec
tions, No. 3.
Journal of a Journey in the West, J. Woods, 1820.
NEWSPAPERS.
The Spectator, Edwardsville, 1819 (May to December).
The Spectator, Edwardsville, 1820-1826.
The Illinois Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1819 (January to May
12). The Illinois Intelligencer,' Vandalia, February 20, 1821;
October 12 and December 7, 1822.
Star of the West,^ Edwardsville, Nov. 30, 1822.
Illinois Gazette,' Shawneetown, August 3, 1822.
Illinois Republican,' Edwardsville, July 21, 1824.
Missouri Gazette, St. Louis, 1819-1820.
Missouri Republican,^ St. Louis, 1821-1825. .
St. Louis Enquirer, St. Louis, 1819-1820 (series of odd num
bers). GENERAL HISTORIES.
Sketch of Edward Coles, E. B. Washburne, Chicago, 1882.
History of the English Settlement in Edwards County, Illi
nois, George Flower, Chicago Historical Society Collections,
Vol. I.
^ The Illinois Intelligencer was removed from Kaskaskia to "Vandalia in
1820. ^These fragments are in the Mercantile Library, St. Louis. They were
presented by the Rev. J. M. Feck, to that Library, together with the file of the
Edwardsville Spectator, named above. There are no other numbers of these
papers now in existence, as far as 1 know.
"The Missouri Gazette changed its name to Missouri Republican in 1821.
and is now the Missouri Republic.

252 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The Pioneer History of Illinois, J. Reynolds, Belleville, 1852.
The History of Illinois, Ford, Chicago, 1854.
A Complete History of Illinois from 1637 to 1873, Davidson
and Stuvd, Springfield, 1874.'
Illinois, Historical and Statistical, Moses, Vol. I., Chicago,
1889. History of Ilhnois and Life of Ninian Edwards, by his son,
N. W. Edwards, Springfield, 1870.
History of St. Clair County, Chicago, 1881.
History of Randolph, Monroe, and Perry Counties, Philadel
phia, 1883.
Good Old Times in McLean County, Dr. E. Duis, Blooming
ton, 1874.
History of Jackson County, Philadelphia, 1878.
History of Green County, Chicago, 1870.
History of Edwards, Lawrence, and Wabash Counties, Phila
delphia, 1883.
History of Madison County, Edwardsville, 1882.
History of Pike County, Chicago, 1880.
Early Chicago and Illinois, E. G. Mason, Chicago Historical
Society Collections, No. 4, 1890.
PERIOD III.— 1824-1840.
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES.
Constitution of 1818.
Statutes of Illinois, 1818; 1819-1823; 1824-1839.
State Records, see Period II.
County Records, same as under Period I, and
Record of Freedom Papers, Gallatin County, 1846-1862.
Registry of Negroes and Mulattoes, St. Clair County, March
26, 1846, to September 24, 1863.
Slave Papers (in a tin box), preserved in County Clerk's oflBce
in Edwardsville, Madison County, 1831-1851.
Records of the Probate Court of Sangamon County, No. B,
1824-1840. Records of the Probate Court of Fayette County, 1820-1840.
Records of County Clerk, No. B (Freedom Papers), Randolph
County, 1825 to April 13, 1863.

APPENDIX I. 253
Deed Records, No. D, Jackson County, 1840-1843.
Records of County Clerk of Madison County, No. 2, 1821-
1825. Supreme Court Decisions, Reports, 1824-1836.
Will Records of St. Clair County, No. 2, 1830 to 1840; No.
3, 1840-1850. CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES.
Memoir of Lovejoy, by his brothers, Alton, 1838.
Alton Riots and Lovejoy, Edward Beecher, 1838.
Notes on the Alton Trials, Lincoln, Alton, 1838.
Lovejoy, article in the Alton Observer, December 28, 1837,
by a friend of Mr. Lovejoy.
The Mayor's Account of the Events of November 7, 1837,
Alton Telegraph, November 15, 1837.
Personal Recollections connected with the murder of Lovejoy,
Rev. T. B. Hurlbut,' in Chicago Tribune, June 12, 1874.
NEWSPAPERS.
St. Louis Observer^ (St. Louis), September 3, 1835-July 21,
1836. Alton Observer (Alton and Cincinnati), "Extra," August 10,
1836; September 8, 1836, to August 21, 1837; December 28,
1837, to April 19, 1838.
Alton Telegraph (Alton), 1836-1838; and June 28, 1845, article
on "Editorial Reminiscences."
Western Pioneer (Upper Alton), 1830-1838 (especially issue
of July 14, 1836).
Missouri Argus (St. Louis), May to December, 1837; Janu
ary, 1838.
Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 1835-1838.
St. Louis Times' (St. Louis), August 14, 1830, to February
18, 1832.
Peoria Register (Peoria), 1837-1839.
' Mr. Hurlbut was a warm personal friend of Lovejoy and a participant in
the events of November, 1837, at Alton.
'The Observer, edited by Loveioy, was published first in St. Louis, then
in Alton, and after Lovejoy's death, by Elisha W. Chester, as editor, at Cin
cinnati. = Mr. Lovejoy was one of the editors of this paper during the years 1830-32.

254 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
Galena Advertiser (Galena), 1837.
Sangamon Journal (Springfield), 1836 1838.
Philanthropist (Cincinnati), July, 1837-1838.
The Liberator (Boston), July, 1837-1838.
Missouri Saturday News (St. Louis), February 3, 1838.
Cincinnati Gazette (Cincinnati), 1837-1838.
Chicago American (Chicago), 1835-1838.
Chicago Democrat (Chicago), 1837-1838.
Alton Spectator (Alton), 1836.
The Saturday Evening Chronicle (Cincinnati), 1837-1838.
The Genius of Universal Emancipation (Hennepin), 1839.
The Chicago Journal (Chicago), 1838.
GENERAL HISTORIES AND PAMPHLETS.
The Martyrdom of Lovejoy, H. Tanner, Chicago, 1881.
Sketch of Enoch Long, Harvey Reid, Chicago Historical
Society Collections, No. 2.
Early Reminiscences of Alton, Lecture by Hon. Joseph Bro-wn,
delivered in the Alton Opera House on February 21, 1896.'
Address on Lovejoy, Thomas Dimmock, delivered on March
4, 1888, in the Church of the Unity, St. Louis.
Lovejoy, an article in the Missouri Republic (St. Louis), July
23, 1871.2
Autobiography of Col. G. T. M. Davis," New York, 1891.
Alton in 1837, sketch descriptive, etc., published by S. August
Mitchell, 1837.
The Rambler, Sketches and Travels in the West, 1837.
PERIOD IV.— 1840-1870.
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES.
Record of Elections, 1840-1860; Document Room, Springfield.
Statutes of Illinois, 1836-1875.
House (Illinois) Journal, 1840-1870.
' Mr. Brown was a boy in Alton in 1837, and witnessed much of the excite
ment on November 6 and 7.
=^This wns compiled from data furnished chiefiy by Mr. Dimmock, of St.
Louis, who (it is perhaps in place here to add) was instrumental in securing
the imposing monument to Lovejoy recently erected in Alton.
= Col. Davis was a prominent lawyer, who lived IniAlton during the time of
the riots of 1837.

APPENDIX I. 255
Senate (Illinois) Journal, 1840-1870.
Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1847, Springfield.
Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1861, Springfield.
Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1870, Springfield.
Debates of the Constitutional Convention, 1870, Spring
field. Constitution (Illinois), 1848.
Constitution (Illinois), 1870.
The Congressional Globe, Washington, 1833-1873.
The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, Columbus, i860.
The Works of Abraham Lincoln.
NEWSPAPERS.
Genius of Universal Emancipation, Benjamin Lundy, Lowell,
1839 (February 25 to September 18).
Genius of Liberty, Z. Eastman and H. Warren, Lowell,
December 19, 1840, to April 2, 1842.
Western Citizen, Z. Eastman, Chicago, July 26, 1842, to Octo
ber 18, 1853.
The Free West, Z. Eastman, E. Goodman, and H. Warren,
Chicago, December I, 1853-July 19, 1855.
Alton Telegraph, Bailhache, Davis, and others, Alton, 1840-
1870. Alton Courier (Alton), 1853-1855.
Belleville Advocate (Belleville), 1850-1860.
Greenville Advocate (Greenville), 1858-1860.
The State Register (Springfield), 1847, 1856-1860.
Chicago American (Chicago), 1835 1842.
Chicago Journal, edited by the Wilson Brothers (Chicago),
1844-1860. Chicago Democrat, owned by John Wentworth (Chicago),
weekly, 1833-1850; daily, 1840-1850.
Western Herald (Chicago), 1846-1847.
Chicago Democratic Press (Chicago), 1852-1858.
Chicago Press and Tribune (Chicago), 1858, controlled by
McGill. Chicago Tribune (Chicago), 1848-1857, 1859-1865, 1874, June
10-13. The Philanthropist (Cincinnati), 1836-1849.

256 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
The Liberator (Boston), 1831-1841.
The Emancipator (Boston and New York), 1834-1848.
Jersey County Democrat (Jerseyville), 1860-1865.
BIOGRAPHIES AND REMINISCENCES.
Memorial of Z. Eastman, by his Family.
Memoirs of J. M. Palmer, An Autobiography, unpublished.
Manuscript papers of Z. Eastman, unpublished; also his
"scrapbook." Dr. Charles Volney Dyer, article by Z. Eastman in Chicago
Times, April 25, 1878.
Early Abolitionism, article by Z. Eastman in Chicago Inter-
Ocean, September i, 1879.
History of the Antislavery Agitation in Illinois, by Z. East
man, in Blanchard's Illinois (old edition) pp. 655-677.
The Life, Travels, and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy, W. D.
Parrish, 1847.
Account of the Antislavery Reunion at Chicago, June 10-13,
1874; Chicago Tribune, June 10-13, 1874.
Mr. Eastman's Antislavery Work, editorial in the Chicago
Inter-Ocean, June 15, 1883.
GENERAL HISTORIES.
The History of the Liberty and Free Soil Parties, T. Smith,
Cambridge Historical Series, VI., 1897.
Political Parties in the United States, Hopkins, Putnam, 1900.
History of the Republican Party, F. A. Flower, Springfield,
1884. History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America,
H. Wilson, Boston, 1872-1877.
History of Chicago, A. T. Andreas, Chicago, 1884-1886.
Illinois, Historical and Statistical, Moses, Vol. II. and Ap
pendix, Chicago, 1889-1892.
History of Knox County, Chicago, 1878.
History of Williamson County, Marion, 1876.
History of La Salle County, Chicago, 1877.
History of Winnebago County, Chicago, 1877.
History of Kane County, Chicago, 1878.
History of Lake County, Chicago, 1877.

APPENDIX I. 257
History of McLean County, Chicago, 1879.
History of Jo Daviess County, Chicago, 1878.
History of Cook County, Chicago, 1884.
History of Edgar County, Chicago, 1879.
History of Hancock County, Chicago, 1880.
History of Putnam and Marshall Counties, Lacsn, 1880.
History of Peoria County, Chicago, 1890.
History of Adams County, Chicago, 1890.
Constitutional History of the United States, Von Hoist, Vols.
1-7, Chicago, 1892.
Narrative and Critical History of the United States, J. Win
sor, Vols. 4-8, Boston, 1887.
Twenty Years in Congress, J. G. Blaine, Vol. I., Chapters
6-10, Norwich, 1884.
Abraham Lincoln, Nicholay and Hay, New York, 1890.
Abraham Lincoln, J. T. Morse, Jr., Boston, 1893.
Hemdon's Lincoln, Herndon and Weik, Chicago, 1889
American Politics, Johnston, New York, 1892.
Division and Reunion, W. Wilson, New York and London,
1898. The Underground Railroad, W. H. Siebert, New York, 1899.
The Underground Railroad, W. H. Siebert, article in Ameri
can Historical Review, April, 1896.
The Underground Railroad Records, Wm. Still.
History of My Own Life and Times, John Reynolds, 1855.
Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois, Bateman and Selby,
Chicago and New York, 1900

APPENDIX II.
SPECIMEN COPIES OF SLAVE PAPERS.
I . The following Bill of Sale was found among the papers of
Henry Eddy, lawyer, and editor of the "Illinois Gazette," and the
"Illinois Emigrant," of Shawneetown, Illinois. It is now in the
possession of Charles Carroll, Jr., Shawneetown, who is a near
relative of Mr. Eddy. Mr. Carroll possesses several other inter
esting letters and papers bearing upon the subject of negro ser
vants, which were the former property of Mr. Eddy. The Bill of
Sale here given is written in fairly clear handwriting and signed
by the same hand. It is attested by a Justice of Peace of Ran
dolph County, but in the place of the seal, now so customary,
there is only the word "Seal" written after each name and en
closed in a little circle. One would judge from this that bona
fide seals were rare articles among the people and the Justices of
Peace in Illinois in those pioneer days. The paper reads :
"Know all men by these presents that I, Hezekiah Davis, of
the County of Jackson and Territory of (Illinois), have this day
sold, and by these presents doth sell unto Samuel Cochran of the
County of Randolph, of the Territory aforesaid, a certain negro
girl named Jane, aged sixteen years, who indentured herself to me
on the 26th day of August, 1816 for the term of fifty years before
James Finney, Esq., Clerk of the County Court of Johnson County,
for and in consideration of the sum of four hundred dollars cur
rent money of United States to me in hand paid, the receipt
whereof is hereby acknowledged and the said Sam'l Cochran
therefore discharged, and do by these presents forever warrant
and defend the title of said girl unto the said Sam'l Cochran his
heirs and assigns for ever against the claim of myself, my heirs,
administrators, or assigns, or any person claiming under me or
them or any other person legally claiming the same. In witness
whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 20th day of
August, 1817. (Signed) Hezekiah Davis. [Seal]
258

APPENDIX II. 259
Illinois Territory >
Randolph Co. ) Personally appeared before me, the subscriber,
one of the Justices of the Peace in and for the County aforesaid,
the aforesaid Jane and declared that she voluntarily of her own
free ¦will and accord consented to serve Samuel Cochrane for the
term of forty years in lieu of the fifty years which she was to
serve said Davis. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my
hand and seal the 20th day of August 1817.
(Signed) Mathew Duncan [Seal]
I, Samuel Cochran, of Jackson County, State of Illinois, do by
these presents acknowledge to have received of William Boon
400 dollars in full for the services of the above described negro,
Jane. August 22nd 1822
(Signed) Samuel Cochran. [Seal]
2. One of the best examples of an early Indenture is to be
found recorded in the Records and Indentures No. I, of Madison
County. It is dated March 15th, 1815, and purports to be between
Jack Bonaparte (a negro) and one Joshua Vaughan. On the day
mentioned, these two appeared before Josias Randle, Clerk of the
County Court of Madison County, and took oath to the following
agreement :
"Jack Bonaparte doth hereby agree and freely oblige himself
to serve the said Joshua Vaughan his heirs or assigns ninety
years, as a good and faithful servant. And the said Joshua
Vaughan on his part obliges himself as long as the said Jack con
tinues with him to Furnish the said Jack in good and wholesome
food, and necessary clothing with all the other necessaries suit
able for a servant." This was duly entered by the County Clerk
upon the records, ¦without signatures, but having the marginal
note: "to be free in igoi." [The italics are mine.]
3. In the Kaskaskia Republican for May 2, 1843, there ap
peared the following : "Executors Sale."
"Antoine Barbeau— Executor— offers for sale the estate of the
late Marie L. Blais, to wit: —
one Mulatto woman 28 years.
one Mulatto man 21 years.

26o NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
two Mulatto girls 10 and 8 years.
one Mulatto boy 5 years.
"Also hogs, horses, cattle and sheep, household furniture and
farming tools."
These were all to be sold at auction on June 3, 1843.
We cite this since it is the latest notice of the kind, which we
have discovered. But such advertisements of executors' and
sheriffs' sales were quite common from 1816 to 1826 — see the
"Western Intelligencer," the "Illinois Gazette," and the
"Ewardsville Spectator," during that period. The executor's
sale given above may also be found copied in the "Western
Citizen" for July 6, 1843. Sheriffs' sales of slaves occurred as
late as 1853.
4. The following letter of Ninian Edwards (Governor of Illi
nois and United States Senator), which is now in the possession
of Mr. Chas. Carroll, Jr., of Shawneetown, is a most excellent
commentary upon the methods and practices of the men who held
negroes as slaves in the twenties, especially as regards the man
agement and the value of their servants.
"Belleville, 23 June, 1829. — Sir: You gave to your agent, to
whom I delivered the negroes I sold you, full authority to act for
you, and promised that you would comply with any arrangement
he might make with me. In consequence of which I permitted
him, for reasons which you are apprised of, and approved, to take
away my little servants. Nelson and Ellen, upon his explicit
engagement that they should be returned to me whenever thereto
required. You, yourself, gave me an assurance that they should
be returned, and subsequently wrote to me what you had done
with that in view, and the reasons of the failure. I have re
peatedly demanded their return, and in the most unequivocal and
unqualified manner, in the course of the past year, and shall hold
you liable for a reasonable compensation for their services up to
the receipt of this letter. If, however, you choose to keep tliem
at the rate of $70 per annum for the hire of the boy and $50 per
annum for the hire of the girl, you clothing them, paying doctor's
bills and all other necessary expenses, you may keep them till I
notify you to the contrary. I shall have to pay more for services
which I stand in absolute need of and which they are perfectly
capable of performing more to my satisfaction. Your keeping

APPENDIX II. 261
these servants will be considered as assenting to pay me for their
services according to the foregoing proposition. I will take noth
ing less, and therefore nothing more need be said about it. Very
respectfully I am, sir, yr. mo. ob. St. (Signed.) Ninian Edwards.
Col. Wright, Equality, 111.
5. In the Registry of Negroes and Mulattoes of St. Clair
County, dating from March 26, 1846, to September 24, 1863,
there is recorded an excellent specimen of the customary "Free
dom Papers."
It is attested by Vital Jarrot — Justice of Peace — and William
McClintock — Clerk of the County Commissioner's Court, and
reads as follows, —
State of Illinois ) Be it remembered that on this tenth day
Co. of St. Clair ) ' of April, A.D. 1847 before me, William
McClintock, Clerk of the County Commissioner's Court within
and for the said County of St. Clair and State of Illinois, per
sonally Appeared a dark Mulattoe man. Calling himself Wilson
Ross, to have his name entered of Record, together with the
description of his person and evidence of his freedom, which is
done as follows
¦viz : Evidence
Know all men by these presents that Whereas on the 29th day of
October, A.D., 1841, 1, Elizabeth Padfield, then living in St. Louis,
and now in lllinoistown in the State of Illinois, purchased of
Ebbert J. Vaughan, a negro man then a slave owing Service to
said Vaughan, and Whereas as at the purchase of said slave it
was my intention to liberate him as soon as he would compensate
me by his labor and money for the Amount I paid for him, to wit,
the sum of Eight hundred and twenty-five dollars : and Whereas
the said slave whose name is Wilson Ross (comm.only called
Wilson, simply,) has now fully compensated me for the purchase
money. Now Therefore in Consideration as above stated, in con
nection with my present husband, Abraham Padfield we hereby
emancipate, liberate and set free the said Wilson Ross in as full a
manner as if he had been born free. And Whereas in the course
of time it may be necessary, that he should be known by certain
descriptions as well as by name, we annex the following descrip
tion of him. Wilson Ross is about thirty years of age, is five feet
six inches and a half in height, (barefooted), is a dark mulatto and

262 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
has on his person three notable marks, one of them is on his left
leg, and is two scars from the bite of a dog, resembling a shot
from the calf of the leg forward towards the shin bone, — another
is a scar on his right Wrist which was a cut with a knife and is
about one and a half inches in length, and being transverse of the
wrist immediately back of the Thumb, — and the other is a similar
cut on the 'inside of the left wrist. Given under our hands and
seals this 9th day of April A.D. 1847. his
Abraham X Padfield [Seal]
In presence of / mark
Vital Jarrot ) her
Elizabeth X Padfield [Seal]
mark
State of Illinois ) I, Vital Jarrot, a Justice of the Peace
St. Clair County ) in and for said County, hereby certify
that Abraham Padfield and Elizabeth Padfield each of whom
are personally known to me to be the same persons mentioned
in the above article of emancipation, personally appeared
before me, the said Wilson Ross also known to me, being also
present, and acknowledged that they had executed the said article
to said Wilson Ross for the purposes therein mentioned.
Given under my hand and seal this 9th day of April A.D.
1847. Vital Jarrot [Seal]
Justice of the Peace.
Test. Wm. McClintock Clk. Co. Com. Ct. St. Clair Co.

APPENDIX III.
DATA RELATIVE TO THE CONTEST OF
1823-1824.
A. Report of the Committee on Elections in the case of the
contested Election in Pike Co.
This was copied by Mr. Churchill and given to the Edwards
ville Spectator for publication, at the time. It is to be found in
the issue of that paper dated March I, 1823, and also in No. 10 of
Mr. Churchill's "Annotations" in the "Alton Telegraph," June 2,
1865. It was concurred in by the House of Representatives on
December 9, 1822, and reads as follows:
.... The first thing that presents itself to your Committee
is, whether the necessary notice had been regularly made agree
able to the Status of the State in such case made and provided.
This in the opinion of your Committee is the standard unto which
they are directed to look as their guide, and also upon which the
House is to decide.
In the paper marked A. (herewith submitted) and dated Coles
grove, Pike County, August 19, 1822, will be seen the first notice
which appears to have been given in this case, but under which
notice no testimony that is before your Committee appears to
have been taken. In the paper marked B. (also submitted) will
be seen a second notice, dated Colesgrove, Pike County, Septem
ber 4, 1822, and which appears to have been served August 7,
1822. This by a comparison of the dates appears impossible, as
the sen/ice must have taken place before the notice was in exist
ence, and this your Committee deem impossible. Your Commit
tee therefore do consider this as no notice at all, and any testimony
that may have been taken under it as null and void, and deserves
not the consideration of the House; and inasmuch as the lav/ is
imperative in limiting the time of service, which must not extend
to a longer period than 20 days after election. The Committee
263

264 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS
beg leave to submit for the consideration of the House the follow
ing Resolutions,— Resolved, that Mr. Hansen is entitled to his
seat in the House;
Resolved that the Committee be discharged from further con
sideration of the subject."
B. List of members voting for and against the Convention
resolution in February, 1 823.
FOR: Senators: 12.
Boon (Wm), Jackson County.
Barker Lewis), Pope County.
Beaird (Jos. A.), Monroe County.
Smith (T. W.), Madison County.
White (Leonard), White County.
Crozier (Sam.), Randolph County.
Jones of Gallatin County.
Grammer (J.), Union County.
Jones of Bond County.
Kinney (Wm.), St. Clair County.
Ladd (Milton), Johnson and Franklin Counties.
Sloo (Thos.), Jefferson and Marion Counties.
Representatives: 24.
Alexander (W. M.) of Alexander County, the Speaker
of the House.
Alexander, Pope County.
Alexander, Monroe County.
Berry (Wm.), Fayette County.
Campbell, Wayne County.
Casey (Jadoc), Jefferson and Marion Counties.
Daimwood, Gallatin County.
Davenport, Gallatin County.
Dorriss (T.) Franklin County.
Field (Alex. W.), Union County.
Ford, Crawford County.
Logan (G. R.) White County.
McFatridge, Johnson County.
McFerron, Randolph County.
Mcintosh (John), Union County.
Phillips (Alex.), White County.
Rattan, Green County.
Shaw (J.), Pike County.
Trotier (J.), St. Clair County.
Turney (Jas. F.), Washington County.
West (E. J.), Madison County.
Whiteside (J. A.), Pope County.
Will (C), Jackson County.
Widen (R.), Randolph County.

APPENDIX III. 265
AGAINST: Senators: 6.
Bankson (A. Col.), Washington County.
Cadwell (G.i, Green County.
Frazier (Robt.), Edwards County.
Kinkade (Wm.), Wayne and Lawrence Counties.
Parker (Dan.i, Cra'wford County.
Stillman (Stephen), Sangamon County.
Representatives: 12.
Biakeman (Curtiss), Madison County.
Cairnes (Abram), Lawrence County.
Churchill (Geo.1, Madison County.
Emmitt (J.), White County.
Lowry (Wm.), Clark County.
Mather (Thos.), Randolph County.
M'Gahey (David), Crawford County.
Moore (Ridson), St. Clair County.
Ogle (Jacob), St. Clair County.
Pell (G. T.), Bond County.
Sims (Jas.), Sangamon County.
C. The foUo^wing is a copy of the agreement signed by
the Anticonvention members on February 18, 1823, immediately
after the adjournment of the Session of 1822-1823. The original
was found among the papers of Curtiss Biakeman after his death
(May 22, 1833), and twenty-three years afterwards it was printed
in full in the "Alton Courier" (July 15, 1858), by one of his de
scendants. It reads: "Copy."
"We, the subscribers, convinced of the necessity of support
ing some newspaper establishment, the conductor of which will
take a firm and manly stand against the introduction of slavery
into this State, and against the calling of a Convention to alter the
Constitution; the sole object of which we are well convinced is to
effect the introduction of slavery; do hereby agree to use our
utmost exertions and endeavors to support such newspaper estab
lishment as shall be fixed upon. Henry Starr, Curtiss Biakeman
& Thomas Mather Esqs. are hereby appointed a Committee to
make such arrangement as they shall deem necessary with the
conductor of such newspaper, .... we, the subscribers, do
hereby subscribe for the number of copies of such newspapers set
opposite to our respective names, at $5.00 a year, in State paper,
to be paid in advance, the amount of which subscriptions shall be
deposited with the above named Committee."

266

NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS

PLACES WHERE DIRECTED
Lawrenceville
Lawrenceville St. Clair
Edwardsville Edwardsville Covington
Kaskaskia
SpringfieldBelleville Carrollton
Edwardsville Kaskaskia Clark County
Vandalia Edwardsville
Springfield
Edwards County
Vandalia PalestinePalestineNew Haven

Feb. l8, 1823.
Subscriptions for the address of the minority to be printed signed
— by 14 of the above subscribers, amt. contributed — $15.
6 March 1823— 800.
To be paid to Hooper Wanen $815.
The above has been carried fully into efi'ect and settled in full,
by Liberty being fully established in this State & so may it
remain." Curtiss Biakeman. (Signed)

MES OF SUBSCRIBERS

NO. OF PAPERS

Wm. Kincade

$10 paid

Abraham Carnes

10 paid

Ridson Moore

10 paid

Geo. Churchill

10 paid

Henry Starr

10 paid

A. Bankston

10 paid

Thos. Mather

10 paid

James Sims

10 paid

Jacob Ogle

10 paid

G. Caldwell

10 paid

Curtiss Biakeman

10 paid

Henry S. Dodge

10 paid

Wm. Lowery

10 paid

Wm. H. Brown

5 paid

Thos. Lippencott

5 paid

Stephen Stillman

10 paid

Gilbert T. Pell

10 paid

Sam'l D. Lockwood

10 paid

Dan. Parker

10 paid

David M.' Gahey

10 paid

John Emitt

5 paid

21 subscribers

$195

APPENDIX IV.
TABLE OF ABOLITION VOTES 1 840-1 860.

ANTI-
SLAVERY

LIBERTY PARTY

FREE SOIL

FREE
DEMOCRATIC

REPUBLICAN

1840

1 841

1842

1843

1844

1846

1848

1850

1852

1854

1856

1858

i860

Presi
160
3.469
..'....
15,702
9,966
96,186
172,161
dential
I
3
^ 6 7
176
187
62 36
3.531 395
947 249
I
2
5.596
4,3744,2582.559
11,000
11,700 5,0001,607
9.4148,6397.4432,711
527
Congres
1,174 246 254 104
1,882 315 506
259
2,872
1,076
sional
District
2,610
Governor
946
5.147
4,748
8,809
"1,375
172,196
Lieut.
979
5.133
Governor
Treasurer
125,828
>
w
aX
-J
INDEX.

INDEX

Abolitionists, 63-65, 79-81, 142-144, 160,
161, 167, 174, 182, 222, 223, 236
Adams, Charles F., 166
Adams County Antislavery Society,
see Antislavery Societies
Allen, Rev. W. T., 136, 139, 140, 142,
152
Alton. 178
Alton "Observer," The, 79, 85-94, 97,
125, 126
Alton public schools, 230
Alton riots, 92, 93
Alton riot trials, 95
Anticonventionists, 34', 49-50; Appeal
of, 41; Toasts of, 45*
Anti-Nebraska Democrats, 200, 201
Anti-Nebraska Party, 199-207 ; see
also Republican Party
Antislavery newspapers, see Chicago
"Daily Times," Edwardsville
"Spe eta tor," " Emancipator,"
"Free Soil Banner," "Free West,
The," "Genius of Liberty,"
"Genius of Universal Emancipa
tion," "Liberator," Alton "Ob
server," St. Louis "Obser^ver,"
" Philanthropist," Sparta " Free
man," '* Western Citizen, The"
Antislavery Societies, A Jams County,
67, 67^, 1252, 146; Anti-Nebraska
clubs, 204; Bureau County. 146; Chi
cago, 139; Free Democratic, 187;
Free Soil; 170; i7o\ IHinois State,
82, 87, 116, 125, 128, 129, 131-133, 137-
141, 147, 152, 181; Jersey County,
125^; Knox County, 129*, 146; La
Salle County, 129^ 133, 137; Madi
son County, 82, 125^; Putnam Coun
ty, 115, 125^, 131, 132, 142, 146; Taswell
County, 139; Troy Grove 140: War-

271

ren County, 129*; Will County, 125^,
142; Wisconsin Territory, 152; see
also Liberty Associations, Hale
Clubs, etc.
Archer, W. B. 192 B
Bailey vs. Cromwell, 105
Bailhache, Mr., go
Balet, M., 4
Banks, N. P., 203
Bankson, k., i, 41, 265
Barnburners, The, 163, 164', 164', 178
Beardsley J. J., 204
Beauvais, M., 4
Beecher, Dr. Edward, 87, 89', 8g', 126'
Berry, Mr., 40', 46, 47
Bibb, Henry, 160
Birkbeck, Morris, 42^, 44, 48^
Birney, James G., 146
Bishop, Lyman, g3, 93'
Bissell, W, H., igS, 201
Black Laws, The, 10, 10'', 24, 121, 138,
148, 157, 162, 188, 233-236, 240
Blackwell, David, 47'
Biakeman, Curtiss, 41", 265, 266
Blais, Marie L., 259
Bloomington Convention, igg; see
Conventions
Bonaparte, Jack, 25g
Bond, Governor, 42, 48
Boon, 'V. Juhet, 104
Borders, Andrew, io6-ij8, 106'
Breckenridge, John C, 221
Breeze, Sidney, 121, I2i»
Brown, Joseph, ga'
Brown, Thomas C , 31'
Brown, 'W. H., 39'
Browning, D. H., 202
Bureau County Antislavery Society;
see Antislavery Societies
Burr, James E , 162

272

INDEX

Cadwell, G., 41', 265
Cairnes, W., 41^, 265
Campbell, Mr., 88
Carpenter, Philo, 61, 148, 184
Caton, Judge J. D., iii, 174'
Chapman, T. S., 231°
Chase, S. P., lg3, 21Q
Chester, Elisha W., g7, 126
Chicago Antislavery Society; see An
tislavery Society
Chicago "Daily Times," 184-86; see
Antislavery papers
Chicago "Democratic Press," ig6,
ig6=
Chicago Free Soil League, i6g
Chicago "Journal," ig2
Chicago "Tribune," igs, igs*
Childs, S. D., 148
Choisser vs. Barney Hargrave, 104*
Church, S. M., ig8»
Churchill, Geo., 37, 3g, 41', 42, 263,265
Churchill, Geo., "Annotations," 2o\
21', 24, 33', 38', 250
Clay, Cassius M., 187, igo
Cochran, Samuel, 12, 258
Codding, Ichabod, 151, 153, 154, 158,
187, igo, ig3
Code Noir, Le, 3
Coffing, Churchill, 180, 180'
Cold Spring Prairie Antislavery So
ciety; jee Antislavery Societies
Coles, Governor Edward, 11, 16, 18^,
30, 32, 42, 431, 44>, 45', 46', 47'
Collins, Fred, 147, 148
Collins, James H., iii, 122, 148, 165',
180, 180', 181
Committee of Five, 83
Compagnie de I'Occident, 1
Compromise of, 1850, 178
Constitution, The, 1818, 22, 23, 25, 26;
1862, 238, 23g
Conventions: Anti-Nebraska; see Re
publican; Barnburners, 1847, 164;
Bloomington, igg; Constitutional,
1818, 18-20; 1847, 233, 235; 1862, 238,
23g; Contest for a, 27-4g; Decatur,
of Editors, 1856, ig7; Democratic,

1848, 172', 172=; 1850, I7g, 179°; 1856.
igg', 200; Free Democratic, 1848,
i6g; 1852, 184; 1853, 186; Free Demo
cratic County, 1S52, 185; 1854, igo:
Free Democratic District, 1852, 185
Free Soil, 1850, I7g, 179"; Illinois
Antislavery Society; 1837, 87, 125
1838, 128; 1840, 138; 1841, 137; Illi
nois Antislavery, 1851, 181, 182; Lib
erty County, 1842, 150; 1844, 154
1848, 171; 1851-2, 183'; Liberty Dis
trict, 1843, 151; 1844, 154; 1847, 159
l6o>, 161; 1848, 162, 171; 1851, 183
Liberty Party, 1841, 138; 1842, 148
I4g; 1S44, 153; 1846, 157; 1848, 161,
162, 164; National Democratic, 1856,
201, 201', 2or'; National Free Demo
cratic, 1851, 182, 184; National Free
Soil, 1848, i65; National Liberty,
1847, 163; 1851, 182; National Re
publican, 1856, 203;. Northwestern
Liberty, 1846, 15g; Republican, 1854,
ig3, 193'; 1856; igg; 1858, 207; Re
publican County, 1858, 207; Repub
lican District, 1854, igi, ig2; South
ern Illinois Antislavery, 1851, 181,
181=^; Southern Illinois Liberty, 1847,
161; 'Whig, 1850, 180, 180'; 1854, 192.
Conventionists, 34-4g, Appeal of, 40;
Toasts of, 45'-
Cook, B. C., 202, 204, 2ig
Cook, Rev. Chauncey, 128, 129-131;
136', 142
Cook, Daniel P., 27, 30, 30', 31, 48
Cornelius vs. Cohen, 51, 51=^, gg, 100.
Cross, John, 106, 107, 138, 142, 151,
165'
Crozat, Antoine, i D
Daimwood, Mr., 37, 39
Daniel, 109
Davis, Hezekiah, 12, 258
Davis, W. T. M., 122
Dayton, W. L., 203
De Wolf, Calvin, 146=, 148
Dickey, James H., 131, 139, 1,42
Dimmock, Thomas, 90-, 92^
Douglas, Frederic, 187

INDEX

273

Douglas, Stephen A., 113, 180, 181,
189, igo, ig6, ig6^, 200, 201 ; Lincoln
Debates, 207-221, 222
Dred Scott case. The, 206, 208, 210,
211, 216, 217
Dudley, E. J., ig8
Duncan, James, 55
Durkee, Charles, 182
Dyer, Dr. C. V., 61, 61-', 146', 148,
162, i65> E
Eastman, Z., 61, 63, 63', 63=, 127, 128,
133, 134. 134', 134=, 13';. ug, 158, 160,
163, 166, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, igi,
203', 2231
Eddy, Henry, 258
Edwards, Gov. Ninian, 7, 11, 12, 16,
19', 28', 28' 2g, 260
Edwardsville "Spectator," 2g, 29^, 29*,
31, 41, 42^ 47, 124. 124'
Eells, Richard, 112, 113, 116, 157
Election of 1840, 146; 1842, 150; 1844,
154-5; 1846, I5g; 1847, I5g; 1848, 170,
172, 173; 1856, 204 and 204'; 1858,
220, 220', and 267
"Emancipator," The, 124', 126
Emmitt, J., 41', 265
English Bill, The, 206

Farnum, Mr., 151
Field, Mr., 38
Fletcher, Richard, 97
Fort Chartres, 2, 3
Foster, James, 109
Frazier, Rob't, 41', 265
Free Democratic Party, 166, 166^, 184,
185, 185', 186, 187, 191, 192; see Con
ventions
Freeman, Jonathan, Letters of, 44
Fremont, John C, 203
"Free Soil Banner," 169
Free Soil Party, The, 166, 166', 167,
168, i6g, 170, 171, 173, 175, 183
"Free West," The, 187, 189, 192, 195
French, Governor, 174
Fugitive Slave Law, 178, I7g, 180, 181,
216, 217

Gage, Gen. Thomas, 4
Garrison, W. L., 62, 143
"Genius of Liberty," 134, 135, 135',
137, 138, 140, 141, 149
"Genius of Universal Emancipation,"
124', 126, 128, 132, 132', 132", 134
Giddings, J. R., ig3, 195
Gillespie, Jas., 198
Gilman, Mr., g2, 93
Godfrey, Gilman & Co., 91
Goodman, E., 187
Goodrich, Grant, 199
Grammer, John, 7\ 34, 36
Graves, Rev. F. W., go'
H
Hale Clubs, 185
Hale, John P., 162, 163, 165, i66>, 184,
203
Hale, Luke, 165'
Hall, James, 20
Hamilton Primary School, 231, 231*,
231'
Hamilton, Gen. John, 231*
Hamilton, Dr. Silas, 231
Hamilton, George "W., 231^
Hammond, Charles, 72^
Hansen, Nicholas, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38,
39, 263, 264
Hargrave, Barney, 104^
Harned, 'William, gi, 94
Haven, O. H., 178, 178-'
Hawley, C. M., 160, 187
Henderson, J. H., 151
Herndon, W. J., ig8»
Hoffman, F. A., ig8, igg, 202
Hone, "V. Ammons, iig, 120
Hood, James, 58', 59'
Hunter, C. W., 140, 148, 165'
Huriburt, Rev. T. B., 87

Illinois Antislavery Society, see .Anti
slavery Societies
IHinois "Gazette," 31
Illinois "Intelligencer,"29',3g', 42', 47'
Illinois "Republican," 42'

274

INDEX

Jarrot vs. Jarrot, ri2, ii6, 117, 118
Jay, Joseph, 101
Jay, WiUiam, loi, 102
Jerseyville Academy, 232
Jersey County Antislavery Society,
125*; see Antislavery Societies
Jesuits, 3, 4
Johnson, Governor, 219
Jones, William, 154
Judd, Norman B., 199, 200, 201, 205, 224
Julian, Mr., 184
Juliet, 104 K
Kane, E. K., 20, 21^, 28, 29, 30, 42
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 187, 189, igg,
200
Kaskaskia, 2, 6
Kelsey, D. M., 185,187
Keykendall, Benj., 13
Kidnapping, 14, 32, 54, 56, 55^; see Ne
groes
King, Leicester, 163, 165
Kinkade, William, 41', 165
Kinney vs. Cook, 105
Kitchell, Rev. A. W., 66
Kitchell, Joseph, 20^, 233
Kitchell, W., 20
Knighthnger, Jacob, 106
Knowlton, D. A., 184
Knox County Antislavery Society,
129^, 146; see Antislavery Societies
Knox, James, 192
Koerner, Gustave, 108, 122, 193, 198^,
200, 201
Kohokia, z
Krum, Mayor, 87, 91, 93
L
Larned, E. C, 181
La Salle County Antislavery Society;
see Antislavery Societies
Lawless, Judge, 76, 76^, 76''
Lecompton Constitution, 206, 208, 210
Leslie, Mrs., 114
"Liberator, The," 124= 125; see Anti-
slavery Papers

Liberty Associations, 152, 153, 158
"Liberty Banner," 158; see Anti-
slavery Papers
Liberty Party, see Conventions
Linder, U. F., 90*, 95
Lincoln, Abraham, candidate for Sena
tor, ig3, 196; Bloomington Speech,
202; Attitude on slavery, 203, 205;
Debates with Douglas. 207-221,224
Lincoln-Douglas Debates, The, 207.
221
Lippencott, Rev. Thomas, 35, 37s 41,
42,95
Lippencott, Rev. Thomas, "Reminis
cences," 18' , 30*, 250
Lockwood, S. D., 42, 47, 100, 102, 114
Log^n, John A., 226, 234^, 235, 236*^
Long, Enoch, 92, 93
Louisiana, Lower, i, 3
Louisiana, Upper, 1-3
Lovejoy, Celia French, 72'
Lovejoy, Elijah Parish, 67; Youth, 68,
6g; in St. Louis, 69, 77; in Alton, 78-
98; Attitude towards abohtionism,
79, 83; Attacks upon, 84, 88; Speech,
8g; Death, 94; Opinions on death, 95,
96
Lovejoy, Owen, no, in, 142, 151, 156^,
158, 159, 162, 165*, 170*, 193-195, 202,
204, 205
Lowry, Wilham, 41^, 265
Lundy, Benjamin, no, 126-128, 132,
132^ M
McAdams, Joseph, 55'
McClellan, J., 165, 165', 166
McClure, E., ig3*
McGahey, D., 41' , 265
McFatridge, Mr., 36
Mcintosh, Frances, 75
McLean, John, 31, 121
Madison County Antislavery Society,
82, 125'; see Antislavery Societies
Maloney, Dr., i7g, i7g', 1798, 180
Manierre, George, 181
Markham, Rev. F. J., 187
Mather, Thomas, 59, 41', 42, 265
Matteson, General, 112, 118, iig

INDEX

275

Matteson, Governor, 196
Matthews, Elder Edward, 139, 152
Maxwell, P., 172, 172-'
Miller, James, 193, 204
Missouri Gazette, 13
Moore, General James B., 31*
Moore, John, 199*
Moore, Ridson, 41*, 265
N
Nance vs. Howard, 51*, 100, loi
Nancy, no, in
Negroes, Acts concerning, 7-10, 12, 26=*;
Acts concerning free, 185=", 188, 226-
236, 242; Advertisements of, 13; Auc
tions of, 13, i3\ 2373; Bills of sale,
12, 52^^, 237, 258, 259; Escape of, see
Underground railway; Kidnapping
of, Jee Kidnapping; Registration of,
10, II, II', 12; Sales of, n, 12, 14, 52,
53, 237^, 258, 259; Slaves, under the
French, 2, 4; under the English, 4,
5; in 1818, 15; in 1830, 52; Slave trade,
I, 2; see also, Will records
Nelson vs. the People, 120, 237
Niles, Nathaniel, 55^, 58', 122, 245
Norton, Mr., 192
Nye, General, 203 o
"Observer," The, see Alton and St.
Louis
"Observer," printing press, 94'
Ogden, 'W.B., i7g, 179', 180, ig8'
Oglesby, R. J., 198, 219, 224
Ordinance of 1787, 6
Ottawa Plan, The, 186, 187

Pacificus, ig
Padfield, Abraham, 261, 262
Padfield, Elizabeth, 261, 262
Palmer, John M., 201, 205, 219, 233
Parker, Daniel, 41', 265
Parker, G. D. A., 198'
Parker, Lucius H., 165*
Peck, Rev. J. M., 42, 43', 63, 78"
Pell, Gilbert, 41', 265
Perry, James, 162

Pettingill, Moses, 165*
"Philanthropist, The," 65, 65*. g6»,
124', 125, 126, 133; see Antislavery
Papers
Phillips, D L., ig8
Phillips, Joseph, 30, 42
Philhps, Wendell, g7
Phcebe vs. William Jay, loi, 102
Pickett, T. J., 198
Pittman, Captain Philip, 4
Prairie du Rocher, 2
Proslavery newspapers, see "Illinois
Gazette," "Illinois Intelligencer,"
"Illinois Republican," "Shawnee
town Gazette," "Star of the West"
Pugh, Mr., 41^, 265
Purple, Mr., no, in
Putnam County Antislavery Society,
see Antislavery Societies
R
Ratten, Mr., 35
Ray, C. H., 197
Renault, Philip F., i
Republican Party (Ilhnois), igo, igi,
194, 197-199, 203-207, 2ig-22I
Richardson, Otis, 187
Richardson, W. A., igg'
Roberts, Levi, 38
Robinson, Governor, 203, 204
Rock, J. M., g5'
Rodney vs. Illinois Central Railway,
120
Ross, Wilson, 261, 262

St. Clair, A., 160
St. Clair, Governor, 6
St. Genevieve, 4
St. Louis Exchange and Land Ofiice,
13
St. Louis "Observer," The, 69-72, 74-77
St. Philip, .:
Salt Mines, 15
Sarah vs. Borders, 106, 108
Scammon, J. Young, 171', 174
Scates, Justice, 108
Schurz, Carl, 219
Selby, Paul, 197

276

INDEX

Settlers of Illinois, 16, 17
Shaw, John, 32-34, 36-39- 263, 264
Shawneetown "Gazette," 42=", 45'; see
Proslavery Papers
Shields, Judge, 113, 117
Shields, Senator, 194, 196
Sherman, F. C, 172*, 197
Sidway, Levi, 231*,
Simms, James, 41^, 265
Skinner, Judge, 109=, 120*, igg, 237,
237*
Slave Trade i; see Negroes
Smith, Abram, 157
Smith, Gerrit, 143, I43", 182
Smith, Henry, 148
Smith, T. W., 42. 104, 121
Snow, Henry W., 162
Snyder, Geo., ig7
"Sparta Freeman," 184, 184^; j^^ Anti-
slavery Papers
"Star of the West," 31', 42^; see also
Proslavery Papers
Statutes concerning Negroes, see Ne
groes
Stephenson, Benj., n^
Stillman, S., 41', 265
Stillwell, Judge, 231^
Street, General Joseph M., 28
Sumner, Senator, 206
Swan, Huriburt, 161

Tanner, Henry, g2, 92^
Taswell County Antislavery Society,
139; see Antislavery Societies
Taylor, Z., 173
Tenney, J. A., 134
Thomas, J. B., 20, 107, 108, 121, 121^
Thornton's Case, 109'', 119
Treat, Judge S. H., log, 112, 118, 174''
Troy Grove Antislavery Society, 140;
see Antislavery Societies
Trumbull, Lyman, 108, 122, 123, 174^,
192-196, 196^, 202, 204, 219, 224
Twist, Mose, 55^, 58, $9
u
Underground Railway, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62
Usrey, W. J., 197

V
Van Buren, Martin, i66, 169, 171,
173
Van Dorn, Mr., 61
Vaughan, E. J., 261
Vaughan, Joseph, 259
"Vermont Free Press," 134
Vivier, M., 2 w
Waite, C. B., 158
Walker, John, 59^
Warren County Antislavery Society,
129^; see Antislavery Societies
Warren, Hooper, 29-31, 29^", 42, 43^,
47, 63^ 133, 187
Washburne, E. B., 191, 192
Washington, Lewis, 160
Wentworth, John, 172, 172*, 199, 201,
205
West, Benjamin, 42
West, E. J., 40*
West, Hezekiah, 20
West, H. W., 92»
"Western Citizen," The, 149, 158, 160,
169, 169*, 175, 184, 186
"Western Pioneer,' The 78^
White, D. v., 2318
Whitehead, Mr., 123
Whitney, James, 33
Widen, R., 48^ 264
Wilkenson, Ira O,, 198
Will County Antislavery Society, 125*1
142; see Antislavery Societies
Will Records, 13, 133, 13*, 52^, 52®,
53^
Willard vs. the People, 114. 116
Willard, Dr. Samuel, 87*, 245
Williams, Archibald, 192
Wilmot Proviso, 164, 177
Wilson, Judge, 112, 118
Wisconsin Territory Antislavery So
ciety, 152; see Antislavery Societies
Woodward, J. H., 191
Wright, Mr., 193

Yates, Richard, 192, 205, 219, 224

YALE UNIVERSITY

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