YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE RISE

OF THE

DUTCH REPUBLIC

21 $t0tor£

BY
JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY, D.C.L., LL.D
CORRESPONDINO MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, ETC.

IN THREE VOLUMES
Vol. III.

NEW YORK
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS
FRANKLIN SQUARE

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred
and fifty-five, by
John Lothrop Motlet,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

Copyright, 1883, by Elizabeth Cabot Vernon Harcourt, Mart Lothrop
Sheridan, Susan Margaret Stackpole Motlet.

THE

EISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC.

CHAPTEE III.

Latter days of the Blood Council — Informal and insincere negotiations for peace
— Characteristics of the negotiators and of their diplomatic correspondence
— Dr. Junius — Secret conferences between Dr. Leoninus and Orange —
Steadfastness of the Prince — Changes in the internal government of the
northern provinces — Generosity and increasing power of the municipali
ties — Incipient jealousy in regard to Orange rebuked — His offer of resig
nation refused by the Estates — His elevation to almost unlimited power
— Renewed mediation of Maximilian — Views and positions of the par
ties — Advice of Orange — Opening of negotiations at Breda — Propositions
and counter-propositions — Adroitness of the plenipotentiaries on both
sides — Insincere diplomacy and unsatisfactory results — Union of Holland
and Zealand under the Prince of Orange — Act defining his powers —
Charlotte de Bourbon — Character, fortunes, and fate of Anna of Saxony —
Marriage of Orange with Mademoiselle de Bourbon — Indignation thereby
excited — Horrible tortures inflicted upon Papists by Sonoy in North Hol
land — Oudewater and Schoonoven taken by Hierges — The isles of Zealand
— A submarine expedition projected — Details of the adventure — Its entire
success — Death of Chiappin Titelli — Deliberations in Holland and Zealand
concerning the renunciation of Philip's authority — Declaration at Delft —
Doubts as to which of the Great Powers the sovereignty should be offered
— Secret international relations — Mission to England — Unsatisfactory nego
tiations with Elizabeth — Position of the Grand Commander — Siege of Zie-
rickzee — Generosity of Count John — Desperate project of the Prince — Death
and character of Requesens.
The Council of Troubles, or, as it will he for ever denomi
nated in history, the Council of Blood, still existed, although
the Grand Commander, upon his arrival in the Netherlands,
vol. ni. 1

2 THE KISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1574,
had advised his sovereign to consent to the immediate aboh
tion of so odious an institution.* Phihp accepting the advice
of his governor and his cabinet, had accordingly authorized
him by a letter of the 10th of March, 1574, to take that step
if he continued to beheve it advisable.f
Requesens had made use of this permission to extort money
from the obedient portion of the provinces. An assembly of
deputies was held at Brussels on the 7th of June, 1574, and
there was a tedious interchange of protocols, reports, and re
monstrances. + The estates, not satisfied with the extinction
of a tribunal which had at last worn itself out by its own
violence, and had become inactive through lack of victims,
insisted on greater concessions. They demanded the departure
of the Spanish troops, the establishment of ' a council of
Netherlanders in Spain for Netherland affairs, the restoration
to offices in the provinces, of natives and natives only ;§ for
these drawers of documents thought it possible, at that epoch,
to recover by pedantry what their brethren of HoUand and
Zealand were maintaining with the sword. It was not the
moment for historical disquisition, citations from Solomon, nor
chopping of logic ; yet with such lucubrations were reams of
paper filled, and days and weeks occupied. || The result was
what might have been expected. The Grand Commander.
obtained but little money ; the estates obtained none of their
demands ; and the Blood Council remained, as it were, sus
pended in mid-air. It continued to transact business at in
tervals during the administration of Requesens,^" and at last,
after nine years of existence, was destroyed by the violent
imprisonment of the Council of State at Brussels. This event,
however, belongs to a subsequent page of this history.
Noircarrnes had argued, from the tenor of Saint Aldegonde's
letters, that the Prince would be ready to accept his pardon

* Lettre de Requesens a Philippe II., Dec. 30, 1613, apud Gachard, Notice,
etc., 24.
f Gachard, Notice, etc., 24, 26. \ Bor, viii. 517-523, seq.
§ Ibid. J Vide Bor, vii. 517-523, seq.
% Gachard, Notice, etc., 21, 28, and note, p. 21.

1574.] NEGOTIATIONS. 3
upon almost any terms.* Noircarmes was now dead,f but
Saint Aldegonde still remained in prison, very anxious for
his release, and as well disposed as ever to render services in
any secret negotiation. It will be recoUected that, at the
capitulation of Middelburg, it had been distinctly stipulated
by the Prince that Colonel Mondragon should at once effect
the liberation of Saint Aldegonde, with certain other pri
soners, or himself return into confinement. He had done
neither the one nor the other. The patriots still languished
in prison, some of them being subjected to exceedingly harsh
treatment, but Mondragon, although repeatedly summoned
as an officer and a gentleman, by the Prince, to return to
captivity, had been forbidden by the Grand Commander to
redeem his pledge.J
Saint Aldegonde was now released from prison upon parole,
and despatched on a secret mission to the Prince and estates.§
As before, he was instructed that two points were to be left un
touched — -the authority of the King and the question of reli
gion. || Nothing could be more preposterous than to commence
a negotiation from which the two important points were thus
carefuUy eliminated. The King's authority and the question
of rehgion covered the whole ground upon which the Spaniards
and the HoUanders had been battling for six years, and were
destined to battle for three-quarters of a century longer. Yet,
although other affairs might be discussed, those two points
were to be reserved for the more conclusive arbitration of gun
powder. The result of negotiations upon such a basis was
easily to be foreseen. Breath, time, and paper were pro
fusely wasted and nothing gained. The Prince assured his
friend, as he had done secret agents previously sent to him,

* Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 369-373.
f He died March 4th, 1574, at Utrecht, of poison, according to suspicion. —
Bor, vii. 492.
% Vide Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit, iii. DXLnr. dxlit.
dlxv. — Compare Groen van Prinst., Archives, etc., v. 71, 72.
§ Bor, vii. 634. Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 400,
seq. [ Ibid. Ibid.

4 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1574.
that he was himself ready to leave the land, if by so doing
he could confer upon it the blessing of peace ;* but that all
hopes of reaching a reasonable conclusion from the premises
established was futile. The envoy treated also with the estates,
and received from them in return an elaborate report, which
was addressed immediately to the King.f The style of this
paper was bold and blunt, its substance bitter and indigestible.
It informed Philip what he had heard often enough before,
that the Spaniards must go and the exiles come back, the in
quisition be abolished and the ancient privileges restored, the
Roman Catholic religion renounce its supremacy, and the Re
formed religion receive permission to exist unmolested, before
he could call himself master of that little hook of sand in the
North Sea. With this paper, which was entrusted to Saint
Aldegonde, by him to be delivered to the Grand Commander,
who was, after reading it, to forward it to its destination, the
negotiator returned to his prison.^ Thence he did not emerge
again tiU the course of events released him, upon the 15th of
October, 1574.§
This report was far from agreeable to the Governor, and
it became the object of a fresh correspondence between his
confidential agent, Champagny, and the learned and astute
Junius de Jonge, representative of the Prince of Orange and
Governor of Veere,|| The communication of De Jonge con
sisted of a brief note and a long discourse. The note was
sharp and stinging, the discourse elaborate and somewhat
pedantic. Unnecessarily historical and unmercifully extended,
it was yet bold, bitter, and eloquent. The presence of
foreigners was proved to have been, from the beginning of
Philip's reign, the curse of the country. Doctor Sonnius, with
* "Quant a luy il e'toit content, si ceulx la le treuvoient bon de se retirer du
pays, afin que tant mieulx ilz puissent parvenir a ce que dessus," etc.— Gachard,
Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 400.
f Bor, vii. 635.
% See the " Vertooning" in Bor, vii. 535, seq.
§ Gachard, Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 101. Bor, vii.
J See the Correspondence in Bor, vii. 535, 536.

1574.] SECRET CONFERENCES. 5
his batch of bishops, had sowed the seed of the first disorder.
A prince, ruling in the Netherlands, had no right to turn a
deaf ear to the petitions of his subjects. If he did eo, the
Hollanders would tell him, as the old woman had told the
Emperor Adrian, that the potentate who had no time to attend
to the interests of his subjects, had not leisure enough to
be a sovereign. WhUe HoUand refused to bow its neck to
the Inquisition, the King of Spain dreaded the thunder and
Ughtning of the Pope. The Hollanders would, with pleasure,
emancipate Philip from his own thraldom, but it was absurd
that he, who was himself a slave to another potentate, should
affect unlimited control over a free people. It was PhUip's
councillors, not the Hollanders, who were his real enemies ;
for it was they who held him in the- subjection by which his
power was neutralized and his crown degraded.*
It may be supposed that many long pages, conceived in this
spirit and expressed with great vigor, would hardly smooth
the way for the more official negotiations which were soon to
take place, yet Doctor Junius fairly and faithfully represented
the sentiment of his nation.
' Towards the close of the year, Doctor Elbertus Leoninus,
professor of Louvain, together with Hugo Bonte, ex-pensionary
of Middelburg, was commissioned by the Grand Commander
to treat secretly with the Prince.f He was, however, not
found very tractable when the commissioners opened the sub
ject of his own pardon and reconciliation with the King,
and he absolutely refused to treat at aU except with the co
operation of the estates.^ He, moreover, objected to the use
of the word " pardon " on the ground that he had never done
anything requiring his Majesty's forgiveness. If adversity
should visit him, he cared but httle for it ; he had lived long
enough, he said, and should die with some glory, regretting
* See the discourse of Junius in Bor, vii. 536-544.
f The letters and documents concerning this secret negotiation are published
in Gachard, Guillaume le Tacit, iii. 403 — 430. See also Bor, vii. 585.
X See the account by Bonte, in Gachard. Correspondance de Guillaume le
Tacit, iii. 378, 379.

6 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1574
the disorders and oppressions which had taken place, but con
scious that it had not been in his power to remedy them.
When reminded by the commissioners of the King's power,
he replied that he knew his Majesty to be very mighty, but
that there was a King more powerful stdl — even God the
Creator, who, as he humbly hoped, was upon his side.*
At a subsequent interview with Hugo Bonte, the Prince
declared it almost impossible for himself or the estates to hold
any formal communication with the Spanish government,
as such communications were not safe. No trust could be re
posed either in safe conducts or hostages. Faith had been too
often broken by the administration. The promise made by
the Duchess of Parma to the nobles, and afterwards violated,
the recent treachery of** Mondragon, the return of three ex
changed prisoners from the Hague, who died next day of
poison administered before their release, the frequent attempts
upon his own Ufe — all such constantly recurring crimes made
it doubtful, in the opinion of the Prince, whether it would be
possible to find commissioners to treat with his Majesty's
government. All would fear assassination, afterwards to be
disavowed by the King and pardoned by the Pope.f After
much conversation in this vein, the Prince gave the Spanish
agents warning that he might eventuaUy be obliged to seek
the protection of some foreign power for the provinces. In
this connection he made use of the memorable metaphor, so
often repeated afterwards, that "the country was a beautiful
damsel, who certainly did not lack suitors able and willing to
accept her and defend her against the world."£ As to the
matter of religion, he said he was willing to leave it to be
settled by the estates-general ; but doubted whether anything
short of entire liberty of worship would ever satisfy the
people.§ Subsequently there were held other conferences, between the
* See the account by Bonte, in Gachard.— Correspondance de Guillaume le
Tacit, iii. 378, 379, 380. f jbid., 383
X Ibid., 387. — Compare Bor, viii. 613.
§ Correspondance de Guillaume lo Tacit, iii. 387.— Compare Bor, viii. 61&

1574.] INTERNAL POLITICS. 7
Prince and Doctor Leoninus, with a similar result, all at
tempts proving fruitless to induce him to abandon his position
upon the subject of religion, or to accept a pardon on any terms
save the departure of the foreign troops, the assembling of
the estates-general, and entire freedom of rehgion. Even if
he were willing to concede the religious question himself, he
observed that it was idle to hope either from the estates or
people a hand's-breadth of concession upon that point.
Leoninus was subsequently admitted to a secret conference
with the estates of Holland, where his representations were
firmly met by the same arguments as those already used by
the Prince.*
These proceedings on the part of Saint Aldegonde, Cham-
pagny, Junius, and Elbertus Leoninus extended through the
whole summer and autumn of 1574, and were not terminated
until January of the following year.
Changes fast becoming necessary in the internal government
of the provinces, were also undertaken during this year.
Hitherto the Prince had exercised his power under the con
venient fiction of the King's authority, systematically con
ducting the rebeUion in the name of his Majesty, and as
his Majesty's stadholder. By this process an immense power
was lodged in his hands ; nothing less, indeed, than the
supreme executive and legislative functions of the land ; while
since the revolt had become, as it were, perpetual, ample but
* Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit, iii. 403-430. Bor, vii.
565, seq. — Compare Hoofd, ix. 400, 401 ; Wagenaer, d. vii. 25-27. See also
a very ample memoir of the distinguished scholar and diplomatist, Albert de
Leeuw (or Elbertus Leoninus), by J. P. Van Cappelle. Bijdragen tot de Ges.
d. Nederl., 1-204. He.began his active life as law professor at Louvain, in which
city he married Barbara de Haze, with whom he lived more than fifty-two
years. The lady, however, seems not to have pined away after the termination
of this wedlock of more than half a century; for she survived her husband
thirty-six years. The biographer shrewdly suspects, therefore, that she must
have been a "very young miss when she was married.''' " Dit meisje moet nog
seer jong zijn geweest, toen Leoninus zich met haar in het huwelijk begaf." —
V. d. Cappelle, 93, note 8. He was born at Bommel, in 1519 or 1520, and
died in 1598, full of years and honours. His public services, on various im
portant occasions, will be often alluded to in subsequent pages.

8 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1574
anomalous functions had been additionaUy thrust upon him
by the estates and by the general voice of the people.
The two provinces, even while deprived of Harlem and
Amsterdam, now raised two hundred and ten thousand florins
monthly,* whereas Alva had never been able to extract from
Holland more than two hundred and seventy-one thousand flo
rins yearly. They paid aU rather than pay a tenth. In conse
quence of this liberality, the cities insensibly acquired a greater
influence in the government. The coming contest between
the centrifugal aristocratic principle, represented by these cor
porations, and the central popular authority of the stad-
holder, was aheady foreshadowed, but at first the estates were
in perfect harmony with the Prince. They even urged upon
him more power than he desired, and declined functions which
he wished them to exercise. On the 7th of September, 1573,
it had been formally proposed by the general council to confer
a regular and unhmited dictatorship upon him,y but in the
course of a year from that time, the cities had begun to feel
their increasing importance.^ Moreover, whUe growing more
ambitious, they became less hberal.
The Prince, dissatisfied with the conduct of the cities,
brought the whole subject before an assembly of the estates of
HoUand on the 20th October, 1574. He stated the incon
veniences produced by the anomalous condition of the govern
ment. He complained that the common people had often
faUen into the error that the money raised for pubhc purposes
had been levied for his benefit only, and that they had, there
fore, been less wiUing to contribute to the taxes. As the only
remedy for these evils, he tendered his resignation of all the
powers with which he was clothed, so that the estates might
then take the government, which they could exercise without
conflict or control. For himself, he had never desired power,
except as a means of being useful to his country, and he did not

* Resol. Holl., Mar. 15 und 17, 1576, bl. 16, 19,
f Kluit, Hist. Holl. Staatsreg., dl. i. 86.
X Kluit, i. 78, et seq. Wagenaer, vii. 6, 6.

1574.] discussions. 9
offer his resignation from unwillingness to stand by the cause,
but from a hearty desire to save it from disputes among its
friends. He was ready, now as ever, to shed the last drop
of his blood to maintain the freedom of the land.*
This straightforward language produced an instantaneous
effect. The estates knew that they were dealing with a
man whose Ufe was governed by lofty principles, and they felt
that they were in danger of losing him through their own
selfishness and low ambition. They were embarrassed, for
they did not like to relinquish the authority which they had
begun to relish, nor to accept the resignation of a man who
was indispensable. They felt that to give up WiUiam of
Orange at that time was to accept the Spanish yoke for ever.
At an assembly held at Delft on the 12th of November, 1574,
they accordingly requested him " to continue in his blessed
government, with the council estabhshed near him,"f and
for this end, they formally offered to him, " under the name
of Governor or Regent," absolute power, authority, and sove
reign command. In particular, they conferred on him the
entire control of aU the ships of war, hitherto reserved to the
different cities, together with the right to dispose of all prizes
and all monies raised for the support of fleets. They gave him
also unlimited power over the domains ; they agreed that all
magistracies, miUtia bands, guilds, and communities, should
make solemn oath to contribute taxes and to receive garrisons,
exactly as the Prince, with his councU, should ordain ; but they
made it a condition that the estates should be convened and
consulted upon requests, impositions, and upon aU changes in
the governing body. It was also stipulated that the judges
of the supreme court and of the exchequer, with other high
officers, should be appointed by and with tne consent of the
estates.;};

* Resol. Holl., Oct. 20, Nov. 1, bl. 148-176. Kluit, d. i. 96, 97. Wagenaer,
vii. 10, 11.
f Resol. HolL, Nov., 1574, bl. 178. "Wagenaer, vii. 11, 12, 13. Kluit, 97,
98, d. i.
X Resol. Holl. Kluit, Wagenaer, ubi sup. Groen v. Prinst., Archives, eta,
V 90-94.

10 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1574
The Prince expressed himself wiUing to accept the govern
ment upon these terms. He, however, demanded an allow
ance of forty-five thousand florins monthly for the army
expenses and other current outlays.* Here, however, the
estates refused their consent. In a mercantile spirit, unworthy
the occasion and the man with whom they were dealing, they
endeavoured to chaffer where they should have been only too
willing to comply, and they attempted to reduce the reason
able demand of the Prince to thirty thousand florins.f The
Prince, who had poured out his own wealth so lavishly in
the cause — who, together with his brothers, particularly
the generous John of Nassau, had contributed all which
they could raise by mortgage, sales of jewellery and furniture,
and by extensive loans, subjecting themselves to constant em
barrassment, and almost to penury, felt himself outraged by
the paltriness of this conduct. He expressed his indignation,
and denounced the niggardliness of the estates in the strongest
language, and declared that he would rather leave the country
for ever, with the maintenance of his own honor, than accept
the government upon such disgraceful terms.J The estates,
disturbed by his vehemence, and struck with its justice,
instantly, and without further deliberation, consented to his
demand. They granted the forty-five thousand florins
monthly, and the Prince assumed the government, thus re
modelled^ During the autumn and early winter of the year 1574,
the Emperor Maximilian had been actively exerting himself
to bring about a pacification of the Netherlands. He was
certainly sincere, for an exceUent reason. "The Emperor

* Resol. Holl., Nov. 13 und 25, 1574, bl. 196, 207, 208. Kluit, i. 101, 102.
f Resol. Holl., Nov. 25, 1574, bl. 207, 208.
X Resol. Holl., Nov. 25, 1574, bl. 208.
§ They made the offer of thirty thousand in the morning, and granted the
whole demand in the afternoon of the 25th Nov. — Resol. Holl., Nov. 25, 1574
bl. 196-208. Kluit, Holl. Staatsreg., i. 102. Wagenaer, vii. 13, 14. Groen v
Prinst, Archives, etc., v. 90-94.

1574.] MEDIATION. 11
maintains," said Saint Goard, French ambassador at Madrid,
" that if peace is not made with the Beggars, the Empire
wUl depart from the house of Austria, and that such is the
determination of the electors."* On the other hand, if Philip
were not weary of the war, at any rate his means for carrying
it on were diminishing daily. Requesens could raise no money
in the Netherlands ;f his secretary wrote to Spain, that the
exchequer was at its last gasp, and the cabinet of Madrid was
at its wits' end, and almost incapable of raising ways and
means. The peace party was obtaining the upper hand ; the
fierce policy of Alva regarded with increasing disfavor. " The
people here," wrote Saint Goard from Madrid, "are com-
pletely desperate, whatever pains they take to put a good face
on the matter. They desire most earnestly to treat, without
losing their character." It seemed, nevertheless, impossible
for PhiUp to bend his neck. The hope of wearing the
Imperial crown had alone made his bigotry feasible. To less
potent influences it was adamant ; and even now, with an
impoverished exchequer, and, after seven years of unsuccessful
warfare, his purpose was not less rigid than at first. " The
HoUanders demand liberty of conscience," said Saint Goard,
"to which the King wiU never consent, or I am much
mistaken."* As for Orange, he was sincerely in favor of peace — but
not a dishonorable peace, in which should be renounced all
the objects of the war. He was far from sanguine on the
subject, for he read the signs of the times and the character of
Philip too accurately to believe much more in the success of
the present than in that of the past efforts of Maximilian.
He was pleased that his brother-in-law, Count Schwartzburg,
had been selected as the Emperor's agent in the affair, but
expressed his doubts whether much good would come of the
proposed negotiations. Remembering the many traps which

* Archives et Correspondance, v. 81.
¦)•- Ibid., v. 28-32. X Ibid, v. 83.

12 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1574.
in times past had been set by Phdip and his father, he feared
that the present transaction might Ukewise prove a snare.
"We have not forgotten the words 'ewig' and 'einig' in
the treaty with Landgrave Phdip," he wrote ; " at the same
time we beg to assure his Imperial Majesty that we desire
nothing more than a good peace, tending to the glory of God,
the service of the King of Spain, and the prosperity of his
subjects."* This was his language to his brother, in a letter which was
meant to be shown to the Emperor. In another, written on
the same day, he explained himself with more clearness, and
stated his distrust with more energy. There were no papists
left, except a few ecclesiastics, he said, so much had the
number of the Reformers been augmented, through the sin
gular grace of God. It was out of the question to suppose,
therefore, that a measure, dooming all who were not Catholics
to exile, could be entertained. None would change their
religion, and none would consent, voluntarUy, to abandon for
ever their homes, friends, and property. " Such a peace," he
said, " would be poor and pitiable indeed."f
These, then, were the sentiments of the party now about
to negotiate. The mediator was anxious for a settlement,
because the interests of the Imperial house required it. The
King of Spain was desirous of peace, but was unwilling to
concede a hair. The Prince of Orange was equaUy anxious to
terminate the war, but was determined not to abandon the
objects for which it had been undertaken. A favorable result,
therefore, seemed hardly possible. A whole people claimed
the hberty to stay at home and practice the Protestant
rehgion, while their King asserted the right to banish them
for ever, or to burn them if they remained. The parties
seemed too far apart to be brought together by the most
elastic compromise. The Prince addressed an earnest appeal

* Archives et Correspondance, v. 61-65. j Ibid., v. 73, 74.

1575.] ASSEMBLY AT DORT. 13
to the assembly of Holland, then in session at Dort, remind
ing them that, although peace was desirable, it might be more
dangerous than war, and entreating them, therefore, to con
clude no treaty which should be inconsistent with the privi
leges of the country and their duty to God.*
It was now resolved that aU the votes of the assembly should
consist of five : one for the nobles and large cities of Holland,
one for the estates of Zealand, one for the smaU cities of Hol
land, one for the cities Bommel and Buren, and the fifth for
WUham of Orangey The Prince thus effectually held in his
hands three votes : his own, that of the small cities, which
through his means only had been admitted to the assembly,
and thirdly, that of Buren, the capital of his son's earldom.
He thus exercised a controlling influence over the coming de
liberations. The ten commissioners, who were appointed by
the estates for the peace negotiations, were all his friends.
Among them were Saint Aldegonde, Paul Buis, Charles Boisot,
and Doctor Junius. The plenipotentiaries of the Spanish gov
ernment were Leoninus, the Seigneur de Rassinghem, Corne
lius Suis, and Arnold Sasbout.J
The proceedings were opened at Breda upon the 3rd of March,
1575.§ The royal commissioners took the initiative, requesting
to be informed what complaints the estates had to make, and
offering to remove, if possible, all grievances which they might
be suffering. The states' commissioners replied that they desired
nothing, in the first place, but an answer to the petition which
they had aheady presented to the King. This was the paper
placed in the hands of Saint Aldegonde during the informal
negotiations of the preceding year. An answer was accord
ingly given, but couched in such vague and general language
as to be quite without meaning. The estates then demanded
a categorical reply to the two principal demands in the peti-

* Bor, viii. 595, 596. Resol Holl., Feb. 6, 1575.
f Resol. Holl., Feb. 5, 6, 7, 1575, bl. 47, 51, 52. Wagenaer, vii 29.
X ResoL HoD., Feb. 12, 1575, bl. 49-59. § Bor, viii. 597.

14 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
tion, namely, the departure of the foreign troops and the as
sembhng of the states-general. They were asked what they
understood by foreigners and by the assembly of states-general.
They rephed that by foreigners they meant those who were
not natives, and particularly the Spaniards. By the estates-
general they meant the same body before which, in 1555,
Charles had resigned his sovereignty to Phihp. The royal
commissioners made an extremely unsatisfactory answer, con
cluding with a request that aU cities, fortresses, and castles,
then in the power of the estates, together with aU their artil
lery and vessels of war, should be delivered to the King. The
Roman Cathohc worship, it was also distinctly stated, was to
be re-estabhshed at once exclusively throughout the Nether
lands ; those of the Reformed religion receiving permission,/or
that time only, to convert their property into cash within a
certain time, and to depart the country.*
Orange and the estates made answer on the 21st March. It
could not be caUed hard, they said, to require the withdrawal
of the Spanish troops, for this had been granted in 1559, for
less imperious reasons. The estates had, indeed, themselves
made use of foreigners, but those foreigners had never been
allowed to participate in the government. With regard to
the assembly of the states-general, that body had always
enjoyed the right of advising with the Sovereign on the condi
tion of the country, and on general measures of government.
Now it was only thought necessary to summon them, in order
that they might give their consent to the King's " requests."
Touching the delivery of cities and citadels, artiUery and
ships, the proposition was pronounced to resemble that made
by the wolves to the sheep, in the fable — that the dogs should
be delivered up, as a preliminary to a lasting peace. It was
unreasonable to request the HoUanders to abandon their
rehgion or their country. The reproach of heresy was unjust,

* Resol. Holl., Maart 7, 1575, bl. 121, 122, 123, 125. Maart 17, 1575, bl 158,
ot seq. Bor, viii. 597, sqq. Wagenaer, vii. 31.

1575.] BREDA CONFERENCES. 15
for they still held to the Catholic Apostolic Church, wishing
only to purify it of its abuses. Moreover, it was certainly more
cruel to expel a whole population than to dismiss three or four
thousand Spaniards who for seven long years had been eating
their fiU at the expense of the provinces. It would be impos
sible for the exiles to dispose of their property, for aU would,
by the proposed measure, be seUers, while there would be no
purchasers.* The royal plenipotentiaries, making answer to this commu
nication upon the 1st of April, signified a willingness that the
Spanish soldiers should depart, if the states would consent to
disband their own foreign troops. They were likewise in
favor of assembling the states-general, but could not permit
any change in the religion of the country. His Majesty had
sworn to maintain the true worship at the moment of assum
ing the sovereignty. The dissenters might, however, be
aUowed a period of six months in which to leave the land, and
eight or ten years for the sale of their property. After the
heretics had all departed, his Majesty did not doubt that trade
and manufactures would flourish again, along with the old
rehgion. As for the Spanish inquisition, there was not, and
there never had been, any intention of establishing it in the
Netherlands.f No doubt there was something specious in this paper. It
appeared to contain considerable concessions. The Prince and
estates had claimed the departure of the Spaniards. It was
now promised that they should depart. They had demanded
the assembhng of the states-general. It was now promised
that they should assemble. They had denounced the inquisi
tion. It was now averred that the Spanish inquisition was not
to be established.
Nevertheless, the commissioners of the Prince were not

* Resol. Holl., Maart 21, 1575, bl. 166. Bor, viii. 599. Wagenau, vii
34-39. + Resol. Holl., Apl. 1575, bl. 202. Bor, viii. 602.

16 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
deceived by such artifices. There was no parity between the
cases of the Spanish soldiery and of the troops in service of
the estates. To assemble the estates-general was idle, if they
were to be forbidden the settlement of the great question at
issue. With regard to the Spanish inquisition, it mattered
httle whether the slaughter-house were caUed Spanish or
Flemish, or . simply the Blood-CouncU. It was, however,
necessary for the states' commissioners to consider their reply
very carefully ; for the royal plenipotentiaries had placed them
selves upon specious grounds. It was not enough to feel that
the King's government was paltering with them ; it was like
wise necessary for the states' agents to impress this fact upon
the people.
There was a pause in the dehberations. Meantime, Count
Schwartzburg, reluctantly accepting the conviction that the
religious question was an insurmountable obstacle to a peace,
left the provinces for Germany.* The last propositions of the
government plenipotentiaries had been discussed in the coun-
cUs of the various cities, f so that the reply of the Prince, and
estates was delayed until the 1st of June. They admitted, in
this communication, that the offer to restore ancient privileges
had an agreeable sound ; but regretted that if the whole popu
lation were to be banished, there would be but few to derive
advantage from the restoration. If the King would put an
end to rehgious persecution, he would find as much loyalty in
the provinces as his forefathers had found. It was out of the
question, they said, for the states to disarm and to deliver up
their strong places, before the Spanish soldiery had retired,
and before peace had been established. It was their wish to
leave the question of religion, together with aU other disputed
matters, to the decision of the assembly. Were it possible, in
the meantime, to devise any effectual method for restraining
hostilities, it would gladly be embraced.^

* Bor, viii. 604, 506. f Wagenaer, vii. 43.
X Resol. Holl., Apl. 19, 1575, bl. 240 ; May 20, 23, 1575 ; Jun. 5. 1575, bL 240,
305, 314, 316, 355. Bor, viii. 605-608.

1575.] END OF NEGOTIATIONS. 17
On the 8th of July, the royal commissioners inquired what
guarantee the states would be wilhng to give, that the decision
of the general assembly, whatever it might be, should be
obeyed. The demand was answered by another, in which the
King's agents were questioned as to their own guarantees.
Hereupon it was stated that his Majesty would give his word
and sign manual, together with the word and signature of the
Emperor into the bargain. In exchange for these promises,
the Prince and estates were expected to give their own oaths
and seals, together with a number of hostages. Over and
above this, they were requested to dehver up the cities of BriU
and Enkhuizen, Flushing and Arnemuyde.* The disparity of
such guarantees was ridiculous. The royal word, even when
strengthened by the imperial promise, and confirmed by the
autographs of Philip and Maximilian, was not so solid a
security, in the opinion of Netherlanders, as to outweigh
four cities in HoUand and Zealand, with all their population
and wealth. To give collateral pledges and hostages upon one
side, while the King offered none, was to assign a superiority
to the royal word, over that of the Prince and the estates which
there was no disposition to recognize. Moreover, it was very
cogently urged that to give up the cities was to give as security
for the contract, some of the principal contracting parties.^
This closed the negotiations. The provincial plenipoten
tiaries took their leave by a paper dated 13th July, 1575,
which recapitulated the main incidents of the conference.
They expressed their deep regret that his Majesty should
insist so firmly on the banishment of the Reformers, for it was
unjust to reserve the provinces to the sole use of a smaU number
of Cathohcs. They lamented that the proposition which had
been made, to refer the religious question to the estates, had
neither been loyally accepted, nor candidly refused. They
inferred, therefore, that the object of the royal government

* ResoL Holl., July 8, 1575, bL 47.
f Resol. HolL, July 8, 16, 1575, bL 478, 506. Wagenaer, vii. 49.
VOL. in. 2

18 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
had been to amuse the states, while time was thus gained for
reducing the country into a slavery more abject than any
which had yet existed.* On the other hand, the royal com
missioners as solemnly averred that the whole responsibUity
for the failure of the negotiations belonged to the estates.f
It was the general opinion in the insurgent provinces that
the government had been insincere from the beginning, and
had neither expected nor desired to conclude a peace. It is
probable, however, that Philip was sincere ; so far as it could
be called sincerity to be willing to conclude a peace, if the
provinces would abandon the main objects of the war.J With
his impoverished exchequer, and ruin threatening his whole
empire, if this mortal combat should be continued many years
longer, he could have no motive for further bloodshed, pro
vided aU heretics should consent to abandon the country. As
usual, however, he left his agents in the dark as to his real
intentions. Even Requesens was as much in doubt as to the
King's secret purposes as Margaret of Parma had ever been
in former times.§ Moreover, the Grand Commander and the

* Resol. Holl. July 16, bl. 506. Wagenaer, vii. 49, 50. Bor, viii. 610.
f Resol. Holl. July 16, 1575, bl. 512. Bor, viii. 612.
X See Kluit, Hist, der Holl. Staatsreg., i. 90, 91, note 34. — Compare the
remarks of Groen v. Pnnst, Archives, etc., v. 259-262; Bor, viii. 606, 615;
Meteren, v. 100 ; Hoofd, x. 410. — Count John of Nassau was distrustful and
disdainful from the beginning. Against his brother's loyalty and the straight
forward intentions of the estates, he felt that the whole force of the Macchiavelli
system of policy would be brought to bear with great effect. He felt that the
object of the King's party was to temporize, to confuse, and to deceive. He
did not believe them capable of conceding the real object in dispute, but he
feared lest they might obscure the judgment of the plain and well meaning
people with whom they had to deal. Alluding to the constant attempts made
to poison himself and his brother, he likens the pretended negotiations to
Venetian drugs, by which eyesight, hearing, feeling, and intellect were de
stroyed. Under this pernicious influence, the luckless people would not per
ceive the fire burning around them, but would shrink at a rustling leaf. Not
comprehending then the tendency of their own acte, they would " lay bare their
own backs to the rod, and bring faggots for their own funeral pile." — Archives,
etc., v. 131-137.
§ Vigl. ad Hopp., ep. 253.

1575.] UNION OF HOLLAND AND ZEALAND. 19
government had, after aU, made a great mistake in their diplo
macy. The estates of Brabant, although strongly desirous
that the Spanish troops should be withdrawn, were equaUy
stanch for the maintenance of the Catholic religion, and many
of the southern provinces entertained the same sentiments.
Had the Governor, therefore, taken the states' commissioners
at their word, and left the decision of the religious question to
the general assembly, he might perhaps have found the vote
in his favor.* In this case, it is certain that the Prince of
Orange and his party would have been placed in a very
awkward position.f
The internal government of the insurgent provinces had
remained upon the footing which we have seen estabhshed in
the autumn of 1574, but in the course of this summer (1575),
however, the foundation was laid for the union of HoUand and
Zealand, under the authority of Orange. The selfish principle
of municipal aristocracy, which had tended to keep asunder
these various groups of cities, was now repressed by the
energy of the Prince and the strong determination of the
people. In April, 1575, certain articles of union between Holland
and Zealand were proposed, and six commissioners appointed
to draw up an ordinance for the government of the two prov
inces. This ordinance was accepted in general assembly of
both.J It was in twenty articles. It declared that, during
the war, the Prince, as sovereign, should have absolute power
in aU matters concerning the defence of the country. He
was to appoint mihtary officers, high and low, establish and
remove garrisons, punish offenders against the laws of war.
He was to regulate the expenditure of all money voted by the

* See Wagenaer, vii. 52.
f Besides the Resolutions of the estates of Holland, already cited, see for
the history of these negotiations; Meteren, v. 96-100; Bor, viii. 595-615.
Groen v. Prinst, Archives, v. 69, et seq.; Hoofd, x. 400, 411. — Compare Ben
tivogho, ib. ix. 157-161 ; Mendoza, xiii. 269, 270.
X Resol. Holl., May 17, 18, 1575, bl. 291, 294. Wagenaer vii. 15-18.

20 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
estates. He was to maintain the law, in the King's name, as
Count of HoUand, and to appoint all judicial officers upon
nominations by the estates. He was, at the usual times, to
appoint and renew the magistracies of the cities, according to
their constitutions. He was to protect the exercise of the
Evangelical Reformed religion, and to suppress the exercise of
the Boman religion/'' without permitting, however, that search
should be made into the creed of any person. A deliberative
and executive councU, by which the jealousy of the corpora
tions had intended to hamper his government, did not come
into more than nominal existence.-)"
The articles of union having been agreed upon, the Prince,
desiring an unfettered expression of the national wiU, wished
the ordinance to be laid before the people in their primary
assemblies. The estates, however, were opposed to this
democratic proceeding. They represented that it had been
customary to consult, after the city magistracies, only the
captains of companies and the deans of guilds on matters of
government. The Prince, yielding the point, the captains of
companies and deans of guilds accordingly alone united with
the aristocratic boards in ratifying the instrument by which
his authority over the two united provinces was estabhshed.
On the 4th of June this first union was solemnized. £
Upon the 11th of July, the Prince formally accepted the
government^ He, however, made an essential change in a
very important clause of the ordinance. In place of the
words, the "Roman rehgion," he insisted that the words,
" religion at variance with the Gospel," should be substituted

* Ook de oefening der Evangelische Gereformeerde Religie handhaaven,
doende de oefeninge derRomische Religie ophouden."— Resol. Holl., ubi sup.
f Wagenaer, vii. 19, 22, 23, 25.— Compare Groen v. Prinst, Archives, v.
268-272.— See Resol. HoIL, June 10, 21, 23, 1575, bl. 381, 414, 420.
X Wagenaer, vii. 19. Resol. Holl., May 21, 1575, bl. 311, 313. June 4,
1575, bl. 359.— Compare Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., v. 271, 272.
§ ResoL Holl., July 12, 15, 18, 19, 20, 1575, bl. 487, 501, 514, 516, 520. Bor,
viii. 641-643. Hoofd, x. 420, 421.

1575.] CHARLOTTE OF BOURBON. 21
in the article by which he was enjoined to prohibit the exer
cise of such religion.* This alteration rebuked the bigotry
which had aheady grown out of the successful resistance to
bigotry, and left the door open for a general rehgious tole
ration. Early in this year the Prince had despatched Saint Alde
gonde on a private mission to the Elector Palatine. During
some of his visits to that potentate he had seen at Heidelberg
the Princess Charlotte of Bourbon. That lady was daughter
of the Duc de Montpensier, the most ardent of the Catholic
Princes of France, and the one who at the conferences of
Bayonne had been most indignant at the Queen Dowager's
hesitation to unite heartily with the schemes of Alva and
PhUip for the extermination of the Huguenots. His daughter,
a woman of beauty, inteUigence, and virtue, forced before the
canonical age to take the rehgious vows, had been placed in the
convent of Joiiarrs, of which she had become Abbess. Always
secretly inclined to the Reformed rehgion, she had fled secretly
from her cloister, in the year of horrors 1572, and had found
refuge at the court of the Elector Palatine, after which step
her father refused to receive her letters, to contribute a far
thing to her support, or even to acknowledge her claims upon
him by a single line or message of affection, t
Under these circumstances the outcast princess, who had
arrived at years of maturity, might be considered her own
mistress, and she was neither morally nor legaUy bound, when
her hand was sought in marriage by the great champion of
the Reformation, to ask the consent of a parent who loathed
her rehgion and denied her existence. The legality of the
divorce from Anne of Saxony had been settled by a fuU expres
sion of the ecclesiastical authority which- she most respected ;%

* Resol. Holl., July 22, 30, 1575, bL 528, 542. Wagenaer, vii. 22.— Compare
Groen v. Prinst, Archives, v. 272; Kluit, HolL Staatsreg., i. 116, 117, note 55.
\ Archives et Corresp., v. 113.
X Acte de cinq Ministres du St. Evangile par lequel ils declarent le mariage du
Prince d'Orange etre legitime." — Archives, etc., v. 216-226.

22 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
the facts upon which the divorce had been founded having
been proved beyond peradventure.
Nothing, in truth, could weU be more unfortunate in its
results than the famous Saxon marriage, the arrangements
for which had occasioned so much pondering to Philip,
and so much diplomatic correspondence on the part of high
personages iu Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain. Cer
tainly, it was of but little consequence to what church
the unhappy Princess belonged, and they must be shghtly
versed in history or in human nature who can imagine these
nuptials to have exercised any effect upon the rehgious or
political sentiments of Orange. The Princess was of a stormy,
iU-regulated nature ; almost a lunatic from the beginning.
The dislike which succeeded to her fantastic fondness for the
Prince, as weU as her general eccentricity, had soon become
the taUc of aU the court at Brussels. She would pass week
after week without emerging from her chamber, keeping the
shutters closed and candles burning, day and night.* She
quarreUed violently with Countess Egmont for precedence,
so that the ludicrous contentions of the two ladies in ante
chambers and doorways were the theme and the amusement
of society, f Her insolence, not only in private but in pubhc,
towards her husband became intolerable. " I could not do
otherwise than bear it with sadness and patience," said the
Prince, with great magnanimity, " hoping that with age would
come improvement." Nevertheless, upon one occasion, at a
supper party, she had used such language in the presence of
Count Horn and many other nobles, "that aU wondered
that he could endure the abusive terms which she appUed to
him."$ When the clouds gathered about him, when he had become
an exile and a wanderer, her reproaches and her violence in
creased. The sacrifice of their wealth, the mortgages and sales

* Groen v. Prinst, Archives, i. 386. f Papiers d'Etat, vii. 452.
X Letter to the Elector Augustus. — Groen v. Prinst, Archives, ii. 31, 32.

1575.] ANNE OF SAXONY. 23
which he effected of his estates, plate, jewels, and furniture, to
raise money for the struggling country, excited her bitter re
sentment. She separated herself from him by degrees, and at
last abandoned him altogether. Her temper became violent to
ferocity. She beat her servants with her hands and with
clubs ; she threatened the lives of herself, of her attendants,
of Count John of Nassau, with knives and daggers, and in
dulged in habitual profanity and blasphemy, uttering frightful
curses upon aU around. Her original tendency to intemper
ance had so much increased, that she was often unable to
stand on her feet. A bottle of wine, holding more than a
quart, in the morning, and another in the evening, together
with a pound of sugar, was her usual aUowance. She
addressed letters to Alva, complaining that her husband had
impoverished himself " in his good-for-nothing Beggar war,"
and begging the Duke to furnish her with a little ready money
and with the means of arriving at the possession of her dower.*

* " Derhalben auch die Princessin sich dermassen ertzurnedt, das sie ihr der
frawen man und die fraw midt einem scheidtholltz gleichfalls auch mit feusten
geschlagen und sehr ubel gescholten hab," etc. — Summarische Verreichmsz und
Protocolle der Abgesandten, 85-129. Act. der Fr. Princessin zu Uranien vorge-
fliche vorhandlung belangnt, A". 1572. — MS., Dresden Archives.
" Habe darnach des Abends, als sie gahr und also beweindt gewesen das sie
nicht stehen konnen, ein scbreibmesserlein m den rechten ermel zu sich gestegkt,
vorhabens Graf Johann wan er zu ihr kumen wehre, sollchs in den halsz zu
stossen  gleichfolls habe sie ein bnefstecher bekhumen und sollchen, alls sie
auch etwas zuviel getrunken, zu ihrem Haupt ins bedt gelegt, etc., etc.  Es
las ihr auch die Fr. Prinzessin offtmals eyer gahr hardt im salltz sieden, darauf.
tringkt sie dan edtwan zuvil und werde ungedultig, fluche alle bosze flueche, und
werfe die speisze und schussel und allem von tisch von sich," etc., etc. — MS,
Dresden Archives, diet act. >
"Und die Fr. Prinzessin, wie sie es genant, den iollen man, nemlich ein guedte
flasche weins morgens und abermals ein guedte flasche zu abendtszeidt mehr dan
ein masz haltend bekumen, welches ir sambt einem Pfundt Zugkers bei sich zu
nemen nicht zu vii sey," etc., etc. — Ibid.
"Der man sich verweigert hat einen brief so sie au den Duca de Alba
geschrieben gen Colin zu tragen und daselbst ferner zu uberschigken.  Der
Innhalt solches Briefs sei ungeverlieh gewesen, das sie sich beclagdt, wie man
sie alhie so gahr ubel tractir — das guedt, so ihr auf des Konings anordnung
gehandtraicht habo sollen werden, entwendt und es ihrem herrn zu seinem un-

24 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
An illicit connexion with a certain John Rubens, an exUed
magistrate of Antwerp, and father of the celebrated painter,
completed the list of her delinquencies, and justified the mar
riage of the Prince with Charlotte de Bourbon.* It was
therefore determined by the Elector of Saxony and the Land
grave WiUiam to remove her from the custody of the Nassaus.
This took place with infinite difficulty, at the close of the
year 1575. Already, in 1572, Augustus had proposed to the
Landgrave that she should be kept in solitary confinement,
and that a minister should preach to her daily through the
grated aperture by which her food was to be admitted. The
Landgrave remonstrated at so inhuman a proposition, which
was, however, carried into effect. The wretched Princess, now
completely a lunatic, was imprisoned in the electoral palace,
in a chamber where the windows were waUed up and a smaU
grating let into the upper part of the door. Through this
wicket came her food, as weU as the words of the holy man
appointed to preach daily for her edification.^
Two years long, she endured this terrible punishment, and
died mad, J on the 18th of December, 1577. On the following
nutzen Goesen Kriegk zu gebrauchen zugestellt haben. Bidte das der Duca de
Alba while vor sie schreiben an das Cammergericht umb Mandat, das sie von Gf.
Johanns gefengknisz ledig unnd zu Spier vor recht gestellt werden moge. Auch
das er, der von Alba, ir die necliste Afesz etwas von geldt und dabei einen gesandten
mit mundlicher werbung zuschigken wolle. Sey der Brief zwei Bogen lank,"
etc. — MS., Dresden Archives, diet. act.
* Acta: Der. Fran Princessin zu Uranien, etc. — Abschriften von F. Annen,
Ehestifftung, etc. — Schickung an Joh. G. tzu Nass. Abholung der Princessin
und todtlichen Abgang. — MS., Dresd. Arch., 1575-1579, passim. Bakhuyzen v.
d. Brinck. Het Huwelijk van W. v. Oranje, 133, sqq.
¦f " Seindt auch der endlichen meinung, wan sie also in geheim vorwahre'
und ein Predicant verordnet, der sie teglich durch ein fensterlein do ir die speys
und tranck gericht werde Irer begangenen sunde mit Vleisa erinnere." — Letter
of Elector Augustus to Landgrave William, July 9, 1572. — MS., Dresd. Arch.
" Ganz gestoalen Geistes." — Ibid.
§ " Desgleichen, habe ich auch angeordnet," writes Secretary Hans Jenitz
immediately after the decease of the Princess, " dasz die Fenster durch die
Maurer, welche sie zwvor zugemauert, wiederum ausgebrochen werden und sol der
Bettmeister mit Reinigung derselben Stube und Kammer sich E. F. G. befehl
nach verhalten. E. F. G. kann ich auch unterthanigst nicht verhalten, dasz
keine neue Thiir vor solche stube gemaecht worden  sondern map hat

1575.] MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE. 25
day, she was buried in the electoral tomb at Meissen ; a
pompous procession of " school children, clergy, magistrates,
nobUity, and citizens" conducting her to that rest of which
she could no longer be deprived by the cruelty of man nor her
own violent temperament.*
So far, therefore, as the character of Mademoiselle de Bourbon
and the legitimacy of her future offspring were concerned,
she received ample guarantees. For the rest, the Prince, in
i simple letter, informed her that he was already past his
prime, having reached his forty-second year, and that his
fortune was encumbered not only with settlements for his
chUdren by previous marriages, but by debts contracted in
the cause of his oppressed country, j A convention of doctors
and bishops of France, summoned by the Duc de Montpensier,
afterwards confirmed the opinion that the conventual vows of
the Princess Charlotte had been conformable neither to the
laws of France nor to the canons of the Trent CouncU.J She
was conducted to Brill by Saint Aldegonde, where she was

durch dio alte Thure in dem obern Felde nur ein vier eckicht Loch ausgesch-
nitten und von starkem eisernen Blech ein enges Gitter dafur gemacht dasz man
auswendig auf dem Saal auch verschliessen kan'n.  Es steht auch zu E. F. G.
Gefallen, ob man die grosse eiserne bands mit den Vorlege schlossern, damit die
Thuere von aussen verwart gewesen, also daran bleiben lagsen, oder wieder aus
dem stein aushauen und abfeilen lassen wolle, aber die gegitter vor den Fenstern
konnen meines Bediinckens wohl bleiben. Hans Jenitz an Churfiirstin Anna
Acta : Inventarium uber F. Annen, p. 3. Uranien Vorlassenschaft, etc., A".
1577. — MS., Dresden Archives.
6 Diet Act. — MS., Dresden Archives.
It can certainly be considered no violation of the sanctity of archives to
make these slender allusions to a tale, the main features of which have already
been published, not only by MM. Groen v. Prinsterer and Bakhuyzen, in Hol
land, but by the Saxon Professor Bottiger, in Germany. It is impossible to
understand the character and career of Orange, and his relations with Germany,
without a complete view of the Saxon marriage. Tha extracts from the " geo-
mantic letters" of Elector Augustus, however, given in Bottiger (Hist. Taschenb.
1836, p. 169-173), with their furious attacks upon the Prince and upon Charlotte
of Bourbon, seem to us too obscene to be admitted, even in a note to these pages,
and in a foreign language.
f " Memoire pour le Comte de Hohenlo allant de la part du Prince d'Orange
vers le Comte J. de Nassau, l'Electeur Palatin, et son epouse, Mile, de Bourbon.''
—Arch, etc., v. 189-192. X Apologie du Prince d'Orange. — Ed. Sylvius, 37, 38,

26 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
received by her bridegroom, to whom she was united on the
12th of June. The wedding festival was held at Dort with
much revelry and holiday making, "but without dancing."*
In this connexion, no doubt the Prince consulted his incli
nation only. Eminently domestic in his habits, he required
the relief of companionship at home to the exhausting affairs
which made up his life abroad. For years he had never
enjoyed social converse, except at long intervals, with man or
woman ; it was natural, therefore, that he should contract
this marriage. It was equally natural that he should make
many enemies by so impohtic a match. The Elector Palatine,
who was in place of guardian to the bride, decidedly disap
proved, although he was suspected of favoring the alliance, f
The Landgrave of Hesse for a time was furious ; the Elector
of Saxony absolutely delirious with rage.J The Diet of the
Empire was to be held within a few weeks at Frankfort,
where it was very certain that the outraged and influential
Elector would make his appearance, overflowing with anger,
and determined to revenge upon the cause of the Netherland
Reformation the injury which he had personaUy received.
Even the wise, considerate, affectionate brother, John of
Nassau, considered the marriage an act of madness. He did
what he could, by argument and entreaty, to dissuade the
Prince from its completion ;§ although he afterwards volun
tarUy confessed that the Princess Charlotte had been deeply
calumniated, and was an inestimable treasure to his brother.||
The French government made use of the circumstance to jus
tify itself in a stUl further alienation from the cause of the
Prince than it had hitherto manifested, but this was rather
pretence than reahty.
It was not in the nature of things, however, that the Saxon
and Hessian indignation could be easily allayed. The Land-

* Archives et Corresp., v. 226. Bor, viii. 644. Meteren, v. 100.
f Archives et Correspondance, v. 300. J ibid.
g Ibid., v. 203, 204. j Ibid., T. 3i2j 313.

1575.] WRATH OF ELECTOR AND LANDGRAVE. 27
grave was extremely violent. " Truly, I cannot imagine," he
wrote to the Elector of Saxony, " quo consilio that wiseacre of
an Aldegonde, and whosoever else has been aiding and
abetting, have undertaken this affair. Nam si pietatem
respicias, it is to be feared that, considering she is a
Frenchwoman, a nun, and moreover a fugitive nun, about
whose chastity there has been considerable question, the
Prince has got out of the frying-pan into the fire. Siformam
it is not to be supposed that it was her beauty which charmed
him, since, without doubt, he must be rather frightened than
delighted, when he looks upon her. Si spem prolis, the
Prince has certainly only too many heirs already, and ought
to wish that he had neither wife nor chUdren. Si amicitiam,
it is not to be supposed, while her father expresses himself in
such threatening language with regard to her, that there wiU
be much cordiality of friendship on his part. Let them look to
it, then, lest it fare with them no better than with the
Admiral, at his Paris wedding ; for those gentlemen can
hardly forgive such injuries, sine mer curio et arsenico sub-
Mmato."** The Elector of Saxony was frantic with choler, and almost
ludicrous in the vehemence of its expression. Count John
was unceasing in his exhortations to his brother to respect the
sensitiveness of these important personages, and to remember
how much good and how much evil it was in their power to
compass, with regard to himself and to the great cause of the
Protestant rehgion. He reminded him, too, that the divorce
had not been, and would not be considered impregnable as to
form, and that much discomfort and detriment was likely to
grow out of the whole proceeding, for himself and his family, f
The Prince, however, was immovable in his resolution, and from
the whole tone of his correspondence and deportment it was
obvious that his marriage was one rather of inclination than of

* Archives et Correspondance, v. 227, 228.
f See the letter of Count John to Prince of Orange, Archives, v. 208-213.

28 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
pohcy. " I can assure you, my brother," he wrote to Count
John, " that my character has always tended to this — to care
neither for words nor menaces in any matter where I can act
with a clear conscience, and without doing injury to my
neighbour. Truly, if I had paid regard to the threats of
princes, I should never have embarked in so many dangerous
affairs, contrary to the wUl of the King, mymaster, in times past,
and even to the advice of many of my relatives and friends."*
The evU consequences which had been foreseen were not
slow to manifest themselves. There was much discussion of
the Prince's marriage at the Diet of Frankfort, and there
was even a proposition, formally to declare the Calvinists ex
cluded in Germany from the benefits of the Peace of Passau.
The Archduke Rudolph was soon afterwards elected King
of the Romans and of Bohemia, although hitherto, according
to the policy of the Prince of Orange, and in the expecta
tion of benefit to the cause of the Reformation in Germany
and the Netherlands, there has been a strong disposition to
hold out hopes to Henry the Third, and to excite the fears of
Maximilian, f
While these important affairs, public and private, had been
occurring in the south of Holland and in Germany,, a very
nefarious transaction had disgraced the cause of the patriot
party in the northern quarter. Diedrich Sonoy. governor of
that portion of Holland, a man of great bravery but of
extreme ferocity of character, had discovered an extensive con
spiracy among certain of the inhabitants, in aid of an approach
ing Spanish invasion. Bands of land-loupers had been em
ployed, according to the intimation which he had received or
affected to have received, to set fire to villages and towns in
every direction, to set up beacons, and to conduct a series of
signals by which the expeditions about to be organized were
to be furthered in their objects.! The Governor, determined

* See the letter, Archives, etc., 244-252.
f Vide Groen v. Prinst, Archives, v. 299, 300.
X Bor, viii. 623, sqq. Hoofd, x. 411, 412. Wagenaer, vii. 54, et seq.

1575.] BARBARITIES OF SONOT. 29
to show that the Duke of Alva could not be more prompt nor
more terrible than himself, improvised, of his own authority, a
tribunal in imitation of the infamous Blood-Council. Fortu
nately for the character of the country, Sonoy was not a Hol
lander, nor was the jurisdiction of this newly estabhshed court
allowed to extend beyond very narrow limits. Eight vaga
bonds were, however, arrested and doomed to tortures the most
horrible, in order to extort from them confessions implicating
persons of higher position in the land than themselves. Seven,
after a few turns of the pulley and the screw, confessed aU
which they were expected to confess, and accused all whom
they were requested to accuse. The eighth was firmer, and
refused to testify to the guilt of certain respectable house
holders, whose names he had, perhaps, never heard, and against
whom there was no shadow of evidence. He was, however,
reduced by three hours and a half of sharp torture to confess,
entirely according to their orders, so that accusations and evi
dence were thus obtained against certain influential gentlemen
of the province, whose only crime was a secret adherence to
the Catholic Faith.*
The eight wretches who had been induced by promises
of unconditional pardon upon one hand, and by savage
torture on the other, to bear this false witness, were con
demned to be burned alive, and on their way to the stake,
they all retracted the statements which had only been
extorted from them by the rack. Nevertheless, the indi
viduals who had been thus designated, were arrested. Charged
with plotting a general conflagration of the villages and farm
houses, in conjunction with an invasion by Hierges and other
Papist generals, they indignantly protested their innocence ;
but two of them, a certain Kopp Corneliszoon, and his son,
Nanning Koppezoon, were selected to undergo the most
cruel torture which had yet been practised in the NethCrlands.f
Sonoy, to his eternal shame, was disposed to prove that human

* Bor, viii. 623, seq. Hoofd, x. 412.
f Bor, viii. 626, seq. Hoofd, x. 413, seq.

30 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
ingenuity to inflict human misery had not been exhausted in
the chambers of the Blood Council, for it was to be shown that
Reformers were capable of giving a lesson even to inquisitors
in this diabolical science. Kopp, a man advanced in years, was
tortured during a whole day. On the foUowing morning he
was again brought to the rack, but the old man was too weak
to endure all the agony which his tormentors had pro
vided for him. Hardly had he been placed upon the bed of
torture than he calmly expired, to the great indignation of the
tribunal.* " The Devil has broken his neck and carried him
off to hell," cried they ferociously. " Nevertheless, that shall
not prevent him from being hung and quartered." This
decree of impotent vengeance was accordingly executed.y
The son of Kopp, however, Nanning Koppezoon, was a man
in the fuU vigor of his years. He bore with perfect fortitude
a series of incredible tortures, after which, with his body singed
from head to heel, and his feet almost entirely flayed, he
was left for six weeks to crawl about his dungeon on his knees.
He was then brought back to the torture-room, and again
stretched upon the rack, while a large earthen vessel, made
for the purpose, was placed, inverted, upon his naked body.
A number of rats were introduced under this cover, and hot
coals were heaped upon the vessel, thl the rats, rendered
furious by the heat, gnawed into the very bowels of the
victim, in their agony to escape. + The holes thus torn in his

° Bor, viii. 627, 628. Hoofd, x. 413. f Hoofd, x. 413.
X Bor (viii. 628) conscientiously furnishes diagrams of the machinery by aid
of which this devilish cruelty was inflicted. The rats were sent by the Governor
.:imself. — Vide Letter of the Commissioners to Sonoy, apud Bor, viii. 640, 641.
The whole letter is a wonderful monument of barbarity. The incredible tortures
eo which, the poor creatures had been subjected are detailed in a business-like
manner, as though the transactions were quite regular and laudable. The Com
missioners conclude with pious wishes for the Governor's welfare : " Noble, wise
virtuous, and very discreet sir," they say, " we have wished to apprise you of the
foregoing, and we now pray that God Almighty may spare you in a happy,
healthy and long-continued government "—It will be seen, however, that the
•wise, virtuous, and very discreet" Governor, who thus caused his fellow-citi
zen's bowels to be gnawed by rats, was not allowed to remain much longer in
his "happy and healthy government."

1575.] NANNING KOPPEZOON. 31
bleeding flesh were filled with red-hot coals. He was after
wards subjected to other tortures too foul to relate ; nor was
it till he had endured all this agony, with a fortitude which
seemed supernatural, that he was at last discovered to be
human. Scorched, bitten, dislocated in every joint, sleepless,
starving, perishing with thirst, he was at last crushed into a
false confession, by a promise of absolute forgiveness. He
admitted everything which was brought to his charge, con
fessing a catalogue of contemplated burnings and beacon
firings of which he had never dreamed, and avowing himself
in league with other desperate Papists, stUl more dangerous
than himself.
Notwithstanding the promises of pardon, Nanning was then
condemned to death. The sentence ordained that his heart
should be torn from his living bosom, and thrown in his face,
after which his head was to be taken off and exposed on the
church- steeple of his native village. His body was then to
be cut in four, and a quarter fastened upon different towers of
the city of Alkmaar, for it was that city, recently so famous
for its heroic resistance to the Spanish army, which was now
suUied by all this cold-blooded atrocity. When led to execu
tion, the victim recanted indignantly the confessions forced
from him by weakness of body, and exonerated the persons
whom he had falsely accused. A certain clergyman, named
Jurian Epeszoon, endeavored by loud praying to drown his
voice, that the people might not rise with indignation, and the
dying prisoner with his last breath solemnly summoned this
unworthy pastor of Christ to meet him within three days
before the judgment-seat of God. It is a remarkable and
authentic fact, that the clergyman thus summoned, went home
pensively from the place of execution, sickened immediately
and died upon the appointed day.*
Notwithstanding this solemn recantation, the persons ac
cused were arrested, and in their turn subjected to torture,

* Bor, viii. 628, et seq. Hoofd, x. 414. Wagenaer, vii. 68. Brandt, Hist
ReC i. 563. Velius Horn, bl 440.

32 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
but the affair now reached the ears of Orange. His peremp
tory orders, with the universal excitement produced in the
neighbourhood, at last checked the course of the outrage, and
the accused persons were remanded to prison, where they re
mained till liberated by the Pacification of Ghent. After
their release they commenced legal proceedings against Sonoy,
with a view of establishing their own innocence, and of
bringing the inhuman functionary to justice. The process
anguished, however, and was finally abandoned, for the
powerful Governor had rendered such eminent service in the
cause of liberty, that it was thought unwise to push him to
extremity. It is no impeachment upon the character of the
Prince that these horrible crimes were not prevented. It was
impossible for him to be omnipresent. Neither is it just to
consider the tortures and death thus inflicted upon innocent
men an indehble stain upon the cause of liberty. They were
the crimes of an individual who had been useful, but who
like the Count De la Marck, had now contaminated his hand
with the blood of the guiltless. The new tribunal never took
root, and was abohshed as soon as its initiatory horrors were
known.* On the 19th of July, Oudewater, entirely unprepared for
such an event, was besieged by Hierges, but the garrison
and the population, although weak, were brave. The town
resisted eighteen days, and on the 7th of August was car
ried by assault,f after which the usual horrors were fully
practised, after which the garrison was put to the sword, and
the townspeople fared little better. Men, women, and children
were murdered in cold blood, or obliged to purchase their hves
by heavy ransoms, while matrons and maids were sold by auc
tion to the soldiers at two or three dollars each.+ Almost every
house in the city was burned to the ground, and these horrible
but very customary scenes having been enacted, the army of

* Bor, vin. 628-641. Hoofd, x. 415-419.
t Bor, viii. 646. Meteren, v. 100. X Bor, viii. 646. Hoofd, x. 424, 425.

1575.] A SUBMARINE PROJECT. 33
Hierges took its way to Schoonhoven. That city, not defend
ing itself, secured tolerable terms of capitulation, and sur
rendered on the 24th of August.*
The Grand Commander had not yet given up the hope of
naval assistance from Spain, notwithstanding the abrupt ter
mination to the last expedition which had been organized. It
was, however, necessary that a foothold should be recovered
upon the seaboard, before a descent from without could be
met with proper co-operation from the land forces within, and
he was most anxious, therefore, to effect the reconquest of some
portion of Zealand. The island of Tholen was still Spanish,
and had been so since the memorable expedition of Mon
dragon to South Beveland. From this interior portion of
the archipelago the Governor now determined to attempt an
expedition against the outer and more important territory.
The three principal islands were Tholen, Duiveland, and
Schouwen. Tholen was the first which detached itself from
the continent. Next, and separated from it by a bay two
leagues in width, was Duiveland, or the Isle of Doves. Be
yond, and parted by a narrower frith, was Schouwen, fronting
dhectly upon the ocean, fortified by its strong capital city,
Zierickzee, and containing other villages of inferior con-
sequence.f Requesens had been long revolving in his mind the means of
possessing himself of this important island. He had caused
to be constructed a numerous armada of boats and light
vessels of various dimensions, and he now came to Tholen
to organize the expedition. His prospects were at first
not flattering, for the gulfs and estuaries swarmed with
Zealand vessels, manned by crews celebrated for their skUl
and audacity. Traitors, however, from Zealand itself now
came forward to teach the Spanish Commander how to strike
at the heart of their own country. These refugees explained

* Bor, viii. 447. Meteren, v. 100.
f Bor, viii. 648-650. Hoofd, x. 426, 427. Meterei. v. 101, 102. Mendoza,
xiv. 281. Bentivoglio, ix. 164, et seq.
VOL. III. 3

34 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
to Requesens that a narrow flat extended under the sea
from PhUipsland, a small and uninhabited islet situate close
to Tholen, as far as the shore of Duiveland. Upon this
submerged tongue of land the water, during ebb-tide, was
sufficiently shallow to be waded, and it would therefore be
possible for a determined band, under cover of the night, to
make the perilous passage. Once arrived at Duiveland, they
could more easily cross the intervening creek to Schouwen,
which was not so deep and only half as wide, so that a force
thus sent through these dangerous shallows, might take pos
session of Duiveland and lay siege to Zierickzee, in the very
teeth of the Zealand fleet, wliich would be unable to sail near
enough to intercept their passage.*
The Commander determined that the enterprise should be
attempted. It was not a novelty, because Mondragon, as we
have seen, had aheady most brUliantly conducted a very
similar expedition. The present was, however, a much more
daring scheme. The other exploit, although sufficiently
hazardous, and entirely successful, had been a victory gained
over the sea alone. It had been a surprise, and had been
effected without any opposition from human enemies. Here,
however, they were to deal, not only with the ocean and dark
ness, but with a watchful and determined foe. The Zealanders
were aware that the enterprise was in contemplation, and their
vessels lay about the contiguous waters in considerable force.f
Nevertheless, the determination of the Grand Commander
was haUed with enthusiasm by his troops. Having satisfied
himself by personal experiment that the enterprise was possible,
and that therefore his brave soldiers could accomplish it, he
decided that the glory of the achievement should be fairly
shared, as before, among the different nations which served
the King.
After completing his preparations, Requesens came to

0 Bor> ubi sup. Hoofd, x. 426. Mendoza, xiv. 282. Bentivoglio, ix. 165.
f Bentivoglio, ix. 165. Hoofd, x. 428. Bor, viii. 648-650. Mendoza.
xiv. 283.

1575.] EXPEDITION TO DUIVELAND AND SCHOUWEN. 35
Tholen, at which rendezvous were assembled three thousand
infantry, partly Spaniards, partly Germans, partly Walloons.
Besides these, a picked corps of two hundred sappers and
miners was to accompany the expedition, in order that no
time might be lost in fortifying themselves as soon as they
had seized possession of Schouwen. Four hundred mounted
troopers were, moreover, stationed in the town of Tholen,
while the httle fleet, which had been prepared at Antwerp, lay
near that city ready to co-operate with the land force as soon
as they should complete their enterprise. The Grand Com
mander now divided the whole force into two parts. One half
was to remain in the boats, under the command of Mondragon ;
the other half, accompanied by the two hundred pioneers,
were to wade through the sea from PhUipsland to Duiveland
and Schouwen. Each soldier of this detachment was pro
vided with a pair of shoes, two pounds of powder, and rations
for three days in a canvas bag suspended at his neck. The
leader of this expedition was Don Osorio d'UUoa, an officer
distinguished for his experience and bravery.*
,On the night selected for the enterprise, that of the 27th
September, the moon was a day old in its fourth quarter,
and rose a httle before twelve. It was low water at between
four and five in the morning. The Grand Commander,
at the appointed hour of midnight, crossed to PhUipsland, and
stood on the shore to watch the setting forth of the Uttle army.
He addressed a short harangue to them, in which he skil
fully struck the chords of Spanish chivalry and the national
love of glory, y and was answered with loud and enthusiastic
cheers. Don Osorio d'Ulloa then stripped and plunged
into the sea immediately after the guides. He was fol
lowed by the Spaniards, after whom came the Germans and
then the Walloons. The two hundred sappers and miners
came next, and Don Gabriel Peralta, with his Spanish com-

* Bentivoglio, ix. 166. Hoofd, x. 427, 428. Mendoza, xiv. 283.
f Hoofd, x. 428. Bor, viii. 648-650. Mendoza, xiv. 283, 284.

36 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
pany, brought up the rear. It was a wUd night. Incessant
lightning alternately revealed and obscured the progress of
the midnight march through the black waters, as the anxious
Commander watched the expedition from the shore, but the
soldiers were quickly swallowed up in the gloom.* As they
advanced cautiously, two by two, the daring adventurers found
themselves soon nearly up to their necks in the waves, while so
narrow was the submerged bank along which they were
marching, that a misstep to the right or left was fatal. Luckless
individuals repeatedly sank to rise no more. Meantime, as the
sickly light of the waning moon came forth at intervals
through the stormy clouds, the soldiers could plainly perceive
the files of Zealand vessels through which they were to march,
and which were anchored as close to the flat as the water would
allow. Some had recklessly stranded themselves, in their
eagerness to interrupt the passage of the troops, and the artil
lery played unceasingly from the larger vessels. Discharges
of musketry came continuaUy from all, but the fitful lightning
rendered the aim difficult and the fire comparatively harmless, y
while the Spaniards were, moreover, protected, as to a large
part of their bodies, by the water in which they were immersed.
At times, they halted for breath, or to engage in fierce
skirmishes with their nearest assailants. Standing breast-
high in the waves, and surrounded at intervals by total
darkness, they were yet able to pour an occasional weU-
directed volley into the hostfle ranks. The Zealanders,

* Bor, viii. 648-650. Hoofd, x. 428. Bentivoglio, ix. 167.— According to
Mendoza, the sky was full of preternatural appearances on that memorable night;
literally, " The exhalations whizzing through the air
Gave so much light that one might read by them." Julius Caesar.
"Viendose en aqual punio cometas y senates en el cielo de grande claridad y
tanta qua se leian cartas como si Juera de dia, quo ponia admiracion el verlas •
juzgando los mas ser cosa fuera del curso natural," etc.: xiv. 284.— Compare
Strada, viii. 398.
f Bentivoglio, ix. 167. Hoofd, x. 429. Wagenaer, vii. 71.

1575.] A NIGHT'S ADVENTURE. 37
however, did not assail them with fire-arms alone. They
transfixed some with their fatal harpoons ; they dragged others
from the path with boathooks ; they beat out the brains of
others with heavy flails.* Many were the mortal duels thus
fought in the darkness, and, as it were, in the bottom of the
sea ; many were the deeds of audacity which no eye was to
mark save those by whom they were achieved. Still, in spite
of all impediments and losses, the Spaniards steadUy advanced.
If other arms proved less available, they were attacked by the
fierce taunts and invectives of their often invisible foes, who
revUed them as water-dogs, fetching and carrying for a master
who despised them ; as mercenaries who coined their blood for
gold, and were employed by tyrants for the basest uses. If
stung by these mocking voices, they turned in the darkness to
chastise their unseen tormentors, they were certain to te
trampled upon by their comrades, and to be pushed from their
narrow pathway into the depths of the sea. Thus many perished.
The night wore on, and the adventurers stUl fought
it out manfuUy, but very slowly, the main body of Spaniards,
Germans, and WaUoons, soon after daylight, reaching the
opposite shore, having sustained considerable losses, but
in perfect order. The pioneers were not so fortunate. The
tide rose over them before they could effect their passage, and
swept nearly every one away.y The rear-guard, under Peralta,
not surprised, like the pioneers, in the middle of their passage,
by the rising tide, but prevented, before it was too late, from
advancing far beyond the shore from which they had departed,
were fortunately enabled to retrace their steps.J

* " No bastara » nemici di travagliargli solamente co i moschetti, e con gli
archibugi, ma piu d'appresso con uncini di ferro, con legni maneggiabili a rnolti
doppi, e con altsi istromenti," etc. — Bentivoglio, ix. 167. "Llegavana herir
a los nuestros con unos instrumentos de lamanera que los con que bateren el
trigo para sacar el grano de la ^aja." — Mendoza, xiv. 285.
f Hoofd, x. 429. — " Donde vays malaventurados, que os haren ser perros de
agua," etc., etc. — Mendoza, ubi sup. Bentivoglio, ix. 168. Hoofd, x. 429.
Mendoza, xiv. 285.
X Mendoza, xiv. 285. Bentivoglio, Hoofd, Bor, ubi sup.

88 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
Don Osorio, at the head of the successful adventurers, now
effected his landing upon Duiveland. Reposing themselves
but for an instant after this unparalleled march through
the water, of more than six hours, they took a shght refresh
ment, prayed to the Virgin Mary and to Saint James, and
then prepared to meet their new enemies on land. Ten
companies of French, Scotch, and English auxiliaries lay in
Duiveland, under the command of Charles Van Boisot. Strange
to relate, by an inexphcable accident, or by treason, that general
was slain by his own soldiers, at the moment when the royal
troops landed. The panic created by this event became
intense, as the enemy rose suddenly, as it were, out of the
depths of the ocean to attack them. They magnified the
numbers of their assailants, and fled terror-stricken in every
direction. Some swam to the Zealand vessels which lay in
the neighbourhood ; others took refuge in the forts which had
been constructed on the island, but these were soon carried
by the Spaniards, and the conquest of Duiveland was effected.*
The enterprise was not yet completed, but the remainder
was less difficult and not nearly so hazardous, for the
creek which separated Duiveland from Schouwen was much
narrower than the estuary which they had just traversed. It
was less than a league in width, but so encumbered by
rushes and briers that, although difficult to wade, it was not
navigable for vessels of any kind.y This part of the expe
dition was accomplished with equal resolution, so that, after a
few hours' delay, the soldiers stood upon the much-coveted
island of Schouwen. Five companies of states' troops, placed
to oppose their landing, fled in the most cowardly manner at
the firct discharge of the Spanish muskets,J and took refuse

* Hoofd, x. 429. Bor, viii. 649. Mendoza, xiv. 286.— The officer, whose
career was thus unfortunately closed, was u, brother of the famous Admiral
Boisot, had himself rendered good service to the cause of his country, and was
Governor of Walcheren at the time of his death. — Archives et Corresp. v. 283.
f Mendoza, xiv. 286. Bentivoglio (ix. 168) says, " poco men d'una lengua."
— Compare Bor, viii. 649. Hoofd, x. 429.
X Mendoza, xiv. 287. Hoofd, x 429. Bentivogho, ix. 168.

1575.] SUCCESSFUL ISSUE. 39
in the city of Zierickzee, which was soon afterwards be
leaguered. The troops had been disembarked upon Duiveland from the
armada, which had made its way to the scene of action, after
having received, by signal, information that the expedition
through the water had been successful. Brouwershaven, on the
northern side of Schouwen, was immediately reduced, but
Bommenede resisted tiU the 25th of October, when it was at
last carried by assault, and dehvered over to fire and sword.
Of the whole population and garrison not twenty were left
alive. Siege was then laid to Zierickzee, and Colonel Mon
dragon was left in charge of the operations. Requesens
himself came to Schouwen to give directions concerning this
important enterprise.*
Chiapin ViteUi also came thither in the middle of the
winter, and was so much injured by a faU from his litter,
whUe making the tour of the island, that he died on ship
board during his return to Antwerp, f This officer had gained
his laurels upon more than one occasion, his conduct in the
important action near Mons, in which the Huguenot force
under Genlis was defeated, having been particularly credit
able. He was of a distinguished Umbrian family, and had
passed his life in camps, few of the generals who had accom
panied Alva to the Netherlands being better known or more
odious to the inhabitants. He was equaUy distinguished
for his courage, his cruelty, and his corpulence. The last
characteristic was so remarkable that he was almost monstrous
in his personal appearance. His protuberant stomach was
always supported in a bandage suspended from his neck,
yet in spite of this enormous impediment, he was personaUy
active on the battle-field, and performed more service, not only
as a commander but as a subaltern, than many a younger and
Ughter man.J

* Mendoza, xiv. 287-293, seq. Bentivoglio, ix. 169, 170. Bor, viii, 652.
seq. Hoofd, x. 431. t Meteren, v. 103. Strada, viii. 403.
X Strada, viii 404. — Vitelli seems to have been unpopular with the Span-

40 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
The siege of Zierickzee was protracted tiU the foUowing
June, the city holding out with firmness. Want of funds
caused the operations to be conducted with languor, but the
same cause prevented the Prince from accomplishing its rehef.
Thus the expedition from PhUipsland, the most brilliant
mUitary exploit of the whole war, was attended with important
results. The communication between Walcheren and the rest
of Zealand was interrupted , the provmce cut in two ; a foot
hold on the ocean, for a brief interval at least, acquired by
Spain. The Prince was inexpressibly chagrined by these
circumstances, and felt that the moment had arrived when aU
honorable means were to be employed to obtain foreign assist
ance. The Hollanders and Zealanders had fought the battles
of freedom alone hitherto, and had fought them well, but
poverty was fast rendering them incapable of sustaining
much longer the unequal conflict. Offers of men, whose wages
the states were to furnish, were refused, as worse than fruitless.
Henry of Navarre, who perhaps deemed it possible to acquire
the sovereignty of the provinces by so barren a benefit, was
willing to send two or three thousand men, but not at his
own expense. The proposition was respectfully declined.*
The Prince and his Uttle country were all alone. " Even if
we should not only see ourselves deserted by aU the world,
but also aU the world against us," he said, " we should not
cease to defend ourselves even to the last man. Knowing the

iards also, and Mendoza does not even allude to his death. The Netherlanders
hated him cordially. His name, which afforded tho materials for a pun, was,
of course, a whetstone for their wits. They improved his death by perpetrat
ing a multitude of epigrams, of which the following may serve as a sample : —
EPITAPHIUM CHIAP. VTTELLI, MARCHIOOTS CBTONIS, ETC.
" 0 Deus omnipotens crassi miserere Vitelli,
Quem mors proveniens non sinit esse bovem.
Corpus in Italia est, tenet intestina Brabantus,
Ast animam nemo, cur ? quia non habuit.
— Vide Meteren, v. 103b.
His death occurred towards the end of February (1576), a few days before that
of the Grand Commander.
o Wagenaer, vii. 88. Resol. Holl., Mart 15, 1576.

1575.] POLITICAL SCHEMES OF ORANGE. 41
justice of our cause, we repose entirely in the mercy of God."*
He determined, however, once more to have recourse to the
powerful of the earth, being disposed to test the truth of
his celebrated observation, that " there would be no lack of
suitors for the bride that he had to bestow." It was necessary,
in short, to look the great question of formally renouncing
Philip directly in the face.
Hitherto the fiction of allegiance had been preserved, and,
even by the enemies of the Prince, it was admitted that it
had been retained with no disloyal intent. 7 The time, how
ever, had come when it was necessary to throw off allegiance,
provided another could be found strong enough and frank
enough to accept the authority which Philip had forfeited.
The question was, naturally, between France and England,
unless the provinces could effect their re-admission into the
body of the Germanic Empire. Already in June the Prince
had laid the proposition formally before the states, " whether
they should not negotiate with the Empire on the subject of
their admission, with maintenance of their own constitutions,"
but it was understood that this plan was not to be carried
out, if the protection of the Empire could be obtained under
easier conditions.;};
Nothing came of the proposition at that time. The nobles
and the deputies of South HoUand now voted, in the beginning
of the ensuing month, "that it was their duty to abandon
the King, as a tyrant who sought to oppress and destroy his
subjects ; and that it behoved them to seek another pro
tector." This was whUe the Breda negotiations were stiU
pending, but when their inevitable result was very visible.
There was still a reluctance at taking the last and decisive
step in the rebeUion, so that the semblance of loyalty was stfll

* Archives de la Maison d'Orange, v. 281. Letter to Count John.
•f See the remarks of Groen v. Prinsterer on a passage in a letter of the
Council o.f State to Requesens. — Archives, etc., v. 273. See also the letter in
Bor, viii. 6'°.
X Resol. Holl, June 6, 1575, bl. 363. Wagenaer, vii. 78.

42 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
retained ; that ancient scabbard, in which the sword might
yet one day be sheathed. The proposition was not adopted at
the diet. A committee of nine was merely appointed to
deliberate with the Prince upon the " means of obtaining
foreign assistance, without accepting foreign authority, or
severing their connexion with his Majesty." The estates
were, however, summoned a few months later, by the Prince, to
dehberate on this important matter at Rotterdam. On the
1st of October he then fbrmaUy proposed, either to make
terms with their enemy, and that the sooner the better, or
else, once for aU, to separate entirely from the King of Spain,
and to change their sovereign, in order, with the assistance and
under protection of another Christian potentate, to maintain
the provinces against their enemies. Orange, moreover,
expressed the opinion that upon so important a subject it was
decidedly incumbent upon them aU to take the sense of the
city governments. The members for the various munici
palities acquiesced in the propriety of this suggestion, and
resolved to consult their constituents, whUe the deputies of the
nobility also desired to consult with their whole body. After
an adjournment of a few days, the diet again assembled at
Delft, and it was then unanimously resolved by the nobles and
the cities, " that they would forsake the King and seek foreign
assistance ; referring the choice to the Prince, who, in regard
to the government, was to take the opinion of the estates."*
Thus, the great step was taken, by which two little provinces
declared themselves independent of their ancient master. That
declaration, although taken in the midst of doubt and dark
ness, was not destined to be canceUed, and the germ of a new
and powerful commonwealth was planted. So little, however,
did these republican fathers foresee their coming repubhc,
that the resolution to renounce one king was combined with a
proposition to ask for the authority of another. It was not

* Resol. Holl., Jul. 7, 1575, bl. 474. Jul. 9, 1575, bl. 482. Oct. 3, 1575, bL
668, 669. Oct. 13, 1575, bl. 692. Bor, viii. 651. Wagenaer, vii. 81.

1575.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 43
imagined that those two slender columns, which were all that-
had yet been raised of the future stately peristyle, would be
strong enough to stand alone. The question now arose, to
what foreign power application should be made. But Uttle
hope was to be entertained from Germany, a state which
existed only in name, and France was still in a condition of
religious and intestine discord. The attitude of revolt main
tained by the Duc d'Alencon seemed to make it difficult
and dangerous to enter into negotiations with a country where
the civil wars had assumed so complicated a character, that a
loyal and useful aUiance could hardly be made with any
party. The Queen of England, on the other hand, dreaded
the wrath of PhUip, by which her perpetual dangers from the
side of Scotland would be aggravated, while she feared equaUy
the extension of French authority in the Netherlands, by
which increase her neighbour would acquire an overshadowing
power. She was also ashamed openly to abandon the provinces
to their fate, for her realm was supposed to be a bulwark of
the Protestant rehgion. Afraid to affront Philip, afraid to
refuse the suit of the Netherlands, afraid to concede a a
aggrandizement to France, what course was open to the
Enghsh Queen ? That which, politically and personally, she
loved the best — a course of barren coquetry. This the Prince
of Orange foresaw ; and although not disposed to leave a
stone unturned in his efforts to find assistance for his country,
he on the whole rather inclined for France. He, however,
better than any man, knew how little cause there was for
sanguine expectation from either source.*
It was determined, in the name of his Highness and the
estates, first' to send a mission to England, but there had already
been negotiations this year of an unpleasant character with
that power. At the request of the Spanish envoy, the fore
most Netherland rebels, in number about fifty, including by

De Thou, torn. vii. liv. 61. See Wagenaer, vii. 8L

44 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1575.
name the Prince of Orange, the Counts of Berg and Culem-
burg, with Saint Aldegonde, Boisot, Junius, and others, had
been formally forbidden by Queen Elizabeth to enter her
realm.* The Prince had, in consequence, sent Aldegonde and
Junius on a secret mission to France,f and the Queen, jealous
and anxious, had thereupon sent Daniel Rogers secretly to the
Prince.J At the same time she had sent an envoy to the
Grand Commander, counseUing conciliatory measures, and
promising to send a special mission to Spain with the offer of
her mediation, but it was suspected by those most in the
confidence of the Spanish government at Brussels, that there
was a great deal of deception in these proceedings.§ A
truce for six months having now been established between
the Duc d'Alencon and his brother, it was supposed, that
an aUiance between France and England, and perhaps be
tween Alencon and Elizabeth, was on the carpet, and that a
kingdom of the Netherlands was to be the wedding present
of the bride to her husband. These fantasies derived additional
color from the fact that, while the Queen was expressing the
most amicable intentions towards Spain, and the greatest
jealousy of France, the English residents at Antwerp and
other cities of the Netherlands had received private instruc
tions to seU out their property as fast as possible, and to
retire from the country. || On the whole, there was Uttle
prospect either of a final answer, or of substantial assistance
from the Queen.
The envoys to England were Advocate Buis and Doctor
Francis Maalzon, nominated by the estates, and Saint Alde
gonde, chief of the mission, appointed by the Prince. Thev
arrived in England at Christmas-tide. Having represented
to the Queen the result of the Breda negotiations, they stated

f Resol. Holl., Jul. 13, 1575, bl. 492. Meteren, v. 100, 101.
j Bor, viii. 641. f Wagenaer, vii. 83.
§ Letter from Morillon to Cardinal Granvelle, of date Dec. 11, 1575.  Archives
et Corresp., v. 325, 326.
| Letter of Morillon, ubi sup.

1575.] MISSION TO ENGLAND. 45
that the Prince and the estates, in despair of a secure peace,
had addressed themselves to her as an upright protector of the
Faith, and as a princess descended from the blood of Holland.
This allusion to the intermarriage of Edward III. of England
with Philippa, daughter of Count William III. of Hainault
and Holland, would not, it was hoped, be in vain. They
furthermore offered to her Majesty, in case she were wihing
powerfuUy to assist the states, the sovereignty over HoUand
and Zealand, under certain conditions.*
The Queen Ustened graciously to the envoys, and appointed
commissioners to treat with them on the subject. Meantime,
Requesens. sent Champagny to England, to counteract the
effect of this embassy of the estates, and to beg the Queen
to give no heed to the prayers of the rebels, to enter into no
negotiations with them, and to expel them at once from her
kingdom.f The Queen gravely assured Champagny " that the envoys
were no rebels, but faithful subjects of his Majesty."! There
was certainly some effrontery in such a statement, con
sidering the solemn offer which had just been made by the
envoys. If to renounce allegiance to Philip and to propose
the sovereignty to Elizabeth did not constitute rebeUion, it
would be difficult to define or to discover rebelUon anywhere.
The statement was as honest, however, as the diplomatic
grimace with which Champagny had reminded Ehzabeth of
the ancient and unbroken friendship which had always existed
between herself and his Catholic Majesty. The attempt of
Philip to procure her dethronement and assassination but a
few years before was, no doubt, thought too trifling a circum
stance to have for a moment interrupted those harmonious
relations. Nothing came of the negotiations on either side.
The Queen coquetted, as was her custom. She could not

* Bor, viii. 660, 661. Resol. Holl., Nov. 14, 1575, bl. 730.
f Bor, vin. 661. Vigl. Epist Select. No. 177, p. 407.
X Bor, viii. 661.

46 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. I15"6
accept the offer of the estates ; she could not say them nay.
She would not offend Philip ; she would not abandon the pro
vinces ; she would therefore negotiate— thus there was an in
finite deal of diplomatic nothing spun and unraveUed, but the
result was both to abandon the provinces and to offend Phdip.
In the first answer given by her commissioners to the
states' envoys, it was declared, " that her Majesty considered
it too expensive to assume the protection of both provinces.
She was willing to protect them in name, but she should con
fer the advantage exclusively on Walcheren in reahty. The
defence of HoUand must be maintained at the expense of the
Prince and the estates.*
This was certainly not munificent, and the envoys insisted
upon more ample and liberal terms. The Queen declined,
however, committing herself beyond this niggardly and inad
missible offer. The states were not willing to exchange the
sovereignty over their country for so paltry a concession. The
Queen declared herself indisposed to go further, at least before
consulting parliament.f The commissioners waited for the
assembling of parliament. She then refused to lay the matter
before that body, and forbade the Hollanders taking any steps
for that purpose.^ It was evident that she was disposed to
trifle with the provinces, and had no idea of encountering the
open hostUity of PhUip. The envoys accordingly begged for
their passports. These were granted in April, 1576, with the
assurance on the part of her Majesty that " she would think
more of the offer made to her after she had done aU in her
power to bring about an arrangement between the provinces
and Philip."§
After the result of the negotiations of Breda, it is difficult
to imagine what method she was likely to devise for accom
plishing such a purpose. The King was not more disposed
than during the preceding summer to grant liberty of religi

non.

* Bor, viii. 661-663. Wagenaer, vii. 85.
f Wagenaer, vii. 85, 86. Bor, ubi sup. ¦
X Wagei.aer, ubi sup.
§ Bor, viii. 663. Wagenaer, vii. 86.

1576.] MEAGRE RESULTS. 4T
nor were the HoUanders more ready than they had been before
to renounce either their faith or their fatherland. The envoys,
on parting, made a strenuous effort to negotiate a loan, but
the frugal Queen considered the proposition quite inadmissi
ble. She granted them liberty to purchase arms and am
munition, and to levy a few soldiers with their own money,
and this was accordingly done to a limited extent. As it was
not difficult to hire soldiers or to buy gunpowder anywhere, in
that warlike age, provided the money were ready, the states
had hardly reason to consider themselves under deep obligation
for this concession. Yet this was the whole result of the
embassy. Plenty of fine words had been bestowed, which
might or might not have meaning, according to the turns
taken by coming events. Besides these cheap and empty
civilities, they received permission to defend Holland at their
own expense, with the privilege of surrendering its sovereignty,
if they liked, to Queen Elizabeth — and this was all.
On the 19th of April, the envoys returned to their country,
and laid before the estates the meagre result of their negotia
tions.* Very soon afterwards, upon an informal suggestion
from Henry III. and the Queen Mother, that a more favorable
result might be expected, if the same applications were made
to the Duc d'Alencon which had been received in so unsatis
factory a manner by Elizabeth, commissioners were appointed
to France. y It proved impossible, however, at that juncture,
to proceed with the negotiations, in consequence of the
troubles occasioned by the attitude of the Duke. The pro
vinces were stiU, even as they had been from the beginning,
entirely alone.
Requesens was more than ever straitened for funds, wring
ing, with increasing difficulty, a slender subsidy, from time
to time, out of the reluctant estates of Brabant, Flanders,
and the other obedient provinces. While he was still at

* Bor, viii. 661-663. Hoofd, x. 434, 435. Meteren, v. 101. Resol. HolL,
Apr. 19, 1576, bl. 42.
t Ever. Reid. Ann., lib. i. 18.

48 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Duiveland, the estates-general sent him a long remonstrance
against the misconduct of the soldiery, in answer to his de
mand for supplies. " Oh, these estates ! these estates !" cried
the Grand Commander, on receiving such vehement reproaches
instead of his money ; " may the Lord deliver me from these
estates !"* Meantime, the important siege of Zierickzee con
tinued, and it was evident that the city must fall. There was
no money at the disposal of the Prince. Count John, who
was seriously embarrassed by reason of the great obligations
in money which he, with the rest of his family, had incurred
on behalf of the estates, had recently made application to the
Prince for his influence towards procuring him relief. He had
forwarded an account of the great advances made by himself
and his brethren in money, plate, furniture, and endorsements
of various kinds, for which a partial reimbursement was almost
indispensable to save him from serious difficulties. 7 The
Prince, however, unable to procure him any assistance, had
been obhged once more to entreat him to display the generosity
and the self-denial which the country had never found wanting
at his hands or at those of his kindred. The appeal had not
been in vain ; but the Count was obviously not in a condition
to effect anything more at that moment to relieve the financial
distress of the states. The exchequer was crippled. + HoUand
and Zealand were cut in twain by the occupation of Schouwen
and the approaching fall of its capital. Germany, England,
France, all refused to stretch out their hands to save the heroic
but exhaustless little provinces. It was at this moment that

"Dios nos libera de estos Estados." — Meteren, v. 1031'.
f Archives et Correspondance, v. 301-304.
X The contributions of Holland and Zealand for war expenses amounted to
one hundred and fifty thousand florins monthly. The pay of a captain was
eighty florins monthly; that of a heutenant, forty; that of a, corporal, fifteen;
that of a drummer, fifer, or minister, twelve ; that of a common soldier, seven
and a half. A captain had also one hundred and fifty florins each month to dis
tribute among the most meritorious of his company. Each soldier was likewisa
furnished with food, bedding, fire, light, and washing.— Renom de France MS.,
vol. ii. c. 46.

1576.] DESPERATE SCHEMES. 49
a desperate but sublime resolution took possession of the
Prince's mind. There seemed but one way left to exclude the
Spaniards for ever from Holland and Zealand, and to rescue
the inhabitants from impending ruin. The Prince had long
brooded over the scheme, and the hour seemed to have struck
for its fulfilment. His project was to coUect all the vessels,
of every description, which could be obtained throughout the
Netherlands. The whole population of the two provinces,
men, women, and chUdren, together with all the moveable
property of the country, were then to be embarked on board
this numerous fleet, and to seek a new home beyond the seas.
The windmills were then to be burned, the dykes pierced, tho
sluices opened in every direction, and the country restored for
ever to the ocean, from which it had sprung.*
It is difficult to say whether the resolution, if Providence had
permitted its fulfilment, would have been, on the whole, better or
worse for humanity and civUization. The ships which would
have borne the heroic Prince and his fortunes might have taken
the direction of the newly-discovered Western hemisphere. A
rehgious colony, planted by a commercial and liberty-loving
race, in a virgin soU, and directed by patrician but self-
denying hands, might have preceded, by half a century, the
colony which a kindred race, impelled by similar motives, and
under somewhat similar circumstances and conditions, was
destined to plant upon the stern shores of New England.
Had they directed their course to the warm and fragrant
islands of the East, an independent Christian commonwealth

* Bor relates that this plan had been definitely formed by the Prince. His
authority is "a credible gentleman of quality" (een geloofswaerdig edelmann van
qualiteit) who, at the time, was a member of the estates and government of
Holland. — viii. 664. Groen v. Prinsterer, however, rejects the tale as fabulous ;
or believes, at any rate, that the personage alluded to by Bor took the Prince's
words too literally. It is probable that the thought was often in tho Prince's
mind, and found occasional expression, although it had never been actually re
duced to a scheme. It is difficult to see that it was not consistent with his char
acter, supposing that there had been no longer any room for hope. Hoofd, x. 443,
adopts the story without hesitation. Wagenaer, vii. 88, 89, alludes to it as a
matter of current report. — Compare Van Wyn op Wagen. vii. 33-35.
vol. m. 4

50 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
might have arisen among those prolific regions, superior in im
portance to any subsequent colony of Holland, cramped from
its birth by absolute subjection to a far distant metropolis.
The unexpected death of Requesens suddenly dispeUed
these schemes. The siege of Zierickzee had occupied much of
the Governor's attention, but he had recently written to his
sovereign, that its reduction was now certain. He had added
an urgent request for money, with a sufficient supply of which
he assured Phihp that he should be able to bring the war
to an immediate conclusion. While waiting for these sup
pUes, he had, contrary to aU law or reason, made an unsuccessful
attempt to conquer the post of Embden, in Germany. A
mutiny had, at about the same time, broken out among his
troops in Harlem, and he had furnished the citizens with
arms to defend themselves, giving free permission to use them
against the insurgent troops. By this means the mutiny
had been quelled, but a dangerous precedent estabhshed.
Anxiety concerning this rebeUion is supposed to have hastened
the Grand Commander's death. A violent fever seized him
on the 1st, and terminated his existence on the 5th of March,
in the fifty-first year of his Ufe.*
It is not necessary to review elaborately his career, the
chief incidents of which have been sufficiently described.
Requesens was a man of high position by birth and office,
but a thoroughly commonplace personage. His talents either
for war or for civU employments were not above mediocrity.
His friends disputed whether he were greater in the field
or in the council, but it is certain that he was great in
neither. His bigotry was equal to that of Alva, but it
was impossible to rival the Duke in cruelty. Moreover, the
condition of the country, after seven years of torture
under his predecessor, made it difficult for him, at the time
of his arrival, to imitate the severity which had made the
name of Alva infamous. The Blood CouncU had been re-

* Bor, viii. 663, 665. Hoofd, x. 436-137. Vigl. Epist Select, Ep. Card.
Granv., No. 178, p. 408.

1576.] CHARACTER OF REQUESENS. 51
tained throughout his administration, but its occupation was
gone, for want of food for its ferocity. The obedient provinces
had been purged of Protestants ; while crippled, too, by con
fiscation, they offered no field for further extortion. From Hol
land and Zealand, whence Catholicism had been nearly excluded,
the King of Spain was nearly excluded also. The Blood CouncU
which, if set up in that country, would have executed every hving
creature of its population, could only gaze from a distance at
those who would have been its victims. Requesens had been
previously distmguished in two fields of action : the Granada
massacres and the carnage of Lepanto. Upon both occasions
he had been the mUitary tutor of Don John of Austria, by
whom he was soon to be succeeded in the government of the
Netherlands. To the imperial bastard had been assigned the
pre-eminence, but it was thought that the Grand Commander
had been entitled to a more than equal share of the glory.
We have seen how much additional reputation was acquired
by Requesens in the provinces. The expedition against Duive
land and Schouwen, was, on the whole, the most brilliant feat
of arms during the war, and its success reflects an undying lustre
on the hardihood and discipline of the Spanish, German, and
Walloon soldiery. As an act of individual audacity in a bad
cause, it has rarely been equaUed. It can hardly be said,
however, that the Grand Commander was entitled to any
large measure of praise for the success of the expedition. The
plan was laid by Zealand traitors. It was carried into execu
tion by the devotion of the Spanish, WaUoon, and German
troops, whUe Requesens was only a spectator of the transaction.
His sudden death arrested, for a moment, the ebb-tide in the
affairs of the Netherlands, which was fast leaving the country
bare and desolate, and was followed by a train of unforeseen
transactions; which it is now our duty to describe.

CHAPTER IT.

Assumption of affairs by the state council at Brussels— Hesitation at Madrid-=
Joachim Hopper— Mal-administration— Vigilance of Orange — The pro
vinces drawn more closely together— Inequality of the conflict— Physi
cal condition of Holland— New act of Union between Holland and Zea
land—Authority of the Prince defined and enlarged— Provincial polity
characterized— Generous sentiments of the Prince— Hia tolerant spirit-
Letters from the King— Attitude of the great powers towards the Ne
therlands — Correspondence and policy of Elizabeth — Secret negotiations
with France and Alenjon — Confused and menacing aspect of Germany —
Responsible and laborious position of Orange — Attempt to relieve Zierick
zee  Death of Admiral Boisot — Capitulation of the city upon honourable
terms — Mutiny of the Spanish troops in Schouwen — General causes of
discontent — Alarming increase of the mutiny — The rebel regiments enter
Brabant — Fruitless attempts to pacify them — They take possession of
A Inst, — Edicts, denouncing them, from the state council — Intense excite
ment in Brussels and Antwerp-n-Letters from Philip brought by Marquis
Havre — The King's continued procrastination — Ruinous royal confirma
tion of the authority assumed by the state council — United and genera*
resistance to foreign military oppression — The German troops and the Ant
werp garrison, under Avila, join the revolt — Letter of Verdugo — A crisis
approaching — Jerome de Roda in the citadel — The mutiny universal.
The death of Requesens, notwithstanding his four days'
iUness, occurred so suddenly, that he had not had time to
appoint his successor. Had he exercised this privdege, which
his patent conferred upon him, it was supposed that he would
have nominated Count Mansfeld to exercise the functions of
Governor-General, untU the King should otherwise ordain.*

* Bor, viii. 663. Meteren, v. 104*.

1576.] INDECISION. 53
In the absence of any definite arrangement, the Council of
State, according to a right which that body claimed from
custom, assumed the reins of government. Of the old
board, there were none left but the Duke of Aerschot, Count
Berlaymont, and Vighus. To these were soon added, how
ever, by royal diploma, the Spaniard, Jerome de Roda, and the
Netherlanders, AssonleviUe, Baron Rassenghiem and Arnold
Sasbout. Thus, aU the members, save one, of what had now
become the executive body, were natives of the country.
Roda was accordingly looked askance upon by his colleagues.
He was regarded by VigUus as a man who desired to repeat
the part which had been played by Juan Vargas in the
Blood CouncU, whUe the other members, although stanch
Cathohcs, were aU of them well-disposed to vindicate tho
claim of Netherland nobles to a share in the government of
the Netherlands.
For a time, therefore, the transfer of authority seemed to
have been smoothly accomplished. The Council of State con
ducted the administration of the country. Peter Ernest Mans-
feld was entrusted with the supreme mihtary command,
including the government of Brussels ; and the Spanish com
manders, although dissatisfied that any but a Spaniard should
be thus honored, were for a time quiescent.* When the
news reached Madrid, Philip was extremely disconcerted.
The death of Requesens excited his indignation. He was
angry with him, not for dying, but for dying at so very
inconvenient a moment. He had not yet fully decided either
upon his successor, or upon the pohcy to be enforced by
his successor. There were several candidates for the vacant
post ; there was a variety of opinions in the cabinet as to the
course of conduct to be adopted.f In the impossibihty of

* Bor, Meteren, ubi sup. Viglii Epist. Select, ad Diversos, No. 179, p. 409.
VigL Epist, ubi sup. Hoofd, xi. 438. Bor, ix. 663. Wagenaer (vii.
91), however, states that Mansfeld was entrusted simply with the government
of Brussels, and that it is an error to describe him as invested with the su
preme military command.
f Letter of Philip (March 24, 1576) to states general, in Bor, ix. 663.

54 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
instantly making up. his mind upon this unexpected emer
gency, PhUip feU, as it were, into a long reverie, than which
nothing could be more inopportune. With a country in a
state of revolution and exasperation, the trance, which now
seemed to come over the government, was hke to be foUowed
by deadly effects. The stationary policy, which the death of
Requesens had occasioned, was aUowed to prolong itself inde
finitely,* and almost for the first time in his life, Joachim
Hopper was reaUy consulted about the affairs of that depart
ment over which he imagined himself, and was generally sup
posed by others, to preside at Madrid. The creature of
Vighus, having all the subserviency, with none of the acute
ness of his patron, he had been long employed as chief of the
Netherland bureau, whUe kept in profound ignorance of the
affairs which were transacted in his office. He was a privy
councillor, whose counsels were never heeded, a confidential
servant in whom the King reposed confidence, only on the
ground that no man could reveal secrets which he did not
know. This deportment of the King's showed that he had
accurately measured the man, for Hopper was hardly competent
for the place of a chief clerk. He was unable to write clearly
in any language, because incapable of a fuUy developed
thought upon any subject. It may be supposed that nothing
but an abortive policy, therefore, would be produced upon the
occasion thus suddenly offered. " 'Tis a devout man, that
poor Master Hopper," said GranveUe, " but rather fitted for
platonic researches than for affahs of state."y
It was a proof of this incompetency, that now, when reaUy
caUed upon for advice in an emergency, he should recommend
a continuance of the interim. Certainly nothing worse could be
devised. GranveUe recommended a reappointment of the
Duchess Margaret. J Others suggested Duke Eric of Brunswick,
or an Archduke of the Austrian house ; although the opinion

* Strada, viii. 407, 408. Hoofd, xi. 438. Bor, viii. 663, sqq. V. d. Vynckt;
ii. 176, et sqq., etc. | Archives et Correspondance, v. 874.
X MS. cited by Groen v. Prinst. v. 331.

1576.] AN INTERIM. 55
held by most of the influential counciUors was in favor of Don
John of Austria.* In the interests of Phihp and his
despotism, nothing, at any rate, could be more fatal than delay.
In the condition of affairs which then existed, the worst or
feeblest governor would have been better than none at all. To
leave a vacancy was to play directly into the hands of Orange,
for it was impossible that so skilful an adversary should not at
once perceive the fault, and profit by it to the utmost. It
was strange that Phihp did not see the danger of inactivity at
such a crisis. Assuredly, indolence was never his vice,
but on this occasion indecision did the work of indolence.
Unwittingly, the despot was assisting the efforts of the libe
rator. Viglius saw the position of matters with his customary
keenness, and wondered at the blindness of Hopper and
Philip. At the last gasp of a life, which neither learning nor
the accumulation of worldly prizes and worldly pelf could
redeem from intrinsic baseness, the sagacious but not venerable
old man saw that a chasm was daUy widening, in which the
rehgion and the despotism which he loved might soon be
hopelessly swaUowed. " The Prince of Orange and his Beggars
do not sleep," he cried, almost in anguish ; " nor wiU they be
quiet tUl they have made use of this interregnum to do us
some immense grievance."f
Certainly the Prince of Orange did not sleep upon this nor any
other great occasion of his life. In his own vigorous language,
used to stimulate his friends in various parts of the country, he
seized the swift occasion by the forelock. He opened a fresh
correspondence with many leading gentlemen in Brussels and
other places in the Netherlands ; persons of influence, who
now, for the first time, showed a disposition to side with their
country agamst its tyrants.^ Hitherto the land had been
* MS. cited by Groen v. Prmst. v. 331.— Compare Bor, viii. 663, and the letters
of Phihp to State Council, in Bor, ubi sup; letters which Cabrera characterizes
as "amorosas, suaves enlas razones fraternales," and in which "dezia los amaba
como a hijos ! I" These letters distinctly indicated Don John as the probable
successor of Bequesens— Cabrera, Vita de Felipe II., xi. 845.
f Vigl. Epist. ad Joach. Hopperum, ep. 265, p. 863.
X De Thou, liv. 62, t. vii. 368, 369. Wagenaer, vii. 104, 105, sqq.

56 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
divided into two very unequal portions. HoUand and Zealand
were devoted to the Prince ; their whole population, with
hardly an individual exception, converted to the Reformed
rehgion. The other fifteen provinces were, on the whole, loyal
to the King ; while the old religion had, of late years, taken
root so rapidly again, that perhaps a moiety of their popula
tion might be considered as Catholic* At the same time,
the reign of terror under Alva, the paler, but not less distinct
tyranny of Requesens, and the intolerable excesses of the
foreign soldiery, by which the government of foreigners was
supported, had at last maddened all the inhabitants of the
seventeen provinces. Notwithstanding, therefore, the fata]
difference of religious opinion, they were all drawn into closer
relations with each other ; to regain their ancient privileges,
and to expel the detested foreigners from the soil, being ob
jects common to all. The provinces were united in one great
hatred and one great hope.
The Hollanders and Zealanders, under their heroic leader,
had well nigh accompUshed both tasks, so far as those Uttle
provinces were concerned. Never had a contest, however,
seemed more hopeless at its commencement. Cast a glance at
the map. Look at Holland — not the Repubhc, with its sister
provinces beyond the Zuyder Zee — but HoUand only, with
the Zealand archipelago. Look at that narrow tongue of
half-submerged earth. Who could suppose that upon that
slender sand-bank, one hundred and twenty miles in length,
and varying in breadth from four mUes to forty, one man,
backed by the population of a handful of cities, could do battle
nine years long with the master of two worlds, the " Dominatoi
of Asia, Africa, and America " — the despot of the fairest realms
of Europe — and conquer him at last. Nor was WiUiam even
entirely master of that narrow shoal where clung the survivors
of a great national shipwreck. North and South Holland
were cut in two by the loss of Harlem, while the enemy was
in possession of the natural capital of the little country,
* Groen v. Prinst, Archives, v. 381-385. — Compare de Thou, liv. 62.

1576.] STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 57
Amsterdam. The Prince affirmed that the cause had suffered
more from the disloyalty of Amsterdam than from aU the
efforts of the enemy.
Moreover, the country was in a most desolate condition.
It was almost literally a sinking ship. The destruction of
the bulwarks against the ocean had been so extensive, in con
sequence of the voluntary inundations which have been
described in previous pages, and by reason of the general
neglect which more vital occupations had necessitated
that an enormous outlay, both of labor and money, was now
indispensable to save the physical existence of the country.
The labor and the money, notwithstanding the crippled and
impoverished condition of the nation, were, however, freely
contributed ; a wonderful example of energy and patient hero
ism was again exhibited. The dykes which had been swept
away in every direction were renewed at a vast expense.*
Moreover, the country, in the course of recent events, had
become almost swept bare of its cattle, and it was necessary to
pass a law forbidding, for a considerable period, the slaughter
of any animals, " oxen, cows, calves, sheep, or poultry."f It
was, unfortunately, not possible to provide by law against that
extermination of the human population which had been
decreed by Philip and the Pope.
Such was the physical and moral condition of the provinces
of Holland and Zealand. The political constitution of both
assumed, at this epoch, a somewhat altered aspect. The union
between the two states, effected in June, 1575, required
improvement. The administration of justice, the conflicts of
laws, and more particularly the levying of monies and troops
in equitable proportions, had not been adjusted with perfect
smoothness. The estates of the two provinces, assembled in
congress at Delft, concluded, therefore, a new act of union,
which was duly signed upon the 25th of April, 1576+ Those

* The work was, however, not fairly taken in hand until the spring of 1577.—
Wagenaer, vii. 158, sqq. Bor, x. 819.
f Resol. Holl. Feb. 28, 1575, bl. 97. Van Wyn op Wagenaer, vii. 26.
X Bor, ix. 668. Kluit, Hist Holl. Reg., i. 115, et sqq. Wagenaer, vii. 94.

58 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
estates, consisting of the knights and nobles of HoUand, with
the deputies from the cities and countships of HoUand and
Zealand, had been duly summoned by the Prince of Orange.*
They as fairly included aU the pohtical capacities, and furnished
as copious a representation of the national wUl, as could be
expected, for it is apparent upon every page of his history,
that the Prince, upon aU occasions, chose to refer his policy to
the approval and confirmation of as large a portion of the
people as any man in those days considered capable or desirous
of exercising poUtical functions.
The new union consisted of eighteen articles. It was
established that deputies from aU the estates should meet,
when summoned by the Prince of Orange or otherwise, on
penalty of fine, and at the risk of measures binding upon them
being passed by the rest of the Congress, f Freshly arising
causes of litigation were to be referred to the Prince.*. Free
intercourse and traffic through the united provinces was gua-
ranteed.§ The confederates were mutually to assist each
other in preventing all injustice, wrong, or violence, even
towards an enemy.|| The authority of law and the pure
administration of justice were mutuaUy promised by the con
tracting states.^]" The common expenses were to be appor
tioned among the different provinces, " as if they were all
included in the repubhc of a single city."** Nine commis
sioners, appointed by the Prince on nomination by the estates,
were to sit permanently, as his advisers, and as assessors and
collectors of the taxes.ff The tenure of the union was from
six months to six months, with six weeks' notice.*.*.
The framers of this compact having thus defined the general
outlines of the confederacy, declared that the government,
thus constituted, should be placed under a single head. They

* Bor, ix. 668. Wagenaer, vii. 93. Kluit, i. 115, sqq.
f Art. 3. The document is given in full by Bor, ix. 668, sqq.
X Article 4. § Article 5.
| " Hoewel ook vijand." — Article 7. ^ Article 7. ** Article 10.
ft Article 11. +4 Article 17, 18.

1576.] THE NEW UNION. 59
accordingly conferred supreme authority on the Prince,* de
fining his powers in eighteen articles. He was declared
chief commander by land and sea. He was to appoint all
officers, from generals to subalterns, and to pay them at his
discretion.! The whole protection of the land was devolved
upon him. He was to send garrisons or troops into every
city and viUage at his pleasure, without advice or consent of
the estates, magistrates of the cities, or any other persons
whatsoever.*. He was, in behalf of the King as Count of
Holland and Zealand, to cause justice to be administered by
the supreme court. § In the same capacity he was to provide
for vacancies in aU poUtical and judicial offices of importance,||
choosing, with the advice of the estates, one officer for each
vacant post out of three candidates nominated to him by that
body.^f He was to appoint and renew, at the usual times, the
magistracies in the cities, according to the ancient constitu
tions. He was to make changes in those boards, if necessary,
at unusual times, with consent of the majority of those repre
senting the great councU and corpus of the said cities.** He
was to uphold the authority and pre-eminence of all civU
functionaries, and to prevent governors and mihtary officers
from taking any cognizance of pohtical or judicial affairs.
With regard to religion, he was to maintain the practice of
the Reformed Evangelical religion, and to cause to surcease the
exercise of all other religions contrary to ihe Gospel. He was,
however, not to permit that inquisition should be made into
any man's belief or conscience, or that any man by cause
thereof should suffer trouble, injury, or hindrance.^
The league thus concluded was a confederation between a

* Articles of Union, Bor, ix. 620. t Articles 1 and 2. X Articles 3-7.
§ Article 8. ] Compare Kluit, HoU. Staatsreg., i. 121, 122.
T Article 10. — See Kluit's Commentary on this article. — Holl. Staatsreg., i.
121, 122. ** Article 13.
tt Article 15. — "Sonder dat syne E. sal toelaten dat men op jemands geloof
op conscientie sal inquireren of dat jemand ter cause van die eenige moeyenis,
injurie, of letsel angedaen sal worden, etc., etc.

60 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
group of virtuaUy independent little republics. Each munici
pality, was, as it were, a little sovereign, sending envoys to a
congress to vote and to sign as plenipotentiaries. The vote of
each city was, therefore, indivisible, and it mattered little,
practically, whether there were one deputy or several. Tho
nobles represented not only their own order, but were sup
posed to act also in behalf of the rural population. On the
whole, there was a tolerably fair representation of the whole
nation. The people were weU and worthily represented in
the government of each city, and therefore equaUy so in the
assembly of the estates.* It was not tiU later that the cor
porations, by the extinction of the popular element, and by
the usurpation of the right of self-election, were thoroughly
stiffened into fictitious personages which never died, and which
were never thoroughly alive.
At this epoch the provincial hberties, so far as they could
maintain themselves against Spanish despotism, were practical
and substantial. The government was a representative one,y
in which all those who had the inclination possessed, in one
mode or another, a voice. Although the various members of
the confederacy were locally and practicaUy repubhcs or self-
governed little commonwealths, the general government which
they established was, in form, monarchical. The powers con
ferred upon Orange constituted him a sovereign ad interim,
for while the authority of the Spanish monarch remained sus
pended, the Prince was invested, not only with the whole
executive and appointing power, but even with a very large
share in the legislative functions of the state.*
The whole system was rather practical than theoretical,
without any accurate distribution of political powers. In living,
energetic communities, where the blood of the body pohtic
circulates swiftly, there is an inevitable tendency of the dif
ferent organs to sympathize and commingle more closely than
* Compare Kluit, Holl., Staatsreg., i. 130.
t Kluit, 129, 130. j K!^ L 125

1576.] THE PRINCE'S TASK. 61
a priori phUosophy would aUow. It is usuaUy more desirable
than practicable to keep the executive, legislative, and judicial
departments entirely independent of each other.*
Certainly, the Prince of Orange did not at that moment
indulge in speculations concerning the nature and origin of
government. The Congress of Delft had just clothed him
with almost regal authority. In his hands were the powers
of war and peace, joint control of the magistracies and courts
of justice, absolute supremacy over the army and the fleets.
It is true that these attributes had been conferred upon him
ad interim, but it depended only upon himself to make the
sovereignty personal and permanent. y He was so thoroughly
absorbed in his work, however, that he did not even see the
diadem which he put aside. It was small matter to him
whether they caUed him stadholder or guardian, prince or king.
He was the father of his country and its defender. The
people, from highest to lowest, caUed him " Father WUham,"
and the title was enough for him. The question with him was,
not what men should caU him, but how he should best accom-"
plish his task.
So little was he inspired by the sentiment of self-elevation,,
that he was anxiously seeking for a fitting person — strong,,
wise, and willing enough — to exercise the sovereignty which
was thrust upon himself, but which he desired to exchange
against an increased power to be actively useful to his country.
To expel the foreign oppressor ; to strangle the Inquisition ;
to maintain the ancient liberties of the nation ; — here was
labor enough for his. own hands. The vulgar thought of
carving a throne out of the misfortunes of his country seemc
not to have entered his mind. Upon one point, however, the
Prince had been peremptory. He would have no persecution
of the opposite creed. He was requested to suppress the
Cathohc rehgion, in terms. As we have seen, he caused the
expression to be exchanged for the words, " rehgion at vari-

* Compare Guizot, du Systeme Representatif; t. i.
t Compare Groen v. Prinst., Archives et Correspondance, v. 340-342.

62 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
ance with the Gospel." He resolutely stood out against
aU meddling with men's consciences, or inquiring into their
thoughts. While smiting the Spanish Inquisition into the
dust, he would have no Calvinist inquisition set up in its
place. Earnestly a convert to the Reformed religion, but
hating and denouncing only what was corrupt in the ancient
Church, he would not force men, with fire and sword, to travel
to heaven upon his own road. Thought should be toU-free.
Neither monk nor minister should burn, drown, or hang his
feUow-creatures, when argument or expostulation faUed to
redeem them from error. It was no smaU virtue, in that age,
to rise to such a height. We know what Calvinists, Zwing-
hans, Lutherans, have done in the Netherlands, in Germany,
in Switzerland, and almost a century later in New England.
It is, therefore, with increased veneration that we regard this
large and truly catholic mind. His tolerance proceeded from
no indifference. No man can read his private writings, or
form a thorough acquaintance with his interior life, without
recognizing him as a deeply religious man. He had faith
unfaltering in God. He had also faith in man and love for
his brethren. It was no wonder that in that age of rehgious
bigotry he should have been assaulted on both sides. While
the Pope excommunicated him as a heretic, and the King set
a price upon his head as a rebel, the fanatics of the new
religion denounced him as a godless man. Peter Dathenus,
the unfrocked monk of Poperingen, shrieked out in his pulpit
that the " Prince of Orange cared nothing either for God or
for religion."*
The death of Requesens had offered the first opening
through which the watchful Prince could hope to inflict a
wound in the vital part of Spanish authority in the Nether
lands. The languor of PhUip and the procrastinating counsel
of the dull Hopper unexpectedly widened the opening. On
the 24th of March letters were written by his Majesty to the
states-general, to the provincial estates, and to the courts of

* Brandt, Hist, der Ref., t. i. b. xi. 607.

1576.] ATTITUDE OF ELIZABETH. 63
justice, instructing them that, untU further orders, they were
aU to obey the Council of State. The King was confident
that aU would do their utmost to assist that body in securing
the holy Catholic Faith and the imphcit obedience of the
country to its sovereign. He would, in the meantime, occupy
himself with the selection of a new -Governor-General, who
should be of his family and blood. This uncertain and perUous
condition of things was watched with painful interest in neigh
bouring countries.
The fate of aU nations was more or less involved in th6
development of the great rehgious contest now waging in the
Netherlands. England and France watched each other's
movements in the direction of the provinces with intense
jealousy. The Protestant Queen was the natural ally of the
struggling Reformers, but her despotic sentiments were averse
to the fostering of rebeUion against the Lord's anointed. The
thrifty Queen looked with alarm at the prospect of large
subsidies which would undoubtedly be demanded of her. The
jealous Queen could as ill brook the presence of the French in
the Netherlands as that of the Spaniards whom they were to
expel. She therefore embarrassed, as usual, the operations of
the Prince by a course of stale poUtical coquetry. She wrote
to him, on the 18th of March, soon after the news of the
Grand Commander's death,* saying that she could not yet
accept the offer which had been made to her, to take the
provinces of HoUand and Zealand under her safe keeping, to
assume, as Countess, the sovereignty over them, and to protect
the inhabitants against the alleged tyranny of the King of
Spain. She was unwilling to do so untU she had made every
effort to reconcile them with that sovereign. Before the death
of Requesens she had been intending to send him an envoy,
proposing a truce, for the purpose of negotiation. This pur
pose she stfll retained. She should send commissioners to the
Council of State and to the new Governor, when he should
arrive. She should also send a special envoy to the King of

* Bor, ix. 667.

64 THE RISE OF THE BUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Spain. She doubted not that the King would take her advice,
when he heard her speak in such straightforward language.
In the meantime, she hoped that they would negotiate with
no other powers.*
This was not very satisfactory. The Queen rejected the
offers to herself, but begged that they might, by no means, be
made to her rivals. The expressed intention of softening the
heart of Philip by the use of straightforward language seemed
but a sorry sarcasm. It was hardly worth whfle to wait long
for so improbable a result. Thus much for England at that
juncture. Not inimical, certainly ; but over-cautious, un
generous, teasing, and perplexing, was the policy of the maiden
Queen. With regard to France, events there seemed to favor
the hopes of Orange. On the 14th of May, the " Peace of
Monsieur," the treaty by which so ample but so short-lived a
triumph was achieved by the Huguenots, was signed at Paris.f
Everything was conceded, but nothing was secured. Rights
of worship, rights of office, political and civil, religious en
franchisement, were recovered, but not guaranteed.* It seemed
scarcely possible that the King could be in earnest then, even
if a Medicean Valois could ever be otherwise than treacherous.
It was almost, certain, therefore, that a reaction would take
place ; but it is easier for us, three centuries after the event,
to mark the precise moment of reaction, than it was for the
most far-seeing contemporary to foreteU how soon it would
occur. In the meantime, it was the Prince's cue to make use
of this sunshine while it lasted. Already, so soon as the
union of 25th of April had been concluded between Holland
and Zealand, he had forced the estates to open negotiations
with France.§ The provinces, although desirous to confer
sovereignty upon him, were indisposed to renounce their old
aUegiance to their King in order to place it at the disposal of
* Letter of Queen Elizabeth, March 16, 1576, in Bor, ix. 667.— Compare Groen
r. Prinst, v. 332, 333.
t De Thou, t. vii. 1. lxii. 418.
X De Thou, vii. 413-418.— Compare Groen v. Prinst., v. 349-351.
§ Resol. v. Holl., 64, 65. Groen v. Prinst., v. 341.

1576.] GERMANY. 65
a foreigner. Nevertheless, a resolution, at the reiterated de
mands of Orange, was passed by the estates, to proceed to
the change of master, and, for that purpose, to treat with the
King of France, his brother, or any other foreign potentate,
who would receive these provinces of HoUand and Zealand
under his government and protection.* Negotiations were
accordingly opened with the Duke of Anjou, the dilettante
leader of the Huguenots at that remarkable juncture. It was
a pity that no better champion could be looked for among the
anointed of the earth than the false, fickle, foolish Alencon,
whose career, everywhere contemptible, was nowhere so flagi
tious as in the Netherlands. By the fourteenth article of the
Peace of Paris, the Prince was reinstated and secured in his
principality of Orange, and his other possessions in France.f
The best feeling, for the time being, was manifested between
the French court and the Reformation.*.
Thus much for England and France. As for Germany, the
prospects of the Netherlands were not flattering. The Re
forming spirit had grown languid, from various causes. The
self-seeking motives of many Protestant princes had disgusted
the nobles. Was that the object of the bloody wars of reh
gion, that a few potentates should be enabled to enrich them
selves by confiscating the broad lands and accumulated
treasures of the Church ? Had the creed of Luther been
embraced only for such unworthy ends ? These suspicions
chiUed the ardor of thousands, particularly among the greater
ones of the land. Moreover, the discord among the Reformers
themselves waxed daUy, and became more and more mis
chievous. Neither the people nor their leaders could learn
that, not a new doctrine, but a wise toleration for all Christian
doctrines was wanted. Of new doctrines there was no lack.
Lutherans, Calvinists, Flaccianists, Majorists, Adiaphorists,
• Resol. v. Holl., 64, 65. Groen v. Prinst, v. 341.
t Bor, ix. 684.
X The Edict, or Peace of Paris, in sixty-three articles, is published at length,
by Bor, ix. 683-690.— Compare Groen v. Prinst, v. 349-351. De Thou, t. v.
I vii. 413-418.
VOL. ill. 5

66 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Brantianists, Ubiquitists, swarmed and contended pell-mell.*
In this there would have been small harm, if tho Reformers
had known what reformation meant. But they could not
invent or imagine toleration. AU claimed the privilege of
persecuting. There were sagacious and honest men among the
great ones of the country, but they were but few. Wise
William of Hesse strove hard to effect a concordia among the
jarring sects ; Count John of Nassau, though a passionate Cal
vinist, did no less ; whUe the Elector of Saxony, on the other
hand, raging and roaring like a bull of Bashan, was for
sacrificing the interest of millions on the altar of his personal
spite. Cursed was his tribe if he forgave the Prince. Ho
had done what he could at the Diet of Ratisbon to exclude aU
Calvinists from a participation in the rehgious peace of Ger
many^ and he redoubled his efforts to prevent the extension of
any benefits to the Calvinists of the Netherlands. These de
terminations had remained constant and intense.
On the whole, the political appearance of Germany was as
menacing as that of France seemed for a time favorable to the
schemes of Orange. The quarrels of the princes, and the
daUy widening schism between Lutherans and Calvinists,
seemed to bode little good to the cause of religious freedom.
The potentates were perplexed and at variance, the nobles
lukewarm and discontented. Among the people, although
subdivided into hostUe factions, there was more life. Here,
at least, were heartiness of love and hate, enthusiastic convic
tion, earnestness and agitation. " The true rehgion," wrote
Count John, "is spreading daily among the common men.
Among the powerful, who think themselves highly learned,
and who sit in roses, it grows, alas, little. Here and there a
Nicodemus or two may be found, but things will hardly go
better here than in France or the Netherlands."*.
Thus, then, stood affairs in the neighbouring countries. The
* See in particular a letter of Count John of Nassau to the Prince of Orange,
dated DiUemberg, May 9, 1576.— Archives de la Maison d'Orange, v. 349-358
t Groen v. Prinst, Archives, etc., v. 229, 230.
X Archives, etc., de la Maison d'Orange, v. 346, 347.

1576.] FATE OF BOISOT. 67
prospect was black in Germany, more encouraging in France
dubious, or worse, in England. More work, more anxiety,
more desperate struggles than ever, devolved upon the Prince.
Secretary Brunynck wrote that his illustrious chief was
tolerably well in health, but so loaded with affairs, sorrows, and
travaUs, that, from morning till night, he had scarcely leisure
to breathe.* Besides his multitudinous correspondence with
the public bodies, whose labors he habituaUy directed ; with the
various estates of the provinces, which he was graduaUy
moulding into an organised and general resistance to the
Spanish power ; with public envoys and with secret agents to
foreign cabinets, all of whom received their instructions from
him alone ; with individuals of eminence and influence, whom
he was eloquently urging to abandon their hostile position to
their fatherland, and to assist him in the great work which he
was doing ; besides these numerous avocations, he was ac
tively and anxiously engaged during the spring of 1576, with
the attempt to reheve the city of Zierickzee.f
That important place, the capital of Schouwen, and the key
to half Zealand, had remained closely invested since the
memorable expedition to Duiveland. The Prince had passed
much of his time in the neighbourhood, during the month of
May, in order to attend personally to the contemplated relief,
and to correspond daUy with the beleaguered garrison.*. At
last, on the 25th of May, a vigorous effort was made to
throw in succor by sea. The brave Admiral Boisot, hero of
the memorable rehef of Leyden, had charge of the expedition.
Mondragon had surrounded the shallow harbor with hulks
and chains, and with a loose submerged dyke of pfles and
rubbish. Against this obstacle Boisot drove his ship, the
' Red Lion,' with his customary audacity, but did not suc
ceed in cutting it through. His vessel, the largest of the
fleet, became entangled : he was, at the same time, attacked

* Archives, etc., de la Maison d'Orange, v. 365.
t Bor, ix. 667, sqq. Meteren, v. 102, 103.
X Archives, etc., de la Maison d'Orange, v. 358, 359,

68 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
from a distance by the besiegers. The tide ebbed and left his
ship aground, while the other vessels had been beaten back by
the enemy. Night approached, and there was no possibility of
accomplishing the enterprise. His ship was hopelessly
stranded. With the morning's sun his captivity was certain.
Rather than fall into the hands of his enemy, he sprang into
the sea, followed by three hundred of his companions, some of
whom were fortunate enough to effect their escape. The gaUant
Admiral swam a long time, sustained by a broken spar. Night
and darkness came on before assistance could be rendered, and
he perished.* Thus died Louis Boisot, one of the most enter
prising of the early champions of Netherland freedom — one
of the bravest precursors of that race of heroes, the com
manders of the Holland navy. The Prince deplored his loss
deeply as that of a " valiant gentleman, and one well affec-
tioned to the common cause."y His brother, Charles Boisot,
as will be remembered, had perished by treachery at the first
landing of the Spanish troops, after their perUous passage
from Duiveland. Thus both the brethren had laid down
their lives for their country, on this its outer barrier, and in
the hour of its utmost need. The fall of the beleaguered
town could no longer be deferred. The Spaniards were, at
last, to receive the prize of that romantic valor which had
led them across the bottom of the sea to attack the city.
Nearly nine months had, however, elapsed since that achieve
ment ; and the Grand Commander, by whose orders it had
been undertaken, had been four months in his grave. He
was permitted to see neither the long-delayed success which
crowned the enterprise, nor the procession of disasters and
crimes which were to mark it as a most fatal success.
On the 21st of June, 1576, Zierickzee, instructed by the

* Bor, ix. 678. Hoofd, x. 440. Archives de la Maison d'Orange, v. 364-
368. Meteren, v. 102. — The last historian erroneously gives the 12th of June
instead of the 25th of May as the date of the unfortunate adventure. Cabrera,
xi. 846, who states the loss of the Orangists at eight hundred and upwards.
'.¦ Archives, etc. v. 367.

1576.] FALL OF ZIERICKZEE. 69
Prince of Orange to accept honorable terms, if offered, agreed
to surrender. Mondragon, whose soldiers were in a state of
suffering, and ready to break out in mutiny, was but too happy
to grant an honorable capitulation. The garrison were allowed
to go out with their arms and personal baggage. The citizens
were permitted to retain or resume their privUeges and charters,
on payment of two hundred thousand guldens. Of sacking
and burning there was, on this occasion, fortunately, no ques
tion ; but the first half of the commutation money was to be
paid in cash. There was but httle money in the impoverished
little town, but mint-masters were appointed by the magis
trates to take their seats at once in the Hotel de Ville. The
citizens brought their spoons and silver dishes, one after
another, which were melted and coined into dollars and half-
dollars, until the payment was satisfactorily adjusted. Thus
fell Zierickzee, to the deep regret of the Prince. " Had we
received the least succor in the world from any side," he wrote,
" the poor city should never have faUen. I could get nothing
from France or England, with aU my efforts. Nevertheless,
we do not lose courage, but hope that, although abandoned by
aU the world, the Lord God wiU extend His right hand
over us."*
The enemies were not destined to go farther. From their
own hand now came the blow which was to expel them
from the soil which they had so long polluted. No sooner was
Zierickzee captured than a mutiny broke forth among several
companies of Spaniards and Walloons, belonging to the army
in Schouwen.f A large number of the most influential
officers had gone to Brussels, to make arrangements, if
possible, for the payment of the troops. In their absence
there was more scope for the arguments of the leading

* Bor, ix. 681. Hoofd, x. 440, 441. Meteren, v. 102, 103. Archives de
la Maison d'Orange, v. 372, 373. Letter of 16th July, 1576, in Archives de la
Maison d'Orange, v. 379-381.
t Bor, ix. 681, 692, sqq. Meteren, vi. 106. Hoofd, x, 443. Groen v. Prinst
v. 381, sqq.

70 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
mutineers ; — arguments assuredly, not entirely destitute of
justice or logical precision. If ever laborers were worthy of
theh hire, certainly it was the Spanish soldiery. Had they not
done the work of demons for nine years long ? Could Philip
or Alva have found in the wide world men to execute their
decrees with more unhesitating docUity, with more sympa
thizing eagerness ? What obstacle had ever given them pause
in their career of duty ? What element had they not braved ?
Had not they fought within the bowels of the earth, beneath
the depths of the sea, within blazing cities, and upon fields of
ice ? Where was the work which had been too dark and bloody
for their performance ? Had they not slaughtered unarmed
human beings by townfuls, at the word of command ? Had
they not eaten the flesh, and drank the hearts' blood of their
enemies ? Had they not stained the house of God with whole
sale massacre ? What altar and what hearthstone had they
not profaned ? What fatigue, what danger, what crime, had
ever checked them for a moment ? And for all this obedience,
labor, and bloodshed, were they not even to be paid such
wages as the commonest clown, who only tore the earth at
home, received ? Did PhUip believe that a few thousand
Spaniards were to execute his sentence of death against three
millions of Netherlanders, and be cheated of their pay at last ?
It was in vain that arguments and expostulations were
addressed to soldiers who were suffering from want, and mad
dened by injustice. They determined to take their cause into
their own hand, as they had often done before. By the 15th
of July, the mutiny was general on the isle of Schouwen.*
Promises were freely offered, both of pay and pardon ; appeals
were made to their old sense of honor and loyalty ; but they had
had enough of promises, of honor, and of work. What they
wanted now were shoes and jerkins, bread and meat, and
money. Money they would have, and that at once. The

* Hoofd, x. 443, sqq. Bor, ix. 692. Meteren, vi. 106. Mendoza, xv. 298,
sqq. Cabrera, xi. 848, sqq.

1576.] MUTINY AFOOT. 71
King of Spain was their debtor. The Netherlands belonged
to the King of Spain. They would therefore levy on the
Netherlands for payment of their debt. Certainly this was a
logical deduction. They knew by experience that this process
had heretofore excited more indignation in the minds of the
Netherland people than in that of their master. Moreover, at
this juncture, they cared httle for their sovereign's displeasure,
and not at all for that of the Netherlanders. By the middle of
July, then, the mutineers, now entirely beyond control, held
their officers imprisoned within their quarters at Zierickzee.
They even surrounded the house of Mondragon, who had so
often led them to victory, caUing upon him with threats and
taunts to furnish them with money.* The veteran, roused to
fury by their insubordination and their taunts, sprang from his
house into the midst of the throng. Baring his breast before
them, he fiercely invited and dared their utmost violence. Of
his life-blood, he told them bitterly, he was no niggard, and it
was at their disposal. His wealth, had he possessed any,
would have been equaUy theirs. 7 Shamed into temporary
respect, but not turned from their purpose by the choler of
their chief, they left him to himself. Soon afterwards, having
swept Schouwen island bare of every thing which could be
consumed, the mutineers swarmed out of Zealand into Bra
bant, devouring as they went.*.
It was their purpose to hover for a time in the neigh
bourhood of the capital, and either to force the Council
of State to pay them their long arrears, or else to seize
and sack the richest city upon which they could lay their
hands. The compact, disciplined mass, rolled hither and
thither, with uncertainty of purpose, but with the same
military precision of movement which had always characterized
these remarkable mutinies. It gathered strength daUy. The
citizens of Brussels contemplated with dismay the eccentric

* Hoofd, x. 443, 444. f Ibid., x. 444. — Compare Cabrera, xi 848.
i Bor, ix. 692. Cabrera, xi. 848 sqq. Mendoza, xv. 300.

72 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
and threatening apparition. They knew that rapine, murder,
and all the worst evils which man can inflict on his brethren
were pent within it, and would soon descend. Yet, even
with all their past experience, did they not foresee the depth of
woe which was reaUy impending. The mutineers had dis
carded such of their officers as they could not compel to
obedience, and had, as usual, chosen their Eletto. Many
straggling companies joined them as they swept to and fro.
They came to Herenthals, where they were met by Count
Mansfeld, who was deputed by the Council of State to treat
with them, to appeal to them, to pardon them, to offer them
everything but money. It may be supposed that the success
of the commander-in-chief was no better than that of Mon
dragon and his subalterns. They laughed him to scorn when
he reminded them how their conduct was tarnishing the glory
which they had acquired by nine years of heroism. They
answered with their former cynicism, that glory could be put
neither into pocket nor stomach. They had no use for it ;
they had more than enough of it. Give them money, or give
them a city ;* these were their last terms.
Sorrowfully and bodingly Mansfeld withdrew to consult again
with the State Council. The mutineers then made a demonstra
tion uponMechlin, but that city having fortunately strengthened
its garrison, was allowed to escape. They then hovered for a
time outside the walls of Brussels. At Grimsberg, where they
paused for a short period, they held a parley with Captain
Montesdocca, whom they received with fair words and specious
pretences. He returned to Brussels with the favourable
tidings, and the mutineers swarmed off to Assche. Thithei
Montesdocca was again despatched, with the expectation that
he would be able to bring them to terms, but they drove him off
with jeers and threats, finding that he brought neither money
nor the mortgage of a populous city. The next day, after a
feint or two in a different direction, they made a sudden swoop

* Bor, ix. 692. Meteren, vi 106. Hoofd, x. 444. Mendoza, xv. 300.

1576.] EXCITEMENT IN BRUSSELS. 73
upon Alost, in Flanders. Here they had at last made their
choice, and the town was carried by storm. AU the inhabi
tants who opposed them were butchered, and the mutiny, at
last established in a capital, was able to treat with the State
Council upon equal terms. They were now between two and
three thousand strong, disciplined, veteran troops, posted in a
strong and wealthy city. One hundred parishes belonged to
the jurisdiction of Alost, aU of which were immediately laid
Bnder contribution.*
The excitement was now intense in Brussels. Anxiety and
alarm had given place to rage, and the whole population rose in
arms to defend the capital, which was felt to be in imminent
danger. This spontaneous courage of the burghers prevented
the catastrophe, which was reserved for a sister city. Mean
time, the indignation and horror excited by the mutiny
were so universal that the Council of State could not with
stand the pressure. Even the women and children demanded
daily in the streets that the rebel soldiers should be declared
outlaws. On the 26th of July, accordingly, the King of
Spain was made to pronounce his Spaniards traitors and mur
derers. AU men were enjoined to slay one or all of them,
wherever they should be found ; to refuse them bread, water,
and fire, and to assemble at sound of bell, in every city, when
ever the magistrates should order an assault upon them.f A
still more stringent edict was issued on the 2nd of August,*, and
so eagerly had these degrees been expected, that they were
published throughout Flanders and Brabant almost as soon
as issued. Hitherto the leading officers of the Spanish army
had kept aloof from the insurgents, and frowned upon their
proceedings. The Spanish member of the State CouncU,
Jerome de Roda, had joined without opposition in the edict.
As, however, the mutiny gathered strength on the outside,
the indignation waxed daily within the capital. The citizens

* Bor, ix. 693. Meteren, vi. 106. Bentivogho, ix. 173. Hoofd, x. 445.
t See the Edict, in Bor, ix. 693. X Hoofd, x. 445.

74 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
of Brussels, one and all, stood to their arms. Not a man
could enter or leave without their permission. The Spaniards
who were in the town, whether soldiers or merchants, were
regarded with suspicion and abhorrence. The leading Spanish
officers, Romero, Montesdocca, Verdugo, and others, who had
attempted to quell the mutiny, had been driven off with
threats and curses, their soldiers defying them and bran
dishing their swords in their very faces. On the other hand,
they were looked upon with ill-will by the Netherlanders.
The most prominent Spanish personages in Brussels were kept
in a state of half-imprisonment.* Romero, Roda, Verdugo,
were believed to favor at heart the cause of their rebellious
troops, and the burghers of Brabant had come to consider aU the
King's army in a state of rebelUon. Beheving the State
Council powerless to protect them from the impending storm,
they regarded that body with Uttle respect, keeping it, as it
were, in durance, whUe the Spaniards were afraid to walk the
streets of Brussels for fear of being murdered. A retainer of
Roda, who had ventured to defend the character and conduct
of his master before a number of excited citizens, was slain on
the spot.f
In Antwerp, Champagny, brother of GranveUe, and
governor of the city, was disposed to cultivate friendly rela
tions with the Prince of Orange. Champagny hated the
Spaniards, and the hatred seemed to establish enough of sym
pathy between himself and the hberal party to authorize con
fidence in him. The Prince dealt with him, but regarded him
warily + Fifteen companies of German troops, under Colonel
Altaemst, were suspected of a strong inclination to join the
mutiny. They were withdrawn from Antwerp, and in their
room came Count Oberstein, with his regiment, who swore to
admit no suspicious person inside the gates, and. in all things
to obey the orders of Champagny.§ In the citadel, however,
* Bor, ix. 692, 693. Cabrera, xi. 849. Hoofd, x. 445.
t Bor, ix. 693. Meteren, vi. 106.
X Archives de la Maison d'Orange, v. 487, 488. Cabrera, xi. 863.— "Pero
el Champaigne estaba convenido con los Estados y con le Principe de Orange su
grande amigo. § Bor, ix. 694. Hoofd, x. 447.

1576.] HAVRE ARRIVES FROM SPAIN. 75
matters were very threatening. Sancho d' Avila, the governor,
although he had not openly joined the revolt, treated the edict
of outlawry against the rebellious soldiery with derision. He
refused to pubhsh a decree which he proclaimed infamous, and
which had been extorted, in his opinion, from an impotent and
trembling councU.* Even Champagny had not desired or
dared to pubhsh the edict within the city. The reasons
alleged were his fears of irritating and alarming the foreign
merchants, whose position was so critical and friendship
so important at that moment.y On the other hand, it
was loudly and joyfully published in most other towns of
Flanders and Brabant. In Brussels there were two parties,
one holding the decree too audacious for his Majesty to
pardon ; the other clamoring for its instantaneous fulfilment.
By far the larger and more influential portion of the population
favored the measure, and wished the sentence of outlawry and
extermination to be extended at once against all Spaniards
and other foreigners in the service of the King. It seemed
imprudent to wait untU all the regiments had formally
accepted the mutiny, and concentrated themselves into a single
body.t At this juncture, on the last day of July, the Marquis of
Havre, brother to the Duke of Aerschot, arrived out of Spain.§
He was charged by the King with concUiatory but unmeaning
phrases to the estates. The occasion was not a happy one.
There never was a time when direct and vigorous action had
been more necessary. It was probably the King's desire then,
as much as it ever had been his desire at aU, to make up the
quarrel with his provinces. He had been wearied with the
policy which Alva had enforced, and for which he endeavoured
at that period to make the Duke appear responsible. The
barren clemency which the Grand Commander had been
instructed to affect, had deceived but few persons, and had
produced but small results. The King was, perhaps, really

* Mendoza, xv. 301. Cabrera, xi. 849. t Bor, ix. 694.
X Ibid., 694, sqq. Hoofd, x. 447, sqq. § Bor, ix. 704.

76 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
inclined at this juncture to exercise clemency — that is to
say, he was willing to pardon his people for having con
tended for their rights, provided they were now willing
to resign them for ever. So the Catholic religion and
his own authority were exclusively and inviolably secured, he
was wilhng to receive his disobedient provinces into favor. To
accomplish this end, however, he had stiU no more fortunate
conception than to take the advice of Hopper. A soothing
procrastination was the anodyne selected for the bitter pangs
of the body politic — a vague expression of royal benignity
the styptic to be applied to its mortal wounds. An interval of
hesitation was to bridge over the chasm between the provinces
and their distant metropolis. " The Marquis of Havre has
been sent," said the King, " that he may expressly witness
to you of our good intentions, and of our desire, with the
grace of God, to bring about a pacification."* Alas, it was
well known whence those pavements of good intentions had
been taken, and whither they would lead. They were not the
material for a substantial road to reconcUiation. "His
Majesty," said the Marquis, on delivering his report to the
State CouncU, "has long been pondering over all things
necessary to the peace of the land. His Majesty, like a very-
gracious and bountiful Prince, has ever been disposed, in times
past, to treat these, his subjects, by the best and sweetest
means."f There being, however, room for an opinion that so
bountiful a prince might have discovered sweeter means, by aU
this pondering, than to burn and gibbet his subjects by
thousands, it was thought proper to insinuate that his orders
had been hitherto misunderstood. Alva and Requesens had
been unfaithful agents, who did not know their business, but
it was to be set right in future. "As the good- will and
meaning of his Majesty has by no means been followed,"
continued the envoy, "his Majesty has determined to send
CouncUlor Hopper, keeper of the privy seal, and myself, hither-
wards, to execute the resolutions of his Majesty."*. Two such
* See the letter, in Bor, ix. 704
t Report of Marquis of Havre-., in Bor. ix. 704. t Ibid

1576.] QUACKERY. 7?
personages as poor, plodding, confused, time-serving Hopper,
and flighty, talkative* Havre, whom even Requesens despised,
and whom Don John, whUe shortly afterwards recommending
him for a state councillor, characterized to PhUip as " a very
great scoundrel,"f would hardly be able, even if royaUy em
powered, to undo the work of two preceding administrations.
Moreover, Councillor Hopper, on further thoughts, was not
despatched at aU to the Netherlands.
The provinces were, however, assured by the King's letters
to the Brabant estates, to the State Council, and other public
bodies, as weU as by the report of the Marquis, that efficacious
remedies were preparing in Madrid. The people were only to
wait patiently tUl they should arrive.*. The pubhc had heard
before of these nostrums, made up by the royal prescriptions
in Spain ; and were not likely to accept them as a panacea for
their present complicated disorders. Never, in truth, had
conventional commonplace been applied more unseasonably.
Here was a general military mutiny flaming in the very centre
of the land. Here had the intense hatred of race, which for
years had been gnawing at the heart of the country, at last
broken out into most malignant manifestation. Here was
nearly the whole native population of every provmce, from
grand seigneur to plebeian, from Catholic prelate to Ana
baptist artisan, exasperated alike by the excesses of six
thousand foreign brigands, and united by a common hatred,
into a band of brethren. Here was a State Council too feeble
to exercise the authority which it had arrogated, trembhng
between the wrath of its sovereign, the menacing cries of the
Brussels burghers, and the wild threats of the rebellious army.
and held virtually captive in the capital which it was supposed
to govern.
Certainly, the confirmation of the Council in its authority,

* " Loquillo y insubstancial." — Letter of Requesens to Phihp, cited by Gachard,
Corresp. Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 130, n. 1.
t " Muy grandissimo vellacho." — Letter of Don John to Phihp, cited by Gachard,
ubi sup.
X Report of Marq. Havre, etc., Bor, ix. 705.

78 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
for an indefinite, even if for a brief period, was a most unlucky
step at this juncture. There were two parties in the provinces,
but one was far the most powerful upon the great point of the
Spanish soldiery. A vast majority were in favor of a declara
tion of outlawry against the whole army, and it was thought
desirable to improve the opportunity by getting rid of them
altogether. If the people could rise en masse, now that the
royal government was in abeyance, and, as it were, in the
nation's hands, the incubus might be cast off for ever. If any
af the Spanish officers had been sincere in their efforts to arrest
the mutiny, the sincerity was not believed. If any of the
foreign regiments of the King appeared to hesitate at joining
the Alost crew, the hesitation was felt to be temporary. Mean
time, the important German regiments of Fugger, Frons-
berger, and Polwiller, with their colonels and other officers,
had openly joined the rebellion,* while there was no doubt of
the sentiments of Sancho d' Avila and the troops under his
command.f Thus there were two great raUying-places for the
sedition, and the most important fortress of the country, the
key which unlocked the richest city in the world, was in the
hands of the mutineers. The commercial capital of Europe,
filled to the brim with accumulated treasures, and with the
merchandize of every clime, lay at the feet of this desperate
band of brigands. The horrible result was but too soon to
be made manifest.
Meantime, in Brussels, the few Spaniards trembled for their-
lives. The few officers shut up there were in imminent danger.
"As the Devil does not cease to do his work," wrote Colonel
Verdugo,*. " he has put it into the heads of the Brabanters
to rebel, talcing for a pretext the mutiny of the Spaniards.
The Brussels men have handled their weapons so well against
those who were placed there to protect them, that they
have begun to kill the Spaniards, threatening likewise the

* Bor, ix. 711, 712. Hoofd, x. 448.
t Meteren, vi. 107. Mendoza, xv. 303, sqq. Cabrera, xi. 849, sqq.
X This letter of Verdug" tn his Lieutenant De la Margella is published by Bor
ix. 702, and by Groen, v. Prinsterer, Archives, v. 387-38S

1576.] GOVERNOR RODA. 79
Council of State. Such is their insolence, that they care no
more for these great lords than for so many varlets." The
writer, who had taken refuge, together with Jerome de Roda
and other Spaniards, or " Hispaniolized" persons, in Antwerp
citadel, proceeded to sketch the preparations which were
going on in Brussels, and the counter measures which were
making progress in Antwerp. " The states," he wrote, " are
enrolling troops, saying 'tis to put down the mutiny ; but J
assure you 'tis to attack the army indiscriminately. To pre
vent such a viUanous undertaking, troops of all nations are
assembling here, in order to march straight upon Brussels,
there to enforce everything which my lords of the State Council
shall ordain." Events were obviously hastening to a crisis — an
explosion, before long, was inevitable. "I wish I had my
horses here," continued the Colonel, "and must beg you to
send them. I see a black cloud hanging over our heads. I
fear that the Brabantines will play the beasts so much, that
they will have all the soldiery at their throats."*
Jerome de Roda had been fortunate enough to make his
escape out of Brussels,y and now claimed to be sole Governor
of the Netherlands, as the only remaining representative
of the State Council. His colleagues were in durance at
the capital. Their authority was derided. Although not yet
actually imprisoned, they were in reality bound hand and
foot, and compelled to take their orders either from the Bra
bant estates or from the burghers of Brussels. It was not an
illogical proceeding, therefore, that Roda, under the shadow
of the Antwerp citadel, should set up his own person as ah.
that remained of the outraged majesty of Spain. TU1 the
new Governor, Don Juan, should arrive, whose appointment
the King had already communicated to the government, and
who might be expected in the Netherlands before the close
of the autumn, the solitary councillor claimed to embody the
whole Council. £ He caused a new seal to be struck — a pro-

* Letter of Verdugo. t Bor- ix- '705- Hoofd, x- 449.
% Bor, Hoofd, ubi sup.

80 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
ceeding very unreasonably charged as forgery by the provin
cials—and forthwith began to thunder forth proclamations and
counter-proclamations in the King's name and under the royal
seal.* It is difficult to see any technical crime or mistake in
such a course. As a Spaniard, and a representative of his
Majesty, he could hardly be expected to take any other view
of his duty. At any rate, being called upon to choose between
rebeUious Netherlanders and mutinous Spaniards, he was not
?.ong in making up his mind.
By the beginning of September the mutiny was general
AU the Spanish army, from general to pioneer, were united.
The most important German troops had taken side with them.
Sancho d' Avila held the citadel of Antwerp, vowing ven
geance, and holding open communication with the soldiers at
Alost.f The CouncU of State remonstrated with him for
his disloyalty. He rephed by referring to his long years of
service, and by reproving them for affecting an authority
which their imprisonment rendered ridiculous. % The Spaniards
were securely established. The various citadels which had
been built by Charles and Phihp to curb the country now
effectually did their work. With the castles of Antwerp,
Valenciennes, Ghent, Utrecht, Culemburg, Viane, Alost, in
the hands of six thousand veteran Spaniards, the country
seemed chained in every Umb. The foreigner's foot was on its
neck. Brussels was almost the only considerable town out of
Holland and Zealand which was even temporarily safe. The
important city of Maestricht was held by a Spanish garrison
while other capital towns and stations were in the power of
the Walloon and German mutineers.§ The depredations com-
mitted in the vUlages, the open country, and the cities were
incessant — the Spaniards treating every Netherlander as their
foe. Gentleman and peasant, Protestant and Catholic, priest
and layman, all were plundered, maltreated, outraged. The

* Bor, ix. 712. Hoofd, x. 449.
t Mendoza, xv. 301, sqq. Cabrera, xi. 864, sqq. X Mendoza, ubi sup.
§ Bor, ix. 715. Mendoza, xv. 303.

1576.] SKIRMISHING. 81
indignation became daily more general and more intense.*
There were frequent skirmishes between the soldiery and pro
miscuous bands of peasants, citizens, and students ; conflicts
in which the Spaniards were invariably victorious. What
could such half-armed and wholly untrained partisans effect
agamst the bravest and most experienced troops in the whole
world ? Such results only increased the general exasperation,
while they impressed upon the whole people the necessity of
some great and general effort to throw off the incubus.

* Meteren, vi, 107. Hoofd, x. 450-453.
VOI» HI. 8

CHAPTER V.

Rehgious and political sympathies and antipathies in the seventeen pronnces—
Unanimous hatred for the foreign soldiery — Use made by the Prince of the
mutiny — His correspondence — Necessity of Union enforced — A congress
from nearly all the provinces meets at Ghent — Skirmishes between the
foreign troops and partisan bands — Slaughter at Tisnacq — Suspicions en
tertained of the State-Council — Arrest of the State-Council — Siege of Ghent
citadel — Assistance sent by Orange — Maestricht lost and regained —
"Wealthy and perilous condition of Antwerp — Preparations of the muti
neers under the secret superintendence of Avila — Stupidity of Oberstein —
Duphcity of Don Sancho — Reinforcements of Walloons under Havre, Eg.
mont, and others, sent to Antwerp — Governor Champagny's preparations
for the expected assault of the mutineers — Insubordination, incapacity, and
negligence of all but him — Concentration of all the mutineers from different
points, in the citadel — Tho attack — the panic — the flight — the massacre —
the fire — the sack — and other details of the 'Spanish Fury" — Statistics
of murder and robbery — Letter of Orange to tho states-general — Surrender
of Ghent citadel— Conclusion of the " Ghent Pacification" — The treaty
characterized — Forms of ratification — Fall of Zierickzee and recovery oi
Zealand.
Meantime, the Prince of Orange sat at Middelburg,* watch
ing the storm. The position of HoUand and Zealand with re
gard to the other fifteen provinces was distinctly characterized.
Upon certain points there was an absolute sympathy, while
upon others there was a grave and almost fatal difference. It
was the task of the Prince to deepen the sympathy, to extin
guish the difference.
In Holland and Zealand, there was a warm and nearly uni-

Bor, ix. 694, sqq.

1576.] RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS. 83
versal adhesion to the Reformed religion, a passionate attach
ment to the ancient pohtical liberties. The Prince, although
an earnest Calvinist himself, did all in his power to check the
growing spirit of intolerance toward the old religion, omitted
no opportunity of strengthening the attachment which the
people justly felt for their liberal institutions.
On the other hand, in most of the other provinces, the
Cathohc religion had been regaining it3 ascendency. Even in
1574, the estates assembled at Brussels declared to Requesens'
" that they would rather die the death than see any change
in their religion."* That feeling had rather increased than
diminished. Although there was a strong party attached to
the new faith, there was perhaps a larger, certainly a more in
fluential body, which regarded the ancient Church with abso
lute fidelity. Owing partly to the persecution which had, in
the course of years, banished so many thousands of famUies
from the soil, partly to the coercion, which was more stringent
in the immediate presence of the Crown's representative,
partly to the stronger infusion of the Celtic element, which
from the earliest ages had always been so keenly alive to the
more sensuous and splendid manifestations of the devotional
principle — owing to these and many other causes, the old reli
gion, despite of all the outrages which had been committed
in its name, stUl numbered a host of zealous adherents in the
fifteen provinces. Attempts against its sanctity were regarded
with jealous eyes. It was believed, and with reason, that
there was a disposition on the part of the Reformers to de
stroy it root and branch. It was suspected that the same
enginery of persecution would be employed in its extirpation,
should the opposite party gain the supremacy, which the Papists
had so long employed against the converts to the new religion.
As to political convictions, the fifteen provinces differed
much less from their two sisters. There was a strong attach
ment to their old constitutions ; a general inclination to

* " Datse liever willen sterven de dood, dan te sien eenige veranderinge in de
Religie,'' etc. — Remonstrance, etc., in Bor, viii. 518b.

84 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576,
make use of the present crisis to effect their restoration. At
the same time, it had not come to be the general conviction,
as in HoUand and Zealand, that the maintenance of those
hberties was incompatible with the continuance of Philip's
authority. There was, moreover, a strong aristocratic faction
which was by no means disposed to take a liberal view of
government in general, and regarded with apprehension the
simultaneous advance of heretical notions both in church and
staie. StiU there were, on the whole, the elements of a con
trolling constitutional party throughout the fifteen provinces.
The great bond of sympathy, however, between all the sev
enteen was their common hatred to the foreign soldiery. Upon
this deeply imbedded, immovable fulcrum of an ancient na
tional hatred, the sudden mutiny of the whole Spanish army
served as a lever of incalculable power. The Prince seized it
as from the hand of God. Thus armed, he proposed to him
self the task of upturning the mass of oppression under which
the old liberties of the country had so long been crushed. To
effect this object, adroitness was as requisite as courage. Ex
pulsion of the foreign soldiery, union of the seventeen provin
ces, a representative constitution, according to the old charters,
by the states-general, under an hereditary chief, a large reh
gious toleiation, suppression of all inquisition into men's con
sciences — these were the great objects to which the Prince now
devoted himself with renewed energy.
To bring about a general organization and a general union,
much dehcacy of handling was necessary. The sentiment of
extreme Cathohcism and Monarchism was not to be suddenly
scared into opposition. The Prince, therefore, in aU his ad
dresses and documents was careful to disclaim any intention
of disturbing the established religion, or of making any rash
political changes. " Let no man think," said he, to the au
thorities of Brabant, "that, • against the will of the estates,
we desire to bring about any change in religion. Let no one
suspect us capable of prejudicing the rights of any man. We
have long since taken up arms to maintain a legal and con
stitutional freedom, founded upon law, God forbid that we

1576.] LETTERS OF ORANGE. 85
should now attempt to introduce novelties, by which the face
of liberty should be defiled."*
In a brief and very spirited letter to Count Lalain, a
Catholic and a loyalist, but a friend of his country and fervent
hater of foreign oppression, he thus appealed to his sense of
chivalry and justice : " Although the honorable house from
which you spring," he said, " and the virtue and courage of
your ancestors have always impressed me with the conviction
that you would foUow in their footsteps, yet am I glad to have
received proofs that my anticipations were correct. I cannot
help, therefore, entreating you to maintain the same high
heart, and to accomphsh that which you have so worthily
begun. Be not deluded by false masks, mumming faces, and
borrowed titles, which people assume for their own profit, per
suading others that the King's service consists in the destruc
tion of his subjects."y
While thus careful to offend no man's religious convictions,
to startle no man's loyalty, he made skiUful use of the general
indignation felt at the atrocities of the mutinous army. This
chord he struck boldly, powerfully, passionately, for he felt
sure of the depth and strength of its vibrations. In his ad
dress to the estates of Gelderland, *. he used vigorous language,
inflaming and directing to a practical purpose the just wrath
which was felt in that, as in every other province. " I write
to warn you," he said, "to seize this present opportunity.
Shake from your necks the yoke of the godless Spanish
tyranny, join yourselves at once to the lovers of the fatherland,
to the defenders. of freedom. According to the example of
your own ancestors and ours, redeem for the country its an
cient laws, traditions, and privileges. Permit no longer, to
your shame and ours, a band of Spanish landloupers and
other foreigners, together with three or four self-seeking
enemies of their own land, to keep their feet upon our necks.
Let them no longer, in the very wantonness of tyranny, drive

* Letter to States of Brabant, in Bor, ix. 695.
t The letter to Lalain is published by Bor, ix. 696.
X Address to the Estates of Gelderland. aoud Bor. ix. f02.

86 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
us about hke a herd of cattle— hke a gang of weU-tamed
slaves." Thus, day after day, in almost countless addresses to
public bodies and private individuals, he made use of the
crisis to pUe fresh fuel upon the flames. At the same time,
while thus fanning the general indignation, he had the adroit
ness to point out that the people had already committed them
selves. He represented to them that the edict, by which they
had denounced his Majesty's veterans as outlaws, and had
devoted them to the indiscriminate destruction which such
brigands deserved, was likely to prove an unpardonable crime
in the eyes of majesty. In short, they had entered the tor
rent. If they would avoid being dashed over the precipice,
they must struggle manfully with the mad waves of civil
war into which they had plunged. " I beg you, with aU affec
tion," he said to the states of Brabant,* "to consider the
danger in which you have placed yourselves. You have to
deal with the proudest and most overbearing race in the
world. For these quahties they are hated by aU other nations.
They are even hateful to themselves. 'Tis a race which seeks
to domineer wheresoever it comes. It particularly declares its
intention to crush and to tyrannize you, my masters, and all
the land. They have conquered you already, as they boast, for
the crime of lese-majesty has placed you at their mercy. I teU
you that your last act, by which you have declared this army
to be rebels, is decisive. You have armed and excited the
whole people against them, even to the peasants and the
peasants' chUdren, and the insults and injuries thus received,
however richly deserved and dearly avenged, are aU set down
to your account. Therefore, 'tis necessary for you to decide
now, whether to be utterly ruined, yourselves and your
chUdren, or to continue firmly the work which you have begun
boldly, and rather to die a hundred thousand deaths than to
make a treaty with them, which can only end in your ruin.
Be assured that the measure dealt to you will be ignominy as
* In Bor, ix, 694-696.

1576. J NECESSITY OF UNION. 87
weU as destruction. Let not your leaders expect the honor
able scaffolds of Counts Egmont and Horn. The whipping
post and then the gibbet wUl be their certain fate."*
Having by this and similar language, upon various occasions,
sought to impress upon his countrymen the gravity of the
position, he led them to seek the remedy in audacity and in
union. He famUiarized them with hiB theory, that the legal,
historical government of the provinces belonged to the states-
general, to a congress of nobles, clergy, and commons, ap
pointed from each of the seventeen provinces, t He maintained,
with reason, that the government of the Netherlands was a
representative constitutional government, under the hereditary
authority of the King. J To recover this constitution, to lift
up these down-trodden rights, he set before them most vividly
the necessity of union. "'Tis impossible," he said, "that a
chariot should move evenly having its wheels unequally pro
portioned ; and so must a confederation be broken to pieces, if
there be not an equal obligation on aU to tend to a common
purpose."§ Union, close, fraternal, such as became provinces
of a common origin and with similar laws, could alone save
them from their fate. Union against a common tyrant to save
a common fatherland. Union, by which differences of opinion
should be tolerated, in order that a million of hearts should
beat for a common purpose, a miUion hands work out, invin
cibly, a common salvation. " 'Tis hardly necessary," he said,|[
" to use many words in recommendation of union. Disunion
has been the cause of aU our woes. There is no remedy, no
hope, save in the bonds of friendship. Let aU particular dis
agreements be left to the decision of the states-general, in
order that with one heart and one wiU we may seek the dis-
enthralment of the fatherland from the tyranny of strangers."

* " Aen de galge of kake," etc. Address to the Estates of Brabant, eta,
Bor, ubi sup.
f Missive of Prince of Orange to States-general, in Bor, x. 747-749.
X Missive, etc., Bor, ubi sup.
§ Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 140-154.
I Address to Estates of Brabant, apud Bor, ix. 694-696.

88 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
The first step to a thorough union among aU the provinces
was the arrangement of a closer connection between the now
isolated states of HoUand and Zealand on the one side, and
their fifteen sisters on the other. The Prince professed the
readiness of those states which he might be said to represent
in his single person, to draw as closely as possible the bonds of
feUowship. It was almost superfluous for him to promise his own
ready co-operation. " Nothing remains to us," said he, " but
to discard aU jealousy and distrust. Let us, with a firm
resolution and a common accord, liberate these lands from
the stranger. Hand to hand let us accomphsh a just and
general peace. As for myself, I present to you, with very good
affection, my person and aU which I possess, assuring you
that I shaU regard all my labors and pains in times which are
past, weU bestowed, if God now grant me grace to see the
desired end. That this end wiU be reached, if you hold fast
your resolution and take to heart the means which God pre
sents to you, I feel to be absolutely certain."*
Such were the tenor and the motives of the documents
which he scattered broadcast at this crisis. They were
addressed to the estates of nearly every province. Those
bodies were urgently implored to appoint deputies to a general
congress, at which a close and formal union between HoUand
and Zealand with the other provinces might be effected.
That important measure secured, a general effort might, at the
same time, be made to expel the Spaniard from the soil. This
done, the remaining matters could be disposed of by the
assembly of the estates-general. His eloquence and energy
were not without effect. In the course of the autumn, deputies
were appointed from the greater number of the provinces, to
confer with the representatives of Holland and Zealand, in a
general congress.f The place appointed for the deliberations
was the city of Ghent. Here, by the middle of October, a
large number of delegates were already assembled.*.
Events were rapidly rolling together from every quarter, and
* Letter to Estates of Brabant, Bor, ix. 694-696.
t Bor, ix. 703. 718, 719. J Ibid., ix. 719, sqq. Meteren, vi. UL

1576.] DISASTROUS ENCOUNTERS. 89
accumulating to a crisis. A congress — a rebeUious congress, as
the King might deem it — was assembling at Ghent ; the
Spanish army, proscribed, lawless, and terrible, was strength
ening itself daily for some dark and mysterious achievement ;
Don John of Austria, the King's natural brother, was
expected from Spain to assume the government, which the
State CouncU was too timid to wield and too loyal to resign,
whUe, meantime, the whole population of the Netherlands,
with hardly an exception, was disposed to see the great ques
tion of the foreign soldiery settled, before the chaos then
existing should be superseded by a more definite authority.
Everywhere, men of all ranks and occupations— the artisan in
the city, the peasant in the fields — were deserting their daily
occupations to furbish helmets, handle muskets, and learn the
trade of war.* Skirmishes, sometimes severe and bloody, were
of almost daily occurrence. In these the Spaniards were
invariably successful, for whatever may be said of their
cruelty and hcentiousness, it cannot be disputed that their
prowess was worthy of their renown. Romantic valor, un
flinching fortitude, consummate skill, characterized them al
ways. What could half-armed artisans achieve in the open
plain against such accomplished foes ? At Tisnacq, between
Louvain and Tirlemont, a battle was attempted by a large
misceUaneous mass of students, peasantry, and burghers, led
by country squires. 7 It soon changed to a carnage, in which
the victims were aU on one side. A smaU number of veterans,
headed by Vargas, Mendoza, Tassis, and other chivalrous com
manders, routed the undisciphned thousands at a single
charge. The rude militia threw away their arms, and fled
panic-struck in aU directions, at the first sight of their terrible
foe. Two Spaniards lost their hves and two thousand Nether
landers.*. It was natural that these consummate warriors

* Strada.
t Bor, ix. 715, 716. Hoofd, x. 450. Mendoza, xv. 305-308.
X Hoofd, x 450. — "Bet dan twee duizent man, wil man dat er het leeven
Het," etc., etc. — " Dit geluk hadden de Spangaerds zonder booven twee man
te verliezen,1' etc. This is Dutch authority. Mendoza, one of the chief com-

90 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
should despise such easily slaughtered victims. A single
stroke of the iron flail, and the chaff was scattered to the four
winds ; a single sweep of the disciphned scythe, and countless
acres were in an instant mown. Nevertheless, although
beaten constantly, the Netherlanders were not conquered.
Holland and Zealand had read the foe a lesson which he had
not forgotten, and although on the open fields, and against
the less vigorous population of the more central provinces, his
triumphs had been easier, yet it was obvious that the spirit of
resistance to foreign oppression was growing daily stronger,
notwithstanding daily defeats.
Meantime, while these desultory but deadly combats were in
daily progress, the Council of State was looked upon with sus
picion by the mass of the population. That body, in which
resided provisionaUy the powers of government, was believed to
be desirous of establishing relations with the mutinous army.
It was suspected of insidiously provoking the excesses which
it seemed to denounce. It was supposed to be secretly
intriguing with those whom its own edicts had outlawed. Its
sympathies were considered Spanish. It was openly boasted
by the Spanish army that, before long, they would descend
from their fastnesses upon Brussels, and give the city to the
sword. A shuddering sense of coming evil pervaded the
population, but no man could say where the blow would first
be struck. It was natural that the capital should be thought
exposed to imminent danger. At the same time, while every
man who had hands was disposed to bear arms to defend the
city, the Council seemed paralyzed. The capital was insuffi
ciently garrisoned, yet troops were not enrolling for its pro .

manders in the affair, says no Spaniard was killed, and that but one was
wounded, slightly, in the foot, but he does not give the number of the states,
troops, students, and burghers slain.— Mendoza, xv. 308. Cabrera, xi. 856,
states the number at two thousand. That bitter Walloon, Renom de France,
who saw the states' force pass through Louvain, on their way to the encounter',
exults, as usual, over the discomfiture of his own countrymen. " The Spaniards
cut them all to pieces," he observes, " teaching . these pedants and schoolboys
that war was a game in which they had no skill."— Histoire des Causes des Re-
voltes, etc. — MS., iii. c. xii.

1576.] ARREST 'OF THE STATE COUNCIL. 91
tection. The state councUlors obviously omitted to provide
for defence, and it was supposed that they were secretly
assisting the attack. It was thought important, therefore, to
disarm, or, at least, to control this body which was impotent
for protection, and seemed powerful only for mischief. It was
possible to make it as contemptible as it was beheved to be
malicious. An unexpected stroke was therefore suddenly levelled
against the CouncU in full session. On the 5th of Sep
tember,* the Seigneur de Heze, a young gentleman of a bold,
but unstable character, then entertaining close but secret
relations with the Prince of Orange, appeared before the
doors of the palace. He was attended by about five hundred
troops, under the immediate command of the Seigneur de
Glimes, bailiff of WaUoon Brabant. He demanded admit
tance, in the name of the Brabant estates, to the presence of
the State Council, and was refused. The doors were closed
and bolted. Without further ceremony the soldiers produced
iron bars brought with them for the purpose, forced all the
gates from the hinges, entered the hall of session, and at a
word from their commander, laid hands upon the counciUors,
and made every one prisoner.y The Duke of Aerschot, Presi
dent of the Council, who was then in close aUiance with the
Prince, was not present at the meeting, but lay, forewarned,
at home, confined to his couch by a sickness assumed for the
occasion. Viglius, who rarely participated in the delibera
tions of the board, being aheady afflicted with the chronic
malady under which he was. ere long to succumb, also escaped
the fate of his fellow-senators.*. The others were carried int:

* Bor, ix. 712, Meteren, vi. 197, fix the date of this important transaction
at the 14th September. A letter of "William of Orange to Count John of 9th
September states that it occurred on the 5th September. — Archives de la
Maison d'Orange, etc., v. 408, and note 1. Tassis gives the same date, ui. 207, 208.
t Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 106 — note 1. Bor, ubi
sup. Hoofd, x. 448. Meteren, vi. 107." I. B. de Tassis, Coram, de Turn. Belg.,
1. iii. 207, 208.
X Ibid. There is, however, considerable doubt upon this point. Viglius
was ill and confined to his bed at the time of the Grand Commander's death, in

92 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH- REPUBLIC. [1576.
confinement. Berlaymont and Mansfeld were imprisoned in the
Brood-Huys,* where the last mortal hours of Egmont and Horn
had been passed. Others were kept strictly guarded in their own
houses. After a few weeks, most of them were liberated. Coun-
ciUor Del Rio was, however, retained in confinement, and sent to
Holland, where he was subjected to a severe examination by
the Prince of Orange, touching his past career, particularly
concerning the doings of the famous Blood Council, f The
others were set free, and even permitted to resume their func
tions, but their dignity was gone, their authority annihilated.
Thenceforth the states of Brabant and the community of
Brussels were to govern for an interval, for it was in their
name that the daring blow against the Council had been
struck. All individuals and bodies, however, although not
displeased with the result, clamorously disclaimed responsi-
March. He ceased to write letters to Hopper in April. The arrest of the
State Council took place in September, and Viglius died on the 8th of May of
the following year (1577). It seems highly probable, therefore, that Tassis is
correct in his statement, that Viglius was kept at home by the illness " quae
erat ei continua." The historians, however, Meteren (vi. 107), Bor (ix. 712),
Bentivoglio (lib. ix. 176), Strada (viu. 414), Hoofd (x. 448), De Thou (lib. 64,
vii. 534), all mention the name of President Vighus among those of the coun
cillors arrested. The Prince of Orange (Archives, etc., v. 408) also mentions
him as having been arrested and imprisoned with tho rest. De Thou (ubi sup.)
gives an account of a visit which he paid to him in the following spring, at which
time the aged president seems to have been under arrest, although '¦ il n'etoit pas
garde fort etroitement." — Some writers mention him as among those who were
detained, while others of the arrested were released, (Meteren, Hoofd, Bor, etc.),
— others, as Cabrera, (who is, however, no authority in such matters), mention
him as one of those who were immediately set at liberty, in order that the Council
might have an appearance of power. (Don Fehpo II., xi. 853). On the whole,
it seems most probable that he was arrested after the seizure of the Couneil, but
that he was kept confined in a nominal durance, which tho infirmities of illness
and age rendered quite superfluous. It is almost unquestionable that De Thou
visited him at his own house in Brussels, and not at any state prison. "Wagenaer,
vii. 106, says that Viglius was released in October, and quotes Langueti, ep., hb
i. (ii.), ep. 93, p. 289. — Compare Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., v. 404, sqq., and
Hoynk van Papendrecht, Not. ad Vit. VTglii., Analect. Belg., 192, 193. and Not
ad Coram., I. R, de Tassis, iii. 208. * Van der Vynckt; ii 188.
t Archives et Correspondance, v. 406. Extracts from the confessions of Dal
Rio have been given in the first volume of this history.

1576.] CONGRESS OF GHENT. 93
bility for the deed. Men were appaUed at the audacity of the
transaction, and dreaded the vengeance of the King. The
Abbot Van Perch, one of the secret instigators of the act,
actually died of anxiety for its possible consequences.* There
was a mystery concerning the affair. They in whose name
it had been accomphshed, denied having given any authority
to the perpetrators. Men asked each other what unseen
agency had been at work, what secret spring had been adroitly
touched. There is but little doubt, however, that the veiled
but skilful hand which directed the blow, was the same which
had so long been guiding the destiny of the Netherlands.f
It had been settled that the congress was to hold its ses
sions in Ghent, although the citadel commanding that city
was held by the Spaniards. The garrison was not very strong,
and Mondragon, its commander, was absent in Zealand,*, but
the wife of the veteran ably supplied his place, and stimulated
the slender body of troops to hold out with heroism, under the
orders of his lieutenant, Avilos Maldonado.§ The mutineers,
after having accompUshed their victory at Tisnacq, had been
earnestly solicited to come to the relief of this citadel. They
had refused and returned to Alost. || Meantime, the siege was
warmly pressed by the states. There being, however, a de
ficiency of -troops, application for assistance was formaUy
made to the Prince of Orange. Count Reulx, governor of
Flanders, commissioned the Seigneur d'Haussy, brother of
Count Bossu, who, to obtain the liberation of that long-im
prisoned and distinguished nobleman, was about visiting
the Prince in Zealand, to make a request for an auxiliary-
force.^" It was, however, stipulated that care should be taken
lest any prejudice should be done to the Roman Cathohc

* Hoofd, x. 448. Ev. Reid. Ann., lib. ii. 20.
t "Wagenaer, vii. 105. Langueti Epist., lib. i. (ii.) ep. 87, p. 230. — Declaration
of the Brussels Deputies in 1584. Bor, xix. 20 (477). — Compare Groen v. Prinst.,
Archives, etc., v. 404-407.
X Bor, ix. 726, 727..
§ Bor, ix. 727. Hoofd, xi. 470. — Compare Meteren, vi. 108.
|| Hoofd, xl 450, 451. Bor, ix. 716. f Bor, ix. 716.

94 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
religion or the authority of the King. The Prince readily
acceded to the request, and agreed to comply with the condi
tions under which only it could be accepted.* He promised
to send twenty-eight companies. In his letter announcing
this arrangement, he gave notice that his troops would receive
strict orders to do no injury to person or property, Catholic oj:
Protestant, ecclesiastic or lay, and to offer no obstruction to
the Roman rehgion or the royal dignity.f He added, however,
that it was not to be taken amiss, if his soldiers were per
mitted to exercise their own religious rites, and to sing their
Protestant hymns within their own quarters.*. He moreover,
as security for the expense and trouble, demanded the city of
Sluys.§ The first detachment of troops, under command of
Colonel Vander Tympel, was, however, hardly on its way,
before an alarm was felt among the Cathohc party at this
practical aUiance with the rebel Prince. An envoy, named
Ottingen, was despatched to Zealand, bearing a letter from the
estates of Hainault, Brabant, and Flanders, countermanding
the request for troops, and remonstrating categoricaUy upon
the subject of religion and loyalty. [| Orange deemed such
tergiversation paltry, but controlled his anger. He answered
the letter in liberal terms, for he was determined that by no
fault of his should the great cause be endangered. He reas
sured the estates as to the probable behaviour of his troops.
Moreover, they had been already admitted into the city, while
the correspondence was proceeding. The matter of the psalm-
singing was finaUy arranged to the satisfaction of both parties,
and it was agreed that Niewport, instead of Sluys, should be
given to the Prince as security.^
The siege of the citadel was now pressed vigorously, and
* Bor, ix. 716.
t See the letter in Bor, ix. 716, 717. — Compare Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc.,
i20, 421.
t Letter of Prince of Orange, in Bor, ix. 716, 717.
§ Bor, ix. 717. | Bor, ix. 717, 718.
TT Bor, ubi sun. — Compare Groen v. Prinst. Archives, etc., 420, 421. Meteren,
Vi. 108.

1576.] MAESTRICHT LOST AND WON. 95
the deliberations of the congress were opened under the inces
sant roar of cannon. While the attack was thus earnestly
maintained upon the important castle of Ghent, a courageous
effort was made by the citizens of Maestricht to wrest their
city from the hands of the Spaniards. The German garrison
having been gained by the burghers, the combined force rose
upon the Spanish troops, and drove them from the city*
Montesdocca, the commander, was arrested and imprisoned,
biit the triumph was only temporary. Don Francis dAyala,
Montesdocca's lieutenant, made a stand, with a few com
panies, in Wieck, a viUage on the opposite side of the Meuse,
and connected with the city by a massive bridge of stone.f
From this point he sent information to other commanders in
the neighbourhood. Don Ferdinand de Toledo soon arrived
with several hundred troops from Dalem. The Spaniards,
eager to wipe out the disgrace to their arms, loudly de
manded to be led back to the city. The head of the bridge,
however, over which they must pass, was defended by a
strong battery, and the citizens were seen clustering in great
numbers to defend their firesides against a foe whom they had
once expeUed. To advance across the bridge seemed certain
destruction to the little force. Even Spanish bravery recoiled
at so desperate an undertaking, but unscrupulous ferocity
supplied an expedient where courage was at fault. There
were few fighting men present among the population of
Wieck, but there were many females. Each soldier was com
manded to seize a woman, and, placing her before his own
body, to advance across the bridge.*. The column, thus
bucklered, to the shame of Spanish chivalry, by female
bosoms, moved in good order toward the battery. The soldiers
levelled their muskets with steady aim over the shoulders or
under the arms of the women whom they thus held before
them.§ On the other hand, the citizens dared not discharge
their cannon at their own townswomen, among whose numbers

* Strada, viii. 416. Hoofd, xi. 454. f Strada, Hoofd, ubi sup.
X Strada, viii. 416. § Ibid.

96 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
many recognized mothers, sisters, or wives.* The battery was
soon taken, while at the same time Alonzo Vargas, who had
effected his entrance from the land side by burning down the
Brussels gate, now entered the city at the head of a band of
cavalry. Maestricht was recovered, and an indiscriminate
slaughter instantly avenged its temporary loss. The plunder
ing, stabbing, drowning, burning, ravishing, were so dreadful
that, in the words of a cotemporary historian, " the burghers
who had escaped the fight had reason to think themselves
fess fortunate than those who had died with arms in their
hands."f This was the lot of Maestricht on the 20th of October. It
was instinctively felt to be the precursor of fresh disasters.
Vague, incoherent, but widely disseminated rumors had
long pointed to Antwerp and its dangerous situation. The
Spaniards, foUed in their views upon Brussels, had recently
avowed an intention of avenging themselves in the commercial
capital. They had waited long enough, and accumulated
strength enough. Such a trifling city as Alost could no longer
content their cupidity, but in Antwerp there was gold enough
for the gathering. There was reason for the fears of the in
habitants, for the greedy longing of their enemy. Probably
no city in Christendom could at that day vie with Antwerp
in wealth and splendor. Its merchants hved in regal
pomp and luxury. In its numerous, massive warehouses
were the treasures of every clime. StUl serving as the
main entrepot of the world's traffic, the Brabantine capital
was the centre of that commercial system which was soon
to be superseded by a larger international life. In the
midst of the miseries which had so long been raining upop
the Netherlands, the stately and egotistical city seemed to
have taken stronger root and to flourish more freshly than
ever. It was not wonderful that its palaces and its magazines,

* Strada, viii. 416.
f Bor, ix. 725. — Compare Strada, Hoofd, ubi sup. Meteren, vi. 109.

1576.] THE STORM GATHERING. 97
glittering with splendor and bursting with treasure, should
arouse the avidity of a reckless and famishing soldiery. Had
not a handful of warriors of their own race rifled the golden
Indies ? Had not their fathers, few in number, strong in
courage and discipline, revelled in the plunder of a new world ?
Here were the Indies in a single city.* Here were gold and
silver, pearls and diamonds, ready and portable ; the precious
fruit dropping, ripened, from the bough. Was it to be tole
rated that base, pacific burghers should monopolize the trea.
sure by which a band of heroes might be enriched ?
A sense of coming evU diffused itself through the atmosphere.
The air seemed lurid with the impending storm, for the situation
was one of pecuhar horror. The wealthiest city in Christendom
lay at the mercy of the strongest fastness in the world ; a
castle which had been built to curb, not to protect, the town.
It was now inhabited by a band of brigands, outlawed by
government, strong in discipline, furious from penury, reckless
by habit, desperate in circumstance — a crew which feared not
God, nor man, nor Devil. The palpitating quarry lay expect
ing hourly the swoop of its trained and pitUess enemy, for the
rebeUious soldiers were now in a thorough state of disciphne.
Sancho dAvUa, castellan of the citadel, was recognized as the
chief of the whole mutiny, the army and the mutiny being
now one. The band, entrenched at Alost, were upon the
best possible understanding with their brethren in the citadel,
and accepted without hesitation the arrangements of their
superior. On the side of the Scheld, opposite Antwerp, a
fortification had been thrown up by Don Sancho's orders, and
held by Julian Romero. Lier, Breda, as weU as Alost, were
likewise ready to throw their reinforcements into the citadel
at a moment's warning. At the signal of their chief, the
united bands might sweep from their impregnable castle with
a single impulse.f

¦ queste Indie d'una citta." — Bentivoglio, ix. 181.
Bor, ix 727, sqq. Mendoza, xv. 303, sqq.
VOL. HI. 7

98 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
The city cried aloud for help, for it had become obvious
that an attack might be hourly expected. Meantime an
attempt, made by Don Sancho dAvila to tamper with the
German troops stationed within the waUs, was more than
partially successful. The forces were commanded by Colonel
Van Ende and Count Oberstein. Van Ende, a crafty traitor
to his country, desired no better than to join the mutiny
on so promising an occasion, and his soldiers shared his sen
timents. Oberstein, a brave but blundering German, was
drawn into the net of treachery* by the adroitness of the
Spaniard and the effrontery of his comrade. On the night of
the 29th of October, half-bewildered and half-drunk, he signed
a treaty with Sancho d'Avilaf and the three colonels — Fugger,
Frondsberger, and Polwfller. By this unlucky document,
which was of course subscribed also by Van Ende, it was
agreed that the Antwerp burghers should be forthwith dis
armed ; that their weapons should be sent into the citadel ;
that Oberstein should hold the city at the disposition of
Sancho d' Avila ; that he should refuse admittance to all troops
which might be sent into the city, excepting by command of
Don Sancho, and that he should decline comphance with any
orders which he might receive from individuals caUing them
selves the council of state, the states-general, or the estates of
Brabant. This treaty was signed, moreover, by Don Jeronimo
de Roda, then established in the citadel, and claiming to
represent exclusively his Majesty's government.*.
Hardly had this arrangement been concluded than the
Count saw the trap into which he had faUen. Without
intending to do so, he had laid the city at the mercy of its foe5
but the only remedy which suggested itself to his mind was
an internal resolution not to keep his promises. The burghers
were suffered to retain theh arms, while, on the other hand,
Don Sancho lost no time in despatching messages to Alost,

* Bor, ix. 727, sqq. t ™d- Hoofd, xi. 455, 456.
X See the Articles in Bor, ix. 728.— Compare Meteren, v. 109, 110; Hoofd,
xi. 455, 466.

1576.] MEASURES OF DEFENCE. 99
to Lier, to Breda, and even to Maestricht, that as large a
force as possible might be* assembled for the purpose of
breaking immediately the treaty of peace which he had just
concluded. Never was a solemn document regarded with
such perfectly bad faith by all its signers as the accord of the
29th of October.
Three days afterwards, a large force of WaUoons and Ger
mans was despatched from Brussels to the assistance of
Antwerp. The command of these troops was entrusted to the
Marquis of Havre, whose brother, the Duke of Aerschot, had
been recently appointed chief superintendent of mUitary affahs
by the deputies assembled at Ghent.f The miscellaneous duties
comprehended under this rather vague denomination did not
permit the Duke to take charge of the expedition in person,
and his younger brother, a stiU more incompetent and unsub
stantial character, was accordingly appointed to the post. A
number of young men, of high rank but of lamentably low
capacity, were associated with him. Foremost among them
was Philip, Count of Egmont, a youth who had inherited
few of his celebrated father's qualities, save personal courage
and a love of personal display. In character and general talents
he was beneath mediocrity. Beside these were the reckless but
unstable De Heze, who had executed the coup d'etat against
the State CouncU, De Berselen, De Capres, D'Oyngies, and
others, aU vaguely desirous of achieving distinction in those
turbulent times, but few of them having any political or
rehgious convictions, and none of them possessing experience
or influence enough to render them useful at the impending
crisis. J
On Friday morning, the 2nd of November,§ the troops

* Mendoza, xv. 303. Cabrera, xi. 862, 863, sqq. Strada, viii. 417.
t Bor, ix. 719.
X Bor, ix. 728, 729. Cabrera, xi. 863. Mendoza, xv. 313. Meteren,
vi 109.
§ Bor, ix. 728. Meteren, vi. 109. Hoofd, xi. 457, and not the 3rd of
October as stated by Mendoza, xv. 313, and by Cabrera, xi. 863, following
Mendoza.

100 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
appeared under the walls of Antwerp. They consisted of
twenty-three companies of infantry and fourteen of cavalry,
amounting to five thousand foot and twelve hundred horse.
They were nearly all Walloons, soldiers who had already seen
much active service, but unfortunately of a race warlike and
fiery indeed, but upon whose steadiness not much more
dependence could be placed at that day than in the age of
CivUis. Champagny, brother of Granvelle, was Governor of
the city. He was a sincere Catholic, but a still more sincere
hater of the Spaniards. He saw in the mutiny a means of
accomplishing their expulsion, and had already offered to the
Prince of Orange his. eager co-operation towards this result.
In other matters there could be but small sympathy between
William the Silent and the Cardinal's brother ; but a common
hatred united them, for a time at least, in a common purpose.
When the troops first made their appearance before the
waUs, Champagny was unwilling to grant them admittance.
The addle-brained Oberstein had confessed to him the
enormous blunder which he had committed in his midnight
treaty, and at the same time ingenuously confessed his inten
tion of sending it to the winds.* The enemy had extorted
from his dulness or his drunkenness a promise, which his
mature and sober reason could not consider binding. It is
needless to say that Champagny rebuked him for signing,
and applauded him for breaking the treaty. At the same
time its iU effects were already seen in the dissensions which
existed among the German troops. Where aU had been
tampered with, and where the commanders had set the example
of infidelity, it would have been strange if aU had held firm,
On the whole, however, Oberstein thought he could answer for
his own troops. Upon Van Ende's division, although the
crafty colonel dissembled his real intentions, very little reli
ance was placed.f Thus there was distraction within the

* Bor, ix. 729. Hoofd, xi. 457.
t Bor, ix. 729, sqq. Hoofd, xi. 457, sqq.— Compare Strada, viii. 117 ; Mendoza
xv. 313. Cabrera, xi. 863, et al.

1576.] CONFUSED COUNCILS. 101
walls. Among those whom the burghers had been told to
consider their defenders, there were probably many who were
ready to join with their mortal foes at a moment's warning.
Under these circumstances, Champagny hesitated about ad
mitting these fresh troops from Brussels. He feared lest the
Germans, who knew themselves doubted, might consider
themselves doomed. He trembled, lest an irrepressible out
break should occur within the waUs, rendering the immediate
destruction of the city by the Spaniards from without inevi
table. Moreover, he thought it more desirable that this
auxUiary force should be disposed at different points outside,
in order to intercept the passage of the numerous bodies of
Spaniards and other mutineers, who from various quarters
would soon be on their way to the citadel. Havre, however,
was so peremptory, and the burghers were so importunate,
that Champagny was obhged to recede from his opposition
before twenty-four hours had elapsed. UnwUling to take
the responsibility of a farther refusal, he admitted the troops
through the Burgherhout gate, on Saturday, the 3rd of
November, at ten o'clock in the morning.*
The Marquis of Havre, as commander-in-chief, called a
councU of war. It assembled at Count Oberstein's quarters,
and consulted at first concerning a bundle of intercepted
letters which Havre" had brought with him. These consti
tuted a correspondence between Sancho d' Avila with the heads
of the mutiny at Alost, and many other places. The letters
were aU dated subsequently to Don Sancho's treaty with Ober
stein, and contained arrangements for an immediate concen
tration of the whole available Spanish force at the citadel, f
The treachery was so manifest, that Oberstein felt all self-
reproach for his own breach of faith to be superfluous. It
was however evident that the attack was to be immediately
expected. What was to be done ? AU the officers counsehed
the immediate erection of a bulwark on the side of the city

* Bor, ix. 729. Hoofd, xi. 457. Meteren, vi. 110.
t Bor, ix. 730. Hoofd, xi. 457, 458.

102 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
exposed to the castle, but there were no miners nor engineers.
Champagny, however, recommended a skUful and experienced
engineer to superintend the work in the city ; and pledged
himself that burghers enough woifld volunteer as miners. In
less than an hour, ten or twelve thousand persons, including
multitudes of women of aU ranks, were at work upon the
lines marked out by the engineer. A ditch and breast-work
sxtending from the gate of the Beguins to the street of the
Abbey Saint Michael, were soon in rapid progress. Meantime,
the newly arrived troops, with military insolence, claimed the
privilege of quartering themselves in the best houses which
they could find. They already began to insult and annoy the
citizens whom they had been sent to defend ; nor were they
destined to atone, by their subsequent conduct in the face of
the enemy, for the brutality with which they treated their
friends. Champagny, however, was iU-disposed to brook their
licentiousness. They had been sent to protect the city and
the homes of Antwerp from invasion. They were not to
estabhsh themselves at every fireside on their first arrival.
There was work enough for them out of doors, and they were
to do that work at once. He ordered them to prepare for a
bivouac in the streets, and flew from house to house, sword in
hand, driving forth the intruders at imminent peril of his life.
Meantime, a number of Itahan and Spanish merchants fled
from the city, and took refuge in the castle. The Walloon sol
diers were for immediately plundering their houses, as if plun
der had been the object for which they had been sent to
Antwerp. It was several hours before Champagny, with all
his energy, was able to queU these disturbances.*
In the course of the day, Oberstein received a letter from
Don Sancho d' Avila, calling solemnly upon him to fulfil his
treaty of the 29th of October, f The German colonels from the

* Bor, ix. 730. Hoofd, xi. 458. Meteren, vi. 110. Cabrera, xi. 864. Strada,
viii. 417.— A remarkable pamphlet, published by Champagny in 1578, entitled
"Recueil d'Aretophile" (Lyon. Guerin, 1578), is the best authority for many
striking details of this memorable affair. t Bor, ix. 729.

1576.J champagny's exertions. 103
citadel had, on the previous afternoon, held a personal inter
view with Oberstein beneath the waUs, which had nearly
ended in blows, and they had been obliged to save themselves
by flight from the anger of the Count's soldiers, enraged at the
deceit by which their leader had been so nearly entrapped.*
This summons of ridiculous solemnity to keep a treaty which
had already been torn to shreds by both parties, Oberstein
answered with defiance and contempt. The reply was an
immediate cannonade from the batteries of the citadel, which
fliade the position of those erecting the ramparts excessively
dangerous. The waU was strengthened with bales of mer
chandise, casks of earth, upturned wagons, and simUar bulky
objects, hastily pUed together. In some places it was six
teen feet high ; in others less than six. Night feU before
the fortification was nearly completed. Unfortunately it was
bright moonlight. The cannon from the fortress continued
to play upon the half-finished works. The WaUoons, and at
last the citizens, feared to lift their heads above their fraU
rampart. The senators, whom Champagny had deputed to
superintend the progress of the enterprise, finding the men so
Ul disposed, deserted their posts. They promised themselves
that, in the darkest hour of the following night, the work
should be thoroughly completed.f Alas ! aU hours of the
coming night were destined to be dark enough, but in them
was to be done no manner of work for defence. On Cham
pagny alone seemed devolved aU the labor and aU the respon
sibility. He did his duty well, but he was but one man.
Alone, with a heart full of anxiety, he wandered up and down
aU the night.*. With his own hands, assisted only by a few
citizens and his own servants, he planted all the cannon with
which they were provided, in the " Fencing Court," at a point
where the battery might teU upon the castle. Unfortunately,

* Hoofd, xi. 457, 458.
t Bor, ix. 729, sqq. Meteren, vi. 110. Hoofd, xi. 458-460.
X Recueil d'Are*tophile.

104 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
the troops from Brussels had brought no artiUery with them,
and the means of defence against the strongest fortress in
Europe were meagre indeed. The rampart had been left very
weak at many vital points. A single upturned wagon was
placed across the entrance to the important street of the Be-
guins. This negligence was to cost the city dear. At day
break, there was a council held in Oberstein's quarters.
Nearly aU Champagny's directions had been neglected. He
had desired that strong detachments should be posted during
the night at various places of security on the outskirts of the
town, for the troops which were expected to arrive in small
bodies at the citadel from various parts, might have thus
been cut off before reaching their destination. Not even
scouts had been stationed in sufficient numbers to obtain in
formation of what was occurring outside. A thick mist
hung over the city that eventful morning. Through its
almost impenetrable veil, bodies of men had been seen moving
into the castle, and the tramp of cavalry had been distinctly
heard, and the troops of Romero, Vargas, Oliveira, and Valdez
had already arrived from Lier, Breda, Maestricht, and from
the forts on the Scheld.*
The whole available force in the city was mustered without
delay. Havre had claimed for his post the defence of the
lines opposite the citadel, the place of responsibility and honor.
Here the whole body of Walloons were stationed, together
with a few companies of Germans. The ramparts, as stated,
were far from impregnable, but it was hoped that this living
rampart of six thousand men, standing on their own soU, and
in front of the firesides and altars of their own countrymen,
would prove a sufficient bulwark even against Spanish fury,
Unhappily, the hving barrier proved more frail than the
feeble breastwork which the hands of burghers and women

* Meteren, vii. 110. Recueil d'Arctophile. Hoofd, xi. 460. Bor, ix. 730,
Cabrera, xi. 864. Mendoza, xv. 315.
t Hoofd, xi. 458, 459. Recueil d'Arctophile.

1576.] LAST ARRANGEMENTS. 105
had constructed. Six thousand men were disposed along the
side of the city opposite the fortress. The bulk of the Ger
man troops was stationed at different points on the more
central streets and squares. The cavalry was posted on the
opposite side of the city, along the Horse-market, and fronting
the "New-town." The stars were stUl in the sky when
Champagny got on horseback and rode through the streets,
calling on the burghers to arm and assemble at different
points. The principal places of rendezvous were the Cattle-
market and the Exchange. He rode along the lines of the
Walloon regiments, conversing with the officers, Egmont,
De Heze, and others, and encouraging the men, and went
again to the Fencing Court, where he pointed the cannon
with his own hand, and ordered their first discharge at the
fortress. Thence he rode to the end of the Beguin street,
where he dismounted and walked out upon the edge of the
esplanade which stretched between the city and the castle.
On this battle-ground a combat was even then occurring
between a band of burghers and a reconnoitring party from
the citadel. Champagny saw with satisfaction that the
Antwerpers were victorious. They were skirmishing weU with
their disciplined foe, whom they at last beat back to the
citadel. His experienced eye saw, however, that the retreat
was only the signal for a general onslaught, which was soon
to foUow ; and he returned into the city to give the last
directions.* At ten o'clock, a moving wood was descried, approaching
the citadel from the south-west. The whole body of the
mutineers from Alost, wearing green branches in their
helmets, f had arrived under command of their Eletto, Navar-
rete. Nearly three thousand in number, they rushed into the
castle, having accomplished their march of twenty-four mUes

* Recueil d'Aretophile. Meteren, vi. 110b. Hoofd, xi. 458, 460, 461. Bran
tome, Hommes Hlust., ii. 201 (Sane. d'Av.)
t Ibid., 113.

106 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
since three o'clock in the morning.* They were received with
open arms. Sancho d'Avfla ordered food and refreshments
to be -laid before them, but they refused everything but a
draught of wine. They would dine in Paradise, they said, or
sup in Antwerp.f Finding his aUies in such spirit, Don
Sancho would not balk their humor. Since early morning,
his own veterans had been eagerly awaiting his signal,
" straining upon the start." The troops of Romero, Vargas,
Valdez, were no less impatient. At about an hour before
noon, nearly every living man in the citadel was mustered for
the attack, hardly men enough being left behind to guard
the gates. Five thousand veteran foot soldiers, besides six
hundred cavalry, armed to the teeth, saUied from the portals of
Alva's citadel.*. In the counterscarp they feU upon their
knees, to invoke, according to custom, the blessing of God§
upon the Devil's work, which they were about to commit.
The Eletto bore a standard, one side of which was embla
zoned with the crucified Saviour, and the other with the Virgin
Mary. || The image of Him who said, " Love your enemies,"
and the gentle face of the Madonna, were to smUe from
heaven upon deeds which might cause a shudder in the depths
of hell. Their brief orisons concluded, they swept forward to
the city. Three thousand Spaniards, under their Eletto, were

* Mendoza, xv. 314, 315.
t Mendoza, xiv. 315. — " Respondieron el estar resueltos de comer en el
Parayso 6 cenar en la villa de Anvers." — Bor, ix. 730. Hoofd, xi. 461.
Cabrera, xi. 864, et al.
X Hoofd gives the numbers as two thousand from Alost, five hundred under
Romero, five hundred under Valdez, one thousand under the German colonels,
and one thousand cavalry under Vargas, in all, five thousand. — xi. 461. Men
doza states the whole attacking force at two thousand two hundred Spanish
infantry, eight hundred Germans, and five hundred cavalry, in all, three thousand
five hundred. — xv. 315. Cabrera, following Mendoza as usual, estimates the
number at a little more than three thousand. — xi. 864.
§ Mendoza, xv. 315. Hoofd, xi. 461.
| " Con la figura de Jesu Cristo cruzificado en la una faz, i en la otra la de
su Madre Santissima manifestando iban a vongar la magestad divina ofendida de
la eregia depravada." — Cabrera, xi. 864. Mendoza, xv. 315. Hoofd, xi. 431.

1576.] THE ATTACK. 107
to enter by the street of Saint Michael ; the Germans, and
the remainder of the Spanish foot, commanded by Romero,
through that of Saint George. Champagny saw them
coming, and spoke a last word of encouragement to the
Walloons. The next moment the compact mass struck the
barrier, as the thunderbolt descends from the cloud. There
was scarcely a struggle. The WaUoons, not waiting to look
their enemy in the face, abandoned the posts which they had
themselves claimed. The Spaniards crashed through the
bulwark, as though it had been a wall of glass. The Eletto
was first to mount the rampart ; the next instant he was shot
dead, while his foUowers, undismayed, sprang over his body,
and poured into the streets. The fatal gaps, due to timidity and
carelessness, let in the destructive tide. Champagny, seeing
that the enemies had aU crossed the barrier, leaped over a
garden wall, passed through a house into a narrow lane, and
thence to the nearest station of the German troops. Hastily
coUecting a small force, he led them in person to the rescue.
The Germans fought weU, died well, but they could not re
animate the courage of the Walloons, and all were now in fuU
retreat, pursued by the ferocious Spaniards.* In vain Cham
pagny stormed among them ; in vain he strove to rally their
broken ranks. With his own hand he seized a banner from a
retreating ensign, 7 and called upon the nearest soldiers to
make a stand against the foe. It was to bid the flying clouds
pause before the tempest. Torn, broken, aimless, the scattered
troops whirled through the streets before the pursuing wrath.
Champagny, not yet despairing, galloped hither and thither,
caUing upon the burghers everywhere to rise in defence of
their homes, nor did he call in vain. They came forth from
every place of rendezvous, from every alley, from every house.
They fought as men fight to defend their hearths and altars,

* Recueil d'Aretophile. Meteren, vi. 110°. Mendoza, xv. 316. Hoofd, xl
461 Bor, ix. 731.
t Meteren, vi. 110°. Hoofd, 461.

108 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
but what could individual devotion avaU, against the compact,
disciplined, resistless mass of their foes ? The order of defence
was broken, there was no system, no concert, no raUying
point, no authority. So soon as it was known that the
Spaniards had crossed the rampart, that its six thousand
defenders were in full retreat, it was inevitable that a panic
should seize the city.*
Their entrance once effected, the Spanish force had sepa
rated, according to previous arrangement, into two divisions,
one half charging up the long street of Saint Michael, the
other forcing its way through the street of Saint Joris.f
" Santiago, Santiago ! Espafia, Espaiia ! a 6angre, a carne,
a fuego, a sacco !" Saint James, Spain, blood, flesh, fire,
sack ! ! — such were the hideous cries which rang through
every quarter of the city, as the savage horde advanced.*.
Van Ende, with his German troops, had been stationed by the
Marquis of Havre to defend the Saint Joris gate, but no
sooner did the Spaniards under Vargas present themselves,
than he deserted to them instantly with his whole force. §
United with the Spanish cavalry, these traitorous defenders of
Antwerp dashed in pursuit of those who had only been faint
hearted. Thus the burghers saw themselves attacked by many
of their friends, deserted by more. Whom were they to
trust ? Nevertheless, Oberstein's Germans were brave and
faithful, resisting to the last, and dying every man in his
harness.|| The tide of battle flowed hither and thither,
through every street and narrow lane. It poured along the
magnificent Place de Meer, where there was an obstinate con
test. In front of the famous Exchange, where in peaceful
hours, five thousand merchants^ met daUy, to arrange the com
mercial affairs of Christendom, there was a determined rally, a
savage slaughter. The citizens and faithful Germans, in this

* Hoofd, xi. 461. t Hoofd, xi. 461. Mendoza, xv. 315.
X Brantome, Hommes Illustres, etc., ii. 203. Mendoza, xv. 315.
§ Hoofd, xi. 461. Mendoza, xv. 316.
I Bor, ix.730. Hoofd, xi. 465. <fl Guicclardini, Belg. Descript

1576.] THE STRUGGLE. 109
broader space, made a stand against their pursuers. The
tesselated marble pavement, the graceful, cloister-like arcades
ran red with blood. The ill-armed burghers faced their
enemies clad in complete panoply, but they could only die for
their homes. The massacre at this point was enormous, the
resistance at last overcome.*
Meantime, the Spanish cavalry had cleft its way through
the city. On the side farthest removed from the castle.
along the Horse-market, opposite the New-town, the states
dragoons and the light horse of Beveren had been posted,
and the flying masses of pursuers and pursued swept at last
through this outer circle. Champagny was already there.
He essayed, as his last hope, to rally the cavalry for a final
stand, but the effort was fruitless. Already seized by the
panic, they had attempted to rush from the city through
the gate of Eeker. It was locked ; they then turned and
fled towards the Red-gate, where they were met face to
face by Don Pedro Tassis, who charged upon them with his
dragoons. Retreat seemed hopeless. A horseman in complete
armor, with lance in rest, was seen to leap from the parapet of
the outer waU into the moat below, whence, still on horseback,
he escaped with life. Few were so fortunate. The confused
mob of fugitives and conquerors, Spaniards, WaUoons, Ger
mans, burghers, struggling, shouting, striking, cursing,
dying, swayed hither and thither like a stormy sea. Along
the spacious Horse-market, the fugitives fled onward towards the
quays. Many fell beneath the swords of the Spaniards, num
bers were trodden to death by the hoofs of horses, stiU greater
multitudes were hunted into the Scheld. Champagny, wqg
had thought it possible, even at the last moment, to make
a stand in the New-town, and to fortify the Palace of the
Hansa, saw himself deserted. With great daring and presence
of mind, he effected his escape to the fleet of the Prince of
Orange in the river.f The Marquis of Havre, of whom no

* Hoofd, xi. 460-465. Bor, ix. 731. Mendoza, xv. 315. Meteren, vi. 110.
+ Bor. ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 462. Rec. d'Aretophile. Mendoza, xv. 336.
CuDrera. xi. 865.

110 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
deeds of valor on that eventful day have been recorded, was
equally successful. The unlucky Oberstein, attempting to
leap into a boat, missed his footing, and oppressed by the
weight of his armor, was drowned.*
Meantime, while the short November day was fast decUning,
the combat stiU raged in the interior of the city. Various
currents of conflict, forcing their separate way through many
streets, had at last mingled in the Grande Place. Around this
irregular, not very spacious square, stood the gorgeous Hotel
de ViUe, and the tall, many storied, fantastically gabled,
richly decorated palaces of the guilds. Here a long struggle
took place. It was terminated for a time by the cavalry of
Vargas, who, arriving through the streets of Saint Joris,
accompanied by the traitor Van Ende, charged decisively into
the mek4e. The masses were broken, but multitudes of
armed men found refuge in the buildings, and every house
became a fortress. From every window and balcony a hot
fire was poured into the square, as, pent in a comer, the
burghers stood at last at bay. It was difficult to carry the
houses by storm, but they were soon set on fire. A large
number of sutlers and other varlets had accompanied the
Spaniards from the citadel, bringing torches and kindling
materials for the express purpose of firing the town. With
great dexterity, these means were now applied, and in a brief
interval, the City-hall, and other edifices on the square were
in flames. The conflagration spread with rapidity, house
after house, street after street, taking fire. Nearly a thousand
buddings, in the most splendid and wealthy quarter of the
city, were soon in a blaze, and multitudes of human beings
were burned with them.f In the City-haU many were con
sumed, while others leaped from the windows to renew the

» Bor, ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 462. Mendoza, xv. 316.
t Hoofd, xi. 462. Mendoza, xv. 316. Strada, viii. 419.— According to
Meteren (vi. 110) the whole town was on fire, and five hundred houses entirely
consumed. According to the contemporary manuscript of De Weerdt, who
was a citizen of Antwerp, one thousand houses were burned to the ground.—
Chronyke oft Journael, MS., p. 83-

1576.] FIRE AND SWORD. Ill
combat below. The many tortuous streets which led down a
slight descent from the rear of the Town-house to the quays
were all one vast conflagration. On the other side, the magnifi
cent cathedral, separated from the Grande Place by a single
row of buildings, was lighted up, but not attacked by the
flames. The tall spire cast its gigantic shadow across the last
desperate conflict. In the street caUed the Canal au Sucre,
immediately behind the Town-house, there was a fierce
struggle, a horrible massacre. A crowd of burghers, grave
magistrates, and such of the German soldiers as remained
alive, stUl confronted the ferocious Spaniards. There, amid
the flaming desolation, Goswyn Verreyck, the heroic margrave
of the city, fought with the energy of hatred and despair,
The burgomaster, Van der Meere, lay dead at his feet ;
senators, soldiers, citizens, fell fast around him, and he sank
at last upon a heap of slain. With him effectual resistance
ended. The remaining combatants were butchered, or were
slowly forced downward to perish in the Scheld.* Women,
children, old men, were killed in countless numbers, and
still, through all this havoc, directly over the heads of the
struggling throng, suspended in mid-air above the din and
smoke of the conflict, there sounded, every half-quarter of
every hour, as if in gentle mockery, from the belfry of the
cathedral, the tender and melodious chimes.
Never was there a more monstrous massacre, even in the
blood-stained history of the Netherlands. It was estimated
that, in the course of this and the two following days, not less
than eight thousand human beings were murdered.f The
Spaniards seemed to cast off even the vizard of humanity. HeU

» Mendoza, xv. 316. Bor, ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 463.
t This is the estimate of Mendoza ; viz. two thousand five hundred slain with
the sword, and double that number burned and drowned. — xv. 317. Cabrera
puts the figures at seven thousand and upwards. — xi. 8651'. Bor and Hoofd
give the same number of dead bodies, actually found in the streets, viz. two
thousand five hundred ; and estimating the drowned at as many more, leave the
number of the burned to conjecture. Meteren (vi. 110), who on all occasions
seeks to diminish the number of his countrymen slain in battle or massacre,

112 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
seemed emptied of its fiends. Night fell upon the scene be
fore the soldiers were masters of the city ; but worse horrors
began after the contest was ended. This army of brigands had
come thither with a definite, practical purpose, for it was not
blood-thirst, nor lust, nor revenge, which had impelled them,
but it was avarice, greediness for gold. For gold they had
waded through all this blood and fire. Never had men more
simplicity of purpose, more directness in its execution. They
had conquered their India at last ; its golden mines lay all
before them, and every sword should open a shaft. Riot and
rape might be deferred ; even murder, though congenial to
their taste, was only subsidiary to their business. They had
come to take possession of the city's wealth, and they set
themselves faithfuUy to accomphsh their task. For gold,
infants were dashed out of existence in their mothers' arms;
for gold, parents were tortured in their children's presence ;
for gold, brides were scourged to death before their husbands'
eyes.* Wherever treasure was suspected, every expedient
which ingenuity, sharpened by greediness, could suggest, was
employed to extort it from its possessors. The fire, spreading
more extensively and more rapidly than had been desired
through the wealthiest quarter of the city, had unfortunately
devoured a vast amount of property. Six niilUons,y at least,
while he magnifies the loss of his opponents, admits that from four to five
thousand were slain; adding, however, that but fifteen hundred bodies were
found, which were all buried together in two great pits. Ho thus deducts
exactly one thousand from the number of counted corpses, as gi von by every
other authority, Spanish or Flemish. Strada (viii. 422) gives three thousand as
the number of those slain with the sword. — Compare De Thou, vn. 383-390,
(1. 62.) The letter of Jerome de Roda to the King, written from the citadel
of Antwerp upon tho 6th November, when the carnage was hardly over, esti
mates the number of the slain at eight thousand, and one thousand horses.
This authority, coming from the very hour and spot, and from a man so deeply
implicated, may be considered conclusive. — See the Letter of Roda, in Bor, ix.
737, 738.
* Bor, ix. 731, sqq. Hoofd, xi. 462, sqq.
t Hoofd, xi. 462. Bor's estimate is three milhons, ix. 731. The property
consumed, says Meteren, was equal in value to that which was obtained in the
plundering afterwards by the soldiery. This he estimates at more than four
millions in cash, not counting jewellery and other merchnndise, vi. 110.

1576.] INCIDENTS OF RAPINE. 113
had thus been swallowed ; a destruction by which no one had
profited. There was, however, much left. The strong boxes
of the merchants, the gold, silver, and precious jewelry, the
velvets, satins, brocades, laces, and similar well concentrated
and portable plunder, were rapidly appropriated. So far the
course was plain and easy, but in private houses it was more
difficult. The cash, plate, and other valuables of individuals
were not so easily discovered. Torture was, therefore, at once
employed to discover the hidden treasures. After all had been
given, if the sum seemed too httle, the proprietors were
brutaUy punished for their poverty or their supposed dissimu
lation.* A gentlewoman, named Fabry,f with her aged
mother and other females of the famUy, had taken refuge in
the ceUar of her mansion. As the day was drawing to a
close, a band of plunderers entered, who, after ransacking the
house, descended to the ceUarage. Finding the door barred,
they forced it open with gunpowder. The mother, who was
nearest the entrance, fell dead on the threshold. Stepping
across her mangled body, the brigands sprang upon her
daughter, loudly demanding the property which they beUeved
to be concealed. They likewise insisted on being informed
where the master of the house had taken refuge. Protestations
of ignorance as to hidden treasure, or the whereabouts of her
husband, who, for aught she knew, was lying dead in the
streets, were of no avail. To make her more communicative,
they hanged her on a beam in the cellar, and after a few
moments cut her down before hfe was extinct. StiU receiving
no satisfactory reply, where a satisfactory reply was impos
sible, they hanged her again. Again, after another brief
interval, they gave her a second release, and a fresh interro
gatory. This barbarity they repeated several times, tiU they
were satisfied that there was nothing to be gained by it, whUe,
on the other hand, they were losing much valuable time.
Hoping to be more successful elsewhere, they left her hanging

* Hoofd, xi. 463.
t Ibid., xi. 463. — The lady was grandmother of the historian's wife.
i'OL. ni. 8

114 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
for the last time, and trooped off to fresher fields. Strange to
relate, the person thus horribly tortured, survived. A servant
in her family, married to a Spanish soldier, providentially
entered the house in time to rescue her perishing mistress.
She was restored to existence, but never to reason. Her
brain was hopelessly crazed, and she passed the remainder of
her life wandering about her house, or feebly digging in her
garden for the buried treasure which she had been thus fiercely
solicited to reveal.*
A wedding-feast was rudely interrupted. Two young persons,
neighbours of opulent famihes, had been long betrothed, and
the marriage day had been fixed for Sunday, the fatal 4th of
November. The guests were assembled, the ceremony con
cluded, the nuptial banquet in progress, when the horrible
outcries in the streets proclaimed that the Spaniards had
broken loose. Hour after hour of trembling expectation suc
ceeded. At last, a thundering at the gate proclaimed the
anival of a band of brigands. Preceded by their captain, a
large number of soldiers forced their way into the house,
ransacking every chamber, no opposition being offered by the
family and friends, too few and powerless to cope with this
band of well-armed ruffians. Plate chests, wardrobes, desks,
caskets of jewelry, were freely offered, eagerly accepted, but
not found sufficient, and to make the luckless wretches furnish
more than they possessed, the usual brutalities were employed.
The soldiers began by striking the bridegroom dead. The bride
fell shrieking into her mother's arms, whence she was torn by
the murderers, who immediately put the mother to death, and
an indiscriminate massacre then followed the fruitless attempts
to obtain by threats and torture treasure which did not exist.
The bride, who was of remarkable beauty, was carried off to the
citadelf Maddened by this last outrage, the father, who was
the only man of the party left alive, rushed upon the Spaniards.
Wresting a sword from one of the crew, the old man dealt
with it so fiercely, that he stretched more than one enemy

° Hoofd, xi. 463, 464. t Bor. ix- >IS'i- Hoofd, xi. 464.

1576.] A MARRIAGE FESTIVAL. 115
dead at his feet, but it is needless to add that he was soon de
spatched. Meantime, while the party were concluding the
plunder of the mansion, the bride was left in a lonely apart
ment of the fortress. Without wasting time in fruitless lamen
tation, she resolved to quit the life which a few hours had
made so desolate. She had almost succeeded in hanging her
self with a massive gold chain which she wore, when her captor
entered the apartment. Inflamed, not with lust, but with
avarice, excited not by her charms, but by her jewelry, he res
cued her from her perilous position. He then took possession
of her chain and the other trinkets with which her wedding-
dress was adorned, and caused her to be entirely stripped of her
clothing. She was then scourged with rods tiU her beautiful
body was bathed in blood, and at last alone, naked, nearly
mad, was sent back into the city. Here the forlorn creature
wandered up and down through the blazing streets, among the
heaps of dead and dying, till she was at last put out of her
misery by a gang of soldiers.*
Such are a few isolated instances, accidentaUy preserved in
their details, of the general horrors inflicted on this occasion.
Others innumerable have sunk into oblivion. On the morning
of the 5th of November, Antwerp presented a ghastly sight.
The magnificent marble Town-house, celebrated as a " world's
wonder,"f even in that age and country, in which so much
splendour was lavished on municipal palaces, stood a blackened
ruin — all but the walls destroyed, while its archives, accounts,
and other valuable contents, had perished. The more
splendid portion of the city had been consumed ; at least five
hundred palaces, mostly of marble or hammered stone, being
a smouldering mass of destruction.*. The dead bodies of those
faUen in the massacre were on every side, in greatest profusion
around the Place de Meer, among the Gothic pUlars of the

* Bor, ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 465.
t " Het welk man mocht telien onder de wonderen der wereld." — Address of
the States of Brabant to the States-General, in Bor, ix. 734.
X Hoofd, xi. 462. Meteren, vi. 110'.

HQ THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Exchange, and in the streets near the Town-house. The Ger
man soldiers lay in their armor, some with their heads burned
from their bodies, some with legs and arms consumed by the
flames through which they had fought.* The Margrave
Goswyn Verreyck, the burgomaster Van der Meere, the
magistrates Lancelot Van Urselen, Nicholas Van Boekholt,
and other leading citizens, lay among piles of less distinguished
slain.y They remained unburied until the overseers of the
poor, on whom the living had then more importunate claims
than the dead, were compelled by Roda to bury them out of
the pauper fund.*. The murderers were too thrifty to be at
funeral charges for their victims. The ceremony was not
hastily performed, for the number of corpses had not been com
pleted. Two days longer the havoc lasted in the city. Of all
the crimes which men can commit, whether from dehberate
calculation or in the frenzy of passion, hardly one was omit
ted, for riot, gaming, rape, which had been postponed to the
more stringent claims of robbery and murder, were now rapidly
added to the sum of atrocities.§ History has recorded the ac
count indelibly on her brazen tablets ; it can be adjusted only
at the judgment-seat above.
Of all the deeds of darkness yet compassed in the Nether
lands, this was the worst. It was caUed The Spanish Fury,||
by which dread name it has been known for ages. The
city, which had been a world of wealth and splendor,
was changed to a charnel-house, and from that hour its
commercial prosperity was blasted. Other causes had
silently girdled the yet green and flourishing tree, but
the Spanish Fury was the fire which consumed it to ashes.
Three thousand dead bodies were discovered in the streets,
as many more were estimated to have perished in the Scheld,
and nearly an equal number were burned or destroyed in other
* Bor, ix. 732. Hoofd, xi. 465.
t Bor, ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 463. X Hoofd, xi. 466.
§ Remonstrance of the States of Brabant to the States-General. — Bor, ix
733, 734.
| Bor, ix. 732. Hoofd, xi. 462. Meteren, vi. 111. Wagenaer, vii. 115,
et mult. al.

1576.] SPECULATION. 117
ways. Eight thousand persons undoubtedly were put to
death. Six mUlions of property were destroyed by the fire,
and at least as much more was obtained by the Spaniards.*
In this enormous robbery no class of people was respected.
Foreign merchants, livings under the express sanction and
protection of the Spanish monarch, were plundered with as
little reserve as Flemings. Ecclesiastics of the Roman
Church were compelled to disgorge their wealth as freely as
Calvinists. The rich were made to contribute all their
abundance, and the poor what could be wrung from their
poverty. Neither paupers nor criminals were safe. Captain
Caspar Ortis made a brilliant speculation by taking possession
of the Stein, or city prison, whence he ransomed all the in
mates who could find means to pay for their liberty. Robbers,
murderers, even Anabaptists, were thus again let loose.f
Rarely has so small a band obtained in three days' robbery so
large an amount of wealth. Four or five millions divided
among five thousand soldiers made up for long arrearages, and
the Spaniards had reason to congratulate themselves upon
having thus taken the duty of payment into their own hands.
It is true that the wages of iniquity were somewhat unequally
distributed, somewhat foolishly squandered. A private trooper
was known to lose ten thousand crowns in one day in a
gambling transaction at the Bourse,*, for the soldiers, being
thus handsomely in funds, became desirous of aping the de
spised and plundered merchants, and resorted daily to the
Exchange, like men accustomed to affairs. The dearly pur
chased gold was thus lightly squandered by many, while
others, more prudent, melted their portion into sword-hilts,
into scabbards, even into whole suits of armor, darkened, by

* The estimate of Meteren is, that four millions, in hard cash alone, were
obtained by the soldiery, exclusively of precious stones, other articles of jewelry,
laces, brocades, embroidery, and similar property of a portable and convertible
character. — Meteren, vi. 111*. The estimates of Hoofd and Bor do not mate
rially differ. In single houses as much as 300,000 guldens were found; over
90,000 in the dwelling of a widow. — Meteren, ubi sup.
t Bor, ix. 732. Hoofd, xi. 465. Meteren, vi. 111.
X Hoofd, xi. 466. Bor, ix. 732. Meteren, vi. 111.

118 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
precaution, to appear made entirely of iron. The brocades,
laces, and jewelry of Antwerp merchants were converted
into coats of mail for their destroyers. The goldsmiths, how
ever, thus obtained an opportunity to outwit their plunderers,
and mingled in the golden armor which they were forced to
furnish much more alloy than their employers knew. A
portion of the captured booty was thus surreptitiously re
deemed.* In this Spanish Fury many more were massacred in Ant
werp than in the Saint Bartholomew at Paris.f Almost as
many living human beings were dashed out of existence
now as there had been statues destroyed in the memorable
image-breaking of Antwerp, ten years before, an event
which had sent such a thrill of horror through the heart of
Catholic Christendom. Yet the Netherlanders and the Pro
testants of Europe may be forgiven, if they regarded this
massacre of their brethren with as much execration as had been
bestowed upon that fury against stocks and stones. At least,
the image-breakers had been actuated by an idea, and their
hands were polluted neither with blood nor rapine. Perhaps
the Spaniards had been governed equally by religious fanati
cism. Might not they believe they were meriting weU of
their Mother Church while they were thus disencumbering
infidels of their wealth and earth of its infidels ? Had not the
Pope and his cardinals gone to church in solemn procession,
to render thanks unto God for the massacre of Paris ?*. Had
not cannon thundered and beacons blazed to commemorate
that auspicious event ? Why should not the Antwerp execu
tioners claim equal commendation ? Even if in their delirium
they had confounded friend with foe, Catholic with Calvinist,
and church property with lay, could they not point to an

* Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, ubi sup. Strada, viii. 421.
t Nearly three times as many, if the estimate of De Thou as to the number
of Huguenots slain, three thousand, be correct. — De Thou, liv. 53, vi. 443.
Many contemporary writers have, however, placed the number of the Paris
victims as high as ten thousand.
X De Thou, vi. 442.

1576.] STATISTICS. 119
equal number of dead bodies, and to an incredibly superior
amount of plunder ?
Marvellously few Spaniards were slain in these eventful
days. Two hundred lolled is the largest number stated.*
* Bor's estimate is two hundred Spaniards killed and four hundred wounded,
ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 463, gives the same. Mendoza allows only fourteen
Spaniards to have been killed, and rather more than twenty wounded. Meteren,
as usual, considering the honor of his countrymen at stake, finds a grim conso
lation in adding a few to the number of the enemies slain, and gives a total
of three hundred Spaniards killed. — vi. 110. Strada (viii. 422) gives the two
extremes ; so that it is almost certain that tho number was not less than four-
teen nor more than two hundred. These statistics are certainly curious, for it
would seem almost impossible that a force numbering between thirty-five
hundred and five thousand men (there is this amount of discrepancy in the dif
ferent estimates) should capture and plunder, with so little loss to themselves,
a city of two hundred thousand souls, defended by an army of at least twelve
thousand, besides a large proportion of burghers bearing weapons. No wonder
that the chivalrous Brantome was in an ecstasy of delight at the achievement
(Horn. Illust., etc., ii. 204), and that the Netherlanders, seeing the prowess and
the cruelty of their foes, should come to doubt whether they were men or devils.
This disproportion between the number of Spaniards and States' soldiers slain
was the same in all the great encounters, particularly in those of the period
which now occupies us. In the six months between the end of August, 1576,
and the signing of the perpetual edict on the 17th of February, 1577, the Span
iards killed twenty thousand, by the admission of the Netherlanders themselves,
and acknowledged less than six slain on their own side! Mendoza, xvi. 335
— Compare Cabrera, xi. 866; Meteren, vi. 120. So much for the blood expended
annually or monthly by the Netherlanders in defence of liberty and religion.
As for the money consumed, the usual estimate of the expense of the States'
army was from 800,00*0 to one million guldens monthly. (Meteren, viii. 138J
and 144.) The same historian calculates the expense of Philip's army at forty-
two millions of crowns for the nine years from 1567 to 1576, which would give
nearly 400,000 dollars monthly, half of which, he says, came from Spain. The
Netherlanders, therefore, furnished the other half, so that 200,000 dollars, equal
to 500,000 guldens, monthly, were to bo added to the million required for their
own war department. Here then was a tax of one and a half millions monthly,
or eighteen millions yearly, simply for the keeping of the two armies on foot to
destroy the Netherlanders and consume their substance. The frightful loss by
confiscations, plunderings, brandschettings, and the sackings of cities and vil
lages innumerable, was all in addition, of course, but that enormous amount defies
calculation. The regular expense in money wliich they were to meet, if they
could, for the mere pay and provision of the armies, was as above, and equal to
at least sixty millions yearly, to-day, making the common allowance for the dif
ference in the value of money. This was certainly sufficient for a population of
three millions. Their frequent promise to maintain their liberty with their " goods

120 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
The discrepancy seems monstrous, but it is hardly more than
often existed between the losses inflicted and sustained by the
Spaniards in such combats. Their prowess was equal to their
ferocity, and this was enough to make them seem endowed
with preterhuman powers. When it is remembered, also, that
the burghers were insufficiently armed, that many of their
defenders turned against them, that many thousands fled in
the first moments of the encounter — and when the effect of a
sudden and awful panic is duly considered, the discrepancy
between the number of killed on the two sides wUl not seem
so astonishing.
A few officers of distinction were taken alive and carried to
the castle. Among these were the Seigneur de Capres and
young Count Egmont. The councillor Jerome de Roda was
lounging on a chair in an open gaUery when these two gentle
men were brought before him, and Capres was base enough to
make a low obeisance to the man who claimed to represent
the whole government of his Majesty.* The worthy successor
of Vargas rephed to his captive's greeting by a "kick in
his stomach," adding, with a brutality which his prototype
might have envied, " Ah puto tradidor," — whoreson traitor — ¦
" let me have no salutations from such as you."f Young
Egmont, who had been captured, fighting bravely at the head
of coward troops, by Julian Romero, who nine years before
had stood on his father's scaffold, regarded this brutal
scene with haughty indignation. This behaviour had more
effect upon Roda than the suppleness of Capres. " I am
sorry for your misfortune, Count," said the councillor, without
however rising from his chair ; " such is the lot of those whc

and their blood" was no idle boast; three thousand men and one and a hah
million florins being consumed monthly.
•Bor, ix. 731. Hoofd, xi. 412. Meteren, vi. 110. •'  pour certaines
bonnes considerations j'ay prins mon logis en ce chasteau, qu'est la maison
royalle de sa Maj">, pour d'icy pourveoir et ordonner toutes les choses de son
service, jusques les seigneurs du conseil soyent remis en leur entiore liberte,"
etc.— Letter of Jerome de Roda to the authorities of Antwerp, Sept. 8, 1576.
IIL Register der Dolianten van Brabant, A0. 1576, f. 203. MS., Haguo
Archives. t Bor> >*• ?31. Hoofd, xi. 462. Meteren, vi. 110.

1576.] CONGRATULATIONS AND REMONSTRANCES. 121
take arms against their King."* This was the unfortunate
commencement of Philip Egmont's career, which was destined
to be inglorious, vacUlating, base, and on more than one occa
sion unlucky.
A shiver ran through the country as the news of the horrible
crime was spread, but it was a shiver of indignation, not of fear.
Already the negotiations at Ghent between the representatives
of the Prince and of Holland and Zealand with the deputies of
the other provinces were in a favorable train, and the effect of
this event upon their counsels was rather quickening than ap
palling. A letter from Jerome de Roda to the King was inter
cepted, giving an account of the transaction. In that docu
ment the senator gave the warmest praise to Sancho d'AvUa,
Julian Romero, Alonzo de Vargas, Francis Verdugo, as well as
to the German colonels Fugger, Frondsberger, PolwiUer, and
others who had most exerted themselves in the massacre. " I
wish your Majesty much good of this victory," concluded the
councUlor, " 'tis a very great one, and the damage to the city
is enormous."f This cynical view was not calculated to pro
duce a soothing effect on the exasperated minds of the people.
On the other hand, the estates of Brabant addressed an elo
quent appeal to the states-general, reciting their wrongs, and
urging immediate action. " 'Tis notorious," said the remon,
strants, " that Antwerp was but yesterday the first and
principal ornament of all Europe ; the refuge of all the
nations of the world ; the source and supply of countless
treasure ; the nurse of all arts and industry ; the protectress
of the Roman Catholic religion ; the guardian of science and
virtue ; and, above aU these pre-eminences, more than faithful
and obedient to her sovereign prince and lord. The city is
now changed to a gloomy cavern, filled with robbers and
murderers, enemies of God, the King, and aU good subjects." J
They then proceeded to recite the story of the massacre,
"whereof the memory shall be abominable so long as the

* Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, ubi sup. Strada, viii. 418.
t Letter of Roda, apud Bor, ix. 737, 738.
X Remonstrance of the States of Brabant, in Bor, ix. 733.

122 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
world stands,"* and concluded with an urgent appeal for
redress. They particularly suggested that an edict should
forthwith be passed, forbidding the alienation of property and
the exportation of goods in any form from Antwerp, together
with concession of the right to the proprietors of reclaiming
their stolen property summarily, whenever and wheresoever it
might be found. In accordance with these instructions, an
edict was passed, but somewhat tardily, in the hope of re
lieving some few of the evil consequences by which the Antwerp
Fury had been attended.f
At about the same time the Prince of Orange addressed a
remarkable letter*, to the states-general then assembled at
Ghent, urging them to hasten the conclusion of the treaty.
The news of the massacre, which furnished an additional and
most vivid Ulustration of the truth of his letter, had not
then reached him at Middelburg, but the earnestness of his
views, taken in connexion with this last dark deed, exerted a
powerful and indelible effect. The letter was a masterpiece,
because it was necessary, in his position, to inflame without
alarming ; to stimulate the feelings which were in unison,
without shocking those which, if aroused, might prove dis
cordant. Without, therefore, alluding in terms to the religious
question, he dwelt upon the necessity of union, firmness, and
wariness. If so much had been done by Holland and Zealand,
how much more might be hoped when all the provinces were
united ? " The principal flower of the Spanish army has
faUen," he said, " without having been able to conquer one
of those provinces from those whom they call, in mockery,
poor beggars ; yet what is that handful of cities compared to
ah the provinces which might join us in the quarrel ?"§ He

* " Waer van de memorie is en sal abominabel wesen so lang als de wereld
staet," etc. — Remonstrance, etc. Bor, ubi sup.
t Bor, ix. 736, 737.
X The letter is pubhshed by Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit
iii. 140-154.
§ Gachard, Corresp., etc,, iii. 147, 148.

1576.] orange's appeal. 123
warned the states of the necessity of showing a strong and
united front ; the King having been ever led to consider the
movement in the Netherlands a mere conspiracy of individuals.
" The King told me himself, in 1559," said Orange, " that if
the estates had no pillars to lean upon, they would not talk so
loud." It was, therefore, necessary to show that prelates,
abbots, monks, seigniors, gentlemen, burghers, and peasants;
the whole people in short, now cried with one voice, and desired
with one will. To such a demonstration the King would not
dare oppose himself. By thus preserving a firm and united
front, sinking all minor differences, they would, moreover,
inspire their friends and foreign princes with confidence. The
princes of Germany, the lords and gentlemen of France, the
Queen of England, although sympathizing with the mis
fortunes of the Netherlanders, had been unable effectually to
help them, so long as their disunion prevented them from
helping themselves ; so long as even their appeal to arms
seemed merely " a levy of bucklers, an emotion of the popu
lace, which, hke a wave of the sea, rises and sinks again as
soon as risen."*
WhUe thus exciting to union and firmness, he also took
great pains to instil the necessity of wariness. They were
deahng with an artful foe. Intercepted letters had already
proved that the old dissimulation was still to be employed ;
that whUe Don John of Austria was on his way, the
Netherlanders were to be lulled into confidence by glozing
speeches. Roda was provided by the King with a secret
programme of instructions for the new Governor's guidance.
and Don Sancho d' Avila, for his countenance to the mu
tineers of Alost, had been applauded to the echo in Spain.f
Was not this applause a frequent indication of the policy to be
adopted by Don John, and a thousand times more significative
one than the unmeaning phrases of barren benignity with

* Gachard, Corresp., etc., iii. 152. f Ibid., iii. 129.

124 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
which pubhc documents might be crammed ? " The old
tricks are again brought into service," said the Prince ;
" therefore 'tis necessary to ascertain your veritable friends, to
tear off the painted masks from those who, under pretence of
not daring to displease the King, are seeking to swim between
two waters. 'Tis necessary to have a touchstone ; to sign a
declaration in such wise that you may know whom to trust,
and whom to suspect."
The massacre at Antwerp and the eloquence of the Prince
produced a most quickening effect upon the Congress at
Ghent. Their dehberations had proceeded with decorum and
earnestness, in the midst of the cannonading against the
citadel, and the fortress feU on the same day which saw the
conclusion of the treaty.*
This important instrument, by which the sacrifices and exer
tions of the Prince were, for a brief season, at least, rewarded,
contained twenty-five articles.f The Prince of Orange, with
the estates of Holland and Zealand, on the one side, and the
provinces signing, or thereafter to sign the treaty, on the
other, agreed that there should be a mutual forgiving and for
getting, as regarded the past. They vowed a close and
faithful friendship for the future. They plighted a mutual
promise to expel the Spaniards from the Netherlands without
delay. As soon as this great deed should be done, there was
to be a convocation of the states-general, on the basis of that
assembly before which the abdication of the Emperor had
taken place. By this congress, the affairs of rehgion in
Holland and Zealand should be regulated, as well as the
surrender of fortresses and other places belonging to his
Majesty. There was to be fuU liberty of communication and

* Bor, ix. 727. Hoofd, xL 470. — The final and decisive assault was made
upon the 8th; the articles of surrender were arranged, and the castle was
evacuated upon the 11th of November. — Meteren, vi. 113. Mendoza, xvi. 326.
Archives, etc., v. 525.
+ See them in Bor, ix. 738-741; Hoofd, xi. 467 and 470; Mendoza, xvi
320-326 ; Meteren, vi. 112, sqq. et al.

1576.] THE GHENT PACIFICATION. 125
traffic between the citizens of the one side and the other. It
should not be legal, however, for those of HoUand and
Zealand to attempt anything outside their own territory
against the Roman Catholic rehgion, nor for cause thereof to
injure or irritate any one, by deed or word. All the placards
and edicts on the subject of heresy, together with the criminal
ordinances made by the Duke of Alva, were suspended, until
the states-general should otherwise ordain. The Prince was
to remain lieutenant, admiral, and general for his Majesty
in Holland, Zealand, and the associated places, till otherwise
provided by the states-general, after the departure of the
Spaniards. The cities and places included in the Prince's
commission, but not yet acknowledging his authority, should
receive satisfaction from him, as to the point of rehgion and
other matters, before subscribing to the union. All prisoners,
and particularly the Comte de Bossu, should be released with
out ransom. All estates and other property not already
alienated should be restored, all confiscations since 1566
being declared nuU and void. The Countess Palatine, widow
of Brederode, and Count de Buren, son of the Prince of
Orange, were expressly named in this provision. Prelates
and ecclesiastical persons, having property in Holland and Zea
land, should be reinstated, if possible ; but in case of alienation,
which was likely to be generally the case, there should be rea
sonable compensation. It was to be decided by the states-
general whether the provinces should discharge the debts
incurred by the Prince of Orange in his two campaigns.
Provinces and cities should not have the benefit of this union
until they had signed the treaty, but they should be permitted
to sign it when they chose.*
This memorable document was subscribed at Ghent, on the
8th of November, by Saint Aldegonde, with eight other com
missioners appointed by the Prince of Orange and the estates
of HoUand on the one side, and by Elbertus Leoninus and
other deputies appointed by Brabant, Flanders, Artois, Hain-

See particularly Arts. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, and 25.

126 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576
ault, Valenciennes, Lille, Douay, Orchies, Namur, Tournay,
Utrecht, and Mechlin on the other side.*
The arrangement was a masterpiece of diplomacy on the
part of the Prince, for it was as effectual a provision for the
safety of the Reformed rehgion as could be expected under the
circumstances. It was much, considering the change which
had been wrought of late years in the fifteen provinces, that
they should consent to any treaty with their two heretic sisters
It was much more that the Pacification should recognize the
new religion as the estabhshed creed of Holland and Zealand,
while at the same time the infamous edicts of Charles were
formally abolished. In the fifteen Catholic provinces, there
was to be no prohibition of private Reformed worship, and it
might be naturaUy expected that with time and the arrival of
the banished religionists, a firmer stand would be taken in
favor of the Reformation. Meantime, the new religion was
formally established in two provinces, and tolerated, in secret,
in the other fifteen ; the Inquisition was for ever abohshed,
and the whole strength of the nation enlisted to expel the
foreign soldiery from the soil. This was the work of William
the SUent,f and the great Prince thus saw the labor of years
crowned with, at least, a momentary success. His satisfaction
was very great when it was announced to him, many days
before the exchange of the signatures, that the treaty had
been concluded. He was desirous that the Pacification
should be referred for approval, not to the municipal magis
trates only, but to the people itself*. In all great emer
gencies, the man who, in his whole character, least resembled

* Bor, ix. 741.
t There is no mention in the Resolutions of Holland, from the 25th of
April to the 8th of November, 1576, of any draughts for a treaty, or of any pre
parations for, or deliberations concerning, such a document. The inference of
Kluit (i. 146, 147) is that the Prince, with his council and nine commissioners,
managed the whole negotiation ; such was the confidence reposed in him by the
two provinces.
X Two commissioners were, in fact, despatched to each city of Holland, to
lay the treaty before the respective governments, and obtain their signatures. 
Kluit, HolL, Staatsreg., i. 148.

1576.] POPULARITY OF THE TREATY. 127
a demagogue, either of antiquity or of modern times, was
eager for a fresh expression of the popular will. On this
occasion, however, the demand for approbation was super
fluous. The whole country thought with his thoughts, and
spoke with his words, and the Pacification, as soon as published,
was received with a shout of joy.* Proclaimed in the market
place of every city and vfllage, it was ratified, not by votes,
but by hymns of thanksgiving, by triumphal music, by thun
dering of cannon, and by the blaze of beacons, throughout the
Netherlands. Another event added to the satisfaction of the
hour. The country so recently, and by deeds of such remark
able audacity, conquered by the Spaniards in the north, was
recovered almost simultaneously with the conclusion of the
Ghent treaty. It was a natural consequence of the great
mutiny. The troops having entirely deserted Mondragon, it
became necessary for that officer to abandon Zierickzee, the
city which had been won with so much valor. In the begin
ning of November, the capital, and with it the whole island of
Schouwen, together with the rest of Zealand, excepting
Tholen, was recovered by Count Hohenlo, lieutenant-general
of the Prince of Orange, and acting according to his in
structions^ Thus, on this particular point of time, many great events
had been crowded. At the very same moment Zealand had
been redeemed, Antwerp ruined, and the league of all the
Netherlands against the Spaniards concluded. It now became
known that another and most important event had occurred
at the same instant. On the day before the Antwerp massacre,
four days before the publication of the Ghent treaty, a foreign
cavalier, attended by a Moorish slave and by six men-at-arms,
rode into the streets of Luxemburg.*. The cavaher was Don

* Bor, ix. 740 "Wagenaer, vii. 117. — "  avecq une si grande joie et
oontentement du peuple, de toutes les provinces en general et en particulier,
qu'il n'est memoire d'homme qui puisse se souvenir d'une pareille. Un chascun
se peult souvenir des promesses mutuelles d'arnitie" qui y sont compris," etc.
— Apologie du P. d'Orange, p. 95.
t Bor, ix. 727. Hoofd, xi. 47Qv X Bor> i*. 742. Hoofd, xi. 472.

128 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Ottavio Gonzaga, brother of the Prince of Melfi. The
Moorish slave was Don John of Austria, the son of the
Emperor, the conqueror of Granada, the hero of Lepanto.*
The new Governor-general had traversed Spain and France
in disguise with great celerity, and in the romantic manner
which belonged to his character. He stood at last on the
threshold of the Netherlands, but with all his speed he had
arrived a few days too late.
* Strada, ix. 423. Cabrera, xi. 874.

PAET Y.

DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA.

1576—1578.

vol. m.

CHAPTER I.

Birth and parentage of Don John — Barbara Blomberg — Early education and
recognition by Philip — Brilliant military career — Campaign against the
Moors — Battle of Lepanto — Extravagant ambition — Secret and rapid
journey of the new Governor to the Netherlands — Contrast between Don
John and William of Orange — Secret instructions of Philip and private
purposes of the Governor — Cautious policy and correspondence of the
Prince — Preliminary negotiations with Don John at Luxemburg charac
terized — Union of Brussels — Resumption of negotiations with the Governor
at Huy — The discussions analyzed and characterized — Influence of the new
Emperor Rudolph II. and of his envoys — Treaty of Marche en Famine, or
the Perpetual Edict, signed — Remarks upon that transaction — Views and
efforts of Orange in opposition to the treaty — His letter, m name of Hol
land and Zealand, to the States-General — Anxiety of the royal government
to gain over the Prince — Secret mission of Leoninus — His instructions
from Don John — Fruitless attempts to corrupt the Prince — Secret corre
spondence between Don John and Orange — Don John at Louvain — His
efforts to ingratiate himself with the Netherlanders — His incipient popu
larity — Departure of the Spanish troops — Duke of Aerschot appointed
Governor of Antwerp citadel — His insincere character.
Don John of Austria was now in his thirty-second year, having
been born in Ratisbon on the 24th of February, 1545.* His
father was Charles the Fifth, Emperor of Germany, King of
Spain, Dominator of Asia, Africa, and America ; his mother
was Barbara Blomberg, washerwoman of Batisbon. Intro
duced to the Emperor, originally, that she might aUeviate his
melancholy by her singing, 7 she soon exhausted aU that was
harmonious in her nature, for never was a more uncomfortable,

* Strada, x. 506. \ Ibid. — Compare Brantome, ii. 149.

132 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
unmanageable personage than Barbara in her after life.
Married to one Pyramus Kegell, who was made a military
commissary in the Netherlands, she was left a widow in the
beginning of Alva's administration. Placed under the especial
superintendence of the Duke, she became the torment of that
warrior's hfe. The terrible Governor, who could almost crush
the heart out of a nation of three millions, was unable to curb
this single termagant. Philip had expressly forbidden her to
marry again, but Alva informed him that she was surrounded
by suitors. PhiUp had insisted that she should go into a
convent, but Alva, who, with great difficulty, had established
her quietly in Ghent, assured his master that she would
break loose again at the bare suggestion of a convent.
PhUip wished her to go to Spain, sending her word that Don
John was mortified by the Ufe his mother was leading, but she
informed the Governor that she would be cut to pieces before
she would go to Spain. She had no objection to see her son,
but she knew too well how women were treated in that
country. The Duke complained most patheticaUy to his
Majesty of the hfe they all led with the ex-mistress of the
Emperor. Never, he frequently observed, had woman so
terrible a head.* She was obstinate, reckless, abominably
extravagant. She had been provided in Ghent with
a handsome establishment : " with a duenna, six other
women, a major domo, two pages, one chaplain, an almoner,
and four men-servants, and this seemed a sufficiently liberal
scheme of life for the widow of a commissary. Moreover, a
very ample allowance had been made for the education of her
only legitimate son, Conrad, the other having perished by an
accident on the day of his father's death. While Don John of
Austria was gathering laurels in Granada, his half-brother,
Pyramus junior, had been ingloriously drowned in a cistern at
Ghent. Barbara's expenses were exorbitant ; her way of life scan
dalous. To send her money, said Alva, was to throw it into

* Correspondance de Philippe II.. 884, 912, 960, 969, 984, 987, 1025, 1054.

1576.] BARBARA BLOMBERG. 138
the sea. In two days she would have spent in dissipation
and feasting any sums which the King might choose to
supply. The Duke, who feared nothing else in the world,
stood in mortal awe of the widow Kegell. "A terrible
animal, indeed, is an unbridled woman," wrote secretary
Cayas, from Madrid, at the close of Alva's administration,
for, notwithstanding every effort to entice, to intimidate, and to
kidnap her from the Netherlands, there she remained, through
aU vicissitudes, even tUl the arrival of Don John. By his
persuasions or commands she was, at last, induced to accept an
exUe for the remainder of her days, in Spain, but revenged
herself by asserting that he was quite mistaken in supposing
himself the Emperor's child ; a point, certainly, upon which
her authority might be thought conclusive. Thus there was a
double mystery about Don John. He might be the issue of
august parentage on one side ; he was, possibly, sprung of most
ignoble blood. Base-born at best, he was not sure whether
to look for the author of his being in the haUs of the Ceesars
or the booths of Ratisbon mechanics.*
Whatever might be the heart of the mystery, it is certain
that it was allowed to enwrap aU the early life of Don John.
The Emperor, who certainly never doubted his responsibility

* Corresp. de Philippe II., 1025. "Lo tiene banqueteado"  "Quan
terribile animal es una muger des enfrenada." — Ibid., ii. 1255. Meteren, vi.
11 9a. — Compare Van der Hammen y Leon: Don Juan de Austria; Historia,
Madrid, 1627, vi. 294. Strada, Brantome. — Compare V. d. Vynckt, ii. 218.—
" "Wie Zijne ware moeder geweest zii, is een raadsal gebleeven, dat nooit volkomen
opgelost is," etc. etc. — Cabrera, xii. 1009. An absurd rumor had existed that
Barbara Blomberg had only been employed to personate Don John's mother.
She died at an estate called Arronjo de Molinos, four leagues from Madrid, some
years after the death of Don John.— Cabrera, xii. 1009. The following squib,
taken from *, MS. collection of pasquffles of the day, shows what was a
very general opinion in the Netherlands concerning the parentage of Don
John and the position of Barbara Blomberg. The verses are not without inge
nuity : — " Echo.
'  sed at Austriacum nostrum redeamus — eamus
Hunc Cesaris filium esse satis est notum — nothum
Multi tamen de ejus patre dubitavere — vere
Cujus ergo filium eum dicunt Itali — Ilali

134 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
for the infant's existence, had him conveyed instantly to
Spain, where he was delivered to Louis Quixada, of the
Imperial household, by whom he was brought up in great
retirement at VUla-garcia. Magdalen UUoa, wife of Quixada,
watched over his infancy with maternal and magnanimous
care, for her husband's extreme sohcitude for the infant's
welfare had convinced her that he was its father. On one
occasion, when their house was in flames, Quixada rescued the
infant before he saved his wife, " although Magdalen knew
herself to be dearer to him than the apple of his eye." From
that time forth she altered her opinion, and believed the
mysterious child to be of lofty origin. The boy grew up full
of beauty, grace, and agility, the leader of aU his companions
in every hardy sport. Through the country round there were
none who could throw the javelin, break a lance, or ride at the
ring like little Juan Quixada. In taming unmanageable
horses he was celebrated for his audacity and skiU. These
accomplishments, however, were likely to prove of but slender
advantage in the ecclesiastical profession, to which he had
been destined by his Imperial father. The death of Charles
occurred before clerical studies had been commenced, and
Philip, to whom the secret had been confided at the close of
the Emperor's life, prolonged the delay thus interposed.*
Juan had already reached his fourteenth year, when one day
his supposed father Quixada invited him to ride towards
VaUadolid to see the royal hunt. Two horses stood at the

Verum mater satis est nota in nostra republica— publica
Imo hactenus egit in Brabantia ter voere — hoere
Crimen est ne frui amplexu unius Cesaris tam generosi— osi
Pluribus ergo usa in vita est — ita est
Seu post Cesaris congressum non vere ante — ante
Tace garrula ne tale quippiam loquare — quare ?
Nescis qua poena afficiendum dixerit Belgium insigne  igne,"
etc. etc. etc.
Vers Satiriques contra Dom Jean d'Autriche, MS., Bibl.
de Bourg., 17,524.
* Strada, x. 606, 507. Cabrera, xi. 874,

1576.] PRIVATE THEATRICALS. 135
door — a splendidly caparisoned charger and a common hackney.
The boy naturally mounted the humbler steed, and they set
forth for the mountains of Toro, but on hearing the bugles of
the approaching huntsmen, Quixada suddenly halted, and
bade his youthful companion exchange horses with himself.
When this had been done, he seized the hand of the wondering
boy and kissing it respectfully, exclaimed, " Your Highness
wUl be informed as to the meaning of my conduct by his
Majesty, who is even now approaching." They had proceeded
but a short distance before they encountered the royal hunting
party, when both Quixada and young Juan dismounted, and
bent the knee to their monarch. Philip, commanding the boy
to rise, asked him if he knew his father's name. Juan replied,
with a sigh, that he had at that moment lost the only father
whom he had known, for Quixada had just disowned him.
" You have the same father as myself," cried the King ; " the
Emperor Charles was the august parent of us both." Then
tenderly embracing him, he commanded him to remount his
horse, and aU returned together to VaUadolid, Philip observ
ing with a sentimentality that seems highly apocryphal, that
he had never brought home such precious game from any hunt
before.* This theatrical recognition of imperial descent was one
among the many romantic incidents of Don John's picturesque
career, for his Ufe was never destined to know the common
place. He now commenced his education, in company with
his two nephews, the Duchess Margaret's son, and Don Carlos,
Prince-royal of Spain. They were all of the same age, but
the superiority of Don John was soon recognized. It was not
difficult to surpass the limping, malicious, Carlos, either in

* "Nunquam se jucundiorem venando prasdam quam eo die retulisse
domum." — Strada, x. 508. It must be borne in mind that the legends of Don
John's boyhood have passed through the busy and inventive brain of Father
Strada. Placed in a severe crucible, much of the romantic filigree would per
haps disappear, but the substance of his narrative is genuine. — Compare V. d.
Vynckt, ii. 219.

136 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
physical graces or inteUectual accomplishments ; but the grace
ful, urbane, and chivalrous Alexander, destined afterwards to
such wide celebrity, was a more formidable rival, yet even
the professed panegyrist of the Farnese family, exalts the son
of Barbara Blomberg over the grandson of Margaret Van
Geest.* StiU destined for the clerical profession, Don John,
at the age of eighteen, to avoid compliance with PhUip's
commands, made his escape to Barcelona. It was his
intention to join the Maltese expedition. Recalled peremp
torily by Philip, he was for a short time in disgrace, but after
wards made his peace with- the monarch by denouncing some
of the mischievous schemes of Don Carlos. Between the
Prince-royal and the imperial bastard, there had always been
a deep animosity, the Infante having on one occasion saluted
him with the most vigorous and offensive appellation which
nis illegitimate birth could suggest. " Base-born or not,"
returned Don John, " at any rate I had a better father than
yours."f The words were probably reported to rhUip and
doubtless rankled in his breast, but nothing appeared
on the surface, and the youth rose rapidly in favor. In his
twenty-third year, he was appointed to the command of the
famous campaign against the insurgent Moors of Granada.
Here he reaped his first laurels, and acquired great mihtary
celebrity. It is difficult to be dazzled by such glory. He
commenced his operations by the expulsion of nearly all the
Moorish inhabitants of Granada, bed-ridden men, women, and
chUdren, together, and the cruelty inflicted, the sufferings pa
tiently endured in that memorable deportation, were enormous.f
But few of the many thousand exiles survived the horrid
march, those who were so unfortunate as to do so being sold
into slavery by their captors.*. Still a few Moors held out in

* Strada, x. 509.
f " Hijo de puta." The anecdote is related by V. der Vynckt (ii. 220) on the
authority of Amelot de la Houssaie. " To soy hijo de mejor padre." — Ibid.
X Strada, 509. De Thou, liv. vi. 72, sqq. (torn, vi.)

1576.] CAMPAIGNS WITH MOORS AND TURKS. 137
their mountain fastnesses, and two years long the rebeUion of
this handful made head against the power of Spain. Had
their envoys to the Porte succeeded in their negotiation, the
throne of PhUip might have trembled ; but Selim hated the
Bepublic of Venice as much as he loved the wine of Cyprus.
While the Moors were gasping out their last breath in
Granada and Bonda, the Turks had wrested the island of
Venus from the grasp of the haughty Republic. Famagosta
had fallen ; thousands of Venetians had been butchered with
a ferocity which even Christians could not have surpassed ; the
famous General Bragadino had been flayed, stuffed, and sent
hanging on the yard-arm of a frigate, to Constantinople, as a
present to the Commander of the Faithful ; and the mortgage
of Catherine Cornaro, to the exclusion of her husband's
bastards, had been thus definitely canceUed. With such
practical enjoyments, Selim was indifferent to the splendid but
shadowy vision of the Occidental caliphate — yet the revolt of
the Moors was only terminated, after the departure of Don
John, by the Duke of Arcos.
The war which the Sultan had avoided in the West,
came to seek him in the East. To lift the Crucifix
against the Crescent, at the head of the powerful but quar
relsome aUiance between Venice, Spain, and Rome, Don
John arrived at Naples.f He brought with him more
than a hundred ships and twenty-three thousand men, as the
Spanish contingent. Three months long the hostile fleets
had been cruising in the same waters without an encounter ;
three more were wasted in barren manoeuvres. Neither
Mussulman nor Christian had much inclination for the conflict,
the Turk fearing the consequences of a defeat, by which gains
already secured might be forfeited ; the allies being appalled at
the possibility of their own triumph. Nevertheless, the Otto-

* De Thou, liv. xlviu.. vi. 212-215, (liv. xlix).— Compare Cabrera, liv. vii. u
21, seq.
{ Cabrera, ix. 675». De Thou, vi. 226.

138 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
mans manoeuvred themselves at last into the gulf of Lepanto,
the Christians manoeuvred themselves towards its mouth as the
foe was coming forth again. The conflict thus rendered inevi
table, both Turk and Christian became equally eager for the
fray, equaUy confident of victory. Six hundred vessels of
war met face to face. Rarely in history had so gorgeous a
scene of martial array been witnessed. An October sun gUded
the thousand beauties of an Ionian landscape. Athens and
Corinth were behind the combatants, the mountains of
Alexander's Macedon rose in the distance ; the rock of
Sappho and the heights of Actium were before their eyes.
Since the day when the world had been lost and won beneath
that famous promontory, no such combat as the one now
approaching had been fought upon the waves. The chivahous
young commander despatched energetic messages to his feUow
chieftains, and now that it was no longer possible to elude the
encounter, the martial ardor of the allies was kindled. The
Venetian High-Admiral replied with words of enthusiasm.
Colonna, lieutenant of the league, answered his chief in the
language of St. Peter ; " Though I die, yet wiU I not deny
thee."* The fleet was arranged in three divisions. The Otto
mans, not drawn up in crescent form, as usual, had the
same triple disposition. Barbarigo and the other Venetians
commanded on the left, John Andrew Doria on the right,
whfle Don John himself and Colonna were in the centre,
Crucifix in hand, the High- Admiral rowed from ship to ship
exhorting generals and soldiers to show themselves worthy of
a cause which he had persuaded himself was holy.y Fired by

* De Thou, vi. liv. 1. 226, et seq. Cabrera, ix. cap. 24, 25. Brantome, il
119, et seq. See the statements of Al-Hamet, after the battle, to the Conqueror.
— Navarrete, Documentos Ineditos, iii. 249-251. Total number of Christian
ships, three hundred and thirty-six; of Turkish, two hundred and eighty-
three. — Relacion cierta y verdadera, Documentos Ine"ditos, iii. 255-256.
"Etiamsi oporteat me mori, non te negabo." — Brantome, Hommes must,
ii. 122.
f Relacion cierta y verdadera, Documentos Ineditos, iii. 243. Ibid. — Compare
de Thou, vi. 239-243. Brantome, ii. 124.

1576.] LEPANTO. 139
his eloquence and by the sight of the enemy, his hearers
answered with eager shouts, while Don John returned to his
ship, knelt upon the quarter-deck, and offered a prayer. He
then ordered the trumpets to sound the assault, commanded
his sailing-master to lay him alongside the Turkish Admiral,
and the battle began. The Venetians, who were first at
tacked, destroyed ship after ship of their assaUants after a
close and obstinate contest, but Barbarigo feU dead ere the
sunset, with an arrow through his brain. Meantime the ac
tion, immediately after the first onset, had become general
From noon till evening the battle raged, with a carnage
rarely recorded in history. Don John's own ship lay yard-arm
and yard-arm with the Turkish Admiral, and exposed to the
fire of seven large vessels besides. It was a day when per
sonal audacity, not skilful tactics, was demanded, and the
imperial bastard showed the metal he was made of. The
Turkish Admiral's ship was destroyed, his head exposed from
Don John's deck upon a pike, and the trophy became the
signal for a general panic and a complete victory. By sunset
the battle had been won.*
Of nearly, three hundred Turkish galleys, but fifty made
their escape. From twenty-five to thirty thousand Turks
were slain, and perhaps ten thousand Christians. The gaUey-
slaves on both sides fought well, and the only beneficial
result of the victory was the liberation of several thousand
Christian captives. It is true that their liberty was pur
chased with the lives of a nearly equal number of Christian
soldiers, and by the reduction to slavery of almost as many
thousand Mussulmen,f duly distributed among the Christian

* Relacion cierta y verdadera, 244. Cabrera, ix., cap. 25. De Thou, vi. 242,
sqq. Brantome, ii. 126, sqq.
f Cabrera says that thirty thousand Turks were slain, ten thousand made
prisoners, ten thousand Christians killed, and fifteen thousand Christian pri
soners hberated, ix. 693. De Thou's estimate is twenty-five thousand Turks
killed, three thousand prisoners, and ten thousand Christians killed, vi. 247.
Brantome states the number of Turks killed at thirty thousand, without
counting those who were drowned or who died afterwards of their wounds ; six

/ (

140 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576
victors. Many causes contributed to this splendid triumph.
The Turkish ships, inferior in number, were also worse manned
than those of their adversaries, and their men were worse
armed. Every buUet of the Christians told on mushn turbans
and embroidered tunics, while the arrows of the Moslems fell
harmless on the casques and corslets of their foes. The
Turks, too, had committed the fatal error of fighting upon a
lee shore. Having no sea room, and being repelled in theh
first onset, many galleys were driven upon the rockB, to be
destroyed with all their crews.*
But whatever the cause of the victory, its consequence
was to spread the name and fame of Don John of Austria
throughout the world. Alva wrote, with enthusiasm, to

thousand prisoners, twelve thousand Christian prisoners liberated, and ten
thousand Christians killed. Hoofd, vi. 214, gives the figures at twenty-five
thousand Turks and ten thousand Christians slain. Bor, v. 354", (t. i.) makes
a. minute estimate, on the authority of Pietro Contareno, stating the number
of Christians killed at seven thousand six hundred and fifty, that of Turks at
twenty-five thousand one hundred and fifty, Turkish prisoners at three thousand
eight hundred and forty-six, and Christians liberated at twelve thousand ; giving
the number of Turkish ships destroyed at eighty, captured fifty. According to
the "Relacion cierta y verdadera," (which was drawn up a few days after the
action,) the number of Turks slain was " thirty thousand and upwards, besides
many prisoners," that of Christians killed was seven thousand, of Christian
slaves liberated twelve thousand, of Ottoman ships taken or destroyed two
hundred and thirty. Documentos Ineditos, iii 249. Phihp sent an express
order, forbidding the ransoming of even the captive officers (Carta de F. II. a D. I.
de Zufiiga. Documentos Ineditos, iii. 236). The Turkish slaves were divided
among the victors in the proportion of one-half to Philip and one-half to
the Pope and Venice. The other booty was distributed on the same principle-
Out of the Pope's share Don John received, as a present, one hundred and
seventy-four slaves (Documentos IneMitos, iii. 229). Alexander of Parma re
ceived thirty slaves; Requesens thirty. To each general of infantry was as
signed six slaves ; to each colonel four ; to each ship's captain one. The number
of " slaves in chains" (esclavos de cadena) allotted to Philip was thirty-six hun
dred (Documentos Ineditos, 257). Seven thousand two hundred Turkish slaves,
therefore, at least, were divided among Christians. This number of wretches,
who were not fortunate enough to die with their twenty-five thousand comrades,
must be set off against the twelve thousand Christian slaves liberated, in the gen
eral settlement of the account with Humanity.
* De Thou, vi. 245, 246, 247.

1576.] GLORY. 141
congratulate him ; pronouncing the victory the most brilliant
one ever achieved by Christians, and Don John the greatest
general since the death of Julius Caasar. At the same time,
with a sarcastic fling at the erection of the Escorial, he
advised Philip to improve this new success in some more
practical way than by building a house for the Lord and
a sepulchre for the dead. "If," said the Duke, "the con
quests of Spain be extended in consequence of this triumph,
then, indeed, will the Cherubim and Seraphim sing glory
to God."* A courier, despatched post haste to Spain,
bore the glorious news, together with the sacred standard
of the Prophet, the holy of hohes, inscribed with the name
of Allah twenty-eight thousand nine hundred times, always
kept in Mecca during peace, and never since the conquest
of Constantinople lost in battle before. The King was at
vespers in the Escorial. Entering the sacred precincts, breath
less, travel-stained, excited, the messenger found PhUip im
passible as marble to the wondrous news. Not a muscle
of the royal visage was moved, not a syllable escaped the
royal lips, save a brief order to the clergy to continue the in
terrupted vespers. When the service had been methodically
concluded, the King made known the intelligence and re
quested a Te Deum.f
The youthful commander-in-chief obtained more than his
full meed of glory. No doubt he had fought with briUiant
courage, yet in so close and murderous a conflict, the valor of
no single individual could decide the day, and the result was
due to the combined determination of all. Had Don John
remained at Naples, the issue might have easfly been the
same. Barbarigo, who sealed the victory with his blood ;
Colonna, who celebrated a solemn triumph on his return to
Rome ; Parma, Doria, Giustiniani, Venieri, might each as well
have claimed a monopoly of the glory, had not the Pope, at

* Parabien del Duque de Alba, Documentos Ineditos, iii. 270-287.
f Relacion por Luis del Marmol, Documentos IneMitos, iii. 270-573.

142 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Philip's entreaty, conferred the baton of command upon Don
John.* The meagre result of the contest is as notorious as
the victory. While Constantinople was quivering with ap
prehension, the rival generals were already wrangling with
animosity. Had the Christian fleet advanced, every soul
would have fled from the capital, but Providence had or
dained otherwise, and Don John sailed westwardly with
his ships. He made a descent on the Barbary coast, cap
tured Tunis, destroyed Biserta, and brought King Amidas
and his two sons prisoners to Italy. Ordered by Philip to
dismantle the fortifications of Tunis, he rephed by repairing
them thoroughly, and by placing a strong garrison within the
citadel. Intoxicated with his glory, the young adventurer
already demanded a crown, and the Pope was disposed to pro
claim him King of Tunis, for the Queen of the Lybian seas
was to be the capital of his Empire, the new Carthage which
he already dreamed.
Philip thought it time to interfere, for he felt that his
own crown might be insecure, with such a restless and
ambitious spirit indulging in possible and impossible chi
meras. He removed John de Soto, who had been Don
John's chief councUlor and emissary to the Pope, and sub
stituted in his place the celebrated and ill-starred Escovedo.f
The new secretary, however, entered as heartily but secretly
into all these romantic schemes. Disappointed of the Empire
which he had contemplated on the edge of the African desert,
the champion of the Cross turned to the cold islands of the

* De Thou, vi. 243. — Compare Cabrera, ix. 689''. Brantome, ii. 133. Even
Don John's favorite monkey distinguished himself in the action. The creature
is reported to have picked up a shell, which had fallen upon a holy shrine, close
at its master's feet, and to have thrown it overboard. — Van der Hammen y
Leon, iii. 180.
f De Thou, Brantome, Cabrera in locis citatis. Strada, x. 510. De Thou, vii.
112. Van der Vynckt, ii. 221. Bor, xi. 840, 841. Memorial de Ant. Perez
Obras y Relaciones, Geneva, 1644, p. 297.
J Bor, xi. 840, 841. Strada, x. 510. De Thou, vii. 112. Memorial de Antonio
Perez, Obras y Relaciones, p. 298, 299.

1576.] GOLDEN DREAMS. 143
northern seas. There sighed, in captivity, the beauteous
Mary of Scotland, victim of the heretic Elizabeth. His
susceptibility to the charms of beauty — a characteristic as
celebrated as his courage — was excited, his chivalry aroused.
What holier triumph for the conqueror of the Saracens than
the subjugation of these northern infidels ? He would de
throne the proud Elizabeth ; he would liberate and espouse
the Queen of Scots, and together they would reign over the
two united realms. AU that the Pope could do with buUs and
blessings, letters of excommunication, and patents of investi
ture, he did with his whole heart. Don John was at liberty
to be King of England and Scotland as soon as he liked ;* all
that was left to do was to conquer the kingdoms.
Meantime, while these schemes were flitting through his
brain, and were yet kept comparatively secret by the Pope,
Escovedo, and himself, the news reached him in Italy that
be had been appointed Governor-General of the Nether
lands^ Nothing could be more opportune. In the provinces
were ten thousand veteran Spaniards, ripe for adventure,
hardened by years of warfare, greedy for gold, audacious
almost beyond humanity, the very instruments for his scheme.-
The times were critical in the Netherlands, it was true ; yet
he would soon pacify those paltry troubles, and then sweep
forward to his prize. Yet events were rushing forward with
such feverish rapidity, that he might be too late for his ad
venture. Many days were lost in the necessary journey from
Italy into Spain to receive the final instructions of the King.
The news from the provinces grew more and more threatening,

" Strada, x. 511. Bor, xi. 840, 841. V. d. Vynckt, ii. 221. De Thou,
vii. 549. — "Y dixo le el nuncio que havia tenido un despacho do Roma, en
que le avisa haver llegado alta otro, del Senor Don Juan en i;ifra sobre lo de
Inglaterra pidiendo a su sanctidad favor para alto de persona (y aun con la
investidura del Reyno en la persona de Don Juan como se entendio despues),
bullas, breves, dinero, y que assy se le havia embiado persona con todo ello.''—
Memorial de Antonio Perez. Obras y Relaciones, p. 303.
f Strada, x. 510. De Thou, vii. 391.

144 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
With the impetuosity and romance of his temperament, he
selected his confidential friend Ottavio Gonzaga, six men-at-
arms, and an adroit and well-experienced Swiss courier, who
knew every road of France.* It was no light adventure for
the Catholic Governor-General of the Netherlands to traverse
the kingdom at that particular juncture. Staining his
bright locks and fair face to the complexion of a Moor, he
started on his journey, attired as the servant of Gonzaga.
Arriving at Paris, after a rapid journey, he descended at a
hostelry opposite the residence of the Spanish ambassador,
Don Diego de Cuniga. After nightfall he had a secret inter
view with that functionary, and learning, among other matters,
that there was to be a great ball that night at the Louvre, he
determined to go thither in disguise. There, notwithstanding
his hurry, he had time to see and to become desperately
enamored of " that wonder of beauty," the fair and frail
Margaret of Valois, Queen of Navarre. Her subsequent visit
to her young adorer at Namur, to be recorded in a future page
of this history, was destined to mark the last turning point in
his picturesque career. On his way to the Netherlands he held
a rapid interview with the Duke of Guise, to arrange his
schemes for the liberation and espousal of that noble's kins
woman, the Scottish Queen ; and on the 3rd of November hs
arrived at Luxemburg, f
There stood the young conqueror of Lepanto, his brain full
of schemes, his heart full of hopes, on the threshhold of the
Netherlands, at the entrance to what he beheved the most
briUiant chapter of his life — schemes, hopes, and visions
doomed speedily to fade before the cold reality with which he
was to be confronted. Throwing off his disguise after reach
ing Luxemburg, the youthful paladin stood confessed. His
appearance was as romantic as his origin and his exploits.
Every contemporary chronicler, French, Spanish, Italian,
Flemish, Roman, have dwelt upon his personal beauty and the
* Brantome, ii. 137. Strada, ix. 423. Cabrera, xi. 874
f Cabrera, xi. 874. Strada, ix. 423. V. d. Vynckt, ii. 222. Bor, ix. 742.
Brantome, ii. 137, 138. Hoofd, xi. 472.

1576.] TWO HEROES. 145
singular fascination of his manner.* Symmetrical features, blue
eyes of great vivacity, and a profusion of bright curling hair,
were combined with a person not much above middle height,
but perfectly well proportioned. Owing to a natural pecu
liarity of his head, the hair fell backward from the temples,
and he had acquired the habit of pushing it from his brows^
The custom became a fashion among the host of courtiers,
who were but too happy to glass themselves in so brilliant a
mirror. As Charles the Fifth, on his journey to Italy to
assume the iron crown, had caused his hair to be clipped close,
as a remedy for the headaches with which, at that momentous
epoch, he was tormented, bringing thereby close shaven polls
into extreme fashion ; so a mass of hair pushed backward
from the temples, in the style to which the name of John of
Austria was appropriated, became the prevailing mode wher
ever the favorite son of the Emperor appeared.
Such was the last crusader whom the annals of chivalry were
to know ; the man who had humbled the crescent as it had not
been humbled since the days of the Tancreds, the Baldwins,
the Plantagenets — yet, after all, what was this brilliant ad
venturer when weighed against the tranquil Christian
champion whom he was to meet face to face ? The contrast
was striking between the real and the romantic hero. Don
John had pursued and achieved glory through victories with
which the world was ringing ; Wilham was slowly compassing
a country's emancipation through a series of defeats. He
moulded a commonwealth and united hearts with as much
contempt for danger as Don John had exhibited in scenes of
slave driving and carnage. Amid fields of blood, and through
webs of tortuous intrigue, the brave and subtle son of the
Emperor pursued only his own objects. Tawdry schemes of
personal ambition, conquests for his own benefit, impossible
crowns for his own wearing^ were the motives which impeUed

* Meteren, vi. 119. Bentivoglio, etc., 218. Brantome, ii. 150. Strada,
X. 509. J R. Tassis, iv. 326.
} Strada, x. 513, 514
VOL. in. 10

146 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
him, and the prizes which he sought. His existence was
feverish, fitful, and passionate. " Tranquil amid the raging
biUows," according to his favorite device, the father of his
country waved aside the diadem which for him had neither
charms nor meaning. Their characters were as contrasted as
their persons. The curled darling of chivalry seemed a youth
at thirty-one. Spare of figure, plain in apparel, benignant,
but haggard of countenance, with temples bared by anxiety as
much as by his helmet, earnest, almost devout in manner, in
his own words, " Calvus et Calvinista,"* WiUiam of Orange
was an old man at forty-three.
Perhaps there was as much good faith on the part of Don
John, when he arrived in Luxemburg, as could be expected of
a man coming directly from the cabinet of Philip. The King
had secretly instructed him to conciliate the provinces, but to
concede nothing,f for the Governor was only a new incarna
tion of the insane paradox that benignity and the system of
Charles the Fifth were one. He was directed to restore the
government to its state during the imperial epoch.*. Seven
teen provinces, in two of which the population were aU
dissenters, in all of which the principle of mutual toleration
had just been accepted by Catholics and Protestants, were
now to be brought back to the condition according to which
all Protestants were beheaded, burned, or buried alive. So
that the Inquisition, the absolute authority of the monarch,
and the exclusive worship of the Roman Church were preserved
intact, the King professed himself desirous of " extinguishing
the fires of rebellion, and of saving the people from the last
desperation." With these slight exceptions, Philip was
wiUing to be very benignant. "More than this," said he,

* Gachard, Corresp. Guillaume le Tacit., iii., pref. Ixiii. and note— Compare
Strada, ix. 44,— " Areschoti Duci  nudato capite subridens, Vides inquit.
hoc calvitum, scito me non magis capite quam corde calvum esse." — Strada, ix.
434, 435.
t Tnstruccion Secreta qu' el Rey D. Felipe II., did al Son. D. J. de Austria,
escrivio la de mano propria. Bibl. de* Bourgogne, MS.. No. xvii. 885.
+ " Que se vuelvan las cosas al govierno y pie antiguo del tiempo del Empe
rador." etc. — Instruccion Secreta, MS.

1576.] SECRET INSTRUCTIONS. • 147
" cannot and ought not be conceded."* To these brief but
pregnant instructions was added a morsel of advice, personal
in its nature, but very characteristic of the writer. Don John
was recommended to take great care of his soul, and also to
be very cautious in the management of his amours.f
Thus counselled and secretly directed, the new Captain-Gen
eral had been dismissed to the unhappy Netherlands. The posi
tion, however, was necessarily false. The man who was renowned
for martial exploits, and notoriously devoured by ambition,
could hardly inspire deep confidence in the pacific dispositions
of the government. The crusader of Granada and Lepanto,
the champion of the ancient Church, was not likely to please
the rugged Zealanders who had let themselves be hacked to
pieces rather than say one Paternoster, and who had worn
crescents in their caps at Leyden, to prove their deeper hos
tility to the Pope than to the Turk. The imperial bastard
would derive but slight consideration from his paternal
blood, in a country where illegitimate birth was more unfavor
ably regarded than in most other countries, and where a
Brabantine edict, recently issued in name of the King, de
prived all political or civil functionaries not born in wedlock,
of their offices.*. Yet he had received instructions, at his depar
ture, to bring about a pacification, if possible, always main
taining, however, the absolute authority of the crown and
the exclusive exercise of the Catholic religion. How the two
great points of his. instructions were to be made entirely
palatable, was left to time and chance. There was a vague
notion that with the new Governor's fame, fascinating man
ners, and imperial parentage, he might accomplish a result
which neither fraud nor force — not the arts of GranveUe, nor

* " — — Salvando la Religion y mi obediencia, quanto se puede Uegando las
cosas a estos terminos presupuestos que conviene atajar este fuego y no dexar
llegar aquella gente a la ultima desperacion. Y con ello se cierre todo que se
deve conceder," etc. — Instruccion Secreta, MS.
| "  Lo de la quentaconsu alma  Andar con tiento enlos amores,"etcr
etc.. — Instruccion Secreta, MS.
X Bor, ix. 673. The edict was dated 26th of March, 1576.

148 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
the atrocity of Alva, nor the licentiousness of a buccaneering
soldiery had been able to effect. As for Don John himself, he
came with no definite plans for the Netherlanders, but with
very daring projects of his own, and to pursue these misty
visions was his main business on arriving in the provinces. In
the meantime he was disposed to settle the Netherland diffi
culty in some showy, off-hand fashion, which should cost him
but httle trouble, and occasion no detriment to the cause of
Papacy or absolutism. Unfortunately for these rapid arrange
ments, Wilham of Orange was in Zealand, and the Pacifica
tion had just been signed at Ghent.
It was, naturally, with very little satisfaction that the
Prince beheld the arrival of Don John. His sagacious com
binations would henceforth be impeded, if not wholly frus
trated. This he foresaw. He knew that there could be no
intention of making any arrangement in which HoUand and
Zealand could be included. He was confident that any re
cognition of the Reformed rehgion was as much out of the
question now as ever. He doubted not that there were many
Cathohc magnates, wavering politicians, aspirants for royal
favor, who would soon be ready to desert the cause which had
so recently been made a general cause, and who would soon be
undermining the work of their own hands. The Pacification
of Ghent would never be maintained in letter and spirit by
the vicegerent of Philip ; for however its sense might be
commented upon or perverted, the treaty,, while it recognized
Catholicism as the state religion, conceded, to a certain
extent, liberty of conscience. An immense stride had been
taken, by abolishing the edicts, and prohibiting persecution.
If that step were now retraced, the new religion was doomed,
and the liberties of Holland and Zealand destroyed. " If they
make an arrangement with Don John, it wfll be for us of the
religion to run," wrote the Prince to his brother, " for their
intention is to suffer no person of that faith to have a fixed
domicfle in the Netherlands."* It was, therefore, with a

* Archives de la Maison d'Orange, v. 544.

1576.] COUNSELS OF ORANGE. 149
calm determination to counteract and crush the policy of the
youthful Governor that Wilham the Silent awaited his anta
gonist. Were Don John admitted to confidence, the peace of
HoUand and Zealand was gone. Therefore it was necessary to
combat him both openly and secretly — by loud remonstrance
and by invisible stratagem. What chance had the impetuous
and impatient young hero in such an encounter with the fore
most statesman of the age ? He had arrived, with all the
self-confidence of a conqueror ; he did not know that he was to
be played upon like a pipe — to be caught in meshes spread
by his own hands— to struggle blindly — to rage impotently —
to die ingloriously.
The Prince had lost no time in admonishing the states-
general as to the course which should now be pursued. He
was of opinion that, upon their conduct at this crisis depended
the future destinies of the Netherlands. " If we understand
how to make proper use of the new Governor's arrival," said
he, " it may prove very advantageous to us ; if not, it will be
the commencement of our total ruin."* The spirit of all his
communications was to infuse the distrust which he honestly
felt, and which he certainly took no pains to disguise ; to im
press upon his countrymen the importance of improving the
present emergency by the enlargement, instead of the threat
ened contraction of their hberties, and to enforce with all his
energy the necessity of a firm union. He assured the estates
that Don John had been sent, in this simple manner, to the
country, because the King and cabinet had begun to despair of
carrying their point by force. At the same time he warned them
that force would doubtless be replaced by fraud. He expressed
his conviction that so soon as Don John should attain the
ascendency which he had been sent to secure, the gentleness
which now smiled upon the surface would give place to the
deadlier purposes which lurked below. He went so far as dis
tinctly to recommend the seizure of Don John's person. By
so doing, much bloodshed might be saved ; for such was the

* Archives et Correspondance, v. 495.

150 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
King's respect for the Emperor's son that their demands
would be granted rather than that his liberty should be perma
nently endangered.* In a very striking and elaborate letter
which he addressed from Middelburg to the estates-general, he
insisted on the expediency of seizing the present opportunity
in order to secure and to expand their liberties, and urged
them to assert broadly the principle that the true historical
polity of the Netherlands was a representative, constitutional
government. Don John, on arriving at Luxemburg, had
demanded hostages for his own security, a measure which
could not but strike the calmest spectator as an infraction of
aU provincial rights. "He asks you to disarm," continued
William of Orange ; " he invites you to furnish hostages, but
the time has been when the lord of the land came unarmed and
uncovered, before the estates-general, and swore to support the
constitutions before his own sovereignty could be recognized."
He reiterated his suspicions as to the honest intentions of
the government, and sought, as forcibly as possible, to infuse
an equal distrust into the minds of those he addressed.
" Antwerp," said he, " once the powerful and blooming, now
the most forlorn and desolate city of Christendom, suffered
because she dared to exclude the King's troops. You may be
sure that you are all to have a place at the same banquet. We
may forget the past, but princes never forget, when the means
of vengeance are placed within their hands. Nature teaches
them to arrive at their end by fraud, when violence wiU not
avail them. Like little children, they whistle to the birds
they would catch. Promises and pretences they wUl furnish
in plenty."f
He urged them on no account to begin any negotiation
with the Governor, except on the basis of the immediate
departure of the soldiery. " Make no agreement with him,
unless the Spanish and other foreign troops have been sent
away beforehand ; beware, meantime, of disbanding your own,

* Archives et Correspondance, v. 496.
f Letter to the states-general, 30th of November, 1576, in Bor, 747, 748, 74a

1576.] PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LETTERS. 151
for that were to put the knife into his hands to cut your
own throats withal."* He then proceeded to sketch the out
lines of a negotiation, such as he could recommend. The plan
was certainly sufficiently bold, and it could hardly cause
astonishment, if it were not immediately accepted by Don
John, as the basis of an arrangement. " Remember this is not
•play," said the Prince, " and that you have to choose between
the two, either total ruin or manly self-defence. Don John
must command the immediate departure of the Spaniards.
All our privdeges must be revised, and an oath to maintain
them required. New councils of state and finance must be
appointed by the estates. The general assembly ought to
have power to come together twice or thrice yearly, and,
indeed, as often as they choose. The states-general must
administer and regulate aU affairs. The citadels must be
demolished everywhere. No troops ought to be enlisted, nor
garrisons estabhshed, without the consent of the estates."f
In aU the documents, whether public memorials or private
letters, which came at this period from the hand of the Prince,
he assumed, as a matter of course, that in any arrangement
with the new Governor the Pacification of Ghent was to be
maintained. This, too, was the determination of almost every
man in the country. Don John, soon after his arrival at
Luxemburg, had despatched messengers to the states-general,
informing them of his arrival. It was not before the close of
the month of November that the negotiations seriously began.
Provost Fonck, on the part of the Governor, then informed
them of Don John's intention to enter Namur, attended by
fifty mounted troopers.*. Permission, however, was resolutely
refused, and the burghers of Namur were forbidden to render
oaths of fidehty untU the Governor should have comphed with
the preliminary demands of the estates.§ To enunciate these
demands categoricaUy, a deputation of the estates-general

* "Het ware hem het mes in de hand gegeven daer mede hy u den hals soude
afsnyden," etc. — Ibid., p. 748.
f Letter to states-general, etc. X Bor, x. 761. § Ibid

152 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
came to Luxemburg.* These gentlemen were received with
courtesy by Don John, but their own demeanour was not
conciliatory. A dislike to the Spanish government ; a dis
loyalty to the monarch with whose brother and representative
they were dealing, pierced through all their language. On
the other hand, the ardent temper of Don John was never
slow to take offence. One of the deputies proposed to the
Governor, with great coolness, that he should assume the
government in his own name, and renounce the authority of
Philip. Were he wilhng to do so, the patriotic gentleman
pledged himself that the provinces would at once acknowledge
him as sovereign, and sustain his government. Don John,
enraged at the insult to his own loyalty which the proposition
implied, drew his dagger and rushed towards the offender.
The deputy would, probably, have paid for his audacity with
his life had there not been by-standers enough to prevent the
catastrophe. This scene was an unsatisfactory prelude to the
opening negotiations.f
On the 6th of December the deputies presented to the
Governor at Luxemburg a paper, containing their demands,
drawn up in eight articles, and their concessions in ten.*. The
states insisted on the immediate removal of the troops, with
the understanding that they were never to return, but without
prohibition of their departure by sea ; they demanded the im
mediate release of all prisoners ; they insisted on the main-

* Bor, x. 762.
¦f Strada, x. 512. The anecdote is. however, related differently by other his-
iorians, according to some of whom the intimation was made indirectly on the
part of the Prince of Orange, through Elbertus Leoninus to Don John, that if he
choso to assume the sovereignty himself, he might rely on the support of the
Protestants and patriot party. According to the same authorities, Don John
neither accepted nor rejected the offor.— See Ev. Reid, ann. ii. 27 ; Wagenaer,
vii. 237.— Compare V. d. Vynckt, who relates the circumstance much in the same
manner as Strada. V. d. Vynckt, u. 227, 228.— Also Tassis, iii. 241, who states
that the Governor was so angry with the deputy— "ut punire audaciam propriis
manibus vix abstinuerit."— Compare J. P. Van Capelle, Elb. Leoninus in Bijdragea
tot de Gesch. der Ned., 47^9. The story of Reid is entirely improbable, and is
consistent with the character of neither of the principal personages implicated.
T bee the articles in Bor, x. 762, 763.

1576.] FIRST CONFERENCES WITH DON JOHN. 153
tenance of the Ghent treaty, there being nothing therein which
did not tend to the furtherance of the Catholic religion ;
they claimed an act of amnesty ; they required the convoca
tion of the states-general, on the basis of that assembly before
which took place the abdication of Charles the Fifth ; they
demanded an oath, on the part of Don John, to maintain aU
the charters and customs of the country.
Should these conditions be complied with, the deputies con
sented on the part of the estates, that he should be acknow
ledged as Governor, and that the Catholic rehgion and the
authority of his Majesty should be maintained. They agreed
that all foreign leagues should be renounced, their own foreign
soldiery disbanded, and a guard of honor, native Nether
landers, such as his Majesty was contented with at his " Blythe
Entrance," provided. A truce of fifteen days, for negotiations,
was furthermore proposed.*
Don John made answers to these propositions by adding a
brief comment, as apostiUe,f upon each of the eighteen
articles, in succession. He would send away the troops, but,
at the same time, the states must disband their own. He
dechned engaging himself not to recal his foreign soldiery,
should necessity require their service. With regard to the
Ghent Pacification, he professed himself ready for a general
peace negotiation, on condition that the supremacy of the
Catholic Church and the authority of his Majesty were pro
perly secured. He would settle upon some act of amnesty
after due consultation with the State Council. He was wilhng
that the states should be convoked in general assembly, pro
vided sufficient security were given him that nothing should
be there transacted prejudicial to the Cathohc religion and the
King's sovereignty. As for their privUeges, he would govern
as had been done in the time of his imperial father. He ex
pressed his satisfaction with most of the promises offered by
the estates, particularly with their expression in favor of the

See the articles in Bor, x. 762, 763. t Bori x- '?62» '763-

154 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1576.
Church and of his Majesty's authority ; the two all-important
points to secure which he had come thither unattended, at the
peril of his hfe, but he received their offer of a body-guard, by
which his hirelings were to be superseded, with very little
gratitude. He was on the point, he said, of advancing as far
as Marche en Famine, and should take with him as strong a
guard as he considered necessary, and composed of such troops
as he had at hand.* Nothing decisive came of this first in
terview. The parties had taken the measures of their mutual
claims, and after a few days, fencing with apostilles, replies,
and rejoinders, they separated, their acrimony rather inflamed
than appeased.
The departure of the troops and the Ghent treaty were
the vital points in the negotiation. The estates had originally
been content that the troops should go by sea. Their suspi
cions were, however, excited by the pertinacity with which
Don John held to this mode of removal. Although they did
not suspect the mysterious invasion of England, a project
which was the real reason why the Governor objected, to their
departure by land,f yet they soon became aware that he had
been secretly tampering with the troops at every point. The
effect of these secret negotiations with the leading officers of
the army was a general expression of their unwillingness, on
account of the lateness of the season, the difficult and dan
gerous condition of the roads and mountain-passes, the plague
in Italy, and other pretexts, to undertake so long a journey
by land.* On the other hand, the states, seeing the anxiety
and the duplicity of Don John upon this particular point,
came to the resolution to thwart him at all hazards, and in
sisted on the land journey. Too long a time, too much money,
too many ships would be necessary, they said, to forward so
large a force by sea, and in the meantime it would be necessary
to permit them to live for another indefinite period at the
charge of the estates.§

* Bor, x 762, 763.
\ Bor, x. 765. Hoofd, xi. 479.— Compare Strada, ix. 429.
X Bor, x 765, 766. § Bor, x. 766. Hoofd, 479. 480.

1577.] UNION OF BRUSSELS. 155
With regard to the Ghent Pacification, the estates, in the
course of December, procured an express opinion from the
eleven professors of theology, and doctors utriusque juris of
Louvain, that the treaty contained nothing which conflicted
with the supremacy of the Catholic religion.* The various
bishops, deacons, abbots, and pastors of the Netherlands made
a similar decision.y An elaborate paper, drawn up by the
State-Council, at the request of the states-general, declared
that there was nothing in the Pacification derogatory to the
supreme authority of his Majesty*. Thus fortified with
opinions which, it must be confessed, were rather dogmatically
than argumentatively drawn up, and which it would have been
difficult very logicaUy to defend, the states looked forward
confidently to the eventual acceptance by Don John of the
terms proposed. In the meantime, while there was stiU an
indefinite pause in the negotiations, a remarkable measure
came to aid the efficacy of the Ghent Pacification.
Early in January, 1577, the celebrated "Union of Brus
sels" was formed.§ This important agreement was originally
signed by eight leading personages, the Abbot of Saint Ger
trude, the Counts Lalain and Bossu, and the Seigneur de
Champagny being among the number. Its tenor was to
engage its signers to compass the immediate expulsion of
the Spaniards and the execution of the Ghent Pacification,
to maintain the Cathohc religion and the King's authority,
and to defend the fatherland and all its constitutions. Its
motive was to generalize the position assumed by the Ghent
treaty. The new act was to be signed, not by a few special
deputies alone, like a diplomatic convention, but by all the
leading individuals of all the provinces, in order to exhibit tc
Don John such an array of united strength that he would find
himself forced to submit to the demands of the estates. II The

* See the document in Bor, x. 766. t Il)id,
X Bor, x. 768. Opinion of the State Council.
§ De Jonghe, De Unie van Brussel. Dewez Hist. gen. de la Belg., vi 68, 59
Gr. v. Prinsterer, v. 589, sqq. Bor, x. 769.
| Bor, x. 769, 770, and Meteren, vi. 116, 117.

156 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
tenor, motive, and effect were aU as had been proposed and
foreseen. The agreement to expel the Spaniards, under the
Cathohc and loyal manifestations indicated, passed from hand
to hand through all the provinces. It soon received the signa
ture and support of all the respectabUity, wealth, and inteUi
gence of the whole country. Nobles, ecclesiastics, citizens,
hastened to give to it their adhesion. The states-general had
sent it, by solemn resolution, to eveiy province, in order that
every man might be forced to range himself either upon the
side of the fatherland or of despotism. Two copies of the
signatures procured in each province were ordered, of which one
was to be deposited in its archives, and the other forwarded to
Brussels. In a short time, every province, with the single ex
ception of Luxemburg, had loaded the document with signa
tures. This was a great step in advance. The Ghent Paci
fication, which was in the nature of a treaty between the
Prince and the estates of HoUand and Zealand on the one
side, and a certain number of provinces on the other, had only
been signed by the envoys of the contracting parties. Though
received with deserved and universal acclamation, it had not
the authority of a popular document. This, however, was
the character studiously impressed upon the " Brussels
Union." The people, subdivided according to the various
grades of their social hierarchy, had been solemnly summoned
to council, and had deliberately recorded their conviction.
No restraint had been put upon their freedom of action, and
there was hardly a difference of opinion as to the necessity of
the measure.*
A rapid revolution in Friesland, Groningen, and the de
pendencies, had recently restored that important country to
the national party. The Portuguese De BUly had been de
prived of his authority as King's stadholder, and Count
Hoogstraaten's brother, Baron de Ville, afterwards as Count

* De Jonghe, De Unie van Brussel. Hoofd, xi. 479. 480. Meteren, vi. 116.
Dewez Hist. Gen. de la Belgique, vi., c. ix 56-68. — Compare Groen v. Prinst,
Archives, etc., v. 589, sqq.

1577.] ITS ORIGINAL DEFECT. 157
Renneberg infamous for his treason to the cause of liberty,
had been appointed by the estates in his room.* In all this
district the " Union of Brussels" was eagerly signed by men
of every degree. HoUand and Zealand, no less than the
Catholic provinces of the south willingly accepted the com
promise which was thus laid down, and which was thought to
be not only an additional security for the past, not only a
pUlar more for the maintenance of the Ghent Pacification, but
also a sure precursor of a closer union in the future. The
Union of Brussels became, in fact, the stepping-stone to the
" Union of Utrecht," itself the foundation-stone of a repubhc
destined to endure more than two centuries. On the other
hand, this early union held the seed of its own destruction
within itself. It was not surprising, however, that a strong
declaration in favor of the Catholic religion should be con
tained in a document intended for circulation through all the
provinces. The object was to unite as large a force, and to make
as striking a demonstration before the eyes of the Governor-
General as was practicable under the circumstances. The im
mediate purpose was answered, temporary union was formed,
but it was impossible that a permanent crystallization should
take place where so strong a dissolvent as the Cathohc clause
had been admitted. In the sequel, therefore, the union fell
asunder precisely at this fatal flaw. The next unionf was
that which definitely separated the provinces into Protestant
and Cathohc, into self-governing republics, and the depen
dencies of a distant despotism. The immediate effect, however,
of the " Brussels Union" was to raUy all lovers of the fatherland
and haters of a foreign tyranny upon one vital point — the
expulsion of the stranger from the land. The foot of the
Spanish soldier should no longer profane their soU. All men
were forced to pronounce themselves boldly and unequivocaUy,

* Bor, x. 750-752. Hoofd, xi. 473-475.
f The "new or closer Union of Brussels," however admirable as a manifesta
tion, and important as an example, cannot, from its very brief duration, be con
sidered as anything but an unsuccessful attempt at union.

158 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
in order that the patriots might stand shoulder to shoulder,
and the traitors be held up to infamy. This measure was
in strict accordance with the advice given more than once
by the Prince of Orange, and was almost in Uteral fulfilment
of the Compromise, which he had sketched before the arrival
of Don John.*
The deliberations were soon resumed with the new Governor,
the scene being shifted from Luxemburg to Huy.f Hither
came a fresh deputation from the states-general — many
signers of the Brussels Union among them — and were received
by Don John with stately courtesy. They had, however,
come, determined to carry matters with a high and firm hand,
being no longer disposed to brook his imperious demeanour,
nor to tolerate his dilatory policy. It is not surprising, there
fore, that the courtesy soon changed to bitterness, and that
attack and recrimination usurped the place of the dignified
but empty formalities which had characterized the interviews
at Luxemburg.*.
The envoys, particularly Sweveghem and Champagny, made
no concealment of their sentiments towards the Spanish sol
diery and the Spanish nation, and used a freedom of tone and
language which the petulant soldier had not been accustomed
to hear. He complained, at the outset, that the Netherlanders
seemed new-born — that instead of bending the knee, they
seemed disposed to grasp the sceptre. Insolence had taken
the place of pliancy, and the former slave now applied the
chain and whip to his master. With such exacerbation of
temper at the commencement of negotiations, their progress
was of necessity stormy and slow.§
The envoys now addressed three concise questions to the
Governor. Was he satisfied that the Ghent Pacification con
tained nothing conflicting with the Roman rehgion and the

* Avis du Prinoe d'Orange, etc., Archives, etc., v. 437, sqq.
t Bor> x- T71. X Bor, x. 772, 773. Tassis, iii. 246.
§ "  Austriacum non lenibus neo modestis modis sed loris ac fustibua ut
servum ad suam voluntatem adigere," etc. — Tassis, iii. 246.

1577.] NEGOTIATIONS AT HUT. 159
King's authority ? If so, was he wihing to approve that
treaty in aU its articles ? Was he ready to dismiss his troops
at once, and by land, the sea voyage being liable to too many
objections ?*
Don John answered these three questions — which, in reality,
were but three forms of a single question — upon the same day,
the 24th of January. His reply was as complex as the
demand had been simple. It consisted of a proposal in six
articles, and a requisition in twenty-one, making in aU twenty*
seven articles. Substantially he proposed to dismiss the
foreign troops — to effect a general pacification of the Nether
lands — to govern on the basis of the administration in his
imperial father's reign — to arrange affairs in and with regard
to the assembly-general as the King should judge to be
fitting — to forgive and forget past offences — and to release
aU prisoners. On the other hand he required the estates to
pay the troops before their departure, and to provide ships
enough to transport them, as the Spaniards did not choose to
go by land, and as the deputies at Luxemburg had consented
to their removal by sea. Furthermore, he demanded that the
states should dismiss their own troops. He required ecclesias
tical authority to prove the Ghent Pacification not prejudicial
to the Cathohc rehgion ; legal authority that it was not detri
mental to his Majesty's supremacy ; and an oath from the
states-general to uphold both points inviolably, and to provide
for their maintenance in HoUand and Zealand. He claimed
the right to employ about his person .soldiers and civU func
tionaries of any nation he might choose, and he exacted from
the states a promise to prevent the Prince of Orange from
removing his son, Count van Buren, forcibly or fraudulently,
from his domicile in Spain.f
The deputies were naturally indignant at this elaborate'
trifling. They had, in reality, asked him but one ques
tion, and that a simple one — Would he maintain the

¦I- Bor, x. 773. f Articles in Bor, x. 772, 773

160 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
treaty of Ghent? Here were twenty-seven articles in
reply, and yet no answer to that question. They sat up
aU night, preparing a violent protocol, by which the
Governor's claims were to be utterly demolished. Early in
the morning, they waited upon his Highness, presented the
document, and at the same time asked him plainly, by word
of mouth, did he or did he not intend to uphold the treaty.
Thus pressed into a corner in presence of the deputies, the
members of the State Council who were in attendance from
Brussels, and the envoys whom the Emperor had recently sent
to assist at these deliberations, the Governor answered, No.
He would not and could not maintain the treaty, because the
Spanish troops were in that instrument denounced as rebels,
because he would not consent to the release of Count Van
Buren — and on account of various other reasons not then
specified.* Hereupon ensued a fierce debate, and all daylong
the altercation lasted, without a result being reached. At ten
o'clock in the evening, the deputies having previously retired
for a brief interval, returned with a protest f that they were
not to be held responsible for the termination of the pro
ceedings, and that they washed their hands of the bloodshed
which might follow the rupture. Upon reading this docu
ment, Don John fell into a blazing passion. He vehemently de
nounced the deputies as traitors. He swore that men who came
to him thus prepared with ready-made protests in their pockets,
were rebels from the commencement, and had never intended
any agreement with him. . His language and gestures expressed
unbounded fury. He was weary of their ways, he said. They
had better look to themselves, for the King would never leave
their rebeUion unpunished. He was ready to draw the sword
at once — not his own, but his Majesty's, and they might be
"sure that the war which they were thus provoking, should be
the fiercest ever waged.*. More abusive language in this strain

* Bor, x. 772, 774. f See the protest in Bor, x. 774, 775.
X Bor, x. 775.

1577.] BICKERING. 161
was uttered, but it was not heard with lamb-Uke submission.
The day had gone by when the deputies of the states-general
were wont to quail before the wrath of vicarious royalty. The
fiery words of Don John were not oil to troubled water, but a
match to a mine. The passions of the deputies exploded in
their turn, and from hot words they had nearly come to hard
blows. One of the deputies rephed with so much boldness
and vehemence that the Governor, seizing a heavy silver beU
which stood on the table, was about to hurl it at the offender's
head, when an energetic and providential interference on the
part of the imperial envoys, prevented the unseemly catas
trophe.* The day thus unprofitably spent, had now come to its close,
and the deputies left the presence of Don John with tempers
as inflamed as his own. They were, therefore, somewhat sur
prised at being awakened in their beds, after midnight, by a
certain Father Trigoso, who came to them with a conciliatory
message from the Governor. While they were still rubbing
their eyes with sleep and astonishment, the Duke of Aerschot,
the Bishop of Liege, and several counciUors of state, entered
the room. These personages brought the news that Don John
had at last consented to maintain the Pacification of Ghent, as
would appear by a note written in his own hand, which was
then delivered. The billet was eagerly read, but unfortu
nately did not fulfil the anticipations which had been excited.
"I agree," said Don John, "to approve the peace made
between the states and the Prince of Orange, on condition that
nothing therein may seem detrimental to the authority of his
Majesty and the supremacy of the Cathohc rehgion, and also
with reservation of the points mentioned in my last communi-
cation."f Men who had gone to bed in a high state of indignation
were not likely to wake in much better humour, when suddenly
aroused in their first nap, to listen to such a message as this.
It seemed only one piece of trifling the more. The deputies had

* Tassis, iii. 246. f Bor, x. 775.
VOL. HI. 11
»

162 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [l^TT.
offered satisfactory opinions of divines and jurisconsults, as to
the two points specified which concerned the Ghent treaty. It
was natural, therefore, that this vague condition concerning
them, the determination of which was for the Governor's
breast alone, should be instantly rejected, and that the envoys
should return to their disturbed slumbers with an increase of
ill-humour. On the morrow, as the envoys, booted and spurred, were
upon the point of departure for Brussels, another communica
tion was brought to them from Don John.* This time, the
language of the Governor seemed more to the purpose. "I
agree," said he, " to maintain the peace concluded between
the states and the Prince of Orange, on condition of receiving
from the ecclesiastical authorities, and from the University of
Louvain, satisfactory assurance that the said treaty contains
nothing derogatory to the Cathohc religion — and simUar
assurance from the State CouncU, the Bishop of Liege, and
the imperial envoys, that the treaty is in no wise prejudicial to
the authority of his Majesty." Here seemed, at last, some
thing definite. These conditions could be complied with.
They had, in fact, been already complied with. The assurances
required as to the two points had already been procured, as the
deputies and as Don John weU knew. The Pacification of
Ghent was, therefore, virtuaUy admitted. The deputies
waited upon the Governor accordingly, and the conversation
was amicable. They vainly endeavoured, however, to obtain
his consent to the departure of the troops by land — the only
point then left in dispute. Don John, stiU clinging to his
secret scheme, with which the sea voyage of the troops was so
closely connected, refused to concede. He reproached the
envoys, on the contrary, with their importunity in making a
fresh demand, just as he had conceded the Ghent treaty, upon
his entire responsibility and without instructions. Mentally
resolving that this point should still be wrung from the
Governor, but not suspecting his secret motives for resisting

* Bor, x. 775.

1577.] THE NEW EMPEROR. 163
it so strenuously, the deputies took an amicable fareweU of the
Governor, promising a favorable report upon the proceedings,
so soon as they should arrive in Brussels.*
Don John, having conceded so much, was soon obUged to
concede the whole. The Emperor Rudolph had lately succeeded
his father, MaximUian.f The deceased potentate, whose senti
ments on the great subject of religious toleration were so much
in harmony with those entertained by the Prince of Orange,
had, on the whole, notwithstanding the ties of relationship and
considerations of policy, uniformly befriended the Netherlands,
so far as words and protestations could go, at the court of
Phihp. Active co-operation, practical assistance, he had cer
tainly not rendered. He had unquestionably been too much
inchned to accomplish the impossibUity of assisting the states
without offending the King— an effort which, in the homely
language of Hans Jenitz, was " hke wishing his skin washed
without being wet."*. He had even interposed many obstacles
to the free action of the Prince, as has been seen in the course
of this history, but nevertheless, the cause of the Netherlands,
of rehgion, and of humanity had much to lose by his death.
His eldest son and successor, Rudolph the second, was an
ardent Cathohc, whose relations with a proscribed prince and
a reformed population could hardly remain long in a satisfac
tory state. The New Emperor had, however, received the
secret envoys of Orange with bounty,§ and was reaUy desirous
of accomplishing the pacification of the provinces. His envoys
had assisted at aU the recent dehberations between the estates
and Don John, and their vivid remonstrances removed, at this
juncture, the last objection on the part of the Governor-General.
With a secret sigh, he deferred the darling and mysterious ,
hope which had hghted him to the Netherlands, and consented
to the departure of the troops by land.||

* Bor, x. 775.
j The Emperor Maximilian died on the 12th of October, 1576.
X "  und gehts nach dem sprichwort, wasche mir den beltz und mache mir
Ihn nicht nasz."— MS. cited by Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., v. 725.
§ Archives, etc., v. 426. 1 Bor, x. 786.

164 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
AU obstacles having been thus removed, the memorable treaty
caUed the Perpetual Edict was signed at Marche en Famine
on the 12th, and at Brussels on the 17th of February, 1577.*
This document, issued in the name of the King, contained
nineteen articles. It approved and ratified the Peace of
Ghent, in consideration that the prelates and clergy, with the
doctors utriusque juris of Louvain, had decided that nothing
in that treaty conflicted either with the supremacy of the
Cathohc Church or the authority of the King, but, on the
contrary, that it advanced the interests of both.f It promised
that the soldiery should depart " freely, frankly, and without
delay, by land,*, never to return except in case of foreign
war" — the Spaniards to set forth within forty days, the
Germans and others so soon as arrangements had been made
by the states-general for their payment. It settled that aU
prisoners, on both sides, should be released, excepting the
Count Van Buren, who was to be set free so soon as the states-"
general having been convoked, the Prince of Orange should
have fulfiUed the resolutions to be passed by that assembly-
It promised the maintenance of aU the privileges, charters,
and constitutions of the Netherlands. It required of the
states an oath to maintain the Cathohc rehgion. It recorded
their agreement to disband their troops. It settled that Don
John should be received as Governor-General, immediately
upon the departure of the Spaniards, Italians, and Burgund-
ians from the provinces.§
These were the main provisions of this famous treaty,
which was confirmed a few weeks afterwards by PhiUp, in a
letter addressed to the states of Brabant, and by an edict
issued at Madrid.|| It wUl be seen that everything required
by the envoys of the states, at the commencement of their ne-

* Bor, x. 786-789. Hoofd, xi. 485-487. Meteren, vi. f. 117-119. Ca
brera, xi. 901, 902. Strada, ix. 430. Bor and Meteren publish the treaty in
full. f Art. 2 — " Niet nadelig maer ter contrarie tot vordering van de selve," etc.
X Art. 3 — "Te lande, vry, vrank en onbelet," etc.
§ See in particular Articles 8, 10, 11, and 16.
1 Bor, x. 789, 790. V. d. Vynckt. ii. 232.

1577.] THE PERPETUAL EDICT. 165
gotiations, had been conceded by Don John. They had
claimed the departure of the troops, either by land or sea. He
had resisted, the demand a long time, but had at last con
sented to despatch them by sea. Their departure by land had
then been insisted upon. This again he had most reluctantly
conceded. The ratification of the Ghent treaty, he had peremp
torily refused. He had come to the provinces, at the instant
of its conclusion, and had, of course, no instructions on the
subject. Nevertheless, slowly receding, he had agreed, under
certain reservations, to accept the treaty. Those reservations
relating to the great points of Cathohc and royal supremacy,
he insisted upon subjecting to his own judgment alone.
Again he was overruled. Most unwillingly he agreed to
accept, instead of his own conscientious conviction, the dogmas
of the State Council and of the Louvain doctors. Not seeing
very clearly how a treaty which abohshed the edicts of Charles
the Fifth and the ordinances of Alva — which removed the
religious question in Holland and Zealand from the King's
jurisdiction to that of the states-general — which had caused
persecution to surcease — had estabhshed toleration — and which
moreover, had confirmed the arch rebel and heretic of all the
Netherlands in the government of the two rebeUious and
heretic provinces, as stadholder for the King — not seeing very
clearly how such a treaty was " advantageous rather than pre
judicial to royal absolutism and an exclusive Cathohcism," he
naturaUy hesitated at first.
The Governor had thus disconcerted the Prince of Orange, not
by the firmness of his resistance, but by the amplitude of his
concessions. The combinations of WUham the SUent were, for
an instant, deranged. Had the Prince expected such liberality,
he would have placed his demands upon a higher basis, for it is
not probable that he contemplated or desired a pacification.
The Duke of Aerschot and the Bishop of Liege in vain essayed
to prevail upon his deputies at Marche en Famine, to sign the
agreement of the 27th January, upon which was founded the
Perpetual Edict.* They refused to do so without consulting
* Bor, x. 786.

166 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
the Prince and the estates. Meantime, the other commissioners
forced the affair rapidly forward. The states sent a deputation
to the Prince to ask his opinion, and signed the agreement
before it was possible to receive his reply.* This was to treat
him with little courtesy, if not absolutely with bad faith. The
Prince was disappointed and indignant. In truth, as appeared
from all his language and letters, he had no confidence in Don
John. He beheved him a consummate hypocrite, and as
deadly a foe to the Netherlands as the Duke of Alva, or PhUip
himself. He had carefuUy studied twenty-five intercepted
letters from the King, the Governor, Jerome de Roda, and
others, placed recently in his hands by the Duke of Aerschot, f
and had found much to confirm previous and induce fresh sus
picion. Only a few days previously to the signature of the
treaty, he had also intercepted other letters from influential
personages, Alonzo de Vargas and others, disclosing extensive
designs to obtain possession of the strong places in the country,
and then to reduce the land to absolute subjection.*. He had
assured the estates, therefore, that the deliberate intention of
the Government, throughout the whole negotiation, was to
deceive, whatever might be the public language of Don John
and his agents. He implored them, therefore, to have " pity
upon the poor country," and to save the people from faUing
into the trap which was laid for them. From first to last, he
had expressed a deep and wise distrust, and justified it by
ample proofs. He was, with reason, irritated, therefore, at the
haste with which the states had concluded the agreement with
Don John — at the celerity with which, as he afterwards
expressed it, " they had rushed upon the boar-spear of that
sanguinary heart."§ He beheved that everything had been
signed and sworn by the Governor, with the mental reservation
that such agreements were valid only until he should repent

* Archives et Corresp., v. 629. Bor, x. 791. Letter of Estates of Holland.
t Archives et Corresp., v. 588, sqq. Apologie du Prince d'Orange, p. 97.
X Letter of Orange to the States-General, 2nd of February, 1577 Acta
Statuum Belgii, i. f. 258. MS., Hague Archives.
§ Apologie du Prince d'Orange, p. 98.

1577.'] DISPLEASURE OF ORANGE. 167
having made them. He doubted the good faith and the
stability of the grand seigniors. He had never felt confidence
in the professions of the time-serving Aerschot, nor did he trust
even the brave Champagny, notwithstanding his services at
the sack of Antwerp. He was especiaUy indignant that pro
vision had been made, not for demolishing but for restoring to
his Majesty those hateful citadels, nests of tyranny, by which
the flourishing cities of the land were kept in perpetual anxiety.
Whether in the hands of King, nobles, or magistrates, they
were equaUy odious to him, and he had long since determined
that they should be razed to the ground. In short, he
beheved that the estates had thrust their heads into the lion's
mouth, and he foresaw the most gloomy consequences from the
treaty which had just been concluded. He believed, to use his
own language, " that the only difference between Don John
and Alva or Requesens was, that he was younger and more
foolish than his predecessors, less capable of concealing his
venom, more impatient to dip his hands in blood."*
In the Pacification of Ghent, the Prince had achieved the
prize of his hfe-long labors. He had banded a mass of pro
vinces by the ties of a common history, language, and
customs, into a league against a foreign tyranny. He had
grappled HoUand and Zealand to their sister provinces by a
common love for their ancient liberties, by a common hatred
to a Spanish soldiery. He had exorcised the evil demon of
rehgious bigotry by which the body politic had been possessed so
many years ; for the Ghent treaty, largely interpreted, opened
the door to universal toleration. In the Perpetual Edict th6
Prince saw his work undone. Holland and -Zealand were
again cut adrift from the other fifteen provinces, and war
would soon be let loose upon that devoted little territory.
The article stipulating the maintenance of the Ghent treaty
he regarded as idle wind ; the solemn saws of the State CouncU

* Letter of Prince of Orange and the States of Holland, Bor, x. 791.— Com
pare Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., v. 559, sqq., and "Instruction from le
Sieur de Haultain," etc. ArchiveB, etc, v. 579, sqq. Apologie du Prince
d'Orange. 97.

168 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
and the quiddities from Louvain being hkely to prove but
slender bulwarks agamst the returning tide of tyranny. Either
it was tacitly intended to tolerate the Reformed rehgion, or
to hunt it down. To argue that the Ghent treaty, loyaUy
interpreted, strengthened ecclesiastical or royal despotism, was
to contend that a maniac was more dangerous in fetters than
when armed with a sword ; it was to be blind to the dif
ference between a private conventicle and a public scaffold.
The Perpetual Edict, whUe affecting to sustain the treaty,
would necessarUy destroy it at a blow, whUe during the brief
interval of repose, tyranny would have renewed its youth like
the eagles. Was it possible, then, for WiUiam of Orange to
sustain the Perpetual Edict, the compromise with Don John ?
Ten thousand ghosts from the Lake of Harlem, from the
famine and plague-stricken streets of Leyden, from the smok
ing ruins of Antwerp, rose to warn him against such a com
position with a despotism as subtle as it was remorseless.
It was, therefore, not the policy of WiUiam of Orange,
suspecting, as he did, Don John, abhorring PhiUp, doubting
the Netherland nobles, confiding only in the mass of the
citizens, to give his support to the Perpetual Edict. He was
not the more satisfied because the states had concluded the
arrangement without his sanction, and against his express
advice.* He refused to publish or recognize the treaty in Hol
land and Zealand.f A few weeks before, he had privately laid
before the states of HoUand and Zealand a series of questions,
in order to test their temper, asking them, in particular, whether
they were prepared to undertake a new and sanguinary war
for the sake of their rehgion, even although their other priv-
Ueges should be recognised by the new government, and a
long and earnest debate had ensued, of a satisfactory nature,
although no positive resolution was passed upon the subject.*.
As soon as the Perpetual Edict had been signed, the states-

* Apologie du Prince d'Orange, p. 98.
t Letter of Prince of Orange and the States of Holland, Bor, x 791-973.
X Bor, x. 776.

1577.] HIS "WRITTEN OPINIONS. 169
general had sent to the Prince, requesting his opinion and
demanding his sanction.* Orange, in the name of Holland
and Zealand, instantly returned an elaborate answer,f taking
grave exceptions to the whole tenor of the Edict. He
complained that the constitution of the land was violated,
because the ancient privdege of the states-general to assemble
at their pleasure, had been invaded, and because the laws
of every province were set at nought by the continued
Imprisonment of Count Van Buren, who had committed no
crime, and whose detention proved that no man, whatever
might be promised, could expect security for hfe or liberty.
The ratification of the Ghent treaty, it was insisted, was in
no wise distinct and categorical, but was made dependent on
a crowd of deceitful subterfuges.*. He inveighed bitterly
against the stipulation in the Edict, that the states should pay
the wages of the soldiers, whom they had just proclaimed to be
knaves and rebels, and at whose hands they had suffered such
monstrous injuries. He denounced the cowardice which
could permit this band of hirelings to retire with so much
jewelry, merchandize, and plate, the result of their robberies.
He expressed, however, in the name of the two provinces, a
willingness to sign the Edict, provided the states-general
would agree solemnly beforehand, in case the departure of the
Spaniards did not take place within the stipulated time, to
abstain from aU recognition of, or communication with, Don
John, and themselves to accomphsh the removal of the troops
by force of arms.§
Such was the first and solemn manifesto made by the Prince
in reply to the Perpetual Edict ; the states of Holland and
Zealand uniting heart and hand in aU that he thought, wrote^

* Bor, x. 790. Hoofd, xii. 490.
f The letter is published at length in Bor, x. 790-792.— Compare Wagenaer,
vii. 144, 145. Meteren, vi. 119. Cabrera, xi. 902, 903.
X Letter of Prince of Orange and the Estates, Bor, ubi sup. — "Tot sen
ontalligkheid van bedreegelijke uitvluchten," etc.
§ Letter of Prince of Orange, etc.

170 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
and said. His private sentiments were in strict accordance
with the opinions thus pubhcly recorded. "Whatever ap
pearance Don John may assume to the contrary," wrote the
Prince to his brother, "'tis by no means his intention to
maintain the Pacification, and less still to cause the Spaniards
to depart, with whom he keeps up the most strict corre
spondence possible."*
On the other hand, the Governor was most anxious to con-
eUiate the Prince. He was most earnest to win the friend
ship of the man without whom every attempt to recover Hol
land and Zealand, and to re-establish royal and ecclesiastical
tyranny, he knew to be hopeless. " This is the pilot," wrote
Don John to PhUip, " who guides the bark. He alone can
destroy or save it. The greatest obstacles would be removed
if he could be gained." He had proposed, and PhUip had
approved the proposition, that the Count Van Buren should
be clothed with his father's dignities, on condition that the
Prince should himself retire into Germany.f It was soon
evident, however, that such a proposition would meet with
httle favor, the office of father of his country and protector
of her liberties not being transferable.
WhUe at Louvain, whither he had gone after the publica
tion of the Perpetual Edict, Don John had conferred with the
Duke of Aerschot, and they had decided that it would be weU
to send Doctor Leoninus on a private mission to the Prince.
Previously to his departure on this errand, the learned envoy
had therefore a full conversation with the Governor. He was
charged to represent to the Prince the dangers to which Don
John had exposed himself in coming from Spain to effect the
pacification of the Netherlands. Leoninus was instructed to
give assurance that the treaty just concluded should be main
tained, that the Spaniards should depart, that all other pro
mises should be inviolably kept, and that the Governor would
take up arms against aU who should oppose the fulfilment of
* Archives, etc., v. 111.
f Ext. from MS. letter, 16th of March, 1577, in Gachard; preface to vol
ih. Corresp. Guillaume le Tacit, p. Ii.

1577.] SECRET MISSION TO ORANGE. 171
his engagements. He was to represent that Don John, in
proof of his own fidehty, had placed himself in the power of
the states. He was to intimate to the Prince that an oppor
tunity was now offered him to do the crown a service, in
recompence for which he would obtain, not only pardon for
his faults, but the favor of the monarch, and aU the honors
which could be desired ; that by so doing he would assure the
future prosperity of his family ; that Don John would be his
good friend, and, as such, would do more for him than he could
imagine.* The envoy was also to impress upon the Prince,
that if he persisted in his opposition every man's hand would
be against him, and the ruin of his house inevitable.
He was to protest that Don John came but to forgive and to
forget, to restore the ancient government and the ancient pros
perity, so that, if it was for those objects the Prince had taken
up arms, it was now his duty to lay them down, and to do his
utmost to maintain peace and the Cathohc rehgion. Finally,
the envoy was to intimate that if he chose to write to Don
John, he might be sure to receive a satisfactory answer. In
these pacific instructions and friendly expressions, Don John
was sincere. " The name of your Majesty," said he, plainly,
in giving an account of this mission to the King, "is as
much abhorred and despised in the Netherlands as that of the
Prince of Orange is loved and feared. I am negotiating
with him, and giving him every security, for I see that the
estabhshment of peace, as weU as the maintenance of the
Cathohc rehgion, and the obedience to your Majesty, depend
now upon him. Things have reached that pass that 'tis
necessary to make a virtue of necessity. If he lend an ear tc
my proposals, it wUl be only upon very advantageous conditions,
but to these it will be necessary to submit, rather than to lose
everything.f Don John was in earnest ; unfortunately he was not aware
that the Prince was in earnest also. The crusader, who had
* Gachard, Corresp. Guillaume le Tacit., hi., preface Iii.
+ " El nombre y servicio de V. MJ. estan aborrecido y poco estimado cuanto
temido y amado el del Principe de Oranges," etc. — Ibid.

172 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
sunk thirty thousand paynims at a blow, and who was dream
ing of the Queen of Scotland and the throne of England, had
not room in his mind to entertain the image of a patriot.
Royal favors, family prosperity, dignities, offices, orders, ad
vantageous conditions, these were the baits with which the
Governor angled for WiUiam of Orange. He did not com
prehend that attachment to a half-drowned land and to a
despised rehgion, could possibly stand in the way of those
advantageous conditions and that briUiant future. He did
not imagine that the rebel, once assured not only of pardon
but of advancement, could hesitate to refuse the royal hand
thus amicably offered. Don John had not accurately mea
sured his great antagonist.
The results of the successive missions which he despatched
to the Prince were destined to enlighten him.* In the course
of the first conversation between Leoninus and the Prince at
Middelburg, the envoy urged that Don John had entered the
Netherlands without troops, that he had placed himself in the
power of the Duke of Aerschot, that he had since come to
Louvain without any security but the promise of the citizens
and of the students ; and that aU these things proved the sin
cerity of his intentions. He entreated the Prince not to let
slip so favorable an opportunity for placing his house abovethe
reach of every unfavorable chance, spoke to him of Marius,
SyUa, Juhus Csesar, and other promoters of civU wars, and
on retiring for the day, begged him to think gravely on what
he had thus suggested, and to pray that God might inspire
him with good resolutions.
Next day, WUham informed the envoy that, having prayed
to God for assistance, he was more than ever convinced of his
obhgation to lay the whole matter before the states, whose
servant he was. He added, that he could not forget the
* Full details of the mission of Leoninus ara given in the preface to Gachard's
3rd volume of the Corresp. de Guillaume le Tacit., pages liv., sqq. That dis
tinguished publicist has condensed them from a MS. relation made by Leoninus,
on his return to Louvain, a narrative, of which a Spanish translation was found
by M. Gachard in the archives of Simancas.

1577.] CONFERENCE BETWEEN THE PRINCE AND LEONINUS. 173
deaths of Egmont and Horn, nor the manner in which the
promise made to the confederate nobles by the Duchess of
Parma had been visited, nor the conduct of the French
monarch towards Admiral Cohgny. He spoke of information
which he had received from all quarters, from Spain, France,
and Italy, that there was a determination to make war upon
him and upon the states of Holland and Zealand. He added
that they were taking their measures in consequence, and that
they were well aware that a Papal nuncio had arrived in the
Netherlands, to intrigue against them.* In the evening, the
Prince complained that the estates had been so precipitate in
concluding their arrangement with Don John. He men
tioned several articles in the treaty which were calculated to
excite distrust ; dwelling particularly on the engagement en
tered into by the estates to maintain the Catholic religion.
This article he declared to be in direct contravention to the
Ghent treaty, by which this point was left to the decision of
a future assembly of the estates-general. Leoninus essayed,
as well as he could, to dispute these positions. In their last
interview, the Prince persisted in his intention of laying the
whole matter before the states of HoUand and Zealand. Not
to do so, he said, would be to expose himself to ruin on one
side, and on the other, to the indignation of those who might
suspect him of betraying them. The envoy begged to be in
formed if any hope could be entertained of a future arrange
ment. Orange replied that he had no expectation of any, but
advised Doctor Leoninus to be present at Dort when the
estates should assemble. ^
Notwithstanding the unfavorable result of this mission,
Don John did not even yet despair of bending the stub
born character of the Prince. He hoped that, if a personal
interview between them could be arranged, he should be
able to remove many causes of suspicion from the mind of
his adversary. " In such times as these," wrote the Governor.

* Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit, iii. lvi
f Ibid., lviit sqq.

174 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
to Phihp, "we can make no election, nor do I see any
remedy to preserve the state from destruction, save to gain
over this man, who has so much influence with the nation."*
The Prince had, in truth, the whole game in his hands.
There was scarcely a hving creature in Holland and Zealand
who was not willing to be bound by his decision in every
emergency. Throughout the rest of the provinces, the mass
of the people looked up to him with absolute confidence, the
clergy and the prominent nobles respecting and fearing him,
3ven whUe they secretly attempted to thwart his designs.
Possessing dictatorial power in two provinces, vast influences
in the other fifteen, nothing could be easier for him than to
betray his country. The time was singularly propitious. The
revengeful King was almost on his knees to the denounced
rebel. Everything was proffered : pardon, advancement,
power. An indefinite vista was opened. " You cannot
imagine," said Don John, " how much it wiU be within my
ability to do for you." The Governor was extremely anxious
to purchase the only enemy whom Philip feared. The Prince
had nothing personally to gain by a continuance of the con
test. The ban, outlawry, degradation, pecuniary ruin, assas
sination, martyrdom — these were the only guerdons he could
anticipate. He had much to lose : but yesterday loaded with
dignities, surrounded by pomp and luxury, with many children
to inherit his worldly gear, could he not recover aU, and more
than all, to-day ? What service had he to render in ex
change ? A mere nothing. He had but to abandon the con
victions of a lifetime, and to betray a million or two of hearts
vhich trusted him.
As to the promises made by the Governor to rule the
country with gentleness, the Prince could not do otherwise
than commend the intention, even whUe distrusting the ful
filment. In his reply to the two letters of Don John, he
thanked his Highness, with what seemed a grave irony, for the
benign courtesy and signal honor which he had manifested

* Gachard, Correspondance, etc., p. Ix., MS. letter of the 16th of March, 1577.

1577.] DON JOHN AT LOUVAIN. 175
to him, by inviting him so humanely and so carefuUy to a
tranquil life, wherein, according to his Highness, consisted the
perfection of felicity in this mortal existence, and by promising
him so liberaUy favor and grace.* He stated, however, with
earnestness, that the promises in regard to the pacification of
the poor Netherland people were much more important. He
had ever expected, he said, beyond all comparison, the welfare
and security of the public before his own ; " having always
placed his particular interests under his foot, even as he was
stiU resolved to do, as long as life should endure."f
Thus did WiUiam of Orange receive the private advances
made by the government towards himself. Meantime, Don
John of Austria came to Louvain.*. Until the preliminary
conditions of the Perpetual Edict had been fulfilled, and the
Spanish troops sent out of the country, he was not to be
received as Governor-General, but it seemed unbecoming for
him to remain longer upon the threshold of the provinces.
He therefore advanced into the heart of the country, trust
ing himself without troops to the loyalty of the people,
and manifesting a show of chivalrous confidence which
he was far from feehng. He was soon surrounded by
courtiers, time-servers, noble office-seekers. They who had
kept themselves invisible, so long as the issue of a perplexed
negotiation seemed doubtful, now became obsequious and
inevitable as his shadow. One grand seignior wanted a regi
ment, another a government, a third a chamberlain's key ; all
wanted titles, ribbons, offices, livery, wages. Don John dis
tributed favors and promises with vast liberality. § The object
with which Philip had sent him to the Netherlands, that he
might conciliate the hearts of its inhabitants by the personal
graces which he had inherited from his imperial father, seemed

* Letter of the Prince of Orange to Don John of Austria, May 24, 1577, in Ga
chard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit., iii. 289-291.
\ Ibid., 290. — " Aiant, tousjours mis dessoubz les pieds mon regard particulici
ainsi que suis encore resolu de faire, tant que la vie me demeurera."
X Bor, x. 804. Hoofd, xi. 493.
§ Bor, Hoofd, ubi sup. Tassis, iii. 257, sqq. Cabrera, xi. 904.

176 THE RISE OE THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
in a fair way of accomplishment, for it was not only the venal
applause of titled sycophants that he strove to merit, but he
mingled gaUy and familiarly with all classes of citizens.*
Everywhere his handsome face and charming manner produced
their natural effect. He dined and supped with the magis
trates in the Town-house, honored general banquets of the
burghers with his presence, and was affable and dignified-,
witty, fascinating, and commanding, by turns. At Louvain,
the five mihtary guilds held a solemn festival. The usual in
vitations were sent to the other societies, and to aU the martial
brotherhoods, the country round. Gay and gaudy processions,
sumptuous banquets, mihtary sports, rapidly succeeded eacn
other. Upon the day of the great trial of skUl, aU the high func
tionaries of the land were, according to custom, invited, and
the Governor was graciously pleased to honor the solemnity
with his presence. Great was the joy of the multitude when
Don John, complying with the habit of imperial and princely
personages in former days, enroUed himself, cross-bow in hand,
among the competitors. Greater stfll was the enthusiasm, when
the conqueror of Lepanto brought down the bird, and was pro
claimed king of the year, amid the tumultuous hUarity of the
crowd. According to custom, the captains of the guild sus
pended a golden popinjay around the neck of his Highness, and
placing themselves in procession, foUowed him to the great
church. Thence, after the customary religious exercises, the
multitude proceeded to the banquet, where the health of the
new king of the cross-bowmen was pledged in deep potations.f
Long and loud was the merriment of this initiatory festival, to
which many feasts succeeded during those brief but halcyon
days, for the good-natured Netherlanders already believed in
the blessed advent of peace. They did not dream that the war,
which had been consuming the marrow of their commonwealth
for ten flaming years, was but in its infancy, and that neither
they nor their chUdren were destined to see its close.

* Bor, Hoofd, Tassi3, ubi sup.
t Tassis, iii. 257, 258. Van Wyn op Wagenaer, vii. 50.

1577.] MERRY-MAKING. 177
For the moment, however, all was hilarity at Louvain. The
Governor, by his engaging deportment, awoke many reminis
cences of the once popular Emperor. He expressed unbounded
affection for the commonwealth, and perfect confidence in the
loyalty of the inhabitants. He promised to maintain their
liberties, and to restore their prosperity. Moreover, he had
just hit the popinjay with a skUl which his imperial father
might have envied, and presided at burgher banquets with a
grace which Charles could have hardly matched. His personal
graces, for the moment, took the rank of virtues. " Such were
the beauty and vivacity of his eyes," says his privy councUlor,
Tassis, "that with a single glance he made all hearts his
own,"* yet, nevertheless, the predestined victim secretly felt
himself the object of a marksman who had no time for painted
popinjays, but who rarely missed his aim. " The whole
country is at the devotion of the Prince, and nearly every one
of its inhabitants ;"f such was his secret language to his royal
brother, at the very moment of the exuberant manifestations
which preceded his own entrance to Brussels.
WhUe the Governor stUl tarried at Louvain, his secretary,
Escovedo, was bushy engaged in arranging the departure of
the Spaniards,*, for, notwithstanding his original reluctance
and the suspicions of Orange, Don John loyally intended to
keep his promise. He even advanced twenty-seven thousand
florins towards the expense of their removal, § but to raise the
whole amount required for transportation and arrears, was a
difficult matter. The estates were slow in providing the
one hundred and fifty thousand florins which they had stipu
lated to furnish. The King's credit, moreover, was at a very
low ebb. His previous bonds had not been duly honored, and
there had even been instances of royal repudiation, which by

* Tassis, iv. 326.
f Letter of Don John to PhiUp, April 7, 1577, in the appendix to the inter
cepted letters, Discours Sommier des Justes Causes, etc. Qui ont contrainct les
Estats-Generaux de pourveoir » leur defence contre le Seignr. D. Jehan d'Aus-
trice, p. 41 — Ed. G. Sylvius, Anvers., 1577.
X Letter of Escovedo, Discours Sommier, etc., p. 24, sqq. § Bor, x. 806, 807.
VOL. III. 12

178 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
no means Ughtened the task of the financier, in effecting the
new loans required.* Escovedo was very blunt in his language
upon this topic, and both Don John and himself urged punc
tuality in all future payments. They entreated that the bills
drawn in PhUip's name upon Lombardy bankers, and dis
counted at a heavy rate of interest, by the Fuggers of Ant
werp, might be duly provided for at maturity. " I earnestly
beg," said Escovedo, " that your Majesty will see to the pay
ment of these biUs, at aU events ;" adding, with amusing sim
plicity, " this will be a means of recovering your Majesty's
credit, and as for my own, I don't care to lose it, small though
it be." Don John was even more solicitous. " For the love
of God, Sire," he wrote, " do not be delinquent now. You
must reflect upon the necessity of recovering your credit. If
this receives now the final blow, all will desert your Majesty,
and the soldiers too will be driven to desperation."f
By dint of great diligence on the part of Escovedo, and
through the confidence reposed in his character, the necessary
funds were raised in the course of a few weeks. There was,
however, a difficulty among the officers, as to the right of com
manding the army on the homeward march. Don Alonzo de
Vargas, as chief of the cavalry, was appointed to the post by the
Governor, but Valdez, Romero, and other veterans, indignantly
refused to serve under one whom they declared their inferior
officer. There was much altercation and heartburning, and
an attempt was made to compromise the matter by the
appointment of Count Mansfeld to the chief command. This
was, however, only adding fuel to the flames. All were dis
satisfied with the superiority accorded to a foreigner, and Alonzo
de Vargas, especiaUy offended, addressed most insolent lan
guage to the Governor.^ Nevertheless, the arrangement was

* See the letters of Escovedo in the intercepted letters, Discours Sommier,
etc., passim.
f Letter of Escovedo to the King, 6 Avril, 1577, in Discours Sommier, etc,
p. 11. Letter of Don John to the King, Discours Sommier, etc., p. 34, appendix
X Bor, x. 807, Hoofd, xii. 495.

1577.] DEPARTURE OF THE TROOPS. 179
maintained, and the troops finaUy took their departure from
the country, in the latter days of AprU.* A vast concourse of
citizens witnessed their departure, and could hardly beheve
their eyes, as they saw this incubus at last roUing off, by
which the land had so many years been crushed.f Their joy,
although extravagant, was, however, Umited by the reflection
that ten thousand Germans stiU remained in the provinces,
attached to the royal service, and that there was even yet a
possibility that the departure of the Spaniards was a feint. In
truth, Escovedo, although seconding the orders of Don John,
to procure the removal of these troops, did not scruple to ex
press his regret to the King, and his doubts as to the result.
He had been ever in hopes that an excuse might be found in
the condition of affairs in France, to justify the retention of
the forces near that frontier. He assured the King that he
felt very doubtful as to what turn matters might take, after
the soldiers were gone, seeing the great unruhness which even
their presence had been insufficient completely to check. J He
had hoped that they might be retained in the neighbourhood,
ready to seize the islands at the first opportunity. " For my
part," he wrote, " I care nothing for the occupation of places
within the interior, but the islands must be secured. To do
this," he continued, with a deceitful aUusion to the secret
projects of Don John, " is, in my opinion, more difficult than
to effect the scheme upon England. If the one were accom
phshed, the other would be easUy enough managed, and
would require but moderate means. Let not your Majesty
suppose that I say this as favoring the plan of Don John, for
this I put entirely behind me."§

* Bor, x. 807. Hoofd, xii 496. Strada, ix. 433.
\ Among the many witticisms perpetrated upon this occasion, the foUowing
specimen may be thought worth preserving : —
" Boetica gens Abiit : cur ploras Belgica ? dicam
A quod in 0 non est litera versa queror."
Bor, x. 807. Hoofd, xii 496.
X Letter of Escovedo to the King, 6 Abril, 1577, in Discours Sommier, etc,
p. 16, appendix
§ Letter of Escovedo, 9 April, 1577, Discours Sommier, p. 50.

180 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
Notwithstanding these suspicions on the part of the people,
this reluctance on the part of the government, the troops
readily took up their hne of march, and never paused tfll they
reached Lombardy.* Don John wrote repeatedly to the
King, warmly urging the claims of these veterans, and of
their distinguished officers, Romero, Avila, Valdez, Montes
docca, Verdugo, Mondragon, and others, to his bountiful con
sideration. They had departed in very iU humour, not having
received any recompense for their long and arduous services.
Certainly, if unflinching endurance, desperate valor, and con
genial cruelty, could atone in the monarch's eyes for the
mutiny, which had at last compelled their withdrawal, then
were these laborers worthy of their hire. Don John had
pacified them by assurances that they should receive adequate
rewards on their arrival in Lombardy, and had urged the full
satisfaction of their claims and his promises in the strongest
language. Although Don Alonzo de Vargas had abused him
" with flying colors,"f as he expressed himself, yet he has
tened to intercede for him with the King in the most affec
tionate terms. " His impatience has not surprised me," said
the Governor, " although I regret that he has been offended,
for I love and esteem him much. He has served many years
with great distinction, and I can certify that his character for
purity and religion is something extraordinary."*.
The first scene in the withdrawal of the troops had been the
evacuation of the citadel of Antwerp, and it had been decided
that the command of this most important fortress should be
conferred upon the Duke of Aerschot. § His claims as com
mander-in-chief, under the authority of the State Council, and
as chief of the Catholic nobility, could hardly be passed over,
yet he was a man whom neither party trusted. He was too

* Mendoza, xvi. 336. Van. d. Vynckt, ii. 233. Strada, ix. 433.
f Letter of Don John to the King, 7 Abril, 1577, in Discours Sommier, p. 29,
appendix. — " Y quexase tan a banderas desplegadaa de mi."
X Ibid.
§ Bor, x. 805. Cabrera, xi. 907. Meteren, vi. 119.

1577.] THE DUKE OF AERSCHOT. 181
visibly governed by interested motives. Arrogant where he
felt secure of his own, or doubtful as to another's position, he
could be supple and cringing when the relations changed.
He refused an interview with WiUiam of Orange before con
sulting with Don John, and solicited one afterwards when he
found that every effort was to be made to conciliate the
Prince.* He was insolent to the Governor-General himself
in February, and respectful in March. He usurped the first
place in the church,f before Don John had been acknowledged
Governor, and was the first to go forth to welcome him after
the matter had been arranged. He made a scene of virtuous
indignation in the State Council,*, because he was accused of
place-hunting, but was diligent to secure an office of the
highest dignity which the Governor could bestow. Whatever
may have been his merits, it is certain that he inspired confi
dence neither in the adherents of the King nor of the Prince ;
while he by turns professed the warmest regard both to the
one party and the other. Spaniards and patriots, Protestants
and Cathohcs, suspected the man at the same moment, and
ever attributed to his conduct a meaning which was the re
verse of the apparent.§ Such is often the judgment passed
upon those who fish in troubled waters only to fiU their own
nets. The Duke, however, was appointed Governor of the citadel.
Sancho d' Avila, the former constable, refused, with Castillian
haughtiness, to surrender the place to his successor, but ap
pointed his lieutenant, Martin d'Oyo, to perform that cere-
mony.|| Escovedo, standing upon the drawbridge with
Aerschot, administered the oath : " I, Philip, Duke of Aer
schot," said the new constable, " solemnly swear to hold this

* Gachard, Correspondance de GuiUaume le Tacit., iii., Preface, p. Iv. and
note 1.
f Tassis, iii. 241. — Compare Van d. Vynckt, ii 228.
X Archives et Correspondance, vi. 66.
§ Ibid., vi. 66, 67.— Compare letter of Escovedo, Discours Sommier, p. 13, ap
pendix. | Bor, x. 805. Meteren, vi. 119. Hoofd, xii. 494. Cabrera, xi. 907.

182 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
castle for the King, and for no others." To which Escovedo
added, " God help you, with aU his angels, if you keep your
oath ; if not, may the DevU carry you away, body and soul."
The few by-standers cried Amen ; and with this hasty ceremony,
the keys were dehvered, the prisoners, Egmont, Capres, Goig-
nies, and others, liberated, and the Spaniards ordered to
march forth.*

* Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. Mendoza, xvi. 325, 326. Cabrera, xi. 90S

CHAPTER II.

Triumphal entrance of Don John into Brussels — Reverse of the picture-
Analysis of the secret correspondence of Don John and Escovedo with
Antonio Perez — Plots against the Governor's liberty — His desponding
language and gloomy anticipations — Recommendation of severe measures
— Position and principles of Orange and his family — His private views on
the question of peace and war — His toleration to Catholics and Ana
baptists censured by his friends — Death of Viglius — New mission from the
Governor to Orange — Details of the Gertruydenberg conferences — Nature
and results of these negotiations — Papers exchanged between the envoys
and Orange — Peter Panis executed for heresy — Three parties in the Nether
lands — Dissimulation of Don John — His dread of capture.
As already narrated, the soldiery had retired definitely from
the country at the end of AprU, after which Don John made
his triumphal entrance into Brussels on the 1st of May. It
was long since so festive a May-day had gladdened the hearts
of Brabant. So much hohday magnificence had not been
seen in the Netherlands for years. A solemn procession of
burghers, preceded by six thousand troops, and garnished by
the free companies of archers and musketeers, in their pic
turesque costumes, escorted the young prince along the streets
of the capital. Don John was on horseback, wrapped in a
long green cloak, riding between the Bishop of Liege and the
Papal nuncio.* He passed beneath countless triumphal

* Bor, x. 811. Meteren, vi. 120. Hoofd, xii. 500, sqq. Van d. Vynckt,
ii. 233. Strada, ix. 433. Lettre de Barthelemi Liebart (avocat et bailU General
de Tournay) 3me Mai, 1577. — "Estant le Sr. Dom Jean affable" d'un manteau
>le drap do couleur verd," ete. The Duke of Aerschot was magnificent as usual—

184 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
arches. Banners waved before him, on which the battle of
Lepanto, and other striking scenes in his hfe, were em
blazoned. Minstrels sang verses, poets recited odes, rhetoric
clubs enacted fantastic dramas in his honor, as he rode along.
Young virgins crowned him with laurels. Fair women in
numerable were clustered at every window, roof, and balcony,
their bright robes floating hke summer clouds above him.
" Softly from those lovely clouds," says a gaUant chronicler,
" descended the gentle rain of flowers."* Garlands were strewed
before his feet, laurelled victory sat upon his brow. The same
conventional enthusiasm and decoration which had charac
terized the holiday marches of a thousand conventional heroes
were successfuUy produced. The proceedings began with the
church, and ended with the banquet, the day was propitious,
the populace pleased, and after a brilliant festival, Don John
of Austria saw himself Governor-General of the provinces.
Three days afterwards, the customary oaths, to be kept
with the customary conscientiousness, were rendered at the
Town House,f and for a brief moment all seemed smiling and
serene. There was a reverse to the picture. In truth, no language
can describe the hatred which Don John entertained for the
Netherlands and all the inhabitants. He had come to the
country only as a stepping-stone to the English throne, and
he never spoke, in his private letters, of the provinces or the
people but in terms of abhorrence. He was in a " Babylon
of disgust," in a " HeU," surrounded by " drunkards," " wine
skins," " scoundrels," and the like. From the moment of his
arrival he had strained every nerve to retain the Spanish
troops, and to send them away by sea when ' t should be no
longer feasible to keep them. Escovedo shared in the senti
ments and entered fully into the schemes of his chief. The

"Vestu d'un collet de velours rouge cremoisy brodc d'or," etc., etc. — Ibid., apud
Gachard, Documens Inedits concernant l'Histoire de la Belgique (Braxelles, 1833),
i. 362-364. * "Een lieflyke reeghen uit zoo heldere wolken." — Hoofd, xii. 500.
\ Bor, x. 812. Meteren, vi. 120.

1577.] MISCHIEF. 185
plot, the secret enterprise, was the great cause of the advent
of Don John in the uncongenial clime of Flanders. It had
been, therefore, highly important, in his estimation, to set, as
soon as possible, about the accomplishment of this important
business. He accordingly entered into correspondence with
Antonio Perez, the King's most confidential Secretary of State
at that period. That the Governor was plotting no treason is
sufficiently obvious from the context of his letters. At the
same time, with the expansiveness of his character, when he
was dealing with one whom he deemed his close and trusty
friend, he occasionally made use of expressions which might be
made to seem equivocal. This was still more the case with
poor Escovedo. Devoted to his master, and depending most
implicitly upon the honor of Perez, he indulged in language
which might be tortured into a still more suspicious shape,
when the devilish arts of Perez and the universal distrust of
Phihp were tending steadUy to that end. For Perez — on the
whole, the boldest, deepest, and most unscrupulous villain in
that pit of duplicity, the Spanish court — was engaged at that
moment with PhUip, in a plot to draw from Don John and
Escovedo, by means of this correspondence, the proofs of a
treason which the King and minister both desired to find.
The letters from Spain were written with this view — those
from Flanders were interpreted to that end. Every confi
dential letter received by Perez was immediately laid by him
before the King, every letter which the artful demon wrote
was fiUed with hints as to the danger of the King's learning
the existence of the correspondence, and with promises of pro
found secrecy upon his own part, and was then immediately
placed in Phihp's hands, to receive his comments and criticisms,
before being copied and despatched to the Netherlands.* The
* Many of these letters are contained in a very valuable MS. collection be
longing to the royal Ubrary at the Hague, and entitled "Cartas qu'el Seiior
Don Juan de Austria y el Secretano Joan de Escobedo, descifradas, escribieron '
a, Su. MagJ. y Antonio Perez, desde Flandes." It is probable that these copies
were made by the direction of Perez himself, when obliged to deposit the ori
ginals before the judges of Aragon. — Vide Gachard, Notice sur un Manuscrit
de la Bibliotheque Royale de la Haye, etc. Bullet. Com. Roy. xiii.

186 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
minister was playing a bold, murderous, and treacherous game,
and played it in a masterly manner. Escovedo was lured to
his destruction, Don John was made to fret his heart away,
and Phihp — more deceived than aU — was betrayed in what he
considered his affections, and made the mere tool of a man as
false as himself and infinitely more accomphshed.
Almost immediately after the arrival of Don John in the
Netherlands, he had begun to express the greatest impatience
for Escovedo, who had not been able to accompany his master
upon his journey, but without whose assistance the Governor
could accomplish none of his undertakings. " Being a man,
not an angel, I cannot do all which I have to do," said he to
Perez, " without a single person in whom I can confide."*
He protested that he could do no more than he was then
doing. He went to bed at twelve and rose at seven, without
having an hour in the day in which to take his food regularly ;
in consequence of aU which he had already had three fevers.
He was plunged into a world of distrust. Every man sus
pected him, and he had himself no confidence in a single
individual throughout that whole Babylon of disgusts. He
observed to Perez that he was at liberty to show his letters
to the King, or to read them in the Council, as he meant
always to speak the truth in whatever he should write. He
was sur.e that Perez would do aU for the best ; and there is-
something touching in these expressions of an honest purpose
towards Phihp, and of generous confidence in Perez, whUe
the two were thus artfully attempting to inveigle him into
damaging revelations. The Netherlanders certainly had smaU
cause to love or trust their new Governor, who very sincerelv
detested and suspected them, but PhUip had little reason to
complain of his brother. " Tell me if my letters are read in
Council, and what his Majesty says about them," he wrote ;
" and, above all, send money. I am driven to desperation at
.finding myself sold to this people, utterly unprovided as I am,

• Cartas del Senor Don J. d'Austria y el Senor Escobedo, MS f. 1-4,
21 Die, 1576.

1577.] DON JOHN TO PHILIP. 187
and knowing the slow manner in which aU affairs are con
ducted in Spain."*
He informed the King that there was but one man in the
Netherlands, and that he was caUed the Prince of Orange. To
him everything was communicated, with him everything was
negotiated, opinions expressed by him were implicitly followed.
The Governor vividly described the misgivings with which he had
placed himself in the power of the states by going to Louvain,
and the reluctance with which he had consented to send away
the troops. After this concession, he complained that the inso
lence of ,the states had increased. " They think that they can
do and undo what they like, now that I am at their mercy,"
he wrote to PhUip. " Nevertheless, I do what you command
without regarding that I am sold, and that I am in great danger
of losing my hberty, a loss which I dread more than anything
in the world, for I wish to remain justified before God and men."f
He expressed, however, no hopes as to the result. Disrespect
and rudeness could be pushed no further than it had already
gone, whUe the Prince of Orange, the actual governor of the
country, considered his own preservation dependent upon
maintaining things as they then were. Don John, therefore,
advised the King steadUy to make preparations for "a rude
and terrible war,"* which was not to be avoided, save by a
miracle, and which ought not to find him in this unprepared
state. He protested that it was impossible to exaggerate the
boldness which the people felt at seeing him thus defenseless.
" They say publicly," he continued, " that your Majesty is not
to be feared, not being capable of carrying on a war, and
having consumed and exhausted every resource. One of the
greatest injuries ever inflicted upon us was by Marquis Havre",
who, after his return from Spain, went about pubhshing every
where the poverty of the royal exchequer. This has em
boldened them to rise, for they believe that, whatever the
* Cartas del Senor Don J. d'Austria y el Senor Escobedo, MS. f. 1-4,
21 Die, 1576.
f Cartas del S. Don Joan, etc., MS., f. 4-12, 2 Jan., 1577.
X " Una cruda y terible guerra." — H)id.

188 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
disposition, there is no strength to chastise them. They see a
proof of the correctness of their reasoning in the absence of
new levies, and in the heavy arrearages due to the old troops."*
He protested that he desired, at least, to be equal to the
enemy, without asking, as others had usuaUy done, for double
the amount of the hostUe force. He gave a glance at the
foreign complications of the Netherlands, telling Philip that
the estates were intriguing both with France and England.
The English envoy had expressed much uneasiness at the pos
sible departure of the Spanish troops from the Netherlands
by sea, coupling it with a probable attempt to liberate the
Queen of Scots. Don John, who hdd come to the provinces
for no other purpose, and whose soul had been fuU of that
romantic scheme, of course stoutly denied and ridiculed the
idea. " Such notions," he had said to the envoy, "were subjects
for laughter. If the troops were removed from the country,
it was to strengthen his Majesty's force in the Levant."f
Mr. Rogers, much comforted, had expressed the warm
friendship which Ehzabeth entertained both for his Majesty
and his Majesty's representative ; protestations which could
hardly seem very sincere, after the series of attempts at the
Queen's hfe, undertaken so recently by his Majesty and his
Majesty's former representative. Nevertheless, Don John had
responded with great cordiahty, had begged for Elizabeth's por
trait, and had expressed the intention, if affairs went as he hoped,
to go privately to England for the purpose of kissing her
royal hand. J Don John further informed the King, upon the
envoy's authority, that Elizabeth had refused assistance to the
estates, saying, if she stirred it would be to render aid to
Philip, especiaUy if France should meddle in the matter. As
to France, the Governor advised PhiUp to hold out hopes to
Alencon of espousing the Infanta, but by no means ever to
* Cartas del S. Don Joan, etc., MS., f. 4-12, 2 Jan., 1577. f Ibid.
t "  y 7° compedirle su retrato y diciendo que si las cossas de aqui to-
massen assiento come esperava, hiria prividamente a besar la las manos." — Ibid.
Upon this passage in his brother's letter, Philip made the pithy annotation,
"Mucho decirfue esto; that was saying a good deal." — Ibid.

1577.] WAILINGS OF ESCOVEDO. 189
fulfil such a promise, as the Duke, " besides being the shield
of heretics, was unscrupulously addicted to infamous vices."*
A month later, Escovedo described the downfaU of Don
John's hopes and his own in dismal lauguage. — "You are
aware," he wrote to Perez, "that a throne — a chair with a
canopy — is our intention and our appetite, and all the rest is
good for nothing. Having faded in our scheme, we are des
perate and like madmen. All is now weariness and death."f
Having expressed himself in such desponding accents, he con
tinued, a few days afterwards, in the same lugubrious vein,
"I am ready to hang myself," said he, "and I would have
done it already, if it were not for keeping myself as execu
tioner for those who have done us so much harm. Ah, Senor
Antonio Perez !" he added, " what terrible pertinacity have
those devUs shown in making us give up our plot. It seems as
though HeU were opened and had sent forth heaps of demons
to oppose our schemes."*. After these vigorous ejaculations
he proceeded to inform his friend that the Enghsh envoy and
the estates, governed by the Prince of Orange, in whose
power were the much-coveted ships, had prevented the depar
ture of the troops by sea. " These devUs complain of the
expense," said he ; " but we would willingly swaUow the cost
if we could only get the ships." He then described Don
John as so cast down by his disappointment as to be fit for
nothing, and most desirous of quitting the Netherlands as
soon as possible. He had no disposition to govern these wine-
skins.§ Any one who ruled in the provinces was obhged to

* "Porque de mas de ser este el escudo de los hereges, se tiene entendido quo
no hace escrupulo del pecado nefando." — Ibid.
f Cartas, etc., MS., f. 12, 3 Feb., 1577. — "Vin se prevenga y crea que silla y
cortina es nuestro intento y apetito, y quo todo lo demas es ymproprio y que
abiendose caydo la traca de aquel amigo eon loqual estamos desperados y como
locos; todo a de ser cansancio y muerte."
X Cartas, etc., MS., £ 12-16, 7 Feb., 1577.— "Estoy por aorcarme, ya lo habia
hecho sino me guardase para verdugo de quien tanto mal nos hace. A I Senor
Antonio Perez y que pertinacia y terribilidad a sido la desos demonios en quitarnos
nuestra traca : el ynfierno parece que sea abierto y que enbian de aila gentes a
montones a este efeto.''
§ "V para gobiernar estos cueros rcalmente no lo quiere." — Ibid.

190 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
do exactly what they ordered him to do. Such rule was not
to the taste of Don John. Without any comparison, a woman
would answer the purpose better than any man, and Escovedo
accordingly suggested the Empress Dowager, or Madame de
Parma, or even Madame de Lorraine. He further recommen
ded that the Spanish troops, thus forced to leave the Nether
lands by land, should be employed against the heretics in
France. This would be a salvo for the disgrace of removing
them.* " It would be read in history," continued the Secre
tary, " that the troops went to France in order to render as
sistance in a great religious necessity ; whUe, at the same time,
they will be on hand to chastise these drunkards, if necessary.f
To have the troops in France is almost as weU as to keep
them here." He begged to be forgiven if he spoke incohe
rently. 'T was no wonder that he should do so, for his reason
had been disordered by the blow which had been received.
As for Don John, he was dying to leave the country, and
although the force was smaU for so great a general, yet it
would be weU for him to lead these troops to France in person.
" It would sound well in history," said poor Escovedo, who
always thought of posterity, without ever dreaming that his
own private letters would be destined, after three centuries, to
comment and earnest investigation ; " it would sound weU in
history, that Don John went to restore the French kingdom
and to extirpate heretics, with six thousand foot and two
thousand horse. 'Tis a better employment, too, than to
govern such vile creatures as these."*.
If, however, all their plans should fail, the Secretary sug
gested to his friend Antonio, that he must see and make
courtiers of them. He suggested that a strong administration
might be formed in Spain, with Don John, the Marquis de Los
Velez, and the Duke of Sesa. " With such chiefs, and with
Anthony and John§ for acolytes," he was of opinion that much

* Cartas, etc., MS., £ 12-16, 7 Feb., 1577.
t " T tanbien servira esto de refrenar estos borrachos." — Ibid.
X " Se olgara mas de servir en esto que no en govierno de tan ruin gente."— Ibid
§ Viz., John of Escovedo and Antony Perez.

1577.] SCHEMES AND FEARS. 191
good work might be done, and that Don John might become
" the staff for his Majesty's old age."* He implored Perez, in
the most urgent language, to procure Phihp's consent that his
brother should leave the provinces. " Otherwise," said he, " we
shaU see the destruction of the friend whom we so much love !
He wiU become seriously iU, and if so, good night to him !f
His body is too delicate." Escovedo protested that he would
rather die himself. "In the catastrophe of Don John's
death," he continued, " adieu the court, adieu the world I"
He would incontinently bury himself among the mountains
of San Sebastian, " preferring to dwell among wild animals
than among courtiers." Escovedo accordingly, not urged
by the most disinterested motives certainly, but with as warm
a friendship for his master as princes usually inspire, proceeded
to urge upon Perez the necessity of aiding the man who was
able to help them. The first step was to get him out of the
Netherlands. That was his constant thought, by day and
night. As it would hardly be desirable for him to go alone, it
seemed proper that Escovedo should, upon some pretext, be
first sent to Spain. Such a pretext would be easily found, be
cause, as Don John had accepted the government, " it would
be necessary for him to do all which the rascals bade him."*.
After these minute statements, the Secretary warned his cor
respondent of the necessity of secrecy, adding that he espe
cially feared " all the court ladies, great and smaU, but that
he in everything confided entirely in Perez."
Nearly at the same time, Don John wrote to Perez in a
simUar tone. " Ah, Senor Antonio," he exclaimed, " how
certain is my disgrace and my misfortune. Ruined is our en
terprise, after so much labor and such skUful management."§
He was to have commenced the work with the very Spanish

* "El baculo por su bexez."— Cartas, etc., MS., 12-16, 7 Feb., 1577.
f " V es de cuerpo tan delicado que lo temo dexarnos hia a buenas noches."— Ibid.
X "Porque recebido el gobierno a de acer lo que le aconsejaren estos beUacos."
—Ibid. § Cartas, etc., MS., 16 Feb., 1577, f. 16-18. — "A, Senor Antonio y cuan cierto
es de mi desgracia y desdicha — la quiebra do nostra designio tras muy trabajado y
r 'en guiado que se tenia."

192 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
soldiers who were now to be sent off by land, and he had
nothing for it but to let them go, or to come to an open
rupture with the states. " The last, his conscience, his duty,
and the time, alike forbade."* He was therefore obliged to
submit to the ruin of his plans, and " could think of nothing
save to turn hermit, a condition in which a man's labors, be
ing spiritual, might not be entirely in vain."f He was so over
whelmed by the blow, he said, that he was constantly thinking
of an anchorite's hfe. That which he had been leading had
become intolerable. He was not fitted for the people of the
Netherlands, nor they for him. Rather than stay longer than
was necessary in order to appoint his successor, there was no
resolution he might not take, even to leaving everything and
coming upon them when they least expected him, although he
were to receive a bloody punishment in consequence. He,
too, suggested the Empress, who had all the qualities which he
lacked himself, or Madame de Parma, or Madame de Lorraine,
as each of them was more fit to govern the provinces than
he pretended to be. "The people," said he, plainly, " are be
ginning to abhor me, and I abhor them already. "\ He entrea
ted Perez to get him out of the country by fair means or foul,
"per fas aut per nefas."§ His friends ought to procure his
liberation, if they wished to save him from the sin of disobe
dience, and even of infamy. He expressed the most unbounded
confidence in the honor of his correspondent, adding that if
nothing else could procure his release, the letter might be
shown to the King. In general, the Governor was always
wilhng that Perez should make what changes he thought
advisable in the letters for his Majesty, altering or softening
whatever seemed crude or harsh, provided always the main
point — that of procuring his recal — were steadily kept in view,
In this, said the Governor, vehemently, my life, my honor,

* Cartas, etc., MS., 16 Feb., 1577, f. 16-18.
f " Pues no se en que pensar sino en una hermita y donde no sera en vano lo
que el nombre trabaja se con el espiritu." — Ibid.
+. " Por lo que me enpiecan avorrecer y por lo que yo les aborresco." — Ibid.
§ Ibid.

1577.] PLAUSIBLE PEREZ. 193
and my soul are aU at stake ; for as to the two first, I shall
forfeit them both certainly, and, in my desperate condition, I
shaU run great risk of losing the last.*
On the other hand, Perez was profuse in his professions of
friendship both to Don John and to Escovedo ; dUating in all
his letters upon the difficulty of approaching the King upon
the subject of his brother's recal, but giving occasional infor
mation that an incidental hint had been ventured which might
not remain without effect. All these letters were, however,
laid before Philip, for his approval, before being despatched,
and the whole subject thoroughly and perpetuaUy discussed
between them, about which Perez pretended that he hardly
dared breathe a syllable to his Majesty. He had done what
he could, he said, while reading, piece by piece, to the King,
during a fit of the gout, the official despatches from the Nether
lands, to insinuate such of the arguments used by the Governor
and Escovedo as might seem admissible, but it was soon
obvious that no impression could be made upon the royal
mind. Perez did not urge the matter, therefore, " because,"
said he, " if the King should suspect that we had any other
object than his interests, we should all be lost."f Every effort
should be made by Don John and all his friends to secure his
Majesty's entire confidence, since by that course more progress
would be made in their secret plans, than by proceedings con
cerning which the Governor wrote "with such fury and
anxiety of heart."*. Perez warned his correspondent, there
fore, most solemnly, against the danger of " striking the blow
without hitting the mark," and tried to persuade him that his
best interests required him to protract his residence in the
provinces for a longer period. He informed Don John that his
disappointment as to the English scheme had met with the
warmest sympathy of the King, who had wished his brother
* Cartas, etc., MS., 1 Marzo, 1577, £ 18-19. — "Que en hacerlo me va la vida
y onra y alma, porque las dos primeras partes perderc cierto  y la tercera da
puro desperado hira a gran riesgo."
t Cartas, etc., MS., £ 20-24.
X Ibid. — " Con tanta furia y cuidado de coracon."
VOL III 13

194 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
success. " I have sold to him, at as high a price as I could,"
said Perez, " the magnanimity with which your Highness had
sacrificed, on that occasion, a private object to his service."*
The .minister held the same language, when writmg, in a
still more intimate and expansive style, to Escovedo. " We
must avoid, by a thousand leagues, the possibility of the
King's thinking us influenced by private motives," he
observed ; " for we know the King and the dehcacy of these
matters. The only way to gain the good-wiU of the man is
carefuUy to accommodate ourselves to his tastes, and to have
the appearance of being occupied solely with his interests."f
The letter, like all the rest, being submitted to " the man" in
question before being sent, was underlined by him at this
paragraph and furnished with the foUowing annotation : — " but
you must enlarge upon the passage which I have marked — say
more, even if you are obhged to copy the letter, in order that
we may see the nature of the reply. "%
In another letter to Escovedo, Perez enlarged upon the
impropriety, the impossibUity of Don John's leaving the
Netherlands at that time. The King was so resolute upon
that point, he said, that 'twas out of the question to suggest
the matter. " We should, by so doing, only lose aU credit
with him in other things. You know what a terrible man he
is ; if he should once suspect us of having a private end in
view, we should entirely miss our mark."§ EspeciaUy the
secretary was made acquainted with the enormous error
which would be committed by Don John in leaving his post.
* "Su Mag*, ha manifestado gran deseo de que se hubiera podido executareD
esta occasion ; y yo le he vendido quan caro he sayido el aber pospuesto V. Ae
su particular servicio."— Cartas, etc., MS., 20-24.
t Cartas, etc., MS., f. 24-27. — " Me parece que hemos de huir mil ieguas de
que piense el rey que tratamos tan de proposito de lo que toca al Senor Don
Juan  pues conocemos al rey y cuan delicadas materias de estado son estas,
pues por el mismo caso no nos fiara nada y el camino para ganar este hombre la
voluntad no a de ser sino tratar solamente de su negocio y accomodalle los estados
y los negoeios a su gusto."
X "Mas os aviades de alargar en lo que yo rayo. Decid mas aunque se copie
la carta, para ver el animo de la respuesta."— Ibid.
§ Cartas, etc., MS., £ 27-32.— " Porque no perdemos el credito con el para
otras cosas, que como Vm. sabe es terribile hombre," etc., etc.

1577.] THE TERRIBLE ANNOTATION. 195
Perez " had ventured into the water" upon the subject, he
said, by praismg the Governor warmly to his Majesty. The
King had responded by a hearty eulogium, adding that the
greatest comfort in having such a brother was, that he might
be where his Majesty could not be. Therefore, it was out of
the question for Don John to leave the provinces. The
greatest tact was necessary, urged Perez, in deahng with the
King. If he should once " suspect that we have a private
purpose, we are lost, and no Demosthenes or Cicero would be
able to influence him afterwards."* Perez begged that his
ardent attachment to Don John might be represented in the
strongest colors to that high personage, who was to be assured
that every effort would be made to place him at the head of
affairs in Spain, according to the suggestion of Escovedo. " It
would never do, however," he continued, "to let our man see
that we desire it, for then we should never succeed. The only
way to conquer him is to make him believe that things are
going on as he wishes, not as his Highness may desire, and
that we have none of us any wUl but the King's."f Upon this
passage the "terrible man" made a brief annotation : "this
paragraph does admirably," he said, adding, with characteristic
tautology, " and what you say in it is also excellent."%
" Therefore," continued the minister, " God forbid, Master
Escovedo, that you should come hither now ; for we should aU
be lost. In the English matter, I assure you that his
Majesty was extremely anxious that the plan should succeed,
either through the Pope, or otherwise. That puts me in
mind," added Perez, " to say, body of God ! Senor Escovedo !
how the devil came you to send that courier to Rome about
the English plot without giving me warning ?"§ He then
* "Porque la ora que Ueguemos a esto somos perdidos, y no abra Demosthenes
ai Ciceron qui le persuada despues." — Cartas, etc., MS., 27-32.
f " Pero no lo mostremos a este ombre jamas que lo deseamos porque nunca
to veramos," etc. — Ibid.
X " Este capitulo va muy bien, y lo que decis en el tanbien." — Ibid.
§ " Cuerpo de Dios, SeHor Escobedo, como diablos despacharon el correo a
Roma sobre esto de Inglaterra," etc. — Ibid. Upon this passage the King has
also noted with his own hand: "and this paragraph is even still more to the
purpose, (" V «ste capitulo va aun mejor al proposito.") — Ibid.

196 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
proceeded to state that the papal nuncio in Spain had been
much troubled in mind upon the subject, and had sent for him.
" I went," said Perez, " and after he had closed the door, and
looked through the keyhole to see that there were no listeners,
he informed me that he had received inteUigence from the
Pope as to the demands made by Don John upon his Holiness
for buUs, briefs, and money to assist him in his English
scheme, and that eighty thousand ducats had already been sent
to him in consequence." Perez added that the nuncio was
very anxious to know how the affair should best be communi
cated to the King, without prejudice to his Highness. He
had given him the requisite advice, he continued, and had
himself subsequently told the King that, no doubt, letters
had been written by Don John to his Majesty, communicating
these negotiations at Rome, but that probably the despatches
had been forgotten. Thus, giving himself the appearance of
having smoothed the matter with the King, Perez concluded
with a practical suggestion of much importance — the necessity,
namely, of procuring the assassination of the Prince of Orange
as soon as possible. " Let it never be absent from your mind,"
said he, " that a good occasion must be found for finishing
Orange, since, besides the service which will thus be rendered
to our master, and to the states, it wiU be worth something to
ourselves."* No apology is necessary for laying a somewhat extensive
analysis of this secret correspondence before the reader. If
there be any value in the examples of history, certainly few
chronicles can furnish a more instructive moral. Here are a
despotic long and his confidential minister laying their heads
together in one cabinet ; the viceroy of the most important
provinces of the realm, with his secretary, deeply conferring
in another, not as to the manner of advancing the great

* " Ojo que no dexe Vm. de Uevar en su pensamiento para si conviniesse y
se pudiesse en ocasion pero compuesto todo de los estados a acavar a Oranxe,
que demas del servicio que se ara a nuestro Senor y bien a esos estados nos
valdria algo, y crea me que le digo la verdad y creame le digo otra vez." —
Cartas, etc., MS.,£ 27-32.

1577.] A GLOOMY PICTURE. 197
interests, moral or material, of the people over whom God has
permitted them to rule, but as to the best means of arranging
consphacies against the throne and life of a neighboring
sovereign, with the connivance and subsidies of the Pope. In
this scheme, and in this only, the high conspirators are agreed.
In every other respect, mutual suspicion and profound deceit
characterize the scene. The Governor is filled with inexpres
sible loathing for the whole nation of " drunkards and wine
skins" who are at the very moment strewing flowers in his
path, and deafening his ears with shouts of welcome ; the
king, whUe expressing unbounded confidence in the viceroy,
is doing his utmost, through the agency of the subtlest
intriguer in the world, to inveigle him into confessions of trea
sonable schemes, and the minister is filling reams of paper with
protestations of affection for the governor and secretary, with
sneers at the character of the King, and with instructions as
to the best method of deceiving him, and then laying the
despatches before his Majesty for correction and enlargement.
To complete the picture, the monarch and his minister are seen
urging the necessity of murdering the foremost man of the
age upon the very dupe who, within a twelvemonth, was
himself to be assassinated by the self-same pair ; while the
arch-plotter who controls the strings of aU these complicated
projects is equaUy false to King, Governor, and Secretary, and
is engaging aU the others in these bhnd and tortuous paths,
for the accomplishment of his own secret and most ignoble
aims. In reply to the letters of Perez, Don John constantly
expressed the satisfaction and comfort which he derived from
them in the midst of his annoyances. " He was very discon
solate," he said, " to be in that heU, and to be obliged to re
main in it,"* now that the Enghsh plot had fallen to the
ground, but he would nevertheless .take patience, and wait for
a more favorable conjuncture.

* Cartas, etc., MS., 26 Mayo, 1577, f. 32-34. — "Tiene me muy desconsolado
por que estar en este ynfierno y aver destar."

198 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
Escovedo expressed the opinion, however, notwithstanding
all the suggestions of Perez, that the presence of Don John in
the provinces had become entirely superfluous. "An old
woman with her distaff," suggested the Secretary, " would be
more appropriate ; for there would be nothing to do, if the
states had their way, save to sign everything which they
should command."* If there should be war, his Highness
would, of course, not abandon his post, even if permitted to do
so ; but otherwise, nothing could be gained by a prolonged
residence. As to the scheme of assassinating the Prince of
Orange, Escovedo prayed Perez to believe him incapable of
negligence on the subject. " You know that the finishing of
Orange is very near my heart," wrote the poor dupe to the
man by whom he was himself so soon to be finished. " You
may beheve that I have never forgotten it, and never will for
get it, until it be done. Much, and very much artifice is,
however, necessary to accomplish this object. A proper person
to undertake a task fraught with such weU-known danger, is
hard to find. Nevertheless, I wiU not withdraw my attention
from the subject tiU such a person be procured, and the deed
be done."f
A month later, Escovedo wrote that he was about to visit
Spain. He complained that he required rest in his old age,
but that Perez could judge how much rest he could get in
such a condition of affairs. He was, unfortunately, not aware,
when he wrote, how soon his correspondent was to give him a
long repose. He said, too, that the pleasure of visiting his
home was counterbalanced by the necessity of traveUing back
to the Netherlands ;+ but he did not know that Perez was to

* Cartas, etc., MS., 29 Mayo, 1577, f. 33-37.— "El Senor Don Juan no sera
menester sino una duena con su rueca que firme lo quellos quisieren."
f " Va Vm. save cuanto que tengo en el pensamiento el acavar a Oranxe pues
bien crera que no se me a olvidado ni olvidara hasta acerlo; que es menester
mucho y muymucho artificio y persona tal que se encargue del casso que como trae
consigo tan conocido peligro no acavo de aUarla aunque la he buscado. No perdera
al cuidado della asta ver lo hecho." — Ibid.
X Cartas, etc., MS., 21 Junio, 1577, f. 36-37.

1577.] DON JOHN'S UNEASINESS. 199
spare him that trouble, and to send him forth upon a much
longer journey.
The Governor-General, had, in truth, not inspired the popular
party or its leader with confidence, nor did he place the least
reliance upon them. While at Louvain, he had complained
that a conspiracy had been formed against his life and hberty.
Two French gentlemen, Bonnivet and Bellangreville, had
been arrested on suspicion of a conspiracy to secure his per
son, and to carry him off a prisoner to RocheUe. Nothing
came of the examination which foUowed ; the prisoners were
released, and an apology was sent by the states-general to the
Duke of Alencon, as well for the indignity which had been
offered to two of his servants, as for the suspicion which had
been cast upon himself.* Don John, however, was not satis
fied. He persisted in asserting the existence of the con
spiracy, and made no secret of his belief that the Prince of
Orange was acquainted with the arrangement.f As may be
supposed, nothing was discovered in the course of the investi
gation to implicate that astute politician. The Prince had
indeed secretly recommended that the Governor should be
taken into custody on his first arrival, not for the purpose of
assassination or personal injury, but in order to extort better
terms from PhUip, through the affection or respect which he
might be supposed to entertain for his brother. It wiU be
remembered that unsuccessful attempts had also been made
to capture the Duke of Alva and the Commander Requesens.
Such achievements comported with the spirit of the age, and
although it is doubtful whether any well-concerted plot existed
against the hberty of the Governor, it is certain that he enter
tained no doubt on the subject himself.*.

* Bor, x. 805. Hoofd, xi. 493.
f Cabrera asserts that Count Lalain, with other deputies of the estates, had
conspired ("por persuasion del Principe de Orange y orden del Duque de Alen
con") to make the capture of Don John's person ; adding that the confession would
have been extorted from them upon the rack, there being sufficient proofs of their
guilt, but the affair was hushed up. — xi. 909* and >.
X See the remarks of Groen van Prinsterer, Archives, etc., vi. 42, 43.

200 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
In addition to these real or suspected designs, there was
an ever-present consciousness in the mind of Don John that
the enthusiasm which greeted his presence was hollow, that
no real attachment was felt for his person, that his fate was
leading him into a false position, that the hearts of the
people were fixed upon another, and that they were never to
be won by himself. Instinctively he seemed to feel a mul
titude of invisible threads twining into a snare around.
Mm, and the courageous heart and the bounding strength
became uneasily conscious of the act in which they were tc
be held captive tiU life should be wasted quite away.
The universal affection for the rebel Prince, and the hopeless
abandonment of the people to that deadhest of sins, the'
hberty of conscience, were alike unquestionable. " They mean
to remain free, sire," wrote Escovedo to Philip, " and to hve
as they please. To that end they would be wiUing that the
Turk should come to be master of the country. By the road
which they are travelling, however, it wfll be the Prince of
Orange — which comes to quite the same thing."* At
the same time, however, it was hoped that something might
be made of this liberty of conscience. AU were not equaUy
sunk in the horrible superstition, and those who were
yet faithful to Church and King might be set against their
besotted brethren. Liberty of conscience might thus be
turned to account. WhUe two great parties were " by the ears,
and pulling out each other's hair, all might perhaps be reduced
together."f His Majesty was warned, nevertheless, to expect
the worst, and to believe that the country could only be cured
with fire and blood* The position of the Governor was
painful and perplexing. "Don John," said Escovedo, "is
thirty years old. I promise your Majesty nothing, save that

* Letter of Escovedo to the King, March 27, 1577, Discours Sommier, etc., p. 4,
appendix. t Letter of Escovedo, etc., Discours Sommier, p. 16.
X " Este negocio no esta para curarse con buenas razones, sino con fuego y con
sangre." — Ibid

1577.] A CRY IN THE WILDERNESS. 201
if he finds himself without requisite assistance, he will take
himself off when your Majesty is least thinking of such a
thing."* Nothing could be more melancholy than the tone of the
Governor's letters. He believed himself disliked, even in the
midst of affectionate demonstrations. He felt compelled to
use moderate counsels, although he considered moderation of
no avail. He was chained to his post, even though the post
::ould, in his opinion, be more advantageously filled by another
He would stiU endeavour to gain the affections of the people,
although he believed them hopelessly ahenated. If patience
would cure the malady of the country, he professed himself
capable of applying the remedy, although the medicine had
so far done but Uttle good, and although he had no very
strong hopes as to its future effects.f " Thus far, however,"
said he, " I am but as one crying in the wflderness."*. He
took occasion to impress upon his Majesty, in very strong
language, the necessity of money. Secret agents, spies, and
spies upon spies, were more necessary than ever, and were very
expensive portions of government machinery. Never was
money more wanted. Nothing could be more important than
to attend faithfuUy to the financial suggestions of Escovedo,
and Don John, therefore, urged his Majesty, again and again,
not to dishonor their drafts. " Money is the gruel," said he,
" with which we must cure this sick man ;"§ and he therefore
prayed all those who wished well to his efforts, to see that his
Majesty did not fail him in this important matter. Notwith
standing, however, the vigor of his efforts, and the earnestness
of his intentions, he gave but little hope to his Majesty of
any valuable fruit from the pacification just concluded. He
saw the Prince of Orange strengthening himself, " with great

* Letter of Escovedo, Discours Sommier, appendix, p. 16.
f Letter of Don John to the King, 7 AbriL 1577, Discours Sommier, p. 27.
X " Pero veo que hasta agora es todo predicar en desierto." — Letter of Don
John, 7 Abril, 1577, Discours Sommier, etc., appendix, p. 36.
§ "  en materia de dinero : porque este es el pisto con que a de bolver en
si este enformo,'' etc. — Letter of Don John to Perez, Discours Sommier, p. 44.

202 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
fury," in HoUand and Zealand ;* he knew that the Prince
was backed by the Queen of England, who, notwithstanding
her promises to PhUip and himself, had offered her support
to the rebels in case the proposed terms of peace were rejected
in HoUand, and he felt that " nearly the whole people was at
the devotion of the Prince."f
Don John felt more and more convinced, too, that a con
spiracy was on foot against his liberty. There were so many
of the one party, and so few of the other, that if he were
once fairly " trussed," he affirmed that not a man among the
faithful would dare to budge an inch. J He therefore informed
his Majesty that he was secretly meditating a retreat to some
place of security ; judging very properly that, if he were still
his own master, he should be able to exert more influence
over those who were stiU weU disposed, than if he should
suffer himself to be taken captive. A suppressed conviction
that he could effect nothing, except with his sword, pierced
through all his more prudent reflections. He maintained that,
after aU, there was no remedy for the body but to cut off the
diseased parts at once,§ and he therefore begged his Majesty
for the means of performing the operation handsomely. The
general expressions which he had previously used in favor of
broths and mild treatment hardly tallied with the severe am
putation thus recommended. There was, in truth, a constant
struggle going on between the fierceness of his inclinations
and the shackles which had been imposed upon him. He
aheady felt entirely out of place, and although he scorned to
fly from his post so long as it seemed the post of danger, he
was most anxious that the King should grant him his dis
missal, so soon as his presence should no longer be imperiously
required. He was sure that the people would never beheve

* " El Principe de Oranges continue el fortincar a gran fuia en Olanda y
Zelanda." — Letter of Don John to the King, Discours Sommier, p. 35.
f Ibid., p. 36. — "La mayor parte de las estados esta a su devocion y casi todo
el pueblo," etc. j rbid., p. 36.
§ " Pues no tiene este cuerpo otro remedio que el cortar lo dafiado del : lo quai
se a de hazer ajora haziendo la provision que suplico de nuevo," etc., etc. — Ibid.,
p. 38.

1577.] WATCHFUL WILLIAM. 203
m his Majesty's forgiveness untU the man concerning whom
they entertained so much suspicion should be removed ; for
they saw in him only the "thunderbolt of his Majesty's
wrath."* Orange and England confirmed their suspicions,
and sustained their mahce. Should he be compeUed, against
his will, to remain, he gave warning that he might do some
thing which would be matter of astonishment to everybody.f
Meantime, the man in whose hands reaUy lay the question.
of war and peace, sat at Middelburg, watching the deep cur
rent of events as it slowly flowed towards the precipice. The
whole population of Holland and Zealand hung on his words.
In approaching the realms of WiUiam the SUent, Don John
felt that he had entered a charmed chcle, where the tahsman
of his own Ulustrious name lost its power, where his valor was
paralyzed, and his sword rusted irrevocably in its sheath.
" The people here," he wrote, " are bewitched by the Prince
of Orange. They love him, they fear him, and wish to have
him for their master. They inform him of everything, and
take no resolution without consulting him."*.
While WiUiam was thus directing and animating the whole
nation with his spirit, his immediate friends became more
and more anxious concerning the perfls to which he was ex
posed. His mother, who had already seen her youngest-born,
Henry, her Adolphus, her chivahous Louis, laid in their bloody
graves for the cause of conscience, was most solicitous for
the welfare of her " heart's-beloved lord and son," the Prince
of Orange. Nevertheless, the high-spirited old dame was
even more alarmed at the possibility of a peace in which that
rehgious hberty for which so much dear blood had been
poured forth should be inadequately secured. "My heart
longs for certain tidings from my lord," she wrote to WUham,

* Letter of Don John to Phihp, Discours Sommier, p. 44.
f " Sere for?ado a hazer alguna cosa que de mucho que maraviUar a todos,"
etc. — Letter to Perez, Discours Sommier, p. 45.
X "  los tiene encantados porque le aman y temen y quieren por Senor.
EUos le avisan de todo y sin el no resueiven cosa." — Extract of MS. letter in
Gachard, Correspondance de GuUlaume le Tacit., iii, preface, Ixiii., note 3.

204 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
" for methinks the peace now in prospect wUl prove but an
oppression for soul and conscience. I trust my heart's dearly-
beloved lord and son wUl be supported by Divine grace to do
nothing against God and his own soul's salvation. 'Tis
better to lose the temporal than the eternal."* Thus wrote
the mother of WiUiam, and we can feel the sympathetic thrUl
which such tender and lofty words awoke in his breast. His
son, the ill-starred PhUip, now for ten years long a compul
sory sojourner in Spain, was not yet weaned from his affection
for his noble parent, but sent messages of affection to him
whenever occasion offered, while a less commendable proof of
his filial affection he had lately afforded, at the expense of
the luckless captain of his Spanish guard. That officer
having dared in his presence to speak disrespectfully of his
father, was suddenly seized about the waist by the enraged
young Count, hurled out of the window, and killed stone-dead
upon the spot.f After this exhibition of his natural feelings,
the Spanish government thought it necessary to take more
subtle means to tame so turbulent a spirit. Unfortunately
they proved successful.
Count John of Nassau, too, was sorely pressed for money.
Six hundred thousand florins, at least, had been advanced by
himself and brothers to aid the cause of Netherland freedom.*.
Louis and himself had, unhesitatingly and immediately,
turned into that sacred fund the hundred thousand crowns
which the King of France had presented them for their per
sonal use,§ for it was not the Prince of Orange alone who
had consecrated his wealth and his life to the cause, but the
members of his family, less immediately interested in the
country, had thus furnished what may well be called an enor
mous subsidy, and one most disproportioned to their means.
Not only had they given all the cash which they could com-

* Groen v. Prinsterer, Archives, etc., vi. 49, 50.
t De la Pise, p. 603. Groen v. Prinsterer, Archives, etc., vi. 102.
X Archives et Correspondance, vi. 95, sqq. § Ibid.

1577.] EFFORTS TO GAIN THE PRINCE. 205
mand by mortgaging their lands and rents, their plate and
furniture, but, in the words of Count John himself, " they had
taken the chains and jewels from the necks of their wives,
their children, and their mother, and had hawked them about,
as if they had themselves been traders and hucksters."* And
yet, even now, whUe stooping under this prodigious debt,
Count John asked not for present repayment. He only wrote
to the Prince to signify his extreme embarrassment, and to
request some obligation or recognition from the cities of
HoUand and Zealand, whence hitherto no expression of grati=
tude or acknowledgment had proceeded.f
The Prince consoled and assured, as best he could, his
mother, son, wife, and brother, even at the same moment that
he comforted his people. He also received at this time a
second and more solemn embassy from Don John.*. No
sooner had the Governor exchanged oaths at Brussels, and
been acknowledged as the representative of his Majesty, than
he hastened to make another effort to conciliate the Prince.
Don John saw before him only a grand seignior of lofty birth
and boundless influence, who had placed himself towards the
Crown in a false position, from which he might even yet be
rescued ; for to sacrifice the whims of a reforming and transitory
rehgious fanaticism, which had spun itself for a moment about
so clear a brain, would, he thought, prove but a trifling task for
so experienced a pohtician as the Prince. WiUiam of Orange, on
the other hand, looked upon his young antagonist as the most
briUiant impersonation which had yet been seen of the foul
spirit of persecution.
It wUl be necessary to foUow, somewhat more in deta-U than
is usually desirable, the interchange of conversations, letters,
and protocols, out of which the brief but important adminis
tration of Don John was composed ; for it was exactly in such
manifestations that the great fight was reaUy proceeding.

* Archives et Correspondance, vi. 95, sqq. (• Ibid.
X Bor, x. 814. Meteren, vii. 121.

206 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
Don John meant peace, wise WiUiam meant war, for he knew
that no other issue was possible. Peace, in reality, was war
in its worst shape. Peace would unchain every priestly
tongue, and unsheath every knightly sword in the fifteen
provinces against httle Holland and Zealand. He had been able
to bind all the provinces together by the hastily forged chain of
the Ghent treaty, and had done what he could to strengthen
that union by the principle of mutual religious respect.
By the arrival of Don John that work had been deranged.
It had, however, been impossible for the Prince thoroughly
to infuse his own ideas on the subject of toleration into the
hearts of his nearest associates. He could not hope to inspire
his deadly enemies with a deeper sympathy. Was he not
himself the mark of obloquy among the Reformers, because of
bis leniency to Cathohcs ? Nay more, was not his intimate
councUlor, the accompUshed Saint Aldegonde, in despair
because the Prince refused to exclude the Anabaptists of
Holland from the rights of citizenship ? At the very moment
when William was straining every nerve to unite warring
sects, and to persuade men's hearts into a system by which
their consciences were to be laid open to God alone — at the
moment when it was most necessary for the very existence of
the fatherland that Cathohc and Protestant should mingle
their social and political relations, it was indeed a bitter disap
pointment for him to see wise statesmen of his own creed
unable to rise to the idea of toleration. " The affair of the
Anabaptists," wrote Saint Aldegonde, "has been renewed.
The Prince objects to exclude them from citizenship. He
answered me sharply, that their yea was equal to our oath,
and that we should not press this matter, unless we were
willing to confess that it was just for the Papists to compel us
to a divine service which was against our conscience." It
seems hardly credible that this sentence, containing so sublime a
tribute to the character of the Prince, should have been indited
as a bitter censure, and that, too, by an enlightened and
accomphshed Protestant. "In short," continued Saint Aide-

1577.] EXIT OF VIGLIUS. 207
gonde, with increasing vexation, "1 don't see how we can
accomplish our wish in this matter. The Prince has uttered
reproaches to me that our clergy are striving to obtain a
mastery over consciences. He praised lately the saying of a
monk who was not long ago here, that our pot had not gone
to the fire as often as that of our antagonists, but that when
the time came it would be black enough. In short, the
Prince fears that after a few centuries the clerical tyranny on
both sides wUl stand in this respect on the same footing."*
Early in the month of May, Doctor Leoninus and Caspai
Schetz, Seigneur de Grobbenddnck, had been sent on a mission
from the states-general to the Prince of Orange.f While
their negotiations were stiU pending, four special envoys from
Don John arrived at Middelburg. To this commission was
infbrmaUy adjoined Leoninus, who had succeeded to the
general position of Viglius. Viglius was dead.*. Since the
memorable arrest of the State CouncU, he had not appeared on
the scene of pubhc affairs. The house-arrest, to which he had
been compeUed by a revolutionary committee, had been indefi
nitely prolonged by a higher power, and after a protracted
iUness he had noiselessly disappeared from the stage of life.
There had been few more learned doctors of both laws than he.
There had been few more adroit pohticians, considered from
his point of view. His punning device was " Vita mortalium
vigilia,"§ and he acted accordingly, but with a narrow interpre
tation. His life had indeed been a vigil, but it must be con
fessed that the vigUs had been for Vighus. The weather-
beaten Paliuurus, as he loved to caU himself, had conducted
his own argosy so warUy that he had saved his whole cargo.

* See the letter of Saint Aldegonde in Brandt, Hist, der Reformatio, i. b. xi.
588, 589.
f Bor, x. 814. Hoofd, xii. 501.
X He died May 8, 1577.— Bor, x. 812. Hoofd, xii. 601.
§ Bor, x. 812. Meteren, vi. 120. — Another motto of his was, " En groot
Jurist een booser Christ ;'' that is to say, A good lawyei is a bad Christian. — Me
teren, vi. 120. Unfortunately his own character did not give the lie satisfactorily
to the device.

208 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
and perished in port at last, whUe others, not saUing by his
compass, were still tossed by the tempest.
The agents of Don John were the Duke of Aerschot, the
Seigneur de Hierges, Seigneur de Willerval, and Doctor
Meetkercke, accompanied by Doctor Andrew Gaill, one of the
imperial commissioners.* The two envoys from the states-
general, Leoninus and Schetz, being present at Gertruydenberg
were added to the deputation.f An important conference
took place, the details of which have been somewhat minutely
preserved.*. The Prince of Orange, accompanied by Saint
Aldegonde and four other counciUors, encountered the seven
champions from Brussels in a long debate, which was more
hke a passage of arms or a trial of skUl than a friendly collo
quy with a pacific result in prospect ; for it must be remem
bered that the Prince of Orange did not mean peace. He
had devised the Pacification of Ghent as a union of the other
provinces with Holland and Zealand, against Phihp. He did
not intend that it should be converted into a union of the
other provinces with Philip, against HoUand and Zealand.
Meetkercke was the first to speak. He said that the
Governor had despatched them to the Prince, to express his
good intentions, to represent the fidehty with which his
promises had thus far been executed, and to entreat the Prince,
together with the provinces of Holland and Zealand, to unite
with their sister provinces in common allegiance to his
Majesty. His Highness also proposed to advise with them
concerning the proper method of convoking the states-general.§
As soon as Meetkercke had finished his observations, the Prince

* Bor, x. 814. Hoofd, xii. 502. f Bor, x. 816. Hoofd, xii. 502.
X By the learned and acute Gachard, to whom the history of the Netherlands
is under such great obligations. Vide Correspondance de GuiUaume le Tacit, ui.
preface, lxii. lxiii., and appendice, pp. 447-459, where is to be found the " Vraye
Narration des Propos da Coste" et d'aultre tenuz entre des Deputez d'HoUande et
de Zelande a Gheertrudenbergh au mois de May, 1577." "On reconnait," says
Mr. Gachard, "en lisant cette curieuse relation, qu'eUe fut I'ouvrage d'un des
conseiUers du Prince, peut-etre l'auteur en est il Philippe de Marnix (St. Alde
gonde) lui-meme." — Note to p. 447, Guillaume le Tacit., iii.
§ Vraye Narration, etc., 447, 448.

1577.] BLACK AND WHITE. 209
demanded that the points and articles should be communicated
to him in writing. Now this was precisely what the envoys
preferred to omit. It was easier, and far more agreeable to
expatiate in a general field of controversy, than to remain
tethered to distinct points. It was particularly in these con
fused conferences, where neither party was entirely sincere,
that the volatile word was thought preferable to the permanent
letter. Already so many watery lines had been traced, in the
course of these fluctuating negotiations, that a few additional
records would be, if necessary, as rapidly effaced as the rest.
The commissioners, after whispering in each other's ears
for a few minutes, refused to put down anything in writing.
Protocols, they said, only engendered confusion.
" No, no," said the Prince, in reply, " we wiU have nothing
except in black and white. Otherwise things will be said on
both sides, which wiU afterwards be interpreted in different
ways. Nay, it wUl be denied that some important points have
been discussed at aU. We know that by experience. Witness
the solemn treaty of Ghent, which ye have tried to make fruit
less, under pretence that some points, arranged by word of
mouth, and not stated particularly in writing, had been in
tended in a different sense from the obvious one. Govern
ments given by royal commission, for example ; what point
could be clearer ? Nevertheless, ye have hunted up glosses
and cavils to obscure the intention of the contracting parties.
Ye have denied my authority over Utrecht, because not men
tioned expressly in the treaty of Ghent."*
1 " But," said one of the envoys, interrupting at this point
" neither the Council of State nor the Court of Mechlin con
sider Utrecht as belonging to your Excellency's government.5
" Neither the CouncU of State," rephed the Prince, " n*r
the Court of Mechlin have anything to do with the matter.
'Tis in my commission, and all the world knows it."* He
added that instead of affairs being thrown into confusion by

* Vraye Narration, etc., 449, 450.
t See details of Conferences at Gertruydenberg, preserved by Bor, x. 819.
J Bor, x 81 9. Hoofd, xii. 504.
VOL. III. 14

210 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
being reduced to writing, he was of opinion, on the contrary,
that it was by that means alone they could be made perfectly
clear. Leoninus replied, good naturedly, that there should be no
difficulty upon that score, and that writings should be ex
changed. In the meantime, however, he expressed the hope
that the Prince would honor them with some preliminary
information as to the points in which he felt aggrieved, as
well as to the pledges which he and the states were inchned to
demand. "And what reason have we to hope," cried the Prince,
"that your pledges, if made, will be redeemed ? That which
was promised so solemnly at Ghent, and ratified by Don John
and his Majesty, has not been fulfiUed."*
" Of what particular point do you complain ?" asked Schetz.
" Wherein has the Pacification been violated ?"
Hereupon the Prince launched forth upon a flowing stream
of invective. He spoke to them of his son detained in distant
captivity — of his own property at Breda withheld — of a thou
sand confiscated estates — -of gairisons of German mercenaries
— of ancient constitutions annihilated — of the infamous edicts
nominaUy suspended, but actually in full vigor. He com
plained bitterly that the citadels, those nests and dens of
tyranny, were not yet demohshed. " Ye accuse me of dis
trust," he cried ; " but whfle the castles of Antwerp, Ghent,
Namur, and so many more are standing, 'tis yourselves who
show how utterly ye are without confidence in any permanent
and peaceful arrangement."f
i "And what," asked a deputy, smoothly, "is the point
which touches you most nearly ? What is it that your Excel
lency most desires ? By what means will it be possible for the
government fully to give you contentment ?"*.
" I wish," he answered, simply, " the full execution of the

"' Vraye Narration, etc. Gachard, GuiUaume le Tacit., iii. 450.
t Bor, x. 819. Hoofd, xii. 504. Compare Cabrera, xi. 913, 914.
X Bor, x. 819. Hoofd, xii. 504.

1577.] CONVERSATION WITHOUT PROTOCOLS. 211
Ghent Pacification. If you regard the general welfare of the
land, it is weU, and I thank you. If not, 'tis idle to make
propositions, for I regard my country's profit, not my own."*
Afterwards, the Prince simply repeated his demand that the
Ghent treaty should be executed ; adding, that after the
6tates-general should have been assembled, it would be time to
propose the necessary articles for mutual security.
Hereupon Doctor Leoninus observed that the assembly of
the states-general could hardly be without danger. He
aUuded to the vast number of persons who would thus be con
voked, to the great discrepancy of humors which would thus
be manifested. Many men would be present neither discreet
nor experienced. He therefore somewhat coolly suggested
that it might be better to obviate the necessity of holding
any general assembly at all. An amicable conference, for
the sake of settling doubtful questions, would render the
convocation superfluous, and save the country from the
dangers by which the step would be attended. The Doctor
concluded by referring to the recent assemblies of France, the
only result of which had been fresh dissensions.f It thus
appeared that the proposition on the part of Don John
meant something very different from its apparent significa
tion. To advise with the Prince as to the proper method of
assembhng the estates really meant, to advise with him as to
the best means of preventing any such assembly. Here, cer
tainly, was a good reason for the preference expressed by the
deputies, in favor of amicable discussions over formal protocols.
It might not be so easy in a written document to make the
assembly, and the prevention of the assembly, appear exactly
the same thing.
The Prince replied that there was a wide difference between
the condition of France and of the Netherlands. Here, was
one will and one intention. There, were many factions, many
partialities, many famUy intrigues. Since it had been agreed

* Bor, x. 819. Hoofd, xii. 504.
f Vraye Narration, etc.. 451.

212 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
by the Ghent treaty that certain points should be provision
ally maintained and others settled by a speedy convocation of
the states-general, the plainest course was to maintain the
provisional points, and to summon the states-general at once.*
This certainly was concise and logical. It is doubtful, how
ever, whether he were reaUy as anxious for the assembly-
general as he appeared to be. Both parties were fencing at
each other, without any real intention of carrying their points,
for neither wished the convocation, while both affected an
eagerness for that event. — The conversation proceeded.
"At least," said an envoy, "you can teU beforehand in
what you are aggrieved, and what you have to propose."
" We are aggrieved in nothing, and we have nothing to
propose," answered the Prince, " so long as you maintain the
Pacification. We demand no other pledge, and are willing to
refer everything afterwards to the assembly."
"But," asked Schetz, "what security do you offer us that
you wUl yourselves maintain the Pacification ?"
"We are not bound to give assurances," answered the
Prince. " The Pacification is itself an assurance. 'Tis a pro
visional arrangement, to be maintained by both parties, until
after the decision of the assembly. The Pacification must
therefore be maintained or disavowed. Choose between the
two. Only, if you mean stiU to acknowledge it, you must
keep its articles. This we mean to do, and if up to the present
time you have any complaint to make of our conduct, as we
trust you have not, we are ready to give you satisfaction."f
"In short," said an envoy, " you mean, after we shaU have
placed in your hands the government of Utrecht, Amsterdam,
and other places, to deny us any pledges on your part to main
tain the Pacification."
" But," replied the Prince, " if we are already accomphsh-
ing the Pacification, what more do you wish ?"
"In this fashion," cried the others, "after having got aU

* Vraye Narration, etc., 452.
f Ibid., 452, 453.

1577.] FENCING. 213
that you ask, and having thus fortified yourselves more than
you were ever fortified before, you wUl make war upon us."
" War ?" cried the Prince, " what are you afraid of ? We
are but a handful of people ; a worm compared to the King ol
Spain. Moreover, ye are fifteen provinces to two. What
have you to fear ?"*
" Ah," said Meetkercke, " we have seen what you could do,
when you were masters of the sea. Don't make yourselveE
out quite so little."f
"But," said the Prince, "the Pacification of Ghent pro
vides for all this. Your deputies were perfectly satisfied with
the guarantees it furnished. As to making war upon you,
'tis a thing without foundation or appearance of probability.
Had you beUeved then that you had anything to fear, you
would not have forgotten to demand pledges enough. On the
contrary, you saw how roundly we were deahng with you
then, honestly disgarniBhing the country, even before the
peace had been concluded. For ourselves, although we felt
the right to demand guarantees, we would not do it, for we
were treating with you on terms of confidence. We declared
expressly that had we been dealing with the King, we should
have exacted stricter pledges. As to demanding them of us
at the moment, 'tis nonsense. We have neither the means of
assailing you, nor do we deem it expedient to do so." J
" To say the truth," rephed Schetz, " we are reaUy confi
dent that you wiU not make war upon us. On the other
hand, however, we see you spreading your religion daily,
instead of keeping it confined within your provinces. What
assurance do you give us that, after all your demand shall
have been accorded, you wiU make no innovation in religion."§
" The assurance which we give you," answered the Prince,
" is that we wiU really accomplish the Pacification."
" But," persisted Schetz, " do you fairly promise to submit
* Vraye Narration, etc., 452, 453.
j, "  et pourtant ne vous faites pas si petits comme vous faictes."
—Ibid. X Vraye Narration, eta, 454. § Ibid.

214 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
to aU which the states-general shall ordain, as well on this
point of rehgious exercise in Holland and Zealand, as on all the
others ?"*
This was a home thrust. The Prince parried it for a while.
In his secret thoughts he had no expectation or desire that the
states-general, summoned in a solemn manner by the Governor-
General, on the basis of the memorable assembly before which
was enacted the grand ceremony of the imperial abdication,
would ever hold their session, and although he did not antici
pate the prohibition by such assembly, should it take place, of
the Reformed worship in HoUand and Zealand, he did not in
tend to submit to it, even should it be made.
" I cannot tell," said he, accordingly, in reply to the last
question, " for ye have yourselves aheady broken and violated
the Pacification ; having made an accord with Don John with
out our consent, and having already received him as Governor."
" So that you don't mean," replied Schetz, " to accept the
decision of the states ?"f
"I don't say that," returned the Prince, continuing to
parry ; " it is possible that we might accept it ; it is possible
that we might not. We are no longer in our entire rights,
as we were at the time of our first submission at Ghent."
" But we will make you whole," said Schetz.
"That you cannot do," replied the Prince, "for you have
broken the Pacification all to pieces. We have nothing,
therefore, to expect from the states, but to be condemned
off-hand."* " You don't mean, then," repeated Schetz, " to submit to
the estates touching the exercise of religion ?"
" No, we do not !" replied the Prince, driven into a corner
at last, and striking out in his turn. " We certainly do not.
To tell you the truth, we see that you intend our extirpation,
and we don't mean to be extirpated."§
" Ho !" said the Duke of Aerschot, " there is nobody who
wishes that."

* Vraye Narration, etc., 455. \ Ibid., 456.
X " Que d'estre condemn&s a pur et a plain." — Ibid. § Ibid.

1577.] RESULTS. 215
" Indeed, but you do," said the Prince. " We have sub
mitted ourselves to you in good faith, and you now would
compel us and aU the world to • maintain exclusively the
Cathohc religion. This cannot be done except by extir
pating us."
A long, learned, vehement discussion upon abstract points,
between Saint Aldegonde, Leoninus, and Doctor Gaill, then
ensued, during which the Prince, who had satisfied himself as
to the result of the conference, retired from the apartment.
He afterwards had a private convention with Schetz and
Leoninus, in which he reproached them with their inchnation
to reduce their fatherland to slavery.* He also took occasion
to remark to Hierges, that it was a duty to content the
people ; that whatever might be - accomplished for them was
durable, whereas the wUl of kings was perishing. He told
the Duke of Aerschot that if Utrecht were not restored, he
would take it by force. He warned the Duke that to trust
the King was to risk his head. He, at least, would never
repose confidence in him, having been deceived too often.
The King cherished the maxim, hwreticis non est servanda
fides; as for himself he was calbo y calbanista, and meant to
die so.f
The formal interchange of documents soon afterwards took
place. The conversation thus held between the different
parties shows, however, the exact position of affairs. There
was no change in the intentions of either Reformers or
Royalists. Philip and his representatives stUl contended for
two points, and claimed the praise of moderation that their
demands were so few in number. They were willing to concede
everything, save the unlimited authority of the King and the
exclusive maintenance of the Catholic religion. The Prince of
Orange, on his side, claimed two points also — the ancient con
stitutions of the country and rehgious freedom. It was obvious
* Vraye Narration, etc., 459.
f Extracts from the MS. letters (28th and 29th of May, 1577) of Don John
to the King, given by M. Gachard in the preface to the third vol. Correspon
dance de GuUlaume le Tacit., p. Ixiii.

216 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
enough that the contest was the same, in reahty, as if had
ever been. No approximation had been made towards recon
ciling absolutism with national liberty, persecution with tole
ration. The Pacification of Ghent had been a step in advance.
That Treaty opened the door to civil and rehgious liberty,*
but it was an agreement among the provinces, not a compact
between the people and the monarch. By the casuists of
Brussels and the licentiates of Louvain, it had, to be sure,
been dogmaticaUy pronounced orthodox, and had been con
firmed by royal edict. To beUeve, however, that his Cathohc
Majesty had faith in the dogmas propounded, was as absurd as
to believe in the dogmas themselves. If the Ghent Pacifica1-
tion reaUy had made no breach in royal and Roman infaUi-
bUity, then the efforts of Orange and the exultation of the
Reformers had indeed been idle.
The envoys accordingly, in obedience to their instructions,
made a formal statement to the Prince of Orange and the
states of Holland and Zealand, on the part of Don John.f
They aUuded to the departure of the Spaniards, as if that alone
had fulfilled every duty and authorized every claim. They
therefore demanded the immediate pubhcation in Holland and
Zealand of the Perpetual Edict. They insisted on the imme
diate discontinuance of aU hostUe attempts to reduce Amster
dam to the jurisdiction of Orange ; required the Prince to
abandon his pretensions to Utrecht, and denounced the efforts
making by him and his partisans to diffuse their heretical
doctrines through the other provinces. They observed, in
conclusion, that the general question of religion was not to be
handled, because reserved for the consideration of the states-
general, according to the treaty of Ghent.*.

* Even. Tassis admits this fact, which is indeed indisputable. — '¦ Abhorrebat
Austriacus," says he (Iiii. p. 245), "a confirmatione Pacis Gandavensis, quod
per earn tacite introducebatur libertas Religionis."
X See it in Bor, x. 816, 817. — Compare the letter of instruction pubhshed by
Gachard, Correspondance de GuiUaume le Tacit., iii. 438-446.
X Bor, x. 816-817. Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Tacit, iii,
438-446.

1577.] BULLETINS. 217
The reply, delivered on the following day by the Prince of
Orange and the deputies, maintained that the Perpetual Edict
was widely different from the Pacification of Ghent, which it
affected to uphold ; that the promises to abstain from all vio
lation of the ancient constitutions had not been kept, that the
German troops had not been dismissed, that the property of
the Prince in the Netherlands and Burgundy had not been re
stored, that his son was detained in captivity, that the govern
ment of Utrecht was withheld from him, that the charters and
constitution of the country, instead of being extended, had
been contracted, and that the Governor had claimed the right
to convoke the states-general at his pleasure, in violation of
the ancient right to assemble at their own. The document
further complained that the adherents of the Reformed reli
gion were not aUowed to frequent the different provinces in
freedom, according to the stipulations of Ghent ; that Don
John, notwithstanding aU these short-comings, had been ac
knowledged as Governor-General, without the consent of the
Prince ; that he was surrounded with a train of Spaniards,
Itahans, and other foreigners — Gonzaga, Escovedo, and the
hke — as well as by renegade Netherlanders like Tassis, by
whom he was unduly influenced against the country and the
people, and by whom a " back door was held constantly open"
to the admission of evils innumerable.* Finally, it was as
serted that, by means of this last act of union, a new form of
inquisition had been introduced, and one which was much
more cruel than the old system ; inasmuch as the Spanish In
quisition did not take information against men except upon
suspicion, whereas, by the new process, all the world would be
examined as to their conscience and rehgion, under pretence
of maintaining the union.f
Such was the result of this second mission to the Prince of
Orange on the part of the Governor-General. Don John

* "Dat Don Johan een achter deure open houd met de boven genoemde, en
andere van gelijke stoffe," etc., etc.
f Reply of the States of HoUand. Bor, x. 818b.

218 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
never sent another. The swords were now fairly measured
between the antagonists, and the scabbard was soon to be
thrown away. A few weeks afterwards, the Governor wrote to
Philip that there was nothing in the world which WUham of
Orange so much abhorred as his Majesty ; adding, with Castil-
han exaggeration, that if the Prince could drink the King's
blood he would do so with great pleasure.*
Don John, being thus seated in the saddle, had a moment's
leisure to look around him. It was but a moment, for he had
3maU confidence in the aspect of affairs, but one of his first
acts after assuming the government afforded a proof of the in
terpretation which he had adopted of the Ghent Pacification.
An edict was issued, addressed to all bishops, " heretic-mas-
ters,"f and provincial councils, commanding the strict en
forcement of the Canons of Trent, and other ecclesiastical
decrees. These authorities were summoned instantly to take
increased heed of the flocks under their charge, " and to pro
tect them from the ravening wolves which were seeking to
devour them."
The measure bore instant fruit. A wretched taflor of
Mechlin, Peter Panis by name, an honest man, but a heretic,
was arrested upon the charge of having preached or exhorted
at a meeting in that city. He confessed that he had been pre
sent at the meeting, but denied that he had preached. He was
then required to denounce the others who had been present,
and the men who had actuaUy officiated. He refused, and
was condemned to death. The Prince of Orange, while the
process was pending, wrote an earnest letter to the Council of
Mechhn, imploring them not now to rekindle the fires of reli
gious persecution* His appeal was in vain. The poor tailor
was beheaded at Mechhn on the 15th of June, the Conqueror

* Extract from MS. letter (28th of July, 1577) of Don John to the King,
apud Gachard, preface to Correspondance de GuiUaume le Tacit, iii lxiv.,
notes, 112.
f "Ketter meesters." — See the edict, Bor, x. 819, 820.
X Bor, x. 820. Hoofd, xii. 507. Meteren, vii. 122».

1577.] THREE PARTIES. 219
of Lepanto being present at the execution,* and adding dig
nity to the scene. Thus, at the moment when WiUiam of
Orange was protecting the Anabaptists of Middelburg in their
rights of citizenship, even while they refused its obligations,
the son of the Emperor was dipping his hands in the blood of
a poor wretch who had done no harm but to hsten to a prayer
without denouncing the preacher. The most intimate friends
of the Prince were offended with his liberality. The imperial
shade of Don John's father might have risen to approve the
son who had so dutifully revived his bloody edicts and his
ruthless pohcy.
Three parties were now fairly in existence : the nobles, who
hated the Spaniards, but who were disposed to hold them
selves aloof from the people ; the adherents of Don John,
commonly called " Johanists ;" and the partisans of the Prince
of Orange — for WiUiam the Silent had always felt the neces
sity of leaning for support on something more substantial than
the court party, a reed shaken by the wind, and faUing always
when most rehed upon. His efforts were constant to elevate
the middle class, to buUd up a strong third party which should
unite much of the substantial wealth and intelligence of the
land, drawing constantly from the people, and deriving
strength from national enthusiasm — a party which should in
clude nearly aU the political capacity of the country ; and his
efforts were successful. No doubt the Governor and his Secre
tary were right when they said the people of the Netherlands
were inclined to brook the Turk as easily as the Spaniard for
their master, and that their hearts were in reality devoted to
the Prince of Orange.
As to the grandees, they were mostly of those who " sought
to swim between two waters," according to the Prince's
expression. There were but few unswerving supporters of
the Spanish rule, like the Berlaymont and the Tassis families.
The rest veered daUy with the veering wind. Aerschot, the
great chief of the Catholic party, was but a cringing courtier,

* Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, ubi sup.

220 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
false and fawning both to Don John and the Prince. He
sought to play a leading part in a great epoch ; he only
distinguished himself by courting and betraying aU parties,
and being thrown away by all. His son and brother were
hardly more respectable. The Prince knew how httle depend
ence could be placed on such alhes, even although , they had
signed and sworn the Ghent Pacification. He was also aware
how little it was the intention of the Governor to be bound
by that famous Treaty. The Spanish troops had been, in
deed, disbanded, but there were still between ten and fifteen
thousand German mercenaries in the service of the King ;
these were stationed in different important places, and held
firm possession of the citadels. The great keys of the country
were still in the hands of the Spaniards. Aerschot, indeed,
governed the castle of Antwerp, in room of Sancho d'AvUa,
but how much more friendly would Aerschot be than AvUa,
when interest prompted him to sustain Don John against the
Prince ?
MeanwhUe, the estates, according to their contract, were
straining every nerve to raise the requisite sum for the pay
ment of the German troops. Equitable offers were made, by
which the soldiers were to receive a certain proportion of the
arrears due to them in merchandize, and the remainder in
cash.* The arrangement was rejected, at the secret instance
of Don John.f WhUe the Governor affected an ingenuous
desire to aid the estates in their efforts to free themselves
from the remaining portion of this mcumbrance, he was
secretly tampering with the leading German officers, in order
to prevent their acceptance of any offered terms.*. He per
suaded these mihtary chiefs that a conspiracy existed, by
which they were not only to be deprived of their wages but of
their lives. He warned them to heed no promises, to accept
no terms. Convincing them that he, and he only, was their
friend, he arranged secret plans by which they should assist

* Bor, x. 820. -f Meteren, vii. 122. Bor, x. 880, sqq. Hoofd, xii. 505.
X Meteren, Bor, Hcofd, ubi si"1

1577.] WARNINGS. 221
him in taking the fortresses of the country into stUl more
secure possession,* for he was not more inclined to trust to
the Aerschots and the Havre's than was the Prince himself.
The Governor lived in considerable danger, and in stiU
greater dread of capture, if not of assassination. His imagi
nation, excited by endless tales of ambush and half-discovered
conspiracies, saw armed soldiers behind every bush, a pitfall
in every street. Had not the redoubtable Alva been nearly
made a captive ? Did not Louis of Nassau nearly entrap the
Grand Commander ? No doubt the Prince of Orange was
desirous of accomphshing a feat by which he would be placed
in regard to Philip on the vantage ground which the King
had obtained by his seizure of Count Van Buren, nor did
Don John need for warnings coming from sources far from
obscure. In May, the Viscount De Gand had forced his
way to his bedside in the dead of night, and wakening him
from his sleep, had assured him, with great solemnity, that
his hfe was not worth a pin's purchase if he remained in
Brussels. He was aware, he said, of a conspiracy by which
both his liberty and his life were endangered, and assured him
that in immediate flight lay his only safety.f
The Governor fled to Mechlin, where the same warnings were
soon afterwards renewed, for the solemn sacrifice of Peter Panis,
the poor preaching tailor of that> city, had not been enough
to strike terror to the hearts of all the Netherlanders. One day,
toward the end of June, the Duke of Aerschot, riding out with
Don John, *. gave him a circumstantial account of plots, old and
new, whose existence he had discovered or invented, and he
showed a copy of a secret letter, written by the Prince of
Orange to the estates, recommending the forcible seizure of
his Highness. It is true that the Duke was, at that period and
for long after, upon terms of the most " fraternal friendship"
with the Prince, and was in the habit of signing himself " his

* Bor, Meteren, Hoofd.
f Vera et Simplex Narratio Eorum quaa ab Adventu D. Joannis Austriaci, etc .
gesta sunt, p. 13. — Luxembergi, 1578.
J Ibid., p. 17.

222 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
very affectionate brother and cordial friend to serve him,"*
yet this did not prevent him from accomplishing what he
deemed his duty, in secretly denouncing his plans, It is also
true that he, at the same time, gave the Prince private infor
mation concerning the government, and sent him intercepted
letters from his enemies,f thus easing his conscience on both
sides, and trimming his sails to every wind which might blow.
The Duke now, however, reminded his Highness of the con
tumely with which he had been treated at Brussels, of the
insolent threats with which the citizens had pursued his ser
vants and secretaries even to the very door of his palace.*.
He assured him that the same feeling existed at Mechlin, and
that neither himself nor famUy were much safer there than in
the capital, a plot being fully organized for securing his
person. The conspirators, he said, were openly supported by
a large political party, who called themselves anti-Johanists,
and who clothed themselves in symbolic costume, as had been
done by the disaffected in the days of Cardinal GranveUe.
He assured the Governor that nearly all the members of the
states-general were implicated in these schemes. " And what
becomes, then, of their promises ?" asked Don John. " That
for their promises !" cried the Duke, snapping his fingers ;§
"no man in the land feels bound by engagements now." The
Governor demanded the object of the states in thus seeking to
deprive him of his liberty. The Duke informed him that it
was to hold him in captivity until they had compeUed him to
sign every paper which they chose to lay before him. Such
things had been done in the Netherlands in former days, the
Duke observed, as he proceeded to narrate how a predecessor
of his Highness and a prince of the land, after having been

* Archives et Correspondance, vi. 141-143.
f See the letter last quoted, Archives, etc., vi. 143, 144.
X Vera et Simplex Narratio. etc., p. 14.— Compare the Memoire de Grobben-
donck, p. 172 ; Bull. Com. Roy., x.
§ Ibid., p. 19.— See also the letter of Don John to the states-general, dated
August 24, 1577, in Bor, xi. 864, 865.— "Daerop hy antwoorde klickende mette
fingern," etc.

1577.] A DESPERATE RESOLUTION. 223
compeUed to sign innumerable documents, had been, in con
clusion, tossed out of the windows of his own palace, with ail
his retinue, to perish upon the pikes of an insurgent mob
below.* The Governor protested that it did not become the
son of Charles the Fifth and the representative of his Cathohc
Majesty to hear such intimations a second time. After his
return, he brooded over what had been said to him for a few
days, and he then broke up his establishment at Mechlin, selling
off his superfluous furniture and even the wine in his cellars.f
Thus showing that his absence, both from Brussels and
Mechlin, was to be a prolonged one, he took advantage of an
unforeseen occurrence again to remove his residence.

* Vera Narratio, etc., p. 18, 19. Letter of Don John, ubi sup.
¦f Discours Sommier des Justes Causes, etc., etc., p. 17. Bor, x. 828.

CHAPTEE III.

The city of Namur — Margaret of Valois — Her intrigues in Hainault in favour
of Alencon — Her reception by Don John at Namur — Festivities in her
honor — Seizure of Namur citadel by Don John — Plan for seizing that of
Antwerp — Letter of the estates to PhUip, sent by Escovedo — Fortunes
and fate of Escovedo in Madrid — Repairing of dykes — The Prince's visit to
HoUand — His letter to the estates-general on the subject of Namur citadel
— His visit to Utrecht — Correspondence and commissioners between Don
John and the estates — Acrimonious and passionate character of these
coUoquies — Attempt of Treslong upon Antwerp citadel frustrated by De
Bourse — Fortunate panic of the German mercenaries — Antwerp evacuated
by the foreign troops — Renewed correspondence — Audacity of the Gover
nor's demands — Letters of Escovedo and others intercepted — Private
schemes of Don John not understood by the estates — His letter to the
Empress Dowager — More correspondence with the estates — Painful and
false position of the Governor — Demolition, in part, of Antwerp citadel, and
of other fortresses by the patriots — Statue of Alva, — Letter of estates-general
to the King.
There were few cities of the Netherlands more picturesque
in situation, more trimly buUt, and more opulent of aspect
than the little eity of Namur. Seated at the confluence of
the Sombre with the Meuse, and throwing over each river a
bridge of sohd but graceful structure, it lay in the lap of a
most fruitful valley. A broad crescent-shaped plain, fringed
by the rapid Meuse, and enclosed by gently rolling hills
cultivated to their crests, or by abrupt precipices of limestone
crowned with verdure, was divided by numerous hedgerows,
and dotted aU over with corn-fields, vineyards, and flower-
gardens. Many eyes have gazed with delight upon that
well-known and most lovely valley, and many torrents of blood

1577,] MARGARET OF VALOIS. 225
have mingled with those glancing waters since that long-
buried and most sanguinary age which forms our theme ; and
stUl placid as ever is the valley, brightly as ever flows the
stream. Even now, as in that vanished, but never-forgotten
time, nestles the little city in the angle of the two rivers ; still
directly over its head seems to hang in mid-air the massive
and frowning fortress, like the gigantic helmet in the fiction,
as if ready to crush the pigmy town below.
It was this famous citadel, crowning an abrupt precipice five
hundred feet above the river's bed, and placed near the frontier
of France, which made the city so important, and wliich had
now attracted Don John's attention in this hour of his per
plexity. The unexpected visit of a celebrated personage, fur
nished him with the pretext which he desired. The beautiful
Margaret of Valois, Queen of Navarre, was proceeding to the
baths of Spa, to drink the waters.* Her health was as perfect
as her beauty, but she was flying from a husband whom she
hated, to advance the interest of a brother whom she loved
with a more than sisterly fondness — for the worthless Duke of
Alencon was one of the many competitors for the N^therland
government ; the correspondence between himself and his brother
with Orange and his agents being still continued. The hollow
truce with the Huguenots in France had, however, been again
succeeded by war. Henry of Valois had already commenced
operations in Gascony against Henry of Navarre, whom he
hated almostf as cordiaUy as Margaret herself could do, and
the Duke of Alencon was besieging Issoire.*. Meantime, the
beautiful Queen came to mingle the golden thread of her
feminine intrigues with the dark woof of the Netherland
destinies. Few spirits have been more subtle, few faces so fatal as
hers. True chfld of the Medicean mother, worthy sister of
Charles, Henry, and Francis — princes for ever infamous in the

* Bor, x. 828, Meteren, vii. 122. Cabrera, xi. 929. Hoofd, xii. 508, et al
f Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, p. 123. Liege, 1714.
X De Thou, vii. 500, sqq., liv. 63.
vo-. in. 15

226 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
annals of France — she possessed more beauty and wit than
Mary of Scotland, more learning and accomplishments than
Elizabeth of England. In the blaze of her beauty, according
to the inflated language of her most determined worshiper,
the wings of aU rivals were melted. Heaven required to be
raised higher and earth made wider, before a full sweep could
be given to her own majestic flight.* We are further informed
that she was a Minerva for eloquence, that she composed
matchless poems which she sang most exquisitely to the sound
of her lute, and that her familiar letters were so full of genius,
that " poor Cicero" was but a fool to her in the same branch
of composition.f The world has shuddered for ages at the
dark tragedy of her nuptials. Was it strange that hatred,
incest, murder, should foUow in the train of a wedding thus
hideously solemnized ?
Don John, as in his Moorish disguise he had looked upon
her perfections, had felt in danger of becoming really the slave
he personated — " her beauty is more divine than human," he
had cried, "but fitter to destroy men's souls than to bless
them ;"% — and now the enchantress was on her way to his
dominions. Her road led through Namur to Liege, and gal
lantry required that he should meet her as she passed. At
tended by a select band of gentlemen and a few horsemen of
his body-guard, the Governor came to Namur.§
Meantime the Queen crossed the frontier, and was courteous
ly received at Cambray. The bishop — of the loyal house of Ber-
laymont — was a stanch supporter of the King, and although
a Fleming, was Spanish to the core. On him the cajolery

* Eloge de Marguerite de Valois, Rayne de France et de Navarre, etc., pai
Brantome, p. 2, usa.
f "  Ses belles lettres — les mieux couchees soit pour estre graves, que
pour estre familieres  il n'y a nul qui les voyant ne se mocque du pauvre
Ciceron avec les siennes familieres," etc., etc. — Eloge, etc., etc., p. 18.
X " Aunque la hermosura desta Reyna se mas divina que humana, es mas para
^erder y dafiar los hombres que salvarlos." — Ibid., p. 4.
§ Bor, x. 828. Hoofd, xi. 608. Cabrera, xi. 929.

1577.] FASCINATION. 227
of the beautiful Queen was first essayed, but was found
powerless. The prelate gave her a magnificent baU, but re
sisted her blandishments. He retired with the appearance
of the confections, but the governor of the citadel, the Seig
neur dTnchy remained, with whom Margaret was more suc
cessful. She found him a cordial hater of Spain, a favorer
of France, and very impatient under the authority of the
bishop. He obtained permission to accompany the royal
visitor a few stages of her journey, and returned to Cambray,
her wilhng slave ; holding the castle in future, neither for
king nor bishop, but for Margaret's brother, Alencon, alone.
At Mons she was received with great state by the Count
Lalain, who was governor of Hainault, while his Countess
governed him. A week of festivities graced the advent of
the Queen, during which period the hearts of both Lalain and
his wife were completely subjugated. They agreed that
Flanders had been too long separated from the parental
France to which it of right belonged. The Count was a
stanch Catholic, but he hated Spain. He was a relative of
Egmont, and anxious to avenge his death, but he was no
lover of the people, and was jealous of Orange. Moreover,
his wife had become entirely fascinated by the designing Queen.
So warm a friendship had sprung up between the two fair
ladies as to make it indispensable that Flanders and Hainault
should be annexed to France. The Count promised to hold
his whole government at the service of Alencon, and recom
mended that an attempt should be made to gain over the in
corruptible Governor of Cambray. Margaret did not inform
him that she had already turned that functionary round her
finger, but she urged Lalain and his wife to seduce him from
his allegiance, if possible.*
The Count, with a retinue of mounted men, then accom
panied her on her way towards Namur, but turned as the
distant tramp of Don John's cavalcade was heard approaching,

* Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, ii. pp. 125, 129-134, sqq.

228 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
for it was not desirable for Lalain, at that moment, to find him
self face to face with the Governor. Don John stood a moment
awaiting the arrival of the Queen. He did not dream of her
political intrigues, nor see in the fair form approaching him
one mortal enemy the more. Margaret travelled in a splendid
litter with gilt pillars, lined with scarlet velvet, and entirely
enclosed in glass,* which was followed by those of the Princess
de la Roche sur Yon, and of Madame de Tournon. After
these came ten ladies of honor on horseback, and six chariots
filled with female domestics. These, with the guards and
other attendants, made up the retinue. On meeting the
Queen's litter, Don John sprang from his horse and presented
his greetings. The Queen returned his salutation, in the
French fashion, by offering her cheek to his embrace, extend
ing the same favor to the Duke of Aerschot and the Marquis of
Havre. f The cavaliers then remounted and escorted the
Queen to Namur, Don John riding by the side of the litter,
and conversing with her all the way. It was late in the
evening when the procession arrived in the city. The streets
had, however, been brilliantly illuminated ; houses and shops,
although it was near midnight, being in a blaze of light. Don
John believing that no attentions could be so acceptable at
that hour as to provide for the repose of his guest, conducted
the Queen at once to the lodgings prepared for her. Mar
garet was astonished at the magnificence of the apartments
into which she was ushered. A spacious and stately hall,
most gorgeously furnished, opened into a series of chambers
and cabinets, worthy, in their appointments, of a royal palace.
The tent and bed coverings prepared for the Queen were
exquisitely embroidered in needlework with scenes repre
senting, the battle of Lepanto* The great hall was hung
with gorgeous tapestry of satin and velvet, ornamented with
columns of raised sflver work, and with many figures in

* Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, ii, 124-125, sqq.
f H>id., ii. 135. Hoofd, xu. 508.
X Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, 137.

1577.] BANQUETS AND BALLS. 229
antique costume, of the same massive embroidery. The rest of
the furniture was also of satin, velvet, cloth of gold, and
brocade. The Queen was dazzled with so much magnificence,
and one of the courtiers could not help expressing astonishment
at the splendor of the apartments and decorations, which, as he
observed to the Duke of Aerschot, seemed more appropriate to
the palace of a powerful monarch than to the apartments of a
young bachelor prince.* The Duke replied by explaining
that the expensive embroidery which they saw was the result,
uot of extravagance, but of valor and generosity. After the
battle of Lepanto, Don John had restored, without ransom,
the two sons, who had been taken prisoners, of a powerful
Turkish bashaw. The father, in gratitude, had sent this mag
nificent tapestry as a present to the conqueror, and Don John
had received it at MUan, in which city, celebrated for the
taste of its upholsterers, it had been arranged for fumiture.f
The next morning a grand mass with military music was
performed, followed by a sumptuous banquet in the grand haU.
Don John and the Queen sat at a table three feet apart from
the rest, and Ottavio Gonzaga served them wine upon his
knees.*. After the banquet came, as usual, the ball, the fes
tivities continuing tiU late in the night, and Don John scarcely
quitting his fair guest for a moment. The next afternoon, a
festival had been arranged upon an island in the river. The
company embarked upon the Meuse, in a fleet of gaily scarfed
and painted vessels, many of which were filled with musicians.§
Margaret reclined in her gilded barge, under a richly embroi
dered canopy. A fairer and falser Queen than " Egypt," had
bewitched the famous youth who had triumphed, not lost the
world, beneath the heights of Actium. The revellers landed

* " Ces meubles me semblent plustost d'un grand Roy que d'un jeune Prince
a marier tel qu'est le Sgr. Dom Jean," etc. — Memoires de Marguerite de Valois,
ii. 136.
+ Ibid. — Compare Van der Hammen y Leon, D. J. d' Austria, lib. ii.
X Memoires de M. de Valois, p. 137. Hoofd, xii. 508.
§ Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, ii. 137, 138. Hoofd, xii. 508.

230 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC [1577,
on the island, where the banquet was already spread within a
spacious bower of ivy, and beneath umbrageous elms. The
dance upon the sward was protracted to a late hour, and the
summer stars had been long in the sky when the company
returned to their barges.
Don John, more than ever enthralled by the bride of
St. Bartholomew, knew not that her sole purpose in vi
siting his dominion had been to corrupt his servants and
to undermine his authority. His own purpose, however,
had been less to pay court to the Queen than to make
use of her presence to cover his own designs. That pur
pose he proceeded instantly to execute. The Queen next
morning pursued her voyage by the river to Liege, and
scarcely had she floated out of his sight than he sprang upon
his horse and, accompanied by a few trusty attendants, gal
loped out of the gate and across the bridge which led to the
citadel.* He had already despatched the loyal Berlaymont,
with his four equally loyal sons, the Seigneurs de Meghen,
Floyon, Hierges, and Haultepenne to that fortress. These
gentlemen had informed the castellan that the Governor was
about to ride forth hunting, and that it would be proper to
offer him the hospitalities of the castle as he passed on his
way. A considerable number of armed men had been con
cealed in the woods and thickets of the neighbourhood. The
Seigneur de Froymont, suspecting nothing, acceded to the
propriety of the suggestion made by the Berlaymonts. Mean
time, with a blast of his horn, Don John appeared at the
castle gate. He entered the fortress with the castellan, whUe
one of the gentlemen watched outside, as the ambushed soldiers
came toiling up the precipice. When all was ready the gen
tleman returned to the hall, and made a signal to Don John,
as he sat at breakfast with the constable. The Governor
sprang from the table and drew his sword ; Berlaymont and

* Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, 145, who relates the occurrence on the
authority of the Marchioness of Havre. Hoofd, xii. 508.

1577.] A THEATRICAL STROKE. 231
his four sons drew their pistols, while at the same instant, the
soldiers entered. Don John, exclaiming that this was the
first day of his government, commanded the casteUan to sur
render. De Froymont, taken by surprise, and hardly under
standing this very melo-dramatic attack upon a citadel by its
own lawful governor, made not much difficulty in complying.
He was then turned out of doors, along with his garrison, mostly
feeble old men and invahds. The newly arrived soldiers took
their places, at command of the Governor, and the stronghold
of Namur was his own*
There was httle doubt that the representative of Philip
had a perfect right to possess himself of any fortress within
his government ; there could be as little that the sud
den stratagem by which he had thus made himself master
of this citadel would prove offensive to the estates, whfle it
could hardly be agreeable to the King ; and yet it is not certain
that he could have accomphshed his purpose in any other way.
Moreover, the achievement was one of a projected series by
which he meant to re-vindicate his dwindling authority. He
was weary of playing the hypocrite, and convinced that he
and his monarch were both abhorred by the Netherlanders.
Peace was impossible- — war was forbidden him. Reduced
almost to a nullity by the Prince of Orange, it was time for
him to make a stand, and in this impregnable fastness his posi
tion at least was a good one. Many months before, the Prince
of Orange had expressed his anxious desire that this most im
portant town and citadel should be secured for the estates.
"You know," he had written to Bossu in December, "the
evU and the dismay which the loss of the city and fortress of
Namur would occasion to us. Let me beseech you that all
possible care be taken to preserve them."f Nevertheless,

* Hoofd, xii. 509. — " Stokouwde of verminkte soldaaten," etc. Bor, x 832.
Discours Sommier des Justes Causes, pp. 26, 27. Meteren, vii. 122. Ben
tivoglio, x. 194, 195.
f Archives de la Maison d'Orange, v. 571.

232 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC [1577.
their preservation had been entrusted to a feeble-minded old
constable, at the head of a handful of cripples.
We know how intense had been the solicitude of the Prince,
not only to secure but to destroy these citadels, " nests of ty
ranny," which had been built by despots to crush, not protect,
the towns at their feet. These precautions had been neglected,
and the consequences were displaying themselves, for the castle of
Namur was not the only one of which Don John felt himself
secure. Although the Duke of Aerschot seemed so very much
his humble servant, the Governor did not trust him, and wished
to see the citadel of Antwerp in more unquestionable keeping.
He had therefore withdrawn, not only the Duke, but his son,
the Prince of Chimay, commander of the castle in his father's
absence, from that important post, and insisted upon their
accompanying him to Namur.* So gallant a courtier as
Aerschot could hardly refuse to pay his homage to so illustrious
a princess as Margaret of Valois, whUe during the absence of
the Duke and Prince the keys of Antwerp citadel had been, at the
command of Don John, placed in the keeping of the Seigneur
de Treslong,f an unscrupulous and devoted royalist. The cele
brated Colonel Van Ende, whose participation, at the head of
his German cavalry, in the terrible sack of that city, which
he had been ordered to defend, has been narrated, was com
manded to return to Antwerp. He was to present himself
openly to the city authorities, but he was secretly directed by
the Governor-General to act in co-operation with the Colonels
Fugger, Frondsberger, and Polwiller, who commanded the
forces already stationed in the city.*. These distinguished
officers had been all summer in secret correspondence with Don
John, for they were the instruments with which he meant
by a bold stroke to recover his almost lost authority. While
he had seemed to be seconding the efforts of the states-general

* Bor, x. 828. Meteren, vii. 122''.
f Bor, x. 828. Louis de Bloys, Seigneur de Treslon. Meteren, ubi sup.
Discours Sommier des Justes Causes, etc. pp. 19, 20.
X Discours Sommier, etc. pp. 18, 7.9. See the original letters in the appendix
to Discours Sommier, etc., p. 56, et sqq. ; also in Bor, x. 848, sqq. — translated.

1577.] ESCOVEDO'S DEPARTURE. 233
to pay off and disband these mercenaries, nothing had in
reality been farther from his thoughts, and the time had now
come when his secret plans were to be executed, according to
the agreement between himself and the German colonels.
He wrote to them, accordingly, to delay no longer the accom
plishment of the deed* — that deed being the seizure of Ant
werp citadel, as he had already successfuUy mastered that of
Namur. The Duke of Aerschot, his brother, and son, were in
his power, and could do nothing to prevent the co-operation
of the colonels in the city with Treslong in the castle, so that
the Governor would thus be enabled, laying his head tranquilly
upon " the pillow of the Antwerp citadel,"f according to the
reproachful expression subsequently used by the estates, to
await the progress of events,
The current of his adventurous career was not, however,
destined to run thus smoothly. It is true that the estates
had not yet entirely lost their confidence in his character,
but the seizure of Namur, and the attempt upon Antwerp,
together with the contents of the intercepted letters written
by himself and Escovedo to Philip, to Perez, to the Em
press, to the Colonels Frondsberger and Fugger, were soon
destined to open their eyes. In the meantime, almost ex
actly at the moment when Don John was executing his
enterprise against Namur, Escovedo had taken an affec
tionate fareweU of the estates at Brussels,*, for it had been
thought necessary, as already intimated, both for the apparent
interests and the secret projects of Don John, that the Secre
tary should make a visit to Spain. At the command of the
Governor-General he had offered to take charge of any com
munication for his Majesty which the estates might be dis
posed to entrust to him, and they had accordingly addressed a

* Letter of Don John, July 16, 1577, to the Colonels Frondsberger and Fugger
Discours Sommier, ubi sup. Bor, x. 843.
\ " Et se reposant sur 1'oreiller du Chasteau d'Anvers duquel il se tenoit entierc
mentasseuri," etc. — Discours Sommier, etc., p. 35.
X Bor, x. 825. Hoofd, xii. 507. Discours Sommier, etc., p. 47.

234 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
long epistle to the King, in which they gave ample expression
to their indignation and their woe. They remonstrated with
the King concerning the continued presence of the German
mercenaries, whose knives were ever at their throats, whose
plunder and insolence impoverished and tortured the people.
They reminded him of the vast sums which the provinces had
contributed in times past to the support of government, and
they begged assistance from his bounty now. They recaUed
to his vision the melancholy spectacle of Antwerp, but lately
the " nurse of Europe, the fairest flower in his royal garland,
the foremost and noblest city of the earth,* now quite desolate
and forlorn," and with additional instructions to Escovedo,
that he should not fail, in his verbal communications, to repre
sent the evil consequences of the course hitherto pursued by
his Majesty's governors in the Netherlands, they dismissed
him with good wishes, and with " crowns for convoy" in his
purse to the amount of a revenue of two thousand yearly.
His secret correspondence was intercepted and made known a
few weeks after his departure for that terrible Spain whence so
few travellers returned.f
For a moment we follow him thither. With a single word
in anticipation, concerning the causes and the consummation
of this celebrated murder, which was delayed tUl the foUowing
year, the unfortunate Escovedo may be dismissed from these
pages. It has been seen how artfuUy Antonio Perez, Secretary
of State, paramour of Princess Eboli, and ruUng councUlor at
that day of Philip, had fostered in the King's mind the most
extravagant suspicions as to the schemes of Don John, and of
his confidential secretary.*. He had represented it as their fixed
and secret intention, after Don John should be finally estabhshed

* "  voodster van geheel Europa, d'edelste bloeme van uwe majesteits
krone en de vornaemste en rijxste van de wereid," etc., etc. — Letter of the
States, Bor, 826, 827.
f Bor, x. 825. Hoofd, xii. 508. Discours Sommier, p. 47. Meteren, vii. 121.
Bor, x. 827-842.
X Mem. de Ant. Perez, passim; particularly pages 284-317. Obras y Relaci
ones. Geneva, 1644.

1577.] plots. 235
on the throne of England, to attack Phihp himself in Spain,
and to deprive him of his crown, Escovedo being represented
as the prime instigator and controller of this astounding plot,
which lunatics only could have engendered, and which proba
bly never had existence.
No proof of the wUd design was offered. The language
which Escovedo was accused by Perez of having held previ
ously to his departure for Flanders — that it was the intention
of Don John and himself to fortify the rock of MogrO, with
which, and with the command of the city of Santander, they
could make themselves masters of Spain after having obtained
possession of England,* — is too absurd to have been uttered by
a man of Escovedo's capacity. Certainly, had Perez been pro
vided with the least scrap of writing from the hands of Don
John or Escovedo which could be tortured into evidence upon
this point, it would have been forthcoming, and would have
rendered such fictitious hearsay superfluous. Perez, in conni
vance with Philip, had been systematically conducting his
correspondence with Don John and Escovedo, in order to elicit
some evidence of the imputed scheme. " 'T was the only way,"
said Perez to PhUip, " to make them unbare their bosoms to
the sword." "I am quite of the same opinion," replied Philip
to Perez, " for, according to my theology, you would do your
duty neither to God nor the world, unless you did as you are
doing."f Yet the exceUent pair of conspirators at Madrid
could wring no damning proofs from the lips of the suppo
sititious conspirators in Flanders, save that Don John, after
Escovedo's arrival in Madrid, wrote, impatiently and fre
quently, to demand that he should be sent back, together with
the money which he had gone to Spain to procure. " Money,
more money, and Escovedo,"*. wrote the Governor, and Philip

* Mem. de Ant. Perez, 313.
f " Es menester de escrivir y oyr de aquella manera  porque assy se meten
porla espada," eta— Billet of Ant. Perez to the King. " T segun mi theologia
yo entiendo lo mismo que vos  Que no haviados para con Dios ni para con el
mundo, sino lo hiziessedes ansy," etc. — Annotation in Philip's hand on the bUlet,
Mem. de Perez, pp. 310, 311.
X "Dinero, y mas dinero, y Escovedo." — Ibid. 314.

236 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC

[1577

was quite wiUing to accept this most natural exclamation as
evidence of his brother's designs against his crown. Out ot
these shreds and patches— the plot against England, the
Pope's buU, the desire expressed by Don John to march into
France as a simple adventurer, with a few thousand men at
his back— Perez, according to his own statement, drew up a
protocol, afterwards formally approved by PhUip, which con
cluded with the necessity of taking Escovedo's life, instantly
but privately, and by poison. The Marquis de Los Velos, to
whom the memorial was submitted for his advice, averred that
if the death-bed wafer were in his own lips, he should vote for
the death of the culprit ;* Philip had already jumped to the
same conclusion ; Perez joyfully undertook the business,
having received carte blanche from the King, and thus the
unfortunate secretary was doomed. Immediately after the
arrival of Escovedo in Madrid, he addressed a letter to the
King. Philip filed it away among other despatches, with this
annotation : " the avant courier has arrived — it is necessary
to make great haste, and to despatch him before he murders
us."f The King, having been thus artfuUy inflamed against his
brother and his unfortunate secretary, became clamorous for
the blood of Escovedo. At the same time, that personage,
soon after his return to Spain, was shocked by the discovery
of the amour of Perez with the Princess Eboli. % He con
sidered it his duty, both towards the deceased Prince and the
living King, to protest against this perfidy. He threatened
to denounce to the King, who seemed the only person about
the court ignorant of the affair, this double treason of his
mistress and his minister. Perez and Anna of Eboli, furious
at Escovedo's insolence, and anxious lest he should execute his
* " Que con el Sacramento en la boca  votarala (muurte) de Juan de Esco
vedo," etc., etc. — Mem. do Ant. Perez. 317.
f Cartas del S. D. Juan y del Sec. Escovedo, MS. of Royal Library, Hague.
X Mignet, Perez et Phuippe IL, pp. 28-33. — Comparo Hoofd, xii, 512-515-
Cabrera, xii. 972, who covers the name of the Princess with a vail which could
havo deceived no contemporary.

1577.] PLOT WITHIN PLOT. 237
menace determined to disembarrass themselves of so meddle
some a person.* Philip's rage against Don John was accord
ingly turned to account, and Perez received the King's secret
orders to procure Escovedo's assassination.f Thus an imagi
nary conspiracy of Don John against the crown of Philip was
the pretext, the fears and rage of Eboli and her paramour were
the substantial reason, for the crime now projected.
The detaUs of the murder were arranged and executed by
Perez,*, but it must be confessed in justice to Philip, with
much inferior nicety to that of his own performances in the
same field. Many persons were privy to the plot. There was
much blundering, there was great public scandal in Madrid, and
no one ever had a reasonable doubt as to the instigators and
the actual perpetrators of the crime. Two attempts to poison
Escovedo were made by Perez, at his own table, through the
agency of Antonio Enriquez, a confidential servant or page.
Both were unsuccessful. A third was equally so, but sus
picions were aroused. A female slave in the household of
Escovedo, was in consequence arrested, and immediately
hanged in the public square, for a pretended attempt to
murder her master.§ A few days afterwards (on the 31st of
March, 1578) the deed was accomplished at nightfall in the
streets of Madrid, by six conspirators. They consisted of the
majordomo of Perez, a page in his household, the page's

* Mignet, p. 32.
f Mem. de Ant. Perez, 314-317. Mignet, Ant. Perez, and Philippe IL, pp. 32,
33. Hoofd, xii. 514. — Compare Cabrera, xii., 972 — who seeking as usual to
excuse the King, whose official panegyrist he is, narrates that Escovedo's death
warrant was filled out on one of those blanks with the King's signature, such as
ambassadors and viceroys have. He does not state why Perez (being neither
viceroy nor ambassador) came to be provided with such documents. He admits,
too, "que no desplaria al Rey su muerte violenta." — p. 972.
X The narrative of this assassination, so remarkable in its character, and so
important in its remote consequences, has been given in a masterly manner by
Mignet (Antonio Perez et PhUippe IL), p. 34, sqq., from the MS. copy of the
famous process belonging to the Foreign Office of France.
§ Mignet; from the MS. process, pp. 38, 39. Cabrera also narrates briefly the
attempts at poisoning made by Perez at his own table, together with the execu
tion of the slave. — xii. 972.

238 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
brother from the country, an ex-scullion from the royal
kitchens, Juan Rubio by name, who had been the unsuccessful
agent in the poisoning scheme, together with two professional
bravos, hired for the occasion. It was Insausti, one of this
last-mentioned couple, who despatched Escovedo with a single
stab, the others aiding and abetting, or keeping watch in the
neighbourhood. *
The murderers effected their escape, and made their report
to Perez, who for the sake of appearances, was upon a visit
in the country. Suspicion soon tracked the real culprits, who
were above the reach of justice ; nor, as to the motives which
had prompted the murders, were many ignorant, save only the .
murderer himself. Philip had ordered the assassination, but he
was profoundly deceived as to the causes of its accomplish
ment. He was the dupe of a subtler villain than himself, and
thought himself sacrificing a conspirator against his crown,
while he had really only crushed a poor creature who had been
but too solicitous for what he thought his master's honor.
The assassins were, of course, protected from prosecution,
and duly recompensed. Miguel Bosque, the country boy,
received one hundred crowns in gold, paid by a clerk of Perez.
Mesa, one of the bravos, was rewarded with a gold chain, fifty
doubloons of eight, and a silver cup, besides receiving from the
fair hand of Princess Eboli herself a certificate as under-
steward upon her estates.f The second bravo, Insausti, who
had done the deed, the page Enriquez, and the scullion, were
all appointed ensigns in his Majesty's army, with twenty gold
crowns of annual pension besides.*. Their commissions were
signed by PhUip on the 19th of April, 1578." Such were the
wages of murder at that day in Spain ; gold chains, silver
cups, doubloons, annuities, and commissions in the army !
The reward of fidehty, as in poor Escovedo's case, was oftener
the stiletto. Was it astonishing that murder was more
common than fidelity ?

* Mignet, p. 40.
¦)• Mignet (from the MS. process), p. 41. X Ibid.

1577.] WILLIAM IN" HOLLAND. 239
With the subsequent career of Antonio Perez — his famous
process, his banishment, his intrigues, his innuendos, his long
exUe, and his miserable death, this history has no concern.
We return from our brief digression.
Before narrating the issue of the plot against Antwerp
citadel, it is necessary to recur for a moment to the Prince of
Orange. In the deeds and the written words of that one man
are comprised nearly aU the history of the Reformation in the
Netherlands — nearly the whole progress of the infant Republic.
The rest, during this period, is made up of the plottings and
counter-plottings, the mutual wranglings and recriminations of
Don John and the estates.
In the brief breathing-space now afforded them, the inhab
itants of HoUand and Zealand had been employing themselves
in the extensive repairs of their vast system of dykes. These
barriers, which protected their country against the ocean, but
which their own hands had destroyed to preserve themselves
against tyranny, were now thoroughly reconstructed, at a
great expense, the Prince everywhere encouraging the people
with his presence, directing them by his experience, inspiring
them with his energy.* The task accomplished was stu
pendous and worthy, says a contemporary, of eternal mc-
mory.f At the popular request, the Prince afterwards made a tour
through the little provinces, honoring every city with a brief
visit. The spontaneous homage which went up to him from
every heart was pathetic and simple. There were no triumphal
arches, no martial music, no banners, no theatrical pageantry —
nothing but the choral anthem from thousands of grateful hearts.
" Father William has come ! Father Wilham has come .'"
cried men, women, and chUdren to each other, when the news
of his arrival in town or vUlagc was announced. J He was a
patriarch visiting his children, not a conqueror, nor a vulgar
potentate displaying himself to his admirers. Happy were

* Bor, x. 819. Wagenaer, vii. 153. Hoofd, xii. 504.
f Bor, x. 819.
+ Bor v ??,Q. Hoofd, xii. 520. Wagenaer. vii. 159. 160.

240 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
they who heard his voice, happier they who touched his hands,
for his words were fuU of tenderness, his hand was offered to
all. There were none so humble as to be forbidden to approach
him, none so ignorant as not to know his deeds. All knew
that to combat in their cause he had descended from princely
station, from luxurious ease, to the position of a proscribed
and almost beggared outlaw. For them he had impoverished
himself and his family, mortgaged his estates, stripped him
self of jewels, furniture, almost of food and raiment. Through
his exertions the Spaniards had been banished from their little
territory, the Inquisition crushed within their borders, nearly
all the sister provinces but yesterday banded into a common
cause. He found time, notwithstanding congratulating crowds
who thronged his footsteps, to direct the labors of the states-
general, who stUl looked more than ever to his guidance, as
their relations with Don John became more complicated and
unsatisfactory. In a letter addressed to them, on the 20th
of June, from Harlem, he warned them most eloquently
to hold to the Ghent Pacification as to their anchor in the
storm. He assured them, if it was torn from them, that
their destruction was inevitable. He reminded them that
hitherto they had got but the shadow, not the substance of
the Treaty ; that they had been robbed of that which was to
have been its chief fruit — union among themselves. He and
his brothers, with their labor, their wealth, and their blood,
had laid down the bridge over which the country had stepped
to the Pacification of Ghent. It was for the nation to main
tain what had been so painfully won ; yet he proclaimed to
them that the government were not acting in good faith, that
secret preparations were making to annihilate the authority of
the states, to restore the edicts, to put strangers into high places,
and to set up again the scaffold and the whole machinery of
persecution.* In consequence of the seizure of Namur Castle, and the

* See the letter in Bor, x. 829, 830.

1577.] HIS ADDRESS TO THE STATES. 241
accusations made by Don John against Orange, in order to
justify that act, the Prince had already despatched Taffin and
Saint Aldegonde to the states-general with a commission to
declare his sentiments upon the subject. He addressed, more
over, to the same body a letter fuU of sincere and simple
eloquence. " The Seigneur Don John." said he, " has accused
me of violating the peace, and of countenancing attempts
agamst his life, and in endeavouring to persuade you into
joining him in a declaration of war against me and against
Holland and Zealand ; but I pray you, most affectionately, to
remember our mutal and solemn obligations to maintain the
treaty of Ghent." He entreated the states, therefore, lo
beware of the artifices employed to seduce them from the
only path which led to the tranquillity of their common
country, and her true splendor and prosperity. "I believe
there is not one of you," he continued, " who can doubt me,
if he wUl weigh carefuUy all my actions, and consider closely
the course which I am pursuing and have always pursued.
Let all these be confronted with the conduct of Don John,
and any man wiU perceive that all my views of happiness,
both for my country and myself, imply a peaceable enjoyment
of the union, joined with the legitimate restoration of our
Hberties, to which all good patriots aspire, and towards which
all my designs have ever tended. As all the grandeur of Don
John, on the contrary, consists in war, as there is nothing
which he so much abhors as repose, as he has given ample
proof of these inchnations in all his designs and enterprises,
both before and after the Treaty of Marche en Famine, both
within the country and beyond its borders, as it is most
manifest that his purpose is, and ever has been, to embroU us
with our neighbours of England and Scotland in new dissen
sions, as it must be evident to every one of you that his pre
tended accusations against me are but colors and shadows to
embellish and to shroud his own desire for war, his appetite
for vengeance, and his hatred not only to me but to yourselves,
and as his determination is, in the words of Escovedo, to
chastise some of us by means of the rest, and to excite the
vol. in. 16

242 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
jealousy of one portion of the country agamst the other —
therefore, gentlemen, do I most affectionately exhort you to
found your decision, as to these matters, not upon words but
upon actions. Examine carefuUy my conduct in the points
concerning which the charges are made ; listen attentively to
what my envoys will communicate to you in my behalf ; and
then, having compared it with aU the proceedings of Seigneur
Don John, you will be able to form a resolution worthy the
rank which you occupy, and befitting your obligations to the
whole people, of whom you have been chosen chiefs and pro
tectors by God and by men. Put away all considerations
which might obscure your clear eye-sight ; maintain with mag
nanimity, and hke men, the safety of yourselves, your wives,
your children, your estates, your liberties ; see that this poor
people, whose eyes are fixed upon you, does not perish -, preserve
them from the greediness of those who would grow great at
your expense ; guard them from the yoke of miserable servi
tude ; let not aU our posterity lament that, by our pusiUanimity,
they have lost the hberties which our ancestors had conquered
for them, and bequeathed to them as weU as to us, and that
they have been subjugated by the proud tyranny of strangers.
" Trusting," said the Prince, in conclusion, " that you wfll
accord faith and attention to my envoys, I will only add an
expression of my sincere determination to employ myself in
cessantly in your service, and for the welfare of the whol'e
people, without sparing any means in my power, nor my Ufe
itself."* The vigUant Prince was indeed not slow to take advantage
of the Governor's false move. While in reality intending
peace, if it were possible, Don John had thrown down the
gauntlet ; whUe affecting to deal openly and manfuUy, like
a warrior and an emperor's son, he had involved himself in

* This letter, of date August, 1577, the original of which is in French, has
never been pubhshed. It is in a collection of MSS. in the Hague Archives,
entitled, " Acta Statuum Belgii," torn. i. fol. 367, 368.— Compare Bor, x. 830.

1577.] THE PRINCE IN UTRECHT. 243
petty stratagems and transparent intrigues, by aU which he
had gained nothing but the character of a plotter, whose word
could not be trusted. Saint Aldegonde expressed the hope*
that the seizure of Namur Castle would open the eyes of the
people, and certainly the Prince did his best to sharpen their
vision. WhUe in North HoUand, WiUiam of Orange received an
urgent invitation from the magistracy and community of
Utrecht to visit that city. His authority, belonging to him
under his ancient commission, had not yet been recognized
over that province, but there was no doubt that the contem
plated convention of " satisfaction" was soon to be arranged,
for his friends there were numerous and influential. His
princess, Charlotte de Bourbon, who accompanied him on his
tour, trembled at the danger to which her husband would expose
himself by venturing thus boldly into a territory which might be
full of his enemies, but the Prince determined to trust the loyalty
of a provmce which he hoped would be soon his own. With
anxious forebodings, the Princess followed her husband to the
ancient episcopal city. As they entered its gates, where an
immense concourse was waiting to receive him, a shot passed
through the carriage window, and struck the Prince upon the
breast. The affrighted lady threw her arms about his neck,
shrieking that they were betrayed, but the Prince, perceiving
that the supposed shot was but a wad from one of the cannon,
which were stUl roaring their welcome to him, soon succeeded
in calming her fears.f The carriage passed slowly through
the streets, attended by the vociferous greetings of the multi
tude ; for the whole population had come forth to do him
honor. Women and children clustered upon every roof and
balcony, but a painful incident again marred the tranquillity
of the occasion. An apothecary's child, a httle girl of ten
years, leaning eagerly from a lofty balcony, lost her balance

* Saint Aldegonde to Count John of Nassau. — Archives de la Maison
d'Orange, vi. 116.
f Bor, x. 830. Hoofd, xii 520.

244 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
and feU to the ground, directly before the horses of the
Prince's carriage. She was killed stone dead by the fall.
The procession stopped ; the Prince alighted, lifted the httle
corpse in his arms, and delivered it, with gentle words and
looks of consolation, to the unhappy parents.* The day
seemed marked with evil omens, which were fortunately
destined to prove faUacious. The citizens of Utrecht became
more than ever inchned to accept the dominion of the Prince,
whom they honored and whom they already regarded as their
natural chief. They entertained him with banquets and festi
vities during his brief visit, and it was certain before he took
his departure that the treaty of " Satisfaction" would not be
long delayed. It was drawn up, accordingly, in the autumn
of the same year, upon the basis of that accepted by Harlem
and Amsterdam — a basis wide enough to support both rehgions,
with a nominal supremacy to the ancient Church.f
Meantime, much fruitless correspondence had taken place
between Don John and the states. Envoys, despatched by
the two parties to each other, had indulged in bitterness and
recrimination. As soon as the Governor had taken possession
of Namur Castle, he had sent the Seigneur de Rassinghem to
the states-general. That gentleman carried with him copies
of two anonymous letters, received by Don John upon the 19th
and 21st of July, 1577, in which a conspiracy against his life
and liberty was revealed. It was believed by the Governor
that Count Lalain, who had secretly invited him to a confer
ence, had laid an ambush for him. It was known that the
country was fuU of disbanded soldiers, and the Governor
asserted confidently that numbers of desperadoes were lying
in wait for him in every viUage alehouse of Hainault and
Flanders. He caUed on the states to ferret out these con-

* Bor. Hoofd, xii. 521.
f The articles of the " Satisfactie," dated October 9, 1577, are given in Bor,
X. 893-896. Vera et Simplex Narratio, etc., p. 26.
J Bor, x. 832. Hoofd, xii. 509. Discours Sommier des Justes Causes, etc., 29.

1577.] MORE DIPLOMACY. 245
spirators, and to inflict condign punishment upon their more
guUty chiefs ; he required that the soldiers, as well as the citi
zens, should be disarmed at Brussels and throughout Brabant.
and he justified his seizure of Namur, upon the general ground
that his life was no longer safe, except in a fortress.*
In reply to the letter of the Governor, which was dated
the 24th of July, the states despatched MaroUes, Archdeacon
of Ypres, and the Seigneur de Bresse, to Namur, with a special
mission to enter into the whole subject of these grievances.f
These gentlemen, professing the utmost devotion to the
cause of his Majesty's authority and the Catholic, religion,
expressed doubts as to the existence of the supposed conspiracy.
They demanded that Don John should denounce the culprits,
if any such were known, in order that proper chastisement
might be instantly inflicted. The conversation which ensued
was certainly unsatisfactory. The Governor used lofty and
somewhat threatening language, assuring MaroUes that he
was at that moment in possession, not only of Namur but of
Antwerp citadel ; and the deputies accordingly departed,
having accomplished very little by their journey. Their backs
were scarcely turned, when Don John, on his part, immediately
appointed another commission, consisting of Rassinghem and
Grobbendonck, to travel from Namur to Brussels.*. These
envoys carried a long letter of grievances, enclosing a short
list of demands.§ The letter reiterated his complaints about
conspiracies, and his protestations of sincerity. It was fuU of
censure upon the Prince of Orange ; stigmatized his intrigues
to obtain possession of Amsterdam without a proper " Satis
faction," and of Utrecht, to which he had no claim at aU. It
maintained that the Hollanders and Zealanders were bent upon
utterly exterminating the Cathohc religion, and that they
avowed publicly their intention to refuse obedience to the
assembly-general, should it decree the maintenance of the

* See the letter of Don John in Bor, x. 832. + Bor, xi. 834.
X Bor, xi. 834, 835. Discours Sommier, etc., pp. 29, 30.
§ See the letter in Bor, xi. 836, 837.

246 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
ancient worship only. His chief demands were that the states
should send him a hst of persous qualified to be members of
the general assembly, that he might see whether there were
not individuals among them whom he might choose to reject.
He further required that, if the Prince of Orange did not
instantly fulfil the treaty of Ghent, the states should cease to
hold any communication with him. He also summoned the
states to provide him forthwith with a suitable body-guard.*
To these demands and complaints, the estates rephed by a
string of resolutions.f They made their usual protestations of
attachment to his Majesty and the Catholic faith, and they
granted willingly a foot-guard of three hundred archers. They,
however, stoutly denied the Governor's right to make elimina
tions in their lists of deputies, because, from time immemorial,
these representatives had been chosen by the clergy, nobles,
cities, and boroughs. The names might change daUy, nor
were there any suspicious ones among them, but it was a
matter with which the Governor had no concern. They
promised that every effort should be made to bring about the
execution of the treaty by the Prince of Orange. They
begged Don John, however, to abandon the citadel of Namur,
and gave him to understand that his secret practices had been
discovered, a large packet of letters having recently been inter
cepted in the neighbourhood of Bourdeaux, and sent to the
Prince of Orange.*. Among them Avere some of the des
patches of Don John and Escovedo, to his Majesty and to
Antonio Perez, to which aUusion has already been made.
Count Bossu, De Bresse, and Meetkercke were the envoys
deputed to convey these resolutions to Namur. They had a
long and bitter conversation with Don John, who complained
more furiously than ever of the conspiracies against his person,
* Letter of Don John, July 27, 1577. Bor, ubi sup.
f In Bor, xi. 837, 838.
X They had fallen into the hands of Henry of Navarre, who had forwarded
them to the Prince of Orange, by whom they were laid before the deputies of the
states-general on the 28th of July. — Meteren, vii. 121. Hoofd, xii. 516. Com
pare Discours Sommier, etc., pp. 32, 33.

1577.] FRUITLESS CONFERENCES. 247
and of the intrigues of Orange. He insisted that this arch-
traitor had been sowing the seed of his damnable doctrines
broadcast through the Netherlands ; that the earth was
groaning with a daily ripening harvest of rebellion and
heresy. It was time, he cried, for the states to abandon the
Prince, and rally round their King. Patience had been
exhausted. He had himself done all, and more than could
have been demanded. He had faithfuUy executed the Ghent
Pacification, but his conduct had neither ehcited gratitude nor
inspired confidence.*
The deputies rephed, that to the due execution of the Ghent
treaty it was necessary that he should disband the German
troops, assemble the states-general, and carry out their resolu
tions. Until these things, now undone, had been accom
phshed, he had no right to plead his faithful fulfilment of the
Pacification. After much conversation — in which the same
grievances were repeated, the same statements produced and
contradicted, the same demands urged and evaded, and the
same menaces exchanged as upon former occasions — the
deputies returned to Brussels.f
Immediately after their departure, Don John learned the
result of his project upon Antwerp Castle. It wfll be remem
bered that he had withdrawn Aerschot, under pretext of
requiring his company on the visit to Queen Margaret, and
that he had substituted Treslong, an unscrupulous partisan of
his own, in the government of the citadel. The temporary com
mander soon found, however, that he had undertaken more than
he could perform. The troops under Van Ende were refused
admittance into the town, although permission to quarter them
there had been requested by the Governor-General.*. The
authorities had been assured that the troops were necessary for
the protection of their city, but the magistrates had learned,
but too recently, the nature of the protection which Van

* Bor, xi. 838, 839. t ^^
X Bor, xi. 852. Hoofd, xii. 517.

248 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
.Ende, with his mercenaries, would afford. A detachment of
states troops under De Vers, Champagny's nephew, encoun
tered the regiment of Van Ende, and put it to flight with con
siderable loss. At the same time, an officer in the garrison of
the citadel itself, Captain De Bours, undertook secretly to
carry the fortress for the estates. His operations were secret
and rapid. The Seigneur de Liedekerke had succeeded Cham
pagny in the government of the city. This appointment had
been brought about by the agency of the Greffier Martini, a
warm partisan of Orange. The new Governor was known to be
very much the Prince's friend, and believed to be at heart a
convert to the Reformed religion. With Martini and Liede
kerke, De Bours arranged his plot. He was supplied with a
large sum of money, readily furnished in secret by the leading
mercantile houses of the city. These funds were successfully
invested in gaining over the garrison, only one company holding
firm for Treslong. The rest, as that officer himself informed
Don John, were ready at any moment "to take him by the
throat."* On the 1st of August, the day fixed upon in concert with
the Governor and Greffier, he was, in fact, taken by the
throat. There was but a brief combat, the issue of which
became accidentaUy doubtful in the city. The white-plumed
hat of De Bours had been struck from his head in the
struggle, and had fallen into the foss. Floating out into the
river, it had been recognized by the scouts sent out by the per
sonages most interested, and the information was quickly
brought to Liedekerke, who was lying concealed in the house
o° Martini, awaiting the result. Their dismay was great, but
Martini, having more confidence than the Governor, saUied
forth to learn the whole truth.f Scarcely had he got into the
streets than he heard a welcome cry. " The Beggars have the

* Bor, Hoofd,' ubi sup. Meteren, vii. 122. Discours Sommier, etc p. 36, sqq.
Cabrera, xi. 933, sqq. Letter of Treslong to Ddn John, August 1, 1577. in sp.
pendix to Discours Sommier, pp. 76, 77,
t Bor, xi. 853. Hoofd, xii. 518.

1577.] ANTWERP CITADEL GAINED. 249
castle ! the Beggars have the castle !" shouted a hundred
voices.* He soon met a lieutenant coming straight from the
fortress, who related to him the whole affair. Learning that
De Bours was completely victorious, and that Treslong was
a prisoner, Martini hastened with the important intelli
gence to his own home, where Liedekerke lay concealed.
That functionary now repaired to the citadel, whither the
magistrates, the leading citizens, and the chief merchants
were instantly summoned. The castle was carried, but the
city was already trembling with apprehension lest the German
mercenaries quartered within its walls, should rise with indig
nation or panic, and repeat the horrid tragedy of The Antwerp
Fury.f In truth, there seemed danger of such a catastrophe. The
secret correspondence of Don John with the colonels was already
discovered,^ ana ^ was seen now warmly he had impressed
upon the men with whom he had been tampering, " that the die
was cast, and that aU their art was necessary to make it turn up
successfully. § The castle was carried, but what would become
of the city ? A brief and eager consultation terminated in an
immediate offer of three hundred thousand crowns by the lead
ing merchants. This money was to be employed in amicably
satisfying, if possible, the German soldiers, who had mean
while actually come to arms, and were assembled in the
Place de Meer. Feeling unsafe, however, in this locality,
their colonels had led them into the new town. Here, having
barricaded themselves with gun-carriages, bales, and boxes,
they awaited, instead of initiating, the events which the day
might bring forth. [| A deputation soon arrived with a white

* " Het casteel is gies I het casteel is gies !" — Bor, xi. 854.
f Bor, xi. 854. Hoofd, xii. 518.
X It was discovered on the taking of the citadel by De Bours. — Bor, xi. 854.
Hoofd, xii. 518.
§ "V pues queda ya el dado fuera de la mano, es menester encaminarle a que
corra buen." — Letter of Don John to Colonels Frondsberger and Fugger, July 23.
1577, appendix to Discours Sommier, p, 60. Bor, xi. 849.
[ Bor, xi. 854. Hoofd, xii. 518. Meteren, vii. 122.

250 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577
flag from the castle, and commissioners were appointed by the
commanding officers of the soldiery. The offer was made to
pay over the arrears of their wages, at least to a very large
amount, on condition that the troops should forthwith and for
ever evacuate the city. One hundred and fifty thousand
crowns were offered on the nail. The merchants stood on the
bridge leading from the old town to the new, in full sight
of the soldiers. They held in their hands their purses, fiUed
with the glittering gold. The soldiers were frantic with the
opportunity, and swore that they would have their officers'
hves, if the tempting and unexpected offer should be declined.
Nevertheless, the commissioners went to and fro, ever finding
something to alter or arrange. In truth, the merchants had
agreed to furnish, if necessary, three hundred thousand
crowns ; but the thrifty negotiators were disposed, if diplomacy
could do it, to save the moiety of that sum. Day began to
sink, ere the bargain was completed, when suddenly saUs were
descried in the distance, and presently a large fleet of war
vessels, with banner and pennon flying before a favoring
breeze, came safling up the Scheld.* It was a squadron of
the Prince's ships, under command of Admiral Haultain. He
had been sent against Tholen, but, having received secret intel
ligence, had, with happy audacity, seized the opportunity of
striking a blow in the cause which he had served so faithfuUy.
A shot or two fired from the vessels among the barricades had
a quickening effect. A sudden and astounding panic seized
the soldiers. " The Beggars are coming ! the Beggars are
coming !"f they yeUed in dismay ; for the deeds of the ocean-
beggars had not become less appaUing since the memorable
siege of Leyden. The merchants still stood on the bridge
with their purses in their hand. The envoys from the castle
stUl waved their white flags. It was too late. The horror
inspired by the wild Zealanders overpowered the hope of
wages, extinguished aU confidence in the friendship of the

* Bor, xi. 855. Hoofd, xii. 519. Meteren, vii. 122.
+ "Die guesen, die geusen, daar zynze !" — Hoofd, xii. 519. Bor, xi. 855.

1577.] THE GERMAN TROOPS EXPELLED. 251
citizens. The mercenaries, yielding to a violent paroxysm of
fear, fled hither and thither, panting, doubling, skulking, like
wolves before the hounds."* Their flight was ludicrous.
Without staying to accept the money which the merchants
were actuaUy offering, without packing up their own pro
perty, in many cases even throwing away their arms, they
fled, helter skelter, some plunging into the Scheld, some
skimming along the dykes, some rushing across the open
fields. A portion of them under Colonel Fugger, afterwards shut
themselves up in Bergen op Zoom, where they were at once
besieged by Champagny, and were soon glad to compromise
the matter by surrendering their colonel and laying down
their arms.f The remainder retreated to Breda, where they
held out for two months, and were at length overcome by a
neat stratagem of Orange. A captain, being known to be in
the employment of Don John, was arrested on his way to Breda.
Carefully sewed up in his waistband was found a letter, of a
finger's breadth, written in cipher, and sealed with the
Governor-General's seal. Colonel Frondsberger, commanding
in Breda, was in this missive earnestly solicited to hold out
two months longer, within which time a certain relief was
promised. In place of this letter, deciphered with much
difficulty, a new one was substituted, which the celebrated
printer, Wilham Sylvius, of Antwerp, prepared with great
adroitness, adding the signature and seal of Don John.*. In
this counterfeit epistle, the Colonel was directed to do the best
he could for himself, by reason that Don John was himself
besieged, and unable to render him assistance. The same
captain who had brought the real letter was bribed to deliver
the counterfeit. This task he faithfully performed, spreading
the fictitious intelligence besides, with such ardor through the
town, that the troops rose upon their leader, and surrendered

* "Als wolven die nagejagt werden van de honden." — Bor, xi. 855*
j Bor, xi. 856. Hoofd, xi. 522.
J Bor, xi. 856. Hoofd, xii. 522, 523.

252 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
him with the city and their own arms, into the custody of
the estates. Such was the result of the attempt by Don
John to secure the citadel of Antwerp. Not only was the
fortress carried for the estates, but the city itself, for the
first time in twelve years, was relieved from a foreign
soldiery.* The rage and disappointment of the Governor-General were
excessive. He had boasted to MaroUes a day too soon. The
prize which he thought already in his grasp had shpped
through his fingers, while an interminable list of demands
which he dreamed not of, and which were likely to make him
bankrupt, were brought to his door. To the states, not him
self, the triumph seemed for the moment decreed. The "dice"
had taken a run against him, notwithstanding his pains in
loading and throwing. Nevertheless, he did not yet despair of
revenge. " These rebels," he wrote to the Empress-dowager,
his sister, " think that fortune is all smiles for them now, and
that all is ruin for me. The wretches are growing proud
enough, and forget that their chastisement, some fine morn
ing, will yet arrive."f
On the 7th of August he addressed another long letter to
the estates. This document was accompanied, as usual, by
certain demands, drawn up categorically in twenty-three
articles.! The estates considered his terms hard and strange,
for in their opinion it was themselves, not the Governor, who
were masters of the situation. Nevertheless, he seemed in
clined to treat as if he had gained, not missed, the citadel of
Antwerp ; as if the troops with whom he had tampered were
mustered in the field, not shut up in distant towns, and
already at the mercy of the states party. The Governor de
manded that all the forces of the country should be placed
under his own immediate control ; that Count Bossu, or some
other person nominated by himself, should be appointed to the

* Bor, xi. 856, 857. Hoofd, xii. 523.
t Don John's letter to tho Empress, August 14, 1577, appendix to Discours
Sommier, p. 82. j Bor, xi. 839, sqq.

1577.] MORE PROTOCOLS. 253
government of Friesland ; that the people of Brabant and
Flanders should set themselves instantly to hunting, catching,
and chastising all vagrant heretics and preachers. He re
quired, in particular, that Saint Aldegonde and Theron, those
most mischievous rebels, should be prohibited from setting
their foot in any city of the Netherlands. He insisted that
the community of Brussels should lay down their arms, and
resume their ordinary handicrafts. He demanded that the
Prince of Orange should be made to execute the Ghent treaty ;
to suppress the exercise of the Reformed religion in Harlem,
Schoonhoven, and other places ; to withdraw his armed vessels
from their threatening stations, and to restore Nieuport, unjustly
detained by him. Should the Prince persist in his obstinacy,
Don John summoned them to take arms against him, and to
support their lawful Governor. He, moreover, required the
immediate restitution of Antwerp citadel, and the release of
Treslong from prison.*
Although, regarded from the Spanish point of view, such
demands might seem reasonable, it was also natural that their
audacity should astonish the estates. That the man who had
violated so openly the Ghent treaty should rebuke the Prince
for his default — that the man who had tampered with the
German mercenaries until they were on the point of making
another Antwerp Fury, should now claim the command over
them and all other troops — that the man who had attempted
to gain Antwerp citadel by a base stratagem should now coolly
demand its restoration, seemed to them the perfection of inso
lence. The baffled conspirator boldly claimed the prize which
was to have rewarded a successful perfidy. At the very
moment when the Escovedo letters and the correspondence
with the German colonels had been laid before their eyes, it
was a little too much that the double-deahng bastard of the
double-dealing Emperor should read them a lecture upon sin
cerity. It was certain that the perplexed and outwitted

* Letter of Don John, 7 Aug., 1577.— Bor, xi. 839, 840.

254 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
warrior had placed himself at last in a very false position.
The Prince of Orange, with his usual adroitness, made the
most of his adversary's false moves. Don John had only suc
ceeded in digging a pitfall for himself. His stratagems against
Namur and Antwerp had produced him no fruit, saving the
character, which his antagonist now fully succeeded in esta
bhshing for him, of an unscrupulous and artful schemer. This
reputation was enhanced by the discovery of the intercepted
letters, and by the ingenuity and eagerness with which they
were turned to account agamst him by the Prince, by Saint
Aldegonde, and all the anti-Catholic party. The true key to
his reluctance against despatching the troops by land, the
states had not obtained. They did not dream of his romantic
designs upon England, and were therefore excusable in attri
buting a still deeper perfidy to his arrangements.
Even had he been sent to the Netherlands in the fuU
possession of his faculties, he would have been no match in
political combinations for his powerful antagonists. Hood
winked and fettered, suspected by his master, baffled, be
wildered, irritated by his adversary, what could he do but
plunge from one difficulty to another and osciUate between
extravagant menace and desponding concession, until his
hopes and life were wasted quite away. His instructions came
from PhiUp through Perez, and that most profound dissembler,
as we have seen, systematically deceived* the Governor, with
the view of eliciting treasonable matters, Philip wishing, if
possible, to obtain proofs of Don John's secret designs against
his own crown. Thus every letter from Spain was filled with
false information and with lying persuasions.f No doubt the
Governor considered himself entitled to wear a crown, and
meant to win it, if not in Africa, then in England, or wherever
fate might look propitiously upon him. He was of the stuff
of which crusaders and dynasty founders had been made, at a

* Memorial de Ant. Perez, Obras y Relaciones, p. 309.
¦|- Memorial of Antonio Perez, passim.— Compare Mignet, Antonio Perez et
Philippe IL, BruxeUes, 1845, pp. 16-21.

1577.] DISCONTENT OF DON JOHN. 255
somewhat earlier epoch. Who could have conquered the holy
sepulchre, or wrested a crown from its lawful wearer, whether
in Italy, Muscovy, the Orient, or in the British Ultima Thule,
more bravely than this imperial bastard, this vaUant and
romantic adventurer ? Unfortunately, he came a few centuries
too late. The days when dynasties were founded, and Euro
pean thrones appropriated by a few foreign freebooters, had
passed, and had not yet returned. He had come to the
Netherlands desirous of smoothing over difficulties and of
making a peaceful termination to that rebeUion a stepping-
stone to his English throne. He was doomed to a profound
disappointment, a broken heart, and a premature grave, instead
of the glittering baubles which he pursued. Aheady he found
himself bitterly deceived in his hopes. The obstinate Nether
landers would not love him, notwithstanding the good wishes
he had manifested. They would not even love the King of
Spain, notwithstanding the blessings which his Majesty was
declared to have heaped upon them. On the contrary, they
persisted in wasting their perverse affections upon the pestilent
Prince of Orange. That heretic was leading them to destruc
tion, for he was showing them the road to hberty, and nothing,
in the eyes of the Governor, could be more pitiable than to
behold an innocent people setting forth upon such a journey.
" In truth," said he, bitterly, in his memorable letter to his
sister the Empress, " they are wUling to recognize neither
God nor king. They pretend to hberty in aU things : so
that 'tis a great pity to see how they are going on ; to see the
impudence and disrespect with which they repay his Majesty
for the favors which he has shown them, and me for the
labors, indignities, and dangers which I have undergone for
their sakes."*

* "Porque estos aqui ni quieren conveer a su Dios ni obedecer a su Rey
como deven; antes pretenden libertad en todo. De manera que es compassion
gramdissima ver como lo tratan y las desverguenfas y poco respeto con que pagan
a, su Majestad las mercedes que les ha hecho ; y a mi los trabajos, indignidades y
peligros que he passado por estas gentes." — Letter to the Empress, appendix
to Discours Sommier, p. 81.

256 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
Nothing, indeed, in the Governor's opinion, could surpass
the insolence of the Netherlanders, save their ingratitude.
That was the serpent's tooth which was ever wounding the
clement King and his indignant brother. It seemed so bitter
to meet with thanklessness, after seven years of Alva and
three of Requesens ; after the labors of the Blood Council, the
massacres of Naarden, Zutphen, and Harlem, the siege of
Leyden, and the Fury of Antwerp. " Little profit there has
been," said the Governor to his sister, "or is hke to be from
all the good which we have done to these bad people. In
short, they love and obey in all things the most perverse
and heretic tyrant and rebel in the whole world, which is this
damned Prince of Orange, while, on the contrary, without fear
of God or shame before men, they abhor and dishonor the
name and commandments of their natural sovereign."* There
fore, with a doubting spirit, and almost with a broken heart,
had the warrior shut himself up in Namur Castle, to await
the progress of events, and to escape from the snares of his
enemies. "God knows how much I desire to avoid extremities,"
said he, " but I know not what to do with men who show
themselves so obstinately rebellious."f
Thus pathetically Don John bewaUed his fate. The nation
had turned from God, from PhUip, from himself ; yet he still
sat in his castle, determined to save them from destruction
and his own hands from bloodshed, if such an issue were yet
possible. Nor was he entirely deserted, for among the faithless
a few were faithful still. Although the people were in open
revolt, there was still a handful of nobles resolved to do their
iuty towards their God and King. " This little band," said
the Governor, "has accompanied me hither, like gentlemen

° " Mire V. Magd. quan poco que ha aprovechado in aprovecha para los
malos el bion que se les haze. Al fin, ellos aman y obedecen de todo punto al
mas perverso y tyranno hereje y rebelde de la tierra que es este condenado del
Principe de Oranges : y aborrecen y desacatan el nombre y mandamientos de su
principe y natural Senor: sin temor de Dios ni respeto o verguenca de las
Rentes." — Ibid.
f Letter to the Empress, 81.

1577.] PROTESTATIONS. 257
and chevaliers of honor."* Brave Berlaymont and his four
sons were loyal to the last, but others of this limited number
of gentlemen and chevaliers of honor were already deserting
him. As soon as the result of the enterprise against Antwerp
citadel was known, and the storm was gathering most darkly
over the royal cause, Aerschot and Havre were first to spread
their wings and flutter away in search of a more congenial
atmosphere.f In September, the Duke was again as he had
always professed himself to be, with some important intervals
of exception — " the affectionate brother and cordial friend of
the Prince of Orange. "J
The letter addressed by Don John to the states upon the
7th of August, had not yet been answered. Feehng, soon
afterwards, more sensible of his position, and perhaps less in
flamed with indignation, he addressed another communication
to them, upon the 13th of the same month. In this epistle
he expressed an extreme desire for peace, and a hearty desire
to be relieved, if possible, from his most painful situation.
He protested, before God and man, that his intentions were
most honest, and that he abhorred war more than anything
else in the world. He averred that, if his person was as odi
ous to them as it seemed, he was only too ready to leave the
land, as soon as the King should appoint his successor. He
reminded them that the question of peace or war lay not with
himself, but with them ; and that the world would denounce
as guUty those with whom rested the responsibility. He con
cluded with an observation which, in its humility, seemed suf
ficiently ironical, that if they had quite finished the perusal
of the despatches from Madrid to his address, which they had
intercepted, he should be thankful for an opportunity of read
ing them himself. He expressed a hope, therefore, that they
would be forwarded to Namur. §

* " Como honradissimos cavalleros." — Ibid.
f Hoofd, xii. 520. Aerschot was in such a hurry to escape, that he rode off
from the castle upon a horse without a saddle. — Gachard, BuU. Com. Roy. ii. 135.
X Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. pp. 143, 144.
§ See the letter in Bor, xi. 857.
VOL. III. 11

258 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
This letter was answered at considerable length, upon the
second day. The states made their customary protestations
of attachment to his Majesty, their fidelity to the Catholic
church, their determination to maintain both the Ghent treaty
and the Perpetual Edict. They denied aU responsibUity for
the present disastrous condition of the relations between them
selves and government, having disbanded nearly all their
own troops, while the Governor had been strengthening his
forces up to the period of his retreat into Namur. He pro
tested, indeed, friendship and a sincere desire for peace, but
the intercepted letters of Escovedo and his own had revealed
to them the evil counsels to which he had been listening,
and the intrigues which he had been conducting. They left
it to his conscience whether they could reasonably beheve,
after the perusal of these documents, that it was his intention
to maintain the Ghent treaty, or any treaty ; and whether
they were not justified in theh resort to the natural right of
self-defence.* Don John was already fully aware of the desperate error
which he had committed. In seizing Namur and attempting
Antwerp, he had thrown down the gauntlet. Wishing peace,
he had, in a panic of rage and anxiety, declared and enacted
war. The bridge was broken behind him, the ships burned,
a gulf opened, a return to peace rendered almost impossible.
Yet it is painful to observe the almost passionate longings
which at times seemed to possess him for accommodating tho
quarrel, together with his absolute incapacity to appreciate
his position. The Prince was triumphant ; the Governor in
a trap. Moreover, it was a trap which he had not only
entered voluntarily, but which he had set himself ; he had
played into the Prince's hands, and was frantic to see his
adversary tranquiUy winning the game. It was almost melan
choly to observe the gradation of his tone from haughty
indignation to dismal concession. In an elaborate letter
which he addressed " to the particular states, bishops, coun-

* Bor. xi. 858.

1577.] QUILL-DRIVING. 259
cUlors, and cities of the Netherlands," he protested as to the
innocence of his intentions, and complained bitterly of the
calumnies circulated to his discredit by the Prince of Orange.
He denied any intention of recalling the troops which he had
dismissed, except in case of absolute necessity. He affirmed
that his Majesty sincerely desired peace. He averred that
the country was either against the King, against the Catholic
religion, against himself, or against all three together. He
bitterly asked what further concessions were required. Had
he not done aU he had ever promised ? Had he not discharged
the Spaniards, placed the castles in the hands of natives,
restored the privdeges, submitted to insults and indecencies ?
Yet, in spite of aU which had passed, he declared his readiness
to resign, if another prince or princess of the blood more
acceptable to them could be appointed.* The letter to the
states was foUowed by a proposition for a cessation of hostili
ties, and for the appointment of a commission to devise means
for faithfuUy executing the Ghent treaty. This proposition
was renewed, a few days later, together with an offer for an
exchange of hostages.f
It was not difficult for the estates to answer the letters of
the Governor. Indeed, there was but little lack of argument
on either side throughout this unhappy controversy. It is
dismal to contemplate the interminable exchange of protocols,
declarations, demands, apostilles, replications and rejoinders,
which made up the substance of Don John's administration.
Never was chivalrous crusader so out of place. It was not a
soldier that was then required for Phihp's exigency, but a scribe.
Instead of the famous sword of Lepanto, the " barbarous pen"
of Hopperus had been much more suitable for the work re
quired. Scribbling Joachim in a war-galley, yard-arm and
yard-arm with the Turkish capitan pacha, could have hardly
felt less at ease than did the briUiant warrior thus condemned
to scrawl and dissemble. WhUe marching from concession to
concession, he found the states conceiving daily more distrust,

* See the letter in Bor xi. 858-860. f Ibid., xi. 860, 861, 862.

260 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
and making daily deeper encroachments. Moreover, his deeds
up to the time when he seemed desirous to retrace his steps
had certainly been, at the least, equivocal. Therefore, it was
natural for the estates, in reply to the questions in his letter,
to observe that he had indeed dismissed the Spaniards, but
that he had tampered with and retained the Germans ; that
he had indeed placed the citadels in the hands of natives, but
that he had tried his best to wrest them away again ; that he
had indeed professed anxiety for peace, but that his intercepted
letters proved his preparations for war.* Already there were
rumors of Spanish troops returning in small detachments out
of France. Already the Governor was known to be enrolling
fresh mercenaries to supply the place of those whom he had
unsuccessfully endeavoured to gain to his standard. As early
as the 26th of July, in fact, the Marquis d'Ayamonte in Milan,
and Don Juan de Idiaquez in Genoa, had received letters
from Don John of Austria, stating that, as the provinces had
proved false to their engagements, he would no longer be held
by his own, and intimating his desire that the veteran troops
which had but so recently been dismissed from Flanders,
should forthwith return.f Soon afterwards, Alexander Far
nese, Prince of Parma, received instructions from the King to
superintend these movements, and to carry the aid of his own
already distinguished military genius to his uncle in the
Netherlands *.
On the other hand, the states felt their strength daUy
more sensibly. Guided, as usual, by Orange, they had
aheady assumed a tone in their correspondence which must
have seemed often disloyal, and sometimes positively in
sulting, to the Governor. They even answered his hints of
resignation in favor of some other prince of the blood, by
expressing their hopes that his successor, if a member of the
royal house at aU, would at least be a legitimate one.§ This

* Bor, xi. 861, 862.
f Cabrera, xi. 937, 938. \ Tbid., xi. 940.
§ Bor, xi. 859. — Compare Meteren, vi. 119 : Groen v. Prinst., Archives, vi.
170, note 1.

1577.] PLAIN SPEAKING. 261
was a severe thrust at the haughty chieftain, whose imperial
airs rarely betrayed any consciousness of Barbara Blomberg
and the bend sinister on his shield. He was made tp under
stand, through the medium of Brabantine bluntness, that
more importance was attached to the marriage ceremony
in the Netherlands than he seemed to imagine. The cate
gorical demands made by the estates seemed even more indi
gestible than such coUateral affronts, for they had now formally
affirmed the views of Orange as to the constitutional govern
ment of the provinces. In their letter of 26th August,
they expressed their wiUingness, notwithstanding the past
dehnquencies of the Governor, to yield him their confidence
again ; but, at the same time, they enumerated conditions
which, with his education and views, could hardly seem to
him admissible. They required him to disband all the soldiers
in his service, to send the Germans instantly out of the
country, to dismiss every foreigner from office, whether civU
or military, and to renounce his secret league with the Duke of
Guise. They insisted that he should thenceforth govern only
with the advice and consent of the State Council, that he
should execute that which should by a majority of votes be
ordained there, that neither measures nor despatches should
be binding or authentic unless drawn up at that board.* These
certainly were views of administration which, even if consonant
with a sound historical view of the Netherland constitu
tions, hardly tallied with his monarch's instructions, his own
opinions, or the practice under Alva and Requesens, but
the country was stiU in a state of revolution, and the party
of the Prince was gaining the upper hand.
It was the determination of that great statesman, according
to that which he considered the legitimate practice of the gov
ernment, to restore the administration to the State Council,
which executive body ought of right to be appointed by the
states-general. In the states-general, as in the states-particular,
a constant care was to be taken towards strengthening the most
* Letter of Aug. 26, 1577, in Bor, xi. 861, 862.

262 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
popular element, the " community" of each city, the aggregate,
that is to say, of its guUd-representatives and its admitted
burghers. This was, in the opinion of the Prince, the true theory
of the government — repubhcan in aU but form — under the here
ditary protection, not the despotic authority, of a family, whose
rights were now nearly forfeited. It was a great step in
advance that these views should come to be thus formaUy
announced, not in HoUand and Zealand only, but by the
deputies of the states-general, although such a doctrine, to the
proud stomach of Don John, seemed sufficiently repulsive. Not
less so was the cool intimation with which the paper concluded,
that if he should execute his threat of resigning, the country
would bear his loss with fortitude, coupled as was that state
ment with a declaration that, untU his successor should be
appointed, the State Council would consider itself charged ad
interim with the government. In the meantime, the Governor
was requested not to calumniate the estates to foreign govern
ments, as he had so recently done in his intercepted letter to
the Empress-dowager.*
Upon receiving this letter, " Don John," says a faithful
old chronicler, " found that the cranes had invited the fox to
dinner."f In truth, the iUustrious soldier was never very
successful in his efforts, for which his enemies gave him credit,
to piece out the skin of the lion with that of the fox.*. He
now felt himself exposed and outwitted, while he did not feel
conscious of any very dark design. He answered the letter of
the states by a long communication, dated from Namur Castle,
28th of August.g In style, he was comparatively temperate,
but the justification which he attempted of his past conduct
was not very happy. He noticed the three different points
which formed the leading articles of the accusation brought
against him, the matter, namely, of the intercepted letters, of
* Letter of the states-general in Bor, xi. 861, 862.
t "  en dat de Kraen, so de fabel seid, de Vos te gast genood hadde," etc
—Bor, xi. 862b.
X Response k un petit livret, intitule, Declaration de l'lntention du Seignr.
Don Jehan d'Austrice, p. 3.— Anvers, 1778. § Bor, xi. 862, 863.

1577.] RECRIMINATIONS. 263
the intrigues with the German colonels, and the seizure of
Namur. He did not deny the authorship of the letters, but
contented himself with a reference to their date, as if its
priority to his installation as Governor furnished a sufficient
palliation of the bad faith which the letters revealed.* As
to the despatches of Escovedo, he denied responsibility for any
statements or opinions which they might contain. As the
Secretary, however, was known to be his most confidential
friend, this attempt to shuffle off his own comphcity was held
to be both lame and unhandsome. As for the correspondence
with the colonels, his defence- was hardly more successful,
and rested upon a general recrimination upon the Prince of
Orange. As that personage was agitating and turbulent, it
Was not possible, the Governor urged, that he should himself
remain quiet. It was out of* his power to execute the treaty
and the edict, in the face of a notorious omission on the part
of his adversary to enforce the one or to publish the other.
It comported neither with his dignity nor his safety to lay
down his weapons while the Prince and his adherents were
arming. He should have placed himself " in a very foolish
position," had he aUowed himself unarmed to be dictated to
by the armed. In defence of himself on the third point, the
seizure of Namur Castle, he recounted the various circumstances
with which the reader is aheady acquainted. He laid parti
cular stress upon the dramatic manner in which the Vicomte
De Gand had drawn his curtains at the dead of night ; he
narrated at great length the ominous warning which he had
hkewise received from the Duke of Aerschot in Brussels, and
concluded with a circumstantial account of the ambush which
he beheved to have been laid for him by Count De Lalain.f
The letter concluded with a hope for an arrangement of diffi
culties, not yet admitted by the Governor to be insurmount
able, and with a request for a formal conference, accompanied
by an exchange of hostages.*.

* Bor, xi. 862, 863. Hoofd, xii. 521.
f Letter of Don John, Aug. 24, 1577. Bor, xi. 864.
X Letter of Don John, 24 August, 1577.

264 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
While this correspondence was proceeding between Namur
and Brussels, an event was occurring in Antwerp which gave
much satisfaction to Orange. The Spanish Fury, and the
recent unsuccessful attempt of Don John to master the famous
citadel, had determined the authorities to take the counsel
which "the Prince had so often given in vain, and the fortress of
Antwerp was at length razed to the ground, on the side to
wards the city.* It would be more correct to say that it was
not the authorities, but the city itself which rose at last and
threw off the saddle by which it had so long been galled.
More than ten thousand persons were constantly at work,
morning, noon, and night, until the demolition was accom-
plished.f Grave magistrates, great nobles, fair ladies, citizens
and their wives, beggars and their children,, all wrought to
gether pell-meU. AU were anxious to have a hand in destroying
the nest where so many murders had been hatched, whence so
much desolation had flown. The task was not a long one for
workmen so much in earnest, and the fortress was soon laid low
in the quarter where it could be injurious to the inhabitants.
As the work proceeded, the old statue of Alva was discovered
in a forgotten crypt,*, where it had lain since it had been
thrown down by the order of Requesens. Amid the destruc
tion of the fortress, the gigantic phantom of its founder
seemed to start suddenly from the gloom, but the apparition
added fresh fuel to the rage of the people. The image of the
execrated Governor was fastened upon with as much fierceness
as if the bronze effigy could feel their blows, or comprehend
their wrath. It was brought forth from its dark hiding-place
:nto the daylight. Thousands of hands were ready to drag it
through the streets for universal inspection and outrage. A
thousand sledge-hammers were ready to dash it to pieces, with
a slight portion, at least, of the satisfaction with which those
who wielded them would have dealt the same blows upon the
head of the tyrant himself. It was soon reduced to a shape-

c Hoofd, xii. 323, 324. Bor, xi. 856.
(¦ Hoofd, Bor, ubi sup. Strada ix. 443.
| Hoofd, xii. 523. Strada, ix. 443.

1577.] RAZING OF CITADELS. 265
less mass. Small portions were carried away and preserved
for generations in famihes as heirlooms of hatred. The bulk
was melted again and reconverted, by a most natural meta
morphosis, into the cannon from which it had originaUy
sprung.* The razing of the Antwerp citadel set an example which
was followed in other places ; the castle of Ghent, in parti
cular, being immediately leveUed, amid demonstrations of
universal enthusiasm. f Meantime, the correspondence be
tween Don John and the estates at Brussels dragged its slow
length along, whUe at the same time, two elaborate letters were
addressed to the King, on the 24th of August and the 8th of
September, by the estates-general of the Netherlands. These
documents, which were long and able, gave a vigorous repre
sentation of past evils and of the present complication of
disorders under which the commonwealth was laboring. They
asked, as usual, for a royal remedy ; and expressed their doubts
whether there could be any sincere reconcihation so long as
the present Governor, whose duplicity and insolence they
represented in a very strong light, should remain in office.
Should his Majesty, however, prefer to continue Don John in
the government, they signified their willingness, in considera
tion of his natural good qualities, to make the best of the
matter. Should, however, the estrangement between them
selves and the Governor seem irremediable, they begged that
another and a legitimate prince of the blood might be ap
pointed in his place. J

* Strada, ubi sup. Hoofd, xii. 524.
f Bor, xi. 856. Hoofd, xii. 524. Meteren, vii. 125.
X See the letters in Bor, xi. 867, 868. Meteren, vii. 123.

CHAPTEE IV.

Orange invited to visit Brussels — His correspondence upon the subject with the
estates-general — Triumphant journey of the Prince to the capital — Stop
put by him to the negotiations with Don John — New and stringent de
mands made upon the Governor — His indignation — Open rupture — Intrigue
of Netherland grandees with Archduke Matthias — Policy of Orange — Atti
tude of Queen Elizabeth — Flight of Matthias from Vienna — Anxiety of
Elizabeth — Adroitness of the Prince — The office of Ruward — Election of
Orange to that dignity — His complaints against the great nobles — Aer
schot Governor of Flanders — A storm brewing in Ghent — Ryhove and
Imbize — Blood-CounciUor Hessels — Arrogance of the aristocratic party in
Flanders — Ryhove's secret interview with Orange — Outbreak at Ghent —
Arrest of Aerschot, Hessels, and others of the reactionary party — The
Duke liberated at demand of Orange — The Prince's visit to Ghent — " Rhe
torical" demonstrations — The new Brussels Union characterized — Treaty
with England — Articles by which Matthias is nominaUy constituted
Governor-General — His inauguration at Brussels — Brilhant and fantastic
ceremonies — Letter of Don John to the Emperor — His anger with En
gland — An army collecting— Arrival of Alexander Farnese — Injudicious
distribution of offices in the States' army — The States' army fall back upon
Gemblours, followed by Don John — Tremendous overthrow of the patriots
— Wonderful disparity in the respective losses of the two armies.
While these matters were in progress, an important move
ment was made by the estates-general. The Prince of Orange
was formally and urgently invited to come to Brussels to aid
them with his counsel and presence.* The condemned traitor
had not set foot in the capital for eleven years. We have
narrated the circumstance of his departure, while the ad
vancing trumpets of Alva's army were almost heard in the

* Bor, xi. .871. Meteren, vii. 125. Hoofd, xii. 526.

1577.] THE NEW CIVILIS. 267
distance. His memorable and warning interview with Egmont
has been described. Since that period, although his spirit had
always been manifesting itself in the capital like an actual
presence ; although he had been the magnet towards which
the states throughout all their oscillations had involuntarUy
vibrated, yet he had been ever invisible. He had been sum
moned by the Blood Council to stand his trial, and had been
condemned to death by default. He answered the sum
mons by a defiance, and the condemnation by two campaigns,
unsuccessful in appearance, but which had in reahty prostrated
the authority of the sovereign.
Since that period, the representative of royalty had sued the
condemned traitor fer forgiveness. The haughty brother of
Philip had almost gone upon his knees, that the Prince might
name his terms, and accept the proffered hand of majesty.
The Prince had refused, not from contumely, but from distrust.
He had spurned the supplications, as he had defied the pro
scription of the King. There could be no friendship between
the destroyer and the protector of a people. Had the Prince
desired only the reversal of his death-sentence, and the infinite
aggrandizement of his family, we have seen how completely he
had held these issues in his power. Never had it been more
easy, plausible, tempting, for a proscribed patriot to turn his
back upon an almost sinking cause. We have seen how his
brave and subtle Batavian prototype, CivUis,* dealt with the
representative of Roman despotism. The possible or impossible
Netherland Republic of the first century of our era had been
reluctantly abandoned, but the modern CivUis had justly mors
confidence in his people.
And now again the scene was changed. The son of the
Emperor, the King's brother, was virtually beleaguered ; the
proscribed rebel had arrived at victory through a long series of
defeats. The nation everywhere acknowledged him master,
and was in undisguised revolt against the anointed sovereign.
The great nobles, who hated Philip on the one hand, and the

Historical Introduction.

268 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
Reformed religion on the other, were obliged, in obedience to
the dictates of a people with whom they had little sympathy,
to accept the ascendency of the Calvinist Prince, of whom
they were profoundly jealous. Even the fleeting and incapable
Aerschot was obliged to simulate adhesion ; even the brave
Champagny, cordial hater of Spaniards, but most devotedly
Cathohc, "the chiefest man of wysedome and stomach at that
tyme in Brussels," so envoy Wilson wrote to Burghley,* had
become " Brabantized," as his brother GranveUe expressed
himself,f and was one of the commissioners to invite the great
rebel to Brussels. The other envoys were the Abbot of Saint
Gertrude, Dr. Leoninus, and the Seigneur de Liesvelt.f. These
gentlemen, on arriving at Gertruydenberg, presented a brief but
very important memorial to the Prince.§ In that document
they informed him that the states-general, knowing how
efficacious would be his presence, by reason of his singular
prudence, experience, and love for the welfare and repose of
the country, had unanimously united in a supplication that
he would incontinently transport himself to the city of Brus
sels, there to advise with them concerning the necessities of
the land ; but, as the principal calumny employed by their
adversaries was that aU the provinces and leading personages
intended to change both sovereign and religion, at the instiga
tion of his Excellency, it was desirable to disprove such fictions.
They therefore very earnestly requested the Prince to make
some contrary demonstration, by which it might be manifest
to all that his ExceUency, together with the estates of Holland
and Zealand, intended faithfuUy to keep what they had pro
mised. They prayed, therefore, that the Prince, permitting
the exircise of the Roman Catholic religion in the places
which had recently accepted his authority, would also allow

* Ehzabeth and her Times, a series of Original Letters, by Th. Wright, t. ii.
45. — London, 1838.
f "On disoit qu'ils avoient brabantise M. de Champagney, ce qui ne me pleut
quand je l'entendis," etc., etc. — Granvelle to M. de BeUefontaine, March 31, 1578,
Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 339.
X Bor, xi. 871. Hoofd, xii. 526. Meteren, vii. 125.
§ In Bor, xi. 872. — Compare Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup.

1577.] INVITATION AND REPLY. 269
its exercise in HoUand and Zealand. They begged, further,
that he would promise by a new and authentic act, that the
provinces of HoUand and Zealand would not suffer the said
exercise to be impugned, or any new worship to be introduced,
in the other provinces of the Netherlands.*
This letter might almost be regarded as a trap, set by the
Catholic nobles. Certainly the Ghent Pacification forbade
the Reformed religion in form, and as certainly winked at its
exercise in fact. The proof was, that the new worship was
spreading everywhere, that the exiles for conscience' sake were
returning in swarms, and that the synod of the Reformed
churches, lately held at Dort, had been publicly attended by
the ministers and deacons of numerous dissenting churches
established in many different places throughout all the pro-
vinces.f The pressure of the edicts, the horror of the inqui
sition being removed, the down-trodden religion had sprung
from the earth more freshly than ever.
The Prince was not likely to fall into the trap, if a trap had
really been intended. He answered the envoys loyally, but
with distinct reservations.*. He did not even accept the invi
tation, save on condition that his visit to Brussels should be
expressly authorized by Holland and Zealand. Notwith
standing his desire once more to behold his dear country, and
to enjoy the good company of his best friends and brothers, he
felt it his duty to communicate beforehand with the states of
those two provinces, between which and himself there had been
such close and reciprocal obligations, such long-tried and
faithful affection. He therefore begged to refer the question
to the assembly of the said provinces about to be held at
Gouda, where, in point of fact, the permission for his journey
was, not without considerable difficulty, a few days afterwards
obtained.

* Memorial in Bor, xi. 872. It is also pubhshed by Groen v. Prinst, Archives,
etc., vi. 155-157.
f Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., vi. 148, 149. Languet, Ep. Sec, i. 2, 298.
X Answer of the Prince of Orange, in Bor, xi. 873', also in Groen v. Prinst,
Archives, etc., vi. 157-161. — Compare Meteran, vii. 125, 126. Hoofd, xii. 527.

270 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
With regard to the more difficult requests addressed to him
in the memorial, he professed generally his intention to exe
cute the treaty of Ghent. He observed, however, that the
point of permitting the exercise of the Roman Cathohc
religion in Holland and Zealand regarded principally the
estates of these provinces, which had contracted for no inno
vation in this matter, at least till the assembling of the states-
general. He therefore suggested that he neither could, nor
ought to, permit any innovation, without the knowledge and
consent of those estates. As to promising by authentic act,
that neither he nor the two provinces would suffer the exercise
of the Catholic religion to be in any wise impugned in the rest
of the Netherlands, the Prince expressed himself content to
promise that, according to the said Ghent Pacification, they
would suffer no attempt to be made against the public repose
or against the Catholic worship. He added that, as he had
no intention of usurping any superiority over the states-
general assembled at Brussels, he was content to leave the
settlement of this point to their free-will and wisdom, en
gaging himself neither to offer nor permit any hindrance to
theh operations.*
With this answer the deputies are said to have been weU
pleased.f If they were so, it must be confessed that they
were thankful for smaU favors. They had asked to have the
Catholic religion introduced into Holland and Zealand. The
Prince had simply referred them to the estates of these pro
vinces. They had asked him to guarantee that the exercise of
the Reformed religion should not be " procured" in the rest
of the country. He had merely promised that the Catholic
worship should not be prevented. The difference between the
terms of the request and the reply was sufficiently wide.
The consent to his journey was with difficulty accorded by the
estates of HoUand and Zealand, J and his wife, with many tears

* Answer of the Prince of Orange to the Proposition of the states-general,
Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. f Bor, xi. 878. Hoofd, xii. 526.
t Bor, xi. 873.—" Hoewel ongeyrne."— Hoofd, xii. 527.

1577.] THE prince's JOURNEY TO BRUSSELS. 271
and anxious forebodings, beheld him depart for a capital where
the heads of his brave and powerful friends had fallen, and
where still lurked so many of his deadly foes. During his
absence, prayers were offered daily for his safety in aU the
churches of Holland and Zealand, by command of the estates.*
He arrived at Antwerp on the 17th of September, and
was received with extraordinary enthusiasm. The Prince,
who had gone forth alone, without even a bodyguard, had
the whole population of the great city for his buckler. Here
he spent five days, observing, with many a sigh, the melan
choly changes which had taken place in the long interval of
his absence. The recent traces of the horrible "Fury," the
blackened waUs of the Hotel de Ville, the prostrate ruins of
the marble streets, which he had known as the most imposing
in Europe, could be hardly atoned for in his eyes even by the
more grateful spectacle of the dismantled fortress.
On the 23rd of September he was attended by a vast con
course of citizens to the new canal which led to Brussels,
where three barges were in waiting for himself and suite. In
one a banquet was spread ; in the second, adorned with emble
matic devices and draped with the banners of the seventeen
provinces, he was to perform the brief journey ; while the third
had been filled by the inevitable rhetoric societies, with all
the wonders of their dramatic and plastic ingenuity. Rarely
had such a complication of vices and virtues, of crushed
dragons, victorious archangels, broken fetters, and resurgent
nationalities, been seen before, within the limits of a single
canal boat. The affection was, however, sincere, and the spirit
noble, even though the taste which presided at these demon
strations may have been somewhat pedantic.f
The Prince was met several miles before the gates of
Brussels by a procession of nearly half the inhabitants of the
city, and thus escorted, he entered the capital in the afternoon
of the 23rd of September.* It was the proudest day of

* Bor, xi. 873. f Bor' l!- 873- Hoofd> xii- 52l?<
X Bor, xi. 873. Hoofd, xii. 528. Meteren, vii. 126.

272 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
his life. The representatives of all the provinces, sup
ported by the most undeniable fervor of the united Ne-
therland people, greeted " Father WiUiam." Perplexed, dis
cordant, hating, fearing, doubting, they could believe nothing,
respect nothing, love nothing, save the "tranquil" Prince.
His presence at that moment in Brussels was the triumph
of the people and of religious toleration. He meant to make
use of the crisis to extend and to secure popular rights, and
to establish the supremacy of the states-general under the
nominal sovereignty of some Prince, who was yet to bs
selected, whUe the executive body was to be a state-council,
appointed by the states-general. So far as appears, he had
not decided as to the future protector, but he had resolved
that it should be neither himself nor PhUip of Spain. The
outlaw came to Brussels prepared at last to trample out a
sovereignty which had worked its own forfeiture. So far as
he had made any election within his breast, his choice inchned
to the miserable Duke of Anjou, a prince whom he never
came to know as posterity has known him, but whom he at
least learned to despise. Thus far the worthless and paltry
intriguer still wore the heroic mask, deceiving even such far-
seeing politicians as Saint Aldegonde and the Prince.
William's first act was to put a stop to the negotiations
already on foot with Don John.* He intended that they
should lead to war, because peace was impossible, except
a peace for which civil and rehgious liberty would be bartered,
for it was idle, in his opinion, to expect the maintenance by
the Spanish Governor of the Ghent Pacification, what
ever promises might be extorted from his fears. A deputa
tion, in the name of the states, had already been sent with
fresh propositions to Don John, at Namur. The envoys
were Caspar Schetz and the Bishop of Bruges.f They had
nearly come to an amicable convention with the Governor,

* Bor, xi. 874, seq. Hoofd, xii. 528.
t Bor, xi. 874. Remigius Drutius, Bishop of Bruges. Hoofd, xii 528.
Cabrera,- xi. 942.

1577.] HARD TERMS. 273
the terms of which had been sent to the states-general for
approval, at the very moment of the Prince's arrival in
Brussels. Orange, with great promptness, prevented the
ratification of these terms, which the estates had in reality
already voted to accept. New articles were added to those
which had originaUy been laid before Don John.* It was
now stipulated that the Ghent treaty and the Perpetual Edict
should be maintained. The Governor was required forthwith
to abandon Namur Castle, and to dismiss the German troops.
He was to give up the other citadels and strong places, and
to disband all the soldiers in his service. He was to command
the governors of every province to prohibit the entrance of
aU foreign levies. He was forthwith to release captives,
restore confiscated property, and reinstate officers who had
been removed ; leaving the details of such restorations to the
council of Mechlin and the other provincial tribunals. He
was to engage that the Count Van Buren should be set free
within two months. He was himself, while waiting for the
appointment of his successor, to take up his residence in
Luxemburg, and whUe there, he was to be governed entirely by
the decision of the State CouncU, expressed by a majority of
its members. Furthermore, and as not the least stinging of
these sharp requisitions, the Queen of England — she who had
been the secret ally of Orange, and whose crown the Governor
had secretly meant to appropriate — was to be included in the
treaty.f It could hardly excite surprise that Don John, receiving
these insolent propositions at the very moment in which he
heard of the triumphant entrance into Brussels of the Prince,
* Memoire et RecueU de ce qu'est passe entre le Seigneur don Jan d'Autriche,
etc., depuis sa retraicte au chasteau de Namur — redige" par escript par le Seign
eur de Grobbendonck, p. 220, seq. This very curious memoir, by one of the
diplomatists engaged, has been republished, according to the original sketch, in
the BuUetins de la Com. Roy., x. 172-223.— Compare Archives et Correspondance,
vi. 166-170.
f These remarkable articles are to be found in Bor, xi. 874-876. A very
meagre extract is given by Cabrera, xi. 942. Groen v. Prinst., vi. 166-170.—
Comparo the " Memoire et Recueil" of Grobbendonck, passim.
VOL. III. 18

274 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
should be filled with rage and mortification.* Never was
champion of the Cross thus braved by infidels before. The
Ghent treaty, according to the Orange interpretation, that is
to say, heresy made legitimate, was to be the law of the land.
His Majesty was to surrender- — colors and cannon — to his re
volted subjects. The royal authority was to be superseded by
that of a State CouncU, appointed by the states-general, at the
dictation of the Prince. The Governor -General himself, brother
of his Catholic Majesty, was to sit quietly with folded arms in
Luxemburg, while the arch heretic and rebel reigned supreme
in Brussels. It was too much to expect that the choleric soldier
would be content with what he could not help regarding as a
dishonorable capitulation. The arrangement seemed to him
about as reasonable as it would have been to invite Sultan Selim
to the Escorial, and to send Philip to reside at Bayonne. He
could not but regard the whole proposition as an insolent
declaration of war. He was right. It was a declaration of war ;
as much so as if proclaimed by trump of herald. How could
Don John refuse the wager of battle thus haughtily proffered ?
Smooth Schetz, Lord of Grobbendonck, and his episcopal
coUeague, in vain attempted to calm the Governor's wrath,
which now flamed forth, in defiance of aU considerations.f

* " Memoire et Recueil," passim. — According to Cabrera, xi. 944, a more
cheerful view of the subject was taken by those who surrounded the Governor.
The propositions only excited their laughter. The same historian, as well as all
the Spanish writers, of course represent the Prince as influenced in his policy
solely by self-interest, by his incapacity to pay his debts, and by his despair of
obtaining a royal pardon, should a peace ensue. Peace for the country, so his en
emies thought, was death for him ; " doliendose un ministro de Orange, diziendo
que ya se aeabo el tratar de pazes aunque le fue nueva alegre, con indignacion re-
spondio fuera insigne par perder la vida el; mostrando que su prosperidad no con-
sistia en el bien publico, sino en la guerra : que a esto le truxo la desesperacion del
perdon de su pena no merecido," xi. 944. The reader is already competent to ap
preciate the calumnious nature of such statements, by a perusal of the correspond
ence and secret negotiations between Don John and Orange. The personal and
unlimited offers of pardon and advancement, made to the Prince by the Governor-
General, on his first arrival in the country, are a sufficient answer to these stupid
accusations. f Memoire et Recueil par le Seigneur Grobbendonck. — Compare Bor, xi. 876.
Hoofd, xii. 529.

1577.] THE QUARREL DEFINED. 275
They endeavored, without success, to paUiate the presence of
Orange, and the circumstances of his reception, for it was not
probable that their eloquence would bring the Governor to
look at the subject with their eyes. Three days were agreed
upon for the suspension of hostilities, and Don John was
highly indignant that the estates would grant no longer a
truce. The refusal was, however, reasonable enough on their
part, for they were aware that veteran Spaniards and Itahans
were constantly returning to him, and that he was daUy
strengthening his position. The envoys returned to Brussels,
to give an account of the Governor's rage, which they could
not declare to be unnatural, and to assist in preparations for the
war, which was now deemed inevitable. Don John, leaving a
strong garrison in the citadel of Namur, from which place he
despatched a final communication to the estates-general, dated
the 2nd of October, retired to Luxemburg. In this letter,
without exactly uttering defiance, he unequivocaUy accepted
the hostilities which had been pressed upon him, and an
swered their hoUow professions of attachment to the Cathohc
religion and his Majesty's authority, by denouncing their
obvious intentions to trample upon both. He gave them, in
short, to understand that he perceived their intentions, and
meant them to comprehend his own.*
Thus the quarrel was brought to an issue, and Don John
saw with grim complacency, that the pen was at last to be
superseded by the sword. A remarkable pamphlet was now
published, in seven different languages, Latin, French,
Flemish, German, Itahan, Spanish, and Enghsh, containing a
succinct account of the proceedings between the Governor and
the estates, together with copies of the intercepted letters of
Don John and Escovedo to the King, to Perez, to the German
colonels, and to the Empress. This work, composed and pub
hshed by order of the estates-general, was transmitted with an
accompanying address to every potentate in Christendom.f It

* Bor, xi. 876. Hoofd, xii. 529, 530.
t Bor, xi. 881. — The quotations in the preceding pages from this pamphlet

276 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
was soon afterwards foUowed by a counter-statement, prepared
by order of Don John, and containing his account of the same
matters, with his recriminations against the conduct of the
estates.* Another important movement had, mean whUe, been made
by the third party in this complicated game. The Cathohc
nobles, jealous of the growing influence of Orange, and
indignant at the expanding power of the people, had opened
secret negotiations with the Archduke Matthias, then a mild,
easy-tempered youth of twenty, brother of the reigning
emperor, Rudolph. After the matter had been discussed
some time in secret, it was resolved, towards the end of Sep
tember, to send a messenger to Vienna, privately inviting the
young Prince to Brussels, but much to the surprise of these
nobles, it was discovered that some fifteen or sixteen of the
grandees of the land, among them Aerschot, Havre', Cham
pagny, De Ville, Lalain, De Heze, and others, had already
taken the initiative in the matter. On the 26th of August,
the Seigneur de Maalsteede had set forth, by their appointment,
for Vienna. There is no doubt that this step originated in
jealousy felt towards Orange, but at the same time it is certain
that several of the leaders in the enterprise were still his
friends.f Some, like Champagny, and De Heze, were honestly
so ; others, like Aerschot, Havre", and De Ville, always traitors
in heart to the national cause, loyal to nothing but their own
advancement, were still apparently upon the best terms with

have been made from the original edition published in 1577 at Antwerp, by
SUvius, under the title, " Discours Sommier des Justes Causes et Raisons qui ont
contrainct les Estats Generaulx des Pais Bas de pourveoir a leur Deffence contra
le Seigneur Don Jehan d'Austrice: avec plusieurs lettres interceptees en plus
grand nombre," etc., etc. A Flemish translation is given in the Byvoegsel Auth.
Stukh. i. 151 en 176 of Bor, under the title of "Kort Verhael van de rechte
oorsaken en redenen," etc., etc.
* The edition of this pamphlet from which the citations in the text have been
made, is the Latin one of Marchant, published at Luxemburg, anno 1578, under
the title, " Vera et Simplex Narratio eorum qua; ab Adventu D. Joannis Austriaci
Supremi in Belgio, etc., gesta sunt," etc., etc.
f Bor. xi. 898. Meteren. vii. 126. Hoofd, xii. 530. Cabrera, xi. 944, 945.
Gr v Prinst., Archives, vl 191.

1577.] ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS. 277
him. Moreover, it is certain that he had been made aware of
the scheme, at least, before the arrival of the Archduke in the
Netherlands, for the Marquis Havre", on his way to England, as
special envoy from the estates, had a conference with him at
Gertruydenberg.* This was in the middle of September, and
before his departure for Brussels. Naturally, the proposition
seemed, at first, anything but agreeable; but the Marquis repre
sented himself afterwards as having at last induced the Prince
to look upon it with more favorable eyes.f Nevertheless, the
step had been taken before the consultation was held, nor was
it the first time that the advice of Orange had been asked
concerning the adoption of a measure after the measure had
been adopted.
Whatever may have been his original sentiments upon the sub
ject, however, he was always less apt to complain of irrevocable
events than quick to reconcUe them with his own combina
tions, and it was soon to be discovered that the new stumbling-
block which his opponents had placed in his path, could be
converted into an additional stepping-stone towards his goal.
MeanwhUe, the secret invitation to the Archduke was re
garded by the people and by foreign spectators as a plot
devised by his enemies. Davison, envoy from Queen Eliza
beth, was then in Brussels, and informed his royal mistress,
whose sentiments and sympathies were unequivocally in favor
of Orange, of the intrigues against the Prince.*. The efforts
of England were naturaUy to counteract the schemes of all
who interfered with his pohcy, the Queen especially, with her
customary sagacity, foreseeing the probable inchnation of the
Catholic nobles towards the protectorate of Alencon. She
did not feel certain as to the precise plans of Orange, and
there was no course better adapted to draw her from barren
coquetry into positive engagements, than to arouse her
jealousy of the French influence in the provinces. At this
moment, she manifested the warmest friendship for the Prince.§

* Hoofd, xii. 520. f Bor, xi. 900. X Ibld- 899-
§ Archives et Correspondance. vi. 190.

278 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
Costly presents were transmitted by her to his wife ; among
others, an ornament, of which a sculptured lizard formed a
part. The Princess, in a graceful letter to her husband,
desiring that her acknowledgments should be presented to her
English Majesty, accepted the present as significative. " 'Tis
the fabled virtue of the Uzard (she said) to awaken sleepers
whom a serpent is about to sting. You are the lizard, "and the
Netherlands the sleepers, — pray Heaven they may escape the
serpent's bite !"* The Prince was weU aware, therefore, of
the plots which were weaving against him. He had smaU
faith in the great nobles, whom he trusted "as he would
adders fanged," and relied only upon the communities, upon the
mass of burghers. They deserved his confidence, and watched
over his safety with jealous care. On one occasion, when he
was engaged at the State CouncU till a late hour, the citizens
conceived so much alarm, that a large number of them spon
taneously armed themselves, and repaired to the palace. The
Prince, informed of the circumstance, threw open a window
and addressed them, thanking them for their friendship and
assuring them of his safety. They were not satisfied, how
ever, to leave him alone, but remained under arms below tiU
the session was terminated, when they escorted him with
affectionate respect to his own hotel.f
The secret envoy arrived in Vienna, and excited the ambition
of the youthful Matthias.*. It must be confessed that the offer
could hardly be a very tempting one, and it excites our surprise
that the Archduke should have thought the adventure worth
the seeking. A most anomalous position in the Netherlands
was offered to him by a slender and irresponsible faction of
Netherlanders. There was a triple prospect before him : that
of a hopeless intrigue against the first politician in Europe, a
mortal combat with the most renowned conqueror of the age,
a deadly feud with the most powerful and revengeful monarch

* Archives et Correspondance, vi. 190.
t Langueti, Epist. ad Aug. 125, 17 Oct., 1577, p. 324.
X Bor, xi. 898. Hoofd, xii. 531. Meteren, vii. 126.

1577.] THE FLIGHT FROM VIENNA. 279
in the world. Into this threefold enterprise he was about to
plunge without any adequate resources, for the Archduke
possessed no experience, power, or wealth.* He brought,
therefore, no strength to a cause which was itself feeble. He
could hope for no protection, nor inspire any confidence.
Nevertheless, he had courage, phabUity, and a turn for political
adventure. Visions of the discomfited PhUip conferring the
hand of his daughter, with the Netherlands as her dowry,
upon the enterprising youth who, at this juncture, should
succeed in overturning the Spanish authority in that country,
were conjured up by those who originated the plot,f and he
was weak enough to consider such absurdities plausible,
and to set forth at once to take possession of this castle in
the air.
On the evening of October 3rd, 1577, he retired to rest at
eight o'clock, feigning extreme drowsiness. After waiting till
his brother MaximUian, who slept in another bed in the same
chamber, was asleep, he slipped from his couch and from the
room in his night apparel, without even putting on his
slippers. He was soon after provided by the companions of
his flight with the disguise of a servant, arrayed in which,
with his face blackened, he made his escape by midnight from
Vienna, J but it is doubtful whether Rudolph were as ignorant
as he affected to be of the scheme.§ The Archduke arrived at
Cologne, attended only by two gentlemen and a few servants.
The Governor was beside himself with fury ; the Queen of
England was indignant ; the Prince only, against whom

* Bor, xi. 899. t Hoofd, xii. 530. \
X Letter of Dr. Labbe to the Queen Mother of France, in Archives et Corre»
spondance, vi 202.
§ It was the opinion of Languet that the Emperor affected ignorance of the
plot at its commencement, that he afterwards affected an original connivance,
and that he was equally disingenuous in both pretences. "Pulchre sane in-
structa fabula," quoth shrewd Herbert, " sed caveant aucupes se suis retibus
involvant;" and, again, six months later, "jam profitotur se fuisse authorem
Matthias fratri, ut in Belgium iret. Quam caute id faciat, nescio, cum id antea
constanter negaverit." — Huberti Langueti EpistoUe ad iUustrem et generosum
Dominum Philippum Sydnseum, Francof., 1633, lxii 224, lxvi. 138.

280 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
the measure was mainly directed, preserved his usual tran
quillity.* Secretary Walsingham, as soon as the news reached En
gland, sent for Meetkercke, coUeague of Marquis Havre" in the
mission from the estates.f He informed that functionary
of the great perplexity and excitement which, according to
information received from the English resident, Davison, were
then prevailing in Brussels, on account of the approach of
the Archduke. Some, he said, were for receiving him at
cne place, some at another ; others were in favor of forbidding
his entrance altogether. Things had been sufficiently com
plicated before, without this additional cause of confusion.
Don John was strengthening himself daily, through the secret
agency of the Duke of Guise and his party. His warlike
genius was well known, as well as the experience of the soldiers
who were fast rallying under his banner. On the other hand,
the Duke of Alencon had come to La Fere, and was also
raising troops, while to oppose this crowd of rival enemies, to
deal with this host of impending disasters, there was but one
man in the Netherlands. On the Prince of Orange alone could
the distracted states rely. To his prudence and valor only
could the Queen look with hopeful eyes. The Secretary pro
ceeded to inform the envoy, therefore, that her Majesty would
feel herself compelled to withdraw all succor from the states
if the Prince of Orange were deprived of his leadership ; for it
was upon that leadership only that she had relied for obtainino-
a successful result. She was quite indisposed to encounter
indefinite risk with an impossibility of profit.*
1 Meetkercke replied to the Secretary by observing, that the
great nobles of the land had been unanimous in desiring a new
Governor-General at this juncture. They had thought
Matthias, with a strong Council of State, composed of native
Netherlanders, to control him, likely to prove a serviceable
candidate for the post. They had reason to believe that, after

* Bor, xi. 900. Meteren, vii. 126. f Bor, xi. 899, 900.
X Tbid.

1577.] ADROITNESS OF THE PRINCE. 281
he should be received, the Emperor would be reconciled to the
measure, and that by his intercession the King of Spain would
be likewise induced to acquiesce.* He aUuded, moreover, to
the conference between the Marquis of Havre" and Orange at
Gertruydenberg, and quoted the opinion of the Prince that it
would be unwise, after the invitation had been given, to insult
the Archduke and his whole imperial house, by treating him
with indignity upon his arrival. It was inevitable, said the
envoy, that differences of opinion should exist in large assem
bUes, but according to information which he had recently re
ceived from Marquis Havre, then in Brussels, affairs had
already become smooth again. At the conclusion of the con
ference, Walsingham repeated emphatically that the only
condition upon which the Queen would continue her succor to
the Netherlands was, that the Prince should be forthwith ap
pointed Lieutenant-General for the Archduke.f
The immediate result of this movement was,, that Matthias
was received at Antwerp by Orange at the head of two
thousand cavalry, and attended by a vast concourse of inha
bitants.*. Had the Prince chosen a contrary course, the
Archduke might have been compeUed to return, somewbat
ridiculously, to Vienna ; but, at the same time, the anger of
the Emperor and of aU Germany would have been aroused
against Orange and the cause he served. Had the Prince, on
the contrary, abandoned the field himself, and returned to
Holland, he would have left the game in the hands of his
adversaries. Ever since he had made what his brother John
caUed that " dangerous gallows-journey" to Brussels,§ his
influence had been culminating daily, and the jealousy of the
great nobles rising as rapidly. Had he now aUowed himself
to be driven from his post, he would have exactly fulfiUed
their object. By remaining, he counteracted their schemes.

* Bor, xi. 899, 900. f Ibid-i x!- 90°- i Ibid' Meteren> Tii-
§ "  wie man's achten mocht, zwar galgreisen, so des Hern Printz ahn-
hero und gehn Brussel — thun mussen," etc., etc. — Archives et Correspondance,
vi. 215.

282 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
By taking Matthias wholly into his own possession, he ob
tained one piece the more in the great game which he was
playing against his antagonist in the Escorial. By making
adroit use of events as they arose, he made the very waves
which were to sink him, carry his great cause triumphantly
onward. The first result of the invitation to Matthias was the
election of Orange as Ruward of Brabant.* This office was
one of great historical dignity, but somewhat anomalous in
its functions. The province of Brabant, having no special
governor, was usuaUy considered under the immediate superin
tendence of the Governor-General. As the capital of Brabant
was the residence of that functionary, no inconvenience from
this course had been felt since the accession of the house of
Burgundy. At present, however, the condition of affairs was
so peculiar — the seat of government being empty without
having been permanently vacated — that a special opportunity
was offered for conferring both honor and power on the
Prince. A Ruward was not exactly dictator, although his
authority was universal. He was not exactly protector, nor
governor, nor stadholder. His functions were unlimited as to
time — therefore superior to those of an ancient dictator ; they
were commonly conferred on the natural heir to the sovereignty
, — therefore more lofty than those of ordinary stadholders. The
individuals who had previously held the office in the Nether
lands had usuaUy reigned afterwards in their own right. Duke
Albert, of the Bavarian line, for example, had been Ruward of
Hainault and Holland, for thirty years, during the insanity of
his brother, and on the death of Duke William had succeeded
to his title.f PhUip of Burgundy had declared himselfc
Ruward of Brabant in 1425,*. and had shortly afterwards
deprived Jacquehne of all her titles and appropriated them to
himself. In the one case the regent, in the second case the

* Hoofd, xii. 532. Wagenaer, vii. 171.
•f Wagenaer, iu. 304 (in 1387, A.D.)
X Wagenaer, iii. 465. — Compare Groen, v. Prinsterer, vi. 208-210: Strada, ix
440, 441 ; Wagenaer, vii. 171.

1577.] ORANGE ELECTED RUWARD. 283
usurper, had become reigning prince. Thus the movement of
the jealous nobles against the Prince had for its first effect his
immediate appointment to an office whose chief characteristic
was, that it conducted to sovereignty.
The election was accompUshed thus. The "members," or
estates of Brussels, together with the deans, guilds, and other
of the principal citizens of Antwerp, addressed a request to
the states of Brabant, that William of Orange should be ap
pointed Ruward, and after long deliberation the measure was
carried. The unsohcited honor was then solemnly offered to him.
He refused, and was only, after repeated and urgent entreaties,
induced to accept the office. The matter was then referred to
the states-general, who confirmed the dignity, after some demur,
and with the condition that it might be superseded by the ap
pointment of a governor-general.* He was finally confirmed as
Ruward on the 22d of October, to the boundless satisfaction
of the people, who celebrated the event by a solemn hohday in
Antwerp, Brussels, and other cities.f His friends, insphed by
the intrigues of his enemies, had thus elevated the Prince to
almost unhmited power ; whUe a strong expression in favor of
his government had been elicited from the most important,
aUy of the Netherlands — England. It soon rested with him
self only to assume the government of Flanders, having been
elected stadholder, not once only, but many times, by the four
estates of that important province, and having as constantly
refused the dignity.*. With Holland and Zealand devoted to
him, Brabant and Flanders formaUy under his government,
the Netherland capital lavishing testimonials of affection upon
him, and the mass of the people almost worshipping him, it
would not have been difficult for the Prince to play a game as
selfish as it had hitherto been close and skilful. . He might
have proved to the grand seigniors that their suspicions were
just, by assuming a crown which they had been intriguing to

* Groen, v. Prinst., vi. 208, 209. Bondam, hi. 319, sqq. (cited by Groen. v
Prinst.) f Hoofd, xii 522. X Apologie du Prince d'Orange, pp. 108, 109.

284 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577-
push from his brows. Certainly the nobles deserved their de
feat. They had done their best to circumvent Orange, in all
ways and at all times. They had paid their court to power
when it was most powerful, and had sought to swim on the
popular tide when it was rising. He avenged himself upon
their perfidy only by serving his country more faithfuUy than
ever, but it was natural that he should be indignant at the
conduct of these gentlemen, " children of good houses," (in his
own words,) "issue of worthy sires," whose fathers, at least, he
had ever loved and honored.*
" They serve the Duke of Alva and the Grand Commander
like varlets," he cried ; " they make war upon me to the knife.
Afterwards they treat with me, they reconcUe themselves with
me, they are sworn foes of the Spaniard. Don John arrives,
and they follow him ; they intrigue for my ruin. Don John
fails in his enterprise upon Antwerp citadel ; they quit him in
continently and call upon me. No sooner do I come than,
against their oath and without previous communication with
the states or myself, they caU upon the Archduke Matthias.
Are the waves of the sea more inconstant — is Euripus more
uncertain than the counsels of such men ?"f
While these events were occurring at Brussels and Antwerp,
a scene of a different nature was enacting at Ghent. The
Duke of Aerschot had recently been appointed to the govern
ment of Flanders by the State Council,*, but the choice was
exceedingly distasteful to a large number of the inhabitants.
Although, since the defeat of Don John's party in Antwerp,
Aerschot had again become "the affectionate brother" of
Orange, yet he was known to be the head of the cabal which had
brought Matthias from Vienna. Flanders, moreover, swarmed
with converts to the Reformed religion,§ and the Duke's strict
Romanism was well known. The people, therefore, who
hated the Pope and adored the Prince, were furious at the

* Apologie du P. d'Orange, pp. 106, 107. f Djid., p. 107.
X Bor, xi. 903. Meteren, vii. 126. Van d. Vynckt, ii. 278.
§ Vau d. Vynckt, u. 276. Hoofd, xii. 533..

1577.] AERSCHOT GOVERNOR OF FLANDERS. 285
appointment of the new governor, but by dint of profuse promises
regarding the instant restoration of privileges and charters
which had long lain dormant, the friends of Aerschot suc
ceeded in preparing the way for his installation.*
On the 20th of October, attended by twenty-three com
panies of infantry and three hundred horse, he came to
Ghent.f That famous place was still one of the most powerful
and turbulent towns in Europe. Although diminished in
importance since the commercial decline which had been the
inevitable result of Philip's bloody governmerit, it was still
swarming with a vigorous and dangerous population,*, and
it had not forgotten the days when the iron tongue of
Roland could call eighty thousand fighting men to the city
banner.§ Even now, twenty thousand were secretly pledged ||
to rise at the bidding of certain chieftains resident among
them, noble by birth, warmly attached to the Reformed
rehgion, and devoted to Orange. These gentlemen were per
fectly conscious that a reaction was to be attempted in favor of
Don John and of Cathohcism, through the agency of the newly-
appointed governor of Flanders. Aerschot was trusted or
respected by neither party. The only difference in the esti
mates formed of him was, that some considered him a deep
and dangerous traitor ; others that he was rather foolish than
mahcious, ^[ and more likely to ruin a good cause than to
advance the interests of a bad one. The leaders of the popular
party at Ghent beheved him dangerous. They felt certain
that it was the deeply laid design of the Catholic nobles —
foiled as they had been in the objects with which they had
brought Matthias from Vienna, and enraged as they were that
the only result of that movement had been to establish the

* Meteren, vii. 126. Van d. Vynckt, ii. 279.
\ Meteren, Van d. Vynckt, ubi sup. Bor, xi. 903.
X Van d. Vynckt. ii. 276, 277.
§ Guicciardini-Gandavum, pp. 343, 344 ; see Introduction to this work. Tas
sis, iv. 916. 1 Van d. Vynckt, ii. 277.
If " Sed plerique existimant eum stultiti£ potius quam malitia peccasse." — Lan-
guet. Ep. Sec, i. ii. 307.

286 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
power of Orange upon a firmer basis — to set up an opposing
influence in Ghent. Flanders, in the possession of the Ca
thohcs, was to weigh up Brabant, with its recent tendencies
to toleration. Aerschot was to counteract the schemes of
Orange. Matthias was to be withdrawn from the influence of
the great heretic, and be yet compeUed to play the part set
down for him by those who had placed him upon the stage.
A large portion, no doubt, of the schemes here suggested, was
in agitation, but the actors were hardly equal to the drama
which they were attempting. The intrigue was, however, to
be frustrated at once by the hand of Orange, acting as it often
did from beneath a cloud.
Of all the chieftains possessing influence with the inhabi
tants of Ghent, two young nobles, named Ryhove and Imbize,
were the most conspicuous.* Both were of ancient descent
and broken fortunes, both were passionately attached to the
Prince, both were inspired with an intense hatred for aU that
was Cathohc or Spanish. They had traveUed further on the
reforming path than many had done in that day, and might
even be caUed democratic in their notions. Their heads
were fiUed with visions of Greece and Rome ; the praise of
republics was ever on their hps ; and they avowed to their in
timate associates that it was already feasible to compose a com
monwealth like that of the Swiss Cantons out of the seventeen
Netherlands.f They were regarded as dreamers by some, as
desperadoes by others. Few had confidence in their capacity or
their purity ; but Orange, who knew mankind, recognized in
them useful instruments for any hazardous enterprise. They
dehghted in stratagems and sudden feats of arms. Audacious
and cruel by temperament, they were ever most happy in be
coming a portion of the desolation which popular tumults en
gender. There were several excited meetings of the four estates of
Flanders immediately after the arrival of the Duke of Aer
schot in Ghent.*. His coming had been preceded by extensive

* Van d. Vynckt, ii. 274, sqq. f Ibid., ii. 284, 285.
X Van d. Vynckt, ii. 276, sqq. Meteren, vii. 126.

1577.] INTRIGUES AT GHENT. 287
promises, but it soon became obvious that their fulfilment was
to be indefinitely deferred. There was a stormy session on the
27th of October, many of the clergy and nobUity being pre
sent, and comparatively few members of the third estate.
Very violent speeches were made, and threats openly uttered,
that the privileges, about which so much noise had been heard,
would be rather curtailed than enlarged under the new admi
nistration. At the same session, the commission of Aerschot
was formally presented by Champagny and Sweveghem, de
puted by the State CouncU for that purpose.* Champagny
was in a somewhat anomalous position. There was much
doubt in men's minds concerning him. He had seemed lately
the friend of Orange, but he was certainly the brother of
GranveUe. His splendid but fruitless services during the
Antwerp Fury had not been forgotten, but he was known to
be a determined Cathohc. He was a hater of Spaniards, but
no lover of popular liberty. The nature of his sentiments
towards Orange was perhaps unjustly suspected. At any rate,
two or three days after the events which now occupy our
attention, he wrote him a private letter, in which he assured
him of his attachment. In reference to the complaints of the
Prince, that he had not been seconded as he ought to have
been, he said, moreover, that he could solemnly swear never
to have seen a single individual who did not hold the Prince
in admiration, and who was not affectionately devoted to him,
not only by pubhc profession, but by private sentiment.f
There was Uttle doubt entertained as to the opinions held by
the rest of the aristocratic party, then commencing their
manoeuvres in Ghent. Their sentiments were uttered with
sufficient distinctness in this remarkable session.
Hessels, the old Blood CouncUlor, was then resident in
Ghent, where he discharged high governmental functions. It
was he, as it wiU be remembered, who habitually fell asleep at
that horrible council board, and could only start from his naps

* Meteren, vii. 126b. Hoofd, xii. 533.
\ Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 226.

288 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
to shout " ad patibulum," while the other murderers had
found their work less narcotic. A letter from Hessels to
Count de Reux, late royal governor of Flanders, was at the
present juncture intercepted.* Perhaps it was invented, but
genuine or fictitious, it was circulated extensively among the
popular leaders, and had the effect of proving Madame de
Hessels a true prophet. It precipitated the revolution in
Flanders, and soon afterwards cost the Councillor his life.
" We have aheady brought many notable magistrates of Flan-
iers over to the side of his Highness Don John," wrote
Hessels. " We hope, after the Duke of Aerschot is governor,
that we shaU fuUy carry out the intentions of his Majesty
and the plans of his Highness. We shall also know how to
circumvent the scandalous heretic with all his adherents and
followers."^ Certainly, if this letter were true, it was high time for the
friends of the " scandalous heretic" to look about them. If
it were a forgery, J which is highly probable, it was ingeniously
imagined, and did the work of truth. The revolutionary
party, being in a small minority in the assembly, were ad
vised by their leaders to bow before the storm. They did so,
and the bluster of the reactionary party grew louder as they
marked the apparent discomfiture of their foes. They openly
asserted that the men who were clamoring for privileges
should obtain nothing but halters. The buried charters should
never be resuscitated ; but the spirit of the dead Emperor,
who had once put a rope around the necks of the insolent
Ghenteis, stUl Uved in that of his son. There was no lack of
denunciation. Don John and the Duke of Aerschot would
soon bring the turbulent burghers to their senses, and there
would then be an end to this renewed clamor about musty
parchments.§ Much indignation was secretly excited in the

* Bor, xi. 905'. f Doid., 905.
X Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 220. — Compare the remarks of Groen v.
Prinsterer; Bor, xi. 223.
§ Meteren, vii. 126. Bor, xi. 903, sqq.

1577.] A PRIVATE CONFERENCE. 289
assembly by such menaces. Without doors the subterranean
flames spread rapidly, but no tumult occurred that night.
Before the session was over, Ryhove left the city, pretending
a visit to Tournay. No sooner had he left the gates, how
ever, than he turned his horse's head in the opposite direction,
and rode off post haste to Antwerp. There he had a con
ference with Wilham of Orange,* and painted in lively colors
the alarming position of affairs. " And what do you mean to
do in the matter ?" asked the Prince, rather drfly.f Ryhove
was somewhat disconcerted. He had expected a violent ex
plosion ; well as he knew the tranquil personage whom he was
addressing. " I know no better counsel," he rephed, at length,
" than to take the Duke, with his bishops, councillors, lords,
and the whole nest of them, by the throat, and thrust them
aU out together."*.
"Rather a desperate undertaking, however?" said the
Prince, carelessly, but interrogatively.
" I know no other remedy," answered Ryhove ; " I would
rather make the attempt, relying upon God alone, and die
like a man, if needful, than live in eternal slavery. Like an
ancient Roman," continued the young repubhcan noble, in
somewhat bombastic vein, " I am ready to wager my hfe, where
my fatherland's welfare is at stake."
" Bold words !" said the Prince, looking gravely at Ryhove ;
" but upon what force do you rely for your undertaking ?"
" If I can obtain no assistance from your ExceUency," was
the reply, " I shaU throw myself on the mass of the citizens.
I can arouse them in the name of their ancient hberties, which
must be redeemed now or never."

* Meteren, vi. 126''. Hoofd, xii. 533. — Bor merely observes that it was sup
posed that Ryhove had visited Orange during his brief absence from Ghent.
Meteren, however gives a minute account of their interview, in which he is fol
lowed by Hoofd, who had additional sources of information. — Compare Groen v.
Prinst., vi. 217, 218; Wagenaer, vii. 177; V. d. Vynckt, ii. 279, 280, et al.
f "Waer toe den Prince niet anders en wiste op te segghen dan vraeghde wat
raedt?"— Meteren, vii. 126b. Hoofd, xii. 533.
X "  met den geheele neste by den halse te vatten ende te verdrijven."—
Meteren, vii. 126. — Compare Hoofd. (
VOL. m. 1 9

290 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH ^ REPUBLIC. [1^77.
The Prince, believing probably that the scheme, if scheme
there were, was but a wfld one, felt little inclination to com
promise himself with the young conspirator. He told him he
could do nothing at present, and saying that he must at least
sleep upon the matter, dismissed him for the night. Next
morning, at daybreak, Ryhove was again closeted with him.
The Prince asked his sanguine partisan if he were still deter
mined to carry out his project, with no more definite support
than he had indicated ? Ryhove assured him, in reply, that he
meant to do so, or to die in the attempt. The Prince shrugged
his shoulders, and soon afterwards seemed to fall into a
reverie.* Ryhove continued talking, but it was soon obvious
that his Highness was not listening, and ho therefore took his
leave somewhat abruptly. Hardly had he left the house,
however, when the Prince despatched Saint Aldegonde in
search of him. That gentleman, proceeding to his hotel,
walked straight into the apartment of Ryhove, and com
menced a conversation with a person whom he found there,
but to his surprise he soon discovered, experienced pohtician
though he was, that he had made an egregious blunder. He
had opened a dangerous secret to an entire stranger,f and
Ryhove coming into the apartment a few minutes afterwards,
was naturaUy surprised to find the Prince's chief councillor in
close conversation about the plot with Van Rooyen, the burgo
master of Denremonde. The Flemish noble, however, always
prompt in emergencies, drew his rapier, and assured the asto
nished burgomaster that he would either have his life on the
instant, or his oath never to reveal a syllable of what he had
heard. That functionary, who had neither desired the young
noble's confidence, nor contemplated the honor of being run
through the body as a consequence of receiving it, was some
what aghast at the rapid manner in which these gentlemen

* " De Prince trok syn schouderen ende aenhoorde hem met doove ooren,"
tc. — Meteren, ubi sup. Hoofd, xii. 534.
f Meteren, vii. 126. Hoofd, xii. 534.

1577.] SYMPTOMS OF AN OUTBREAK. 291
transacted business. He wiUingly gave the required pledge,
and was permitted to depart.
The effect of the conference between Saint Aldegonde and
Ryhove was to convince the young partisan that the Prince
would neither openly countenance his project, nor be extremely
vexed should it prove successful. In short, while, as in the
case of the arrest of the State CouncU, the subordinates were
left to appear the principals in the transaction, the persons
most intimate with WUUam of Orange were allowed to form
satisfactory opinions as to his wishes, and to serve as instru
ments to his ends.* " Vive qui vince!" cried Saint Alde
gonde, encouragingly, to Ryhove, shaking hands with him at
parting. The conspirator immediately mounted, and rode off
towards Ghent. During his absence there had been much
turbulence, but no decided outbreak, in that city. Imbize
had accosted the Duke of Aerschot in the street, and demanded
when and how he intended to proclaim the restoration of the
ancient charters. The haughty Duke had endeavoured to
shake off his importunate questioner, while Imbize persisted,
with increasing audacity, tiU Aerschot lost his temper at last.
" Charters, charters !" he cried in a rage ; " you shall learn
soon, ye that are thus howling for charters, that we have stfll
the old means of making you dumb, with a rope on your
throats. I tell you this — were you ever so much hounded on
by the Prince of Orange."f
The violence of the new governor excited the wrath of
Imbize. He broke from him abruptly, and rushed to a ren
dezvous of his confederates, every man of whom was ready for
?, desperate venture. Groups of excited people were seen vocife-

* " Ryhove, ziende dat den Prince conniveerde ofte d'ooghe luyckte om sijn
voorneemen in 't werk te stellen," etc.— Meteren, vii. 127. " Ryhove hieruit
scheppende dat zyn Doorluchtigkeit door de vingeren zagh," etc.— Hoofd, xii
533.— Compare Strada, ii. lib. i. p. 4; Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., vi.
217, 218.
f Meteren, vii. 127. Hoofd, xii. 534. Van d. Vynckt, ii. 280.

292 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
rating in different places. A drum was heard to rattle from
time to time. Nevertheless, the rising tumult seemed to sub
side again after a season, owing partly to the exertions of the
magistrates, partly to the absence of Ryhove. At four in the
afternoon that gentleman entered the town, and riding directly
to the head-quarters of the conspiracy, was incensed to hear
that the work, which had begun so bravely, had been aUowed
to cool. " 'Tis a time," he cried, " for vigilance. If we sleep
now, we shaU be dead in our beds before morning. Better to
fan the fire which has begun to blaze in the people's heart.
Better to gather the fruit while it is ripe. Let us go forward,
each with his foUowers, and I pledge myself to lead the way.
Let us scuttle the old ship of slavery ; let us hunt the Spanish
Inquisition, once for aU, to the heU from whence it came !"*
" There spoke the voice of a man !"f cried the Flemish
captain, Mieghem, one of the chief conspirators ; " lead on,
Ryhove, I swear to foUow you as far as our legs will carry
us." Thus encouraged, Ryhove, rushed about the city, caUing
upon the people everywhere to rise. They rose almost to a
man. Arming and mustering at different points, according to
previous arrangements, a vast number assembled by toU of
bell, after nightfall, on the public square, whence, under
command of Ryhove, they swept to the residence of Aerschot
at Saint Bavon. The guards, seeing the fierce mob approach
ing, brandishing spears and waving torches, had scarce time
to close the gates, as the people loudly demanded entrance
and the deUvery to them of the Governor. Both claims were
refused. " Let us burn the birds in their nests," cried Ryhove,
without hesitation. J Pitch, hght wood, and other combus
tibles, were brought at his command, and in a few moments
the palace would have been in flames, had not Aerschot, seeing

* Hoofd, Meteren, ubi sajo. Bor, xi. 903, 904.
f Daar (zeyde Mieghem hierop) hoor ik een' man spreeken," etc. — Ibid. Mete
ren, vii. 127.
X Meteren, vii. 127. Hoofd, xii 535. Bor, xi. 905.

1577.] REVOLUTION AT GHENT. 293
that the insurgents were in earnest, capitulated. As soon as
the gates were open, the foremost of the mob rushed upon
him, and would have torn him limb from limb, had not
Ryhove resolutely interfered, and twice protected the life of
the governor, at the peril of his own.* The Duke was then
made a prisoner, and, under a strong guard, was conveyed,
still in his night-gown, and bare-footed, to the mansion of
Ryhove. All the other leading members of the Catholic party
were captured, the arrests proceeding tiU a late hour in the
night. Rassinghem, Sweveghem, Fisch, De la Porta, and
other prominent members of the Flemish estates or council,
were secured, but Champagny was allowed to make his escape.f
The Bishops of Bruges and Ypres were less fortunate. Blood-
councillor Hessels, whose letter — genuine or counterfeited—
had been so instrumental in hastening this outbreak, was most
carefuUy guarded, and to him and to Senator Fisch the per
sonal consequences of that night's work were to be very
tragic. Thus audaciously, successfully, and hitherto without blood
shed, was the anti-Catholic revolution commenced in Flan
ders. The event was the first of a long and most signal
series. The deed was done. The provisional government was
estabhshed, at the head of which was placed Ryhove, to whom
oaths of allegiance were rendered, subject to the future ar
rangements of the states-general and Orange. On the 9th
of November, the nobles, notables, and community of Ghent
pubhshed an address, in which they elaborately defended the
revolution which had been effected and the arrests which
had taken place ; while the Catholic party, with Aerschot at
its head, was declared to be secretly in league with Don John
to bring back the Spanish troops, to overthrow the Prince of
Orange, to deprive him of the protectorate of Brabant, to

* Hoofd, xii. 535. Meteren, vii. 127. Van d. Vynckt, ii. 282.
| "Zoo dat hy verreyst, verborghen, oft door gunste, verschoont moet geweest
syn." — Hoofd, xii 535.

294 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
set at nought the Ghent treaty, and to suppress the Reformed
rehgion.* The effect of this sudden rising of the popular party was
prodigious throughout the Netherlands. At the same time,
the audacity of such extreme proceedings could hardly be coun
tenanced by any considerable party in the states-general.
Champagny wrote to the Prince of Orange that, even if the
letter of Hessels were genuine, it proved nothing against
Aerschot, f and he urged the necessity of suppressmg such
scene of licence immediately, through the influence of those
who could command the passions of the mob. Otherwise, he
affirmed that all legitimate forms of justice would disappear,
and that it would be easy to set the bloodhounds upon any
game whatever. Saint Aldegonde wrote to the Prince, that
it would be a great point, but a very difficult one, to justify
the Ghent transaction ; for there was httle doubt that the
Hessels letter was a forgery.*. It was therefore as weU, no
doubt, that the Prince had not decidedly committed himself
to Ryhove's plot, and thus deprived himself of the right to in
terfere afterwards, according to what seemed the claims of
justice and sound pohcy.
He now sent Arend Van Dorp to Ghent, to remonstrate with
the leaders of the insurrection upon the violence of their mea
sures, and to demand the liberation of the prisoners — a request
which was only complied with in the case of Aerschot. That
nobleman was hberated on the 14th of November, under the
condition that he would solemnly pledge himself to forget and
forgive the treatment which he had received, but the other
prisoners were retained in custody for a much longer period.
A few weeks afterwards, the Prince of Orange visited Ghent5
at the earnest request of the four estates of Flanders, and it
was hoped that his presence would contribute to the restoration
of tranquiUity.§

c Address of the Notables, in Bor. xi. 904, 905.
f Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 224. X Ibid., vi. 219, 220.
§ Bor, xi. 905, 916. The Prince came to the city on the 29th of December,
1577.

1577.] LIVING PICTURES. 295
This visit was naturally honored by a briUiant display of
"rhetorical" spectacles and tableaux vivants; for nothing
could, exceed the passion of the Netherlanders of that century
for apologues and charades. In aUegory they found an ever-
present comforter in their deepest afflictions. The prince was
escorted from the Town-gate to the Jacob's church amid a
blaze of tar-barrels and torches, although it was mid-day,
where a splendid exhibition had been arranged by that sove
reign guild of rhetoric, "Jesus with the Balsam Flower."
The drama was caUed Judas Maccabasus, in compliment to
the Prince. In the centre of the stage stood the Hebrew
patriot, in full armor, symbolizing the iUustrious guest doing
battle for his country. He was attended by the three estates
of the country, ingeniously personified by a single individual,
who wore the velvet bonnet of a noble, the cassock of a priest,
and the breeches of a burgher.* Groups of allegorical per
sonages were drawn up on the right and left; — Courage,
Patriotism, Freedom, Mercy, Diligence, and other estimable
quahties upon one side, were balanced by Murder, Rapine,
Treason, and the rest of the sisterhood of Crime on the other.
The Inquisition was represented as a lean and hungry hag. The
" Ghent Pacification" was dressed in cramoisy satin, and wore
a city on her head for a turban ; whUe, tied to her apron-strings
were Cathohcism and Protestantism, bound in a loving embrace
by a chain of seventeen links, which she was forging upon an
anvil. Under the anvil was an individual in complete harness,
engaged in eating his heart ; this was Discord. In front of
the scene stood History and Rhetoric, attired as " triumphant
maidens, in white garments," each with a laurel crown and a
burning torch. These personages, after holding a rhymed
dialogue between themselves, filled with wonderful conceits
* "Beschrijvinghe van het gene dat vertoocht wierd ter inkomste Van der
Excellentie, de3 Prinzen van Orangien, binnen der Stad van Ghendt." — Ghendt,
1578. For the history of art in Flanders and Europe this little volume, filled,
not only with the poetry, but with the designs and architectural embellish
ments employed upon this occasion, is worthy of attention. The pamphlet is
very rare. The one used by the writer is in the Duncan Collection of tha
Royal Library, Hague.

296 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
and quibbles, addressed the Prince of Orange and Maccabeeus,
one after the other, in a great quantity of very detestable
verses. After much changing of scenes and groups, and an enormous
quantity of Flemish-woven poetry, the " Ghent Peace" came
forward, leading a lion in one hand, and holding a heart of
pure gold in the other. The heart, upon which was inscribed
Sinceritas, was then presented to the real Prince, as he sat
" reposing after the spectacle," and perhaps slightly yawning,
the gift being accompanied by another tremendous discharge
of complimentary verses.* After this, WiUiam of Orange was
permitted to proceed towards the lodgings provided for him,
but the magistrates and notables met him upon the threshold,
and the pensionary made him a long oration. Even after the
Prince was fairly housed, he had not escaped the fangs of aUe-
gory ; for, while he sat at supper refreshing his exhausted
frame after so much personification and metaphor, a symboli
cal personage, attired to represent the town corporation,f
made his appearance, and poured upon him a long and partic
ularly duU heroic poem. Fortunately, this episode closed the
labors of the day.
On the 7th of December, 1577, the states-general formaUy
declared that Don John was no longer Stadholder, Governor,
nor Captain-General, but an infractor of the peace which he
had sworn to maintain, and an enemy of the fatherland.
All natives of the country who should show him favor or
assistance were declared rebels and traitors ; and by a
separate edict, issued the same day, it was ordained that an
inventory of the estates of such persons should forthwith be
taken. J
Thus the war, which had for a brief period been suspended
during the angry, tortuous, and hopeless negotiations which
succeeded the arrival of Don John, was once more to be let
loose. To this point had tended aU the policy of Orange —
faithful as ever to the proverb with which he had broken off

• Beschrijvinghe, etc. \ Ibid. X Bor, xi 916.

1577.] TOLERATION. 297
the Breda conferences, "that war was preferable to a doubtful
peace." Even, however, as his pohcy had pointed to a war
as the necessary forerunner of a solid peace with Spain, so
had his efforts already advanced the cause of internal religious
concord within the provinces themselves. On the 10th of
December, a new act of union was signed at Brussels, by which
those of the Roman Church and those who had retired from
that communion bound themselves to respect and to protect
sach other with mutual guarantees against all enemies what
soever.* Here was a step beyond the Ghent Pacification, and
in the same direction. The first treaty tacitly introduced
toleration by suppressing the right of persecution, but the new
union placed the Reformed religion on a level with the old.
This was the result of the Prince's efforts ; and, in truth,
there was no lack of eagerness among these professors of a
faith which had been so long under ban, to take advantage of
his presence. Out of dark aUeys, remote thickets, subter
ranean conventicles, where the dissenters had so long been
trembling for their lives, the oppressed now came forth into
the light of day. They indulged openly in those forms of
worship which persecution had affected to regard with as much
holy horror as the Badahuennan or Hercynian mysteries of
Celtic ages could inspire, and they worshipped boldly the
common God of Catholic and Puritan, in the words most con
sonant to their tastes, without dreading the gibbet as an
inevitable result of their audacity.
In truth, the time had arrived for bringing the northern
and southern, the Celtic and German, the Protestant and
Catholic, hearts together, or else for acquiescing in their per
petual divorce. If the sentiment of nationality, the cause

* Meteren, vii. 127d. Haraei Ann., iii. 268, 269.— It is singular that Bor,
Reyd, Bentivoglio, Van der Vynckt, Grotius, and even the constitutional historian,
Kluit, are all silent concerning this remarkable Act of Union. Hoofd alludes to it
in exactly two lines ; Strada, De Thou, and Wagenaer, are equaUy concise. The
Archivarius de Jongho has, however, left nothing to be desired in his interesting
monography (" Verhandelingen en Onuitgegevene Stukken," pp. 163-204), besides
pubhshing the original French text of the important document. The contemporary
historians above cited (Meteren and Haraeus) had already given its substance.

298 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1577.
of a common fatherland, could now overcome the attach
ment to a particular form of worship — if a common danger
and a common destiny could now teach the great lesson of
mutual toleration, it might yet be possible to create a united
Netherland, and defy for ever the power of Spain. Since
the Union of Brussels, of January, 1577, the internal cancer
of rehgious discord had again begun to corrode the body
pohtic. The Pacification of Ghent had found the door open
to religious toleration. It had not opened, but had left it
open. The union of Brussels had closed the door again.
Contrary to the hopes of the Prince of Orange and of the
patriots who foUowed in his track, the sanction given to the
Roman reUgion had animated the Cathohcs to fresh arrogance
and fresh persecution. In the course of a few months, the
only fruits of the new union, from which so much had been
hoped, were to be seen in imprisonments, confiscations,
banishments, executions.* The Perpetual Edict, by which the
fifteen provinces had united in acknowledging Don John whfle
the Protestant stronghold of HoUand and Zealand had been
placed in a state of isolation by the wise distrust of Orange,
had widened the breach between Cathohcs and Protestants.
The subsequent conduct of Don John had confirmed the sus
picions and demonstrated the sagacity of the Prince. The
seizure of Namur and ,the open hostUity avowed by the
Governor once more forced the provinces together. The
suppressed flames of nationality burst forth again. Cathohc and
Protestant, Fleming and HoUander, instinctively approached
each other, and felt the necessity of standing once more
shoulder to shoulder in defence of their common rights. The
Prince of Orange was called for by the unanimous cry of >
the whole country. He came to Brussels. His first step,
as aheady narrated, was to break off negotiations which
had been already ratified by the votes of the states-general.
The measure was reconsidered, under pretence of adding cer
tain amendments. Those amendments were the unconditional

* " Die nieuwe oder nadere Unie van Brusseli" — Doov J. C. Jonghe, Ver-
handelingen und Onuitg. Stukk., p. 184.

1577.] THE NEW UNION OF BRUSSELS. 299
articles of surrender proposed for Don John's signature on
the 25th of September — articles which could only ehcit words
of defiance from his hps.
Thus far the Prince's object was accomphshed. A trea
cherous peace, which would have ensured destruction, was
averted, but a new obstacle to the development of his broad
and energetic schemes arose in the intrigue which brought the
Archduke from Vienna. The cabals of Orange's secret enemies
were again thwarted with the same adroitness to which his
avowed antagonists were forced to succumb. Matthias was
made the exponent of the new policy, the standard-bearer of
the new union which the Prince now succeeded in establish
ing ; for his next step was immediately to impress upon the
provinces which had thus united in casting down the gauntlet
to a common enemy the necessity of uniting in a permanent
league. One province was already lost by the fall of Namur.
The bonds of a permanent union for the other sixteen could
be constructed of but one material — religious toleration, and
for a moment, the genius of Orange, always so far beyond his
age, succeeded in raising the mass of his countrymen to the
elevation upon which he had so long stood alone.
The "new or nearer Union of Brussels" was signed on
the 10th of December, eleven months after the formation
of the first union. This was the third and, unfortunately,
the last confederation of all the Netherlands. The original
records have been lost, but it is known that the measure
was accepted unanimously in the estates-general as soon as
presented.* The leading Cathohc nobles were with the army,
but a deputation, sent to the camp, returned with their signa
tures and hearty approval ; with the signatures and approval
of such determined Catholics as the Lalains, Meluns, Egmont,
and La Motte.f If such men could unite for the sake of
the fatherland in an act of religious toleration, what lofty
hopes for the future was not the Prince justified in forming ;
for it was the Prince alone*, who accomplished this victory
* De Jonghe, p. 188. t Ibid-> PP- 188-190.
X De Jonghe, p. 185, seq. Meerbeck. Chronyk., p. 48S.

300 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
of reason over passion. As a monument, not only of his
genius, but of the elevated aspirations of a whole people in an
age of intolerance, the "closer Union of Brussels" deserves
especial place in the history of human progress. Unfortunately,
it was destined to a brief existence. The battle of Gemblours
was its death-blow, and before the end of a month, the
union thus hopefuUy constructed was shattered for ever. The
Netherland people was never united again. By the Union of
Utrecht, seven states subsequently rescued their existence, and
hved to construct a powerful repubhc. The rest were destined
to remain for centuries in the condition of provinces to a dis
tant metropolis, to be shifted about as make-weights in
political balances, and only in our own age to come into
the honorable rank of independent constitutional states.
The Prince had, moreover, strengthened himself for the
coming struggle by an alliance with England. The thrifty
but politic Queen, fearing the result of the secret practices of
Alencon — whom Orange, as she suspected, stiU kept in reserve
to be played off, in case of need, against Matthias and
Don John — had at last consented to a treaty of aUiance
and subsidy. On the 7th of January, 1578, the Marquis
Havre, envoy from the estates, concluded an arrangement in
London, by which the Queen was to lend them her credit —
in other words, to endorse their obligations, to the amount of
one hundred thousand pounds sterling. The money was to
be raised wherever the states might be able to negotiate the
bills, and her liability was to cease within a year. She was
likewise to be coUaterally secured by pledges from certain
cities in the Netherlands.* This amount was certainly not
colossal, whUe the conditions were sufficiently parsimonious.
At the same time a beginning was made, and the principle of
subsidy was estabhshed. The Queen, furthermore, agreed to
send five thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry to the
provinces, under the command of an officer of high rank, who
was to have a seat and vote in the Netherland CouncU of

* Meteren, vii. 127, 128. Bor, xi 902, 903.

1578.] TERMS WITH MATTHIAS. 301
State.* These troops were to be paid by the provinces, but
furnished by the Queen. The estates were to form no treaty
without her knowledge, nor undertake any movement of im
portance without her consent. In case she should be herself
attacked by any foreign power, the provinces were to assist
her to the same extent as the amount of aid now afforded to
themselves ; and in case of a naval war, with a fleet of at
least forty ships. It had already been arranged that the ap
pointment of the Prince of Orange as Lieutenant-General for
Matthias was a sine qua non in any treaty of assistance with
England. Soon after the conclusion of this convention, Sir
Thomas Wilkes was despatched on a special mission to Spain,
and Mr. Leyton sent to confer privately with Don John.f It
was not probable, however, that the diplomatic skiU of either
would make this new arrangement palatable to Philip or his
Governor. Within a few days after their signature of this important
treaty, the Prince had, at length, whoUy succeeded in con
quering the conflicting passions in the states-general, and in
reconciling them, to a certain extent, with each other. The
closer union had been accepted, and now thirty articles, which
had been prepared under his superintendence, and had already
on the 17th of December been accepted by Matthias, were
established as the fundamental terms, according to which
the Archduke was to be received as Governor-General.*. No
power whatever was accorded to the young man, who had
come so far with eager and ambitious views. As the Prince
had neither sohcited nor desired a visit which had, on the con
trary, been the result of hostUe machinations, the Archduke
could hardly complain that the power accorded him was but
shadowy, and that his presence was rendered superfluous. It

* Bor, xi. 902, 903. Meteren, vii. 128.
\ Bor, xi. 900-903. Meteren, ubi sup.
X See the articles at full in Bor, xi. 727-929. In the notes of De Reiffen.
berg to Van d.- Vynckt, ii. 368-383 ; and in Meteren, vii. 129, they are given
with much less exactness. — Compare the remarks of Groen van Prinsterer
Archives, vi. 259, 260.

302 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
was not surprising that the common people gave him the name
of Greffier, or registering clerk to the Prince ;* for his functions
were almost limited to the signing of acts which were counter
signed by Orange. According to the stipulations of the Queen
of England, and the Views of the whole popular party, the
Prince remained Ruward of Brabant, notwithstanding the ap
pointment of a nominal Governor-General, by whom his own
duties were to be superseded.
The articles which were laid down as the basis upon which
the Archduke was to be accepted, composed an ample represen
tative constitution, by which aU the legislative and many of the
executive powers of government were bestowed upon the states-
general or upon the council by them to be elected. To avoid
remaining in the condition of a people thus left withouta head,
the states declared themselves wiUing to accept Matthias as
Governor-General, on condition of the King's subsequent appro
bation, and upon the general basis of the Ghent treaty. The
Archduke, moreover, was to take an oath of aUegiance to the
King and to the states-general at the same time. He was to
govern the land by the advice of a state council, the members
of which were to be appointed by the states-general, and were
"to be native Netherlanders, true patriots, and neither ambi
tious nor greedy."f In aU matters discussed before the state
council, a majority of votes was to decide. The Governor-
General, with his CouncU of State, should conclude nothing
concerning the common affairs of the nation — such as requests,
loans, treaties of peace or declarations of war, alhances or
confederacies with foreign nations — without the consent of the
states-general. He was to issue no edict or ordinance, and
introduce no law, without the consent of the same body duly
assembled, and representing each individual province.*. A
majority of the members was declared necessary to a quorum
of the council. All acts and despatches were to be drawn up
by a member of the board. The states-general were to assemble

* Tassis, iv. 290.
¦f "Getrouvre en goede patriotten niet wesende ambitieus of gierig.— .
Alt <*• X Art. 8.

1578.] A FREE CONSTITUTION. 303
when, where, and as often as, and remain in session as long as,
they might think it expedient* At the request of any individual
province, concerning matters about which a convention of the
generality was customary, the other states should be bound to
assemble without waiting for directions from the Governor-
GeneraLf The estates of each particular province were to
assemble at their pleasure. The governor and council, with
advice of the states-general, were to appoint all the principal
mUitary officers. Troops were to be enrolled and garrisons
estabhshed by and with the consent of the states. Governors
of provinces were to be appointed by the Governor-General,
with advice of his council, and with the consent of the
estates of the province interested. All mihtary affairs were
to be conducted during war by the governor, with advice of
his councU, whUe the estates were to have absolute control over
the levying and expenditure of the common funds of the
country. J
IS is sufficiently plain from this brief summary, that the
powers thus conferred upon Matthias alone, were absolutely
nuU, while those which he might exercise in conjunction with
the state council, were not much more extensive. The actual
force of the government — legislative, executive, and adminis
trative — was lodged in the general assembly, whUe no authority
was left to the King, except the nominal right to approve
these revolutionary proceedings, according to the statement in
the preamble. Such a reservation in favor of his Majesty
seemed a superfluous sarcasm. It was furthermore resolved
that the Prince of Orange should be appointed Lieutenant-
General for Matthias, and be continued in his office of Ruward.§
This constitution, drawn up under the superintendence of the
Prince, had been already accepted by Matthias, while still at

* Article 13. t Art. 14.
X Art. 21. — "Le hizieron jurar," says Cabrera, "treinta i una condiciones,"
(one article more, by the way, than the actual 'number, which was thirty — Bor,
xi. 927-929), " instituyendo el gobierno popular a la traca que Julio Cesar
escrive de los antiguos Flamencos, que el pueblo tenia el mismo mando sobre el
Rey, que el sobre pueblo: i el Archiduque les serviria de estatua." — xii. 959H
§ Bor, xi. 927.

304 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
Antwerp, and upon the 18th of January, 1578, the ceremony
of his inauguration took place.
It was the third triumphal procession which Brussels had
witnessed within nine months. It was also the most briUiant
of aU ; for the burghers, as if to make amends to the Arch
duke for the actual nullity to which he had been reduced,
3eemed resolved to raise him to the seventh heaven of aUegory.
By the rhetorical guUds he was regarded as the most brilhant
consteUation of virtues which had yet shone above the Flemish
horizon. A briUiant cavalcade, headed by Orange, accom
panied by Count John of Nassau, the Prince de Chimay and
other notables, met him at Vilvoorde, and escorted him to the
city gate. On an open field, outside the town, Count Bossu
had arranged a review of troops, concluding with a sham-fight,
which, in the words of a classical contemporary, seemed as
"bloody a rencontre as that between Duke Miltiades of
Athens and King Darius upon the plains of Attica."* The
procession entered the Louvain gate, through a splendid trium
phal arch, fiUed with a band of invisible musicians. "I
believe that Orpheus had never played so melodiously on his
harp," says the same authority, " nor Apollo on his lyre, nor
Pan on his lute, as the city waits then performed."f On
entering the gates, Matthias was at once delivered over to the
hands of mythology, the burghers and rhetoricians taking
possession of their illustrious captive, and being determined to
outdo themselves in demonstrations of welcome. The repre
sentatives of the " nine nations " of Brussels met him in the
Ritter-street, followed by a gorgeous retinue. Although it

* Bor, xi. 927.
\ "Sommaro Besehryvingho van den triumphelijcke Incomst van den door
fuchtigen Aertshoge Matthias hinnen die rrincelijcke Stadt van Brussele." —
't Antwerpcn. Plantin, 1579. This little contemporary publication, drawn up
by J. B. Houwaert, contams a detailed account of tho festivities upon this occa
sion, together with all the poems sung and spoken, and well executed engrav
ings of the decorations, temples, theatres, and triumphal arches. For the
literary and artistic history of Flanders and Brabant, it is important. The
copy used by the writer is in the " Collectio Duncaniana " of the Royal Library
at the Hague.

1578.] MYTHOLOGY. 305
was mid-day, aU bore flaming torches. Although it was
January, the streets were strewed with flowers. The houses
were festooned with garlands, and hung with briUiant sUks and
velvets. The streets were thronged with spectators, and en-.
cumbered with triumphal arches. On the Grande Place
ttlways the central scene in Brussels, whether for comedies, or
tournaments, or executions, the principal dramatic effects had
been accumulated. The splendid front of the Hotel de Ville
was wreathed with scarfs and banners ; its windows and bal
conies, as weU as those of the picturesque houses which formed
the square, were crowded with gaily-dressed women. Upon
the area of the place, twenty-four theatres had been erected,
where a series of magnificent living pictures were represented
by the most beautiful young females that could be found in the
city. All were attired in brocades, embroideries, and cloth of
gold. The subjects of the tableaux vivants were, of course,
most classic, for the Netherlanders were nothing, if not aUe-
gorical ; yet, as spectacles, provided by burghers and artisans
for the amusement of their feUow-citizens, they certainly
proved a considerable culture in the people who could thus be
amused. AU the groups were artistically arranged. Upon one
theatre stood Juno with her peacock, presenting Matthias
with the city of Brussels, which she held, beautifuUy modelled,
in her hand. Upon another, Cybele gave him the keys,
Reason handed him a bridle, Hebe a basket of flowers, Wis
dom a looking-glass and two law books, DUigence a pair of
spurs ; while Constancy, Magnanimity, Prudence, and other
virtues, furnished him with a helmet, corslet, spear, and shield.
Upon other theatres, BeUona presented him with several mer-
at-arms, tied in a bundle ; Fame gave him her trumpet, and
Glory her crown. Upon one stage Quintus Curtius, on
horseback, was seen plunging into the yawning abyss ; upon
six others Scipio Africanus was exhibited, as he appeared in
the most picturesque moments of his career.* The beardless
Archduke had never achieved anything, save his nocturnal

* Sommare Beschryvinghe, etc
20

306 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
escape from Vienna in his night-gown ; but the honest
Flemings chose to regard him as a re-incarnation of those two
eminent Romans. Carried away by their own learning, they
aheady looked upon him as a myth ; and such indeed he was
destined to remain throughout his Netherland career. After
surveying all these wonders, Matthias was led up the hill
again to the ducal palace, where, after hearing speeches and
odes till he was exhausted, he was at last allowed to eat his
supper and go to bed.
Meantime the citizens feasted in the streets. Bonfires were
blazing everywhere, at which the people roasted " geese, pigs,
capons, partridges, and chickens," while upon aU sides were
the merriest piping and dancing. Of a sudden, a fiery dragon
was seen flying through the air. It poised for a while over
the heads of the reveUing crowd in the Grande Place, and then
burst with a prodigious explosion, sending forth rockets and
other fireworks in every direction. This exhibition, then a
new one, so frightened the people, that they all took to their
heels, "as if a thousand soldiers had assaulted them,"
tumbhng over each other in great confusion, and so dispersing
to their homes.*
The next day Matthias took the oaths.as Governor-General,
to support the new constitution, whUe the Prince of Orange
was sworn in as Lieutenant-General and Governor of Brabant,
Upon the next a splendid banquet was given them in the
grand hall of the Hotel de Ville, by the states-general, and
when the cloth was removed, Rhetoric made her last and most
ingenious demonstration, through the famous guUd of " Mary
with the Flower Garland."
Two individuals — the one attired as a respectable burgher,
the other as a clerical personage in gown and bands — made
their appearance upon a stage, opposite the seats of their High
nesses, and pronounced a long dialogue in rhyme. One of
the speakers rejoiced in the appellation of the " Desiring
Heart," the other was called " Common Comfort." Common

* Sommare Beschryvinghe, etc

1578.] CHARADES. 307
Sense might have been more to the purpose, but appeared to
have no part in the play. Desiring Heart, being of an
inquisitive disposition, propounded a series of puzzling ques
tions, mythological in their nature, which seemed like classical
conundrums, having reference, mainly, to the proceedings of
Venus, Neptune, Juno, and other divinities.* They appeared
to have Uttle to do with Matthias or the matter in hand, but
Common Comfort knew better. That clerical personage,
accordingly, in a handsome aUowance of rhymes, informed
his despairing coUeague that everything would end weU ;
that Jupiter, Diana, Venus, and the rest of them would all
do their duty, and that Belgica would be reheved from all
her woes, at the advent of a certain individual. Whereupon
cried Desiring Heart :
Oh Common Comfort 1 who is he ?
His name, and of what family ?
To whichf Comfort responded by mentioning the Archduke,

* Aa for example —
"Wanneer sal Jupiter Saturnum verdrijven?
Wanneer sal Neptunus Phaethon verdrijncken,
Wanneer sal Hercules Hydram ontlijven,
Wanneer sal Vulcanus laten sijn hincken," etc., etc.
Som. Beschryv.
Or, in the vernacular —
When shall Jove his father follow,
Or briny Neptune Phaethon swallow,
Or Herc'les leave off Hydra crimping,
Or honest Vulcan give up limping,
Or Brontes cease to forge his thunder?
All these are wonders upon wonder— etc., etc.
f " Hy is van Keyserlicken stamme gheboren,
Aartshertoge Matthias is sijnen name,
Di# generale staten habben hem ghecoren,
Voor Gouverneur, door sijne goete fame
Hy is als Julius Cesar eersame," etc., etc. Som. Beschryv.
He is formed of fine material,
And is sprung of race imperial.
He is brave as Juhus Csesar,
Archduke Matthias is his name ;
He is chosen Governor-General
By the states, for his great tame — etc., etc

308 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
in a poetical and highly-complimentary strain, with hand
some aUusions to the inevitable Quintus Curtius and Scipio
Africanus. The concluding words of the speech were not
spoken, but were taken as the cue for a splendid charade ;
the long-suffering Scipio again making his appearance, in
company with Alexander and Hannibal ; the group typifying
the future government of Matthias. After each of these
heroic individuals had spouted a hundred Unes or so, the play
was terminated, and Rhetoric took her departure. The
company had remained at table during this long represen
tation, and now the dessert was served, consisting of a " richly
triumphant banquet of confectionary, marmalade, and all
kinds of genteelnesses in sugar."*
Meanwhile, Don John sat chafing and almost frenzied with
rage at Namur. Certainly he had reasons enough for losing
his temper. Never since the days of Maximilian had king's
brother been so bearded by rebels. The Cross was humbled in
the dust, the royal authority openly derided, his Majesty's
representative locked up in a fortress, whUe " the accursed
Prince of Orange" reigned supreme in Brussels, with an
imperial Archduke for his private secretary.
The Governor addressed a long, private, and most bitter
letter to the Emperor, for the purpose of setting himself right
in the opinion of that potentate, and of giving him certain
hints as to what was expected of the imperial court by Phihp
and himself. He expressed confidence that the imperial
commissioners would have some effect in bringing about the
pacification of the Netherlands, and protested his own strong
desire for such a result, provided always that the two great
points of the Catholic rehgion and his Majesty's authority
were preserved intact. " In the hope that those articles would
be maintained," said he, " I have emptied cities and important
places of their garrisons, when I might easily have kept the
soldiers, and with the soldiers the places, against all the world,
instead of consigning them to the care of men who at this

Sommare Beschryvinghe, etc., etc.

1578.] DON JOHN TO THE EMPEROR. 309
hour have arms in their hand against their natural prince."
He declared vehemently that in all his conduct, since his
arrival in the provinces, he had been governed exclusively by
the interests of PhUip, an object which he should steadily
pursue to the end. He urged, too, that the Emperor, being
of the same house as PhUip, and therefore more obliged than
all others to sustain his quarrel, would do well to espouse his
cause with all the warmth possible. " The forgetfulness by
vassals," said Don John, " of the obedience due to their sove
reign is so dangerous, that all princes and potentates, even
those at the moment exempt from trouble, should assist in
preparing the remedy, in order that their subjects also may
not take it into their heads to do the like, liberty being a con
tagious disease, which goes on infecting one neighbour after
another, if the cure be not promptly applied."* It was, he
averred, a desperate state of things for monarchs, when subjects
having obtained such concessions as the Netherlanders had
obtained, nevertheless loved him and obeyed him so Uttle.
They showed, but too clearly, that the causes alleged by them
had been but pretexts, in order to effect designs, long ago
conceived, to overthrow the ancient constitution of the country,
and to Uve thenceforward in unbridled liberty. So many
indecent acts had been committed prejudicial to religion and to
his Majesty's grandeur, that the Governor avowed his determi
nation to have no farther communication with the provinces
without fresh commands to that effect. He begged the
.Emperor to pay no heed to what the states said, but to observe
what they did. He assured him that nothing could be more
senseless than the reports that Philip and his Governor-
General in the Netherlands were negotiating with France, for
the purpose of alienating the provinces from the Austrian

* "  Obeissance de leur Prince souverain, obly de laquelle est si
dangereulx que tous princes et potentats voires ceulx qui presentement sont
exempts de troubles en dervoient soigner le remade affin que, a l'exemple de
ceulx ci les leurs ne prennent quelque jour envye de fre le semblable, etant la
liberte qu'ils cherchent comme ung mal contagieulx qui vast infectant au voisin
ai en temps et promptement ny est rem^dic."

310 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
crown. PhUip, being chief of the famUy, and sovereign of the
Netherlands, could not commit the absurdity of giving away
his own property to other people, nor would Don John choose
to be an instrument in so foolish a transaction.* The Governor
entreated the Emperor, therefore, to consider such fables as
the invention of malcontents and traitors, of whom there
were no lack at his court, and to remember that nothing was
more necessary for the preservation of the greatness of his
family than to cultivate the best relations with aU its members.
"Therefore," said he, with an absurd affectation of candor,
" although I make no doubt whatever that the expedition
hitherwards of the Archduke Matthias has been made with
the best intentions ; nevertheless, many are of opinion that it
would have been better altogether omitted. If the Archduke,"
he continued, with hardly dissembled irony, " be desirous of
taking charge of his Majesty's affairs, it would be preferable to
employ himself in the customary manner. Tour Majesty
would do a laudable action by recalling him from this place,
according to your Majesty's promise to me to that effect."
In conclusion, Don John complained that difficulties had been
placed in his way for making levies of troops in the Empire,
while every facility had been afforded to the rebels. He
therefore urgently insisted that so unnatural and unjust a con
dition of affairs should be remedied.f
Don John was not sorry in his heart that the crisis was
at last come. His chain was broken. His wrath exploded in
his first interview with Leyton, the English envoy, whom
Queen Elizabeth had despatched to calm, if possible, his
inevitable anger at her recent treaty with the states.*. He
knew nothing of England, he said, nor of France, nor of the

* "  car estant icelle chef de la dite maison et Sgr des Pays Bas seroit
chose absurde de lui attribuer une imprudence si grande que de donner le sien a
autrui et a moi qu'en vouldrais estre l'instrument."
\ This letter which has never been published, is in French, in the handwriting
of John Baptist de Tassis, and signed by Don John. It is dated Luxembourg,
11th of January, 1578, and is in the collection of MSS. in the Brussels Archives,
entitled, " Reconciliation des Provinces Wallones — t. i. 44-54.
X Bor, xi. 931.

1578.] WAR PROCLAIMED. 311
Emperor. His Catholic Majesty had commissioned him now
to make war upon these rebellious provinces. He would do it
with aU his heart. As for the Emperor, he would unchain the
Turks upon him for his perfidy. As for the burghers of
Brussels, they would soon feel his vengeance.*
It was very obvious that these were not idle threats. War
had again broken loose throughout these doomed provinces. A
small but well-appointed army had been rapidly collecting
under the banner of Don John at Luxemburg, Peter Ernest
Mansfeld had brought many well-trained troops from France,
and Prince Alexander of Parma had arrived with several choice
and veteran regiments of Italy and Spain.f The old school-
feUow, playmate and comrade of Don John, was shocked on his
arrival, to witness the attenuated frame and care-worn features
of his uncle. +. The son of Charles the Fifth, the hero of Lepanto,
seemed even to have lost the air of majesty which was so
natural to him, for petty insults, perpetual crosses, seemed to
have left their squalid traces upon his features. Nevertheless,
the crusader was alive again, at the notes of warhke prepara
tions which now resounded throughout the land.
On the 25th of January he issued a proclamation, couched
in three languages — French, German, and Flemish. He
declared in this document that he had not come to enslave the
provinces, but to protect them. At the same time he meant
to re-establish his Majesty's authority, and the down-trod
rehgion of Rome. He summoned aU citizens and aU soldiers
throughout the provinces to join his banners, offering them
pardon for their past offences, and protection against heretics
and rebels.§ This declaration was the natural consequence of
the exchange of defiances which had already taken place, and
it was evident also that the angry manifesto was soon to be
followed up by vigorous blows. The army of Don John

* Bor, xi. 931. Hoofd, xiii. 546.
f Bor, xii. 932, 933. Hoofd, xiii. 546. Strada, ix. 460.
± " Attenuata non magis valetudine quam specie ilia majestateque fortunatissimi
Imperatoris." — Ibid.
§ Proclamation in Bor, xii. 932, 933. — Compare Cabrera, xii. 966.

312 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
already numbered more than twenty thousand well-seasoned
and disciplined veterans.* He was himself the most illus
trious chieftain in Europe. He was surrounded by lieutenants
of the most briUiant reputation. Alexander of Parma, who
had fought with distinction at Lepanto, was already recognised
as possessing that signal mUitary genius which was soon to
stamp him as the first soldier of his age, whfle Mansfeld, Mon
dragon, Mendoza, and other distinguished officers, who had
already won so much fame in the Netherlands, had now re
turned to the scene of their former achievements.f
On the other hand, the mihtary affairs of the states were in
confusion. Troops in nearly equal numbers to those of the
royal army had been assembled, but the chief offices had been
bestowed, by a mistaken policy, upon the great nobles.
Already the jealousy of Orange, entertained by their whole
order, was painfully apparent. Notwithstanding the signal
popularity which had made his appointment as Lieutenant-
general inevitable, it was not easy for him always to vindicate
his authority over captious and rival magnates.*. He had
every wish to conciliate the affections of men whom he could
not in his heart respect, and he went as far in gratifying their
ambition as comported with his own dignity ; perhaps farther
than was consistent with the national interests. He was still
willing to trust Lalain, of whose good affection to the country
he felt sure. He had even been desirous of dechning the
office of Lieutenant-General, in order to avoid giving that
nobleman the least occasion to think " that he would do him,
or any other gentleman of the army, prejudice in any single
matter in the world."§ This magnanimity had not been

* Bor, xii. 932. Hoofd, xiii. 546, 547, say 22,300, viz. — 4000 Spanish, 4000
French, 5000 Germans, 6800 Walloons, 2500 cavalry; total, 22,300 ;— about
20,000 according to Strada, ix. 462. Cabrera asserts that there were but 10,000
in Don John's army, while the forces of the enemy amounted to double that
number. — xii. 967°.
f Strada, ix. 467. X H)"*-. 46*-
§ Letter of Prince of Orange, Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 279.'

1578.] THE TWO ARMIES. 313*
repaid with corresponding confidence. We have already seen
that Lalain had been secretly in the interest of Anjou ever
since his wife and himself had lost their hearts to Margaret of
Navarre ; yet the Count was chief commander of the infantry
in the states' army then assembled. Robert Melun, Vicomte
de Gand, was commander of the cavalry,* but he had recently
been private envoy from Don John to the English Queen.f
Both these gentlemen, together with Pardieu De la Motte,
general of the artillery, were voluntarily absent from the
forces, under pretext of celebrating the wedding of the Seigneur
De Bersel with the niece and heiress of the unfortunate
Marquis of Bergen.*. The ghost of that ill-starred noble
might almost have seemed to rise at the nuptial banquet of
his heiress, to warn the traitors of the signal and bloody
massacre which their treachery was soon to occasion. PhUip
Egmont, eldest son of the famous Lamoral, was with the army,
as was the Seigneur de He'ze, hero of the State CouncU's
arrest, and the unstable Havre. But little was to be hoped
from such leaders. Indeed, the affairs of the states continued
to be in as perplexed a condition as that which honest John of
Nassau had described some weeks before. " There were very
few patriots," he had said, " but plenty of priests, with no
lack of inexperienced lads — some looking for distinction, and
others for pelf."§
The two armies had been mustered in the latter days of
January. The Pope had issued a bull for the benefit of Don
John, precisely simUar to those formerly employed in the cru
sades against the Saracens.|| Authority was given him to levy
contributions upon ecclesiastical property, while full absolution,
at the hour of death, for aU crimes committed during a whole
lifetime, was proclaimed to those who should now join the

*

' Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 279. t Strada, ix. 463.
+ Strada, ix. 464, 465. Hoofd, xiii. 548.
§ Letter to the Landgrave W. de Hesse.— Archives de la Maison d'Orange,
vi. 227.
j See it in Bor, xii. 935b.

* 314 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
standard of the Cross. There was at least no concealment.
The Crescent-wearing Zealanders had been taken at their
word, and the whole nation of Netherlanders were formaUy
banned as unbelievers. The forces of Don John were mus
tered at Marche in Luxemburg ; those of the states in a plain
within a few miles of Namur.* Both armies were nearly
equal in number, amounting to nearly twenty thousand each,
including a force of two thousand cavalry on each side.f
It had been the original intention of the patriots to attack
Don John in Namur. Having learned, however, that he pur
posed marching forth himself to offer battle, they decided to
faU back upon Gemblours, which was nine mUes distant from
that city.*. On the last day of January, they accordingly
broke up their camp at Saint Martius, before dawn, and
marched towards Gemblours. The chief commander was De
Goignies, an old soldier of Charles the Fifth, who had also
fought at Saint Quintin. The states' army was disposed in three
divisions. The van consisted of the infantry regiments of
De Heze and Montigny, flanked by a protective body of hght
horse. The centre, composed of the Walloon and German
regiments, with a few companies of French, and thirteen
companies of Scotch and English under Colonel Balfour, was
commanded by two most distinguished officers, Bossu and
Champagny. The rear, which, of course, was the post of
responsibility and honor, comprised all the heavy cavalry, and
was commanded by PhUip Egmont and Lumey de la Marck.
The Marquis Havre and the General-in-chief, Goignies, rode
to and fro, as the army proceeded, each attended by his staff.§
The troops of Don John broke up from before Namur with
the earhest dawn, and marched in pursuit of the retiring foe.
In front was nearly the whole of the cavalry — carabineers,
lancers, and heavy dragoons. The centre, arranged in two

* Bor, xii. 932, sqq. Hoofd, xiii. 548.
t AU the authorities agree as to the estimates of the forces of the states
Hoofd, xiii. 547. Cabrera, xii. 969. Strada, ix. 463, et mult. al.
X Bor, xii. 933. Hoofd, xiii. 547. Strada, ix. 464.
§ Bor, xii. 933, 934. Strada, ix. 464. Hoofd, xiii. 548.

1578.] BATTLE OF GEMBLOURS. 315
squares, consisted chiefly of Spanish infantry, with a lesser
number of Germans. In the rear came the WaUoons, march
ing also in a square, and protecting the baggage and ammu
nition. Charles Mansfeld had been left behind with a reserved
force, stationed on the Meuse ; Ottavio Gonzaga commanded
in front, Ernest Mansfeld brought up the rear ; while in the
centre rode Don John himself, attended by the Prince of
Parma. Over his head streamed the crucifix-emblazoned ban
ner, with its memorable inscription — In hoc signo vici Turcos,
in hoc Haereticos vincam.!i
SmaU detachments of cavalry had been sent forward, under
Ohvera and Acosta, to scour the roads and forests, and to
disturb all ambuscades which might have been prepared.
From some stragglers captured by these officers, the plans of
the retreating generals were learned. The winter's day was
not far advanced, when the rearward columns of the states'
army were descried in the distance. Don John, making a
selection of some six hundred cavalry, all picked men, with a
thousand infantry, divided the whole into two bodies, which
he placed under command of Gonzaga and the famous old
Christopher Mondragon.f These officers received orders to hang
on the rear of the enemy, to harass him, and to do him all
possible damage consistent with the possibility of avoiding a
general engagement, until the main army under Parma and
Don John should arrive. The orders were at first strictly
obeyed. As the skirmishing grew hotter, however, Gonzaga
observed that a spirited cavalry officer, named Perotti, had
already advanced, with a handful of men, much further within
the reach of the hostile, forces than was deemed expedient.
He sent hastily to recalj the too eager chieftain. The order,
dehvered in a tone more peremptory than agreeable, was flatly
disobeyed. "Tell Ottavio Gonzaga," said Perotti, "that I
never yet turned my back on the enemy, nor shall I now begin.
Moreover, were I ever so much inclined to do so, retreat is

* Bor, xii. 933. Hoofd, xiii. 549. Strada, ix. 465.
f Strada, ix. 465, 466. Hoofd, xiii. 549. Bor, xii. 933, sqq.

316 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
impossible."* The retiring army was then proceeding along
the borders of a deep ravine, fiUed with mire and water, and
as broad and more dangerous than a river.f In the midst
of the skirmishing, Alexander of Parma rode up to recon
noitre. He saw at once that the columns of the enemy were
marching unsteadUy to avoid being precipitated into this creek.
He observed the waving of their spears, the general confu
sion of their ranks, and was quick to take advantage of the
fortunate moment. Pointing out to the officers about him
the opportunity thus offered of attacking the retiring army
unawares in flank, he assembled, with great rapidity, the fore
most companies of cavalry aheady detached from the main
body. Mounting a fresh and powerful horse, which CamiUo
Monte held in readiness for him, he signified his intention of
dashing through the dangerous ravine, and dealing a stroke
where it was least expected. " Tell Don John of Austria,"
he cried to an officer whom he sent back to the Commander-
in-chief, "that Alexander of Parma has plunged into the
abyss, to perish there, or to come forth again victorious."*.
The sudden thought was executed with lightning-like
celerity. In an instant the bold rider was already struggling
through the dangerous swamp ; in another, his powerful
charger had carried him across. Halting for a few minutes,
lance in rest,§ till his troops had also forced their passage, gained
the level ground unperceived, and sufficiently breathed their
horses, he drew up his little force in a compact column. Then,
with a few words of encouragement, he launched them at the
foe. The violent and entirely unexpected shock was even
more successful than the Prince had anticipated. The hostile
cavalry reeled and feU into hopeless confusion, Egmont in
vain striving to raUy them to resistance. That name had lost
its magic. Goignies also attempted, without success, to re
store order among the panic-struck ranks. The sudden con-

* Strada, ix. 466. f Strada, ubi sup. Bor, xii. 934. Hoofd, xiii. 459.
X Strada. ix. 466, 467. Hoofd, xiii. 549.
§ " Con gran valor, la lan^a en purio," etc., etc. — Cabrera, xii. 968.

1578.] DEFEAT OF THE PATRIOTS. 317
ception of Parma, executed as suddenly and in so briUiant a
manner, had been decisive. Assaulted in flank and rear at the
same moment, and already in temporary confusion, the cavahy
of the enemy turned their backs and fled. The centre of the
states' army thus left exposed, was now warmly attacked by
Parma. It had, moreover, been already thrown into disorder
by the retreat of its own horse, as they charged through them in
rapid and disgraceful panic. The whole army broke to pieces at
once,* and so great was the trepidation, that the conquered
troops had hardly courage to run away. They were utterly in
capable of combat. Not a blow was struck by the fugitives.
Hardly a man in the Spanish ranks was wounded ; whfle, in the
course of an hour and a half, the whole force of the enemy was
exterminated. It is impossible to state with accuracy the exact
numbers slain. Some accounts spoke of ten thousand kiUed,
or captive, with absolutely no loss on the royal side.f More
over, this slaughter was effected, not by the army under Don
John, but by so smaU a fragment of it, that some historians
have even set down the whole number of royalists engaged at
the commencement of the action, at six hundred, increased
afterwards to twelve hundred. By this calculation, each
Spaniard engaged must have kiUed ten enemies with his own
hand ; and that within an hour and a half s space !*. Other
historians more wisely omit the exact statistics of the mas
sacre, and aUow that a very few — ten or eleven, at most — were
slain within the Spanish ranks. This, however, is the utmost
that is claimed by even the Netherland historians, and it is, at

* Strada, Hoofd, Bor, ubi sup.— Compare Cabrera, xii. 968, 969 ; Meteren,
viii 133 ; Haraei Ann., iii. 273, 274; Tassis, iv. 293, 294, et mult. alt.
f " Dei vincitori non mori quasi soldato alcuno," says Bentivoglio, " pochi
restaron feriti." — (Guerra di Fiandra x. 206). He however has the modesty to
claim but three thousand killed on the states' side, with a large number of
prisoners. X " Siquidem a sexcentis equitibus (tot enim incepere aucti dein ad mille ac
ducentos, confecere pugnam) peditum millia omnino decern, partim coesa, partim
capta, ac reliquus exercitus non minor octo bellatorum millibus sesquihoras
spatio (( I) ; desideratis ex Regus tantum modo novem, profligatus est." — Strada,
ix. 468. Rather too warm work even for the 31st of January.

318 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
any rate, certain that the whole states' army was annihilated.'"'
Rarely had a more brilhant exploit been performed by a hand
ful of cavalry. To the distinguished Alexander of Parma, who
improvised so striking and complete a victory out of a for
tuitous circumstance, belonged the whole credit of the day, for
his quick eye detected a passing weakness of the enemy, and
turned it to terrible account with the promptness which comes
from genius alone. A whole army was overthrown. Every
thing belonging to the enemy feU into the hands of the
Spaniards. Thirty-four standards, many field-pieces, much
camp equipage, and ammunition, besides some seven or eight
thousand dead bodies, and six hundred living prisoners, were
the spoUs of that winter's day.f Of the captives, some were
soon afterwards hurled off the bridge at Namur, and drowned
like dogs in the Meuse,*. whfle the rest were aU hanged,§
* According to Tassis (iv. 294) seven thousand of tho states' army were
killed or captured (the prisoners afterwards having been drowned), while only ten
royalists were killed or wounded. According to Haraeus (ui 274), eight
thousand of the states' army were slain by two thousand royalist troops (being
four men apiece for each royalist). He does not state that any of the King's
soldiers were slain, or even wounded. According to Cabrera (xii. 968), there
were more than seven thousand of the Netherland army killed or taken (the
number of the prisoners being nowhere stated at more than six hundred, all of
whom were afterwards drowned or hanged), while of the Spanish troops two
were killed, and five were wounded. According to Bor, thirty companies were
slain, and six hundred men taken prisoners, on the states' side, while Don John
lost but ten or twelve men. Hoofd accepts the absurd statistics of Strada ; re
peating, after that historian, that " twelve hundred Spaniards killed six, eight, nay
even ten thousand of the states' army, within one hour and a half, with a loss of
but ten men on their own side," (xiii. 550). Van Meteren, alone, in the teeth
Df all the evidence, doggedly maintains that it was not much of a victory after all,
and that there were not many states' soldiers slain in the action. — " Het gethal
d»r verslagenen war niet seer groot." — (viii. 133). A contemporary, and living
near the spot, he certainly manifests his patriotism by so hardy an assertion ; but we
have often noticed the pertinacity of the distinguished chronicler upon such points.
f Bor, Strada, Hoofd, Haraeus, Meteren, Cabrera, ubi sup. et mult. al.
X Tassis, iv. 294.
g Bor, xii. 934. Hoofd, xiii. 555. — The latter historian states that six
Hundred prisoners were hanged at Namur. Cabrera, on the contrary, asserts
that Don John liberated the Scotch prisoners: " a Seiscientos Escoseses presos
dio lihertad Don Juan, mostrando su clemencia." To this very gratuitous asser
tion it is a sufficient answer that Tassis, who was on the spot, a leading privy

1578.] MILITARY SUPERIORITY OF THE SPANIARDS. 319
none escaping with life. Don John's clemency was not
superior to that of his sanguinary predecessors.
And so another proof was added — if proofs were still neces
sary — of Spanish prowess. The Netherlanders may be par
doned if their foes seemed to them supernatural, and almost
invulnerable. How else could these enormous successes be
accounted for? How else could thousands fall before the
Spanish swords, whfle hardly a single Spanish corpse told
of effectual resistance ? At Jemmingen, Alva had lost seven
soldiers, and slain seven thousand ; in the Antwerp Fury,
two hundred Spaniards, at most, had faUen, while eight
thousand burghers and states' troops had been butchered;
and now at Gemblours, six, seven, eight, ten — Heaven knew
how many — thousand had been exterminated, and hardly a
single Spaniard had been slain ! Undoubtedly, the first
reason for this result was the superiority of the Spanish
soldiers. They were the boldest, the best disciplined, the
most experienced in the world. Their audacity, promptness,
and ferocity made them almost invincible. In this particular
action, at least half the army of Don John was composed of
Spanish or Spanish-Italian veterans. Moreover, they were
commanded by the most renowned captains of the age — by
Don John himself, and Alexander of Parma, sustained by such
veterans as Mondragon, the hero of the memorable submarine
expeditions ; Mendoza, the accomphshed cavalry officer, diplo
matist, and historian ; and Mansfeld, of whom Don John had
himself written to the King that his Majesty had not another
officer of such account in aU the Netherlands.* Such officers
as these, besides Gonzaga, CamiUo Monte, Mucio Pagano, at
the head of such troops as fought that day under the banner

councillor of Don John, expressly states that of the captives the greater part,
who were, Scotch, were thrown off Namur bridge into the river. " Ac capti,
quorum magna pars, qui Schoti erant, ex ponte Namuriensi in fluvium postea
prEecipitati," iv. 294. — Compare Haraei Ann., iii. 274, where it is stated that
all the prisoners were hanged ; — " extemplo suspendio necantur."
* " Y que no tiene aqui otro hombre de su estado." — Letter of Don John to
Philip, Discours Sommier, p. 37, appendix

320 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
of the Cross, might go far in accounting for this last and most
tremendous victory of the Inquisition. On the other hand,
although Bossu and Champagny were with the states' army, yet
their hearts were hardly with the cause. Both had long been
loyal, and had earned many laurels against the rebels, while
Champagny was stfll devoutly a Papist, and wavered painfuUy
between his hatred to heresy and to Spain. Egmont and
De Hdze were raw, unpractised lads, in whom genius did not
come to supply the place of experience. The Commander, De
Goignies, was a veteran, but a veteran who had never gained
much glory, and the chiefs of the cavalry, infantry, and artil
lery, were absent at the Brussels wedding. The news of this
additional massacre inflicted upon a nation, for which Berghen
and Montigny had laid down their hves, was the nuptial
benediction for Berghen's heiress ; for it was to the chief wed
ding guests upon that occasion that the disaster was justlv
attributed. The rank and file of the states' army were mainly
mercenaries, with whom the hope of plunder was the prevailing
motive ; the chief commanders were absent ; while those
officers who were with the troops were neither heartily
friendly to their own flag, nor sufficiently experienced to make
it respected.

CHAPTER Y.

Towns taken by Don John — Wrath excited against the aristocratic party by
the recent defeat — Attempts upon Amsterdam — " Satisfaction" of Amster
dam and its effects — De Selles sent with royal letters from Spain — Terms
offered by Philip — Proclamation of Don John — Correspondence between
de Selles and the States-General — Between the King and the Governor-
General — New forces raised by the States — St Aldegonde at the Diet
— Municipal revolution in Amsterdam — The Prince's letter on the sub
ject of the Anabaptists of Middelburg — The two armies inactive — Do
la Noue — Action at Rijnemants — John Casimir — Perverse politics of Queen
Ehzabeth — Alencon in the Netherlands — Portrait of the Duke — Orange's
position in regard to him — Avowed and supposed policy of the French
court — Anger of Ehzabeth — Terms arranged between Alencon and the
, Estates — Renewed negotiations with Don John — Severe terms offered
him — Interview of the English envoys with the Governor — Despondency of
Don John— r-Orange's attempts to enforce a rehgious peace — His isolation in
sentiment — The malcontent party — Count John Governor of Gelderland —
Proposed form of rehgious peace — Proclamation to that effect by Orange,
in Antwerp — A petition in favor of the Roman Church presented by Cham
pagny and other Catholic nobles to the States-General — Consequent commo
tion in Brussels — Champagny and others imprisoned — Indolence and poverty
of the two armies — Illness and melancholy of Don John — His letters to
Doria, to Mendoza, and to the King — Death of Don John — Suspicions of
poison — Pompous burial — Removal of his body to Spain— Concluding re
marks upon his character.
Don John having thus vindicated his own mUitary fame and
the amazing superiority of the Spanish arms, foUowed up his
victory by the rapid reduction of many towns of second-rate
importance- Louvain, Judoigne, Tirlemont, Aerschot, Bou-
vignes, Sichem, Nivelle, Roeux, Soignies, Binch, Beaumont,
Walcourt, Maubeuge, and Chimay, either submitted to their
VOL. III. 21

322 the rise of the dutch republic. [1578.
conqueror, or were taken after short sieges. The usual
atrocities were inflicted upon the unfortunate inhabitants of
towns where resistance was attempted. The commandant of
Sichem was hanged out of his own window, along with several
chief burghers and officers, while the garrison was put to the
sword, and the bodies cast into the Demer. The only crime
committed by these unfortunates was to have ventured a blow
or two in behalf of the firesides which they were employed to
protect.* In Brussels, on the other hand, there was less consternation
excited by these events than boundless rage against the aris
tocratic party, for the defeat of Gemblours was attributed, with
justice, to the intrigues and the incapacity of the Cathohc
magnates. It was with difficulty that Orange, going about
by night from house to house, from street to street, succeeded in
calming the indignation of the people, and in preventing them
from sweeping in a mass to the residence of the leading
nobles, in order to inflict summary vengeance on the traitors.
All looked to the Prince as their only saviour, not a thought
nor a word being wasted upon Matthias. Not a voice was
raised in the assembly to vindicate the secret proceedings
of the Catholic party, nor to oppose the measures which the
Prince might suggest. f The terrible disaster had taught the
necessity of union. All parties heartily joined in the neces
sary steps to place the capital in a state of complete defence,
and to assemble forthwith new troops to take the place of the
army just annihilated. The victor gained nothing by his
victory, in comparison with the profit acquired by the states
through their common misfortune. Nor were all the towns

* Bor, xii. 934, sqq. Hoofd, xiii. 551. Meteren, viii. 133. Strada, ix. 473.
— "Alexander omissa intempestira benignitate," says the professed panegyrist
of the Farnese family — " ex ipsa arce decem palam suspendi, rehquos (centum
circiter ac septuaginta) noctu jugulatos in subjectum amnem projici jubet."
f Reidani Ann., ii. 22. "Ne quidem habuisse rationem Archiducis Matthias
sed Orangius eum (populum) subtraxit periculo." — Languet, Ep. Seer. I., ii. p. 347.
Bor, xii. 935. Languet ad Sydn., p. 314. 317, 329.

1578.] AMSTERDAM. 323
which had recently fallen into the hands of Don John at all
comparable in importance to the city of Amsterdam, which
now, by a most timely arrangement, furnished a rich compen
sation to the national party for the disaster of Gemblours.
Since the conclusion of the Ghent Pacification, it had been
the most earnest wish of the Prince, and of Holland and
Zealand, to recover possession of this most important city.
The wish was naturally shared by every true patriot in the
states-general. It had, however, been extremely difficult to
arrange the terms of the " Satisfaction." Every fresh attempt
at an amicable compromise was wrecked upon the obstinate
bigotry of the leading civic authorities. They would make no
agreement to accept the authority of Orange, except, as Saint
Aldegonde expressed himself, upon terms which would enable
them "to govern their governor."* The influence of the
monks, who were resident in large numbers within the city,
and of the magistrates, who were all stanch Catholics, had been
hitherto sufficient to outweigh the efforts made by the large
masses of the Reformed religionists composing the bulk of the
population. It was, however, impossible to allow Amsterdam
to remain in this isolated and hostUe attitude to the rest of
Holland. The Prince, having promised to use no coercion,
and loyally adhering to his pledge, had only with extreme
difficulty restrained the violence of the Hollanders and
Zealanders, who were determined, by fair means or foul, to
restore the capital city to its natural place within his stad-
holderate. He had been obliged, on various occasions, par
ticularly on the 21st of October of the preceding year, to
address a most decided and peremptory letter to the estates of
Holland and Zealand, forbidding the employment of hostfle
measures against Amsterdam.f His commands had been
reluctantly, partially, and only temporarily obeyed. The
states desisted from their scheme of reducing the city by
famine, but they did not the less encourage the secret and

* Archives et Correspondance, vi. 117. -f Bor, xi. 897, 898.

324 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC [1578.
unofficial expeditions which were daily set on foot to accom-
phsh the annexation by a sudden enterprise.
Late in November, a desperate attempt* had been made by
Colonel Helling, in conjunction with Governor Sonoy, to carry
the city by surprise. The force which the adventurer collected
for the purpose was inadequate, and his plans were unskilfully
arranged. He was himself slain in the streets, at the very
commencement of the action ; whereupon, in the quaint
language of the contemporary chronicler, " the hearts of his
soldiers sank in their shoes," and they evacuated the city
with much greater rapidity than they had entered it.f The
Prince was indignant at these violent measures, which retarded
rather than advanced the desired consummation. At the
same time it was an evil of immense magnitude — this anoma
lous condition of his capital. Ceaseless schemes were con
certed by the municipal and clerical conspirators within its
walls, and various attempts were known, at different times, to
have been contemplated by Don John, to inflict a home-thrust
upon the provinces of Holland and Zealand at the most
vulnerable and vital point. The " Satisfaction" accepted by
Utrecht,*, in the autumn of 1577, had, however, paved the
way for the recovery of Amsterdam ; so that upon February
the 8th, 1578, certain deputies from Utrecht succeeded at last
in arranging terms, which w^re accepted by the sister city.§
The basis of the treaty was, as usual, the nominal supremacy
of the Catholic religion, with toleration for the Reformed
worship. The necessary effect would be, as in Harlem,
Utrecht, and other places, to establish the new religion upon
an entire equality with the old. It was arranged that no
congregations were to be disturbed in their religious exercises
in the places respectively assigned to them. Those of the

* Bor, xi. 906-908.
t "En het hert sonk de soldaaden in de schoen; so men seid," etc. — Bor,
xi 908\ Hoofd, xii. 537, 538.
X Bor, xi. 893-896.
§ The twenty-four articles of the " Satisfactie" are given at length in Bor
xi. 924-926.

1578.] THE AMSTERDAM SATISFACTION. , 325
Reformed faith were to celebrate their worship without the
waUs. They were, however, to enjoy the right of burying
their dead within these precincts, and it is singular how much
importance was attached at that day to a custom, at which
the common sentiment and the common sense of modern times
revolt. " To bury our dead within our own cities is a right
hardly to be denied to a dog," said the Prince of Orange ;*
and accordingly this right was amply secured by the new
Satisfaction of Amsterdam. It was, however, stipulated that
the funerals should be modest, and attended by no more than
twenty-four persons at once.f The treaty was haUed with
boundless joy in HoUand and Zealand, whUe countless bene
dictions were invoked upon the " blessed peace-makers," as
the Utrecht deputies walked through the streets of Amster
dam.*. There is no doubt that the triumph thus achieved by
the national party far counterbalanced the Governor-General's
victory at Gemblours.
Meantime, the Seigneur de SeUes, brother of the deceased
Noircarmes, had arrived from Spain. § He was the special
bearer of a letter from the King to the states-general, written
in reply to their communications of the 24th of August and
Sth of September of the previous year. The tone of the royal
despatch |j was very affectionate, the substance such as enthely
to justify the whole policy of Orange. It was obvious that
the penetrating and steadfast statesman had been correct in
refusing to be moved to the right or the left by the specious
language of Philip's former letters, or by the apparent frank
ness of Don John. No doubt the Governor had been sincere
in his desire for peace, but the Prince knew very well his
incapacity to confer that blessing. The Prince knew — what
no man else appeared fully to comprehend at that epoch — that
the mortal combat between the Inquisition and the Reformation
* Bor, xi. 810*, — "  die men schier den honden niet en soude konnen ont-
seggen," etc, etc
j Satisfactie, in Bor, xii. 924, 926, Art. 1 ; also Hoofd, xiii. 554-558.
X Bor, xii 926. § Bor. xii. 938. Hoofd, xiii. 558.
11 See the letter in Bor, xii. 938.

326 JTHE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
was already fully engaged. The great battle between divine
reason and right divine, on which the interests of unborn
generations were hanging, was to be fought out, before the
eyes of aU Christendom, on the plain of the Netherlands.
Orange was wUling to lay down his arms if he could receive
security for the Reformed worship. He had no desire to
exterminate the ancient religion, but he meant also to protect
the new against extermination. Such security, he felt, would
never be granted, and he had therefore resolutely refused to
hearken to Don John, for he was sure that peace with him
was impossible. The letters now produced by De SeUes con
firmed his positions completely. The King said not a word
concerning the appointment of a new governor-general, but
boldly insisted upon the necessity of maintaining the two
cardinal points — his royal supremacy, and the Cathohc religion
upon the basis adopted by his father, the Emperor Charles the
Fifth.* This was the whole substance of his communication : the
supremacy of royalty and of papacy as in the time of Charles
the Fifth. These cabalistic words were repeated twice in the
brief letter to the estates. They were repeated five times in
the instructions furnished by his Majesty to De Selles.f The
letter and the instructions indeed contained nothing else. Two
simples were offered for the cure of the body poUtic, racked
by the fever and convulsion of ten horrible years — two simples
which the patient could hardly be so unreasonable as to
reject — unlimited despotism and religious persecution. The
whole matter lay in a nut-sheU, but it was a nut-shell which
enclosed the flaming edicts of Charles the Fifth, with their
scaffolds, gibbets, racks, and funeral piles. The Prince and
the states-general spurned such pacific overtures, and preferred
rather to gird themselves for the combat.
That there might be no mistake about the matter, Don

* Letter of the King, December 18, 1577, in Bor, xii. 938.
f The instructions are hkewise in Bor, xii. 939.

1578.] PROPOSITIONS FROM SPAIN. 327
John, immediately after receiving the letter, issued a procla
mation to enforce the King's command. He mentioned it
as an acknowledged fact that the states-general had long ago
sworn the maintenance of the two points of royal and Cathohc
supremacy, according to the practice under the Emperor
Charles.* The states instantly published an indignant re
joinder, affirming the indisputable truth, that they had sworn
to the maintenance of the Ghent Pacification, and proclaiming
the assertion of Don John an infamous falsehood. It was an
outrage upon common sense, they said, that the Ghent treaty
could be tortured into sanctioning the placards and the Inqui
sition, evUs which that sacred instrument had been expressly
intended to crush.f
A letter was then formally addressed to his Majesty, in the
name of the Archduke Matthias and of the estates, demanding
the recal of Don John and the maintenance of the Ghent
Pacification.*. De Selles, in reply, sent a brief, deprecatory
paper, enclosing a note from Don John, which the envoy
acknowledged might seem somewhat harsh in its expressions.
The letter contained, indeed, a sufficiently fierce and peremp
tory summons to the states to obey the King's commands
with regard to the system of Charles the Fifth, according to
their previous agreement, together with a violent declaration
of the Governor's displeasure that they had dared to solicit the
aid of foreign princes.§ On the 18th of February came a
proposition from De Selles that the Prince of Orange should
place himself in the hands of Don John, whfle the Prince of
Parma, alone and without arms, would come before the
assembly, to negotiate with them upon these matters. || The
reply returned by the states-general to this absurd sugges
tion expressed their regret that the son of the Duches3
Margaret should have taken part with the enemy of the
Netherlanders, complained of the bull by which the Pope had
invited war against them as if they had been Saracens, re-

* Proclamation, or Letters Patent, in Bor, xii. 940.
f Bor, xii. 939, 940. X In Bor» xii- 94°-
§ Bor, xii. 940, 941. [ In Bor, xii 942.

328 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH* REPUBLIC. [1578.
peated their most unanswerable argument — that the Ghent
Pacification had estabhshed a system directly the reverse of
that which existed under Charles the Fifth — and affirmed their
resolution never more to submit to Spanish armies, executioners,
edicts, or inquisitions, and never more to return to the prin
ciples of the Emperor and of Alva.* To this diplomatic corres
pondence succeeded a war of words and of pamphlets, some of
them very inflammatory and very eloquent. Meantime, the
preparations for active hostilities were proceeding daily. The
Prince of Orange, through his envoys in England, had
arranged for subsidies in the coming campaign, and for
troops which were to be led to the Netherlands, under Duke
Casimir of the palatinate. He sent commissioners through
the provinces to raise the respective contributions agreed
upon, besides an extraordinary quota of four hundred thousand
guilders monthly. He also negotiated a loan of a hundred and
twenty thousand guilders from the citizens of Antwerp. Many
new taxes were imposed by his direction, both upon income and
upon consumption. By his advice, however, and with the con
sent of the 6tates-general, the provinces of Holland and Zealand
held no community of burthens with the other provinces, but
of their own free wfll contributed more than the sums for
which they would have been assessed. Mr. Leyton, who
was about to return from bis unsuccessful mission from Eliza
beth to Don John, was requested by the states-general to
convey to her Majesty a faithful report of the recent corres
pondence, and especially of the language held by the Governor-
General. He was also urged to use his influence with the
Queen, to the end that her promises of assistance might be
speedily fulfiUed.f
Troops were rapidly enroUed, and again, by the same honest
but mistaken policy, the chief offices were conferred upon the
great nobles — Aerschot, Champagny, Bossu, Egmont, Lalain,
the Viscount of Ghent, Baron de ViUe, and many others,

* Letter of states-general, Feb. 28, 1578, in Bor, xii. 942, sqq.
f Bor, xii. 948, 949.

1578.] MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 329
most of whom were to desert the cause in the hour of its need.
On the other hand, Don John was proceeding with his military
preparations upon an extensive scale. The King had recently
furnished him with one million nine hundred thousand dollars,
and had promised to provide him with two hundred thousand
more, monthly. With these funds his Majesty estimated that
an army of thirty thousand foot, sixteen thousand cavalry, and
thirty pieces of artillery, could be levied and kept on foot. If
more remittances should prove to be necessary, it was promised
that they should be forthcoming.*
This was the result of many earnest remonstrances made by
the Governor concerning the dUatory policy of the King.
Wearied with being constantly ordered " to blow hot and cold
with the same breath,"f he had insisted that his Majesty
should select the hot or the cold, and furnish him with the
means of enforcing the choice. For himself, Don John assured
his brother that the hottest measures were most to his taste,
and most suitable to the occasion. Fire and sword could alone
save the royal authority, for aU the provinces had " abandoned
themselves, body and soul, to the greatest heretic and tyrant
that prince ever had for vassal."* Unceasing had been the
complaints and entreaties of the Captain-General, caUed forth
by the apathy or irresolution of Philip. It was only by
assuring him that the Netherlands actuaUy belonged to
Orange, that the monarch could be aroused. " His they are,
and none other's,"§ said the Governor, dolefuUy. The King
had accordingly sent back De Billy, Don John's envoy, with
decided injunctions to use force and energy to put down the
revolt at once, and with an intimation that funds might be
thenceforth more regularly depended upon, as the Indian fleets

J Letter of Philip, in Cabrera, xii. 978.
f " Sin encargar me que soplo frio y caliente, porque no lo comporta el negocio,
sino que bien lo uno 6 lo otro," etc., etc. — Carta del S. D. Juan al Rey, mano
propria, MS. Bib. de Bourg., N°. xvii. 385.
X " Estas gentes sean dado y entregado ya de todo punto a la obediencia y
sucesion del mayor herese y tiranno que truvo nunca principe por vasallo." — Ibid.
§ "  Solamente del P. de Oranxes, que suyas son y no de otro," etc. —
Ibid.

330 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
were expected in July. Philip also advised his brother to em
ploy a portion of his money in purchasing the governors and
principal persons who controUed the cities and other strong
places belonging to the states.*
Meantime, Don John thundered forth a manifesto which had
been recently prepared in Madrid, by which the estates, both
general and particular, were ordered forthwith to separate, and
forbidden to assemble again, except by especial licence. AU
commissions, civil or mflitary, granted by states' authority,
were moreover annuUed, together with a general prohibition of
any act of obedience to such functionaries, and of contribution
to any imposts which might be levied by their authority.f
Such thunders were now comparatively harmless, for the states
had taken their course, and were busily engaged, both at home
and abroad, in arming for the conflict. Saint Aldegonde was
deputed to attend the Imperial diet, then in session at Worms,
where he delivered an oration, which was very celebrated in
its day as a composition, but which can hardly be said to have
produced much practical effect. The current was setting hard
in Germany agamst the Reformed religion and against the
Netherland cause, the Augsburg Confessionists showing hardly
more sympathy with Dutch Calvinists than with Spanish
Papists.*. Envoys from Don John also attended the diet, and requested
Saint Aldegonde to furnish them with a copy of his oration.
This he declined to do. While in Germany, Saint Aldegonde
was informed by John Casimir that Duke Charles of Sweden
had been solicited to furnish certain ships of war for a con
templated operation against Amsterdam.§ The Duke had
himself given information of this plot to the Prince Palatine.'
It W3S therefore natural that Saint Aldegonde should forth
with despatch the inteUigence to his friends in the Nether-

* Letter of Don John, MS. Bib. de Bourg. — Compare Cabrera, xii. 978.
f Proclamation in Bor, xii. 946, 947. — Compare Cabrera, xii. 978, 979;
Hoofd, xii. 560.
X Bor, xii. 953-960. § Bor, xii 952. Hoofd, xiii. 565.

1578.] MUNICIPAL REVOLUTION IN AMSTERDAM. 331
lands, warning them of the dangers still to be apprehended
from the machinations of the Catholic agents and functiona
ries in Amsterdam ; for although the Reformation had made
rapid progress in that important city since the conclusion of
the Satisfaction, yet the magistracy remained Catholic*
William Bardez, son of a former high-sheriff, a warm parti
san of Orange and of the " religion," had already determined
to overthrow that magistracy and to expel the friars who in
fested the city. The recent information despatched by Saint
Aldegonde confirmed him in his purpose. There had been
much wrangling between the Popish functionaries and those of
the Reformed rehgion concerning the constitution of the
burgher guard. The Calvinists could feel no security for their
own lives, or the repose of the commonwealth of Holland, unless
they were themselves allowed a full participation in the gov
ernment of those important bands. They were, moreover,
dissatisfied with the assignment which had been made of the
churchyards to the members of their communion. These causes
of discord had maintained a general irritation among the body
of the inhabitants, and were now used as pretexts by Bardez
for his design. He knew the city to be ripe for the overthrow
of the magistracy, and he had arranged with Governor Sonoy
to be furnished with a sufficient number of weU-tried soldiers,
who were to be concealed in the houses of the confederates. A
large number of citizens were also ready to appear at his bid
ding with arms in their hands.f
On the 24th of May, he wrote to Sonoy, begging him to
hold himself in readiness, as all was prepared within the city.
At the same time, he requested the governor to send him
forthwith a "morion and a buckler of proof;" for he intended
to see the matter fairly through* Sonoy answered encourag
ingly, and sent him the armor, as directed. On the 28th of
May, Bardez, with four confederates, went to the councU-room,

* Bor, xii. 952.
f Ibid., xii. 953. Hoofd, xiii 669. Wagenaer, Vad. Hist, vii 205.
X Bor, xii. 953. Hoofd, xiii. 570.

332 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
to remonstrate with the senate concerning the grievances
which had been so often discussed. At about mid-day, one
of the confederates, upon leaving the council-room, stepped
out for a moment upon the balcony, which looked towards the
public square. Standing there for a moment, he gravely
removed his hat, and then as gravely replaced it upon his head.
This was a preconcerted signal. At the next instant a sailor
was seen to rush across the square, waving a flag in both hands.
" All ye who love the Prince of Orange, take heart and follow
me !" he shouted.* In a moment the square was alive. Sol
diers and armed citizens suddenly sprang forth, as if from the
bowels of the earth. Bardez led a strong force directly into
the council-chamber, and arrested every one of the astonished
magistrates. At the same time, his confederates had scoured
the town and taken every friar in the city into custody. Monks
and senators were then marched solemnly down towards the
quay, where a vessel was in readiness to receive them. " To
the gaUows with them — to the gaUows with them !" shouted
the populace, as they passed along. " To the gibbet, whither
they have brought many a good fellow before his time !"
Such were the openly expressed desires of their fellow-citizens,
as these dignitaries and holy men proceeded to what they be
lieved their doom. Although treated respectfuUy by those
who guarded them, they were fiUed with trepidation, for they
believed the execrations of the populace the harbingers of
their fate. As they entered the vessel, they felt convinced
that a watery death had been substituted for the gibbet. Poor
old Heinrich Dirckzoon, ex-burgomaster, pathetically rejected
a couple of clean shirts which his careful wife had sent him by
the hands of the housemaid. " Take them away ; take them
home again," said the rueful burgomaster ; " I shall never need
clean shirts again in this world."f He entertained no doubt
that it was the intention of his captors to scuttle the vessel as

* Hoofd, xiii. 571. Wagenaer, vii 206.
f Wagenaer, vii, 207.

1578.] SPREAD OF THE NEW RELIGION. 333
soon as they had put a little out to sea, and so to leave them
to their fate. No such tragic end was contemplated, however,
and, in fact, never was a complete municipal revolution accom
pUshed in so good-natured and jocose a manner. The Catholic
magistrates and friars escaped with their fright. They were
simply turned out of town, and forbidden, for their lives, ever to
come back again. After the vessel had proceeded a little dis
tance from the city, they were all landed high and dry upon a
dyke, and so left unharmed within the open country.*
A new board of magistrates, of which stout WiUiam Bardez
was one, was soon appointed ; the train-bands were reorgan
ized, and the churches thrown open to the Reformed worship
— to the exclusion, at first, of the Cathohcs. This was cer
tainly contrary to the Ghent treaty, and to the recent Satis
faction ; it was also highly repugnant to the opinions of
Orange. After a short time, accordingly, the Cathohcs were
again allowed access to the churches, but the tables had now
been turned for ever in the capital of HoUand, and the Refor
mation was an estabhshed fact throughout that httle province.
SimUar events occurring upon the foUowing day at Harlem,
accompanied with some bloodshed — for which, however, the
perpetrator was punished with death — opened the great church
of that city to the Reformed congregations, and closed them
for a time to the Catholics.f
Thus, the cause of the new rehgion was triumphant in Hol
land and Zealand, whUe it was advancing with rapid strides
through the other provinces. Public preaching was of daUy
occurrence everywhere. On a single Sunday, fifteen different
ministers of the Reformed rehgion preached in different places
in Antwerp. J " Do you think this can be put down ?" said
Orange to the remonstrating burgomaster of that city. " 'Tis
for you to repress it," said the functionary, " I grant your
Highness fuU power to do so." " And do you think," rephed

* Hoofd, xiii 571. Bor, xii. 953. Wagenaer, vii. 207.
f Bor, xii 953. Hoofd, xiii. 572. Wagenaer, vu. 209, 210,
X Bor, Hoofd, ubi sup.

334 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578..
the Prince, "that I can do at this late moment, what the
Duke of Alva was unable to accomphsh in the very plenitude
of his power ?"* At the same time, the Prince of Orange
was more than ever disposed to rebuke his own Church for
practising persecution in her turn. Again he lifted his com
manding voice in behalf of the Anabaptists of Middelburg.
He reminded the magistrates of that city that these peaceful
burghers were always perfectly wilhng to bear their part in
aU the common burthens, that their word was as good as their
oath, and that as to the matter of mihtary service, although
their principles forbade them to bear arms, they had ever been
ready to provide and pay for substitutes. " We declare to
you therefore," said he, " that you have no right to trouble
yourselves with any man's conscience, so long as nothing is
done to cause private harm or pubhc scandal. We therefore
expressly ordain that you desist from molesting these Baptists,
from offering hindrance to their handicraft and daily trade,
by which they can earn bread for their wives and children, and
that you permit them henceforth to open their shops and to
do their work, according to the custom of former days. Be
ware, therefore, of disobedience and of resistance to the ordi
nance which we now establish."f
Meantime, the armies on both sides had been assembled, and
had been moving towards each other. Don John was at the
head of nearly thirty thousand troops, including a large pro
portion of Spanish and Italian veterans.*. The states' army
hardly numbered eighteen thousand foot and two thousand
cavalry, under the famous Francois de la Noue, surnamed
Bras de Fer, who had been recently appointed Marshal de
Camp, and, under Count Bossu, commander-in-chief.§ The

* Langueti, Ep. ad Aug. Sax., ep. 147, p. 744.
\ This letter of the Prince to the Calvinist authorities of Middelburg is given
by Bor, xii. 993, and by Brandt, Hist, der Ref., i 609, 610.
X Bor, xii. 987. Meteren, viii. 140. Strada, Bentivoglio, and others allow
only sixteen or seventeen thousand men. — Compare Hoofd, xiii 581.
§ Hoofd, xiii. 681.

1578.] A PATRIOT VICTORY. 335
muster-place of the provincial forces was in the plains between
Herenthals and Lier. At this point they expected to be re
inforced by Duke Casimir, who had been, since the early part
of the summer, in the country of Zutfen, but who was still
remaining there inglorious and inactive, untU he could be fur
nished with the requisite advance-money to his troops.*
Don John was determined if possible, to defeat the states'
army, before Duke Casimir, with his twelve thousand Ger
mans, should effect his juncture with Bossu. The Governor
therefore crossed the Demer, near Aerschot, towards the end
of July, and offered battle, day after day, to the enemy. A
series of indecisive skirmishes was the result, in the last of
which, near Rijnemants, on the first day of August, the royalists
were worsted and obliged to retire, after a desultory action of
nearly eight hours, leaving a thousand dead upon the field.f
Their offer of " double or quits," the following morning was
steadUy refused by Bossu, who, secure within his intrench
ments, was not to be induced at that moment to encounter
the chances of a general engagement. For this he was
severely blamed by the more violent of the national party.*.
His patriotism, which was of such recent origin, was vehe
mently suspected ; and his death, which occurred not long
afterwards, was supposed to have alone prevented his deserting
the states to fight again under Spanish colours. These suspi
cions were probably unjust. Bossu's truth of character had
been as universally recognized as was his signal bravery. If

* Hoofd, xiii. 581. Bor, xii. 987. Strada, x. 491.
¦f Bor, xii. 987. Meteren, viii. 140. Hoofd, xiii. 583. — The Spaniards,
however, only allow twenty killed and fifty wounded. — Compare Hoofd, ubi
sup. Not the least picturesque feature in this celebrated action is one reported
by Strada. The heat of the day was so oppressive that a band of Scotch vete
rans under Robert Stuart thought it more comfortable to strip themselves to
their shirts ; and, at last, as the weather and the skirmish grew hotter, to lay
aside even those integuments, and to fight all day long, in the costume of ancient
Piets. — Strada, x. 497. The date of the battle in Strada, and in Bentivoglio, x.
213, is the first of August. The same date is given by Hoofd. Bor says 31st
of July.
X Bor, xii. 987. Hoofd. xiii. 584.

336 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
he refused upon this occasion a general battle, those who re
flected upon the usual results to the patriot banner of such
engagements, might confess, perhaps, that one disaster the
more had been avoided. Don John, finding it impossible to
accomphsh his purpose, and to achieve another Gemblours vic
tory, feU back again to the neighbourhood of Namur.*
The states' forces remained waiting for the long-promised
succor of John Casimir. It was the 26th of August, how
ever, before the Duke led his twelve thousand men to the
neighbourhood of Mechlin, where Bossu was encamped.f
This young prince possessed neither the ability nor the gene
rosity which were requisite for the heroic part which he was
ambitious to perform in the Netherland drama. He was
inspired by a vague idea of personal aggrandizement, although
he professed at the same time the utmost deference to WiUiam
of Orange. He expressed the hope that he and the Prince
" should be but two heads under one hat ;"+ but he would
have done well to ask himself whether his own contribution to
this partnership of brains would very much enrich the sflent
statesman. Orange himself regarded him with respectful con
tempt, and considered his interference with Netherland mat
ters but as an additional element of mischief. The Duke's
right hand man, however, Peter Peutterich, the "equestrian
doctor" — as Sir PhUip Sydney caUed him — equally skilful with
the sword as with the pen, had succeeded, while on a mission
to England, in acquiring the Queen's favor for his master.§
To Casimir, therefore, had been entrusted the command of the
levies, and the principal expenditure of the subsidies which she
had placed at the disposition of the states. Upon Casimir she
relied, as a counterweight to the Duke of Alencon, who, as
she knew, had already entered the provinces at the secret
solicitation of a large faction among the nobles. She had as
much confidence as ever in Orange, but she imagined herself
to be strengthening his cause by providing him with such a

* Bor, xii. 987. Hoofd, xiii. 584. \ Bor, xii. 997.
X Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 377.
| Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., vi. 376, 377, note 1.

1578.1 JOHN CASIMIR. 337
lieutenant. Casimir's immediate friends had but little re
spect for his abilities. His father-in-law, Augustus of Saxony,
did not approve his expedition. The Landgrave William, to
whom he wrote for counsel, answered, in his quaint manner,
that it was always difficult for one friend to advise another in
three matters — to wit, in taking a wife, going to sea, and going
to war ; but that, nevertheless, despite the ancient proverb, he
would assume the responsibUity of warning Casimir not to
plunge into what he was pleased to call the " confusum chaos of
Netherland politics." The Duke felt no inclination, however,
to take the advice which he had solicited. He had been stung
by the sarcasm which Alva had once uttered, that the German
potentates carried plenty of lions, dragons, eagles, and griffins
on their shields ; but that these ferocious animals were not
given to biting or scratching. He was therefore disposed,
once for all, to show that the teeth and claws of German
princes could stUl be dangerous. Unfortunately, he was
destined to add a fresh element of confusion to the chaos, and
to furnish rather a proof than a refutation of the correctness
of Alva's gibe.*
This was the hero who was now thrust, head and shoulders
as it were, into the entangled affairs of the Netherlanders,
and it was Elizabeth of England, more than ever alarmed at the
schemes of Alencon, who had pushed forward this Protestant
champion, notwithstanding the disinclination of Orange.
The Queen was right in her uneasiness respecting the
French prince. The Catholic nobles, relying upon the strong
feeling still rife throughout the WaUoon country against the
Reformed religion, and inflamed more than ever by their
repugnance to Orange, whose genius threw them so completely

* Meteren, viii. 140. Hoofd, xiii. 584. Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc.,
vi. 375, note. "Dann, zu weib nehmen, iiber mehr schiffen, undt zum Kriege,
kein freundt dem andern, dem gemeynen Sprichwortt nach, rathen," etc. —
Letter of Landgrave William, Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 317. He
adds that the Netherlanders were a wild, godless, and irresponsible crew,
neither attached to the true religion, nor having any real regard for the Prince,
etc., etc. — Ibid. See also Archives et Correspondance, vi. 300 and 427.
VOL HI. 22

338 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
into the shade, had already drawn closer to the Duke. The
same influences were at work to introduce Alencon, which
had formerly been employed to bring Matthias from Vienna.
Now that the Archduke, who was to have been the rival, had
become the dependent of WiUiam, they turned their attention
to the son of Catherine de' Medici, Orange himself having
always kept the Duke in reserve, as an instrument to over
come the political coquetry of Ehzabeth. That great Princess
never manifested less greatness than in her earlier and most
tormenting connexion with the Netherlands. Having aUured
them for years with bright but changeful face, she stiU looked
coldly down upon the desolate sea where they were drifting.
She had promised much ; her performance had been nothing.
Her jealousy of French influence had at length been turned
to account ; a subsidy and a levy extorted from her fears.
Her ministers and prominent advisers were one and all in favor
of an open and generous support to the provinces. Walsing
ham, Burleigh, Knollys, Davidson, Sidney, Leicester, Fleet
wood, WUson, all desired that she should frankly espouse
their cause. A bold policy they beheved to be the only pru
dent one in this case ; yet the Queen considered it sagacious
to despatch envoys both to PhUip and to Don John, as if after
what they knew of her secret practices, such missions could
effect any useful purpose. Better, therefore, in the opinion
of the honest and intrepid statesmen of England, to throw
down the gauntlet at once in the cause of the oppressed than
to shuffle and palter until the dreaded rival should cross the
frontier. A French Netherlands they considered even more
dangerous than a Spanish, and Elizabeth partook of their sen
timents, although incapable of their promptness. With the
perverseness which was the chief blot upon her character, she
was pleased that the Duke should be still a dangler for
her hand, even whfle she was intriguing against his political
hopes.* She listened with undisguised rapture to his propo-

* See, for example, a letter from Sir Amias Paulet to the Earl of Leicester, in
Groen v. Prinst., vi. 421-423.

1578.] FRANCIS OF ALENCON. 339
sals of love, whUe she was secretly thwarting the plans of his
ambition. Meanwhile, Alencon had arrived at Mons, and we have seen
already the feminine adroitness with which his sister of
Navarre had prepared his entrance. Not in vain had she
cajoled the commandant of Cambray citadel ; not idly had
she led captive the hearts of Lalain and his Countess, thus
securing the important province of Hainault for the Duke.
Don John might, indeed, gnash his teeth with rage, as he
marked the result of all the feasting and flattery, the piping
and dancing at Namur.
Francis Duke of Alencon, and — since the accession of his
brother Henry to the French throne — Duke of Anjou was, upon
the whole, the most despicable personage who had ever entered
the Netherlands. His previous career at home had been so fla
grantly false that he had forfeited the esteem of every honest
man in Europe, Catholic or Lutheran, Huguenot or Malcon
tent. The world has long known his character. History will
always retain him as an example, to show mankind the
amount of mischief which may be perpetrated by a prince,
ferocious without courage, ambitious without talent, and
bigoted without opinions. Incapable of religious convictions
himself, he had alternately aspired to be a commander of
Catholic and of Huguenot zealots, and he had acquired nothing
by his vacfllating course, save the enthe contempt of all parties
and of both religions. Scared from the side of Navarre and
Conde by the menacing attitude of the " league," fearing to
forfeit the succession to the throne, unless he made his peace
with the court, he had recently resumed his place among the
Cathohc commanders. Nothing was easier for him than to
return shamelessly to a party which he had shamelessly
deserted, save perhaps to betray it again, should his interest
prompt him to do so, on the morrow. Since the peace of
1576, it had been evident that the Protestants could not count
upon his friendship, and he had soon afterwards been placed at
the head of the army which was besieging the Huguenots of

340 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
Issoire.* He sought to atone for having commanded the
troops of the new rehgion by the barbarity with which he now
persecuted its votaries. When Issoire fell into his hands, the
luckless city was spared none of the misery which can be
inflicted by a brutal and frenzied soldiery. Its men were
butchered, its females outraged, its property plundered with a
thoroughness which rivaUed the Netherland practice of Alva,
or Frederic Toledo, or Julian Romero. The town was sacked
and burned to ashes by furious Catholics, under the command
of Francis Alencon, almost at the very moment when his fair
sister, Margaret, was preparing the way in the Netherlands for
the fresh treasonf which he already meditated to the Cathohc
cause. The treaty of Bergerac, signed in the autumn of
1577,*. again restored a semblance of repose to France, and
again afforded an opportunity for Alencon to change his
pohtics, and what he called his religion. Reeking with the blood
of the Protestants of Issoire, he was now at leisure to renew
his dalliance with the Queen of Protestant England, and to
resume his correspondence with the great chieftain of the
Reformation in the Netherlands.
It is perhaps an impeachment upon the perspicacity of
Orange, that he could tolerate this mischievous and worth
less " son of France," even for the grave reasons which in
fluenced him. Nevertheless, it must be remembered that he
only intended to keep him in reserve, for the purpose of
irritating the jealousy and quickening the friendship of the
Enghsh Queen. Those who see anything tortuous in such
politics must beware of judging the intriguing age of PhUip
and Catherine de' Medici by the higher standard of later,
and possibly more candid times. It would have been puerile
for a man of WiUiam the Silent's resources, to allow himself
to be outwitted by the intrigues of all the courts and
cabinets in Europe. Moreover, it must be remembered that,
if he alone could guide himself and his country through the
* De Thou, vii. liv. lxiii. Memoires de Marg. de Valois, liv. ii.
\ But three men were spared, according to de Thou, vii. 502, liv. lxiii.
X DeThou, vii 529, liv. lxiv.

1578.] POLICY OF ORANGE. 341
perplexing labyrinth in which they were involved, it was be
cause he held in his hand the clue of an honest purpose.
His position in regard to the Duke of Alencon, had now be
come sufficiently complicated, for the tiger that he had led in
a chain had been secretly unloosed by those who meant. mis
chief. In the autumn of the previous year, the aristocratic
and Cathohc party in the states-general had opened their com
munications with a prince, by whom they hoped to be indem
nified for their previous defeat.
The iU effects of Elizabeth's coquetry too plainly manifested
themselves at last, and Alencon had now a foothold in the
Netherlands. Precipitated by the intrigues of the party
which had always been either openly or secretly hostfle to
Orange, his advent could no longer be delayed. It only re
mained for the Prince to make himself his master, as he had
aheady subdued each previous rival. This he accomplished
with his customary adroitness. It was soon obvious, even to
so duU and so base a nature as that of the Duke, that it was
his best policy to continue to cultivate so powerful a friendship.
It cost him little to crouch, but events were fatally to prove
at a later day, that there are natures too mahgnant to be
trusted or to be tamed. For the present, however, Alencon
professed the most friendly sentiments towards the Prince.
Solicited by so ardent and considerable a faction, the Duke
was no longer to be withheld from trying the venture,* and if
he could not effect his entrance by fair means, was determined
to do so by force.f He would obtrude his assistance, if it
were dechned. He would do his best to dismember the pro
vinces, if only a portion of them would accept his proffered
friendship. Under these circumstances, as the Prince could no
longer exclude him from the country, it became necessary to
accept his friendship, and to hold him in control. The Duke
had formaUy offered his assistance to the states-general, di-

* See the remarks and citations of Groen v. Prinst, Archives, etc, vi pp.
364-370.— Compare Apologie d'Orange, p. 107, and Bor, xii. 975.
f Re's. MSS. des Es. Gx, in Groen v. Prinst. vi 370.

342 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
rectly after the defeat of Gemblours,* and early in July had
made his appearance in Mons. Hence he despatched his
envoys, Des Pruneaux and Rochefort, to deal with the states-
general and with Orange, while he treated Matthias with con
tempt, and declared that he had no intention to negotiate with
him. The Archduke burst into tears when informed of this
shght, and feebly expressed a wish that succor might be found
in Germany which would render this French aUiance unneces
sary. It was not the first nor the last mortification which the
future Emperor was to undergo. The Prince was addressed
with distinguished consideration ; Des Pruneaux protesting
that he desired but three things — the glory of his master, the
glory of God, and the glory of WiUiam of Orange.f
The French King was naturally supposed to be privy to his
brother's schemes, for it was thought ridiculous to suggest that
Henry's own troops could be led by his own brother, on this
foreign expedition, without his connivance.*. At the same
time, private letters, written by him at this epoch, expressed
disapprobation of the schemes of Alengon, and jealousy of his
aggrandizement. It was, perhaps, difficult to decide as to the
precise views of a monarch who was too weak to form opinions
for himself, and too false to maintain those with which he had
been furnished by others. With the Medicean mother it was
different, and it was she who was beheved to be at the bottom
of the intrigue. There was even a vague idea that the Spanish
Sovereign himself might be privy to the plot, and that a pos
sible marriage between Alengon and the Infanta might be on
the cards.§ In truth, however, Phihp felt himself outraged
by the whole proceedings. He resolutely refused to accept the
excuses proffered by the French court, or to doubt the com
plicity of the Queen Dowager, who, it was weU known,
* Meteren, viii. 140*. Bor, xii. 950.
f Archives et Correspondance, vi. 404, sqq. Letter of Des Pruneaux, in
Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 399.
X This was Granvelle's opinion. See letter from Granvelle to Bellefontaine,
Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 426.
§ Remarks and citations of Groen v. Prinst, vi. 368, 424-427. — Compare De
Thou, vii 698.

1578.] DISCONTENT OF ELIZABETH. 343
governed aU her sons. She had, to be sure, thought proper to
read the envoys of the states-general a lecture upon the im
propriety of subjects opposing the commands of their lawful
Prince, but such artifices were thought too transparent to de
ceive. Granvelle scouted the idea of her being ignorant of
Anjou's scheme, or opposed to its success.* As for WiUiam
of Hesse, whUe he bewailed more than ever the luckless
plunge into " confusum chaos" which Casimir had taken, he
unhesitatingly expressed his conviction that the invasion of
Alengon was a master-piece of Catherine. The whole respon
sibUity of the transaction he divided, in truth, between the
Dowager and the comet, which just then hung over the
world, filling the soul of the exceUent Landgrave with dismal
apprehensiomf The Queen of England was highly incensed by the actual
occurrence of the invasion which she had so long dreaded.
She was loud in her denunciations of the danger and dishonor
which would be the result to the provinces of this French
aUiance. She threatened not only to withdraw herself from
their cause, but even to take arms against a commonwealth
which had dared to accept Alengon for its master. She had
originaUy agreed to furnish one hundred thousand pounds by
way of loan. This assistance had been afterwards commuted
into a levy of three thousand foot and two thousand horse, to
be added to the forces of John Casimir, and to be placed under
his command. It had been stipulated, also, that the Palatine
should have the rank and pay of an English general-in-chief,
and be considered as the Queen's lieutenant. The money had
been furnished and the troops enroUed. So much had been
already bestowed, and could not be recaUed, but it was noti
probable that, in her present humor, the Queen would be in
duced to add to her favors.*.

* Letter of Granvelle to Bellefontaine.
f "  Summa, der comett und die grosse prodigia so diesz jahr gesehenn
wordenn, wollen ihre wirckung haben. Gott gebe dasz sie zu eynem guten ende
lauffen." — Archives et Corresp., vi. 140 — Compare Strada, ix. 463.
X Bor, xii. 948, 949, 975, sqq. — Compare Meteren, viii. 140.

344 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
The Prince, obliged by the necessity of the case, had pre
scribed the terms and the title under which Alencon should
be accepted. Upon the 13th of August the Duke's envoy
concluded a convention in twenty-three articles, which were
afterwards subscribed by the Duke himself, at Mons, upon the
twentieth of the same month.* The substance of this ar
rangement was that Alencon should lend his assistance to the
provinces against the intolerable tyranny of the Spaniards and
the unjustifiable mUitary invasion of Don John. He was,
moreover, to bring into the field ten thousand foot and two
thousand horse for three months. After the expiration of this
term, his forces might be reduced to three thousand foot and
five hundred horse. The states were to confer upon him the
title of " Defender of the Liberty of the Netherlands against
the Tyranny of the Spaniards and their adherents." He was
to undertake no hostilities against Queen Elizabeth. The
states were to aid him, whenever it should become necessary,
with the same amount of force with which he now assisted
them. He was to submit himself contentedly to the civil
government of the country, in everything regarding its in
ternal polity. He was to make no special contracts or treaties
with any cities or provinces of the Netherlands. Should the
states-general accept another prince as sovereign, the Duke
was to be preferred to aU others, upon conditions afterwards
to be arranged. All cities which might be conquered within
the territory of the united provinces were to belong to the
states. Such places not in that territory, as should voluntarily
surrender, were to be apportioned, by equal division, between
the Duke and the states. The Duke was to bring no foreign
troops but French into the provinces. The month of August
was reserved, during which the states were, if possible, to
make a composition with Don John.f
These articles were certainly drawn up with skill. A high-
sounding but barren title, which gratified the Duke's vanity

* Bor, xii. 976-978. Meteren, viii. 140, 141.
f See especially Articles 4, 5, 10, 14, 15, 16, 21.

1578.] NEGOTIATIONS. 345
and signified nothing, had been conferred upon him, whUe at
the same time he was forbidden to make conquests or contracts,
and was obUged to submit himself to the civil government of
the country : in short, he was to obey the Prince of Orange
in all things — and so here was another plot of the Prince's
enemies neutralized. Thus, for the present at least, had the
position of Anjou been defined.
As the month of August, during which it was agreed* that
negotiations with the Governor-General should remain open,
had already half expired, certain articles, drawn up by the
states-general, were at once laid before Don John. Lord
Cobham and Sir Francis Walsingham were then in the
Netherlands, having been sent by Elizabeth for the purpose of
effecting a pacification of the estates with the Governor, if
possible. They had also explained — so far as an explanation
was possible — the assistance which the English government
had rendered to the rebels, upon the ground that the French
invasion could be prevented in no other way.f This somewhat
lame apology had been passed over in silence rather than ac
cepted by Don John. In the same interview the envoys made
an equally unsuccessful effort to induce the acceptance by the
Governor of the terms offered by the states. A further pro
position, on their part, for an "Interim,"*, upon the plan
attempted by Charles the Fifth in Germany, previously to the
Peace of Passau, met with no more favor than it merited, for
certainly that name — which became so odious in Germany that
cats and dogs were caUed "Interim" by the common people,
in derision — was hardly a potent word to conjure with, at
that moment, in the Netherlands. They then expressed their
intention of retiring to England, much grieved at the result of
their mission. The Governor replied that they might do as
they liked, but that he, at least, had done aU in his power to

* Article 21 of the Convention. — See Bor, xii. 978; Meteren, viii. 141.
| " Y disculpando a la Reyna su ama de lo que avia hecho en favor de los
Estados, y que avia sido por mejor y porque el frances no metiesse pie en ellos."
— Lo que en substancia ha passado con su Alteza, 14 Agosto, 1578. Acta Stat.
Belg. iii. MS. Hague Archives. X It,i(1-

346 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
bring about a peace, and that the King had been equally
pacific in his intentions. He then asked the envoys what
they themselves thought of the terms proposed. "Indeed,
they are too hard, your Highness,"* answered Walsingham,
" but 'tis only by pure menace that we have extorted them from
the states, unfavorable though they seem."
" Then you may tell them," replied the Governor, " to keep
their offers to themselves. Such terms wiU go but little way
in any negotiation with me."
The envoys shrugged their shoulders.
" What is your own opinion on the whole affair ?" resumed
Don John. " Perhaps your advice may yet help me to a better
conclusion." The envoys continued silent and pensive.
" We can only answer," said Walsingham, at length, " by
imitating the physician, who would prescribe no medicine
until he was quite sure that the patient was ready to swallow
it. 'Tis no use wasting counsel or drugs."f
The reply was not satisfactory, but the envoys had con
vinced themselves that the sword was the only surgical instru
ment hkely to find favor at that juncture. Don John referred,
in vague terms, to his peaceable inclinations, but protested
that there was no treating with so unbridled a people as the
Netherlanders. The ambassadors soon afterwards took their
leave. After this conference, which was on the 24th of
August, 1578, Walsingham and Cobham addressed a letter
to the states-general, deploring the disingenuous and procras
tinating conduct of the Governor, and begging that the faUure
!to effect a pacification might not be imputed to them.*. They
then returned to England.
The Imperial envoy, Count Schwartzburg, at whose urgent
sohcitation this renewed attempt at a composition had been
made, was most desirous that the Governor should accept the

* " Que in veriti erano troppo duri." — The conversation was carried on partly
in Itahan, partly in French, partly in Spanish. — MS. memorandum, diet. act.
f MS. Memorandum, diet. act.
t Acta Stat. Belg.. iii. f. 71. — MS. Ha"w Archives.

1578.] POSITION OF DON JOHN. 347
articles.* They formed, indeed, the basis of a liberal, consti
tutional, representative government, in which the Spanish
monarch was to retain only a strictly limited sovereignty.f
The proposed convention required Don John, with all his
troops and adherents, forthwith to leave the land after giving
up aU strongholds and cities in his possession. It provided
that the Archduke Matthias should remain as Governor-
general, under the conditions according to which he had been
originally accepted. It left the question of religious worship
to the decision of the states-general. It provided for the
release of aU prisoners, the return of all exiles, the restoration
of all confiscated property. It stipulated that upon the death
or departure of Matthias, his Majesty was not to appoint a
governor-general without the consent of the states-general.%
When Count Schwartzburg waited upon the Governor with
these astonishing propositions — which Walsingham might
well call somewhat hard — he found him less disposed to ex
plode with wrath than he had been in previous conferences.
Already the spirit of the impetuous young soldier was broken,
both by the Ul health which was rapidly undermining his
constitution and by the helpless condition in which he had
been left while contending with the great rebeUion. He had
soldiers, but no money to pay them withal ; he had no means
of upholding that supremacy of crown and church which he
was so vigorously instructed to maintain ; and he was heartily
wearied of fulminating edicts which he had no power to en
force. He had repeatedly solicited his recal, and was growing
daUy more impatient that his dismissal did not arrive. More
over, the horrible news of Escovedo's assassination had sickened
him to the soul.§ The deed had flashed a sudden light into
the abyss of dark duplicity in which his own fate was sus
pended. His most intimate and confidential friend had been
* Bor, xii. 979. Hoofd, xii. 587.
+ See the thirteen articles in Bor, xii. 979, 980.
X Articles 5 and 12 of the proposed Convention, Bor, xii. 979.
§ That event had occurred, as already stated, upon the 31st of March of this
year (1578).

348 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
murdered by royal command, while he was himself abandoned
by Philip, exposed to insult, left destitute of defence. No
money was forthcoming, in spite of constant importunities and
perpetual promises.* Plenty of words were sent him ; he com
plained, as if he possessed the art of extracting gold from
them, or as if war could be carried on with words alone.f
Being in so desponding a mood, he declined entering into
any controversy with regard to the new propositions, which,
however, he characterized as most iniquitous. He stated
merely that his Majesty had determined to refer the Nether
land matters to the arbitration of the Emperor ; that the Duke
de Terra Nova would soon be empowered to treat upon the
subject at the imperial court ; and that, in the meantime, he
was himself most anxiously awaiting his recal.*.
A synod of the Reformed churches had been held, during
the month of June, at Dort. There they had laid down a
platform of their principles of church government in one hun
dred and one articles.§ In the same month, the leading mem
bers of the Reformed Church had drawn up an ably reasoned
address to Matthias and the Council of State on the subject of
a general peace of religion for the provinces. ||
WiUiam of Orange did his utmost to improve the oppor
tunity. He sketched a system of provisional toleration, which
he caused to be signed by the Archduke Matthias, and which,
at least for a season, was to establish religious freedom.^" The
brave, tranquil, solitary man stfll held his track across the
raging waves, shedding as much light as one clear human soul
could dispense ; yet the dim lantern, so far in advance, was
swaUowed in the mist, ere those who sailed in his wake could
shape their course by his example. No man understood him.
Not even his nearest friends comprehended his views, nor saw
that he strove to establish not freedom for Calvinism, but
freedom for conscience. Saint Aldegonde complained that the

s See the letter of Philip in Cabrera, xii. 978. f Strada, x. 502.
X Bor. xii. 981. — Compare Meteren, viii. 140, 141.
§ Given in Bor, xii 981-986. [ In Bor, xii. 971.
H" Bor, xii. 973.

1578] UNIVERSAL BIGOTRY. 349
Prince would not persecute the Anabaptists,* Peter Dathenus
denounced him as an atheist, while even Count John, the only
one left of his vahant and generous brothers, opposed the reli
gious peace — except where the advantage was on the side of
the new religion. Where the Catholics had been effectually
put down, as in Holland and Zealand, honest John saw no
reason for allowing them to lift themselves up again.f In the
Popish provinces, on the other hand, he was for a religious
peace. In this bigoted spirit he was foUowed by too many
of the Reforming mass, while, on their part, the Walloons
were already banding themselves together in the more southern
provinces, under the name of Malcontents. Stigmatized by
the Calvinists as " Paternoster Jacks,"*, they were daily draw
ing closer their alliance with Alengon, and weakening the
bonds which united them with their Protestant brethren.
Count John had at length become a permanent functionary in
the Netherlands. Urgently solicited by the leaders and the
great multitude of the Reformers, he had long been unwilling
to abandon his home, and to neglect the private affairs which
his devotion to the Netherland cause had thrown into great
confusion. The Landgrave, too, whose advice he had asked,
had strongly urged him not to " dip his fingers into the olla
podrida."§ The future of the provinces was, in his opinion,
so big with disaster, that the past, with aU its horrors, under
Alva and Requesens, had only furnished the "preludia " of
that which was to ensue. [| For these de'sperate views his main
reason, as usual, was the comet ; that mischievous luminary
stiU continuing to cast a lurid glare across the Landgrave's
path.^f Notwithstanding these direful warnings from a prince

* Hoofd, xiii. 575. Ev. Reyd. Ann. ii 23.
t Groen v. Prinst, Archives, etc. vi. 434, 435.
X " Pater noster Knechten." — Meteren, viii. 143. Bor, xii 998. — Compare
Bentivogho, x. 216.
§ Groen v. Prinst., Archives, vi. 317.
| Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 256.
TT Letters of Landgrave William, Archives et Correspondance, v. 34, ii
266-269.

350 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
of the Reformation, notwithstanding the " olla podrida" and
the "comet," Count John had nevertheless accepted the office
of Governor of Gelderland, to which he had been elected by
the estates of that province on the 11th of March.* That
important bulwark of Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht on the
one side, and of Groningen and Friesland on the other — the
main buttress, in short, of the nascent repubhc, was now in
hands which would defend it to the last.
As soon as the discussion came up in the states-general on
the subject of the Dort petitions, Orange requested that every
member who had formed his opinions should express them
fuUy and frankly. All wished, however, to be guided and
governed by the sentiments of the Prince. Not a man spoke,
save to demand their leader's views, and to express adhesion
in advance to the course which his wisdom might suggest.f
The result was a projected convention, a draft for a rehgious
peace,*, wliich, if definitely estabhshed, would have healed
many wounds and averted much calamity. It was not, how
ever, destined to be accepted at that time by the states of the
different provinces where it was brought up for discussion ;
and several changes were made, both of form and substance,
before the system was adopted at all. Meantime, for the
important city of Antwerp, where religious broUs were again
on the point of breaking out, the Prince preferred a provisional
arrangement, which he forthwith carried into execution. A
proclamation, in the name of the Archduke Matthias and of
the State Council, assigned five special places in the city
where the members of the " pretended Reformed rehgion "
should have liberty to exercise their religious worship, with
preaching, singing, and the sacraments. § The churchyards
of the parochial churches were to be opened for the burial of

* Archives et Correspondance, vi 308.
f Langueti Ep. Sec. ad Aug. Sax. 147, p. 744.
X According to the 3rd and 4th Articles, the Catholic or the Reformed rehgion
was to be re-estabhshed and freely exercised in any town or village where such re
establishment should be demanded by one hundred families. — Meteren, viii. 143".
§ See the document in Bor, xii 974, 975. Hoofd, xiii. 575.

1578.] PROJECT OF RELIGIOUS PEACE. 351
their dead, but the funerals were to be unaccompanied with
exhortation, or any public demonstration which might excite
disturbance. The adherents of one religion were forbidden
to disturb, to insult, or in any way to interfere with the solem
nities of the other. AU were to abstain from mutual jeerings
— by pictures, baUads, books, or otherwise — and from all
injuries to ecclesiastical property. Every man, of whatever
religion, was to be permitted entrance to the churches of
either religion, and when there, aU were to conform to the
regulations of the church with modesty and respect. Those of
the new rehgion were to take oaths of obedience to the
authorities, and to abstain from meddling with the secular
administration of affairs. Preachers of both religions were
forbidden to preach out of doors, or to make use of language
tending to sedition. AU were to bind themselves to assist
the magistrates in quelling riots, and in sustaining the civil
government.* This example of religious peace, together with the active
correspondence thus occasioned with the different state assem
blies, excited the jealousy of the Cathohc leaders and of the
Walloon population.f Champagny, who despite his admirable
qualities and briUiant services, was stfll unable to place himself
on the same platform of toleration with Orange, now under
took a decided movement against the policy of the Prince.
Catholic to the core, he drew up a petition, remonstrating
most vigorously against the draft for a rehgious peace, then in
circulation through the provinces.*. To this petition he procured
many signatures among the more ardent Catholic nobles. De
Heze, De Glimes, and others of the same stamp, were willing
enough to follow the lead of so distinguished a chieftain. The

* Bor, xii. 974, 975. The principle of the religious peace was adopted, and
churches accordingly allotted to the members of the Reformed Church, in the
cities of Antwerp, Brussels, Mechlin, Bergen, Breda, Liere, Bruges, Ypres,
and in many cities of Gelderland and Friesland. — Meteren, viii. 142.
f Bor, xii. 975. Hoofd, xiii. 575.
X See the Petition in Bor, xii. 989, 990.— Compare Hoofd, xiii. 578,
Meteren, viii. 142.

352 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
remonstrance was addressed to the Archduke, the Prince ot
Orange, the State Council, and the States-general, and called
upon them all to abide by their solemn promises to permit no
schism in the ancient Church. Should the exercise of the
new religion be allowed, the petitioners insisted that the
godless licentiousness of the Netherlands would excite the
contempt of all peoples and potentates. They suggested, in
conclusion, that all the principal cities of France — and in
particular the city of Paris — had kept themselves clear of the
exercise of the new religion, and that repose and prosperity
had been the result.*
This petition was carried with considerable solemnity by
Champagny, attended by many of his confederates, to the
Hotel de Ville, and presented to the magistracy of Brussels.
These functionaries were requested to deliver it forthwith to
the Archduke and Council. The magistrates demurred. A
discussion ensued, which grew warmer and warmer as it pro
ceeded. The younger nobles permitted themselves abusive
language, which the civic dignitaries would not brook. The
session was dissolved, and the magistrates, stiU foUowed by
the petitioners, came forth into the street. The confederates,
more inflamed than ever, continued to vociferate and to
threaten. A crowd soon collected in the square. The citizens
were naturally curious to know why their senators were thus
browbeaten and insulted by a party of insolent young Catholic
nobles. The old politician at their head, who, in spite of
many services, was not considered a friend to the nation, in
spired them with distrust.f Being informed of the presen
tation of the petition, the multitude loudly demanded that
the document should be read. This was immediately done.
The general drift of the remonstrance was anything but

• Petition in Bor, xii. 989, 990.
f Bor, xii. 988. Champagny was a Catholic and the brother of Granvelle ; he
was also one of the most patriotic and honourable — as he was unquestionably
one of the bravest — of the Netherland nobles. His character is interesting
and his services were remarkable. It is said that he could not rise to the same
tolerance in religious raatterB which the Prince of Orange had attained.

1578.] ARREST OF THE PAPISTS. 358
acceptable, but the aUusion to Paris, at the close, excited a
tempest of indignation. "Paris ! Paris ! Saint Bartholomew !
Saint Bartholomew ! Are we to have Paris weddings in Brus
sels also ?" howled the mob, as is often the case, extracting
but a single idea, and that a wrong one, from the public lec
ture which had just been made. " Are we to have a Paris
massacre, a Paris blood-bath here in the Netherland capital ?
God forbid ! God forbid ! Away with the conspirators !
Down with the Papists !"*
It was easily represented to the inflamed imaginations of
the populace that a Brussels Saint Bartholomew had been
organized, and that Champagny, who stood there before them,
was its originator and manager. The ungrateful Netherlanders
forgot the heroism with which the old soldier had arranged the
defence of Antwerp against the " Spanish Fury" but two years
before. They heard only the instigations of his enemies ; they
remembered only that he was the hated Granvelle's brother ;
they believed only that there was a plot by which, in some
utterly incomprehensible manner, they were all to be imme
diately engaged in cutting each others throats and throwing
each other out of the windows, as had been done half a dozen
years before in Paris. Such was the mischievous intention
ascribed to a petition, which Champagny and his friends had
as much right to. offer — however narrow and mistaken their
opinions might now be considered — as had the synod of Dort
to present their remonstrances. Never was a more malignant
-or more stupid perversion of a simple and not very alarming
phrase. No allusion had been made to Saint Bartholomew,
but aU its horrors were supposed to be concealed in the sen
tence which referred to Paris. The nobles were arrested on the
spot and hurried to prison, with the exception of Champagny,
who made his escape at first, and lay concealed for several
days.f He was, however, finaUy ferreted out of his hiding-
place and carried off to Ghent. There he was thrown into strict

* Bor, xii. 988. Hoofd, xiii. 578, 579.
•f Bor, xii. 988. Hoofd, xiii 579. Meteren, viii. 142.
vol. m. 23

354 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
confinement, being treated in all respects as the accomplice of
Aerschot and the other nobles who had been arrested in the
time of Ryhove's revolution.* Certainly, this conduct towards
a brave and generous gentleman was iU calculated to increase
general sympathy for the cause, or to merit the approbation of
Orange. There was, however, a strong prejudice against
Champagny. His brother Granvelle had never been forgotten
by the Netherlanders, and was still regarded as their most
untiring foe, while Champagny was supposed to be in close
league with the Cardinal. In these views the people were
entirely wrong.
While these events were taking place in Brussels and Ant
werp, the two armies of the states and of Don John were
indolently watching each other. The sinews of war had been
cut upon both sides. Both parties were cramped by the most
abject poverty. The troops under Bossu and Casimir, in the
camp near Mechhn, were already discontented, for want of
pay. The one hundred thousand pounds of Elizabeth had
already been spent, and it was not probable that the offended
Queen would soon furnish another subsidy. The states could
with difficulty extort anything like the assessed quotas from
the different provinces. The Duke of Alengon was stfll at
Mons, from which place he had issued a violent proclamation
of war agamst Don John — a manifesto which had, however,
not been followed up by very vigorous demonstrations. Don
John himself was in his fortified camp at Bouge, within a
league of Namur, but the hero was consuming with mental
and with bodily fever. He was, as it were, besieged. He was
left entirely without funds, while his royal brother obstinately
refused compliance with his earnest demands to be recalled, and
coldly neglected his importunities for pecuniary assistance.f
* Bor, xii. 988. Hoofd, xiii. 579. Meteren, viii. 142. — His captivity lasted
Beveral years.
t Bor, xii. 997, 998. Hoofd, xiv. 584, 585. She States had agreed to pay
600,000 guldens per month. The expenses of the army were estimated at
800,000 guldens per month. — Groen v. Prinst, Archives, vi. 397. Proclamation ir.
Bor, xii. 093, 997.

1578.] DESPONDENCY OF DON JOHN. 355
CompeUed to carry on a war against an armed rebeUion
with such gold only as could be extracted from royal words ;
stung to the heart by the suspicion of which he felt himself
the object at home, and by the hatred with which he was
regarded in the provinces ; outraged in his inmost feehngs
by the murder of Escovedo ; foiled, outwitted, reduced to a
political nullity by the masterly tactics of the " odious heretic
of heretics" to whom he had originaUy offered his own
patronage and the royal forgiveness, the high-spirited soldier
was an object to excite the tenderness even of rehgious and
political opponents. Wearied with the turmoU of camps
without battle and of cabinets without counsel, he sighed for
repose, even if it could be found only in a cloister or the grave.
" I rejoice to see by your letter," he wrote, pathetically, to
John Andrew Doria, at Genoa, " that your life is flowing on
with such calmness, while the world around me is so tumul-
tuously agitated. I consider you most fortunate that you are
passing the remainder of your days for God and yourself ;
that you are not forced to put yourself perpetually in the
scales of the world's events, nor to venture yourself daily on
its hazardous games."* He proceeded to inform his friend of
his own painful situation, surrounded by innumerable enemies,
without means of holding out more than three months, and
cut off from all assistance by a government which could not
see that if the present chance were lost aU was lost. He
declared it impossible for him to fight in the position to which
he was reduced, pressed as he was within half a mile of the
point which he had always considered as his last refuge. He
stated also that the French were strengthening themselves in
Hainault, under Alengon, and that the King of France was in
readiness to break in through Burgundy, should his brother
obtain a firm foothold in the provinces. " I have besought his
Majesty over and over again," he continued, " to send to me
his orders ; if they come they shall be executed, unless they

* This remarkable and pathetic letter, as well as that addressed to Mendoza, is
published in Bor, iii. 1004, 1005, and in Hoofd, xiv. 589, 590.

356 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
arrive too late. They have cut off our hands, and we have now
nothing for it but to stretch forth our heads also to the axe. I
grieve to trouble you with my sorrows, but I trust to your sym
pathy as a man and a friend. I hope that you wiU remember
me in your prayers, for you can put your trust where, in former
days, I never could place my own."*
The dying crusader wrote another letter, in the same
mournful strain, to another intimate friend, Don Pedro Men
doza, Spanish envoy in Genoa. It was dated upon the same
day from his camp near Namur, and repeated the statement
that the King of France was ready to invade the Netherlands,
so soon as Alengon should prepare an opening. " His Majesty,"
continued Don John, " is resolved upon nothing ; at least, I
am kept in ignorance of his intentions. Our life is doled out
to us here by moments. I cry aloud, but it profits me little.
Matters will soon be disposed, through our negligence, exactly
as the Devil would best wish them. It is plain that we are
left here to pine away till our last breath. God direct us aU
as He may see fit ; in His hands are aU things."f
Four days later he wrote to the King, stating that he was
confined to his chamber with a fever, by which he was already
as much reduced as if he had been iU for a month. " I assure
your Majesty," said he, " that the work here is enough to
destroy any constitution and any hfe." He reminded Philip
how often he had been warned by him as to the insidious
practices of the French. Those prophecies had now become
facts. The French had entered the country, while some of
the inhabitants were frightened, others disaffected. Don
John declared himself in a dilemma. With his small force.
hardly enough to make head against the enemy immediately
in front, and to protect the places which required guarding,
'twas impossible for him to leave his position to attack the
enemy in Burgundy. If he remained stationary, the com
munications were cut off through which his money and sup-

* Letter to Doria ; Bor, Hoofd, ubi sup.
f Letter to Pedro de Mendoza; Bor, xii. 1005. Hoofd, xiv. 590.

1578.] HIS LAST LETTERS. 357
plies reached him. " Thus I remain," said he, " perplexed
and confused, desiring, more than life, some decision on your
Majesty's part, for which I have implored so many times."
He urged the King most vehemently to send him instructions
as to the course to be pursued,* adding that it wounded him to
the soul to find them so long delayed. He begged to be in
formed " whether he was to attack the enemy in Burgundy,
whether he should await where he then was the succor of his
Majesty, or whether he was to fight, and if so with which of
his enemies : in fine, what he was to do ; because, losing or
winning, he meant to conform to his Majesty's will. He felt
deeply pained, he said, at being disgraced and abandoned by
the King, having served him, both as a brother, and a man,
with love and faith and heartiness. "Our lives," said he,
" are at stake upon this game, and aU we wish is to lose them
honorably."f He begged the King to send a special envoy to
France, with remonstrances on the subject of Alengon, and
another to the Pope to ask for the Duke's excommunication.
He protested that he would give his blood rather than occasion
so much annoyance to the King, but that he felt it his duty
to teU the naked truth. The pest was ravaging his httle
army. Twelve hundred were now in hospital, besides those
nursed in private houses, and he had no means or money to
remedy the evil. Moreover, the enemy, seeing that they
were not opposed in the open field, had cut off the passage
into Liege by the Meuse, and had advanced to Nivelles and
Chimay for the sake of communications with France, by the
same river.*.
Ten days after these pathetic passages had been written, the
writer was dead. Since the assassination of Escovedo, a con-

* " La orden de como tengo de gobernar." — These words in Don John's letter
were underlined by Philip, who made upon reading them the following most
characteristic annotation : " The marked request I will not grant. I will not
tell ;" (lo rayado no yo le dire.)
f " Nos van las vidas en esto juego," etc., etc.
X Carta (descifrada) del S°r. D. Juan a Su Mag1"., 20 Sept., 1578. MS. Royal
Library, Hague, f. 41-44" •

358 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
suming melancholy had settled upon his spirits, and a burn
ing fever came, in the month of September, to destroy his
physical strength. The house where he lay was a hovel, the
only chamber of which had been long used as a pigeon-house.
This wretched garret was cleansed, as weU as it could be of its
filth, and hung with tapestry emblazoned with armorial
bearings. In that dovecot the hero of Lepanto was destined
to expire. During the last few days of his iUness, he
was delirious. Tossing upon his uneasy couch, he again
arranged in imagination, the combinations of great battles,
again shouted his orders to rushing squadrons, and listened
with brightening eye to the trumpet of victory. Reason
returned, however, before the hour of death, and permitted
him the opportunity to make the dispositions rendered neces
sary by his condition. He appointed his nephew, Alexander
of Parma, who had been watching assiduously over his death
bed, to succeed him, provisionaUy, in the command of the
army and in his other dignities, received the last sacraments
with composure, and tranquilly breathed his last upon the first
day of October, the month which, since the battle of Lepanto,
he had always considered a festive and a fortunate one.*
It was inevitable that suspicion of poison should be at once
excited by his decease. Those suspicions have been never set
at rest, and never proved. Two Enghshmen, Ratcliff and
Gray by name, had been arrested and executed on a charge of
having been employed by Secretary Walsingham to assassinate
the Governor.f The charge was doubtless an infamous
falsehood ; but had Philip, who was suspected of being the
real criminal, reaUy compassed the death of his brother, it was
none the less probable that an innocent victim or two would
be executed, to save appearances. Now that time has unveiled
to us many mysteries, now that we have learned from
Philip's own hps and those of his accomplices the exact
manner in which Montigny and Escovedo were put to

* Van der Hammen y Leon, vi. 324. Bor, xii. 1005. Cabrera, xii. 1008,
1009. Strada, x. 503, 505, 506. Hoofd, 591.
f Do Thou, vu. 699. — Compare Cabrera, xii. 1006.

1578.] SUSPICIONS CONCERNING HIS DEATH. 359
death, the world will hardly be very charitable with regard to
other imputations. It was vehemently suspected that Don
John had been murdered by the command of Philip, but no
such fact was ever proved.
The body, when opened that it might be embalmed, was
supposed to offer evidence of poison. The heart was dry, the
other internal organs were likewise so desiccated as to crumble
when touched, and the general color of the interior was of a
blackish brown, as if it had been singed. Various persons
were mentioned as the probable criminals ; various motives
assigned for the commission of the deed. Nevertheless, it
must be admitted that there were causes, which were undis
puted, for his death, sufficient to render a search for the more
mysterious ones comparatively superfluous. A disorder called
the pest was raging in his camp, and had carried off a thousand
of his soldiers within a few days, while his mental sufferings
had been acute enough to turn his heart to ashes. Disap
pointed, tormented by friend and foe, suspected, insulted,
broken spirited, it was not strange that he should prove an
easy victim to a pestilent disorder before which many stronger
men were daUy faUing.*
On the third day after his decease, the funeral rites were
celebrated. A dispute between the Spaniards, Germans, and
Netherlanders in the army arose, each claiming precedence in

* " Namque in defuncti corpore extitisse non obscura veneni vestigia affir
mant, qui viderunt." — Strada, x. 512. TJie Jesuit does not express any opinion
as to the truth of the report. — Compare Cabrera, xii. 1009. Van d. Vynckt, ii.
253, 254. "  haUaron la parte del coracon seca i todo lo interior i lo esterior
denegrido i come tostado, que se deshazia con el toque ; i lo demas de color
palido de natural difunto." — Cabrera, xii. 1009. The Seigneur de Brantome, after
expressing his regrets that such a brave son of Mars should have died in his bed,
("  comme si c'eust este quelque mignon de Venus,") suggests that he was
poisoned by means of perfumed boots ; (certainly an original method, and one
which was not hkely to make his " interior" look as if " toasted,") "  car on
tient tout qu'il mourut empoissonne par des bottines parfumees." — Hommes
Illust et Gr., cap. ii. 140. The poisoning was attributed to various persons;
to Philip, to the Prince of Orange, and to the Abbot of St. Gertrude, who is
said to have effected the deed tlirough one Guerin, a well-known poisoner of
Marseilles. — V. Wyn Aanm. op Wagenaer, vii. 65. See also Hoofd, xiv. 591;
Bor. xii. 1004.

360 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
the ceremony, on account of superior national propinquity to
the illustrious deceased. All were, in truth, equally near to
him, for different reasons, and it was arranged that all should
share equaUy in the obsequies. The corpse disembowelled
and embalmed, v/as laid upon a couch of state. The hero was
clad in complete armor ; his sword, helmet, and steel gaunt
lets lying at his feet, a coronet, blazing with precious stones,
upon his head, the jewelled chain and insignia of the Golden
Fleece about his neck, and perfumed gloves upon his hands.
Thus royally and martially arrayed, he was placed upon his
bier and borne forth from the house where he had died, by the
gentlemen of his bedchamber. From them he was received by
the colonels of the regiments stationed next his own quarters.
These chiefs, followed by their troops with inverted arms and
muffled drums, escorted the body to the next station, where it
was received by the commanding officers, of other national
regiments, to be again transmitted to those of the third. Thus
by soldiers of the three nations, it was successively conducted
to the gates of Namur, where it was received by the civic
authorities. The paU-bearers, old Peter Ernest Mansfeld,
Ottavio Gonzaga, the Marquis de ViUa Franca, and the Count
de Reux, then bore it to the church, where it was deposited
until the royal orders should be received from Spain. The
heart of the hero was permanently buried beneath the pave
ment of the little church, and a monumental inscription, pre
pared by Alexander Farnese, stiU indicates the spot where that
lion heart returned to dust.*
It had been Don John's dying request to Philip that his
remains might be buried in the Escorial by the side of his
imperial father, and the prayer being granted, the royal order
in due time arrived for the transportation of the corpse to
Spain. Permission had been asked and given for the passage

* Strada, x. 515. Hoofd, xiv. 591. " Relacion de la enfermedad y muerte del
S. D. Juan." — Documentos Ineditos, vii. 443-448. — Compare Tassis, iv. 326;
Hoofd, xiv. 591 ; Haraeus (Ann. iii. 285.) The inscription on the tablet may yet
be read at Namur, although a new church has replaced the one in which the
heart was originally deposited.

1578.] REMOVAL OF HIS REMAINS. 361
of a small number of Spanish troops through France. The
thrifty king had, however, made no allusion to the fact that
those soldiers were to bear with them the mortal remains of
Lepanto 's hero, for he was disposed to save the expense which
a public transportation of the body and the exchange of pom
pous courtesies with the authorities of every town upon the
long journey would occasion. The corpse was accordingly
divided into three parts, and packed in three separate bags ;
and thus the different portions, lo save weight, being sus
pended at the saddle-bows -of different troopers, the body of
the conqueror was conveyed to its distant resting-place.*
" Expende Hanmbalem : quot libras in duce summo
Invenies?" . ...
Thus irreverently, almost blasphemously, the disjointed relics
of the great warrior were hurried through France ; — France,
which the romantic Saracen slave had traversed but two short
years before, fiUed with high hopes, and pursuing extravagant
visions. It has been recorded by classic historians,f that the
different fragments, after their arrival in Spain, were re-united,
and fastened together with wire ; that the body was then
stuffed, attired in magnificent habiliments, placed upon its feet,
and supported by a martial staff, and that thus prepared for a
royal interview, the mortal remains of Don John were presented
to his Most Catholic Majesty. Philip is said to have mani
fested emotion at sight of the hideous spectre — for hideous
and spectral, despite of jewels, balsams, and brocades, must

* Strada, x. 516, 519 — "Relacion de la enfermedad y muerte," pp. 443-443.
Hoofd, xiv. 592.
f "  ubi ossibus iterum commissia, sereique nexu fih colligatis, totam facile
articulavere compagem corporis." — Strada, x. 519. "  Quod tomento, ex-
pletum. ac superindutis armis, pretiosis vestibus exornatum ita Regis obtulere
ocuhs quasi pedibus innitens, Imperatorii videlicet baculi adiumento, plane vivere
ac spirare videretur." — Ibid. The story must be received, however, with extreme
caution, as being perhaps only one of the imaginative embroideries of that genial
Jesuit. Strada. There is no mention of the circumstance in the "Relacion de
la enfermedad," etc., but, on the contrary, the body of the hero is there repre
sented as having been wrapped decently in a shroud of "delicate HoUands,"
and placed in a coffin covered within and without with black velvet". — Docu.
mentos Ineditos, vii. 443-448.

362 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
have been that unburied corpse, aping life in attitude and
vestment, but standing there only to assert its privUege of
descending into the tomb. The claim was granted, and Don
John of Austria at last found repose by the side of his impe
rial father.*
A sufficient estimate of his character has been apparent
in the course of the narrative. Dying before he had quite
completed his thirty-third year,f he excites pity and admira
tion almost as much as censure. His mihtary career was a
blaze of glory. Commanding in the Moorish wars at twenty-
three, and in the Turkish campaigns at twenty-six, he had
achieved a matchless renown before he had emerged from early
youth ; but his sun was destined to go down at noon. He found
neither splendor nor power in the Netherlands, where he was
deserted by his king and crushed by the superior genius of the
Prince of Orange. Although he vindicated his martial skill
at Gemblours, the victory was fruitless. It was but the soli
tary spring of the tiger from his jungle, and after that strik
ing conflict his life was ended in darkness and obscurity.
Possessing military genius of a high order, with extraordinary
personal bravery, he was the last of the paladins and the
crusaders. His accomphshments were also considerable, and
he spoke Italian, German, French, and Spanish with fluency.
His beauty was remarkable ; his personal fascinations acknow
ledged by either sex ; but as a commander of men, except
ing upon the battle-field, he possessed httle genius. His
ambition was the ambition of a knight-errant, an adventurer,
a Norman pirate ; it was a personal and. tawdry ambition.
Vague and contradictory dreams of crowns, of royal marriages,
of extemporized dynasties, floated ever before him ; but he
was himself always the hero of his own romance. He sought a
throne in Africa or in Britain ; he dreamed of espousing Mary
of Scotland at the expense of Elizabeth, and was even thought
to aspire secretly to the hand of the great English Queen her-

* Strada, x. 519.
f Tassis, iv. 326. Cabrera, xii 1009. Strada, x. 503. Bentivogho, x. 218.

1578.] CONCLUDING REMARKS. 363
self.* Thus, crusader and bigot as he was, he was willing to
be reconciled with heresy, if heresy could furnish him with a
throne. It is superfluous to state that he was no match, by mental
endowments, for WUliam of Orange ; but even had he been so,
the moral standard by which each measured himself placed the
Conqueror far below the Father of a people. It must be ad
mitted that Don John is entitled to but small credit for his
political achievements in the Netherlands. He was incapable
of perceiving that the great contest between the Reformation
and the Inquisition could never be amicably arranged in those
provinces, and that the character of William of Orange was
neither to be softened by royal smiles, nor perverted by appeals
to sordid interests. It would have been perhaps impossible for
him, with his education and temperament, to have embraced
what seems to us the right cause, but it ought, at least, to
have been in his power to read the character of his antagonist,
and to estimate his own position with something like accuracy.
He may be forgiven that he did not succeed in reconciling
hostUe parties, when his only plan to accomplish such a pur
pose was the extermination of the most considerable faction ;
but although it was not to be expected that he would look on
the provinces with the eyes of WiUiam the Silent, he might
have comprehended that the Netherland chieftain was neither
to be purchased nor cajoled. The only system by which the
two religions could live together in peace had been discovered
by the Prince ; but toleration, in the eyes of Catholics, and of
many Protestants, was stfll thought the deadliest heresy of all.

* This project, among other visions, may have occupied the dreamy mind of
Don John himself, but it seems astonishing that grave historians should record
their opinion that such a scheme had ever been sanctioned by Elizabeth. Yet
Cabrera, Bentivoglio, Strada, and even the more modern Van der Vynckt, allude
to the report. — Vida Cabrera, xii. 971. Bentivoglio, x. 518. Strada, x. 503.
Van d. Vynckt, ii. 254. — Compare Groen, v. Prinsterer, vi. 453.

PART VI.
ALEXANDER OF PARMA.
1578—1584.

CHAPTEE I.

Birth, education, marriage, and youthful character of Alexander Farnese — .
His private adventures — Exploits at Lepanto and at Gemblours — He suc
ceeds to the government — Personal appearance and characteristics — Aspect
of affairs — Internal dissensions — Anjou at Mons — John Casimir's intrigues
at Ghent — Anjou disbands his soldiers — The Netherlands ravaged by
various foreign troops — Anarchy and confusion in Ghent — Imbize and
Ryhove — Fate of Hessels and Visch — New Pacification drawn up by
Orange — Representations of Queen Elizabeth — Remonstrance of Brussels —
Riots and image-breaking in Ghent — Displeasure of Orange — His presence
implored at Ghent, where he establishes a Religious Peace — Painful situa-
ation of John Casimir — Sharp rebukes of Elizabeth — He taises his depar
ture — His troops apply to Farnese, who allows them to leave the country —
Anjou's departure and manifesto — Elizabeth's letters to the states-general
with regard to him — Complimentary addresses by the Estates to the Duke
— Death of Bossu — Calumnies against Orange — Venality of the Malcon
tent grandees — La Motte's treason — Intrigues of the Prior of Renty — Saint
Aldegonde at Arras — The Prior of St. Vaast's exertions — Opposition of the
clergy in the Walloon provinces to the taxation of the general government
— Triangular contest — Municipal revolution in Arras led by Gosson and
others — Counter-revolution — Rapid trials and executions — " Reconciliation"
of the malcontent chieftains — Secret treaty of Mount St. Eloi — Mischief
made by the Prior of Renty — His accusations against the reconciled lords —
Vengeance taken upon him — Counter movement by the liberal party —
Union of Utrecht — The Act analyzed and characterized.
A fifth governor now stood in the place which had been
successively vacated by Margaret of Parma, by Alva, by the
Grand Commander, and by Don John of Austria. Of all the
eminent personages to whom Philip had confided the reins of
that most difficult and dangerous administration, the man
who was now to rule was by far the ablest and the best

368 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
fitted for his post. If there were living charioteer skilful
enough to guide the wheels of state, whirling now more
dizzily than ever through " confusum chaos," Alexander
Farnese was the charioteer to guide — his hand the only one
which could control.
He was now in his thirty-third year — his uncle Don John,
his cousin Don Carlos, and himself, having all been born
within a few months of each other. His father was Ottavio
Farnese, the faithful lieutenant of Charles the Fifth, and
grandson of Pope Paul the Third ; his mother was Margaret
of Parma, first Regent of the Netherlands after the depar
ture of Philip from the provinces. He was one of the twins
by which the reunion of Margaret and her youthful husband
had been blessed, and the only one that survived. His great
grandfather, Paul, whose secular name of Alexander he had
received, had placed his hand upon the new-bom infant's
head, and prophesied that he would grow up to become a
mighty warrior.* The boy, from his earliest years, seemed
destined to verify the prediction. Though apt enough at his
studies, he turned with impatience from his literary tutors to
mUitary exercises and the hardiest sports. The din of arms
surrounded his cradle. The trophies of Ottavio, returning
victorious from beyond the Alps, had dazzled the eyes of his
infancy, and when but six years of age he had witnessed the
siege of his native Parma, and its vigorous defence by his
martial father. When Philip was in the Netherlands — in the
years immediately succeeding the abdication of the Emperor —
he had received the boy from his parents as a hostage for their
friendship. Although but eleven years of age, Alexander had
begged earnestly to be allowed to serve as a volunteer on the
memorable day of Saint Quentin, and had wept bitterly when
the amazed monarch refused his request.f His education had
been completed at Alcala, and at Madrid, under the immediate
supervision of his royal uncle, and in the companionship of
the Infante Carlos and the brilliant Don John. The imperial

* Strada, ix. 451, x. 508. + Ibid, ix. 458.

1578.] COMBATIVENESS. 369
bastard was alone able to surpass, or even to equal the Italian
prince in all martial and manly pursuits. Both were equally
devoted to the chase and to the tournay ; both longed im
patiently for the period when the irksome routine of monkish
pedantry, and the fictitious combats which formed their main
recreation, should be exchanged for the substantial delights of
war. At the age of twenty he had been affianced to Maria of
Portugal, daughter of Prince Edward, granddaughter of King
Emanuel, and his nuptials with that peerless princess were,
as we have seen, celebrated soon afterwards with much pomp
in Brussels. Sons and daughters were born to him in due
time, during his subsequent residence in Parma. Here, how
ever, the fiery and impatient spirit of the future illustrious
commander was doomed for a time to fret under restraint, and
to corrode in distasteful repose. His father, still in the vigor
of his years, governing the family duchies of Parma and
Piacenza, Alexander had no occupation in the brief period of
peace which then existed. The martial spirit, pining for a
wide and lofty sphere of action, in which alone its energies
could be fitly exercised, now sought delight in the pursuits of
the duellist and gladiator. Nightly did the hereditary prince
of the land perambulate the streets of his capital, disguised,
well armed, alone, or with a single confidential attendant.*
Every chance passenger of martial aspect whom he encoun
tered in the midnight streets was forced to stand and measure
swords with an unknown, almost unseen, but most redoubtable
foe, and many were the single combats which he thus enjoyed,
so long as his incognito was preserved. Especially, it was his
wont to seek and defy every gentleman whose skill or bravery
had ever been commended in his hearing. At last, upon one
occasion it was his fortune to encounter a certain Count
Torelli, whose reputation as a swordsman and duelhst was weU
established in Parma. The blades were joined, and the fierce
combat had already been engaged in the darkness, when the
torch of an accidental passenger flashed fuU in the face of

* Strada, ix. 454, 455.
VOL. in. 24

370 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578,
Alexander. ToreUi, recognising thus suddenly his antagonist,
dropped Jiis sword and implored forgiveness,* for the wily Itahan
was too keen not to perceive that even if the death of neither
combatant should be the result of the fray, his own position
was, in every event, a false one. Victory would ensure him
the hatred, defeat the contempt of his future sovereign. The
unsatisfactory issue and subsequent notoriety of this encounter
put a termination to these midnight joys of Alexander, and for
a season he felt obliged to assume more pacific habits, and to
solace himself with the society of that " phoenix of Portugal,"
who had so long sat brooding on his domestic hearth.
At last the holy league was formed, the new and last crusade
proclaimed, his uncle and bosom friend appointed to the com
mand of the united troops of Rome, Spain, and Venice. He could
no longer be restrained. Disdaining the pleadings of his mother
and of his spouse, he extorted permission from Philip, and
flew to the seat of war in the Levant. Don John received
him with open arms, just before the famous action of Lepanto,
and gave him an excellent position in the very front of the
battle, with the command of several Genoese galleys. Alex
ander's exploits on that eventful day seemed those of a fabulous
hero of romance. He laid his galley alongside of the treasure -
ship of the Turkish fleet, a vessel, on account of its importance,
doubly manned and armed. Impatient that the Crescent was
not lowered, after a few broadsides, he sprang on .board the
enemy alone, waving an immense two-handed sword — his
usual weapon — and mowing a passage right and left through
the hostile ranks for the warriors who tardily foUowed the
footsteps of their vehement chief. Mustapha Bey, the trea
surer and commander of the ship, fell before his sword, besides
many others, whom he hardly saw or counted. The gaUey
was soon his own, as weU as another, which came to the rescue
of the treasure-ship only to share its defeat. The booty
which Alexander's crew secured was prodigious, individual
soldiers obtaining two and three thousand ducats each.f Don
John received his nephew after the battle with commendations
* Strada, ix. 455. f Ibid., ix. 458, 457.

1578.] MILITARY EXPLOITS. 871
not, however, unmingled with censure. The successful result
alone had justified such insane and desperate conduct, for had
he been slain or overcome, said the commander-in-chief,
there would have been few to applaud his temerity. Alexander
gaily replied by assuring his uncle that he had felt sustained
by a more than mortal confidence, the prayers which his
saintly wife was incessantly offering in his behalf since he
went to the wars being a sufficient support and shield in even
greater danger than he had yet confronted.*
This was Alexander's first campaign, nor was he permitted
to reap any more glory for a few succeeding years. At last,
Phihp was disposed to send both his mother and himself to
the Netherlands, removing Don John from the rack where he
had been enduring such slow torture. GranveUe's inter
cession proved fruitless with the Duchess, but Alexander was
aU eagerness to go where blows were passing current, and he
gladly led the reinforcements which were sent to Don John
at the close of the year 1577. He had reached Luxemburg
on the 18th of December of that year, in time, as we have
seen, to participate, and, in fact, to take the lead in the signal
victory of Gemblours. He had been struck with the fatal
change which disappointment and anxiety had wrought upon
the beautiful and haughty features of his iUustrious kinsman.f
He had since closed his eyes in the camp, and erected a marble
tablet over his heart in the httle church. He now governed
in his stead.
His personal appearance corresponded with his character.
He had the head of a gladiator, round, compact, combative,
with something alert and snake-like in its movements. The
black, closely-shorn hair was erect and bristling. The
forehead was lofty and narrow. The features were hand
some, the nose regularly aquiline, the eyes well opened, dark,
piercing, but with something dangerous and sinister in their
expression.^ There was an habitual look askance, as of a man

* Strada, ix. 458. t ^wi., ix. 460.
X " Een fel gesicht," says Bor, 3, xxix. 661, and the portraits confirm th»
statement.

372 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
seeking to parry or inflict a mortal blow — the look of a
swordsman and professional fighter. The lower part of the
face was swaUowed in a bushy beard ; the mouth and chin
being quite invisible. He was of middle stature, well formed,
and graceful in person, princely in demeanor, sumptuous and
stately in apparel.* His high ruff of point lace, his badge
of the Golden Fleece, his gold-inlaid Milan armor, marked him
at once as one of high degree. On the field of battle he pos
sessed the rare gift of inspiring his soldiers with his own im
petuous and chivahous courage. He ever led the way upon the
most dangerous and desperate ventures, and, like his uncle
and his imperial grandfather, well knew how to reward the
devotion of his readiest followers with a poniard, a feather, a
riband, a jewel, taken with his own hands from his own
attire.f His mUitary abilities — now for the first time to be largely
called into employment — were unquestionably superior to those
of Don John, whose name had been surrounded with such
splendor by the world-renowned battle of Lepanto. More
over, he possessed far greater power for governing men,
whether in camp or cabinet. Less attractive and fascinating,
he was more commanding than his kinsman. Decorous and
self-poised, he was only passionate before the enemy, but he
rarely permitted a disrespectful look or word to escape condign
and deliberate chastisement. He was no schemer or dreamer.
He was no knight errant. He would not have crossed seas
and mountains to rescue a captive queen, nor have sought to
place her crown on his own head as a reward for his heroism.
He had a single and concentrated kind of character. He
knew precisely the work which PhUip required, and felt him
self to be precisely the workman that had so long been
wanted. Cool, incisive, fearless, artful, he united the unscru
pulous audacity of a condottiere with the wily patience of a
Jesuit. He could coil unperceived through unsuspected paths,

* "Kostelijck en overdadig in kleederen." — Bor, loc cit
f Strada, 2, iii. 150.

1578.] GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 373
could strike suddenly, sting mortally. He came prepared, not
only to smite the Netherlanders in the open field, but to cope
with them in tortuous pohcy ; to outwatch and outweary
them in the game to which his impatient predecessor had
faUen a baffled victim. He possessed the art and the patience
— as time was to prove — not only to undermine their most
impregnable cities, but to delve below the intrigues of their
most accompUshed pohticians. To circumvent at once both
their negotiators and their men-at-arms was his appointed
task. Had it not been for the courage, the vigilance, and the
superior inteUect of a single antagonist, the whole of the
Netherlands would have shared the fate which was reserved for
the more southern portion. Had the hfe of William of
Orange been prolonged, perhaps the evil genius of the Nether
lands might have still been exorcised throughout the whole
extent of the country.
As for religion, Alexander Farnese was, of course, strictly
Cathohc, regarding all seceders from Romanism as mere
heathen dogs. Not that he practicaUy troubled himself much
with sacred matters — for, during the life-time of his wife, he
had cavalierly thrown the whole burden of his personal salva
tion upon her saintly shoulders. She had now flown to higher
spheres, but Alexander was, perhaps, willing to rely upon her
continued intercessions in his behalf. The life of a bravo in
time of peace — the deliberate project in war to exterminate
whole cities full of innocent people, who had different notions
on the subject of image-worship and ecclesiastical ceremonies
from those entertained at Rome, did not seem to him at aU
incompatible with the precepts of Jesus. Hanging, drowning,
burning and butchering heretics were the legitimate deduc
tions of his theology. He was no casuist nor pretender to
hohness : but in those days every man was devout, and Alex
ander looked with honest horror upon the impiety of the
heretics, whom he persecuted and massacred. He attended
mass regularly — in the winter mornings by torch-light — and
would as soon have foregone his daily tennis as his religious
exercises. Romanism was the creed of his caste. It was the

374 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
rehgion of princes and gentlemen of high degree. As for
Lutheranism, Zwinglism, Calvinism, and similar systems,
they were but the fantastic rites of weavers, brewers, and the
hke — an ignoble herd whose presumption in entitling them
selves Christian, while rejecting the Pope, caUed for their
instant extermination. His personal habits were extremely
temperate. He was accustomed to say that he ate only to
support life ; and he rarely finished a dinner without having
risen three or four times from table to attend to some pubhc
business which, in his opinion, ought not to be deferred.*
His previous connections in the Netherlands were of use to
him, and he knew how to turn them to immediate account.
The great nobles, who had been uniformly actuated by jealousy
of the Prince of Orange, who had been baffled in their
intrigue with Matthias, whose half-blown designs upon Anjou
had already been nipped in the bud, were now peculiarly in a
position to hsten to the wily tongue of Alexander Farnese.
The Montignys, the La Mottes, the Meluns, the Egmonts,
the Aerschots, the Havr6s, foiled and doubly foiled in aU their
small intrigues and their base ambition, were ready to sacrifice
their country to the man they hated, and to the ancient
rehgion which they thought that they loved. The Malcontents
ravaging the land of Hainault and threatening Ghent, the
" Paternoster Jacks " who were only waiting for a favorable
opportunity and a good bargain to make their peace with
Spain, were the very instruments which Parma most desired to
use at this opening stage of his career. The position of
affairs was far more favorable for him than it had been for
Don John when he first succeeded to power. On the whole,
there seemed a bright prospect of success. It seemed quite
possible that it would be in Parma's power to reduce, at last,
this chronic rebellion, and to re-estabUsh the absolute su
premacy of Church and King. The pledges of the Ghent
treaty had been broken, while in the unions of Brussels which
had succeeded, the fatal religious cause had turned the instru-

* Bor, xxix. 661\ d. iii

1578.] UNIVERSAL DISCORD. 375
ment of peace into a sword. The " religion-peace" which had
been proclaimed at Antwerp had hardly found favor anywhere.
As the provinces, for an instant, had seemingly got the better
of their foe, they turned madly upon each other, and the fires
of rehgious discord, which had been extinguished by the com
mon exertions of a whole race trembhng for the destruction of
their fatherland, were now re-lighted with a thousand brands
plucked from the sacred domestic hearth. Fathers and chU
dren, brothers and sisters, husbands and wives, were beginning
to wrangle, and were prepared to persecute. Cathohc and
Protestant, during the momentary rehef from pressure, forgot
their voluntary and most blessed Pacification, to renew their
internecine feuds. The banished Reformers, who had swarmed
back in droves at the tidings of peace and good-will to all men,
found themselves bitterly disappointed. They were exposed in
the Walloon provinces to the persecutions of the Malcontents,
in the Frisian regions to the stiU powerful coercion of the royal
stadholders. Persecution begat counter-persecution. The city of Ghent
became the centre of a system of insurrection, by which
all the laws of God and man were outraged under the
pretence of estabhshing a larger liberty in civU and reUgious
matters. It was at Ghent that the opening scenes in
Parma's administration took place. Of the high-born suitors
for the Netherland bride, two were still watching each other
with jealous eyes. Anjou was at Mons, which city he had
secretly but unsuccessfully attempted to master for his own
purposes. John Casimir was at Ghent,* fomenting an insur
rection which he had neither skUl to guide, nor inteUigence to
comprehend. There was a talk of making him Count ofi
Flanders,f and his paltry ambition was dazzled by the glitter
ing prize. Anjou, who meant to be Count of Flanders
himself, as weU as Duke or Count of aU the other Netherlands,
was highly indignant at this report, which he chose to con
sider true. He wrote to the estates to express his indig-

* Bor, 3. xiii 3. f **>&•

376 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
nation. He wrote to Ghent to offer his mediation between
the burghers and the Malcontents. Casimir wanted money for
his troops. He obtained a liberal supply, but he wanted more.
Meantime, the mercenaries were expatiating on their own ac
count throughout the southern provinces ; eating up every
green leaf, robbing and piUaging, where robbery and pillage had
gone so often that hardly anything was left for rapine.* Thus
dealt the soldiers in the open country, while their master at
Ghent was plunging into the complicated intrigues spread over
that unfortunate city by the most mischievous demagogues
that ever polluted a sacred cause. Well had Cardinal Gran
veUe, his enemy, WiUiam of Hesse, his friend and kinsman,
understood the character of John Casimir. Robbery and pU-
lage were his achievements, to make chaos more confounded
was his destiny. Anjou — disgusted with the temporary favor
accorded to a rival whom he affected to despise — disbanded
his troops in dudgeon, and prepared to retire to France.f
Several thousand of these mercenaries took service immediately
with the Malcontents^ under Montigny, thus swelling the
ranks of the deadliest foes to that land over which Anjou had
assumed the title of protector. The states' army, meanwhile,
had been rapidly dissolving. There were hardly men enough
left to make a demonstration in the field, or properly to gar
rison the more important towns. The unhappy provinces,
torn by civU and religious dissensions, were overrun by hordes
of unpaid soldiers of all nations, creeds, and tongues — Span
iards, ItaUans, Burgundians, Walloons, Germans, Scotch and
English ; some who came to attack and others to protect, but
whoaU achieved nothing and agreed in nothing save to maltreat
and to outrage the defenceless peasantry and denizens of the
smaller towns. The contemporary chronicles are full of har
rowing domestic tragedies, in which the actors are always the
insolent foreign soldiery and their desperate victims.§
Ghent — energetic, opulent, powerful, passionate, unruly

* Bor, 3, xiii. 3. f Ibid., 12. X lb!d-> Meteren, vin. 114d.
§ Bor, b. xiii Hoofd, b. xiv. Meteren, b. viii, passim.

1578.] ghent. 377
Ghent — was now the focus of discord, the centre from whence
radiated not the light and warmth of reasonable and intelligent
liberty, but the bale-fires of murderous licence and savage
anarchy. The second city of the Netherlands, one of the
wealthiest and most powerful cities of Christendom, it had
been its fate so often to overstep the bounds of reason and
moderation in its devotion to freedom, so often to incur igno
minious chastisement from power which its own excesses had
made more powerful, that its name was aheady becoming a
bye- word. It now, most fatally and for ever, was to misunder
stand its true position. The Prince of Orange, the great arch
itect of his country's fortunes, would have made it the keystone
of the arch which he was laboring to construct. Had he been
allowed to perfect his plan, the structure might have endured
for ages, a perpetual bulwark against tyranny and wrong.
The temporary and slender frame by which the great artist
had supported his arch whUe stiU unfinished, was plucked
away by rude and ribald hands ; the keystone plunged into
the abyss, to be lost for ever, and the great work of Orange
remained a fragment from its commencement. The acts of
demagogues, the conservative disgust at licence, the jealousy of
rival nobles, the venality of military leaders, threw daily fresh
stumbling-blocks in his heroic path. It was not six months
after the advent of Farnese to power, before that bold and
subtle chieftain had seized the double-edged sword of rehgious
dissension as firmly as he had grasped his celebrated brand
when he boarded the galley of Mustapha Bey, and the Neth
erlands were cut in twain, to be re-united nevermore. The
separate treaty of the Walloon provinces was soon destined to
separate the Celtic and Romanesque elements from the Ba-
tavian and Frisian portion of a nationality, which, thoroughly
fused in all its parts, would have formed as admirable a com
pound of fire and endurance as history has ever seen.
Meantime, the grass was growing and the cattle were
grazing in the streets of Ghent,* where once the tramp of

* Van d. Vynckt, iii. 3.

378 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
workmen going to and from their labor was like the move
ment of a mighty army.* The great majority of the burghers
were of the Reformed religion, and disposed to make effectual
resistance to the Malcontents, led by the disaffected nobles.
The city, considering itself the natural head of all the southern
country, was indignant that the WaUoon provinces should
dare to reassert that supremacy of Romanism which had been
so effectuaUy suppressed, and to admit the possibility of
friendly relations with a sovereign who had been virtually
disowned. There were two parties, however, in Ghent. Both
were led by men of abandoned and dangerous character.f
Imbize, the worse of the two demagogues, was inconstant,
cruel, cowardly, and treacherous, but possessed of eloquence
and a talent for intrigue. Ryhove was a bolder ruffian —
wrathful, bitter, and unscrupulous. Imbize was at the time
opposed to Orange, disliking his moderation, and trembhng at
his firmness. Ryhove considered himself the friend of the
Prince. We have seen that he had consulted him previously
to his memorable attack upon Aerschot, in the autumn of the
preceding year, and we know the result of that conference.
The Prince, with the slight dissimulation which belonged
less to his character than to his theory of pohtics, and which
was perhaps not to be avoided, in that age of intrigue, by any
man who would govern his feUow-men, whether for good or
evil, had winked at a project which he would not openly
approve. He was not thoroughly acquainted, however, with
the desperate character of the man, for he would have scorned an
instrument so thoroughly base as Ryhove subsequently proved.
The violence of that personage on the occasion of the arrest of
Aerschot and his coUeagues was mildness compared with the
deed with which he now disgraced the cause of freedom. He had
been ordered out from Ghent to oppose a force of Malcontents
which was gathering in the neighbourhood of Courtray;J

* Guicciardini, Descript. Gandav.
f Van d. Vynckt, iii. 38, 39. Bor, xiii. 5, sqq. Hoofd, xiv. 589, 599.
X Bor, xiii. 5.

1578.] FATE OF VISOH AND HESSELS. 379
but he swore that he would not leave the gates so long as two
of the gentlemen whom he had arrested on the twenty-eighth
of the previous October, and who yet remained in captivity,
were still alive.* These two prisoners were ex-procurator
Visch and Blood-CounciUor Hessels. Hessels, it seemed, had
avowed undying hostUity to Ryhove for the injury sustained
at his hands, and he had sworn, " by his grey beard," that the
ruffian should yet hang for the outrage. Ryhove, not feeling
very safe in the position of affairs which then existed, and
knowing that he could neither trust Imbize, who had formerly
been his friend, nor the imprisoned nobles, who had ever been
, his implacable enemies, was resolved to make himself safe in
one quarter at least, before he set forth against the Malcon
tents. Accordingly, Hessels and Visch, as they sat together
in their prison, at chess, upon the 4th of October, 1578, were
suddenly summoned to leave the house, and to enter a carriage
which stood at the door. A force of armed men brought the
order, and were sufficiently strong to enforce it. The prisoners
obeyed, and the coach soon rolled slowly through the streets,
left the Courtray gate, and proceeded a short distance along
the road towards that city.f
After a few minutes a halt was made. Ryhove then made
his appearance at the carriage-window, and announced to the
astonished prisoners that they were forthwith to be hanged
upon a tree which stood by the road-side. He proceeded to
taunt the aged Hessels with his threat against himself, and
with his vow " by his grey beard." " Such grey beard shalt
thou never Uve thyself to wear, ruffian," cried Hessels,
stoutly — furious rather than terrified at the suddenness of
his doom. " There thou liest, false traitor !" roared Ryhove
in reply ; and to prove the falsehood, he straightway tore
out a handful of the old man's beard, and fastened it upon
his own cap like a plume. His action was imitated by several
of his companions, who cut for themselves locks from the
same grey beard, and decorated themselves as their leader

* Bor, xiii 5. t Hoofd, xiv. 593. Bor, xiii 5.

380 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
had done. This preliminary ceremony having been concluded,
the two aged prisoners were forthwith hanged on a tree, with
out the least pretence of trial or even sentence.*
Such was the end of the famous councillor who had been
wont to shout " ad patibulum" in his sleep. It was cruel that
the fair face of civU liberty showing itself after years of total
eclipse, should be insulted by such bloody deeds on the part
of her votaries. It was sad that the crimes of men hke
Imbize and Ryhove should have cost more to the cause of
religious and pohtical freedom than the lives of twenty thou
sand such ruffians were worth. But for the influence of dem
agogues like these, counteracting the lofty efforts and pure
life of Orange, the separation might never have occurred
between the two portions of the Netherlands. The Prince
had not power enough, however, nor the nascent common
wealth sufficient consistency, to repress the disorganizing ten
dency of a fanatical Romanism on the one side, and a retalia
tory and cruel ochlocracy on the other.
Such events, with the hatred growing daily more intense
between the WaUoons and the Ghenters, made it highly
important that some kind of an accord should be concluded,
if possible. In the country, the Malcontents, under pretence
of protecting the Cathohc clergy, were daily abusing and plun
dering the people, while in Ghent the clergy were maltreated,
the cloisters pillaged, 'under the pretence of maintaining
liberty.f In this emergency the eyes of all honest men turned
naturally to Orange.
Deputies went to and fro between Antwerp and Ghent,
Three points were laid down by the Prince as indispensable to
any arrangement — firstly, that the Catholic clergy should be
allowed the free use of their property ; secondly, that they
should not be disturbed in the exercise of their religion ;
thirdly, that the gentlemen kept in prison since the memorable
twenty-eighth of October should be released.;*; If these points

* Hoofd, xiv. 593, 594. Bor, xiii. 5, seq. Meteren, viii. 143. Wagenaer,
Vad Hist., vii. 234.
+ Bor. xiii. Hoofd, xiv. Van der Vynckt, 3, iii. 33, sqq. X Bor, xiii 5.

1578.] NEGOTIATIONS OF ORANGE WITH GHENT. 381
should be granted, the Archduke Matthias, the states-general,
and the Prince of Orange would agree to drive off the Wal
loon soldiery, and to defend Ghent against aU injury.* The
two first points were granted, upon condition that sufficient
guarantees should be established for the safety of the Re
formed rehgion. The third was rejected, but it was agreed that
the prisoners, Champagny, Sweveghem, and the rest — who,
after the horrid fate of Hessels and Visch, might be supposed
to be sufficiently anxious as to their own doom — should have
legal trial, and be defended in the meantime from outrage.f
On the 3rd of November, 1578, a formal act of acceptance
of these terms was signed at Antwerp.^ At the same time,
there was murmuring at Ghent, the extravagant portion of
the liberal party averring that they had no intention of esta
bhshing the "religious peace" when they agreed not to
molest the Catholics. On the 11th of November, the Prince
of Orange sent messengers to Ghent in the name of the
Archduke and the states-general, summoning the authorities
to a faithful execution of the act of acceptance. Upon the
same day the English envoy, Davidson, made an energetic
representation to the same magistrates, declaring that the
conduct of the Ghenters was exciting regret throughout the
world, and affording a proof that it was their object to pro
tract, not suppress, the civil war which had so long been
raging. Such proceedings, he observed, created doubts
whether they were wiUing to obey any law or any magistracy.
As, however, it might be supposed that the presence of John
Casimir in Ghent at that juncture was authorized by Queen
Elizabeth — inasmuch as it was known that he had received a
subsidy from her — the envoy took occasion to declare that her
Majesty entirely disavowed his proceedings. He observed
further that, in the opinion of her Majesty, it was stUl pos
sible to maintain peace by conforming to the counsels of the
Prince of Orange and of the states-general. This, however,

* Bor, xiii. 5. f See the Act of Acceptance ; Bor, xiii 5. sqq.
X Bor, xiii. 6, 7.

382 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
could be done only by establishing the three points which he
had laid down. Her Majesty likewise warned the Ghenters
that their conduct would soon compel her to abandon the
country's cause altogether, and, in conclusion, she requested,
with characteristic thriftiness, to be immediately furnished
with a city bond for forty-five thousand pounds sterhng.*
Two days afterwards, envoys arrived from Brussels to re
monstrate, in their turn, with the sister city, and to save her,
if possible, from the madness which had seized upon her.
They recalled to the memory of the magistrates the frequent
and wise counsels of the Prince of Orange. He had declared
that he knew of no means to avert the impending desola
tion of the fatherland save union of all the provinces and
obedience to the general government. His own reputation,
and the honor of his house, he felt now to be at stake ; for,
by reason of the offices which he now held, he had been cease
lessly calumniated as the author of all the crimes which had
been committed at Ghent. Against these calumnies he had
avowed his intention of publishing his defence.f After thus
citing the opinion of the Prince, the envoys implored the mag
istrates to accept the religious peace which he had proposed,
and to liberate the prisoners as he had demanded. For their
own part, they declared that the inhabitants of Brussels would
never desert him ; for, next to God, there was no one who
understood their cause so entirely, or who could point out the
remedy so inteUigently4
Thus reasoned the envoys from the states-general and from
Brussels, but even while they were reasoning, a fresh tumult
occurred at Ghent. The people had been inflamed by dema
gogues, and by the insane howlings of Peter Dathenus, the
unfrocked monk of Poperingen, who had been the servant
and minister both of the Pope and of Orange, and who now
hated each with equal fervor. The populace, under these
influences, rose in its wrath upon the Catholics, smote all their

* Bor, xiii. 7. f Bor, xiii. 8.
X ' ' Als naest God niemand kennende die de gemeine sake en inwendigen
nood beter verstaet en de remedien beter kan dirigeren." — Bor, ubi sup.

1578.] IMAGE-BREAKING AT GHENT. 383
images into fragments, destroyed all their altar pictures, robbed
them of much valuable property, and turned all the Papists
themselves out of the city. The riot was so furious that it
seemed, says a chronicler, as if all the inhabitants had gone
raving mad.* The drums beat the alarm, the magistrates
went forth to expostulate, but no commands were heeded till
the work of destruction had been accomphshed, when the
tumult expired at last by its own hmitation.
Affairs seemed more threatening than ever. Nothing more
excited the indignation of the Prince of Orange than such
senseless iconomachy. In fact, he had at one time procured an
enactment by the Ghent authorities, making it a crime
punishable with death.f He was of Luther's opinion, that
idol-worship was to be eradicated from the heart, and that then
the idols in the churches would fall of themselves. He felt
too with Landgrave WiUiam, that "the destruction of such
worthless idols was ever avenged by torrents of good human
blood."| Therefore it may be well supposed that this fresh
act of senseless violence, in the very teeth of his remonstrances,
in the very presence of his envoys, met with his stern disap
probation. He was on the point of publishing his defence
against the calumnies which his toleration had drawn upon
him from both Catholic and Calvinist. He was deeply revolv
ing the question, whether it were not better to turn his back
at once upon a country which seemed so incapable of compre
hending his high purposes, or seconding his virtuous efforts.
From both projects he was dissuaded ; and although bitterly
wronged by both friend and foe, although feeling that even in
his own Holland, § there were whispers against his purity,
since his favorable inclinations towards Anjou had become the
general topic, yet he stUl preserved his majestic tranquilhty,

* " Met sulken geraes, getier en gebaer datmen geseid soude hebben dat alle
de inwoonders dol en rasende waren."— Bor, xiii. 9. Meteren, ix. 149.
f Gh. Gesch., ii. 39: cited by Groen, v. Prinst, vi. 465.
X Letter of Landgrave William of Hesse.— Groen, v. Prinst., Archives et Cor
respondance, vi. 451, sqq.
§ Groen, v. Prinst., Archives, etc., 481, 482.

384 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
and smiled at the arrows which feU harmless at his feet.
" I admire his wisdom, daily more and more," cried Hubert
Languet ; " I see those who profess themselves his friends
causing him more annoyance than his foes ; whUe, nevertheless,
he ever remains true to himself, is driven by no tempests from
his equanimity, nor provoked by repeated injuries to immo
derate action."*
The Prince had that year been chosen unanimously by the
four " members" of Flanders to be governor of that province,
but had again declined the office.f The inhabitants, notwith
standing the furious transactions at Ghent, professed attach
ment to his person, and respect for his authority. He was
implored to go to the. city. His presence, and that alone,
would restore the burghers to their reason, but the task was
not a grateful one. It was also not unattended with danger ;
although this was a consideration which never influenced him,
from the commencement of his career to its close. Imbize
and his crew were capable of resorting to any extremity or
any ambush, to destroy the man whom they feared and hated.
The presence of John Casimir was an additional comphcation ;
for Orange, while he despised the man, was unwUUng to offend
his friends. Moreover, Casimir had professed a willingness to
assist the cause, and to defer to the better judgment of the
Prince. He had brought an army into the field, with which,
however, he had accomphshed nothing except a thorough pil
laging of the peasantry, whfle, at the same time, he was loud
in his demands upon the states to pay his soldiers' wages.
The soldiers of the different armies who now overran the
country, indeed, vied with each other in extravagant insolence.
" Their outrages are most execrable," wrote Marquis Havre ;
"they demand the most exquisite food, and drink Champagne
and Burgundy by the bucketfull."$ Nevertheless, on the
4th of December, the Prince came to Ghent.§ He held con-

* Letter to Sir P. Sidney.
t Bor, xiii. 9. Apologie d'Orange, pp. 108, 109.
X Kervyn de Volkersbeke et Diegerick, Documents Historiques, i 156, 157.
§ Bor, xiii. 10.

1578.] DIFFICULTIES SMOOTHED. 385
stant and anxious conferences with the magistrates. He was
closeted daily with John Casimir, whose vanity and extrava
gance of temper he managed with his usual skill. He even
dined with Imbize, and thus, by smoothing difficulties and re-
concUing angry passions, he succeeded at last in obtaining the
consent of all to a religious peace, which was published on the
27th of December, 1578. It contained the same provisions as
those of the project prepared and proposed during the previous
summer throughout the Netherlands. Exercise of both reli
gions was established ; mutual insults and irritations — whether
by word, book, picture, song, or gesture — were prohibited, under
severe penalties, while all persons were sworn to protect the
common tranquiUity by blood, purse, and life. The Catholics,
by virtue of this accord, re-entered into possession of their
churches and cloisters, but nothing could be obtained in favor
of the imprisoned gentlemen.*
The WaUoons and Malcontents were now summoned to lay
down their arms ; but, as might be supposed, they expressed
dissatisfaction with the religious peace, proclaiming it hostile
to the Ghent treaty and the Brussels union.f In short, noth
ing would satisfy them but total suppression of the Reformed
rehgion ; as nothing would content Imbize and his faction but
the absolute extermination of Romanism. A strong man
might weU seem powerless in the midst of such obstinate and
worthless fanatics.
The arrival of the Prince in Ghent was, on the whole, a re
hef to John Casimir. As usual, this addle-brained individual
had plunged headlong into difficulties, out of which he was
unable to extricate himself. He knew not what to do, or
which way to turn. He had tampered with Imbize and his
crew, but he had found that they were not the men for a per
son of his quality to deal with. He had brought a large
army into the field, and had not a stiver in his coffers. He
felt bitterly the truth of the Landgrave's warning — "that

Groen, v. Prinst, Archives, etc., vi 507, sqq. See the Accord in Bor, 2, xiu.
10, 11. t Bori xi"- 12
VOL. in. 25

386 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
'twas better to have thirty thousand devils at one's back than
thirty thousand German troopers, with no money to give them ;
it being possible to pay the devils with the sign of the cross,
while the soldiers could be discharged only with money or
hard knocks."* Queen Elizabeth, too, under whose patronage
he had made this most inglorious campaign, was incessant in
her reproofs, and importunate in her demands for reimburse
ment. She wrote to him personally, upbraiding him with his
high pretensions and his shortcomings. His visit to Ghent, so
entirely unjustified and mischievous ; his failure to effect that
junction of his army with the states' force under Bossu, by
which the royal army was to have been surprised and annihi
lated ; his having given reason to the common people to suspect
her Majesty and the Prince of Orange of collusion with his
designs, and of a disposition to seek their private advantage
and not the general good of the whole Netherlands ; the immi
nent danger, which he had aggravated, that the Walloon
provinces, actuated by such suspicions, would faU away from
the " generality" and seek a private accord with Parma ; these
and simflar sins of omission and commission were sharply and
shrewishly set forth in the Queen's epistle.f 'Twas not for
such marauding and intriguing work that she had appointed
him her lieutenant, and furnished him with troops and subsi
dies. She begged him forthwith to amend his ways, for the
sake of his name and fame, which were sufficiently soiled in the
places where his soldiers had been plundering the country
which they came to protect. J
The Queen sent Daniel Rogers with instructions of similar
import to the states-general, repeatedly and expressly dis
avowing Casimir's proceedings and censuring his character,
She also warmly insisted on her bonds. In short, never was
unlucky prince more soundly berated by his superiors, more
thoroughly disgraced by his followers. In this contemptible
situation had Casimir placed himself by his rash ambition to

* Archives et Correspondance, vi. 479. ¦)• Bor, 3, xiii. 13 sq<?
X Bor, xiii. 13.

1578.] casimir's farewell. 387
prove before the world that German princes could bite and
scratch like griffins and tigers as weU as carry them in their
shields. From this position Orange partly rescued him. He
made his peace with the states-general. He smoothed matters
with the extravagant Reformers, and he even extorted from
the authorities of Ghent the forty-five thousand pounds bond,
on which Elizabeth had insisted with such obduracy.* Casimir
repaid these favors of the Prince in the coin with which
narrow minds and jealous tempers are apt to discharge such
obligations — ingratitude. The friendship which he openly
manifested at first grew almost immediately cool. Soon after
wards he left Ghent and departed for Germany, leaving
behind him a long and tedious remonstrance, addressed to
the states-general, in which document he narrated the history
of his exploits, and endeavored to vindicate the purity of his
character. He concluded this very tedious and superfluous
manifesto by observing that — for reasons which he thought
proper to give at considerable length — he felt himself " neither
too useful nor too agreeable to the provinces." As he had
been informed, he said, that the states-general had requested
the Queen of England to procure his departure, he had re
solved, in order to spare her and them inconvenience, to return
of his own accord, "leaving the issue of the war in the high
and mighty hand of God."f
The estates answered this remonstrance with words of un
limited courtesy ; expressing themselves " obhged to all eter
nity" for his services, and holding out vague hopes that the
monies which he demanded on behalf of his troops should ere
long be forthcoming.^
Casimir having already answered Queen Elizabeth's re
proachful letter by throwing the blame of his apparent mis
conduct upon the stales-general, and having promised soon to
appear before her Majesty in person, tarried accordingly but
a brief season in Germany, and then repaired to England.

* Bor, xiii. 11, sqq. \ See the document at length in Bor, xiii 13-17.
X Bor, 3, xiii. 17, (ii.)

388 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
Here he was feasted, flattered, caressed, and invested with
the order of the Garter.* Pleased with royal blandishments,
and highly enjoying the splendid hospitalities of England,
he quite forgot the " thirty thousand devils" whom he had
left running loose' in the Netherlands, whUe these wild sol
diers, on their part, being absolutely in a starving condition
— for there was little left for booty in a land which had been
so often plundered — now had the effrontery to apply to the
Prince of Parma for payment of their wages.f Alexander
Farnese laughed heartily at the proposition, which he con
sidered an excellent jest. It seemed in truth, a jest, although
but a sorry one. Parma replied to the messenger of Maurice
of Saxony who had made the proposition, that the Germans
must be mad to ask him for money, instead of offering to pay
him a heavy sum for permission to leave the country. Never
theless, he was wUling to be so far indulgent as to furnish
them with passports, provided they departed from the Nether
lands instantly. Should they interpose the least delay, he
would set upon them without further preface, and he gave
them notice, with the arrogance becoming a Spanish general,
that the courier was already waiting to report to Spain the
number of them left alive after the encounter. Thus deserted
by their chief, and hectored by the enemy, the mercenaries,
who had little stomach for fight without wages, accepted the
passports proffered by Parma. J They revenged themselves
for the harsh treatment which they had received from Casimir
and from the states-general, by singing, everywhere as they
retreated, a doggerel baUad — half Flemish, half German — in
which their wrongs were expressed with uncouth vigor.
Casimir received the news of the departure of his ragged
soldiery on the very day which witnessed his investment with
the Garter by the fair hands of Elizabeth herself.§ A few
days afterwards he left England, accompanied by an escort of

* Bor, xiii. 34, 35. Hoofd, xiv. 609.
t Bor, xiii. 34, sqq. Strada, Dec. 2, i. 26, sqq.
X Strada, 2, i 27, 28. § Ibid., 2, i. 28.

1578.] ADIEUX OF ANJOU. 389
lords and gentlemen, especiaUy appointed for that purpose by
the Queen. He landed iu Flushing, where he was received
with distinguished hospitality, by order of the Prince of
Orange, and on the 14th of February, 1579, he passed through
Utrecht.* Here he conversed freely at his lodgings in the
" German House" on the subject of his vagabond troops,
whose final adventures and departure seemed to afford him
considerable amusement ; and he, moreover, diverted his com
pany by singing, after supper, a few verses of the baUad
already mentioned.f
The Duke of Anjou, meantime, after disbanding his troops,
had lingered for a whfle near the frontier. Upon taking his
final departure, he sent his resident minister, Des Pruneaux,
with a long communication to the states-general, complaining
that they had not published their contract with himself, nor
fulfiUed its conditions. He excused, as weU as he could, the
awkward fact that his disbanded troops had taken refuge with
the WaUoons, and he affected to place his own departure upon
the ground of urgent poUtical business in France, to arrange
which his royal brother had required his immediate at
tendance. He furthermore most hypocriticaUy expressed a
desire for a speedy reconciliation of the provinces with their
sovereign, and a resolution that — although for their sake he
had made himself a foe to his Cathohc Majesty — he would
still interpose no obstacle to so desirable a result. J
To such shallow discourse the states answered with infinite

* Languet. ad Sydnseum, 90; Groen v. Prinst, Archives, etc., vi. 571, 572.
Bor, xiii. 34, (ii.)
f Bor — who heard the Duke sing the song at the " German House" in Utrecht,
3, xiii 34.
A translation of a single vers" may serve as a specimen of the song : —
" 0, have you been in Brabant, fighting for the states ?
0, have you brought back anything except your broken pates ?
0, 1 have been in Brabant, myself and al] my mates.
We'll go no more to Brabant, unless our brains were addle,
"We 're coming home on foot, we went there in the saddle ;
For there 's neither gold nor glory got, in fighting for the states, '
etc. etc
+ Bor. xii. 12. sqq.

390 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
urbanity, for it was the determination of Orange not to make
enemies, at that juncture, of France and England in the same
breath. They had foes enough already, and it seemed obvious at
that moment, to all persons most observant of the course of affairs,
that a matrimonial alhance was soon to unite the two crowns.
The probabUity of Anjou's marriage with Ehzabeth was, in
truth, a leading motive with Orange for his close alhance with
the Duke. The poUtical structure, according to which he had
selected the French Prince as protector of the Netherlands,
was sagaciously planned ; but unfortunately its foundation was
the shifting sandbank of female and royal coquetry. Those
who judge only by the result, wiU be quick to censure a
policy which might have had very different issue. They who
place themselves in the period anterior to Anjou's visit to
England, wUl admit that it was hardly human not to be de
ceived by the political aspects of that moment. The Queen,
moreover, took pains to upbraid the states-general, by letter,
with their disrespect and ingratitude towards the Duke of
Anjou — behaviour with which he had been "justly scandahzed."
For her own part, she assured them of her extreme dis
pleasure at learning that such a course of conduct had been
held with a view to her especial contentment — " as if the per
son of Monsieur, son of France, brother of the King, were
disagreeable to her, or as if she wished him ill ;" whereas, on
the contrary, they would best satisfy her wishes by showing
him aU the courtesy to which his high degree and his eminent
services entitled him.*
The estates, even before receiving this letter, had, however,
acted in its spirit. They had addressed elaborate apologies
and unlimited professions to the Duke. They thanked him
heartUy for his achievements, expressed unbounded regret at his
departure, with sincere hopes for his speedy return, and promised
" eternal remembrance of his heroic virtues."f They assured

* Archives, etc., de la Maison d'Orange, vi. 535, sqq.
t " Sijn bewesen bystand en sijne heroike deugt souden sy nimmermeer verge.
ten." — Bor, xiii. 12, sqq.

1578.] HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATES. 391
him, moreover, that should the first of the foUowing March
arrive without bringing with it an honorable peace with his
Catholic Majesty, they should then feel themselves compelled
to declare that the King had forfeited his right to the sove
reignty of these provinces. In this case they concluded that,
as the inhabitants would be then absolved from their allegiance
to the Spanish monarch, it would then be in their power to
treat with his Highness of Anjou concerning the sovereignty,
according to the contract already existing.*
These assurances were ample, but the states, knowing
the vanity of the man, offered other inducements, some
of which seemed sufficiently puerile. They promised that
" his statue, in copper, should be placed in the public squares
of Antwerp and Brussels, for the eternal admiration of
posterity," and that a "crown of olive-leaves should be pre
sented to him every year."f The Duke — not inexorable to
such courteous solicitations — was wiUing to achieve both
immortality and power by continuing his friendly relations
with the states, and he answered accordingly in the most
courteous terms. The result of this interchange of civilities
it will be soon our duty to narrate.
At the close of the year the Count of Bossu died, much to
the regret of the Prince of Orange, whose party — since his
release from prison by virtue of the Ghent treaty — he had
warmly espoused. " We are in the deepest distress in the
world," wrote the Prince to his brother, three days before the
Count's death, " for the dangerous malady of M. de Bossu.
Certainly, the country has much to lose in his death, but I
hope that God will not so much afflict us."+ Yet the calum
niators of the day did not scruple to circulate, nor the royalist
chroniclers to perpetuate, the most senseless and infamous
fables on the subject of this nobleman's death. He died of
poison, they said, administered to him " in oysters "% by com-
* Bor, xiii. 12, sqq.
f Meteren, ix. 145". — "Accompanied, however, by substantial presents to
the value of 100,000 livres Artois." — Meteren, ubi sup.
X Archives et Corresp., vi. 513. § J. B. Tassis, Comment, lib. v. 32ft

392 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
mand of the Prince of Orange, who had likewise made a point
of standing over him on his death-bed, for the express purpose
of sneering at the Cathohc ceremonies by which his dying
agonies were solaced.* Such were the tales which grave his
torians have recorded concerning the death of Maximilian of
Bossu, who owed so much to the Prince. The command of
the states' army, a yearly pension of five thousand florins,
granted at the especial request of Orange but a few months
before, and the profound words of regret in the private letter
just cited, are a sufficient answer to such slanders.f
The personal courage and profound military science of
Parma were invaluable to the royal cause ; but his subtle,
unscrupulous, and subterranean combinations of policy were
even more fruitful at this period. No man ever understood
the art of bribery more thoroughly or practised it more skfl-
fully. He bought a politician, or a general, or a grandee, or
a regiment of infantry, usually at the cheapest price at which
those articles could be purchased, and always with the utmost
delicacy with which such traffic could be conducted. Men
conveyed themselves to government for a definite price — fixed
accurately in florins and groats, in places and pensions — whfle
a decent gossamer of conventional phraseology was ever
allowed to float over the nakedness of unblushing treason.
Men high in station, iUustrious by ancestry, brilliant in valor,
huckstered themselves, and swindled a confiding country for
as ignoble motives as ever led counterfeiters or bravoes to the
gaUows, but they were dealt with in public as if actuated only
by the loftiest principles. Behind their ancient shields, osten
tatiously emblazoned with fidelity to church and king, they
thrust forth their itching palms with the mendicity which would
be hardly credible, were it not attested by the monuments
more perennial than brass, of their own letters and recorded
conversations. Aheady, before the accession of Parma to power, the true
* Strada, 2, i 37.
t Compare Groen v. Prinst, vi. 511, 512. Bor, 2, xiii. 25b. Wagenaer,
Vad. Hist., vii. 243, 244.

1578.] la motte's treason. 393
way to dissever the provinces had been indicated by the
famous treason of the Seigneur de la Motte. This nobleman
commanded a regiment in the service of the states-general,
and was Governor of Gravelines. On promise of forgiveness
for all past disloyalty, of being continued in the same mflitary
posts under PhUip which he then held for the patriots, and of
a " merced " large enough to satisfy his most avaricious
dreams, he went over to the royal government.* The negoti
ation was conducted by Alonzo Curiel, financial agent of the
King, and was not very nicely handled. The paymaster,
looking at the affair purely as a money transaction — which in
truth it was — had been disposed to drive rather too hard a
bargain. He offered only fifty thousand crowns for La Motte
and his friend Baron Montigny, and assured his government
that those gentlemen, with the soldiers under their command,
were very dear at the price.f La Motte higgled very hard for
more, and talked pathetically of his services and his wounds —
for he had been a most distinguished and courageous cam
paigner — -but Alonzo was implacable.^ Moreover, one Robert
Bien- Aime, Prior of Renty, was present at all the conferences.
This ecclesiastic was a busy intriguer, but not very adroit.
He was disposed to make himself useful to government, for he
had set his heart upon putting the mitre of Saint Omer upon
his head, and he had accordingly composed a very ingenious
libel upon the Prince of Orange, in which production,
" although the Prior did not pretend to be ApeUes or
Lysippus," he hoped that the Governor-General would recog
nize a portrait colored to the life.§ This accomphshed artist
was, however, not so successful as he was picturesque and
* Reconciliation des Provinces Wallones, i. 2-12, 202, 213-216, 227-234,
271, 272. Letters of La Motte and Don John of Austria, etc.. MS., Royal
Archives at Brussels.
f Lettres interceptees du Contador Alonzo Curiel au Pce de Panne. Plantin.
Anvers, 1579. — "  parece k me que son soldados comprados a muy alto
precio." + "  con cien mil remonstraciones y historias de sus servicios y heridas,"
etc. — Tbid.
§ Renty to Prince of Parma, Rec. Prov. Wall., iii. 97. MS.

394 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
industrious. He was inordinately vain of his services, think
ing himself, said Alonzo, spleneticaUy, worthy to be carried in
a procession like a little saint,* and as he had a busy brain, but
an unruly tongue, it wUl be seen that he possessed a remark
able faculty of making himself unpleasant. This was not the
way to earn his bishopric. La Motte, through the candid
communications of the Prior, found himself the subject of
mockery in Parma's camp and cabinet, where treachery to one's
country and party was not, it seemed, regarded as one of the
loftier virtues, however convenient it might be at the moment
to the royal cause. The Prior intimated especially that
Ottavio Gonzaga had indulged in many sarcastic remarks at
La Motte's expense. The brave but venal warrior, highly
incensed at thus learning the manner in which his conduct
was estimated by men of such high rank in the royal service,
was near breaking off the bargain. He was eventuaUy
secured, however, by stUl larger offers — Don John aUowing
him three hundred florins a month, presenting him with the
two best horses in his stable, and sending him an open form,
which he was to fill out in the most stringent language which
he could devise, binding the government to the payment of
an ample and entirely satisfactory "merced."f Thus La
Motte's bargain was completed — a crime which, if it had only
entailed the loss of the troops under his command, and the
possession of Gravehnes, would have been of no great historic
importance. It was, however, the first blow of a vast and care
fuUy sharpened treason, by which the country was soon to be
cut in twain for ever — the first in a series of bargains by
which the noblest names of the Netherlands were to be con
taminated with bribery and fraud.
While the negotiations with La Motte were in progress,
the government of the states-general at Brussels had sent Saint
Aldegonde to Arras. The states of Artois, then assembled

* "  que avia V. Alteza de mandar traer en palmas o andas," etc.
Lettres interceptees de CurieP.
f Don John to La Motte, Rec. Prov. Wall., MS. i 271, 272. Lettres de
CurieL

1578.] THE INTRIGUES AT ARRAS. 395
in that city, had made much difficulty in acceding to an
assessment of seven thousand florins laid upon them by the
central authority. The occasion was skilfully made use of by the
agents of the royal party to weaken the aUegiance of the pro
vince, and of its sister Walloon provinces, to the patriot cause.
Saint Aldegonde made his speech before the assembly, taking
the ground boldly, that the war was made for hberty of con
science and of fatherland, and that all were bound, whether
Catholic or Protestant, to contribute to the sacred fund. The
vote passed, but it was provided that a moiety of the assessment
should be paid by the ecclesiastical branch, and the stipula
tion excited a tremendous uproar. The clerical bench regarded
the tax as both a robbery and an affront. " We came nearly
to knife-playing," said the most distinguished priest in the
assembly, " and if we had done so, the ecclesiastics would not
have been the first to cry enough."* They all withdrew in a
rage, and held a private consultation upon " these exorbitant
and more than Turkish demands." John Sarrasin, Prior of
Saint Vaast, the keenest, boldest, and most indefatigable of
the royal partisans of that epoch, made them an artful harangue.
This man — a better pohtician than the other prior — was play
ing for a mitre too, and could use his cards better. He was
soon to become the most invaluable agent in the great treason
preparing. No one could be more dehcate, noiseless, or
unscrupulous, and he was soon recognized both by Governor-
General and King as the individual above all others to whom
the re-estabhshment of the royal authority over the WaUoon

* "  les communs forcerent les ecele'siastiques d'en prendre la juste moitie
a leur charge — et de fait la chose etoit venue jusques de venir aux mains et jouer
des cousteaux pour veoir quy aurait belie amye — les eccleisastiques n'eussent fait
joucq," etc. — MS. letter of the Prior of Saint Vaast, Rec. Prov. Wall., i. 76, 135,
136. The whole history of these WaUoon intrigues is narrated in the numerous
letters — entirely unpublished— of the Prior, with much piquancy and spirit. They
are in the Collection of Correspondence between Don John, Parma, and others,
and the Malcontent nobles, entitled "Reconciliation des Provinces Wallones,"
five vols., Royal Archives in Brussels. An examination of these most interesting
documents is indispensable to a thorough understanding of the permanent sepa<
ration of the Netherlands effected in the years 1578 and 1579.

396 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
provinces was owing. With the shoes of swiftness on his feet,
the coat of darkness on his back, and the wishing purse in his
hand, he sped sUently and invisibly from one great Malcontent
chieftain to another, buying up centurions, and captains, and
common soldiers ; circumventing Orangists, Ghent democrats,
Anjou partisans ; weaving a thousand intrigues, ventilating a
hundred hostUe mines, and passing unharmed through the
most serious dangers and the most formidable obstacles.
Eloquent, too, at a pinch, he always understood his audience,
and upon this occasion unsheathed the most incisive, if not
the most brilliant weapon which could be used in the debate.
It was most expensive to be patriotic, he said, while silver
was to be saved, and gold to be earned by being loyal. They
ought to keep their money to defend themselves, not give it
to the Prince of Orange, who would only put it into his private
pocket on pretence of public necessities. The Ruward would
soon be slinking back to his lair, he observed, and leave them
all in the fangs of their enemies. Meantime, it was better
to rush into the embrace of a bountiful king, who was stiU
holding forth his arms to them. They were approaching a
precipice, said the Prior ; they were entering a labyrinth ; and
not only was the " sempiternal loss of body and soul impend
ing over them, but their property was to be taken also, and the
cat to be thrown against their legs." By this sudden descent
into a very common proverbial expression, Sarrasin meant to
intimate that they were getting themselves into a difficult
position, in which they were sure to reap both danger and
responsibihty.* The harangue had much effect upon his hearers, who were
now more than ever determined to rebel against the government
which they had so recently accepted, preferring, in the words of
the Prior, " to be maltreated by their prince, rather than to
be barbarously tyrannized over by a heretic." So much anger
had been excited in celestial minds by a demand of thirty-five
hundred florins.
Saint Aldegonde was entertained in the eveLing at a great
* Letter of Saint Vaast, before cited.

1578.] SAINT ALDEGONDE AGAINST THE PRIOR. 397
banquet, foUowed by a theological controversy, in which John
Sarrasin complained that " he had been attacked upon his own
dunghill." Next day the distinguished patriot departed on a
canvassing tour among the principal cities ; the indefatigable
monk employing the interval of his absence in aggravating
the hostflity of the Artesian orders to the pecuniary demands
of the general government. He was assisted in his task by
a peremptory order which came down from Brussels, ordering,
in the name of Matthias, a levy upon the ecclesiastical property,
" rings, jewels, and reliquaries," unless the clerical contribution
should be forthcoming. The rage of the bench was now intense,
and by the time of Saint Aldegonde's return a general opposi
tion had been organized. The envoy met with a chilhng
reception ; there were no banquets any more — no discussions
of any land. To his demands for money, "he got a fine nihil,"
said Saint Vaast ; and as for polemics, the only conclusive
argument for the country would be, as he was informed on
the same authority, the "finishing of Orange and of his
minister along with him." More than once had the Prior
intimated to government — as so many had done before him—
that to " despatch Orange, author of all the troubles," was
the best preliminary to any pohtical arrangement. From
PhUip and his Governor-General, down to the humblest par
tisan, this conviction had been daily strengthening. The knife
or bullet of an assassin was the one thing needful to put an
end to this incarnated rebellion.*
Thus matters grew worse and worse in Artois. The Prior,
busier than ever in his schemes, was one day arrested along
with other royal emissaries, kept fifteen days " in a stinking
cellar, where the scuUion washed the dishes," and then sent to
Antwerp to be examined by the states-general. He behaved
« "lis commencent a. desestimer leur Rouart et ont opinion que si les affaires
bastent mal, il se retirera en sa tasniere. II semble aux bons que sy Ton peut
depescher le chef des troubles, que ce seroit le moyen pour reunir ce quy est tant
divise. St0 Aldegonde s'est bien apercheu que chacun se desgouste du P«B d'Orange.
Et ou auparavant tout le monde l'adorait et tenoit pour son saulveur, maintenant
1'on ose bien dire qu'il le fault tuer et son ministre aussi."— MS. letters of Saint
Vaast, before cited.

398 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
with great firmness, although he had good reason to tremble
for his neck. Interrogated by Leoninus on the part of the
central government, he boldly avowed that these pecuniary
demands upon the Walloon estates, and particularly upon their
ecclesiastical branches, would never be tolerated. " In Alva's
time," said Sarrasin, " men were flayed, but not shorn." Those
who were more attached to their skin than their fleece might
have thought the practice in the good old times of the
Duke still more objectionable. Such was not the opinion of
the Prior and the rest of his order. After an unsatisfactory
examination and a brief duresse, the busy ecclesiastic was
released ; and as his secret labors had not been detected, he
resumed them after his return more ardently than ever*
A triangular intrigue was now fairly established in the
Walloon country. The Duke of Alencon's head-quarters were
at Mons ; the raUying-point of the royalist faction was with
La Motte at Gravelines ; whUe the ostensible leader of the
states' party, Viscount Ghent, was governor of Artois, and
supposed to be supreme in Arras. La Motte was provided by
government with a large fund of secret-service money, and
was instructed to be very liberal in his bribes to men of dis
tinction ; having a tender regard, however, to the excessive
demands of this nature now daily made upon the royal purse.f
The " httle Count," as the Prior called Lalain, together with
his brother, Baron Montigny, were considered highly desirable
acquisitions for government, if they could be gained. It was
thought, however, that they had the "fleur-de-lys imprinted
too deeply upon their hearts/'J for the effect produced upon
Lalain, governor of Hainault, by Margaret of Valois, had not
yet been effaced. His brother also had been disposed to favor

* MS. letters of Saint Vaast, Rec. Prov. Wall, i. 269, 270, MS.
f Parma to La Motte, Rec. Prov. Wall., ii. 140-142, MS.
X Moncheaux to Parma, Rec. Prov. Wall., 216-218, MS. Emanuel de Lalain,
Seigneur de Montigny, and afterwards MarquiB de Renty, was brother to Count
de Lalain, governor of Hainault, and cousin to Count Hoogstraaten and Count
Renneberg. He was not related to the unfortunate Baron Montigny, whose
tragical fate has been recorded in the second volume of this history, and who
was a Montmorency.

1578.] MUNICIPAL REVOLUTION AT ARRAS. 399
the French prince, but his mind was more open to conviction,
A few private conferences with La Motte, and a course of
ecclesiastical tuition from the Prior — whose golden opinions
had irresistible resonance — soon wrought a change in the
Malcontent chieftain's mind. Other leading seigniors were
secretly dealt with in the same manner. Lalain, Heze, Havre',
Capres, Egmont, and even the Viscount of Ghent, all seri
ously inclined their ears to the charmer, and looked longingly
and lovingly as the wily Prior rolled in his tangles before
them — " to mischief swift." Few had yet declared them
selves ; but of the grandees who commanded large bodies of
troops, and whose influence with their order was paramount,
none were safe for the patriot cause throughout the WaUoon
country.* The nobles and ecclesiastics were ready to join hands in
support of church and king, but in the city of Arras, the
capital of the whole country, there was a strong Orange and
liberal party. Gosson, a man of great wealth, one of the most
distmguished advocates in the Netherlands, and possessing
the gift of popular eloquence to a remarkable degree, was the
leader of this burgess faction. In the earlier days of Parma's
administration, just as a thorough union of the Walloon
provinces in favor of the royal government had nearly been
formed, these Orangists of Arras risked a daring stroke.
Inflamed by the harangues of Gosson, and supported by five
hundred foot soldiers and fifty troopers under one Captain
Ambrose, they rose against the city magistracy, whose senti
ments were unequivocally for Parma, and thrust them all
into prison.f They then constituted a new board of fifteen,

* MS. correspondence of Parma with Saint Vaast, La Motte, Lalain, Mon
tigny, Capres. Longueval, and others. Rec. Prov. WaU., ii. 3, 4, 19, 20, 31^t2,
44, 61-77, 87, 88, 104, 105, 115, 116, 140-142.
f MS. anonymous letter from Arras (Oct. 26, 1578) in Rec. Prov. Wall.,
i. 440-442. — The whole episode is also most admirably related in a manuscript
fragment by an eye-witness, entitled " Discours Veritable de ce que s'est passe
en la ville d' Arras," Bibl. de Bourgogne, N°. 6042. The author was Pontus
Payen, Seigneur des Essarts, a warm Catholic and partisan of the royal cause,
whose larger work — also unpublished — upon the earlier troubles in the Nether-

400 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
some Catholics and some Protestants, but all patriots, of
whom Gosson was chief. The stroke took the town by sur
prise, and was for a moment successful. Meantime, they
depended upon assistance from Brussels. The royal and eccle
siastical party was, however, not so easUy defeated, and an old
soldier, named Bourgeois, loudly denounced Captain Ambrose,
the general of the revolutionary movement, as a vile coward,
and affirmed that with thirty good men-at-arms he would
undertake to pound the whole rebel army to powder — " a
pack of scarecrows," he said, " who were not worth as many
owls for military purposes."
Three days after the imprisonment of the magistracy, a
strong Catholic rally was made in their behalf in the Fish-
market, the ubiquitous Prior of Saint Vaast flitting about
among the Malcontents, blithe and busy as usual when storms
were brewing. Matthew Doucet, of the revolutionary faction
— a man both martial and pacific in his pursuits, being emi
nent both as a gingerbread baker and a sword-player* —
swore he would have the little monk's life if he had to
take him from the very horns of the altar ; but the Prior had
braved sharper threats than these. Moreover, the grand altar
would have been the last place to look for him on that occa
sion. While Gosson was making a tremendous speech in favor
of conscience and fatherland at the Hotel de ViUe, practical
John Sarrasin, purse in hand, had chaUenged the rebel general,
Ambrose to private combat. In half an hour, that warrior was
routed, and fled from the field at the head of his scarecrows,f
for there was no resisting the power before which the Mon-
tignys and the La Mottes had succumbed. Eloquent Gosson
was left to his fate. Having the Cathohc magistracy in durance,
and with nobody to guard them, he felt, as was weU observed

lands, has been often cited in the first and second volumes of this history. A
chapter in the history of Renom de France is also devoted to this series of
events ; Troubles des P. B., iv. c. 3.
* " Faiseur des pains d'espices  epicier et joueur d'espee." — Letter from
Arras, before cited, P. Payen, Troubles d' Arras., MS.
+ Letter from Arras, MS

1578.] RAPID TRIALS. 401
by an iU-natured contemporary, hke a man holding a wolf by
the ears, equally afraid to let go or to retain his grasp.
His dUemma was soon terminated. While he was delibe
rating with his colleagues — Mordacq, an old campaigner,
Crugeot, Bertoul, and others — whether to stand or fly, the
drums and trumpets of the advancing royalists were heard.
In another instant the Hotel de Ville was swarming with men-
at-arms, headed by Bourgeois, the veteran who had expressed
eo slighting an opinion as to the prowess of Captain Ambrose.
The tables were turned, the miniature revolution was at an end,
the counter-revolution effected. Gosson and his confederates
escaped out of a back door, but were soon afterwards arrested.
Next morning, Baron Capres, the great Malcontent seignior,
who was stationed with his regiment in the neighbourhood,
and who had long been secretly coquetting with the Prior and
Parma, marched into the city at the head of a strong detach
ment, and straightway proceeded to erect a very tall gibbet in
front of the Hotel de VUle.* This looked practical in the eyes
of the liberated and reinstated magistrates, and Gosson, Crugeot,
and the rest were summoned at once before them. The advo
cate thought, perhaps, with a sigh, that his judges, so recently
his prisoners, might have been the fruit for another gaUows-
tree, had he planted it when the ground was his own ; but
taking heart of grace, he encouraged his coUeagues — now his
feUow-culprits. Crugeot, undismayed, made his appearance
before the tribunal, arrayed in a corslet of proof, with a
golden hUted sword, a scarf embroidered with pearls and gold,
and a hat bravely plumaged with white, blue, and orange
feathers — the colors of WUUam the SUent — of all wliich finery
he was stripped, however, as soon as he entered the court.f
The process was rapid. A summons from Brussels was
expected every hour from the general government, ordering
the cases to be brought before the federal tribunal, and as the
Walloon provinces were not yet ready for open revolt, the
order would be an inconvenient one. Hence the necessity for

* P. Payen, Troubles d'Arras, MS. t !*>"*•
vol. in. 26

402 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
haste. The superior court of Artois, to which an appeal
from the magistrates lay, immediately held a session in another
chamber of the Hotel de Ville while the lower court was trying
the prisoners, and Bertoul, Crugeot, Mordacq, with several
others, were condemned in a few hours to the gibbet. They
were invited to appeal, if they chose, to the council of Artois,
but hearing that the court was sitting next door, so that there
was no chance of a rescue in the streets, they declared them
selves satisfied with the sentence. Gosson had not been tried,
his case being reserved for the morrow.
Meantime, the short autumnal day had drawn to a close.
A wild, stormy, rainy night then set in, but stiU the royahst
party — citizens and soldiers intermingled — aU armed to the
teeth, and uttering fierce cries, while the whole scene was fit
fully illuminated with the glare of flambeaux and blazing
tar-barrels, kept watch in the open square around the city
hall. A series of terrible Rembrandt-like night-pieces suc
ceeded — grim, fantastic, and gory. Bertoul, an old man,
who for years had so surely felt himself predestined to his
present doom that he had kept a gibbet in his own house to
accustom himself to the sight of the machine, was led forth
the first, and hanged at ten in the evening.* He was a good
man, of perfectly blameless life, a sincere Catholic, but a warm
partisan of Orange.
Valentine de Mordacq, an old soldier, came from the Hotel
de VUle to the gallows at midnight. As he stood on the ladder,
amid the flaming torches, he broke forth into furious execra
tions, wagging his long white beard to and fro, making
hideous grimaces, and cursing the hard fate which, after many
dangers on the battle-field and in beleaguered cities, had left
him to such a death. The cord strangled his curses. Crugeot
was executed at three in the morning, having obtained a few
hours' respite in order to make his preparations, which he
accordingly occupied himself in doing as tranquilly as if he
had been setting forth upon an agreeable journey. He looked

* P. Payen, Troubles d' Arras, MS.

1578.] NIGHT PICTURES. 403
like a phantom, according to eye-witnesses, as he stood under
the gibbet, making a most pious and Cathohc address to the
crowd. The whole of the following day was devoted to the trial of
Gosson. He was condemned at nightfall, and heard by appeal
before the superior court directly afterwards. At midnight of
the 25th of October, 1578, he was condemned to lose his head,
the execution to take place without delay. The city guards
and the infantry under Capres still bivouacked upon the
square ; the howling storm stiU continued, but the glare of
fagots and torches made the place as hght as day. The
ancient advocate, with haggard eyes and features distorted by
wrath, walking between the sheriff and a Franciscan monk,
advanced through the long lane of halberdiers, in the grand
hall of the Town House, and thence emerged upon the scaffold
erected before the door. He shook his fists with rage at the
released magistrates, so lately his prisoners, exclaiming that
to his misplaced mercy it was owing that his head, instead of
their own, was to be placed upon the block. He bitterly re
proached the citizens for their cowardice in shrinking from
deahng a blow for their fatherland, and in behalf of one who
had so faithfully served them. The clerk of the court then
read the sentence amid a silence so profound that every syl
lable he uttered, and every sigh and ejaculation of the victim,
were distinctly heard in the most remote corner of the square.
Gosson then, exclaiming that he was murdered without cause,
knelt upon the scaffold. His head feU whUe an angry impre
cation was stiU upon his lips.*
Several other persons of lesser note were hanged during the
week — among others, Matthew Doucet, the truculent man of
gingerbread, whose rage had been so judiciously but so unsuc
cessfully directed against the Prior of Saint Vaast. Captain
Ambrose, too, did not Uve long to enjoy the price of his
treachery. He was arrested very soon afterwards by the states'
government in Antwerp, put to the torture, hanged and quar-

P. Payen, Troubles d' Arras, MS.

404 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1578.
tered.* In troublous times like those, when honest men found
it difficult to keep their heads upon their shoulders, rogues
were apt to meet their deserts, unless they had the advantage
of lofty lineage and elevated position.
" Ille crucem sceleris pretium tulit, hie diadema. ''
This municipal revolution and counter-revolution, obscure
though they seem, were in reality of very grave importance.
This was the last blow struck for freedom in the WaUoon
country. The failure of the movement made that scission of
the Netherlands certam, which has endured tfll our days, for
the influence of the ecclesiastics in the states of Artois and
Hainault, together with the military power of the Malcontent
grandees, whom Parma and John Sarrasin had purchased,
could no longer be resisted. The liberty of the Celtic pro
vinces was sold, and a few high-born traitors received the
price. Before the end of the year (1578) Montigny had
signified to the Duke of Alencon that a prince who avowed
himself too poor to pay for soldiers was no master for him.f
The Baron, therefore, came to an understanding with La
Motte and Sarrasin, acting for Alexander Farnese, and re
ceived the command of the infantry in the WaUoon provinces,
a merced of four thousand crowns a year, together with as
large a slice of La Motte's hundred thousand florins for him
self and soldiers, as that officer could be induced to part with.J
Baron Capres, whom Sarrasin— being especiaUy enjoined to
purchase him — had, in his own language, " sweated blood and
water" to secure, at last agreed to reconcUe himself with the
King's party upon condition of receiving the government-
general of Artois, together with the particular government
of Hesdin — very lucrative offices, which the Viscount of
Ghent then held by commission of the states-general.* That

* Letter of Saint Vaast, Rec. Prov. Wall., ii. 41, 42, MS.
t Memoire de ce qui s'est passe a l'entrevue entre le Sr. de Montigny, Comte
de Lalain, Duo d'Arschot, Marquis d'Havre, et al. ; Rec. Prov. WaU., ii. 104,
105, MS.
X MS. letters of Parma, Saint Vaast, Montigny, La Motte, et al. ; Rec. Prov.
WaU., ii. 35-37, 115; iii. 120; iv. 221.

1578.] BARGAIN AND SALE. 405
politic personage, however, whose disinclination to desert the
hberty party which had clothed him with such high functions,
was apparently so marked that the Prior had caused an am
bush to be laid both for him and the Marquis Havre", in order
to obtain bodfly possession of two such powerful enemies,f
now, at the last moment, displayed his true colors. He con
sented to reconcile himself also, on condition of receiving the
royal appointment to the same government which he then
held from the patriot authorities, together with the title of
Marquis de Richebourg, the command of all the cavalry in
the royalist provinces, and certain rewards in money besides.
By holding himself at a high mark, and keeping at a distance,
he had obtained his price. Capres, for whom Phihp, at Parma's
suggestion, had sent the commission as governor of Artois
and of Hesdin, was obliged to renounce those offices, notwith
standing his earlier " reconcUiation," and the "blood and
water" of John Sarrasin. J Ghent was not even contented with
these guerdons, but insisted upon the command of all the cav
alry, including the band of ordnance which, with handsome
salary, had been assigned to Lalain as a part of the wages
for his treason,§ while the " httle Count" — fiery as his smaU
and belUgerent cousin || whose exploits have been recorded
in the earlier pages of this history — boldly taxed Parma and
the King with cheating him out of his promised reward, in
order to please a noble whose services had been less valuable
than those of the Lalain family. ^[ Having thus obtained the
* Rec. Prov. Wall., ii 130-133, MS.
\ Rec. Prov. WaU., ii., £ 73. MS. — Compare Corresp. Alex. Farnese, p. 61. —
Parma to PhUip II.
X MS. letters of Vicomte de Gand to Philip II., and of Philip II. to Vicomte
de Gand, Marquis de Richebourg; Rec. Prov. Wall, ii. 197-210. — Compare
Correspondance, Alex. Farnese, 81, 85, 89, 97.
§ Rec. Prov. WaU., iv. 223, Lalain to Parma, MS.
I Anthony, Count of Hoogstraaten, the friend of Orange.
•J" "  j'espere que S. M. ne jugera les services que j'ay fait et fais jour-
neUement a icelle moindres que ceulx du dit Marquis de Richebourg, et que pour
son seul respect eUe ne m'estimera si peu, de me frauder, de ce que le Comte da
Mansfeld m'avait auparavant fait entendre de la part de V. E.," etc. — Lalain
to Parma, Rec. Prov. Wall., iv. 278, MS. Parma to Lalain, Rec. Prov. WaU,
ii. 75-77.

406 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
lion's share, due, as he thought, to his weU known courage and
military talents, as well as to the powerful family influence
which he wielded — his brother, the Prince of Espinoy, here
ditary seneschal of Hainault, having likewise rallied to the
King's party — Ghent jocosely intimated to Parma his inten
tion of helping himself to the two best horses in the Prince's
stables in exchange for those lost at Gemblours,* in which
disastrous action he had commanded the cavalry for the states.
He also sent two terriers to Farnese, hoping that they would
" prove more useful than beautiful."f The Prince might have
thought, perhaps, as much of the Viscount's treason.
John Sarrasin, the all-accomplished Prior, as the reward of
his exertions, received from Phihp the abbey of Saint Vaast,
the richest and most powerful ecclesiastical establishment in
the Netherlands. At a subsequent period his grateful sove
reign created him Archbishop of Cambray. J
Thus the " troubles of Arras" — as they were caUed — ter
minated. Gosson, the respected, wealthy, eloquent, and vir
tuous advocate, together with his coUeagues — all Catholics,
but at the same time patriots and liberals — died the death of
felons for their unfortunate attempt to save their fatherland
from an ecclesiastical and venal conspiracy ; whUe the actors
in the plot, having all performed weU their parts, received
their full meed of prizes and applause.
The private treaty by which the Walloon provinces of
Artois, Hainault, Lflle, Douay, and Orchies, united them
selves in a separate league was signed upon the 6th of January,
1579, but the final arrangements for the reconciliation of the
Malcontent nobles and their soldiers were not completed until
April 6th, upon which day a secret paper was signed at Mount
Saint Eloi.
The secret current of the intrigue had not, however, flowed
on with perfect smoothness until this placid termination. On
the contrary, there had been much bickering, heart-bumingj

* Rec. Prov. Wall., ii. 202-204, MS.
f Rec. Prov. Wafl., iii. 127, Marquis de Richebourg to Parma, MS.
X Correspondance Alex. Farnese, 41, 46, 55.

1579.] REVELATIONS. 407
and mutual suspicions and recriminations. There had been
violent wranglings among the claimants of the royal rewards.
Lalain and Capres were not the only Malcontents who had
cause to complain of being cheated of the promised largess.
Montigny, in whose favor Parma had distinctly commanded.
La Motte to be liberal of the King's secret-service money,
furiously charged the Governor of Gravelines with having re
ceived a large supply of gold from Spain, and of " locking the
rascal counters from his friends," so that Parma was obliged
to quiet the Baron, and many other barons in the same predica
ment, out of his own purse. All complained bitterly, too, that
the King, whose promises had been so profuse to the nobles
while the reconciliation was pending, turned a deaf ear to their
petitions and left their letters unanswered, after the deed was
accomplished.* The unlucky Prior of Renty, whose disclosures to La Motte
concerning the Spanish sarcasms upon his venality, had so
nearly caused the preliminary negotiation with that seignior
to fail, was the cause of stUl further mischief through the
interception of Alonzo Curiel's private letters. Such revela
tions of corruption, and of contempt on the part of the
corrupters, were eagerly turned to account by the states'
government. A special messenger was despatched to Mon-
tignyf with the intercepted correspondence, accompanied by
an earnest prayer that he would not contaminate his sword
and his noble name by subserviency to men who despised even
while they purchased traitors. That noble, both confounded
and exasperated, was for a moment inchned to listen to the
voice of honor and patriotism, but reflection and solitude
induced him to pocket up his wrongs and his " merced"
together. The states-general also sent the correspondence to
the WaUoon provincial authorities, with an eloquent address,
begging them to study weU the pitiful part which La Motte
had enacted in the private comedy then performing, and to

* Montigny to La Motte, Rec. Prov. WaU., iii 120, and v. 145. MS. Mansfeld
to Parma. — Compare Corresp. Alex., Farnese, 135.
t Groen v. Prinsterer, Archives, vi 606.

408 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
behold as in a mirror their own position, if they did not recede
ere it was too late.*
The only important effect produced by the discovery was
upon the Prior of Renty himself. Ottavio Gonzaga, the inti
mate friend of Don John, and now high in the confidence of
Parma, wrote to La Motte, indignantly denying the truth of
Bien Aime's tattle, and affirming that not a word had ever
been uttered by himself or by any gentleman in his presence to
the disparagement of the Governor of Gravelines. He added
that if the Prior had worn another coat, and were of quality
equal to his own, he would have made him eat his words or a
few inches of steel. In the same vehement terms he addressed
a letter to Bien Aime himself.f Very soon afterwards, not
withstanding his coat and his quahty, that unfortunate eccle
siastic found himself beset one dark night by two soldiers, who
left him severely wounded and bleeding nearly to death upon
the high road,J but escaping with life, he wrote to Parma, re
counting his wrongs and the "sword-thrust in his left thigh,"
and made a demand for a merced.
The Prior recovered from this difficulty only to fall into
another, by publishing what he called an apologue, in which
he charged that the reconciled nobles were equally false to the
royal and to the rebel government, and that, although " the
fatted calf had been kUled for them, after they had so long
been feeding with perverse heretical pigs," they were, in truth,
as mutinous as ever, being bent upon establishing an oligarchy
in the Netherlands, and dividing the territory among them
selves, to the exclusion of the sovereign. This naturally excited
the wrath of the Viscount and others. The Seigneur d'Auber-
lieu, in a letter written in what the writer himself caUed the
" gross style of a gendarme," charged the Prior with maligning
honorable lords and — in the favorite colloquial phrase of the day
* MS. letter of the states-general to the estates of Artois, Hainault, LiUe,
Douay, and Orchies; Ord. Depechen Boek der St. gl. A0. 1579, f. 200. Royal
Archives at the Hague.
f Rec. Prov. Wall, ii. 270 and 270'°. MS. letters of Ottavio Gonzaga
+ Prieur de Renty to Parma, MS., Rec. Prov. Wall, iii. 140.

1579.] REMONSTRANCES. 409
— with attempting "to throw the cat against their legs."
The real crime of the meddling priest, however, was to have
let that troublesome animal out of the bag. He was accord
ingly waylaid again, and thrown into prison by Count Lalain.
While in durance he published an abject apology for his
apologue, explaining that his aUusions to "returned prodi
gals," " heretic swine," and to " Sodom and Gomorrah," had
been entirely misconstrued. He was, however, retained in
oustody untfl Parma ordered his release on the ground that
the punishment had been already sufficient for the offence. He
then requested to be appointed Bishop of Saint Omer, that
see being vacant. Parma advised the King by no means to
grant the request — the Prior being neither endowed with the
proper age nor discretion for such a dignity — but to bestow
some lesser reward, in money or otherwise, upon the discom
fited ecclesiastic, who had rendered so many services and in
curred so many dangers.*
The states-general and the whole national party regarded,
with prophetic dismay, the approaching dismemberment of
their common country. They sent deputation on deputation
to the WaUoon states, to warn them of their danger, and to
avert, if possible, the fatal measure. Meantime, as by the
aheady accompUshed movement, the "generality" was fast
disappearing, and was indeed but the shadow of its former self,
it seemed necessary to make a vigorous effort to restore some
thing like unity to the struggling country. The Ghent Paci
fication had been their outer waU, ample enough and strong
enough to enclose and to protect all the provinces. Treachery
and religious fanaticism had undermined the bulwark almost
as soon as reared. The whole beleaguered country was in
danger of becoming utterly exposed to a foe who grew daily
more threatening. As in besieged cities, a sudden breastwork
is thrown up internaUy, when the outward defences are
crumbhng — so the energy of Orange had been sUently pre-

* Rec. Prov. Wall., iv. 81-83, 264, 275, sqq., 336, v. 25. MS. letters of Renty,
Auberlieu, and Parma. — Compare Corresp. Alex. Farnese, 74, 99.

410 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
paring the Union of Utrecht, as a temporary defence untU the
foe should be beaten back, and there should be time to decide
on their future course of action.*
During the whole month of December, an active correspon
dence had been carried on by the Prince and his brother
John with various agents in Gelderland, Friesland, and Gro
ningen, as weU as with influential personages in the more
central provinces and cities.f Gelderland, the natural bul
wark to HoUand and Zealand, commanding the four great
rivers of the country, had been fortunately placed under the
government of the trusty John of Nassau, that province being
warmly in favor of a closer union with its sister provinces, and
particularly with those more nearly alhed to itself in religion
and in language.
Already, in December (1578), Count John, in behalf of his
brother, had laid before the states of Holland and Zealand,
assembled at Gorcum, the project of a new union with " Gel
derland, Ghent, Friesland, Utrecht, Overyssel, and Gronin
gen.";!: The proposition had been favorably entertained, and
commissioners had been appointed to confer with other com
missioners at Utrecht, whenever they should be summoned by
Count John. The Prince, with the silence and caution which
belonged to his whole pohcy, chose not to be the ostensible
mover in the plan himself. He did not choose to startle un
necessarily the Archduke Matthias — the cipher who had been
placed by his side, whose sudden subtraction would occasion
more loss than his presence had conferred benefit. He did not
choose to be cried out upon as infringing the Ghent Pacifica
tion, although the whole world knew that treaty to be hope
lessly annuUed. For these and many other weighty motives,
he proposed that the new Union should be the apparent work
of other hands, and only offered to him and to the country,
when nearly completed.
After various preliminary meetings in December and

* Groen v. Prinsterer, vi. 537. f Ibid., vi. 4*»9, sqq., 536, sqq.
X Ibid., vi. 479, sqq.

1579.] THE UNION OF UTRECHT. 411
January, the deputies of Gelderland and Zutfen, with Count
John, stadholder of these provinces, at their head, met with the
deputies of HoUand, Zealand, and the provinces between the
Ems and the Lauwers, early in January, 1579, and on the 23rd
of that month, without waiting longer for the deputies of the
other provinces, they agreed provisionally upon a treaty of
union which was pubhshed afterwards on the 29th, from the
Town House of Utrecht.*
This memorable document — which is ever regarded as the
foundation of the Netherland Republic — contained twenty-
six articles.f
The preamble stated the object of the union. It was to
strengthen, not to forsake the Ghent Pacification, already
nearly annihilated by the force of foreign soldiery. For this
purpose, and in order more conveniently to defend themselves
against their foes, the deputies of Gelderland, Zutfen, HoUand,
Zealand, Utrecht, and the Frisian provinces, thought it desi
rable to form a stUl closer union. The contracting provinces
agreed to remain eternaUy united, as if they were but one
province. At the same time, it was understood that each was
to retain its particular privileges, liberties, laudable and tradi
tionary customs, and other laws. The cities, corporations, and
inhabitants of every province were to be guaranteed as to their
ancient constitutions. Disputes concerning these various
statutes and customs were to be decided by the usual tribunals,
by " good men," or by amicable compromise. The provinces,
by virtue of the Union, were to defend each other " with hfe,
goods, and blood," against all force brought against them in
the King's name or behalf. They were also to defend each
other against all foreign or domestic potentates, provinces,
or cities, provided such defence were controUed by the
" generality" of the union.J For the expense occasioned by

* Kluit, Hist, der Holl. Staatsreg., i. 170, sqq. Bor, xiii. 21, sqq.
f The whole document is given by Bor, xiii. 26-30, and, somewhat abridged,
by Wagenaer, vii 251-262; Meteren, ix. 151, IM ; Tassis, v. 339, sqq.; Hoofd,
xiv. 609-615.
X Articles, 1, 2, 3.

412 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
the protection of the provinces, certain imposts and excises
were to be equaUy assessed and coUected. No truce or peace
was to be concluded, no war commenced, no impost established
affecting the " generahty," but by unanimous advice and con
sent of the provinces. Upon other matters the majority was
to decide ; the votes being taken in the manner then customary
in the assembly of states-general. In case of difficulty in
coming to a unanimous vote when required, the matter was to
be referred to the stadholders then in office. In case of
their inabihty to agree, they were to appoint arbitrators, by
whose decision the parties were to be governed. None of
the united provinces, or of their cities or corporations, were
to make treaties with other potentates or states, without
consent of their confederates. If neighbouring princes, pro
vinces, or cities, wished to enter into this confederacy, they
were to be received by the unanimous consent of the united
provinces. A common currency was to be established for the
confederacy. In the matter of divine worship, HoUand and
Zealand were to conduct themselves as they should think
proper. The other provinces of the union, however, were
either to conform to the religious peace already laid down by
Archduke Matthias and his council, or to make such other
arrangements as each province should for itself consider appro
priate for the maintenance of its internal tranquiUity — pro
vided always that every individual should remain free in his
religion, and that no man should be molested or questioned on
the subject of divine worship, as had been already established
by the Ghent Pacification.* As a certain dispute arose con
cerning the meaning of this important clause, an additional
paragraph was inserted a few days afterwards. In this it was
stated that there was no intention of excluding from the
confederacy any province or city which was whoUy Cathohc,
or in which the number of the Reformed was not sufficiently
large to entitle them, by the rehgious peace, to pubhc worship.
On the contrary, the intention was to admit them, provided

* Articles, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13.

1579.] its provisions,. 413
they obeyed the articles of union, and conducted themselves
as good patriots ; it being intended that no province or city
should interfere with another in the matter of divine service.
Disputes between two provinces were to be decided by the
others, or — in case the generality were concerned — by the
provisions of the ninth article.
The confederates were to assemble at Utrecht whenever
summoned by those commissioned for that purpose. A
majority of votes was to decide on matters then brought before
them, even in case of the absence of some members of the
confederacy, who might, however, send written proxies.
Additions or amendments to these articles could only be made
by unanimous consent. The articles were to be signed by
the stadholders, magistrates, and principal officers of each
province and city, and by all the train-bands, fraternities, and
sodalities which might exist in the cities or villages of the
union.* Such were the simple provisions of that instrument which
became the foundation of the powerful Commonwealth of the
United Netherlands. On the day when it was concluded,
there were present deputies from five provinces only.f Count
John of Nassau signed first, as stadholder of Gelderland and
Zutfen. His signature was followed by those of four deputies
from that double province ; and the envoys of HoUand, Zea
land, Utrecht and the Frisian provinces, then signed the docu-
ment.J The Prince himself, although in reahty the principal

* Articles 16, 19, 22.
f Bor, 3. xiii. 26. Kluit, Holl. Staatsreg., i. 173, sqq. Wagenaer, Vad. Hist.
vii 263, sqq.
X Bor, Kluit, Wagenaer, ubi sup. — Count Renneberg, as stadholder of
Friesland, Overyssel, Groningen, Drente, etc., did not give his final adhesion
until June 11, 1579. His subsequent treason kept the city of Groningen out
of the union, and it was not admitted till the year 1594. — (Wag. vii. 266.)
On the other hand, several cities which were not destined eventuaUy to form
parts of the confederacy became members soon after its formation — as Ghent,
on Feb. 4, 1579; Antwerp, July 28, 1579; Bruges, Feb. J, 1580, etc.— Bor, xiii
31, et sqq.

414 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
director of the movement, delayed appending his signature
until May the 3rd, 1579.* Herein he was actuated by the
reasons aheady stated, and by the hope which he stUl enter
tained that a wider union might be estabhshed, with Matthias
for its nominal chief. His enemies, as usual, attributed this
patriotic delay to baser motives. They accused him of a desire
to assume the governor-generalship himself, to the exclusion
of the Archduke — an insinuation which the states of HoUand
took occasion formally to denounce as a calumny.f For those
who have studied the character and history of the man, a
defence against such slander is superfluous. Matthias was but
the shadow, Orange the substance. The Archduke had been
accepted only to obviate the evil effects of a political intrigue,
and with the express condition that the Prince should be his
heutenant-general in name, his master in fact. Directly
after his departure in the foUowing year, the Prince's authority,
which nominaUy departed also, was re-estabhshed in his own
person, and by express act of the states-general4
The Union of Utrecht was the foundation-stone of the
Netherland Republic ; but the framers of the confederacy did
not intend the estabhshment of a Repubhc, or of an inde
pendent commonwealth of any kind. They had not forsworn
the Spanish monarch. It was not yet their intention to
forswear him. Certainly the act of union contained no allu
sion to such an important step. On the contrary, in the brief
preamble they expressly stated their intention to strengthen the
Ghent Pacification, and the Ghent Pacification acknowledged
obedience to the King. They intended no pohtical innovation
of any kind. They expressly accepted matters as they were.
AU statutes, charters, and privileges of provinces, cities, or cor
porations were to remain untouched. They intended to form
neither an independent state nor an independent federal
system. § No doubt the formal renunciation of aUegiance,
* Bor, 2, xiii. 30.
f Resol. Holl, 8 Mei, f. 93. Kluit, Holl. Staatsreg., i. 180.
X Kluit, i 180, 181, note 15.
§ Kluit, Holl. Staatsreg., i. 182, sqq. — Compare Groen v. Prinst, Archives, de
la Maison d'Orange, vi 536-564.

1579.] THE ACT CHARACTERIZED. 415
which was to follow within two years, was contemplated by
many as a future probabUity ; but it could not be foreseen
with certainty.
The simple act of union was not regarded as the constitution
of a commonwealth. Its object was a single one — defence
against a foreign oppressor. The contracting parties bound
themselves together to spend ail theh treasure and all their
blood in expelling the foreign soldiery from their soil. To
accomplish this purpose, they carefuUy abstained from inter
meddling with internal politics and with religion. Every
man was to worship God according to the dictates of his
conscience. Every combination of citizens, from the provincial
states down to the humblest rhetoric club, was to retain its
ancient constitution. The establishment of a Repubhc, which
lasted two centuries, which threw a girdle of rich depen
dencies entirely round the globe, and which attained so re
markable a height of commercial prosperity and political influ
ence, was the result of the Utrecht Union ; but it was not a
premeditated result. A state, single towards the rest of the
world, a unit in its external relations, whfle permitting inter
naUy a variety of sovereignties and institutions — in many
respects the prototype of our own much more extensive and
powerful union — was destined to spring from the act thus
signed by the envoys of five provinces. Those envoys were
acting, however, under the pressure of extreme necessity, and
for what was beUeved an evanescent purpose. The future con
federacy was not to resemble the system of the German
empire, for it was to acknowledge no single head. It was to
differ from the Achaian league, in the far inferior amount of
power wliich it permitted to its general assembly, and in the
consequently greater proportion of sovereign attributes which
were retained' by the individual states. It was, on the other
hand, to furnish a closer and more intimate bond than that of
the Swiss confederacy, which was only a union for defence and
external purposes, of cantons otherwise independent.* It was,

* Compare Kluit, i. 193, 194.

416 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
finally, to differ from the American federal commonwealth in
the great feature that it was to be merely a confederacy of
sovereignties, not a representative Republic. Its foundation
was a compact, not a constitution. The contracting parties
were states and corporations, who considered themselves as
representing small nationalities dejure et de facto, and as suc
ceeding to the supreme power at the very instant in which
aUegiance to the Spanish monarch was renounced. The
general assembly was a coUection of diplomatic envoys, bound
by instructions from independent states. The voting was not
by heads, but by states. The deputies were not representatives
of the people, but of the states ; for the people of the United
States of the Netherlands never assembled — as did the people
of the United States of America two centuries later — to lay
down a constitution, by which they granted a generous
amount of power to the union, whUe they reserved enough of
sovereign attributes to secure that local self-government
which is the life-blood of hberty.
The Union of Utrecht, narrowed as it was to the nether
portion of that country which, as a whole, might have
formed a commonwealth so much more powerful, was in origin
a proof of this lamentable want of patriotism. Could the
jealousy of great nobles, the rancour of religious differences,
the Cathohc bigotry of the WaUoon population on the one
side, contending with the democratic insanity of the Ghent
populace on the other, have been restrained within bounds by
the moderate counsels of WUUam of Orange, it would have
been possible to unite seventeen provinces instead of seven,
and to save many long and blighting years of civU war.
The Utrecht Union was, however, of inestimable value. It
was time for some step to be taken, if anarchy were not to
reign until the inquisition and absolutism were restored.
Already, out of Chaos and Night, the coming RepubUc
was assuming substance and form. The union, if it
created nothing else, at least constructed a league against
a foreign foe whose armed masses were pouring faster and
faster into the territory of the provinces. Farther than

1579.] SECESSION AND UNION. 417
this it did not propose to go. It maintained what it found.
It guaranteed religious hberty, and accepted the civU and
pohtical constitutions already in existence. Meantime, the de
fects of those constitutions, although visible and sensible, had
not grown to the large proportions which they were destined
to attain.
Thus by the Union of Utrecht on the one hand, and the fast
approaching reconciliation of the WaUoon provinces on the
other, the work of decomposition and of construction went
hand in hand.
vol. in. 27

CHAPTEE II.

Parma's feint upon Antwerp — He invests Maestricht — Deputation and letters
from the states-general, from Brussels, and from Parma, to the WaUoon
provinces — Active negotiations by Orange and by Farnese — WaUoon
envoys in Parma's camp before Maestricht — Festivities — The Treaty of
Reconciliation — Rejoicings of the royalist party — Comedy enacted at the
Paris theatres — Religious tumults in Antwerp, Utrecht, and other cities —
Rehgious Peace enforced by Orange — PhUip Egmont's unsuccessful attempt
upon Brussels — Siege of Maestricht — Failure at the Tongres gate — Mining
and countermining — Partial destruction of the Tongres ravelin — Simulta
neous attack upon the Tongres and Bois-le-Duc gates — The Spaniards re
pulsed with great loss — Gradual encroachments of the besiegers — Bloody
contests — The town taken — Horrible massacre — Triumphal entrance and
solemn thanksgiving — Calumnious attacks upon Orange — Renewed troubles
in Ghent — Imbize and Dathenus — The presence of the Prince solicited —
Coup d'etat of Imbize — Order restored, and Imbize expeUed by Orange.
The political movements in both directions were to be hastened
by the military operations of the opening season. On the
night of the 2nd of March, 1579, the Prince of Parma made a
demonstration against Antwerp. A body of three thousand
Scotch and English, lying at Borgerhout, was rapidly driven
in, and a warm skirmish ensued, directly under the waUs of the
city. The Prince of Orange, with the Archduke Matthias,
being in Antwerp at the time, remained on the fortifica
tions, superintending the action, and Parma was obhged to
retire after an hour or two of sharp fighting, with a loss of four
hundred men.* This demonstration was, however, only a

* Bor, xiii. 35, 36. Hoofd, xv. 620.

1579.] MAESTRICHT INVESTED. 419
feint. His real design was upon Maestricht, before which
important city he appeared in great force, ten days afterwards,
when he was least expected.*
WeU fortified, surrounded by a broad and deep moat, buUt
upon both sides of the Meuse, upon the right bank of which
river, however, the portion of the town was so inconsiderable
that it was merely called the vUlage of Wyk, this key to the
German gate of the Netherlands was, unfortunately, in brave
but feeble hands. The garrison was hardly one thousand
strong ; the trained bands of burghers amounted to twelve
hundred more ; while between three and four thousand peasants,
who had taken refuge within the city walls, did excellent ser
vice as sappers and miners. Parma, on the other hand, had
appeared before the walls with twenty thousand men, to which
number he received constant reinforcements. The Bishop of
Liege, too, had sent him four thousand pioneers — a most im
portant service ; for mining and countermining was to decide
the fate of Maestricht.f
Early in January the royalists had surprised the strong
chateau of Carpen, in the neighbourhood of the city, upon
which occasion the garrison were aU hanged by moonlight on
the trees in the orchard. The commandant shared their fate ;
and it is a curious fact that he had, precisely a year previously.
hanged the royalist captain, Blomaert, on the same spot, who,
with the rope around his neck, had foretold a like doom to his
destroyer.J The Prince of Orange, feeling the danger of Maestricht, lost
no time in warning the states to the necessary measures,
imploring them "not to faU asleep in the shade of a peace
negotiation,"§ whUe meantime Parma threw two bridges over
the Meuse, above and below the city, and then invested the

* Bor, xiii. 36. Hoofd, ubi sup. Strada, 2, ii. 58.
f Bentivoglio, 2, Ub. i. 235. Bor, xih. 36. According to Strada (2, ii. 81),
3000. X Letter of G. de Merode, Ordinaris Depe'chen Boek der Staten-gen., A". 1579,
f. 42. MS. Hague Archives.
§ Letter of Orange to States-general, Ord. Dep. Boek, 1579, f. 41™, MS.

420 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
place so closely that all communication was absolutely sus
pended. Letters could pass to and fro only at extreme peril
to the messengers, and aU possibUity of reinforcing the city at
the moment was cut off*
While this eventful siege was proceeding, the negotiations
with the WaUoons were ripening. The siege and the con
ferences went hand in hand. Besides the secret arrange
ments already described for the separation of the Walloon
provinces, there had been much earnest and eloquent remon
strance on the part of the states-general and of Orange — many
solemn embassies and public appeals. As usual, the Pacifica
tion of Ghent was the two-sided shield which hung between
the parties to cover or to justify the blows which each dealt at
the other. There is no doubt as to the real opinion entertained
concerning that famous treaty by the royal party. " Through
the peace of Ghent," said Saint Vaast, " aU our woes have
been brought upon us." La Motte informed Parma that it
was necessary to pretend a respect for the Pacification,
however, on account of its popularity, but that it was well
understood by the leaders of the WaUoon movement, that the
intention was to restore the system of Charles the Fifth.
Parma signified his consent to make use of that treaty as a
basis, " provided always it were interpreted healthily, and not
dislocated by cavillations and sinister interpolations, as had
been done by the Prince of Orange." The Malcontent
generals of the WaUoon troops were inexpressibly anxious lest
the cause of rehgion should be endangered ; but the arguments
by which Parma convinced those mihtary casuists as to the
compatibility of the Ghent peace with sound doctrine have
already been exhibited. The influence of the reconciled nobles
was brought to bear with fatal effect upon the states of Artois,
Hainault, and of a portion of French Flanders. The Gallic
element in their blood, and an intense attachment to the
Roman ceremonial, which distmguished the WaUoon popula-

* Bor, xiii. 17-36, sqq. Hoofd, xv. 662-628. Strada, 2, i 3^ 5ij_6i,
Meteren, ix. 134.

1579.] DEPUTATIONS TO THE WALLOONS. 421
tion from their Batavian brethren, were used successfuUy by
the wily Parma to destroy the unity of the revolted Nether
lands.* Moreover, the King offered good terms. The monarch,
feeling safe on the religious point, was wUling to make liberal
promises upon the political questions. In truth, the great
grievance of which the Walloons complained was the insolence
and intolerable outrages of the foreign soldiers. This, they
said, had alone made them malcontent.f It was, therefore,
obviously the cue of Parma to promise the immediate depar
ture of the troops. This could be done the more easily, as he
had no intention of keeping the promise.
Meantime the efforts of Orange, and of the states-general,
where his influence was stiU paramount, were unceasing to
counteract the policy of Parma. A deputation was appointed
by the generality to visit the estates of the WaUoon pro
vinces.* Another was sent by the authorities of Brussels.
The Marquis of Havrd, with several coUeagues on behalf of the
states-general, waited upon the Viscount of Ghent, by whom
they were received with extreme insolence. He glared upon
them, without moving, as they were admitted to his presence ;
" looking hke a dead man, from whom the soul had entirely
departed." Recovering afterwards from this stony trance of
indignation, he demanded a sight of their instructions. This
they courteously refused, as they were accredited not to him,
but to the states of Artois. At this he feU into a violent
passion, and threatened them with signal chastisement for
daring to come thither with so treasonable a purpose. In
short, according to their own expression, he treated them " as
if they had been rogues and vagabonds."§ The Marquis of
, Havre-, high-born though he was, had been sufficiently used to
such conduct. The man who had successively served and
betrayed every party, who had been the obsequious friend and

* Bor, Hoofd, Strada, ubi sup. Archives, etc., de la Maison d'Orange,
vi. 610-613.
t Strada, 2, i 50, 51.
X Bor, xiii. 37, 38. Hoofd, xv. 622, sqq. Meteren, ix. 150, 151.
§ Report of the Commissioners, Bor, xiii. 45.

422 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
the avowed enemy of Don John within the same fortnight,
and who had been able to swaUow and inwardly digest many
an insult from that fiery warrior, was even fain to brook the
insolence of Robert Melun.
The papers which the deputation had brought were finaUy
laid before the states of Artois, and received replies as prompt
and bitter as the addresses were earnest and eloquent. The
Walloons, when summoned to hold to that aegis of national
unity, the Ghent peace, rephed that it was not they, but the
heretic portion of the states-general, who were for dashing it
to the ground. The Ghent treaty was never intended to
impair the supremacy of the Cathohc religion, said those'
provinces, which were already on the point of separating for
ever from the rest. The Ghent treaty was intended expressly
to destroy the inquisition and the placards, answered the
national party. Moreover, the "very marrow of that treaty"*
was the departure of the foreign soldiers, who were even then
overrunning the land. The Walloons answered that Alex
ander had expressly conceded the withdrawal of the troops.
" BeUeve not the fluting and the piping of the crafty foe,"
urged the patriots.f " Promises are made profusely enough —
but only to lure you to perdition. Your enemies allow you to
slake your hunger and thirst with this idle hope of the troops'
departure, but you are stUl in fetters, although the chain be of
Spanish pinchbeck, wliich you mistake for gold. " 'Tis not we,"
cried the Walloons, " who wish to separate from the generahty ;
'tis the generality which separates from us. We had rather
die the death than not maintain the union."J In the very
same breath, however, they boasted of the excellent terms
which the monarch was offering, and of their strong inclina-

* "De substantie en principael merg van selve pacificatie." — Bor, xiii. 39.
f "Devijand hem sal behelpen met het woord van de Religie aes met een
bedriegelijk pijpken of fluijken om ons met de Tarre te vangen." — Address of the
States-general, March 3, 1579, Bor, xiii. 41. "T gefluit en gepijp van de gene
die komen van onser vijanden wegen— om namaels te gecken en te spotten met
cnse bederfenisse." — Ibid. X Bor, xni 38.

f579.J THEIR ILL SUCCESS. 423
tion to accept them. " Kings, struggling to recover a lost
authority, always promise golden mountains and every sort of
miracles," repUed the patriots ;* but the warning was uttered
in vain.
Meantime the deputation from the city of Brussels arrived
on the 28th of March at Mons, in Hainault, where they were
received with great courtesy by Count de Lalain, governor of
the province. The enthusiasm with which he had espoused
the cause of Queen Margaret and her brother Anjou had
cooled, but the Count received the Brussels envoys with a
-kindness in marked contrast with the brutality of Melun.
He made many fine speeches — protesting his attachment to
the union, for wliich he was ready to shed the last drop of his
blood — entertained the deputies at dinner, proposed toasts to
the prosperity of the united provinces, and dismissed his guests
at last with many flowery professions. After dancing attend
ance for a few days, however, upon the estates of the WaUoon
provinces, both sets of deputies were warned to take their
instant departure as mischief-makers and rebels. They re
turned, accordingly, to Brussels, bringing the written answers
which the estates had vouchsafed to send.f
The states-general, too, inspired by WiUiam of Orange,
addressed a solemn appeal to their sister provinces, thus about
to abjure the bonds of relationship for ever.J It seemed right,
once for all, to grapple with the Ghent Pacification for the
last time, and to strike a final blow in defence of that large,
statesmanlike interpretation, which alone could make the
treaty live. This was done eloquently and logicaUy. The
Walloons were reminded that at the epoch of the Ghent
peace the number of Reformers outside of Holland and Zea
land was supposed smaU. Now the new religion had spread
its roots through the whole land, and innumerable multitudes

* " Gewoont sijn te beloven goude berge en wonderlijke saken."— Address
of the States-general, Bor, xiii. 44.
f Bor, xiii. 44, 45. Hoofd, xv. 622, sqq. Meteren, ix. 139, 150.
X Bor (xni 39-42), gives the text in full

424 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
desired its exercise. If HoUand and Zealand chose to re
establish the Catholic worship within their borders, they could
manifestly do so without violating the treaty of Ghent. Why
then was it not competent to other provinces, with equal
allegiance to the treaty, to sanction the Reformed religion
within their limits ?*
Parma, on his part, pubhcly invited the states-general, by
letter, to sustaia the Ghent treaty by accepting the terms
offered to the WaUoons, and by restoring the system of the
Emperor Charles, of very lofty memory. To this superfluous
invitation the states-general replied, on the 19th of March,
that it had been the system of the Emperor Charles, of lofty
memoiy, to maintain the supremacy of Catholicism and of
Majesty in the Netherlands by burning Netherlanders — a cus
tom which the states, with common accord, had thought it
desirable to do away with.f
In various fervently-written appeals by Orange, by the
states-general, and by other bodies, the wavering provinces
were warned against seduction. They were reminded that
the Prince of Parma was using this minor negotiation "as a
Becond string to his bow ;" that nothing could be more puerUe
than to suppose the Spaniards capable, after securing Maes
tricht, of sending away their troops — thus "deserting the
bride ia the midst of the honeymoon." They expressed
astonishment at being invited to abandon the great and
general treaty which had been made upon the theatre of the
whole world by the intervention of the principal princes of
Christendom, in order to partake in underhand negotiation
with the commissioners of Parma — men, " who, it would not
be denied, were felons and traitors." They warned their
brethren not to embark on the enemy's ships in the dark, for
that, whUe chaffering as to the price of the voyage, they would
find that the false pilots had hoisted sail and borne them away
in the night. In vain would they then seek to reach the

* Address of the States, apud Bor, 3, xiii. 40, sqq.
+ Letter of the States-general. — Ibid., xiii 48.

1579.] WALLOON DEPUTATION TO PARMA. 425
shore again. The example of La Motte and others, " bird-
limed with Spanish gold," should be salutary for aU — men
who were now driven forward with a whip, laughed to scorn
by their new masters, and forced to drink the bitter draught
of humihation along with the sweet poison of bribery. They
were warned to study well the intercepted letters of Curiel, in
order fully to fathom the deep designs and secret contempt of
the enemy.*
Such having been the result of the negotiations between
the states-general and the Walloon provinces, a strong depu
tation now went forth from those provinces, towards the end
of April, to hold a final colloquy with Parma, then already
busied with the investment of Maestricht. They were met
upon the road with great ceremony, and escorted into the
presence of Farnese with drum, trumpet, and flaunting ban-
ners.f He received them with stately affability, in a magnifi
cently decorated pavilion, carelessly inviting them to a repast,
which he caUed an afternoon's lunch, but which proved a most
sumptuous and splendidly appointed entertainment.^ This
" trifling foohsh banquet" finished, the deputies were escorted,
with great mUitary parade, to the lodgings which had been
provided for them in a neighbouring viUage. During the
period of their visit, all the chief officers of the army and the
household were directed to entertain the Walloons with showy
festivals, dinners, suppers, dances, and carousals of aU kinds.
At one of the most briUiant of these revels — a magnificent
baU, to which aU the matrons and maids of the whole country
round had been bidden — the Prince of Parma himself unex
pectedly made his appearance. He gently rebuked the enter
tainers for indulging in such splendid hospitality without, at
least, permitting him to partake of it. Charmingly affable to
the ladies assembled in the ball-room, courteous, but slightly

* Reponse des Etats-generaux sur les lettres des Etats d'Artois, Haynault,
LiUe, Douay et Orchies; Ord. Depech. Boek der St-gen., 1579, f. 35-51. MS.
Hague Archives. t Strada, 2, i 49, sqq.
X " Regiis epulis quas extenuato ad superbiam vocabulo, pomeridianam gus-
tationem appellabant, excepti sunt." — Strada, 2, i. 52.

426 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
reserved, towards the Walloon envoys, he excited the admira
tion of all by the splendid decorum of his manners. As he
moved through the halls, modulating his steps in grave cadence
to the music, the dignity and grace of his deportment seemed
truly majestic ; but when he actuaUy danced a measure him
self the enthusiasm was at its height.* They should, indeed,
be rustics, cried the Walloon envoys in a breath, not to give
the hand of feUowship at once to a Prince so condescending
and amiable.f The exclamation seemed to embody the
general wish, and to foreshadow a speedy conclusion.
Very soon afterwards a preliminary accord was signed be
tween the King's government and the WaUoon provinces.
The provisions on his Majesty's part were sufficiently liberal.
The rehgious question furnishing no obstacle, it was compara
tively easy for PhUip to appear benignant. It was stipulated
that the provincial privileges should be respected ; that a
member of the King's own family, legitimately born, should
always be Governor-General, and that the foreign troops
should be immediately withdrawn. :£ The official exchange
and ratification of this treaty were delayed till the 4th of
the following September,§ but the news that the recon-
* Strada, 2, i. 53, who describes the scene with laughable gravity.
f Ibid. — "Agrestes se plus nimio visum iri, nisi adeo benigni amabilisque
ingenii viro manus darent"
X The preliminary accord was signed May 17, 1579. A copy was sent by the
Prince of Orange to the united states, on August 1, 1579. — Bor, xiii. 95-98.
Tratado de Reconciliacion do las Provincias d'Artois, Haynau, LiUe, Douay, y
Orchies ; Rec. Prov. WaU., iii. f. 289-296. MS. The terms of the treaty were
not bad. The Ghent Pacification was to be maintained and the foreign troops were
to be removed. Unfortunately the secret correspondence of the parties shows
that the faithful observance of that pacification was very far from their thoughts,
while the subsequent history of the country was to prove the removal of the
troops to have been a comedy, in which the principal actor soon renounced the
part which he had reluctantly consented to sustain.
§ Rec. Prov. Wall, iii. f. 179, 180. MS.— There is something almost comic
in the preamble to the ratification. " Certain good personages in our provinces
of Artois," etc., says Philip, " zealous in the service of God and desirous to
escape danger to their property, and seeing the attempt to estabhsh over the
ecclesiastics, nobles, and good burgesses, a popular tyranny, which, by exorbit
ant contributions, is gnawing the nation to the bone, having at length opened
their own eyes, have done their best to awaken their neighbours,'' etc^

1579.] THE DEED DONE. 427
ciliation had been definitely settled soon spread through the
country. The Catholics were elated, the patriots dismayed.
Orange — the " Prince of Darkness,"* as the WaUoons of the
day were fond of caUing him — stiU unwUUng to despair, re
luctant to accept this dismemberment, which he foresaw was
to be a perpetual one, of his beloved country, addressed the
most passionate and solemn adjurations to the WaUoon pro
vinces, and to their military chieftains. He offered all his
children as hostages for his good faith in keeping sacredly any
covenant which his Cathohc countrymen might be willing to
close with him. It was in vain. The step was irretrievably
taken ; religious bigotry, patrician jealousy, and wholesale
bribery, had severed the Netherlands in twain for ever. The
friends of Romanism, the enemies of civil and religious hb
erty, exulted from one end of Christendom to the other, and it
was recognized that Parma had, indeed, achieved a victory
which although bloodless, was as important to the cause of ab
solutism as any which even his sword was likely to achieve.
The joy of the Catholic party in Paris manifested itself
in a variety of ways. At the principal theatref an un
couth pantomime was exhibited, in which his Cathohc
Majesty was introduced upon the stage, leading by a halter
a sleek cow, typifying the Netherlands. The animal by a
sudden effort, broke the cord, and capered wfldly about.
Alexander of Parma hastened to fasten the fragments together
while sundry personages, representing the states-general, seized
her by the horns, some leaping upon her back, others calling
upon the bystanders to assist in holding the restive beast.
The Emperor, the King of France, and the Queen of England —
which last personage was observed now to smile upon one
party, now to affect deep sympathy with the other — remained
stationary ; but the Duke of Alencon rushed upon the stage,
and caught the cow by the tail. The Prince of Orange and

* " Le Prince d'Orenges, qu'ils nommerent en ce temps Prince des Tenebres,"
etc. — Renom de France, iv. c. xii, MS. At least, in poor Tom's phrase, "the
prince of darkness was a gentleman." f Strada, 2, i. 55.

428 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
Hans Casimir then appeared with a bucket, and set them
selves busily to milk her, when Alexander again seized the
halter. The cow gave a plunge, upset the paU, prostrated
Casimir with one kick and Orange with another, and then
foUowed Parma with docility as he led her back to PhUip.*
This seems not very " admirable fooling," but it was highly
rehshed by the polite Parisians of the sixteenth century, and
has been thought worthy of record by classical historians.
The WaUoon accord was an auspicious prelude, in the eyes
of the friends of absolutism, to the negotiations which were
opened in the month of May, at Cologne. Before sketching,
as rapidly as possible, those celebrated but barren conferences,
it is necessary, for the sake of unity in the narrative, to cast a
glance at certain synchronical events in different parts of the
Netherlands. The success attained by the Catholic party in the WaUoon
negotiations had caused a corresponding bitterness in the
hearts of the Reformers throughout the country. As usual,
bitterness had begot bitterness ; intolerance engendered into
lerance. On the 28th of May, 1579, as the Cathohcs of
Antwerp were celebrating the Ommegang — the same festival
which had been the exciting cause of the memorable tumults
of the year sixty-five — the irritation of the populace could
not be repressed.f The mob rose in its wrath to put down
these demonstrations — which, taken in connection with recent
events, seemed ill-timed and insolent — of a religion whose
votaries then formed but a smaU minority of the Antwerp
citizens. There was a great tumult. Two persons were kflled.
The Archduke Matthias, who was himself in the Cathedral of
Notre Dame assisting at the ceremony, was in danger of his life.
The well known cry of "paapen uit " (out with the papists)
resounded through the streets, and the priests and monks were
all hustled out of town amid a tempest of execrations.^ Orange
did his utmost to quell the mutiny, nor were his efforts fruit-

* Strada, 2, i. 55, 56. \ Bor, xiii 67,
X Ibid. Meteren, ix. 153*.

1579.] philip egmont's disgrace. 429
less— for the uproar, although seditious and disgraceful, was
hardly sanguinary. Next day the Prince summoned the
magistracy, the Monday councU, the guild officers, with all
the chief municipal functionaries, and expressed his indigna
tion in decided terms. He protested that if such tumults,
originating in that very spirit of intolerance wliich he most
deplored, could not be repressed for the future, he was deter
mined to resign his offices, and no longer to affect authority
in a city where his counsels were derided. The magistrates,
alarmed at his threats, and sympathizing with his anger,
implored him not to desert them, protesting that if he should
resign his offices, they would instantly lay down their own.
An ordinance was then drawn up and immediately proclaimed
at the Town House, permitting the Cathohcs to re-enter the
city, and to enjoy the privileges of religious worship. At the
same time, it was announced that a new draft of a religious
peace would be forthwith issued for the adoption of every
city.* A simUar tumult, arising from the same cause, at Utrecht,
was attended with the like result.f On the other hand, the
city of Brussels was astonished by a feeble and unsuccessful
attempt J at treason, made by a youth who bore an Ulustrious
name. Philip, Count of Egmont, eldest son of the unfortu
nate Lamoral, had command of a regiment in the service of
the states. He had, besides, a small body of cavalry in imme
diate attendance upon his person. He had for some time felt
inclined — like the Lalains, Meluns, La Mottes, and others —
to reconcile himself with the Crown, and he wisely thought
that the terms accorded to him would be more hberal if he
could bring the capital of Brabant with him as a peace-
offering to his Majesty. His residence was in Brussels. His
regiment was stationed outside the gates, but in the immediate
neighbourhood of the city. On the morning of the 4th of
June he despatched his troopers — as had been frequently his

* Bor, xiii. 68. t ™d-. 1°-'!3-
X Ibid., xiii 66, sqq. Meteren, ix. 153. Hoofd, xv. 637, sqq .

430 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
custom — on various errands into the country. On their return,
after having summoned the regiment, they easily mastered
and butchered the guard at the gate through which they had
re-entered, supplying their place with men from their own
ranks. The Egmont regiment then came marching through
the gate in good order — Oount PhUip at their head — and
proceeded to station themselves upon the Grande Place in
the centre of the city. AU this was at dawn of day. The
burghers, who looked forth from their houses, were astounded
and perplexed by this movement at so unwonted an hour,
and hastened to seize their weapons. Egmont sent a detach
ment to take possession of the palace. He was too late.
Colonel Van der Tympel, commandant of the city, had been
beforehand with him, had got his troops under arms, and now
secured the rebeUious detachment. Meantime, the alarm had
spread. Armed burghers came from every house, and barri
cades were hastily thrown up across every one of the narrow
streets leading to the square. Every issue was closed. Not a
man of Egmont's adherents — if he indeed had adherents among
the townsmen — dared to show his face. The young traitor
and his whole regiment, drawn up on the Grande Place, were
completely entrapped. He had not taken Brussels, but
assuredly Brussels had taken him. All day long he was kept
in his self-elected prison and pfllory, bursting with rage and
shame. His soldiers, who were without meat or drink, be
came insolent and uproarious, and he was doomed also to hear
the bitter and well-merited taunts of the towns-people. A
thousand stinging gibes, suggested by his name and the local
ity, were mercilessly launched upon him. He was asked if <
he came thither to seek his father's head. He was reminded
that the morrow was the anniversary of that father's murder —
upon that very spot — by those with whom the son would now
make his treasonable peace. He was bidden to tear up but a
few stones from the pavement beneath his feet, that the hero's
blood might cry out against him from the very ground*

Bor, xiii. 66. Hoofd, xv. 638.

1579.] HIS EFFRONTERY. 431
Tears of shame and fury sprang from the young man's
eyes* as he listened to these biting sarcasms, but the night
closed upon that memorable square, and stUl the Count was a
prisoner. Eleven years before, the summer stars had looked
down upon a more dense array of armed men within that
place. The preparations for the pompous and dramatic execu
tion, which on the morrow was to startle all Europe, had
been carried out in the midst of a hushed and overawed popu
lation ; and now, on the very anniversary of the midnight
in which that scaffold had risen, should not the grand spectre
of the victim have started from the grave to chide his traitor
ous son ?
Thus for a whole day and night was the baffled conspirator
compelled to remain in the ignominious position which he had
selected for himself. On the morning of the Sth of June he
was permitted to depart, by a somewhat inexplicable indul
gence, together with all his followers. He rode out of the
gate at early dawn, contemptible and crest-faUen, at the head
of his regiment of traitors, and shortly afterwards — pfllaging
and levying black mail as he went — made his way to Mon-
tigny's quarters.f
It might have seemed natural, after such an exhibition,
that PhUip Egmont should accept his character of renegade,
and confess his intention of reconciling himself with the
murderers of his father. On the contrary, he addressed a
letter to the magistracy of Brussels, denying with vehemence
" any intention of joining the party of the pernicious Span
iards," warmly protesting his zeal and affection for the states,
and denouncing the " perverse inventors of these calumnies
against him as the worst enemies of the poor afflicted country."
The magistrates rephed by expressing their inability to com
prehend how the Count, who had suffered viUanous wrongs
from the Spaniards, such as he could never sufficiently deplore

* Meteren, ix. 153. — "Sulcxdat de tranen hem van passie ontopronghen," etc.
— Bor, Hoofd, ubi sup.
f Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, ubi sup.

432 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
or avenge, should ever be wUling to enslave himself to those
tyrants. Nevertheless, exactly at the moment of this corre
spondence, Egmont was in close negotiation with Spain,
having fifteen days before the date of his letter to the Brussels
senate, conveyed to Parma his resolution to " embrace the
cause of his Majesty and the ancient rehgion" — an intention
which he vaunted himself to have proved " by cutting the
throats of three companies of states' soldiers at NiveUe,
Grandmont, and Ninove." Parma had already written to
communicate the intelligence to the King, and to beg en
couragement for the Count. In September, the monarch
wrote a letter to Egmont, full of gratitude and promises, to
which the Count rephed by expressing hvely gratification that
his Majesty was pleased with his little services, by avowing
profound attachment to Church and King, and by asking
eagerly for money, together with the government of Alost.
He soon became singularly importunate for rewards and pro
motion, demanding, among other posts, the command of the
"band of ordnance," which had been his father's. Parma,
in reply, was prodigal of promises, reminding the young noble
"that he was serving a sovereign who weU knew how to
reward the distinguished exploits of his subjects." Such was
the language of PhiUp the Second and his Governor to the
son of the headless hero of Saint Quentin ; such was the
fawning obsequiousness with which Egmont could kiss that
royal hand reeking with his father's blood*
Meanwhile the siege of Maestricht had been advancing
with steady precision. To mUitary minds of that epoch —
perhaps of later ages — this achievement of Parma seemed a
masterpiece of art. The city commanded the Upper Meuse,
and was the gate into Germany. It contained thirty-four
thousand inhabitants. An army, numbering almost as many
souls, was brought against it ; and the number of deaths by

* Ordin. DepechenBoek der Staten-gen., A0. 1579, £ 287. Hague Archives,
MS. Reconciliation des Provinces Wallones, iv. f. 110, 116. Brussels Royal
Archives, MS. — Compare Correspondance d' Alexandre Farnese avec Phil. II.,
Gachard, 1853. Kervyn und Diegerieh, Documents Inedits, i. 428.

157 J3] PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE. 433
which its capture was at last effected, was probably equal to
that of a moiety of the population.* To the technical mind,
the siege no doubt seemed a beautiful creation of human in
teUigence. To the honest student of history, to the lover of
human progress, such a manifestation of inteUect seems a
sufficiently sad exhibition. Given, a city with strong walls
and towers, a slender garrison and a devoted population on one
6ide ; a consummate chieftain on the other, with an army of
veterans at his back, no interruption to fear, and a long season
to work in ; it would not seem to an unsophisticated mind
a very lofty exploit for the soldier to carry the city at the end
of four months' hard labor.
The investment of Maestricht was commenced upon the 12th
of March, 1579. In the city, besides the population, there
were two thousand peasants, both men and women, a garrison
of one thousand soldiers, and a trained burgher guard, num
bering about twelve hundred. f The name of the mihtary
commandant was Melchior. Sebastian Tappin, a Lorraine
officer of much experience and bravery, was next in command,
and was, in truth, the principal director of the operations. He
had been despatched thither by the Prince of Orange, to serve
under La Noue, who was to have commanded in Maestricht,
but had been unable to enter the city.J Feehng that the
siege was to be a close one, and knowing how much depended
upon the issue, Sebastian lost no time in making every need
ful preparation for coming events. The waUs were strength
ened everywhere ; shafts were sunk, preparatory to the
countermining operations which were soon to become neces
sary ; the moat was deepened and cleared, and the forts near
the gates were put in thorough repair. On the other hand,
Alexander had encircled the city, and had thrown two bridges,

* Strada, 2, iii. 59, 130. At the termination of the siege, the army of Parma
was estimated at twenty thousand men, and four thousand had faUen in the two
assaults of April alone — Bor, ubi sup.
f Bor, xiii 36. Hoofd, xv. 628. Meteren, ix. 154. — Compare Strada, 2,
ii. 59, who reckons the civic guards at six thousand, and the boors at as many
mor6. X Strada, 2, ii. 59. Hoofd, xv. 628.
vol. III. 28

434 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
weU fortified, across the river. There were six gates to the
town, each provided with ravelins, and there was a doubt in
what direction the first attack should be made. Opinions
wavered between the gate of Bois-le-Duc, next the river, and
that of Tongres on the south-western side, but it was finaUy
decided to attempt the gate of Tongres.
Over against that point the platforms were accordingly con
structed, and after a heavy cannonade from forty-six great guns
continued for several days, it was thought, by the 25th of March,
that an impression had been made upon the city. A portion of
the brick curtain had crumbled, but through the breach was
seen a massive terreplein, weU moated, which, after six thousand
shots aheady delivered on the outer wall — still remained unin
jured.* It was recognized that the gate of Tongres was not the
most assailable, but rather the strongest portion of the defences,
and Alexander therefore determined to shift his batteries to the
gate of Bois-le-Duc. At the same time, the attempt upon
that of Tongres was to be varied, but not abandoned. Four
thousand miners, who had passed half their Uves in burrowing
for coal in that anthracite region, had been furnished by the
Bishop of Liege, and this force was now set to their subter
ranean work.f A mine having been opened at a distance, the
besiegers slowly worked their way towards the Tongres gate,
while at the same time the more ostensible operations were in
the opposite direction. The besieged had their miners also,
for the peasants in the city had been used to work with
mattock and pickaxe. The women, too, enroUed themselves
into companies, chose their officers — or " mine-mistresses," as
they were called^ — and did good service daily in the caverns
of the earth. Thus a whole army of gnomes were noiselessly
at work to destroy and defend the beleaguered city. The
mine advanced towards the gate ; the besieged delved deeper,
and intersected it with a transverse excavation, and the con
tending forces met daily, in deadly encounter, within these

* Strada, ii. 65, 66. f Bor, xiii. 36. Hoofd, xv. 628. Strada.
X " Magistras cunicularias appeUabant." — Strada, 70.

1579.] THE TONGRES GATE. 435
sepulchral gangways. Many stratagems were mutually em
ployed. The citizens secretly constructed a dam across the
Spanish mine, and then deluged their foe with hogsheads of
boiling water. Hundreds were thus scalded to death. They
heaped branches and hght fagots in the hostile mine, set fire
to the pUe, and blew thick volumes of smoke along the pass
age with organ-beUows brought from the churches for the pur
pose. Many were thus suffocated. The discomfited besiegers
abandoned the mine where they had met with such able
countermining, and sunk another shaft, at midnight, in
secret, at a long distance from the Tongres gate. StUl
towards that point, however, they burrowed in the darkness ;
guiding themselves to their destination with magnet, plumb-
line and level, as the mariner crosses the trackless ocean with
compass and chart. They worked their way, unobstructed,
tiU they arrived at their subterranean port, directly beneath
the doomed ravelin. Here they constructed a spacious
chamber, supporting it with columns, and making aU their
architectural arrangements with as much precision and ele
gance as if their object had been purely aesthetic. Coffers
fuU of powder, to an enormous amount, were then placed
in every direction across the floor, the train was laid, and
Parma informed that all was ready. Alexander, having
already arrayed the troops destined for the assault, then pro
ceeded in person to the mouth of the shaft, and gave orders to
spring the mine. The explosion was prodigious ; a part of the
tower feU with the concussion, and the moat was choked with
heaps of rubbish. The assailants sprang across the passage
thus afforded, and mastered the ruined portion of the fort.
They were met in the breach, however, by the unflinching
defenders of the city, and, after a fierce combat of some hours,
were obliged to retire ; remaining masters, however, of the
moat, and of the ruined portion of the ravelin. This was upon
the 3rd of AprU.*
Five days afterwards, a general assault was ordered.

* Strada, 2, u. 666-671.

436 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
A new mine having been already constructed towards the
Tongres ravelin, and a faithful cannonade having been kept
up for a fortnight against the Bois-le-Duc gate, it was thought
advisable to attack at both points at once. On the 8th of
April, accordingly, after uniting in prayer, and listening to a
speech from Alexander Farnese, the great mass of the Spanish
army advanced to the breach. The moat had been rendered
practicable in many places by the heaps of rubbish with which
it had been encumbered, and by the fagots and earth with
which it had been fiUed by the besiegers. The action at the
Bois-le-Duc gate was exceedingly warm. The tried veterans of
Spain, Italy, and Burgundy, were met face to face by the
burghers of Maestricht, together with their wives and chUdren.
All were armed to the teeth, and fought with what seemed
superhuman valor. The women, fierce as tigresses defending
their young, swarmed to the waUs, and fought in the foremost
rank. They threw pails of boiling water on the besiegers, they
hurled firebrands in their faces, they quoited blazing pitch-hoops
with unerring dexterity about their necks. The rustics too,
armed with their ponderous flails, worked as cheerfuUy at
this bloody harvesting as if thrashing their corn at home.
Heartily did they winnow the ranks of the royalists who came
to butcher them, and thick and fast feU the invaders, fighting
bravely, but baffled by these novel weapons used by peasant
and woman, coming to the aid of the sword, spear, and musket
of trained soldiery. More than a thousand nad faUen at the
Bois-le-Duc gate, and still fresh besiegers mounted the breach,
only to be beaten back, or to add to the mangled heap of the
slain.* At the Tongres gate, meanwhfle, the assault had fared
no better. A herald had been despatched thither in hot haste,
to shout at the top of his lungs, " Santiago ! Santiago ! the
Lombards have the gate of Bois-le-Duc !" whUe the same stra
tagem was employed to persuade the invaders on the other
side of the town that their comrades had forced the gate of
Tongres.f The soldiers, animated by tins fiction, and advancing
* Strada, 2, ii. 68-71.
t Hoofd, xv. 629. Meteren, ix. 1 54. Strada, 2. ii. 75.

1579.] ASSAULT REPULSED. 437
with fury against the famous ravelin, which had been but
partly destroyed, were received with a broadside from the great
guns of the unshattered portion, and by a rattling discharge of
musketry from the walls. They wavered a little. At the same
mstant the new mine — which was to have been sprung between
the ravelin and the gate, but which had been secretly counter
mined by the townspeople, exploded with a horrible concus
sion, at a moment least expected by the besiegers. Five
hundred royalists were blown into the air. Ortiz, a Spanish
captain of engineers, who had been inspecting the excavations,
was thrown up bodily from the subterranean depth. He fell
back again instantly into the same cavern, and was buried by
the returning shower of earth which had spouted from the
mine. Forty-five years afterwards, in digging for the founda
tions of a new wall, his skeleton was found. Clad in complete
armor, the helmet and cuirass stiU sound, with his gold chain
around his neck, and his mattock and pickaxe at his feet, the
soldier lay* unmutUated, seeming almost capable of resuming
his part in the same war which — even after his half century's
sleep — was stiU ravaging the land.
Five hundred of the Spaniards, perished by the explosion,f
but none of the defenders were injured, for they had been pre
pared. Recovering from the momentary panic, the besiegers
again rushed to the attack. The battle raged. Six hundred
and seventy officers, commissioned or non-commissioned, had
already faUen, more than half mortaUy wounded. Four
thousand royalists, horribly mutilated, lay on the ground.J
It was time that the day's work should be finished, for Maes
tricht was not to be carried upon that occasion. The best and
bravest of the surviving officers besought Parma to put an
end to the carnage by recaUing the troops ; but the gladiator-

* Strada, % ii 76.
f Five to six hundred, according to a letter written between the 12th and 16th.
of April, 1579, by a citizen of Maestricht, and quoted by Bor, xiii. 51, 52.
X Letter from Maestricht above cited. — Compare Strada, 2, ii. 79. Hoofd, xv.
629, who puts the number of Spaniards slain in this assault at two thousand.—
Meteren, ix. 154. Haraeus (Tumult Belg.), t iii. 299.

438 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
heart of the commander was heated, not softened, by the
savage spectacle. " Go back to the breach," he cried, " and
teU the soldiers that Alexander is coming to lead them inxo
the city in triumph, or to perish with his comrades."* He
rushed forward with the fury which had marked him when he
boarded Mustapha's gaUey at Lepanto ; but all the generals
who were near him threw themselves upon his path, and im
plored him to desist from such insensate rashness. Their ex
postulations would have probably been in vain, had not his
confidential friend, SerbeUoni, interposed with something like
paternal authority, reminding him of the strict commands con
tained in his Majesty's recent letters, that the Governor-Gen
eral, to whom so much was entrusted, should refrain, on pain
of the royal displeasure, from exposing his life like a common
fighter.f Alexander reluctantly gave the signal of recal at last, and
accepted the defeat. For the future he determined to rely
more upon the sapper and miner,J and less upon the supe
riority of veterans to townsmen and rustics in open fight.
Sure to carry the city at last, according to Une and rule,
determined to pass the whole summer beneath the walls,
rather than abandon his purpose, he calmly proceeded to com
plete his circumvahations. A chain of eleven forts upon the
left, and five upon the right side of the Meuse, the whole con
nected by a continuous waU,§ afforded him perfect security
against interruptions, and aUowed him to continue the siege
at leisure. His numerous army was weU housed and amply
supphed, and he had buUt a strong and populous city in order
to destroy another. Rehef was impossible. But a few thou
sand men were now required to defend Farnese's improvised
town, whUe the bulk of his army could be marched at any
moment against an advancing foe. A force of seven thousand,
painfully coUected by the Prince of Orange, moved towards
the place, under command of Hohenlo and John of Nassau,

* Strada, 2. ii 77.
t Ibid. The letter of PhUip is partly given by the historian.
X Strada, 2, ii. 80 Bor, xiii. 52. § Strada, 2, ii. 83.

1579.] GRADUAL ADVANCE OF THE SIEGE. 439
but struck with wonder at what they saw, the leaders
recognized the hopelessness of attempting relief. Maestricht
was surrounded by a second Maestricht.
The efforts of Orange were now necessarily directed towards
obtaining, if possible, a truce of a few weeks from the nego
tiators at Cologne. Parma was too crafty, however, to allow
Terranova* to consent, and as the Duke disclaimed any power
over the direct question of peace and war, the siege pro
ceeded. The gates of Bois-le-Duc and Tongres having thus far
resisted the force brought against them, the scene was changed
to the gate of Brussels. This adjoined that of Tongres,
was farthest from the river, and faced westwardly towards
the open country. Here the besieged had constructed an
additional ravelin, which they had christened, in derision,
" Parma," and against which the batteries of Parma were
now brought to bear. Alexander erected a platform of
great extent and strength directly opposite the new work,
and afte'r a severe and constant cannonade from this elevation,
followed by a bloody action, the "Parma "fort was carried.
One thousand, at least, of the defenders fell, as, forced gradu
aUy from one defence to another, they saw the triple walls of
their ravelin crumble successively before their eyes. The tower
was absolutely annihilated before they abandoned its ruins,
and retired within their last defences. Alexander being now
master of the foss and the defences of the Brussels gate,
drew up a large force on both sides of that portal, along the
margin of the moat, and began mining beneath the inner wall
of the city.f
Meantime, the garrison had been reduced to four hundred
soldiers, nearly aU of whom were wounded. Wearied and
driven to despair, these soldiers were willing to treat. The
townspeople, however, answered the proposition with a shout
of fury, and protested that they would destroy the garrison

* See a remarkable letter from Parma to the Duke of Terranova, dated
Camp before Maestricht, May 21, 1579, in Bor, xiii 67, 58.
f Bor, xiii. 64. Strada, iii. 113-117.

440 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
with their own hands if such an insinuation were repeated.
Sebastian Tappin, too, encouraged them with the hope of
speedy relief, and held out to them the wretched consequences
of trusting to the mercy of their foes. The garrison took heart
again, while that of the burghers and their wives had never
faltered. Their main hope now was in a fortification which
they had been constructing inside the Brussels gate — a demi
lune of considerable strength. Behind it was a breastwork of
turf and masonry, to serve as a last bulwark when every other
defence should be forced. The whole had buen surrounded by
a foss thirty feet in depth, and the besiegers, as they mounted
upon the breaches which they had at last effected in the outer
curtain, near the Brussels gate, saw for the first time this new
fortification.* The general condition of the defences, and the disposition
of the inhabitants, had been revealed to Alexander by a de
serter from the town. Against this last fortress the last
efforts of the foe were now directed. Alexander orflered a
bridge to be thrown across the city moat. As it was sixty
feet wide and as many deep, and lay directly beneath the guns
of the new demilune, the enterprise was sufficiently hazardous.
Alexander led the way in person, with a mahet in one hand
and a mattockin the other. Two men fell dead instantly, one on
his right hand and his left, whUe he calmly commenced, in his
own person, the driving of the first piles for the bridge. His
soldiers fell fast around him. Count Berlaymontf was shot
dead, many officers of distinction were killed or wounded, but
no soldier dared recofl while their chieftain wrought amid the
bullets hke a common pioneer. Alexander, unharmed, as by
a miracle, never left the spot tiU the bridge had been con
structed, and till ten great guns had been carried across it,
* Strada, 2, iii 117, 118.
f Better known as Baron Hierges, eldest son of the celebrated royalist,
afterwards Count Berlaymont Hierges had not long before succeeded to the
title on the death of his father. — Strada, 2, iii. 119. — Compare Bor, xiii. 64.
Hoofd, xv. 630; Meteren, ix. 154°; Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi 622;
Tassis, v. 338.

1579.] DESPERATE CONDITION OF THE PLACE. 441
and pointed against the demilune.* The battery was opened,
the mines previously excavated were sprung, a part of the
demilune was blown into the air, and the assailants sprang into
the breach. Again a furious hand-to-hand conflict succeeded ;
again, after an obstinate resistance, the townspeople were
forced to yield. Slowly abandoning the shattered fort, they
retired behind the breastwork in its rear — their innermost and
last defence. To this barrier they clung as to a spar in ship
wreck, and here at last they stood at bay,' prepared dearly to
sell their lives.
The breastwork, being stiU strong, was not attempted upon
that day. The assailants were recalled, and in the mean time
a herald was sent by Parma, highly applauding the courage of
the defenders, and begging them to surrender at discretion.
They answered the messenger with words of haughty defiance,
and, rushing in a mass to the breastwork, began with spade,
pickax, and trowel, to add to its strength. Here all the
able-bodied men of the town took up their permanent position,
and here they ate, drank, and slept upon their posts, whUe their
food was brought to them by the women and children.f
A little letter, " written in a fine neat handwriting," now
mysteriously arrived in the city, encouraging them in the
name of the Archduke and the Prince of Orange, and assuring
them of rehef within fourteen days. J A brief animation was
thus produced, attended by a corresponding languor upon the
part of the besiegers, for Alexander had been lying ill with a
fever since the day when the demilune had been carried.
From his sick bed he rebuked his officers severely that
a temporary breastwork, huddled together by boors and
burghers in the midst of a siege, should prove an insurmount
able obstacle to men who had carried everything before them.
The morrow was the festival§ of Saint Peter and Saint Paul,

* Strada, 2, iii. 118.
f Bor, xiii. 64. Hoofd, xv. 630. Strada, 2, iii. 120, 121.
t This letter is stiU preserved in the Archives of Holland.— Groen v. Prinst-
Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vi 622, note. Bor, xiii. 65.
§ 29th of June, 1579.

442 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
and it was meet that so sacred a day should be haUowed by
a Christian and Apostolic victory. Saint Peter would be there
with his keys to open the gate ; Saint Paul would lead them
to battle with his invincible sword. Orders were given
accordingly, and the assault was assigned for the foUowing
morning. Meantime, the guards were strengthened and commanded to
be more than usuaUy watchful. The injunction had a remarkable
effect. At the dead of night, a soldier of the watch was going
his rounds on the outside of the breastwork, listening, if per
chance he might catch, as was not unusual, a portion of the
conversation among the beleaguered burghers within. Prying
about on every side, he at last discovered a chink in the wall,
the result, doubtless, of the last cannonade, and hitherto over
looked. He enlarged the gap with his fingers, and finally
made an opening wide enough to admit his person. He crept
boldly through, and looked around in the clear starhght.*
The sentinels were aU slumbering at their posts. He advanced
stealthily in the dusky streets. Not a watchman was going
his rounds. Soldiers, burghers, chUdren, women, exhausted
by incessant fatigue, were aU asleep. Not a footfall was
heard ; not a whisper broke the silence ; it seemed a city of
the dead. The soldier crept back through the crevice, and
hastened to apprise his superiors of his adventure.f
Alexander, forthwith instructed as to the condition of the
city, at once ordered the assault, and the last waU was suddenly
stormed before the morning broke. The soldiers forced their
way through the breach or sprang over the breastwork, and
surprised at last — in its sleep — the city which had so long and
vigorously defended itself. The burghers, startled from their
slumber, bewildered, unprepared, found themselves engaged in
unequal conflict with alert and savage foes. The battle, as
usual when Netherland towns were surprised by Philip's

* Strada, 2, iii. 121.
f Ibid.— Compare Bor, xni. 65, sqq. Hoofd, xv. 632, 633. Meteren,
ix. 155. sqq.

1579.] THE SUCCESSFUL STORM. 443
soldiers, soon changed to a massacre. The townspeople" rushed
hither and thither, but there was neither escape, nor means of
resisting an enemy who now poured into the town by thousands
upon thousands. An indiscriminate slaughter succeeded.
Women, old men, and children, had all been combatants ; and
all, therefore, had incurred the vengeance of the conquerors.
A cry of agony arose which was distinctly heard at the distance
of a league. Mothers took their infants in their arms, and
threw themselves by hundreds into the Meuse — and against
women the blood-thirst of the assailants was especiaUy
directed. Females who had fought daUy in the trenches, who
had delved in mines and mustered on the battlements, had
unsexed themselves in the opinion of those whose comrades
they had helped to destroy. It was nothing that they had laid
aside the weakness of women in order to defend aU that was
holy and dear to them on earth. It was sufficient that many a
Spanish, Burgundian, or Italian mercenary had died by their
hands. Women were pursued from house to house, and hurled
from roof and window. They were hunted into the river ; they
were torn limb from limb in the streets. Men and children
fared no better ; but the heart sickens at the oft-repeated
tale. Horrors, alas, were commonplaces in the Netherlands.
Cruelty too monstrous for description, too vast to be believed
by a mind not famihar with the outrages practised by the
soldiers of Spain and Italy upon their heretic feUow-creatures,
were now committed afresh in the streets of Maestricht.*
On the first day four thousand men and women were
slaughtered.f The massacre lasted two days longer ; nor
would it be an exaggerated estimate, if we assume that the
amount of victims upon the two last days was equal to half
the number sacrificed on the first. + It was said that not four

* Bentivogho, 2, i 239. Haraei, Ann. Brab., iii 299. Hoofd. xv. 633. Bor,
xni. 66. Meteren, ix. 155. Strada, 2, iii. 124.
f This is the estimate of the Jesuit Strada.
X Strada puts the total number of inhabitants of Maestricht, slain during the
four months' siege, at eight thousand, of whom seventeen hundred were women.
—P. 127

444 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
hundred citizens were left alive after the termination of the
siege.* These soon wandered away, their places being sup
plied by a rabble rout of Walloon sutlers and vagabonds.
Maestricht was depopulated as well as captured. The booty
obtained after the massacre was very large, for the city had
been very thriving, its cloth manufacture extensive and im
portant. Sebastian Tappin, the heroic defender of the place,
had been shot through the shoulder at the taking of the
Parma ravelin, and had been afterwards severely injured at
the capture of the demilune. At the faU of the city he was
mortally wounded, and carried a prisoner to the hostUe camp,
only to expire. The governor, Swartsenberg, also lost his
life.f Alexander, on the contrary, was raised from his sick bed
with the joyful tidings of victory, and as soon as he could
be moved, made his appearance in the city. Seated in a
splendid chair of state, borne aloft on the shoulders of his
veterans, with a golden canopy above his head to protect him
from the summer's sun, attended by the officers of his staff, who
were decked by his special command in their gayest trappings,
escorted by his body-guard, followed by his " plumed troops,"
to the number of twenty thousand, surrounded by all the
vanities of war, the hero made his stately entrance into the
town.J His way led through deserted streets of shattered
houses. The pavement ran red with blood. Headless corpses,
mangled limbs — an obscene mass of wretchedness and corrup
tion, were spread on every side, and tainted the summer air.
Through the thriving city which, in the course of four months

-- Not more than three or four hundred, says Bor, xiii. 65. Not more than four
hundred, says Hoofd, xv. 633. Not three hundred, says Meteren, ix. This must
of course be an exaggeration, for the population had numbered thirty-four thou
sand at the commencement of the siege. At any rate, the survivors were but a
remnant, and they aU wandered away. The place, which had been so recently a
veiy thriving and industrious town, remained a desert. During the ensuing win
ter most of the remaining buUdings were torn down, that the timber and wood
work might be used as firewood by the soldiers and vagabonds who from time to
time housed there. — Meteren, Hoofd, Bor, ubi sup.
f Strada, 2, iii. 126. X Stradi, 2, iii. 130.— Compare Tassis, v. 339.

1579.] THANKSGIVINGS AND REPROACHES. 445
Alexander had converted into a slaughter-house and a solitude,
the pompous procession took its course to the church of Saint
Servais.* Here humble thanks were offered to the God of
Love, and to Jesus of Nazareth, for this new victory. Espe
ciaUy was gratitude expressed to the Apostles Paul and Peter,
upon whose festival, and by whose sword and key the crowning
mercy had been accomplished,f and by whose special agency
eight thousand heretics now lay unburied in the streets.
These acts of piety performed, the triumphal procession
returned to the camp, where, soon afterwards, the joyful news
of Alexander Farnes'e's entire convalescence was proclaimed.
The Prince of Orange, as usual, was blamed for the tragical
termination to this long drama. AU that one man could do,
he had done to awaken his countrymen to the importance of
the siege. He had repeatedly brought the subject solemnly
before the assembly, and implored for Maestricht, almost upon
his knees. Lukewarm and parsimonious, the states had
responded to his eloquent appeals with wranghng addresses
and insufficient votes. With a special subsidy obtained in
April andlMay, he had organized the slight attempt at relief,
which was all which he had been empowered to make, but
which proved entirely unsuccessful. Now that the massacre to
be averted was accomplished, men were loud in reproof, who
had been silent, and passive while there was yet time to speak
and to work. It was the Prince, they said, who had
delivered so many thousands of his fellow-countrymen to
butchery. To save himself, they insinuated he was now
plotting to deliver the land into the power of the treacherous
Frenchman, and he alone, they asserted, was the insuperable
obstacle to an honorable peace with Spain.J
A letter, brought by an unknown messenger, was laid

* Strada, 2, ui. 130. — Compare Tassis, v. 339.
f According to Father Strada, Alexander considered this ceremony as a pay
ment of wages due to his divine comrades, Peter and Paul : " Petro et Paulo
gratias quasi stipendium persolvit commilitonibus Divis." — P. 130.
X Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., vi 621, 622 ; vii. 41, 42. Bor, xiii. Hoofd,
xvi, passim.

446 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
before the states' assembly, in full session, and sent to the
clerk's table, to be read aloud. After the first few sentences,
that functionary faltered in his recital. Several members
also peremptorily ordered him to stop ; for the letter proved to
be a violent and calumnious libel upon Orange, together with
a strong appeal in favor of the peace propositions then under
debate at Cologne. The Prince alone, of aU the assembly, pre
serving his tranquillity, ordered the document to be brought to
him, and forthwith read it aloud himself, from beginning to
end. Afterwards, he took occasion to express his mind con
cerning the ceaseless calumnies of which he was the mark. He
especially alluded to the oft-repeated accusation that he was
the only obstacle to peace, and repeated that he was ready at
that moment to leave the land, and to close his lips for ever,
if by so doing he could benefit his country, and restore her
to honorable repose. The outcry, with the protestations of
attachment and confidence which at once broke from the
assembly, convinced him, however, that he was deeply rooted
in the hearts of all patriotic Netherlanders, and that it was
beyond the power of slanderers to loosen his hold'upon their
affection.* Meantime, his efforts had again and again been demanded
to restore order in that abode of anarchy, the city of Ghent.
After his visit during the previous winter, and the consequent
departure of John Casimir to the palatinate, the pacific
arrangements made by the Prince had for a short time held
good. Early in March, however, that master of misrule,
John van Imbize, had once more excited the populace to se
dition. Again the property of Cathohcs, clerical and lay,
was plundered ; again the persons of Cathohcs, of every
degree, were maltreated. The magistrates, with first senator
Imbize at their head, rather encouraged than rebuked the
disorder ; but Orange, as soon as he received official inteUi
gence of the event, hastened to address them in the words of
earnest warning and wisdom.f He allowed that the inhabi-

* Archives, etc., vii 42, 43. f Ibid., vi. 586, sqq.

1579.] ANARCHY IN GHENT. 447
tants of the province had reason to be discontented with the
presence and the misconduct of the Walloon soldiery. He
granted that violence and the menaces of a foreign tyranny
made it difficult for honest burghers to gain a livehhood. At
the same time he expressed astonishment that reasonable men
should seek a remedy for such evils in tumults which would
necessarily bring utter destruction upon the land. " It was,"
he observed, " as if a patient should from impatience, tear the
bandages from his wounds, and, like a maniac, instead of
allowing himself to be cured, plunge a dagger into his own
heart."* These exhortations exerted a wholesome effect for a moment,
but matters soon went from bad to worse. Imbize, fearing
the influence of the Prince, indulged in open-mouthed abuse
of a man whose character he was unable even to comprehend,
He accused him of intriguing with France for his own benefit,
of being a Papist in disguise, of desiring to establish what he
caUed a " rehgious peace," merely to restore Roman idolatry.
In all these insane ravings, the demagogue was most ably
seconded by the ex-monk. Incessant and unlicensed were the
invectives hurled by Peter Dathenus from his pulpit upon
WUUam the Silent's head. He denounced him- — as he had
often done before — as an atheist in heart ; as a man who
changed his religion as easily as his garments ; as a man who
knew no God but state expediency, which was the idol of his
worship ; a mere pohtician who would tear his shirt from his
back and throw it in the fire, if he thought it were tainted
with rehgion.f
Such witless but vehement denunciation from a preacher
who was both popular and comparatively sincere, could not
but affect the imagination of the weaker portion of his hearers.
The faction of Imbize became triumphant. Ryhove— the
ruffian whose hands were stained with the recent blood of
Visch and Hessels — rather did damage than service, to the

* Archives, etc., vi. 589.
+ Gh. Gesch., u. 199, cited in Gr. v. Prinst, Archives, etc., vii. 81, note

448 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
cause of order. He opposed himself to the demagogue who
was prating daily of Greece, Rome, and Geneva, while his
clerical associate was denouncing WUliam of Orange, but he
opposed himself in vain. An attempt to secure the person of
Imbize failed,* but by the influence of Ryhove, however, a
messenger was despatched to Antwerp in the name of a con
siderable portion of the community of Ghent. The counsel
and the presence of the man to whom all hearts in every part
of the Netherlands instinctively turned in the hour of need,
were once more invoked.*
The Prince again addressed them in language which none
but he could employ with such effect. He told them that his
life, passed in service and sacrifice, ought to witness sufficiently
for his fidehty. Nevertheless, he thought it necessary — in
view of the calumnies which were circulated — to repeat once
more his sentiment that no treaty of peace, war, or alhance,
ought to be negotiated, save with the consent of the people.f
His course in Holland and Zealand had proved, he said, his
wUlingness always to consult the wishes of his countrymen.
As for the matter of religion it was almost incredible that
there should be any who doubted the zeal which he bore the
rehgion for which he had suffered so much. " I desire," he
continued, fervently, " that men should compare that which
has been done by my accusers during ten years past with that
which I have done. In that which touches the true advance
ment of religion, I will yield to no man. They who so boldly
accuse me have no liberty of speech, save that which has been
acquired for them by the blood of my kindred, by my labors,
and my excessive expenditures. To me they owe it that they
dare speak at all." This letter (which was dated on the 24th
of July, 1579) contained an assurance that the writer was
about to visit Ghent.J

* Archives, etc., vi. 586, sqq. and vii. 18. Van der Vynckt, iii. 29, sqq.
f " Dieu merci, je ne suis pas si peu cognoissant que je ne sache bien qu'il faut
ne'cessairement traicter, Boit de paix, soit de guerre, soit d'aUiance, avec le gre du
peuple," etc. — Letter of Orange, Archives, etc., vii 20, sqq.
X Ibid. — The whole of this noble document should be read again and again by
aU who feel interested in the character of William of Orange.

1579.] A STATE-STROKE. 449
On the following day, Imbize executed a coup d'etat.
Having a body of near two thousand soldiers at his disposal,
he suddenly secured the persons of all the magistrates and
other notable individuals not friendly to his policy, and then, in
violation of aU law, set up a new board of eighteen irresponsi
ble functionaries, according to a list prepared by himself alone.
This was his way of enforcing the democratic liberty of
Greece, Rome, and Geneva, which was so near to his heart.
A proclamation, in fourteen articles, was forthwith issued,
justifying this arbitrary proceeding. It was declared that the
object of the somewhat irregular measure "was to prevent
the establishment of the religious peace, which was merely a
method of replanting uprooted papistry and the extirpated
tyranny of Spain." Although the arrangements had not
been made in strict accordance with formal usage and cere
mony, yet they were defended upon the ground that it had
been impossible, by other means, to maintain their ancient
liberties and their religious freedom. At the same time a
pamphlet, aheady prepared for the occasion by Dathenus, was
extensively circulated. In this production the arbitrary revo
lution effected by a demagogue was defended with effrontery,
whUe the character of Orange, was loaded with customary
abuse. To prevent the traitor from coming to Ghent, and
estabhshing what he called his religious peace, these irregular
measures, it was urged, had been wisely taken.*
Such were the efforts of John Imbize — such the calumnies
of Peter Dathenus — in order to counteract the patriotic endea
vors of the Prince ; but neither the ruffianism of John nor the
libels of Peter were destined upon this occasion to be successful.
Wilham the Silent treated the slanders of the scolding monk
with dignified contempt. " Having been informed," said he
to the magistrates of Ghent, " that Master Peter Dathenus
has been denouncing me as a man without religion or fidelity,
and full of ambition, with other propositions hardly becoming

* Archives et Correspondance, vii. 31. Van der Vynckt, iii. 38, sqq. Meteren,
ix. 161, sqq. Bor, xiii. 84, 85.
VOL. III. 29

450 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
his cloth, I do not think it worth whfle to answer more at
this time than that I willingly refer myself to the judgment
of aU who know me."*
The Prince came to Ghent, great as had been the efforts of
Imbize and his partisans to prevent his coming. His presence
was like magic. The demagogue and his whole flock vanished
like unclean birds at the first rays of the sun. Imbize dared
not look the Father of his country in the face. Orange re
buked the populace in the strong and indignant language that
pubhc and private virtue, energy, and a high purpose enabled
such a leader of the people to use. He at once set aside the
board of eighteen — the Grecian-Roman-Genevese establish
ment of Imbize — and remained in the city until the regular
election, in conformity with the privileges, had taken place.
Imbize, who had shrunk at his approach, was meantime dis
covered by his own companions. He had stolen forth secretly
on the night before the Prince's arrival, and was found cowering
in the cabin of a vessel, half dead with fear, by an ale-house
keeper who had been his warm partisan. " No skulking," cried
the honest friend, seizing the tribune of the people by the
shoulder ; " no sailing away in the night-time. You have got
us aU into this bog, and must come back, and abide the issue
with your supporters."f
In this collapsed state was the windy demagogue, who had
fiUed half Flanders with his sound and fury, conveyed before
the patriot Prince. He met with grave and bitter rebukes,
but felt sufficiently relieved when allowed to depart unharmed.^
Judging of his probable doom by the usual practice of himseU
and his fellows in simUar cases, he had anticipated nothing
short of the gibbet. That punishment, however, was to be
inflicted at a later period, by other hands, and not until he
had added treason to his country and a shameless recantation
of all his violent professions in favor of civil and religious

* Archives, et Corresp., vii. 33, 34.
f Bor, xiii. 85, sqq. Meteren, ix. 161, sqq. Van der Vynckt, iii. 38, sqq.
X Bor, Meteren, Van der Vynckt, ubi sup.

1579.] EXPULSION OF DEMAGOGUES. 451
hberty to the hst of his crimes. On the present occasion he
was permitted to go free. In company with his clerical com
panion, Peter Dathenus, he fled to the abode of his exceUent
friend, John Casimir, who received both with open arms, and
allowed them each a pension.*
Order being thus again restored in Ghent by the exertions
of the Prince, when no other human hand could have dispeUed
the anarchy which seemed to reign supreme, WiUiam the
SUent, having accepted the government of Flanders, which
had again and again been urged upon him, now returned to
Antwerp.f

* Van der Vynckt, iii. 38-42. — Compare Hoofd, xv. 145-150.
f Archives, vii. 60, and Meteren, ix. 163b, but the Prince says, in his Apo
logie, published eighteen months later (Dec, 1580), that he had hitherto,
although often urged to accept, refused the government of Flanders. — Apologie,
etc., 108, 109. It is probable that his acceptance was only conditional, as, in
deed, Meteren observes.

CHAPTER III.

The Cologne conferences — Intentions of the parties — Preliminary attempt "by
government to purchase the Prince of Orange — Offer and rejection of various
articles among the plenipotentiaries — Departure of the imperial commis
sioners — Ultimatum of the States compared with that of the royal govern
ment — Barren negotiations terminated — Treason of De Bours, Governor of
Mechlin — Liberal theories concerning the nature of government — Abjura
tion of Phihp imminent — Self-denial of Orange — Attitude of Germany — of
England — Marriage negotiations between Elizabeth and Anjou — Orange
favors the election of the Duke as sovereign — Address and speeches of the
Prince — Parsimony and interprovincial jealousy rebuked — Secret correspon
dence of Count Renneberg with the royal government— His treason at
Groningen.
Since the beginning of May, the Cologne negotiations had
been dragging their slow length along. Few persons beheved
that any good was likely to result from these stately and
ponderous conferences ; yet men were so weary of war, so
desirous that a termination might be put to the atrophy under
wliich the country was languishing, that many an eager glance
was turned towards the place where the august assembly was
holding its protracted session. Certainly, if wisdom were to
be found in mitred heads — if the power to heal angry passions
and to settle fhe conflicting claims of prerogative and con
science were to be looked for among men of lofty station,
then the Cologne conferences ought to have made the rough
places smooth and the crooked paths straight throughout all
Christendom. There was the Archbishop of Rossano, after
wards Pope Urban VII., as plenipotentiary from Rome ; there

1579.] ILLUSTRIOUS ENVOYS. 453
was Charles of Aragon, Duke of Terranova, supported by five
counciUors, as ambassador from his Catholic Majesty ; there
were the Duke of Aerschot, the Abbot of Saint Gertrude, the
Abbot of MaroUes, Doctor Bucho Aytta, Caspar Schetz, Lord
of Grobbendonck, that learned Frisian, Aggeus van Albada,
with seven other wise men, as envoys from the states-general.
There were their Serene Highnesses the Elector and Arch
bishops of Cologne and Treves, with the Bishop of Wurtz-
burg. There was also a numerous embassy from his Imperial
Majesty, with Count Otto de Schwartzenburg at its head.*
Here then were holiness, serenity, dignity, law, and learning
in abundance. Here was a pope in posse, with archbishops,
princes, dukes, jurisconsults, and doctors of divinity in esse,
sufficient to remodel a world, if worlds were to be remodelled
by such instruments. If protocols, replications, annotations,
apostiUes, could heal a bleeding country, here were the physi
cians to furnish those drugs in unlimited profusion. If reams
of paper, scrawled over with barbarous technicahties, could
smother and bury a quarrel which had its origin in the mutual
antagonism of human elements, here were the men to scribble
unflinchingly, tiU the reams were piled to a pyramid. If the
same idea presented in many aspects could acquire additional
life, here were the word-mongers who could clothe one
shivering thought in a hundred thousand garments, till it
attained all the majesty which decoration could impart. In
truth, the envoys came from Spain, Rome, and Vienna, pro
vided with but two ideas. Was it not a diplomatic master
piece, that from this frugal store they could contrive to eke
out seven mortal months of negotiation ? Two ideas — the
supremacy of his Majesty's prerogative, the exclusive exercise
of the Roman Catholic religion — these were the be-aU and the
end-aU of their commission. Upon these two strings they
were to harp, at least till the waUs of Maestricht had faUeru
The envoys did their duty well ; they were sent to enact a
solemn comedy, and in the most stately manner did they walk

* Bor, xiii 52. Meteren, ix. 155.

454 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
through their several parts. Not that the King was belUge
rent ; on the contrary, he was heartUy weary of the war.
Prerogative was weary — Romanism was weary — Conscience
was weary — the Spirit of Freedom was weary — but the Prince
of Orange was not weary. Blood and treasure had been pour
ing forth so profusely during twelve flaming years, that ah
but that one tranquil spirit were beginning to flag.
At the same time, neither party had more disposition to
concede than stomach to fight. Certainly the royal party had
no inclination to yield. The King had granted easy terms to
the Walloons, because upon the one great point of rehgion
there was no dispute, and upon the others there was no inten
tion of keeping faith.* With regard to the present negotia
tion, it was desirable to gain a httle time. It was thought
probable that the religious difference, judiciously managed at
this juncture, might be used to effect a permanent severance
of the provinces so lately banded together in a common union.
" To divide them," wrote Tassis, in a very confidential letter,
" no better method can be found than to amuse them with
this peace negotiation. Some are ready for a pacification
from their desire of repose, some from their fear of war, some
from the differences which exist among themselves, and which it
is especially important to keep alive."f Above aU things, it
was desirable to maintain the rehgious distraction tfll Maes
tricht had been taken. That siege was the key to the whole
situation. If the separate Walloon accord could be quietly
made in a corner, whfle Parma was battering that stronghold
on the Meuse, and whUe decorous negotiation was smoothly
holding its course on the Rhine, much disorganization, it was

* This is most evident from the correspondence of Parma, both before and
after the treaty of Arras.— Rec. Prov. WaUones, MS., Brussels Archives, par
ticularly vols. iv. and v.
f Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vii. 30. So also Du Plessis Mornay, in
writmg to a friend three years afterwards, observed: "Le traite" de Coloigne a
suffisament monstre" quelle a este l'intention de l'ennemi en proposant ce beau
nom de Paix, a scavoir de diviser et rompre les provinces et suborner les villes."
— Mem. de Mornay, i. p, 75.

1579.] THE COLOGNE CONFERENCES. 455
hoped, would be handsomely accomphshed before the end of
the year.
" As for a suspension of arms," wrote Alexander to Terra
nova, on the 21st of May, " the longer 'tis deferred the bet
ter. With regard to Maestricht, everythmg depends upon it
that we possess, or desire to possess. Truly, if the Prince of
Orange can reheve the city he wfll do it. If he does so, nei
ther will this expedition of ours, nor any other expedition, be
brought to a good end. As soon as men are aware that our
affahs are looking badly, they wiU come again to a true union,
and all wUl join together, in hope to accomplish their boasts."*
Therefore, it was natural that the peace-wrights of Cologne
should industriously ply their task.
It is not desirable to disturb much of that learned dust, after
its three centuries' repose. A rapid sketch of the course of
the proceedings, with an indication of the spirit which
animated the contending parties, will be all that is necessary.
They came and they separated with precisely opposite views.
" The desires of Terranova and of the estates," says the
royalist, Tassis, " were diametrically contrary to each other.
The King wished that the exercise of the Roman Catholic
rehgion should be exclusively estabhshed, and the absolute
prerogative preserved in its integrity."f On the other
hand, the provinces desired their charters and a rehgious
peace. In these perpetual lines and curves ran the asympto
tical negotiation from beginning to end — and so it might have
run for two centuries, without hope of coincidence. Neither
party was yet vanquished. The freshly united provinces
were no readier now than before to admit that the Holy Office
formed part of their national institutions. The despotic
faction was not prepared to renounce that establishment.
Foiled, but not disheartened, sat the Inquisition, like a bel
dame, upon the border, impotently threatening the land whence
she had been for ever excluded ; while industrious as the Parcse,

* Letter of Parma, May 21, 1579, from his camp before Maestricht, apud Bor,
2, xiii. 57.
f Com. de Turn. Belg., v. 367.

456 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
distaff in hand, sat, in Cologne, the inexorable three — Spain,
the Empire, and Rome — grimly spinning and severing the web
of mortal destinies.
The first step in the proceedings had been a secret one. If
by any means the Prince of Orange could be detached from
his party — if by bribery, however enormous, he could be
induced to abandon a tottering cause, and depart for the
land of his birth — he was distinctly but indirectly given to
understand that he had but to name his terms. We have
seen the issue of similar propositions made by Don John of
Austria. Probably there was no man hving who would care to
make distinct application of this dishonorable nature to the
Father of his country. The Aerschots, the Meluns, the La-
lains, and a swarm of other nobles, had their price, and were
easUy transferable from one to another, but it was not easy
to make a direct offer to WiUiam of Orange. They knew — as
he said shortly afterwards in his famous Apology — that " nei
ther for property nor for life, neither for wife nor for chUdren,
would he mix in his cup a single drop of treason."* Never
theless, he was distinctly given to understand that " there
was nothing he could demand for himself personaUy that
would not be granted." All his confiscated property, restora
tion of his imprisoned son, liberty of worship for himself, pay
ment of all his debts, reimbursement of all his past expenses,
and anything else which he could desire, were aU placed with
in his reach. If he chose to retire into another land, his son
might be placed in possession of all his cities, estates, and
dignities, and himself indemnified in Germany ; with a mil
hon of money over and above as a gratuity. The imperial
envoy, Count Schwartzenburg, pledged his personal honor and
reputation that every promise which might be made to the
Prince should be most sacredly fulfilled.f

* " Si je ne veuflle ni pour les biens ni pour la vie, ni pour femme ni pour
enfans, mesler en mon breuvage une seule goutte de venin de trahison."— Apolo
gie, p. 127.
t "  Que Je n'eusse rien Sfeu demander pour mon particulier, qu'on ne
m'eust accord;, et me donner comptant un million.'"— Ibid.— Compare Strada,

1579.] ATTEMPTS TO BRIBE ORANGE. 457
It was all in vain. The indirect apphcations of the imperial
commissioners made to his servants and his nearest relations
were entirely unsuccessful. The Prince was not to be drawn
into a negotiation in his own name or for his own benefit. If
the estates were satisfied, he was satisfied. He wanted no
conditions but theirs ; " nor would he directly, or indirectly," he
said, " separate himself from the cause on which hung all his evil
or felicity." He knew'that it was the object of the enemy to
deprive the country of its head, and no inducements were suffi
cient to make him a party to the plot.* At the same time, he
was unwilling to be an obstacle, in his own person, to the con
clusion of an honorable peace. He would resign his offices
which he held at the sohcitation of the whole country, if thus
a negotiation were likely to be more successful. " The Prince of
Parma and the disunited provinces," said he to the states-
general, " affect to consider this war as one waged against me
and in my name — as if the question alone concerned the name
and person of the general. If it be so, I beg you to consider
whether it is not because I have been ever faithful to the land.
Nevertheless, if I am an obstacle, I am ready to remove it. If
you, therefore, in order to deprive the enemy of every right to
inculpate us, think proper to choose another head and con
ductor of your affairs, I promise you to serve and to be obedient
to him with all my heart. Thus shaU we leave the enemy no
standing-place to work dissensions among us."f Such was
his language to friend and foe, and here, at least, was one man
in history whom kings were not rich enough to purchase.
On the 18th of May, the states' envoys at Cologne pre
sented fourteen articles, demanding freedom of religion and
the ancient political charters. Rehgion, they said, was to be

who wrote with aU the secret papers of the Farnese famUy before him,  si
hasc omnia abituro homini adhue non sufficiant, neque hanc neque quamcumque
pergimUem conditionom repudiandam," etc. — 2, ii. 86. — Compare, particularly, Ev.
Reidani, Ann., ii. 29. Compare Gachard, Correspondance de GuiUaume le Tacit,
vol. iv., preface.
* Apologie, pp. 127, 128. Ev. Reidani, ii 29.
f See the letter in Bor. xiii 95-98.

458 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
referred, not to man, but to God. To him the King was sub
ject as weU as the people. Both King and people — " and by
people was meant every individual in the land" — were bound
to serve God according to their conscience.*
The imperial envoys found such language extremely repre
hensible, and promptly refused, as umpires, to entertain the
fourteen articles. Others drawn up by Terranova and colleagues,
embodying the claims of the royal and Roman party, were
then solemnly presented, and as promptly rejected. Then the
imperial umpires came forward with two bundles of proposi-
sitions — approved beforehand by the Spanish plenipotentiaries.
In the political bundle, obedience due to the King was
insisted upon, " as in the time of the Emperor Charles." The
religious category declared that "the Roman rehgion — all
others excluded — should thenceforth be exercised in aU the
provinces." Both these categories were considered more objec
tionable by the states' envoys than the terms of Terranova,
and astonishment was expressed that " mention should again
be made of the edicts — as if blood enough had not been shed
already in the cause of religion."f
The Netherland envoys likewise gave the imperial commis
sioners distinctly to understand that — in case peace were not
soon made — " the states would forthwith declare the King
faUen from his sovereignty ;" would for ever dispense the peo
ple from their oaths of allegiance to him, and would probably
accept the Duke of Anjou in his place. The states-general,
to which body the imperial propositions had been sent, also
rejected the articles in a logical and historical argument of
unmerciful length. J
An appeal secretly made by the imperial and Spanish com
missioners, from the states' envoys to the states themselves,
and even to the people of the various provinces, had excited
the anger of the plenipotentiaries. They complained loudly
of this violation of aU diplomatic etiquette, and the answer of

* See the document in Bor, xiii. 54, sqq.— Compare Meteren, ix. 156, sqa.
t Bor, xiii 58, 59. J rbid., 3, xiii. 53., 115-118.

1579.] protocols. 459
the states-general, fuUy confirming the views of their ambassa
dors, did not dimmish their wrath.
On the 13th of November, 1579, the states' envoys were
invited into the council chamber of the imperial commissioners,
to hear the last solemn commonplaces of those departing
functionaries. Seven months long they had been waiting in
vain, they said, for the states' envoys to accede to moderate
demands. Patience was now exhausted. Moreover, their
mediatory views had been the subject of bitter lampooning
throughout the country, whUe the authorities of many cities
had pubhcly declared that aU the inhabitants would rather die
the death than accept such terms. The peace-makers, accord
ingly, with endless protestations as to their own purity,
wisdom, and benevolence, left the whole "in the hands of God
and the parties concerned."*
The reply to this elaborate farewell was curt and somewhat
crusty. " Had they known," said the states' envoys, " that
their transparencies and worthinesses had no better intention,
and the Duke of Terranova no ampler commission, the whole
matter might have been despatched, not in six months, but in
six days."f
Thus ended the conferences, and the imperial commissioners
departed. Nevertheless, Schwartzenburg remained yet a little
time at Cologne, whUe five of the states' envoys also pro
tracted their stay, in order to make their private peace with
the King. It is hardly necessary to observe that the chief of
these penitents was the Duke of Aerschot.J The ultimatum
of the states was deposited by the departing envoys with
Schwartzenburg,§ and a comparison of its terms with those
offered by the imperial mediators, as the best which could be
obtained from Spain, shows the hopelessness of the pretended
negotiation. Departure of the foreign troops, restitution
of aU confiscated^ property, unequivocal recognition of the
Ghent treaty and the perpetual edict, appointment to office
* Bor, xiii. 101, sqq. Meteren, ix. 157, sqq.
f Ibid.— Compare Strada, 2, ii 110, 111. X Bor. ™i- 1Q8-
§ Apud Bor, 2, xiii. 108-110.

460 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
of none but natives, oaths of allegiance to the King and the
states-general, exercise of the Reformed religion and of
the Confession of Augsburg in all places where it was then
publicly practised : such were the main demands of the patriot
party. In the secret instructions* furnished by the states to their
envoys, they were told to urge upon his Majesty the absolute
necessity, if he wished to retain the provinces, of winking at
the exercise of the Reformed and the Augsburg creeds. " The
new religion had taken too deep root," it was urged, " ever
to be torn forth, save with the destruction of the whole
country." Thus, after seven dreary months of negotiation, after proto
cols and memoranda in ten thousand folia, the august diplo
matists had traveUed round to the points from which they had
severally started. On the one side, unlimited prerogative and
exclusive Cathohcism ; on the other, constitutional liberty,
with freedom of conscience for Catholic and Protestant alike:
these were the claims which each party announced at the
commencement, and to which they held with equal firmness
at the close of the conferences.f
The congress had been expensive. Though not much had
been accomplished for the pohtical or religious advancement
of mankind, there had been much excellent eating and drink
ing at Cologne during the seven months. Those drouthy
deliberations had needed moistening. The Bishop of Wurtzburg
had consumed " eighty hogsheads of Rhenish wine and twenty
great casks of beer."f The expense of the states' envoys were

* Apud Bor, xiii. 110-113.
f All the most important documents of this elaborate but sterile negotiation
are given in full by Bor, iii. 13, sqq. The whole mass of the protocols and
arguments is also to be found in a volume entitled, " Acta paeificationis quae
coram sac. ces. maj. inter ser. reg. Hisp. et Princip. Matth. ordinumque
Belg. leg. Colonise habita sunt." Leyden, 1580. — Compare Strada, 2, ii
82-112; Haraei, Turn. Belg., iii. 295-298; Tassis, Com. Turn. Belg., v.
348-385; Meteren, ix. 155-161; Wagenaer, Vad. Hist, vii. 278-285, and
310-316; Hoofd, xv. 631, 632, and xvi, 658-672, et mult ai
t Bor, xiii. 114.

1579.] MORE TREASON. 461
twenty-four thousand guldens. The Archbishop of Cologne
had expended forty thousand thalers.* The deliberations
were, on the whole, excessively detrimental to the cause of the
provinces, "and a great personage" wrote to the states-general,
that the King had been influenced by no motive save to cause
dissension.f This was an exaggeration, for his Majesty would
have been weU pleased to receive the whole of the country on
the same terms which had been accepted by the Walloons.
Meantime, those southern provinces had made their separate
treaty, and the Netherlands were permanently dissevered.
Maestricht had fallen. Disunion and dismay had takeD
possession of the country.
During the course of the year other severe misfortunes had
happened to the states. Treachery, even among the men
who had done good service to the cause of freedom, was daUy
showing her hateful visage. Not only the great chieftains
who had led the Malcontent WaUoon party, with the fickle
Aerschot and the wavering Havre besides, had made their
separate reconcUiation with Parma, but the epidemic treason
had mastered such bold partisans as the Seigneur de Bours, the
man whose services in rescuing the citadel of Antwerp had
been so courageous and valuable. He was governor of
Mechhn ; Count Renneberg was governor of Friesland.
Both were trusted implicitly by Orange and by the estates ;
both were on the eve of repaying the confidence reposed in
them by the most venal treason.
It was already known that Parma had tampered with De
Bours ; but Renneberg was stiU unsuspected. " The Prince,"
wrote Count John, " is deserted by all the noblemen, save
the stadholder of Friesland and myself, and has no man else
in whom he can repose confidence."^ The brothers were
doomed to be rudely awakened from the repose with regard to
Renneberg, but previously the treason of a less important
functionary was to cause a considerable but less lasting injury
to the national party.
* Bor, xiii. 114. f Ibid.
X Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vii 36, 37 ; letter of July 31, 1579.

462 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
In Mechhn was a CarmeUte friar, of audacious character
and great eloquence ; a man who, " with his sweet, poisonous
tongue, could ever persuade the people to do his bidding."*
This dangerous monk, Peter Lupus, or Peter Wolf, by name,
had formed the design of restoring Mechhn to the Prince of
Parma, and of obtaining the bishopric of Namur as the reward
of his services. To this end he had obtained a complete
mastery over the intellect of the bold but unprincipled De
Bours. A correspondence was immediately opened between
Parma and the governor, and troops were secretly admitted into
the city. The Prince of Orange, in the name of the Archduke
and the estates, in vain endeavoured to recal the infatuated
governor to his duty. In vain he conjured him, by letter
after letter, to be true to his own bright fame so nobly earned.
An old friend of De Bours, and like himself a Cathohc, was
also employed to remonstrate with him. This gentleman,
De Fromont by name, wrote him many letters ;f but De Bours
expressed his surprise that Fromont, whom he had always con
sidered a good Cathohc and a virtuous gentleman, should wish
to force him into a connection with the Prince of Orange and
his heretic supporters. He protested that his mind was quite
made up, and that he had been guaranteed by Parma not
only the post which he now held, but even still farther
advancement. £
De Fromont reminded him, in reply, of the frequent revo
lutions of fortune's wheel, and warned him that the advance
ment of which he boasted would probably be an entire degra
dation. He bitterly recaUed to the remembrance of the new
zealot for Romanism his former earnest efforts to establish
Calvinism. He reproached him, too, with having melted up
the silver images of the Mechhn churches, including even the
renowned shrine of Saint Rombout, which the Prince of
Orange had always respected. " I don't say how much you
* " En konde met sijn soete fenijnige tonge het volk luiden en bewegen daer
hy toe wUde." — Bor, xiii. 80.
f Bor, xiii. 80-83. Hoofd, xv. 636, 637.
X Letter of Pontus de NoyeUes, Seigneur de Bours, apud Bor, xiii. 83.

1579.] DE BOURS PURCHASED. 463
took of that plunder for your own share," continued the in
dignant De Fromont, " for the very children cry it in your
ears as you walk the streets. 'Tis known that if God himself
had been changed into gold you would have put him in your
pocket."* This was plain language, but as just as it was plain. The
famous shrine of Saint Rombout — valued at seventysthou-
sand guldens, of sflver gilt, and enriched with precious
stones — had been held sacred ahke by the fanatical iconoclastB
and the greedy Spaniards who had successively held the city.
It had now been melted up, and appropriated by Peter Lupus,
the Carmehte, and De Bours, the Catholic convert, whose
mouths were full of devotion to the ancient Church and of
horror for heresy.f
The efforts of Orange and of the states were unavailing.
De Bours surrendered the city, and fled to Parma, who re
ceived him with cordiality, gave him five thousand florins — the
price promised for his treason, besides a regiment of infantry —
but expressed surprise that he should have reached the camp
ahve.J His subsequent career was short, and he met his
death two years afterwards, in the trenches before Tournay.§
The archiepiscopal city was thus transferred to the royal party,
but the gallant Van der Tympel, governor of Brussels, retook
it by surprise within six months of its acquisition by Parma,
and once more restored it to the jurisdiction of the states.
Peter Lupus, the Carmehte, armed to the teeth, and fighting
fiercely at the head of the royahsts, was slain in the street,
and thus forfeited his chance for the mitre of Namur. II

* Letter of J. v. Bourgoigne, Sr. de Fromont, apud Bor, 2, xii. 83.
f Meteren, x. 172. Bor, ubi sup. Hoofd, xv. 636.
X Bor (xiii 84) states that he was treated with great contempt by Parma,
and deprived of his posts. In this the faithful old chronicler is mistaken ; as it
appears from the manuscript letters of the Prince that he received the traitor
with many caresses and with much greater respect than he deserved. Reports
to the contrary were very current, however, in consequence of the Seigneur de
Rossignol having been appointed by Parma governor of Mechlin in place of De
Rours.  Letter of Prince of Parma to Mansfeld, Rec. Prov. WaU. iv. f. 324-328,
MS., Royal Archives, Brussels.
§ Bor, xv. 288. II Ibid., xiv. 175.

464 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
During the weary progress of the Cologne negotiations,
the Prince had not been idle, and should this august and slow-
moving congress be unsuccessful in restoring peace, the pro
vinces were pledged to an act of abjuration. They would
then be entirely without a head. The idea of a nominal
Repubhc was broached by none. The contest had not been
one of theory, but of facts ; for the war had not been for revo
lution, but for conservation, so far as political rights were
concerned. In rehgion, the provinces had advanced from one
step to another, till they now claimed the largest hberty —
freedom of conscience — for all. ReUgion, they held, was God's
affair, not man's, in which neither people nor king had power
over each other, but in which both were subject to God alone.
In politics it was different. Hereditary sovereignty was
acknowledged as a fact, but at the same time, the spirit of
freedom was already learning its appropriate language. It
aheady claimed boldly the natural right of mankind to be
governed according to the laws of reason and of divine justice.
If a prince were a shepherd, it was at least lawful to deprive
him of his crook when he butchered the flock which he had
been appointed to protect.
" What reason is there," said the states-general, " why the
provinces should suffer themselves to be continuaUy oppressed
by their sovereign, with robbings, burnings, stranglings, and
murderings ?* Why, being thus oppressed, should they still
give their sovereign — exactly as if he were well conducting him
self^ — the honor and title of lord of the land ?" On the
other hand, if hereditary rule were an established fact, so also
were ancient charters. To maintain, not to overthrow, the
political compact, was the purpose of the states. "Je main-
tiendrai" was the motto of Orange's escutcheon. That a
compact existed between prince and people, and that the

* "Wat reden is dat de Landen altijd soUen van hunnen Heere getraival-
leert, bedorven en met roven, branden, worgen en moorden eontinuelijk over-
vaUen en verkracht worden, etc., etc. — Address of States-general, July, 1579
Bor, xiii. 93b.
f "Gelijk alsob hij wel dede," etc. — Ibid.

1579.] VIEWS OF THE SOCIAL COMPACT. 465
sovereign held office only on condition of doing his duty,
were startling truths which men were beginning, not to
whisper to each other in secret, but to proclaim in the market
place. " 'Tis well known to all," said the famous Declaration
of Independence, two years afterwards, " that if a prince is
appointed by God over the land, 'tis to protect them from
harm, even as a shepherd to the guardianship of his flock. The
subjects are not appointed by God for the behoof of the
prince, but the prince for his subjects, without whom he is
no prince. Should he violate the laws, he is to be forsaken
by his meanest subject, and to be recognized no longer as
prince."* WiUiam of Orange always recognized these truths, but
his scheme of government contemplated a permanent chief,
and as it was becoming obvious that the Spanish sovereign
would soon be abjured, it was necessary to fix upon a substi
tute. " As to governing these provinces in the form of a
republic," said he, speaking for the states-general, " those
who know the condition, privUeges, and ordinances of the
country, can easily understand that 'tis hardly possible to dis
pense with a head or superintendent."f At the same time,
he plainly intimated that this " head or superintendent" was
to be, not a monarch — a one-ruler — but merely the hereditary
chief magistrate of a free commonwealth.
Where was this hereditary chief magistrate to be found ?
His own claims he absolutely withdrew. The office was within
his grasp, and he might easily have constituted himself sove
reign of all the Netherlands.^ Perhaps it would have been
better at that time had he advanced his claims and accepted
the sovereignty which PhUip had forfeited. As he did not
beUeve in the possibility of a repubhc, he might honestly
* Bor, xv. 277. t Ibid-> ™- 93-
X " U nog moet erkend worden dat er gelegenheiden waren in welke zijne ver
kiezinge met eene groote meer de rheid doorgegaan zoude zijn — en mischien zander
tegtnsprack, indien hij deze eerzucht gehad had. Echter verneemt men niet dat
noch hij noch zijne aanhangelingen daartoe immerhetvoorstelgewaagd hebben,"
etc.— Van der Vynckt, iii 72, sqq.
vol. iii. 30

466 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
have taken into his own hands the sceptre which he considered
indispensable. His self-abnegation was, however, absolute.
Not only did he decline sovereignty, but he repeatedly avowed
his readiness to lay down aU the offices which he held, if a
more useful substitute could be found. " Let no man think,"
said he, in a remarkable speech to the states-general, " that
my good-wiU is in any degree changed or diminished. I agree
to obey — as the least of the lords or gentlemen of the land"*
could do — whatever person it may please you to select. You
have but to command my services wheresoever they are most
wanted ; to guard a province or a single city, or in any
capacity in which I may be found most useful. I promise to
do my duty, with aU my strength and skiU, as God and my
conscience are witnesses that I have done it hitherto."*
The negotiations pointed to a speedy abjuration of Philip ;
the Republic was contemplated by none ; the Prince of Orange
absolutely refused to stretch forth his own hand ; — who then
was to receive the sceptre which was so soon to be bestowed ?
A German Prince had been tried — in a somewhat abnormal
position — but had certainly manifested small capacity for
aiding the provinces. Nothing could well be more insignificant
than the figure of Matthias j and, moreover, his imperial
brother was anything but favorably disposed. It was neces
sary to manage Rudolph. To treat the Archduke with
indignity, now that he had been partly established in the
Netherlands, would be to incur the Emperor's enmity. His
friendship, however, could hardly be secured by any advance
ment bestowed upon his brother ; for Rudolph's services
against prerogative and the Pope were in no case to be ex
pected. Nor was there much hope from the Protestant princes
of Germany. The day had passed for generous sympathy
with those engaged in the great struggle which Martin Luther
had commenced. The present generation of German Protes
tants were more inclined to put down the Calvinistic schism at
home than to save it from oppression abroad. Men were more

* Bor, xiv. 143. Speeeh of Nov. 26, 1579.

1579.] GERMANY AND ENGLAND. 467
disposed to wrangle over the thrice-gnawed bones of ecclesias
tical casuistry, than to assist their brethren in the field. " I
know not," said Gaultherus, "whether the calamity of the
Netherlands, or the more than bestial stupidity of the Ger
mans, be most deplorable. To the insane contests on theolo
gical abstractions we owe it that many are ready to breathe
blood and slaughter against their own brethren. The hatred
of the Lutherans has reached that point that they can rather
tolerate Papists than ourselves."*
In England, there was much sympathy for the provinces,
and there — although the form of government was stUl arbitrary
— the instincts for civil and rehgious freedom, which have ever
characterized the Anglo-Saxon race, were not to be repressed.
Upon many a battle-field for liberty in the Netherlands, " men
whose Umbs were made in England" were found contending
for the right. The blood and treasure of Enghshmen flowed
freely in the cause of their relatives by religion and race, but
these were the efforts of individuals. Hitherto but little assis
tance had been rendered by the English Queen, who had, on
the contrary, almost distracted the provinces by her fast-and-
loose pohcy, both towards them and towards Anjou. The
poUtical rivalry between that Prince and herself in the Nether
lands had, however, now given place to the memorable love-
passage from which important results were expected, and it
was thought certain that Elizabeth would view with satisfac
tion any dignity conferred upon her lover.f
Orange had a right to form this opinion. At the same
time, it is well .known that the chief counciUors of Ehzabeth —
while they were aU in favor of assisting the provinces — looked
with anything but satisfaction upon the Anjou marriage.
" The Duke," wrote Davidson to Walsingham (in July, 1579),
* Groen v. Prinst, Archives, etc., vii 7. Hubert Languet, too, lamented the
coldness of Germany towards her brethren in blood and creed. " Germania suo
more," he writes to Sir Philip Sydney, " est otiosa spectatrix tragoediarum, quae
apud vicinas ipsi gentes aguntur et ex alienis incommodis sua commoda capit" —
Ep. 71, p. 254.
f Letter of Orange to the "Nearer-united states," apud Bor, 3, xiv. 132.

468 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
" seeks, forsooth, under a pretext of marriage with her High
ness, the rather to espouse the Low Countries — the chief
ground and object of his pretended love, howsoever it be dis
guised." The envoy believed both Ehzabeth and the pro
vinces in danger of taking unto themselves a very bad master.
" Is there any means," he added, " so apt to sound the very
bottom of our estate, and to hinder and breake the neck of
all such good purpose as the necessity of the tyme shaU set
abroch ?"*
The provinces of Holland and Zealand, notwithstanding the
love they bore to William of Orange, could never be persuaded
by his arguments into favoring Anjou. Indeed, it was rather
on account of the love they bore the Prince — whom they were
determined to have for their sovereign — that they refused to
Usten to any persuasion in favor of his rival, although coming
from his own lips. The states-general, in a report to the
states of HoUand, drawn up under the superintendence of the
Prince, brought forward all the usual arguments for accepting
the French duke, in case the abjuration should take place.f
They urged the contract with Anjou (of August 13th, 1578),
the great expenses he had already incurred in their behalf;
the danger of offending him ; the possibUity that in such case
he would ally himself with Spain ; the prospect that, in conse
quence of such a result, there would be three enemies in the
field against them — the Walloons, the Spaniards, and the
French, aU whose forces would eventually be turned upon
Holland and Zealand alone. It was represented that the selec
tion of Anjou would, on the other hand, secure the friendship
of France — an aUiance which would inspire both the Emperor
and the Spanish monarch with fear ; for they could not con
template without jealousy a possible incorporation of the
provinces with that kingdom. Moreover, the geographical
situation of France made its friendship inexpressibly desirable.
The states of HoUand and Zealand were, therefore, earnestly

* Archives de la Maison d'Orange, etc., vi. 646, sqq.
f Report in Bor, xiii. 92-95.

1579.] SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES OF ORANGE. 469
invited to send deputies to an assembly of the states-general,
in order to conclude measures touching the declaration of in
dependence to be made against the King, and concerning the
election of the Duke of Anjou.*
The official communications by speech or writing of Orange
to the difterent corporations and assemblies, were at this
period of enormous extent. He was moved to frequent anger
by the parsimony, the inter-provincial jealousy, the dull per
ception of the different estates, and he often expressed his
wrath in unequivocal language. He dealt roundly with all
public bodies. His eloquence was distinguished by a bold, un
compromising, truth-telling spirit, whether the words might
prove palatable or bitter to his audience. His language re
buked his hearers more frequently than it caressed them, for
he felt it impossible, at aU times, to consult both the humors
and the high interests of the people, and he had no hesitation,
as guardian of popular liberty, in denouncing the popular vices
by which it was endangered.f
By both great parties, he complained, his shortcomings
were all noted, the good which he had accomplished passed over
in silence. J He solemnly protested that he desired, out of his
whole heart, the advancement of that rehgion which he

* Bor, xiii 95\
f " Artes ad regendam plebem," says one who knew him weU, " in eo omnes ;
quam Uoet prsefracti obstinati animi, tandem ad obsequium fiexit : nunc blanda
aspera nunc ac violenta oratione cujus frequenlior itti usus, quam lenociniorum.
Libertatis atque autoritatis sane adsiduus custos, ut libere plebi sua objicere vitia
posset." — Ev. Reidan., Ann. Belg., u. 59.
X Letter to the States-general, August, 1579, apud Bor, xiv. 97, sqq. This
was the opinion frequently expressed by Languet: " Cherish the friendship of the
Prince, I beseech you," he writes to Sir Philip Sydney, "for there is no man like
him in aU Christendom. Nevertheless, his is the lot of aU men of prudence — to
be censured by all parties. The people complain that he despises them ; the no
bility declare that it is their orderwhieh he hates; and this is as sensible as if you
were to teU me that you were the son of a clown : (quasi v. dicebat nihi, ego sim
patre rustico natus)."— Ep. ad Sydn., ep. 76, p. 270. " Ego non possum satis
admirari Auriaci prudentiam et sequanimitatem," he continues, "in tanta nego-
tiorum mole sustinenda et ferendis tot injuriis. Obsecro respice ejus virtutem et
ne deterreat a colenda cum eo amicitia ejus fortuna, quae tandem etiam forte magia
laeta fnlgebit."— Ibid.

470 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
pubhcly professed, and with God's blessing, hoped to profess
to the end of his life,* but nevertheless, he reminded the states
that he had sworn, upon taking office as Lieutenant-General,
to keep " all the subjects of the land equally under his protec
tion," and that he had kept his oath. He rebuked the
parsimony which placed the accepted chief of the provinces in
a sordid and contemptible position. " The Archduke has
been compelled," said he, in August, to the states-general,
" to break up housekeeping, for want of means. How shame
ful and disreputable for the country, if he should be compeUed,
for very poverty, to leave the land !" He offered to lay down
aU the power with which he had himself been clothed, but in
sisted, if he were to continue in office, upon being provided
with larger means of being useful. " 'Twas impossible," he
said, " for him to serve longer on the same footing as hereto
fore ; finding himself without power or authority, without
means, without troops, without money, without obedience."*
He reminded the states-general that the enemy — under;
pretext of peace negotiations — were ever circulating calum
nious statements to the effect that he was personally the only
obstacle to peace. The real object of these hopeless confer
ences was to sow dissension through the land, to set burgher
against burgher, house against house. As in Italy, Guelphs
and GhibeUines — as in Florence, the Neri and Bianchi — as in
Holland, the Hooks and Cabbeljaws had, by their unfortunate
quarrels, armed fellow countrymen and famihes against each
other — so also, nothing was so powerful as rehgious difference
to set friend against friend, father against son, husband
against wife.f
He warned the states against the peace propositions of the
enemy. Spain had no intention to concede, but was resolved to

*

'  hoewel dat wy niet en wUlen ontkennen dat wy niet uit ganscher
herten en souden begeert hebben de vorderinge van der Religie van de welke wy
God lof openbare professie doen en verhopen 't selve te doen tot den einde onser
leevens," etc. — Letter to the States-general, ubi sup.
f Letter to the States-general, Sept 18 1579, Bor, 2, xiv. 131, sqq.

1579.] SELF-DENIAL. 471
extirpate. For himself, he had certainly everything to lose by
continued war. His magnificent estates were withheld, and —
added he with simplicity — there is no man who does not desire
to enjoy his own.* The Uberation of his son, too, from his foreign
captivity, was, after the glory of God and the welfare of the
fatherland, the dearest object of his heart. Moreover, he was
himself approaching the dechne of Ufe. Twelve years he had
spent in perpetual anxiety and labor for the cause. As he
approached old age, he had sufficient reason to desire repose,
Nevertheless, considering the great multitude of people who
were leaning upon him, he should account himself disgraced if,
for the sake of his own private advantage, he were to recommend
a peace which was not perfectly secure. As regarded his own
personal interests, he could easUy place himself beyond danger —
yet it would be otherwise with the people. The existence of the
religion which, through the mercy of God he professed, would
be sacrificed, and countless multitudes of innocent men would,
by his act, be thrown bodily into the hands of the blood-thirsty
inquisitors who, in times past, had murdered so many persons,
and so utterly desolated the land. In regard to the ceaseless
insinuations against his character which men uttered " over
their tables and in the streets," he observed philosophically,
that " mankind were naturaUy incUned to calumny, particularly
against those who exercised government over them. His life
was the best answer to those slanders. Being overwhelmed
with debt, he should doubtless do better in a personal point of
view to accept the excellent and profitable offers wliich were
daUy made to him by the enemy."f He might be justified in
such a course, when it was remembered how many had
deserted him and forsworn their rehgion. Nevertheless, he
had ever refused, and should ever refuse to Usten to offers by
which only his own personal interests were secured. As to the
* "Daer is niemand hy soude wel begeren het sijne te gebruiken." — Letter to
the States-general.
f "Om alsulke goede vorderlijke condition aen te nemen als de zelve zijn
gepresenteert en aengeboden even verre hy daer na hadde wiUen luisteren en
gedurende desen vredenhandel tot eenig partieulier accord verstaen." — Ibid.

472 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1579.
defence of the country, he had thus far done all in his power,
with the smaU resources placed at his command. He was
urged by the " nearer-united states" to retain the post of
Lieutenant-General. He was ready to consent. He was, how
ever, not willing to hold office a moment, unless he had power
to compel cities to accept garrisons, to enforce the collection of
needful suppUes throughout the provinces, and in general to do
everything which he judged necessary for the best interests of
the country.*
Three councils were now established — one to be in attend
ance upon the Archduke and the Prince of Orange, the two
others to reside respectively in Flanders and in Utrecht.
They were to be appointed by Matthias and the Prince, upon
a double nomination from the estates of the united provinces.
Their decisions were to be made according to a majority of
votes, and there was to be no secret cabinet behind and above
their deliberations.f It was long, however, before these councils
were put into working order. The fatal jealousy of the pro
vincial authorities, the small ambition of local magistrates,
interposed daily obstacles to the vigorous march of the
generality.;!: Never was jealousy more mischievous, never
circumspection more misapphed. It was not a land nor a
crisis in which there was peril of centralization. Local muni
cipal government was in truth the only force left. There
was no possibihty of its being merged in a central authority
which did not exist. The country was without a centre.
There was small chance of apoplexy where there was no head.
The danger lay in the mutual repulsiveness of these atoms of
sovereignty — in the centrifugal tendencies which were fast
resolving a nebulous commonwealth into chaos. Disunion and
dissension would soon bring about a more fatal centralization
¦ — that of absorption in a distant despotism.
At the end of November, 1579, Orange made another

* Letter to the States-general, Sept. 18, 1579. Bor, 2, xiv. 131, Bqq,
t Bor, xiv. 135. Archives de la M. d'Orange, vii. 107,
X Archives, etc., vii. 94.

1579.] ADVICE AND INVECTIVES, 473
remarkable speech in the states-general at Antwerp.* He
handled the usual topics with his customary vigor, and with
that grace and warmth of delivery which always made his elo
quence so persuasive and impressive.f He spoke of the
countless calumnies against himself, the chaffering niggardli
ness of the provinces, the slender result produced by his
repeated warnings. He told them bluntly the great cause of
all their troubles. It was the absence of a broad patriotism ;
it was the narrow power grudged rather than given to the
deputies who sat in the general assembly. They were mere
envoys, tied by instructions. They were powerless to act, except
after tedious reference to the wiU of their masters, the provincial
boards. The deputies of the Union came thither, he said, as
advocates of their provinces dr their cities, not as councillors
of a commonwealth — and sought to further those narrow
interests, even at the risk of destruction to their sister states.
The contributions, he complained, were assessed unequally, and
expended selfishly. Upon this occasion, as upon all occasions,
he again challenged inquiry into the purity of his government,
demanded chastisement, if any act of mal-administration on
his part could be found, and repeated his anxious desire either
to be reheved from his functions, or to be furnished with the
means of discharging them with efficiency.
On the 12th of December, 1579, he again made a powerful
speech in the states-general.;}: Upon the 9th of January,
1580, followmg, he made an elaborate address upon the state
of the country, urging the necessity of raising instantly a
considerable army of good and experienced soldiers. He
fixed the indispensable number of such a force at twelve
thousand foot, four thousand horse, and at least twelve
hundred pioneers. "Weigh well the matters," said he, in

* In Bor, xiv. 141-143. '
f "Avec un accent propre," says one of his most bitter enemies, "et action
convenable,. en quoi le Prince d'Oranges exceUoit — donnant a l'assemblee si
grande impression et persuasion qu'il remporta le fruict qu'il desiroit," etc.—
Renom de France, MS., t iv. C. xi,
X Bor, xiv. 150-151.

474 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
conclusion, " which I have thus urged, and which are of the
most extreme necessity. Men in their utmost need are daUy
coming to me for refuge, as if I held power over all things in
my hand." At the same time he complained that by reason of
the dUatoriness of the states, he was prevented from allevi
ating misery when he knew the remedy to be within reach.
" I beg you, however, my masters," he continued, " to beUeve
that this address of mine is no simple discourse. 'Tis a faith
ful presentment of matters which, if not reformed, will cause
the speedy and absolute ruin of the land. Whatever betide,
however, I pray you to hold yourselves assured, that with
God's help, I am determined to Uve with you or to die
with you."*
Early in the year 1580, the Prince was doomed to a bitter
disappointment, and the provinces to a severe loss, in the
treason of Count Renneberg, governor of Friesland. This
young noble was of the great Lalain famUy. He was a
younger brother of Anthony, Count of Hoogstraaten — the
unwavering friend of Orange. He had been brought up in
the famUy of his cousin, the Count de Lalain, governor of
Hainault, and had inherited the title of Renneberg from an
uncle, who was a dignitary of the church.f For more than a
year there had been suspicions of his fidehty. He was sup
posed to have been tampered with by the Duke of Terranova,
on the first arrival of that functionary in the Netherlands.;}:
Nevertheless, the Prince of Orange was unwilhng to Usten to
the whispers against him. Being himself the mark of
calumny, and having a tender remembrance of the elder brother,
he persisted in reposing confidence in a man who was in

* Bor, xiv. 153-156. The estimated expenses of the states' army for the year ¦
1580, to be assessed upon all the provinces, was, per month, 518,000 florins. This
provided for 225 infantry companies, amounting to 32,162 men, at a monthly pay
of 359,240 florins ; 3,750 cavalry at 80,590 florins monthly wages, besides 1,200 Ger
man reiters at 40,000 florins per month, with other incidental expenses. A captain
received 90 florins per month, a lieutenant 45, a sergeant 12, a surgeon 12, etc., etc
— Renom de France, MS., t iv. c. 37.
t Bor, xv. 276. J Bor, xiv. 162, sqq. Meteren, x. 168. Hoofd, xvi. 681.

1580.] renneberg's treason. 475
reahty unworthy of his friendship. George Lalain, therefore,
remained stadholder of Friesland and Drenthe, and in pos
session of the capital city, Groningen.
The rumors concerning him proved correct. In November,
1579, he entered into a formal treaty with Terranova, by
which he was to receive — as the price of " the virtuous reso
lution which he contemplated " — the sum of ten thousand
crowns in hand, a further sum of ten thousand crowns within
three months, and a yearly pension of ten thousand florins.
Moreover, his barony of Ville was to be erected into a mar
quisate, and he was to receive the order of the Golden Fleece
at the first vacancy. He was likewise to be continued in the
same offices under the King which he now held from the
estates.* The bill of saie, by which he agreed with a certain
Quislain le BaiUy to transfer himself to Spain, fixed these
terms with the technical scrupulousness of any other mer
cantile transaction. Renneberg sold himself as one would
seU a yoke of oxen, and his motives were no whit nobler than
the cynical contract would indicate. " See you not," said he
in a private letter to a friend, " that this whole work is brewed
by the Nassaus for the sake of their own greatness, and that
they are everywhere provided with the very best crumbs ?
They are to be stadholders of the principal provinces ; we are
to content ourselves with Overyssel and Drente. Therefore I

* ReconcUiation de Groningen et du Comte de Renneberg, MS, i. f. 69,
69, 75. Under this euphemism, by way of title, the original agreements of
Renneberg, together with a large mass of correspondence relative to his
famous treason, are arranged in the royal archives at Brussels, in two folio vols,
of MS. — Compare Byvoegsel Auth. Stukk. tot P. Bor, ii. 3, 4. The terms of
the bargain thus coldly set forth, are worthy attention, as showing the per
fectly mercantUe manner in which these great nobles sold themselves. An
honest attachment, such as was manifested by cavaliers hke Berlaymont and
his four brave sons, to the royal and Catholic cause, can be respected, even
while we regret that so much bravery should have been expended in support of
so infamous a tyranny. But whUe their fanaticism can be forgiven, no language
is strong enough to stigmatize the men who deserted the cause of liberty and
conscience for hire. "It must be remembered that Renneberg was much more
virtuous than a large number of his distinguished compeers, many of whom
were 'transferred so often from one side to the other, that they at last lost aU
convertible value.

476 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
have thought it best to make my peace with the King, from
whom more benefits are to be got."*
Jealousy and selfishness, then, were the motives of his
"virtuous resolution." He had another, perhaps a nobler
incentive. He was in love with the Countess Meghen, widow
of Lancelot Berlaymont, and it was privately stipulated
that the influence of his Majesty's government should be
employed to bring about his marriage with the lady. The
treaty, however, which Renneberg had made with Quislain le
Bailly was not immediately carried out. Early in February,
1580, his sister and evil genius, Cornelia Lalain, wife of Baron
Monceau, made him a visit at Groningen. She implored
him not to give over his soul to perdition by oppressing the
Holy Church. She also appealed to' his family pride, which
should keep him, she said, from the contamination of com
panionship with "base-born weavers and furriers." She
was of opinion that to contaminate his high-born fingers with
base bribes were a lower degradation. The pension, the
crowns in hand, the marquisate, the coUar of the Golden
Fleece, were aU held before his eyes again. He was persuaded,
moreover, that the fair hand of the wealthy widow would
be the crowning prize of his treason, but in this he was
destined to disappointment. The Countess was reserved for a
more briUiant and a more bitter fate. She was to espouse a
man of higher rank, but more worthless character, also a
traitor to the cause of freedom, to which she was herself
devoted, and who was even accused of attempting her life in
her old age, in order to supply her place with a younger
rival.f The artful eloquence of Corneha de Lalain did its work, and
Renneberg entered into correspondence with Parma. It is
singular with how much indulgence his conduct and character
were regarded both before and subsequently to his treason.
There was something attractive about the man. In an age

* Kluit HolL Staatsreg., i. 176, note 5.
f Meteren, x. 168. Bor, xiv. 161, and Hoofd, xviii 423.

1580.] THE count's character and crime. 477
when many German and Netherland nobles were given to
drunkenness and debauchery, and were distinguished rather
for coarseness of manner and brutality of inteUect* than for
refinement or learning, Count Renneberg, on the contrary,
was an elegant and accomplished gentleman — the Sydney of
his country in aU but loyalty of character. He was a classical
scholar, a votary of music and poetry, a graceful troubadour,
and a valiant knight.f He was " sweet and lovely of con
versation,"! generous and bountiful by nature. With so
many good gifts, it was a thousand pities that the gift of
truth had been denied him. Never did treason look more
amiable, but it was treason of the blackest die. He was
treacherous, in the hour of her utmost need, to the country
which had trusted him. He was treacherous to the great
man who had leaned upon his truth, when all others had
abandoned him.§ He was treacherous from the most sordid
of motives — jealousy of his friend and love of place and pelf ;
but his subsequent remorse and his early death have cast a
veil over the blackness of his crime.
WhUe Cornelia de Lalain was in Groningen, Orange was in
Holland. Intercepted letters left no doubt of the plot, and it
was agreed that the Prince, then on his way to Amsterdam,
should summon the Count to an interview. Renneberg's trouble
at the proximity of Orange could not be suppressed. [| He felt
that .he could never look his friend in the face again. His
plans were not ripe ; it was desirable to dissemble for a season
longer ; but how could he meet that tranquU eye which
" looked quite through the deeds of men ?" It was obvious to

* See the letters of Count John of Nassau and of the Landgrave WiUiam, in
Archives, etc., vols. vi. and vii, passim.
f Hoofd, xviii. 773.
X " Soet en lieflijk van conversatie." — Bor, xvi. 276a.
§ " Je me suis trouve," wrote the Prince in March, 1580, to Lazarus
Schwendi, " et trouve encore 4 present abandonne non seulement de secours el
assistance, mais mesme de communication et de conseil, en la plus grande diffi-
culte du temps et dangereuses occurrences qui me tombent sur les bras." —
Archives, vii. 231.
I Bor, xiv. 167.

478 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
Renneberg that his deed was to be done forthwith, if he would
escape discomfiture. The Prince would soon be in Groningen,
and his presence would dispel the plots which had beeu
secretly constructed.
On the evening of March the 3rd, 1580, the Count enter
tained a large number of the most distinguished families of
the place at a baU and banquet. At the supper-table,
HUdebrand, chief burgomaster of the city, bluntly interro
gated his host concerning the calumnious reports which were
in circulation, expressing the hope that there was no truth in
these inventions of his enemies. Thus summoned, Renneberg,
seizing the hands of Hildebrand in both his own, exclaimed,
" Oh, my father ! you whom I esteem as my father, can you
suspect me of such guUt ? I pray you, trust me, and fear
me not !"*
With this he restored the burgomaster and aU the other
guests to confidence. The feast and dance proceeded, while
Renneberg was quietly arranging his plot. During the
night all the leading patriots were taken out of their beds,
and carried to prison, notice being at the same time given to
the secret adherents of Renneberg. Before dawn, a numerous
mob of boatmen and vagrants, weU armed, appeared upon the
public square. They bore torches and standards, and amazed the
quiet little city with their shouts. The place was formally taken
into possession, cannon were planted in front of the -Town
House to command the principal streets, and barricades erected
at various important points. Just at daylight, Renneberg him
self, in complete armor, rode into the square, and it was observed
that he looked ghastly as a corpse.f He was foUowed by thirty
troopers, armed hke himself, from head to foot. " Stand by
me now," he cried to the assembled throng ; " faU me not at
this moment, for now I am for the first time your stad
holder."

* Bor, 167. Meteren, x. 169. Hoofd, xvi. 682.
f Van 't hooft ten voete gewapent." — Bor, ubi sup. " In voUen harnas."—
Hoofd, xvi. 682. "Hy sag anders niet dan een dood mensch." — Bor, xiv,
I68i>. "Heel bestorven om de kaaken." — Hoofd, ubi sup.

1580.] a coup d'etat. 479
While he was speaking, a few citizens of the highest class
forced their way through the throng and addressed the mob
in tones of authority. They were evidently magisterial per
sons endeavoring to queU the riot. As they advanced, one of
Renneberg's men-at-arms discharged his carabine at the fore
most gentleman, who was no other than burgomaster HUde-
brand. He fell dead at the feet of the stadholder — of the man
who had clasped his hands a few hours before, called him
father, and implored him to entertain no suspicions of his
honor. The death of this distinguished gentleman created
a panic, during which Renneberg addressed his adherents, and
stimulated them to atone by their future zeal in the King's
service for their former delinquency. A few days afterwards
the city was formaUy reunited to the royal government, but the
Count's measures had been precipitated to such an extent,
that he was unable to carry the province with him, as he
had hoped. On the contrary, although he had secured the
city, he had secured nothing else. He was immediately be
leaguered by the states' force in the province under the com
mand of Barthold Entes, Hohenlo, and Philip Louis Nassau,
and it was necessary to send for immediate assistance from
Parma.* The Prince of Orange, being thus bitterly disappointed by
the treachery of his friend, and foUed in his attempt to avert
the immediate consequences, continued his interrupted journey
to Amsterdam. Here he was received with unbounded en-
thusiasm.f

* MS. holographic letter of Renneberg to Prince of Parma, March 3, 1580. —
Rec. Groning, et Renneberg, i. 69. Bor, Meteren, Hoofd. — Compare Apologie
d'Orange, p. 121. Groen v. Prinst, Archives, vii 243-248 ; Strada, 2, iii. 135,
136. Ev. Reidani, ii 30.
f Bor, xiv. 170. Hoofd, xvi 684.

CHAPTER IT.

Captivity of La Noue — Cruel propositions of Philip — Siege of Groningen — Death
of Barthold Entes — His character— Hohenlo commands in the north — His
incompetence — He is defeated on Hardenberg Heath — Petty operations —
Isolation of Orange — Dissatisfaction and departure of Count John — Remon
strance of Archduke Matthias — Embassy to Anjou — HoUand and Zealand
offer the sovereignty to Orange — Conquest of Portugal — GranveUe proposes
the Ban against the Prince — It is puDh'shed — The document analyzed — The
Apology of Orange analyzed and characterized — Siege of Steenwyk by
Renneberg — Forgeries — Siege relieved— -Death of Renneberg — Institution
of the " Land-Council" — Duchess of Parma sent to the Netherlands — An
ger of Alexander — Prohibition of Cathohc worship in Antwerp, Utrecht,
and elsewhere — Declaration of Independence by the United Provinces —
Negotiations with Anjou — The sovereignty of HoUand and Zealand pro-
visionaUy accepted by Orange — Tripartition of the Netherlands— Power of
the Prince described — Act of Abjuration analyzed — Philosophy of Nether
land pohtics — Views of the government compact — Acquiescence by the
people in the action of the estates — Departure of Archduke Matthias.
The war continued in a languid and desultory manner in
different parts of the country. At an action near Ingelmun-
ster, the brave and accomphshed De la Noue was made pris
oner.* This was a severe loss to the states, a cruel blow to
Orange, for he was not only one of the most experienced sol
diers, but one of the most accomplished writers of his age.
His pen was as celebrated as his sword.f In exchange for the

* Bor, xv. 194, 195. Hoofd, xvi. 690.
f " Che egli habbia saputo," says Bentivogho, " cosi ben maneggiare la penna
come la spada ; e valere in pace non punto meno che in guerra." — Guerra di
Fiandra, 2, i 249.

1580.] BRAS DE FER. 481
Ulustrious Frenchman the states in vain offered Count Egmont,
who had been made prisoner a few weeks before, and De SeUes,
who was captured shortly afterwards. Parma answered, con
temptuously, that he would not give a lion for two sheep.*
Even Champagny was offered in addition, but without success.
Parma had written to Philip, immediately upon the capture,
that, were it not for Egmont, SeUes, and others, then in the
power of Orange, he should order the execution of La Noue.
Under the circumstances, however, he had begged to be in
formed as to his Majesty's pleasure, and in the meantime had
placed the prisoner in the castle of Limburg, under charge of
De BUly.f His Majesty, of course, never signified his pleasure,
and the iUustrious soldier remained for five years in a loath
some dungeon more befitting a condemned malefactor than a
prisoner of war. It was in the donjon keep of the castle,
lighted only by an aperture in the roof, and was therefore ex
posed to the rain and aU inclemencies of the sky, whUe rats,
toads, and other vermin housed in the miry floor.J Here this
distinguished personage, Francis with the Iron Arm, whom aU
Frenchmen, Cathohc or Huguenot, admired for his genius,
bravery, and purity of character, passed five years of close
confinement. The government was most anxious to take his
Ufe, but the captivity of Egmont and others prevented the
accomplishment of their wishes. During this long period, the
wife and numerous friends of La Noue were unwearied in
their efforts to effect his ransom or exchange, § but none of
the prisoners in the hands of the patriots were considered a
fair equivalent. The hideous proposition was even made by
Philip the Second to La Noue, that he should receive his
hberty if he would permit his eyes to be put out, as a preh-
minary condition. The fact is attested by several letters

* Ev. Reidan., Ann. ii 39.
f Strada, d. 2, ni. 155, 156. Parma is said to have hinted to Philip that De
BUly would willingly undertake the private assassination of La Noue. — Popeli-
niere, Hist, des Pays Bas, 1556-1584.
X Moyse Amirault : La Vie de Frangois, Seigneur de la Noue dit Bras de Fer
(Leyde, 1661), pp. 267-277. § Amirault, 267-298.
VOL. III. 31

482 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580,
written by La Noue to his wife. The prisoner, wearied, shat
tered in health, and sighing for air and hberty, was disposed
and even anxious to accept the infamous offer, and dis
cussed the matter philosophicaUy in his letters. That lady,
however, horror-struck at the suggestion, implored him to
reject the condition, which he accordingly consented to do.
At last, in June, 1585, he was exchanged, on extremely
rigorous terms, for Egmont. During his captivity in this
vfle dungeon, he composed not only his famous pohtical and
mUitary discourses, but several other works, among the
rest, Annotations upon Plutarch and upon the Histories of
Guicciardini.* The siege of Groningen proceeded, and Parma ordered some
forces under Martin Schenck to advance to its rehef. On the
other hand, the meagre states' forces under Sonoy, Hohenlo,
Entes, and Count John of Nassau's young son, Wilham Louis,
had not yet made much impression upon the city.f There was
httle mUitary skUl to atone for the feebleness of the assailing
army, although there was plenty of rude valor. Barthold
Entes, a man of desperate character, was impatient at the
dUatoriness of the proceedings. After having been in dis
grace with the states, since the downfaU of his friend and
patron, the Count De la Marck, he had recently succeeded to
a regiment in place of Colonel Ysselstein, " dismissed for a
homicide or two."J On the 17th of May, he had been dining
at Rolda, in company with Hohenlo and the young Count of
Nassau. Returning to the trenches in a state of wild intoxi
cation, he accosted a knot of superior officers, informing

* "Enfin on en vint jusques a ce degre de barbarie que de luy faire suggerer
sous main, que pour donner une suffisante caution de ne porter jamais les armes
contre le Roy Catholicque, U faUoit qu'U se laissast crever les yeux. A peine
l'eusse-je creu si je ne l'avois sceu que par la lecture des histoires et par le rap
port d'un tiers. Mais 1 ou 8 lettres qu'il en a faites de sa propre main a sa femme
m'ont rendu la chose si indubitable, que sur sa foy je la donne icy pour teUe."  ¦
Amirault, pp. 280, 281-298. — Compare Strada, 2, iii. 156.
f Bor, xv. 203-205. Hoofd, xvi. 691, sqq. Meteren, x. 169, 170.
X Hoofd, xvi. 691.

1580.] DEATH OF ENTES. 483
them that they were but boys, and that he would show them
how to carry the faubourg of Groningen on the instant.
He was answered that the faubourg, being walled and moated,
could be taken only by escalade or battery. Laughing loudly,
he rushed forward toward the counterscarp, waving his swordy
and brandishing on his left arm the cover of a butter firkin,
which he had taken instead of his buckler. He had advanced,
however, but a step, when a bullet from the faubourg pierced
his brain, and he fell dead without a word.*
So perished one of the wild founders of the Netherland
commonwealth — one of the Uttle band of reckless adventurers
who had captured the town of Brill in 1572, and thus laid
the foundation stone of a great repubhc, which was to dictate
its laws to the empire of Charles the Fifth. He was in some
sort a type. His character was emblematical of the worst
side of the liberating movement. Desperate, lawless, ferocious
— a robber on land, a pirate by sea — he had rendered great
service in the cause of his fatherland, and had done it much
disgrace. By the evU deeds of men like himself, the fair face
of liberty had been profaned at its first appearance. Born of
a respectable family, he had been noted, when a student in
this very Groningen where he had now found his grave, for
the youthful profligacy of his character. After dissipating
his pajttrimony, he had taken to the sea, the legahzed piracy
of the mortal struggle with Spain offering a welcome refuge to
spendthrifts hke himself. In common with many a banished
noble of ancient birth and broken fortunes, the riotous student
became a successful corsair, and it is probable that his prizes
were made as weU among the friends as the enemies of his
country. He amassed in a short time one hundred thousand
crowns — no contemptible fortune in those days. He assisted
La Marck in the memorable attack upon BriU, but behaved
badly and took to flight when Mondragon made his memorable
expedition to reheve Tergoes.f He had subsequently been

* Hoofd, ubi sup. Meteren, x 170*. — Compare Bor, 3, xv. 205.
f Meteren, x. 170*.

484 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
imprisoned with La Marck for insubordination, and during
his confinement had dissipated a large part of his fortune. In
1576, after the violation of the Ghent treaty, he had returned
to his piratical pursuits, and having prospered again as rapidly
is he had done during his former cruises, had been glad to
exchange the ocean for more honorable service on shore.
The result was the tragic yet almost ludicrous termination
which we have narrated. He left a handsome property, the
result of his various piracies, or, according to the usual
euphemism, prizes. He often expressed regret at the number
of traders whom he had cast into the sea, complaining, in
particular, of one victim whom he had thrown overboard, who
would never sink, but who for years long ever floated in his
wake, and stared him in the face whenever he looked over-
Ms vessel's side. A gambler, a profligate, a pirate, he had
yet rendered service to the cause of freedom, and his name —
suUying the purer and nobler ones of other founders of the
commonwealth — " is enrolled in the capitol."*
Count PhUip Hohenlo, upon whom now devolved the
entire responsibUity of the Groningen siege and of the Fries
land operations, was only a few degrees superior to this
northern corsair. A noble of high degree, nearly connected
with the Nassau family, sprung of the best blood in Germany,
handsome and dignified in appearance, he was, in reahty only
a debauchee and a drunkard. Personal bravery was his main
qualification for a general ; a virtue which he shared with
many of his meanest soldiers. He had never learned the art of
war, nor had he the least ambition to acquire it. Devoted to
his pleasures, he depraved those under his command, and
injured the cause for which he was contending.f Nothing
but defeat and disgrace were expected by the purer patriots
from such guidance. "The benediction of God," wrote

* Meteren, x. 170. Bor, xv. 205. Hoofd, xvi. 691. Archives de la Maison
d'Orange, vii. 370. The names of the band of adventurers who seized BriU are
aU carefully preserved in the old records of the Repubhc.
t Letter of Albada, Archives et Correspondance, vii 370. Ev. Reidani Ann.
Belg., ii 34

1580.] DEFEAT ON HARDENBERG HEATH. 485
Albada, " cannot be hoped for under this chieftain, who by
life and manners is fitter to drive swine than to govern pious
and honorable men."*
The event justified the prophecy. After a few trifling ope
rations before Groningen, Hohenlo was summoned to the
neighbourhood of Coewerden, by the reported arrival of Martin
Schenck, at the head of a considerable force. On the 15th of
June, the Count marched all night and a part of the foUowing
morning, in search of the enemy. He came up with them
upon Hardenberg Heath, in a broUing summer forenoon.
His men were jaded by the forced march, overcome with the
heat, tormented with thirst, and unable to procure even a drop
of water. The royalists were fresh, so that the result of the
contest was easUy to be foreseen. Hohenlo's army was anni-
hUated in an hour's time, the whole population fled out of
Coewerden, the siege of Groningen was raised, Renneberg
was set free to resume his operations on a larger scale, and
the fate of aU the north-eastern provinces was once more
swinging in the wind.f The boors of Drenthe and Friesland
rose again. They had aheady mustered , in the field at an
earlier season of the year, in considerable force. CaUing
themselves " the desperates," and bearing on their standard
an eggsheU with the yolk running out — to indicate that,
having lost the meat they were yet ready to fight for the sheU
— they had swept through the open country, piUaging and
burning. Hohenlo had defeated them in two encounters,
slain a large number of their forces, and reduced them for a
time to tranquUlity. + His late overthrow once more set them
loose. Renneberg, always apt to be over-elated in prosperity,
as he was unduly dejected in adversity, now assumed all the
airs of a conqueror. He had hardly eight thousand men
under his orders,§ but his strength lay in the weakness of his

* "  qui porcis regendis vita et moribus magis est idoneus quam bonis
piisque defendendis." — Archives et Correspondance, vii 370.
f Bor, xv. 207. Meteren, x. 170, 171. Hoofd, xvi 693, 694. Strada, 2. iv.
169-172. X Bor, xiv. 177-178. § Bor, xv. 221*.

486 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
adversaries. A small war now succeeded, with small generals,
smaU armies, small campaigns, smaU sieges. For the time,
the Prince of Orange was even obhged to content himself with
such a general as Hohenlo. As usual, he was almost alone.
" Donee eris felix," said he, emphaticaUy —
" multos numerabis amicos,
Tempora cum erunt nubila, minus erit,"*
and he was this summer doomed to a stiU harder deprivation
by the final departure of his brother John from the Netherlands.
The Count had been wearied out by petty miseries.f His
stadholderate of Gelderland had overwhelmed him with
annoyance, for throughout the north-eastern provinces there
was neither system nor subordination. The magistrates could
exercise no authority over an army which they did not pay, or
a people whom they did not protect. There were endless
quarrels between the various boards of municipal and provin
cial government— particularly concerning contributions and
expenditures.^ During this wranghng, the country was
exposed to the forces of Parma, to the private efforts of the
* Archives, vn. 231, Letter to Lazarus Schwendi.
f See the letters of Count John in Archives, vol vii passim ; particularly
letters 929, 930, 931, 932, 974, 1019, and the Memoir on pages 510-530.
X When the extraordinary generosity of the Count himself, and the altogether
unexampled sacrifices of the Prince are taken into account, it may weU be sup
posed that the patience of the brothers would be sorely tried by the parsimony
of the states. It appears by a document laid before the states-general in the
winter of 1580-1581, that the Count had himself advanced to Orange 570,000
florins in the cause. The total of money spent by the Prince himself for the
sake of Netherland liberty was 2,200,000. These vast sums had been raised
in various ways and from various personages. His estates were deeply hypothec
cated, and his creditors so troublesome, that, in his own language, he was unable
to attend properly to public affairs, so frequent and so threatening were the appli
cations made upon him for payment. Day by day he felt the necessity advancing
more closely upon him of placing himseU" personally in the hands of his creditors
and making over his estates to their mercy until the uttermost farthing should be
paid. In his two campaigns against Alva (1568 and 1572) he had spent 1,050,000
florins. He owed the Elector Palatine 150,000 florins, the Landgrave 60,000,
Count John 570,000, and other sums to other individuals. — Staat ende kort
begrip van het geen, M. E. Heere den P. van Orange betalt mag hebben mitsga-
ders het geene syne V. G. schuldig is gebleeven, etc. Ordin. Depechen Boek,
A". 1580, 1581, f. 245", sqq., MS. Hague Archives.

1580.] COUNT JOHN'S DISCONTENT. 487
Malcontents, to the unpaid soldiery of the states, to the armed
and rebeUious peasantry. Little heed was paid to the admo
nitions of Count John, who was of a hotter temper than was
the tranquil Prince. The stadholder gave way to fits of
passion at the meanness and the insolence to which he was
constantly exposed. He readily recognized his infirmity, and
confessed himself unable to accommodate his irascibility to the
" humores" of the inhabitants. There was often sufficient
cause for his petulance. Never had prastor of a province a
more penurious civil Ust. " The baker has given notice,"
wrote Count John, in November, " that he wiU supply no
more bread after to-morrpw, unless he is paid." The states
would furnish no money to pay the biU. ¦ It was no better
with the butcher. " The cook has often no meat to roast,"
said the Count., in the same letter, " so that we are often
obliged to go supperless to bed." His lodgings were a half-
roofed, half-finished, unfurnished barrack, where the stadholder
passed his winter days and evenings in a small, dark, freezing-
cold chamber, often without fire-wood* Such circumstances
were certainly not calculated to excite envy. When in addi
tion to such wretched parsimony, it is remembered that the
Count was perpetually worried by the quarrels of the provincial
authorities with each other and with himself, he may be for
given for becoming thoroughly exhausted at last. He was
growing " grey and grizzled" with perpetual perplexity. He
had been fed with annoyance, as if — to use his own homely
expression — " he had eaten it with a spoon." Having already
loaded himself with a debt of six hundred thousand florins,
which he had spent in the states' service, and having strug
gled manfuUy against the petty tortures of his situation,
he cannot be severely censured for relinquishing his post.f The
affairs of his own Countship were in great confusion. His chil
dren — boys and girls — were many, and needed their fathers'
guidance, whUe the eldest, William Louis, was already in arms

* Archives et Correspondance, vii 109, 113, 328, 329.
t Ibid, vii. 334, 487.

488 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
for the Netherlands, following the instincts of his race. Dis
tinguished for a rash valor, which had already gained the
rebuke of his father and the applause of his comrades, he had
commenced his long and glorious career by receiving a severe
wound at Coewerden, which caused him to halt for life.*
Leaving so worthy a representative, the Count was more justi
fied in his departure.
His wife, too, had died in his absence, and household affairs
required his attention. It must be confessed, however, that
if the memory of his deceased spouse had its claims, the selec
tion of her successor was still more prominent among his
anxieties. The worthy gentleman had been supernaturally
directed as to his second choice, ere that choice seemed neces
sary, for before the news of his wife's death had reached him,
the Count dreamed that he was already united in second
nuptials to the fair Cunigunda, daughter of the deceased
Elector Palatine — a vision wliich was repeated many times.
On the morrow he learned, to his amazement, that he was a
widower, and entertained no doubt that he had been speciaUy
directed towards the princess seen in his slumbers, whom he
had never seen in life.f His friends were in favor of his
marrying the Electress Dowager, rather than her daughter,
whose years numbered less than half his own. The honest
Count, however, "after ripe consideration," decidedly pre
ferred the maid to the widow. " I confess," he said, with
much gravity, " that the marriage with the old Electress, in
respect of her God-fearing disposition, her piety, her virtue,
and the like, would be much more advisable. Moreover, as
she hath borne her cross, and knows how to deal with gentle
men, so much the better would it be for me. Nevertheless,
inasmuch as she has already had twa husbands, is of a tolerable

* Bor, xv. 216. Archives, etc., vii 383-386. Hoofd, xvii. 707.
f Archives, etc., vii. 323, sqq. This conviction of divine interposition
was inserted in the marriage contract.— Vide Memorial von Gr. Ernst zu
Sehawenburg and Dr. Jacob Schwartz. Archives et Correspondance, vii. 361,

eqq.

1580.] ASSEMBLY AT ANTWERP. 489
age, and is taller of stature than myself, my inclination is less
towards her than towards her daughter."*
For these various considerations, Count John, notwith
standing the remonstrances of his brother, definitely laid
down his government of Gelderland, and quitted the Nether
lands about midsummerf Enough had not been done, in the
opinion of the Prince, so long as aught remained to do, and he
could not bear that his brother should desert the country in
the hour of its darkness, or doubt the Almighty when his
hand was veUed in clouds. " One must do one's best," said he,
" and beheve that when such misfortunes happen, God desires
to prove us. If He sees that we do not lose our courage, He
wiU assuredly help us. Had we thought otherwise, we should
never have pierced the dykes on a memorable occasion, for it
was an uncertain thing and a great sorrow for the poor people ;
yet did God bless the undertaking. He wfll bless us stiU, for
bis arm hath not been shortened."^
On the 22nd of July, 1580, the Archduke Matthias, being
fuUy aware of the, general tendency of affairs, summoned a
meeting of the generality in Antwerp. He did not make his
appearance before the assembly, but requested that a deputation
might wait upon him at his lodgings, and to this committee
he unfolded his griefs. He expressed his hope that the states
were not — in violation of the laws of God and man — about to
throw themselves into the arms of a foreign prince. He
reminded them of their duty to the holy Cathohc rehgion, and
to the illustrious house of Austria, while he also patheticaUy
called their attention to the necessities of his own household,
and hoped that they would, at least, provide for the arrears
due to his domestics.§
The states-general repUed with courtesy as to the personal
* Archives et Correspondance, vii. 325 and 364, note. — "Item:" says the
marriage memorial already cited, " the widpw is a tolerably stout person, which
would be almost derogatory to his Grace. When they should be in company of
other gentlemen and ladies, or should be walking together in the streets, his
Grace would seem almost little at her side." — Memoir of Dr. Schwartz.
f Archives, etc., vii. 390.
X Archives et Correspondance, vii 316. § Bor, xv. 212, 213.

490 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
claims of the Archduke. For the rest, they took higher
grounds, and the coming declaration of independence already
pierced through the studied decorum of their language. They
defended their negotiation with Anjou on the ground of neces
sity, averring that the King of Spain had proved inexorable to
all intercession, whUe, through the intrigues of their bitterest
enemies, they had been entirely forsaken by the Empire.*
Soon afterwards, a special legation, with Saint Aldegonde
at its head, was despatched to France to consult with the
Duke of Anjou, and settled terms of agreement with him by
the treaty of Plessis les Tours (on the 29th of September,
1580), afterwards definitely ratified by the convention of
Bordeaux, signed on the 23rd of the foUowing January.f
The states of HoUand and Zealand, however, kept entirely
aloof from this transaction, being from the beginning opposed
to the choice of Anjou. From the first to the last, they would
have no master but Orange, and to him, therefore, this year
they formaUy offered the sovereignty of their provinces ; but
they offered it in vain.
The conquest of Portugal had effected a diversion in the
affairs of the Netherlands. It was but a transitory one.
The provinces found the hopes which they had built upon the
necessity of Spain for large suppUes in the peninsula — to
their own consequent rehef — soon changed into fears, for the
rapid success of Alva in Portugal gave his master additional
power to oppress the heretics of the north. Henry, the
Cardinal King, had died in 1580, after succeeding to the
youthful adventurer, Don Sebastian, slain during his chival
rous African campaign (4th of August, 1578). The contest
for the succession which opened upon the death of the aged
monarch was brief, and in fifty-eight days, the bastard Anto
nio, Philip's only formidable competitor, had been utterly de
feated and driven forth to lurk, like a hunted wild beast,
among rugged mountain caverns, with a price of a hundred
thousand crowns upon his head.| In the course of the suc-
* Bor, xv. 212, 213. f Ibid., 214.
X Cabrera, xii. cap. 29 ; xiii. cap. 1,2, 5, 6, pp. 1095-1139. Bor, xiv. 178 sqq
Archives de la Maison d'Orange, vii. 398, sqq.

1580.] GRANVELLE RECOMMENDS THE BAN. 491
ceeding year, Philip received homage at Lisbon as King of
Portugal.* From the moment of this conquest, he was more
disposed, and more at leisure than ever, to vent his wrath
against the Netherlands, and against the man whom he con
sidered the incarnation of their revolt.
Cardinal GranveUe had ever whispered in the King's ear
the expediency of taking off the Prince by assassination. It
has been seen how subtly distflled, and how patiently hoarded,
was this priest's venom against individuals, until the time
arrived when he could administer the poison with effect. His
hatred of Orange was intense and of ancient date. He was
of opinion, too, that the Prince might be scared from the post
of duty, even if the assassin's hand were not able to reach his
heart. He was in favor of pubhcly setting a price upon his
head — thinking that if the attention of all the murderers in
the world were thus directed towards the iUustrious victim, the
Prince would tremble at the dangers which surrounded him.
" A sum of money would be well employed in this way," said
the Cardinal, " and, as the Prince of Orange is a vile coward,
fear alone wiU throw him into confusion."f Again, a few
months later, renewing the subject, he observed, " 'twould be
weU to offer a reward of thirty or forty thousand crowns to
any one who will deUver the Prince, dead or alive ; since from
very fear of it — as he is pusillanimous — it would not be
unlikely that he should die of his own accord."%
It was insulting even to Philip's inteUigence to insinuate
that the Prince would shrink before danger, or die of fear.

* He wore on the occasion of the ceremony " a cassock of cramoisy brocade,
with large folds." With his sceptre grasped in his right hand, and his crown
upon his head, he looked, says his enthusiastic biographer, " like King David-
red, handsome, and venerable." " Parecia al Rey David, rojo, hermoso a la
vista, i venerable en la Majestad que representaba." — Cabrera, xiii. 1126.
f Archives, etc., vii. 166. — "T qualquier dinero seria muy bien empleado
 j como es vii y cobarde, el miedo le pondria en confusion." — Letter of the
Cardinal to PhiUp, August 8, 1579.
X "Tambien se podria al Principe d'Oranges poner taUa de 30 o 40 mil
escudos, a quien le matasse o diesse vivo, como hazen todos los potentados de
Italia, pues con miedo solo desto como es pusiUmime, no seria mucho moriesse de
suyo," etc. — Und.

492 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
Had Orange ever been inclined to bombast, he might have
answered the churchman's calumny, as Caesar the soothsayer's
warning : — "  Danger knows fuU weU
That Csesar is more dangerous than he — "
and in truth, Philip had long trembled on his throne before the
genius of the man who had foiled Spain's boldest generals
and wUiest statesmen. The King, accepting the priest's
advice, resolved to fulminate a ban against the Prince, and to
set a price upon his head. " It wfll be well," wrote Philip to
Parma, "to offer thirty thousand crowns or so to any one
who will deUver him dead or ahve. Thus the country may
be rid of a man so pernicious ; or at any rate he will be held
in perpetual fear, and therefore prevented from executing
leisurely his designs."*
In accordance with these suggestions and these hopes, the
famous ban was accordingly drawn up, and dated on the 15th
of March, 1580. It was, however, not formaUy published in
the Netherlands until the month of June of the same year.f
This edict wiU remain the most lasting- monument to the
memory of Cardinal GranveUe. It wiU be read when aU his
other state-papers and epistles — able as they incontestably
are — shall have passed into oblivion. No panegyric of friend
no palhating magnanimity of foe, can roll away this rock of
infamy from his tomb. It was by Cardinal GranveUe and by
Philip that a price was set upon the head of the foremost man
of his age, as if he had been a savage beast, and that admission
into the ranks of Spain's haughty nobility was made the
additional bribe to tempt the assassin.
The banj consisted of a preliminary narrative to justify the
penalty with which it was concluded. It referred to the
favors conferred by Philip and his father upon the Prince ; to
his signal ingratitude and dissimulation. It accused him of

• Archives, vii 165-170. Letter of Philip to the Prince of Parma, Nov. 30,
1579. The letter, says Groen v. Prinsterer, was doubtless dictated by Granvelle.
t Wagenaer, Vad. Hist., vii. 345, 346.
X It ia-appended to the " Apologie," in the edition of Sylvius, pp. 145-160.

1580.] THE BAN. 493
originating the Request, the image-breaking, and the pubhc
preaching. It censured his marriage with an abbess — even
during the hfetime of his wife ; aUuded to his campaigns
against Alva, to his rebeUion in HoUand, and to the horrible
massacres committed by Spaniards in that province — as the
necessary consequences of his treason. It accused him of
introducing liberty of conscience, of procuring his own appoint
ment as Ruward, of violating the Ghent treaty, of foiling the
efforts of Don John, and of frustrating the counsels of the
Cologne commissioners by his perpetual distrust. It charged
him with a newly-organized conspiracy, in the erection of the
Utrecht Union ; and for these and simUar crimes — set forth
with involutions, slow, spiral, and cautious as the head and
front of the indictment was direct and deadly — it denounced
the chastisement due to the " wretched hypocrite" who had
committed such offences.
" For these causes," concluded the ban, " we declare him
traitor and miscreant, enemy of ourselves and of the country.
As such we banish him perpetually from aU our realms, for
bidding aU our subjects, of whatever quality, to communicate
with him openly or privately — to administer to him victuals,
drink, fire, or other necessaries. We aUow aU to injure him
in property or life. We expose the said William Nassau as an
enemy of the human race — giving his property to all who may
seize it. And if any one of our subjects or any stranger
should be found sufficiently generous of heart to rid us of this
pest, delivering him to us, ahve or dead, or taking his hfe, we
wiU cause to be furnished to him immediately after the deed
shaU have been done, the sum of twenty-five thousand crowns
in gold. If he have committed any crime, hoivever heinous, we
promise to pardon him ; and if he be not already noble, we
will ennoble him for his valor."
Such was the celebrated ban agamst the Prince of Orange.
It was answered before the end of the year by the memorable
" Apology of the Prince of Orange" one of the most starthng
documents in history. No defiance was ever thundered forth
in the face of a despot in more terrible tones. It had become

494 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
sufficiently manifest to the royal party that the Prince was not
to be purchased by "millions of money," or by unlimited
famUy advancement — not to be cajoled by flattery or offers of
illustrious friendship. It had been decided, therefore, to terrify
him into retreat, or to remove him by murder. The Govern
ment had been thoroughly convinced that the only way to
finish the revolt, was to " finish Orange," according to the
ancient advice of Antonio Perez. The mask was thrown off.
It had been decided to forbid the Prince bread, water, fire, and
shelter ; to give his wealth to the fisc, his heart to the assassin,
his soul, as it was hoped, to the Father of EvU. The rupture
being thus complete, it was right that the " wretched
hypocrite" should answer ban with . ban, royal denunciation
with sublime scorn. He had fll-deserved, however, the title
of hypocrite, he said. When the friend of government, he
had warned them that by their complicated and perpetual per
secutions they were twisting the rope of their own ruin. Was
that hypocrisy ? Since becoming their enemy, there had hke
wise been Uttle hypocrisy found in him — unless it were hypo
crisy to make open war upon government, to take their cities,
to expel their armies from the country.
The proscribed rebel, towering to a moral and even social
superiority over the man who affected to be his master by
right divine, swept down upon his antagonist with crushing
effect. He repudiated the idea of a king in the Netherlands.
The word might be legitimate in CastiUe, or Naples, or the
Indies, but the provinces knew no such title. Philip had
inherited in those countries only the power of Duke or
Count — a power closely limited by constitutions more ancient
than his birthright. Orange was no rebel then — Philip no
legitimate monarch. Even were the Prince rebellious, it was
no more than PhUip's ancestor, Albert of Austria, had been
towards his anointed sovereign, Emperor Adolphus of Nassau,
ancestor of WUUam. The ties of aUegiance and conventional
authority being severed, it had become idle for the King to
affect superiority of lineage to the man whose famUy had
occupied iUustrious stations when the Habsburgs were obscure

1580.] THE APOLOGY. 495
squires in Switzerland, and had ruled as sovereign in the
Netherlands before that overshadowing house had ever been
named. But whatever the hereditary claims of Phihp in the country,
he had forfeited them by the violation of his oaths, by his
tyrannical suppression of the charters of the land ; whUe by
his personal crimes he had lost aU pretension to sit in judg
ment upon his feUow man. Was a people not justified in
rising against authority when aU their laws had been trodden
under foot, " not once only, but a miUion of times ?" — and
was William of Orange, lawful husband of the virtuous Char
lotte de Bourbon, to be denounced for moral delinquency by
a lascivious, incestuous, adulterous, and murderous king ?
With horrible distinctness he laid before the monarch all the
crimes of which he beheved him guilty, and having thus told
PhiUp to his beard, " thus diddest thou," he had a withering
word for the priest who stood at his back. " Tell me," he
cried, " by whose command Cardinal Granvelle administered
poison to the Emperor Maximilian ? I know what the Emperor
told me, and how much fear he felt afterwards for the King
and for all Spaniards."
He ridiculed the effrontery of men hke Philip and GranveUe,
in charging "distrust" upon others, when it was the veiy
atmosphere of their own existence. He proclaimed that senti
ment to be the only salvation for the country. He reminded
Philip of the words which his namesake of Macedon — a school
boy in tyranny, compared to himself — had heard from the lips
of Demosthenes — that the strongest fortress of a free people
against a tyrant was distrust. That sentiment, worthy of
eternal memory, the Prince declared that he had taken from
the " divine philippic," to engrave upon the heart of the nation,
and he prayed God that he might be more readily beheved
than the great orator had been by his people.
He treated with scorn the price set upon his head, ridiculing
this project to terrify him, for its want of novelty, and asking
the monarch if he supposed the rebel ignorant of the various
bargains which had frequently been made before with cut-

496 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1580.
throats and poisoners to take away his Ufe. " I am in the
hand of God," said WUham of Orange ; " my worldly goods
and my life have been long since dedicated to His service.
He wUl dispose of them as seems best for His glory and my
salvation." On the contrary, however, if it could be demonstrated, or
even hoped, that his absence would benefit the cause of the
country, he proclaimed himself ready to go into exile.
" Would to God," said he, in conclusion, " that my perpetual
banishment, or even my death, could bring you a true dehver
ance from so many calamities. Oh, how consoling would be
such banishment — how sweet such a death ! For why have I
exposed my property ? Was it that I might enrich myself ?
Why have I lost my brothers ? Was it that I might find
new ones ? Why have I left my son so long a prisoner ?
Can you give me another ? Why have I put my Ufe so often
in danger ? What reward can I hope after my long services,
and the almost total wreck of my earthly fortunes, if not the
prize of having acquired, perhaps at the expense of my hfe,
your liberty ? If then, my masters, you judge that my
absence or my death can serve you, behold me ready to obey.
Command me — send me to the ends of the earth — I will obey.
Here is my head, over which no prince, no monarch, has power
but yourselves. Dispose of it for your good, for the preserva
tion of your RepubUc, but if you judge that the moderate
amount of experience and industry which is in me, if you
judge that the remainder of my property and of my Ufe can
yet be of service to you, I dedicate them afresh to you and to
the country."*
His motto — most appropriate to his Ufe and character —
" Je maintiendrai," was the concluding phrase of the docu
ment. His arms and signature were also formaUy appended,
and the Apology, translated into most modern languages, was
sent to nearly every potentate in Christendom.f It had been
previously, on the 13th of December, 1580, read before the

Apologie, pp. 140, 141. f "Wagenaer, vii 354.

2580.] SIEGE OF STEENWYK. 497
assembly of the united states at Delft, and approved as cor
dially as the ban was indignantly denounced.*
During the remainder of the year 1580, and the half of the
foUowing year, the seat of hostilities was mainly in the north
east — Parma, whUe waiting the arrival of fresh troops, being
inactive. The operations, like the armies and the generals,
were petty. Hohenlo was opposed to Renneberg. After a few
insignificant victories, the latter laid siege to Steenwyk,f a
city in itself of no great importance, but the key to the pro
vince of Drenthe. The garrison consisted of six hundred
soldiers, and half as many trained burghers. Renneberg, hav
ing six thousand foot and twelve hundred horse, summoned the
place to surrender, but was answered with defiance. Captain
Cornput, who had escaped from Groningen, after unsuccessfully
warning the citizens of Renneberg's meditated treason, com
manded in Steenwyk, and his courage and cheerfulness sus
tained the population of the city during a close winter siege.
Tumultuous mobs in the streets demanding that the place
should be given over ere it was too late, he denounced to their
faces as " flocks of gabbling geese," unworthy the attention of
brave men. To a butcher who, with the instinct of his craft,
begged to be informed what the population were to eat when
the meat was all gone, he coolly observed, " We wUl eat you,
villain, first of aU, when the time comes ; so go home and rest
assured that you, at least, are not to die of starvation."^:
* Ibid. Archives et Correspondance, vii. 480. — The "Apologie" was drawn
up by ViUiers, a clergyman of learning and talent. (Vide Duplessis Mornay,
note to De Thou, v. 813, La Haye, 1740.) No man, however, at aU conversant
with the writings and speeches of the Prince, can doubt that the entire sub
stance of the famous document was from his own hand. The whole was sub
mitted to him for his final emendations, and it seems by no means certain that
it derived anything from the hand of ViUiers, save the artistic arrangement of
the parts, together with certain inflations of style, by which the severe sublimity
of the general effect is occasionaUy marred. The appearance of the Apology
created both admiration and alarm among the friends of its author. " Now is the
Prince a dead man," cried Saint Aldegonde, when he read it in France. —
Hoofd, xvii. 735.
¦f Bor, xv. 219, 221. Hoofd, xvii. 710. Meteren, x. 176, sqq.
X Hoofd, xvii. 715. Meteren, x. 118*.
vol. iii. 32

498 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
With such rough but cheerful admonitions did the honest
soldier, at the head of his httle handful, sustain the courage
of the beleaguered city. Meantime Renneberg pressed it
hard. He bombarded it with red-hot baUs, a new invention
introduced five years before by Stephen Bathor, King of
Poland, at the siege of Dantzig.* Many houses were con
sumed, but stiU Cornput and the citizens held firm. As the
winter advanced, and the succor which had been promised stfll
remained in the distance, Renneberg began to pelt the city
with sarcasms, wliich, it was hoped, might prove more
effective than the red-hot balls. He sent a herald to know if
the citizens had eaten aU their horses yet ; a question which
was answered by an ostentatious display of sixty starving
hacks — aU that could be mustered — upon the heights. He
sent them on another occasion, a short letter, which ran as
foUows : —
"Most Honorable, most Steadfast, — As, during the
present frost, you have but little exercise in the trenches — as
you cannot pass your time in twirhng your finger-rings, seeing
that they have aU been sold to pay your soldiers' wages — as
you have nothing to rub your teeth upon, nor to scour your
stomachs withal, and as, nevertheless, you require something if
only to occupy your minds, I send you the enclosed letter, in
hope it may yield amusement. — January 15, 1581. "f
The enclosure was a letter from the Prince of Orange to the
Duke of Anjou, which, as it was pretended, had been inter
cepted. It was a clumsy forgery, but it answered the purpose
of more skilful counterfeiting, at a period when pohtical and
religious enmity obscured men's judgment. " As to the point
of religion," the Prince was made to observe, for example, to
his illustrious correspondent, "that is all plain and clear. No
sovereign who hopes to come to any great advancement ought
to consider rehgion, or hold it in regard. Your Highness, by
means of the garrisons, and fortresses, wfll be easUy master of

0 Meteren, x. 169d. Wagenear, vii 359. | Meteren, x. 171C.

1581.] FORGED LETTERS. 499
the principal cities in Flanders and Brabant, even if the
citizens were opposed to you. Afterwards you wfll compel
them without difficulty to any rehgion which may seem most
conducive to the interests of your Highness."*
Odious and cynical as was the whole tone of the letter, it
was extensively circulated. There were always natures base
and brutal enough to accept the calumny and to make it
current among kindred souls. It may be doubted whether
Renneberg attached faith to the document ; but it was natural
that he should take a mahcious satisfaction in spreading this
libel agamst the man whose perpetual scorn he had so recently
earned. Nothing was more common than such forgeries, and
at that very moment a letter, executed with equal grossness,
was passing from hand to hand, wliich purported to be from
the Count himself to Parma.f History has less interest in con
tradicting the calumnies against a man like Renneberg. The
fictitious epistle of Orange, however, was so often republished,
and the copies so carefuUy distributed, that the Prince had
thought it important to add an express repudiation of its
authorship, by way of appendix to his famous Apology. He
took the occasion to say, that if a particle of proof could be
brought that he had written the letter, or any letter resembhng
it, he would forthwith leave the Netherlands, never to show his
face there again. £
Notwithstanding this weU known denial, however, Renne
berg thought it facetious to send the letter into Steenwyk,
where it produced but small effect upon the minds of the
burghers. Meantime, they had received intimation that succor
Was on its way. HoUow balls containing letters were shot

* The whole letter is given by Bor, of course as a forgery, xvi. 239-241. It
was probably prepared by AssonleviUe. — Ibid. Compare Groen v. Prinst,
Archives, vii. 380.
f This letter, the fictitious character of which is as obvious aa that of tho
forged epistle of Orange, is given at length by Bor, xv. 211, 212. It is amusing
to see the gravity with which the historian introduces the ridiculous document,
evidently without entertaining a doubt as to its genuineness.
X Bor, xvi. 239b.

500 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
into the town, bringing the welcome intelhgence that the
Enghsh colonel, John Norris, with six thousand states' troops,
would soon make his appearance for theh relief, and the brave
Cornput added his cheerful exhortations to heighten the satis
faction thus produced. A day or two afterwards, three quails
were caught in the public square, and the commandant improved
the circumstance by many quaint homihes. The number
three, he observed, was typical of the Holy Trinity, which had
thus come symbolically to their relief. The Lord had sustained
the fainting Israelites with quaUs. The number three indi
cated three weeks, within which time the promised succor was
sure to arrive. Accordingly, upon the 22nd of February,
1581, at the expiration of the third week, Norris succeeded
in victuaUing the town, the merry and steadfast Cornput was
estabhshed as a true prophet, and Count Renneberg abandoned
the siege in despair.*
The subsequent career of that unhappy nobleman was brief.
On the 19th of July his troops were signaUy defeated by
Sonoy and Norris, the fugitive royahsts retreating into
Groningen at the very moment when their general, who had
been prevented by illness from commanding them, was
receiving the last sacraments. Remorse, shame, and disap
pointment had literally brought Renneberg to his grave.
"His treason," says a contemporary, "was a nafl in his
coffin," and on his deathbed he bitterly bemoaned his crime.
" Groningen ! Groningen ! would that I had never seen thy
walls !" he cried repeatedly in his last hours. He refused
to see his sister, whose insidious counsels had combined
with his own evil passions to make him a traitor ; and he
died on the 23rd of July, 1581, repentant and submissive.f
His heart, after his decease, was found "shrivelled to the
dimensions of a walnut,"J a circumstance attributed to poison

* Strada, 2, iv. 172. Meteren, x. 179. Bor, xvi. 238. Hoofd, xvii
717, 718.
t Bor, xvi. 276. Hoofd, xviii 773. Meteren, x. 184.
X "So verdorreten kleen als een walse note."  Bor, xvi. 276.

1581.] THE NATIONAL COUNCIL. 501
by some, to remorse by others. His regrets, his early death,
and his many attractive qualities, combined to save his
character from universal denunciation, and his name, although
indelibly stained by treason, was ever mentioned with pity
rather than with rancor.*
Great changes, destined to be perpetual, were steadUy pre
paring in the internal condition of the provinces. A pre
liminary measure of an important character had been taken
early this year by the assembly of the united provinces held
in the month of January at Delft. This was the establish
ment of a general executive council. The constitution of the
board was arranged on the 13th of the month, and was em
braced in eighteen articles. The number of councillors was
fixed at thirty, all to be native Netherlanders ; a certain pro
portion to be appointed from each province by its estates.
The advice and consent of this body as to treaties with foreign
powers were to be indispensable, but they were not to interfere
with the rights and duties of the states-general, nor to inter
pose any obstacle to the arrangements with the Duke of
Anjou.f While this additional machine for the self-government of
the provinces was in the course of creation, the Spanish
monarch, on the other hand, had made another effort to
recover the authority which he felt slipping from his grasp.
Phihp was in Portugal, preparing for his coronation in that
new kingdom — an event to be nearly contemporaneous with
his deposition from the Netherland sovereignty, so solemnly
conferred upon him a quarter of a century before in Brussels ;
but although thus distant, he was confident that he could more
wisely govern the Netherlands than the inhabitants could do,
and unwilling as ever to confide in the abihties of those to
whom he had delegated his authority. Provided, as he

* His death was attributed by the royalists to regret at his ill success in ac
complishing the work for which he had received so large a price. — MS. letter of
Henri de Nebra to Prince of Parma, July 22, 1581, Rec. Gron. und Renneberg,
ii. f. 184, Royal Archives, Brussels.
f The Constitution of the "Land Raed" is given in full by Bor, xvi 241-243.

502 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581,
unquestionably was at that moment, with a more energetic
representative than any who had before exercised the functions
of royal governor in the provinces, he was stUl disposed to
harass, to doubt, and to mterfere. With the additional cares
of the Portuguese Conquest upon his hands, he felt as irresis
tibly impeUed as ever to superintend the minute detaUs of
provincial administration. To do this was impossible. It
was, however, not impossible, by attempting to do it, to pro
duce much mischief. " It gives me pain," wrote GranveUe,
" to see his Majesty working as before — choosing to under
stand everything and to do everything. By this course, as I
have often said before, he really accomplishes much less."
The King had, moreover, recently committed the profound
error of sending the Duchess Margaret of Parma to the
Netherlands again. He had the fatuity to beheve her memory
so tenderly cherished in the provinces as to ensure a burst of
loyalty at her reappearance, whUe the irritation which he thus
created in the breast of her son he affected to disregard. The
event was what might have been foreseen. The Netherlanders
were very moderately excited by the arrival of their former
regent, but the Prince of Parma was furious. His mother
actuaUy arrived at Namur in the month of August, 1580, to
assume the civil administration of the provinces,f and he was
himself, according to the King's request, to continue in the
command of the army. Any one who had known human
nature at aU, would have recognized that Alexander Farnese
was not the man to be put into leading strings. A sovereign
who was possessed of any administrative sagacity, would have
seen the absurdity of taking the reins of government at that
crisis from the hands of a most determined and energetic man,
to confide them to the keeping of a woman. A king who
was willing to reflect upon the consequences of his own acts,
must have foreseen the scandal likely to result from an open
quarrel for precedence between such a mother and son. Mar-

* Archives, etc., vii. 568.
t Wagenaer, vii. 344, 345. Strada, 2, iii. 156.

1581.] PAPISTS OPPRESSED. 503
garet of Parma was instantly informed, however, by Alexander,
that a divided authority hke that proposed was entirely out
of the question. Both offered to resign ; but Alexander was
unflinching in his determination to retain aU the power or
none. The Duchess, as docile to her son after her arrival as
she had been to the King on undertaking the journey, and
feehng herself unequal to the task imposed upon her, implored
Phihp's permission to withdraw, almost as soon as she had
reached her destination. GranveUe's opinion was hkewise
opposed to this interference with the administration of Alex
ander, and the King at last suffered himself to be overruled.
By the end of the year 1581, letters arrived confirming the
Prince of Parma in his government, but requesting the
Duchess of Parma to remain privately in the Netherlands.
She accordingly continued to reside there under an assumed
name until the autumn of 1583, when she was at last per
mitted to return to Italy.*
During the summer of 1581, the same spirit of persecution
which had inspired the Catholics to inflict such infinite misery
upon those of the Reformed faith in the Netherlands, began
to manifest itself in overt acts against the Papists by those
who had at last obtained pohtical ascendency over them.
Edicts were published in Antwerp, in Utrecht, and in different
cities of HoUand, suspending the exercise of the Roman
worship. These statutes were certainly a long way removed
in horror from those memorable placards which sentenced the
Reformers by thousands to the axe, the cord, and the stake,
but it was stiU melancholy to see the persecuted becoming
persecutors in their turn. They were excited to these
stringent measures by the noisy zeal of certain Dominican"
monks in Brussels, whose extravagant discoursesf were daily
inflaming the passions of the Cathohcs to a dangerous degree.
The authorities of the city accordingly thought it necessary to
suspend, by proclamation, the public exercise of the ancient
* Strada, 2, iii. 156-165. Wagenaer, vii. 344, 345. — Compare Meteren, x.
174, who states, erroneously, that the Duchess retired during the year foUow
ing her arrival. t Bor> xvi 260.

504 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
religion, assigning, as their principal reason for this pro
hibition, the shocking jugglery by which simple-minded
persons were constantly deceived. They aUuded particularly
to the practice of working miracles by means of rehcs, pieces
of the holy cross, bones of saints, and the perspiration of
statues. They charged that bits of lath were daUy exhibited
as fragments of the cross ; that the bones of dogs and mon
keys were held up for adoration as those of saints ; and that
oil was poured habituaUy into holes drilled in the heads of
statues, that the populace might believe in their miraculous
sweating. For these reasons, and to avoid the tumult and
possible bloodshed to which the disgust excited by such char
latanry might give rise, the Roman Cathohc worship was
suspended until the country should be restored to greater
tranquilhty.* Similar causes led to simUar proclamations in
other cities. The Prince of Orange lamented the intolerant
spirit thus showing itself among those who had been its mar
tyrs, but it was not possible at that moment to keep it
absolutely under control.
A most important change was now to take place in his con
dition, a most vital measure was to be consummated by the
provinces. The step, which could never be retraced was, after
long hesitation, finally taken upon the 26th of July, 1581,
upon which day the united provinces, assembled at the Hague,
solemnly declared their independence of PhUip, and renounced
their aUegiance for ever.f
This act was accomplished with the deliberation due to its
gravity. At the same time it left the country in a very
divided condition. This was inevitable. The Prince had done
aU that one man could do to hold the Netherlands together
and unite them perpetually iuto one body politic, and perhaps,
if he had been inspired by a keener personal ambition, this
task might have been accomplished. The seventeen provinces
might have accepted his dominion, but they would agree to

* See the Proclamation in Bor, xiv. 260, 261.
f Bor. xvi. 276. Meteren, x. 187. Strada, 2, iv. 178, sqq.

1581.] DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 505
that of no other sovereign. Providence had not decreed
that the country, after its long agony, should give birth to a
single and perfect commonwealth. The Walloon provinces
had already fallen off from the cause, notwithstanding
the entreaties of the Prince. The other Netherlands, after
long and tedious negotiation with Anjou, had at last con
sented to his supremacy, but from this arrangement Hol
land and Zealand held themselves aloof. By a somewhat
anomalous proceeding, they sent deputies along with those of
the other provinces, to the conferences with the Duke, but it
was expressly understood that they would never accept him as
sovereign. They were wiUing to contract with him and with
their sister provinces — over which he was soon to exercise
authority — a firm and perpetual league, but as to their own
chief, their hearts were fixed. The Prince of Orange should
be their lord and master, and none other. It lay only in his
self-denying character that he had not been clothed with this
dignity long before. He had, however, persisted in the
hope that aU the provinces might be brought to acknowledge
the Duke of Anjou as their sovereign, under conditions
which constituted a free commonwealth with an hereditary
chief, and in this hope he had constantly refused concession to
the wishes of the northern provinces. He in reahty exercised
Fovereign power over nearly the whole population of the
Netherlands. Already in 1580, at the assembly held in April,
the states of Holland had formally requested him to assume
the full sovereignty over them, with the title of Count* of
HoUand and Zealand forfeited by Philip. He had not con
sented, and the proceedings had been kept comparatively
secret. As the negotiations with Anjou advanced, and as the
corresponding abjuration of Philip was more decisively indi
cated, the consent of the Prince to this request was more
warmly urged As it was evident that the provinces, thus
bent upon placing him at their head, could by no possibihty

* Groen v. Prinst., Archives, etc., vii. 307. Kluit HoU. Staatsreg., i. 308, and
note 42. Correspondence between Prince of Orange and States of Holland, in
Bor, xv. 182, sqq., 186". particularlv.

506 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
be induced to accept the sovereignty of Anjou — as, moreover,
the act of renunciation of Phihp could no longer be deferred,
the Prince of Orange reluctantly and provisionally accepted
the supreme power over HoUand and Zealand. This arrange
ment was finaUy accompUshed upon the 24th of July, 1581,*
and the act of abjuration took place two days afterwards. The
offer of the sovereignty over the other united provinces had
been accepted by Anjou six months before.
Thus, the Netherlands were divided into three portions-
she reconciled provinces, the united provinces under Anjou,
and the northern provinces under Orange ; the last division
forming the germ, already nearly developed, of the coming
republic. The constitution, or catalogue of conditions, by
which the sovereignty accorded to Anjou was reduced to such
narrow limits as to be httle more than a nominal authority,
while the power remained in the hands of the representative
body of the provinces, wUl be described, somewhat later,
together with the inauguration of the Duke. For the present
it is necessary that the reader should fuUy understand the
relative position of the Prince and of the northern provinces.
The memorable act of renunciation — the Netherland declara
tion of independence — wUl then be briefly explained.
On the 29th of March, 1580, a resolution passed the
assembly of Holland and Zealand never to make peace or
enter into any negotiations with the King of Spain on the
basis of his sovereignty. The same resolution provided that
his name — hitherto used in aU pubUc acts — should be for ever
discarded, that his seal should be broken, and that the name
and seal of the Prince of Orange should be substituted in all
commissions and pubhc documents. At almost the same
time the states of Utrecht passed a similar resolution. These
offers were, however, not accepted, and the affair was pre
served profoundly secret.f On the 5th of July, 1581, "the
knights, nobles, and cities of HoUand and Zealand," again,
in an urgent and solemn manner, requested the Prince to

* Bor, xv. 185, 186. j Bor, xv. 181, 182.

1581.1

PROVISIONAL SOVEREIGNTY OF ORANGE.

507

accept the " entire authority as sovereign and chief of the
land, as long as the war should continue."* This hmitation as
to time was inserted most reluctantly by the states, and be
cause it was perfectly weU understood that without it the
Prince would not accept the sovereignty at all.f The act by
Which this dignity was offered, conferred full power to com
mand aU forces by land and sea, to appoint aU mihtary officers,
and to conduct all warlike operations, without the control or
advice of any person whatsoever. It authorized him, with
consent of the states, to appoint all financial and judicial
officers, created him the supreme executive chief, and fountain
of justice and pardon, and directed him " to maintain the
exercise only of the Reformed evangelical rehgion, without,
however, permitting that inquiries should be made into any
man's behef or conscience, or that any injury or hindrance
should be offered to any man on account of his rehgion." J
The sovereignty thus pressingly offered, and thus hmited
as to time, was finaUy accepted by WUham of Orange, accord
ing to a formal act dated at the Hague, 5th of July, 1581,§
but it wUl be perceived that no powers were conferred by this
new instrument beyond those already exercised by the Prince.
It was, as it were, a formal continuance of the functions which
he had exercised since 1576 as the King's stadholder, accord
ing to his old commission of 1555, although a vast difference
existed in reality. The King's name was now discarded and
his sovereignty disowned, whUe the proscribed rebel stood in
his place, exercising supreme functions, not-vicariously, but in
his own name. The limitation as to time was, moreover, soon
afterwards secretly, and without the knowledge of Orange, can
celled by the states. || They were determined that the Prince
should be their sovereign — if they could make him so — for the
term of his life.

* Bor, xv. 184, 185.
f H)id. — Compare Kluit,
Archives, vii. 304-309.
% Bor, xv. 183, 184.
J Kluit, i. 213, 214.

Holl. Staatsreg., i 213, sqq; Groen v. Prinst,
§ Ibid.

508 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
The offer having thus been made and accepted upon the 5th
of July, oaths of allegiance and fidelity were exchanged be
tween the Prince and the estates upon the 24th of the same
month. In these solemnities, the states, as representing the
provinces, declared that because the King of Spain, contrary
to his oath as Count of Holland and Zealand, had not only
not protected these provinces, but had sought with all his
might to reduce them to eternal slavery, it had been found
necessary to forsake him. They therefore proclaimed every
inhabitant absolved from allegiance, whUe at the same time,
in the name of the population, they swore fidelity to the Prince
of Orange, as representing the supreme authority.*
Two days afterwards, upon the 26th of July, 1581, the
memorable declaration of independence was issued by the
deputies of the united provinces, then solemnly assembled at
the Hague. It was called the Act of Abjuration.f It deposed
Phihp from his sovereignty, but was not the proclamation of a
new form of government, for the united provinces were not
ready to dispense with an hereditary chief UnluckUy, they
had already provided themselves with a very bad one to suc
ceed PhUip in the dominion over most of their territory,
whfle the northern provinces were fortunate enough and wise
enough to take the Father of the country for their supreme
magistrate. The document by which the provinces renounced their aUe
giance was not the most felicitous of their state papers. It
was too prohx and technical. Its style had more of the
formal phraseology of legal documents than befitted this great
appeal to the whole world and to all time. Nevertheless, this
is but matter of taste. The Netherlanders were so eminently

* Bor, xv. 185, 186.
f The document is given in full by Bor, xvi. 276-280, by Meteren, x. 187-190.
The nature and consequences of the measure are commented upon by Kluit, the
constitutional historian of HoUand, in a maBterly manner (x. Hoofdt, vol. i. 198-
280). See also Wagenaer, vii. 391 .—Compare Strada, who introduces his account
of the abjuration with sepulchral solemnity : " Jam mihi dicendum est facinus,
cujus a commemoratione, quasi abhorrente animo, hactenus supersedi," etc.  BeU,
Belg., 2, iv. 178, sqq.

1581.] STYLE OF THE ABJURATION. 509
a law-abiding people, that, like the American patriots of the
eighteenth century, they on most occasions preferred punc
tilious precision to florid declamation. They chose to conduct
their revolt according to law. At the same time, while thus
decently wrapping herself in conventional garments, the spirit
of Liberty revealed none the less her majestic proportions.
At the very outset of the Abjuration, these fathers of the
Repubhc laid down wholesome truths, which at that time
seemed startling blasphemies in the ears of Christendom.
" All mankind know," said the preamble, " that a prince is
appointed by God to cherish his subjects, even as a shepherd
to guard his sheep. When, therefore, the prince does not
fulfil his duty as protector ; when he oppresses his subjects,
destroys their ancient hberties, and treats them as slaves, he
is to be considered, not a prince, but a tyrant. As such, the
estates of the kind may lawfully and reasonably depose him,
and elect another in his room."*
Having enunciated these maxims, the estates proceeded to
apply them to their own case, and certainly never was an
ampler justification for renouncing a prince since princes were
first instituted. The states ran through the history of the
past quarter of a century, patiently accumulating a load of
charges against the monarch, a tithe of which would have
furnished cause for his dethronement. Without passion or
exaggeration, they told the world their wrongs. The picture
was not highly colored. On the contrary, it was rather a
feeble than a striking portrait of the monstrous iniquity which
had so long been established , over them. Nevertheless, they
went through the narrative conscientiously and earnestly.
They spoke of the King's early determination to govern the
Netherlands, not by natives but by Spaniards ; to treat them
not as constitutional countries, but as conquered provinces ; to
regard the inhabitants not as liege subjects, but as enemies ;
above all, to supersede their ancient hberty by the Spanish
Inquisition, and they aUuded to the first great step in this

* Act of Abjuration.

510 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
scheme — the creation of the new bishoprics, each with its
staff of inquisitors.*
They noticed the memorable Petition, the mission of Ber
ghen and Montigny, their imprisonment and taking off, in
violation of all national law, even that which had ever been
held sacred by the most cruel and tyrannical princes.f They
sketched the history of Alva's administration ; his entrapping
the most eminent nobles by false promises, and delivering
them to the executioner ; his countless sentences of death,
outlawry, and 'confiscation ; his erection of citadels to curb,
his imposition of the tenth and twentieth penny to exhaust
the land ; his Blood CouncU and its achievements ; and the
immeasurable woe produced by hanging, burning, banishing,
and plundering, during his seven years of residence. They
adverted to the Grand Commander, as having been sent, not
to improve the condition of the country, but to pursue the
same course of tyranny by more concealed ways. They spoke
of the horrible mutiny which broke forth at his death ; of the
Antwerp Fury ; of the express approbation rendered to that
great outrage by the King, who had not only praised the
crime, but promised to recompense the criminals. They
aUuded to Don John of Austria and his duplicity ; to his pre
tended confirmation of the Ghent treaty ; to his attempts to
divide the country against itself; to the Escovedo pohcy; to
the intrigues with the German regiments. They touched
upon the Cologne negotiations, and the fruitless attempt of
the patriots upon that occasion to procure freedom of religion,
whUe the object of the royalists was only to distract and divide
the nation. FinaUy, they commented with sorrow and despair
upon that last and crowning measure of tyranny — the ban
against the Prince of Orange.
They calmly observed, after this recital, that they were

* "  en door de voorsz Canoniken de Spaense Inquisitie ingebrocht de
welke in dese altijt so schrickelijk en odieus als de uitterste slavernye," etc.—
Act of Abjuration.
f " Ook onder de wreetste en tyrannigste Princen altijd onverbrekelijik onder-
houden." — Ibid.

1581.] THEORY AND FACT. 511
sufficiently justified in forsaking a sovereign who for more
than twenty years had forsaken them.* Obeying the law of
nature — desirous of maintaining the rights, charters, and
hberties of their fatherland — determined to escape from
slavery to Spaniards — and making known their decision to
the world, they declared the King of Spain deposed from his
sovereignty, and proclaimed that they should recognize thence
forth neither his title nor jurisdiction. Three days afterwards,
on the 29th of July, the assembly adopted a formula, by
which all persons were to be required to signify their abjura-
tion.f Such were the forms by which the united provinces threw
off their allegiance to Spain, and ipso facto estabhshed a
republic, which was to flourish for two centuries. This result,
however, was not exactly foreseen by the congress which
deposed Philip. The fathers of the commonwealth did not
baptize it by the name of Republic. They did not contemplate
a change in their form of government. They had neither an
aristocracy nor a democracy in their thoughts.^ Like the
actors in our own great national drama, these Netherland
patriots were struggling to sustain, not to overthrow j unlike
them, they claimed no theoretical freedom for humanity — pro
mulgated no doctrine of popular sovereignty : they insisted
merely on the fulfilment of actual contracts, signed, sealed,
and sworn to by many successive sovereigns. Acting upon
the principle that government should be for the benefit of the
governed, and in conformity to the dictates of reason and
justice, they examined the facts by those divine lights, and

* "  te meer dat in al sulken desordre en overlaet de Landen bet dan 20
jaren van haren Coning sijn verlaten geweest" etc. — Act of Abjuration.
f Bor, xvi. 280. — It ran as foUows : " I solemnly swear that I wUl henceforward
not respect, nor obey, nor recognize the King of Spain as my prince and master ;
but that I renounce the King of Spain, and abjure the allegiance by which I may
have formerly been bound to him. At the same time I swear fidelity to the United
Netherlands — to wit, the provinces of Brabant, Flanders, Gueldres, HoUand, Zea
land, etc., etc., and also to the national council established by the estates of these
provinces: and promise my assistance according to the best of my abilities against
the King of Spain and his adherents." X Kluit »- 199.

512 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
discovered cause to discard their ruler. They did not object
to being ruled. They were satisfied with their historical
institutions, and preferred the mixture of hereditary sove
reignty with popular representation, to which they were
accustomed. They did not devise an d priori constitution.
Philip having violated the law of reason and the statutes of
the land, was deposed, and a new chief magistrate was to be
elected in his stead. This was popular sovereignty in fact, but
not in words. The deposition and election could be legally
justified only by the inherent right of the people to depose and'
to elect ; yet the provinces, in their Declaration of Independence,
spoke of the divine right of kings, even while dethroning, by
popular right, their own King !
So also, in the instructions given by the states to their
envoys charged to justify the abjuration before the Imperial
diet held at Augsburg,* twelve months later, the highest
ground was claimed for the popular right to elect or depose tile
sovereign, whUe at the same time, kings were spoken of as
" appointed by God." It is true that they were described,
in the same clause, as " chosen by the people" — which was,
perhaps, as exact a concurrence in the maxim of Vox populi,
vox Dei, as the boldest democrat of the day could demand.
In truth, a more democratic course would have defeated
its own ends. The murderous and mischievous pranks of
Imbize, Ryhove, and such demagogues, at Ghent and else
where, with their wild theories of what they called Grecian,
Roman, and Helvetian repubUcanism, had inflicted damage
enough on the cause of freedom, and had paved the road
for the return of royal despotism. The senators assembled
at the Hague gave more moderate instructions to their
delegates at Augsburg. They were to place the King's
tenure upon contract— not an implied one, but a contract
as hteral as the lease of a farm. The house of Austria,
they were to maintain, had come into the possession of
the seventeen Netherlands upon certain express conditions,

* The instructions are given in Bor, xvii. 324-327.

1581.] FACT AND JUSTICE. 513
and with the understanding that its possession was to cease
with the first condition broken. It was a question of law and
fact, not of royal or popular right. They were to take the
ground, not only that the contract had been violated, but that
the foundation of perpetual justice upon wliich it rested, had
likewise been undermined. It was time to vindicate both
written charters and general principles. " God has given
absolute power to no mortal man," said Saint Aldegonde, "to
do his own will against all laws and all reason."* " The con
tracts which the King has broken are no pedantic fantasies,"
said the estates, " but laws planted by nature in the universal
heart of mankind, and expressly acquiesced in by prince and
people."f All men, at least, who speak the English tongue,
wiU accept the conclusion of the provinces, that when laws
which protected the citizen against arbitrary imprisonment
and guaranteed him a trial in his own province — which forbade
the appointment of foreigners to high office — which secured the
property of the citizen from taxation, except by the represen
tative body — which forbade intermeddling on the part of the
sovereign with the conscience of the subject in religious
matters — when such laws had been subverted by blood tri
bunals, where drowsy judges sentenced thousands to stake
and scaffold without a hearing — by excommunication, confis
cation, banishment — by hanging, beheading, burning, to such
enormous extent and with such terrible monotony that the
executioner's sword came to be looked upon as the only symbol
of justice — then surely it might be said, without exaggeration,
that the complaints of the Netherlanders were " no pedantic
fantasies," and that the King had ceased to perform his func
tions as dispenser of God's justice.
The Netherlanders dealt with facts. They possessed a
body of laws, monuments of their national progress, by which
as good a share of individual liberty was secured to the citizen
as was then enjoyed in any country of the world. Their insti-

* Archives et Correspondance, vn. 277.
t Instructions to the envoys, etc. ; apud Bor, 3 xvii. 324-327.
VOL. III. 33

514 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
tutions admitted of great improvement, no doubt ; but it was
natural that a people so circumstanced should be unwilling to
exchange their condition for the vassalage of "Moors or
Indians." At the same time it may be doubted whether the instinct
for pohtical freedom only would have sustained them in the
long contest, and whether the bonds wliich united them to
the Spanish Crown would have been broken, had it not been
for the stronger passion for rehgious hberty, by which so large
a portion of the people was animated. Boldly as the united
states of the Netherlands laid down their poUtical maxims,
the quarrel might perhaps have been healed if the religious
question had admitted of a peaceable solution. Phihp's
bigotry amounting to frenzy, and the Netherlanders of " the
rehgion" being wiUing, in. their own words, "to die the
death" rather than abandon the Reformed faith, there was
upon this point no longer room for hope. In the act
of abjuration, however, it was thought necessary to give
offence to no class of the inhabitants, but to lay down such
principles only as enhghtened Cathohcs would not oppose.
All parties abhorred the Inquisition, and hatred to that insti.
tution is ever prominent among the causes assigned for the
deposition of the monarch. " Under pretence of maintaining
the Roman rehgion," said the estates, " the King has sought
by evU means to bring into operation the whole strength of
the placards and of the Inquisition — the first and true cause
of all our miseries."*
Without making any assault upon the Roman Cathohc
faith, the authors of the great act by which PhUip was for ever
* Transactions between the envoys of the States-general and the Duke of
Anjou.— Bor, 3, xvii. 304-307. So also in the remarkable circular addressed in
the year 1583 (May 6) by the States of HoUand to those of Utrecht and other
provinces, the same intolerable grievance is described in the strongest language.
"Under pretext of the new bishoprics," say the estates, "the Inquisition and
Council of Trent have been established. Thus the Spaniards and their adherents
have been empowered to accuse all persons who are known to be not of their
humor, to bring them into the snares of the Inquisition, and te rob them of life,
honor, and property." — Bor, 3, xv. 188.

1581.] ASSUMED REPRESENTATION. 515
expeUed from the Netherlands showed plainly enough that
rehgious persecution had driven them at last to extremity.
At the same time, they were willing — for the sake of conciliat
ing aU classes of their countrymen — to bring the political
causes of discontent into the foreground, and to use discreet
language upon the religious question.*
Such, then, being the spirit which prompted the provinces
upon this great occasion, it may be asked who were the men
who signed a document of such importance ? In whose name
and by what authority did they act against the sovereign ?
The signers of the declaration of independence acted in the
name and by the authority of the Netherland people. The
estates were the constitutional representatives of that people.
The statesmen of that day discovering, upon cold analysis of
facts, that Philip's sovereignty was legally forfeited, formally
proclaimed that forfeiture. Then inquiring what had become
of the sovereignty, they found it not in the mass of the people,
but in the representative body, which actuaUy personated the
people. The estates of the different provinces — consisting of
the knights, nobles, and burgesses of each— sent, accordingly,
their deputies to the general assembly at the Hague, and by
this congress the decree of abjuration was issued. It did not
occur to any one to summon the people in their primary
assemblies, nor would the people of that day have compre
hended the objects of such a summons. They were accus
tomed to the action of the estates, and those bodies repre
sented as large a number of political capacities as could be
expected of assembUes chosen then upon general principles.
The hour had not arrived for more profound analysis of the
social compact. Phihp was accordingly deposed justly, legaUy,
formaUy — justly, because it had become necessary to abjure
a monarch who was determined not only to oppress but to
exterminate his people ; legally, because he had habitually
violated the constitutions which he had sworn to support ;
formaUy, because the act was done in the name of the people,
by the body historicaUy representing the people.

Groen v. Prinst, Archives, vii. 588.

516 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
What, then, was the condition of the nation, after this great
step had been taken ? It stood, as it were, with its sovereignty
in its hand, dividing it into two portions, and offering it, thus
separated, to two distinct individuals. The sovereignty of
Holland and Zealand had been reluctantly accepted by Orange.
The sovereignty of the united provinces had been offered to
Anjou, but the terms of agreement with that Duke had not
yet been ratified. The movement was therefore triple, con
sisting of an abjuration and of two separate elections of here
ditary chiefs ; these two elections being accomplished in the
6ame manner, by the representative bodies respectively of the
united provinces, and of HoUand and Zealand. Neither the
abjuration nor the elections were acted upon beforehand by the
communities, the train-bands, or the guilds of the cities — aU
represented, in fact, by the magistrates and councils of each ;
nor by the peasantry of the open country — all supposed to be
represented by the knights and nobles. All classes of indi
viduals, however, arranged in various political or mflitary
combinations, gave their acquiescence afterwards, together
with their oaths of allegiance. The people approved the
important steps taken by their representatives*
Without a direct intention on the part of the people or its
leaders to estabhsh a republic, the Republic estabhshed itself.
Providence did not permit the whole country, so fuU of wealth
inteUigence, healthy pohtical action — so stocked with powerful
cities and an energetic population, to be combined into one
free and prosperous commonwealth. The factious ambition
of a few grandees, the cynical venality of many nobles, the
frenzy of the Ghent democracy, the spirit of religious intole
rance, the consummate mUitary and political genius of Alexan
der Farnese, the exaggerated self-abnegation and the tragic
fate of Orange, aU united to dissever this group of flourishing
and kindred provinces.
The want of personal ambition on the part of William the
SUent inflicted perhaps a serious damage upon his country.

0 Kluit, i. 247-250.

1581.] SENTIMENTS OF ORANGE. 517
He believed a single chief requisite for the united states ; he
might have been, but always refused to become that chief ; and
yet he has been held up for centuries by many writers as a con
spirator and a self-seeking intriguer. " It seems to me," said
he, with equal pathos and truth, upon one occasion, " that I was
born in this bad planet that aU which I do might be misinter
preted."* The people worshipped him, and there was many an
occasion when his election would have been carried with enthu-
siasm.f " These provinces," said John of Nassau, " are coming
very unwfllingly into the arrangement with the Duke of Alengon.
The majority feel much more inclined to elect the Prince, who
is daily, and without intermission, implored to give his consent.
His Grace, however, will in no wise agree to this ; not because
he fears the consequences, such as loss of property or increased
danger, for therein he is plunged as deeply as he ever could
be ; — on the contrary, if he considered only the interests of
his race and the grandeur of his house, he could expect nothing
but increase of honor, gold, and gear, with aU other prosperity.
Se refuses only on this account — that it may not be thought that,
insteadof religious freedom for the country, he has been seeking
a kingdom for himself and his own private advancement.
Moreover, he believes that the connexion with France wfll be
of more benefit to the country and to Christianity than if a peace
should be made with Spain, or than if he should himself accept
the sovereignty, as he is desired to do."J
The unfortunate negotiations with Anjou, to which no man
was more opposed than Count John, proceeded therefore. In
the meantime, the sovereignty over the united provinces was
provisionaUy held by the national council, and, at the urgent
solicitation of the states-general, by the Prince.§ The Arch
duke Matthias, whose functions were most unceremoniously
brought to an end by the transactions which we have been
recording, took his leave of the states, and departed in the

* Archives et Corresp., vii 387.
f Bor, xix. 455w. — Compare Van d. Vynckt, iii. 73.
t Archives, etc., vii. 332, 333. § Ibid., vii. 589.

518 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
month of October.* Brought to the country a beardless boy,
by the intrigues of a faction who wished to use him as a tool
against WUliam of Orange, he had quietly submitted, on the
contrary, to serve as the instrument of that great statesman.
His personahty during his residence was nuU, and he had to
expiate, by many a petty mortification, by many a bitter tear,
the boyish ambition which brought him to the Netherlands.
He had certainly had ample leisure to repent the haste with
which he had got out of his warm bed in Vienna to take his
bootless journey to Brussels. Nevertheless, in a country
where so much baseness, cruelty, and treachery was habitually
practised by men of high position, as was the case in the
Netherlands, it is something in favor of Matthias that he had
not been base, or cruel, or treacherous, f The states voted
him, on his departure, a pension of fifty thousand guldens
annually,| which was probably not paid with exemplary
regularity.§

* Bor, xvi. 282. Meteren, x. 190. Wagenaer, vii. 414, 415.
f He is, however, accused by Meteren of having entered at last into secret
intrigues with the King of Spain agamst WiUiam of Orange. — Nederl Hist, x.
190c. Hoofd repeats the story. — Nederl, Hist, xviii. 779. Wagenaer discredits
it : vii. 414.
X Bor, xvi. 282. Meteren, Hoofd, Wagenaer, ubi sup.
§ Wagenaer, vii. 414, 415. Groen v. Prinst, Archives, vii. 588.

CHAPTER V.

Policy of electing Anjou as sovereign — Commoda et incommoda — Views of
Orange — Opinions at the French Court — Anjou reUeves Cambray — Parma
besieges Tournay — Brave defence by the Princess of Espinoy — Honorable
capitulation — Anjou's courtship in England — The Duke's arrival in the
Netherlands — Portrait of Anjou — Festivities in Flushing — Inauguration at
Antwerp — The conditions or articles subscribed to by the Duke — Attempt
upon the life of Orange — The assassin's papers — Confession of Venero —
Gaspar Anastro — His escape — Execution of Venero and Zimmermann —
Precarious condition of the Prince — His recovery — Death of the Princess —
Premature letters of Parma — Further negotiations with Orange as to the
sovereignty of Holland and Zealand — Character of the revised Constitution —
Comparison of the positions of the Prince before and after his acceptance of
the countship.
Thus it was arranged that, for the present, at least, the
Prince should exercise sovereignty over Holland and Zealand ;
although he had himseU' used his utmost exertions to induce
those provinces to join the rest of the United Netherlands in
the proposed election of Anjou.* This, however, they sternly
refused to do. There was also a great disinchnation felt by
many in the other states to this hazardous offer of their
allegiance,f and it was the personal influence of Orange that
eventuaUy carried the measure through. Looking at the
position of affairs and at the character of Anjou, as they
appear to us now, it seems difficult to account for the Prince's

* Bor, xiv. 183.
f See, in particular, two papers from the hand of Count John upon the subject
Archives et Correspondance, vii. 48-51, and 162-165.

520 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
pohcy. It is so natural to judge only by the result, that we
are ready to censure statesmen for consequences which before
hand might seem utterly incredible, and for reading falsely
human characters whose entire development only a late
posterity has had full opportunity to appreciate.* StiU, one
would think that Anjou had been sufficiently known to inspire
distrust. There was but little, too, in the aspect of the French court
to encourage hopes of valuable assistance from that quarter.
It was urged, not without reason, that the French were as
likely to become as dangerous as the Spaniards ; that they
would prove nearer and more troublesome masters ; that France
intended the incorporation of the Netherlands into her own
kingdom ; that the provinces would therefore be dispersed
for ever from the German Empire ; and that it was as well to
hold to the tyrant under whom they had been born, as to
give themselves voluntarily to another of their own making.f
In short, it was maintained, in homely language, that " France
and Spain were both under one coverUd."J It might have
been added that only extreme misery could make the provinces
take either bedfeUow. Moreover, it was asserted, with reason,
* Saint Aldego: de, for instance, wrote from Paris to an intimate friend, that
after a conversation -nth Anjou of an hour and a half's duration, he had formed
the very highest estii. Vte of his talents and character. He praised to the skies
the elegance of his manners, the liveliness of his mind, his remarkable sincerity —
in which last gifts he so particularly resembled the Netherlanders themselves.
Above all, he extoUed the Duko's extreme desire to effect the liberation of the
provinces. He added, that if the opportunity should be let slip of securing such
a prince, " posterity would regret it with bitter tears for a thousand years to
come." — Hoofd, xvii. 736. The opinion expressed by Henry the Fourth to Sully
is worth placing in juxtaposition with this extravagant eulogium of Marnix:
"II me trompera bien s'U ne trompe tous ceux qui se fieront en luy, et surtout s'il
aime jamais ceux de la Religion, ny leur fait aucuns advantages ; car je scay pour
lui avoir ouy dire plus d'une fois, qu'il les hait comme le diable dans son cceur, et
puis il a le cceur si double et si malin, a le courage si lasche, le corps si mal basty,
et est tant inhabile a toutes sortes de vertueux exercices, que je ne me sjaurois
persuader qu'il fasse jamais rien ne genereux." — Mem. de Sully, i. 102. — Compare
Groen v. Prinsterer, Archives, etc., vii. 4-13.
f " Incommoda et commoda," etc. — Archives et Correspondance, vii. 48.
X " Dasz Franckreich und Spanien mit einander under einer decke liegen." —
Ibir\

1581.] LETTERS OF THE PRINCE. 521
that Anjou would be a very expensive master, for his luxu
rious and extravagant habits were notorious — that he was a
man in whom no confidence could be placed, and one who
would grasp at arbitrary power by any means which might
present themselves.* Above all, it was urged that he was not
of the true rehgion, that he hated the professors of that faith
in his heart, and that it was extremely unwise for men whose
dearest interests were their religious ones, to elect a sovereign
of opposite creed to their own. To these plausible views the
Prince of Orange and those who acted with him, had, however,
sufficient answers. The Netherlands had waited long enough
for assistance from other quarters. Germany would not lift a
finger in the cause ; on the contrary, the whole of Germany,
whether Protestant or Cathohc, was either openly or covertly
hostUe. It was madness to wait tUl assistance came to them
from unseen sources. It was time for them to assist them
selves, and to take the best they could get ; for when men
were starving they could not afford to be dainty. They might
be bound hand and foot, they might be overwhelmed a thou
sand times before they would receive succor from Germany, or
from any land but France. Under the circumstances in which.
they found themselves, hope delayed was but a cold and
meagre consolation.f
" To speak plainly," said Orange, " asking us to wait is very
much as U' you should keep a man three days without any food
in the expectation of a magnificent banquet, should persuade
him to refuse bread, and at the end of three days should teU
him that the banquet was not ready, but that a stiU better
one was in preparation. Would it not be better, then, that
the poor man, to avoid starvation, should wait no longer, but
accept bread wherever he might find it ? Such is our case at
present/'J It was in this vein that he ever wrote and spoke. The
Netherlands were to rely upon their own exertions, and to

* Archives, etc., vii. 48.
f " Une froide et bien maigre consolation." — Archives, vii. 240.
X Archives, etc., vii. 240 and 235 ; Letter to Lazarus Schwendi

522 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1,581
procure the best aUiance, together with the most efficient pro
tection possible. They were not strong enough to cope single-
handed with their powerful tyrant, but they were strong enough
if they used the instruments which Heaven offered. It was
not trusting but tempting Providence to wait supinely, instead
of grasping boldly at the means of rescue within reach. It
became the character of brave men to act, not to expect.
" Otherwise," said the Prince, " we may chmb to the tops of
trees, hke the Anabaptists of Munster, and expect God's as
sistance to drop from the clouds."* It is only by listening to
these arguments so often repeated, that we can comprehend
the policy of Orange at this period. " God has said that he
would furnish the ravens with food, and the Uons with their
prey," said he ; " but the birds and the Uons do not, therefore,
sit in their nests and their lairs waiting for their food to de
scend from heaven, but they seek it where it is to be found."f
So also, at a later day, when events seemed to have justified
the distrust so generaUy felt in Anjou, the Prince, nevertheless,
held similar language. "I do not," said he, "calumniate
those who tell us to put our trust in God. That is my opinion
also. But it is trusting God to use the means which he places
in our hands, and to ask that his blessings may come upon
them."J There was a feehng entertained by the more sanguine that
the French King would heartily assist the Netherlands, after
his brother should be fairly instaUed. He had expressly
written to that effect, assuring Anjou that he would help him
with aU his strength, and would enter into close aUiance with
those Netherlands which should accept him as prince and
sovereign.§ In another and more private letter to the Duke,
* Archives, etc., vii. 576.
t Letter to Count John, Archives et Corresp., vii 576.
X Letter to States-general, apud Bor, xvn. 349-364 (one of the noblest State
papers that ever came from his hand).
§ The letter, dated Blois, Dec. 26, 1580, is given by Hoofd, xviii. 754. Accor
ding to Duplessis Mornay, the Duke had, however, been expressly instructed by
his royal brother to withdraw the letter as soon as the deputies had seen it. He
was always commanded never to importune his Majesty on the subject. — V.
Borgnet, PhUippe II. et la Belgique, p. 147.

1581.] POLICY OF THE FRENCH COURT. 523
the King promised to assist his brother, "even to his last
shirt."* There is no doubt that it was the policy of the states
men of France to assist the Netherlands, whUe the " mignons"
of the worthless King were of a contrary opinion. Many of
them were secret partizans of Spain, and found it more agree
able to receive the secret pay of Phihp than to assist his
revolted provinces. They found it easy to excite the jealousy
of the monarch against his brother — a passion which proved
more effective than the more lofty ambition of annexing the
Low Countries, according to the secret promptings of many
French pohticians.f As for the Queen Mother, she was fierce
in her determination to see fulfilled in this way the famous
prediction of Nostradamus. Three of her sons had succes
sively worn the crown of France. That she might be " the
mother of four kings," without laying a third chUd in the
tomb, she was greedy for this proffered sovereignty to her
youngest and favorite son. This weU-known desire of Catharine
de Medici was duly insisted upon by the advocates of the
election ; for her influence, it was urged, would bring the
whole power of France to support the Netherlands. J
At any rate, France could not be worse — could hardly be so
bad — as their present tyranny. "Better the government
of the Gaul, though suspect and dangerous," said Everard
Reyd, " than the truculent dominion of the Spaniard. Even
thus will the partridge fly to the hand of man, to escape the
talons of the hawk."§ As for the individual character of
Anjou, proper means would be taken, urged the advocates of
his sovereignty, to keep him in check, for it was intended so
closely to hmit the power conferred upon him, that it would
be only supreme in name. The Netherlands were to be, in
reality, a republic, of which Anjou was to be a kind of Itahan
or Frisian podesta. " The Duke is not to act according to his
pleasure," said one of the negotiators, in a private letter to
° Quotation? in Archives, etc., vii. 403.
f De Thou, ix. 28-33.
X Renom de France, MS., torn. v. c. 5. — Compare Strada, ii 214, 215.
§ Reidani, Ann. Belg., ii. 31.

524 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
Count John ; " we shall take care to provide a good muzzle
for him."* How conscientiously the " muzzle" was prepared,
wfll appear from the articles by which the states soon after
wards accepted the new sovereign. How basely he contrived
to slip the muzzle — in what cruel and cowardly fashion he
bathed his fangs in the blood of the flock committed to him,
wfll also but too soon appear.
As for the religious objection to Anjou, on which more
stress was laid than upon any other, the answer was equally
ready. Orange professed himself "not theologian enough"
to go into the subtleties brought forward. As it was intended
to estabhsh most firmly a rehgious peace, with entire tole
rance for aU creeds, he did not think it absolutely essential to
require a prince of the Reformed faith. It was bigotry to
dictate to the sovereign, when full liberty in reUgious matters
was claimed for the subject. Orange was known to be a
zealous professor of the Reformed worship himself ; but he did
not therefore reject political assistance, even though onered by
a not very enthusiastic member of the ancient Church.
" If the priest and the Levite pass us by when we are fallen
among thieves," said he, with much aptness and some bitter
ness, "shall we reject the aid proffered by the Samaritan,
because he is of a different faith from the worthy fathers who
have left us to perish ?"f In short, it was observed with
perfect truth that Philip had been removed, not because he
was a Cathohc, but because he was a tyrant ; not because his
faith was different from that of his subjects, but because he
was resolved to exterminate all men whose religion differed
from his own It was not, therefore, inconsistent to choose
another Catholic for a sovereign, if proper guarantees could be
obtained that he would protect and not oppress the Reformed
churches. " If the Duke have the same designs as the King,"
said Saint Aldegonde, " it would be a great piece of folly to
change one tyrant and persecutor for another. If, on the
contrary, instead of oppressing our hberties, he wiU maintain

* Archives et Corresp., vii. 290. f Ibid. vii. 573.

1581.] SIEGE OF TOURNAY. 525
them, and in place of extirpating the disciples of the true
rehgion, he wiU protect them, then are aU the reasons of our
opponents without vigor."*
By midsummer the Duke of Anjou made his appearance in
the western part of the Netherlands. The Prince of Parma
had recently come before Cambray with the intention of re
ducing that important city. On the arrival of Anjou, how
ever, at the head of five thousand cavalry — nearly aU of them
gentlemen of high degree, serving as volunteers — and of twelve
thousand infantry, Alexander raised the siege precipitately,
and retired towards Tournay. Anjou victualled the city,
strengthened the garrison, and then, as his cavalry had only
enhsted for a summer's amusement, and could no longer be
held together, he disbanded his forces. The bulk of the in
fantry took service for the states under the Prince of Espinoy,
governor of Tournay. The Duke himself, finding that, not
withstanding the treaty of Plessis les Tours and the present
showy demonstration upon his part, the states were not yet
prepared to render him formal aUegiance, and being, moreover,
in the heyday of what was universally considered his prosper
ous courtship of Queen Elizabeth, soon afterwards took his
departure for England.f
Parma, being thus relieved of his interference, soon after
wards laid siege to the important city of Tournay. The
Prince of Espinoy was absent with the army in the north, but
the Princess commanded in his absence. She fulfilled her
duty in a manner worthy of the house from which she sprang,
for the blood of Count Horn was in her veins. The daughter
of Mary de Montmorency, the admiral's sister, answered the
summons of Parma to surrender at discretion with defiance.
The garrison was encouraged by her steadfastness. The
Princess appeared daUy among her troops, superintending the
defences, and personaUy directing the officers. During one of

* Archives et Corresp., vii., 278.
f Bor, xvi. 287. Strada, 2, iv. 185-193. Tassis, vi. 428. Hoofd, xviii

526 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1581.
the assaults, she is said, but perhaps erroneously, to have been
wounded in the arm, notwithstanding which she refused to
retire.* The siege lasted two months. Meantime, it became impos
sible for Orange and the estates, notwithstanding their efforts,
to raise a sufficient force to drive Parma from his entrench
ments. The city was becoming graduaUy and Burely under
mined from without, whUe at the same time the insidious art
of a Dominican friar, Father Ge"ry by name, had been as
surely sapping the fidehty of the garrison from within. An
open revolt of the Catholic population being on the point of
taking place, it became impossible any longer to hold the city.
Those of the Reformed faith insisted that the place should
be surrendered ; and the Princess, being thus deserted by aU
parties, made an honorable capitulation with Parma. She
herself, with all her garrison, was aUowed to retire with per
sonal property, and with all the honors of war, while the sack
of the city was commuted for one hundred thousand crowns,
levied upon the inhabitants. The Princess, on leaving the
gates, was received with such a shout of applause from the
royal army that she seemed less like a defeated commander
than a conqueror. Upon the 30th November, Parma accor
dingly entered the place which he had been besieging since the
1st of October.f
By the end of the autumn, the Prince of Orange, more than
ever dissatisfied with the anarchical condition of affairs, and
with the obstinate jealousy and parsimony of the different
provinces, again summoned the country in the most earnest
language to provide for the general defence, and to take mea
sures for the inauguration of Anjou. He painted in sombre
colors the prospect which lay before them, if nothing was
done to arrest the progress of the internal disorders and of

* Bor, xvi., 287, 288. Meteren, x. 190. Hoofd, xviii 785, 786. Strada, 2,
iv. 195-213, et al.
f Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, Strada, Bentivoglic.

1581.] INVITATION TO ANJOU. 527
the external foe, whose forces were steadUy augmenting. Had
the provinces foUowed his advice, instead of quarrehng among
themselves, they would have had a powerful army on foot to
second the efforts of Anjou, and subsequently to save Tournay.
They had remained supine and stohd, even whUe the cannon
ading against these beautiful cities was in their very ears.
No man seemed to think himself interested in public affairs,
save when his own province or viUage was directly attacked.*
The general interests of the commonwealth were forgotten in
local jealousy. Had it been otherwise, the enemy would have
long since been driven over the Meuse. " When money," con
tinued the Prince, " is asked for to carry on the war, men an
swer as if they were talking with the dead Emperor.f To
say, however, that they wiU pay no more, is as much as to
declare that they wfll give up their land and their religion
both. I say this, not because I have any desire to put my
hands into the common purse. You weU know that I have
never touched the public money, but it is important that you
should feel that there is no war in the country except the one
which concerns you all."
The states, thus shamed and stimulated, set themselves in
earnest to obey the mandates of the Prince, and sent a
special mission to England, to arrange with the Duke of
Anjou for his formal instaUation as sovereign. Saint Alde
gonde and other commissioners were already there. It was
the memorable epoch in the Anjou wooing, when the rings
were exchanged between Elizabeth and the Duke, and when
the world thought that the nuptials were on the point of being
celebrated. Saint Aldegonde wrote to the Prince of Orange
on the 22nd of November, that the marriage had been finaUy
settled upon that day.J Throughout the Netherlands, the

* Remonstrance to the States-general, Dec. 1, 1581, in Bor, xvi. 289, 290.
¦(• "  So varen syin de sake voort en antwoorden daer op als sy spraken
met den doden Kayser." — Ibid.
X Strada, 2, iv. 214, sqq. Bor, xvi 290. De Thou, viii 536, sqq.

528 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
auspicious tidings were greeted with bonfires, flluminations,
and cannonading,* and the measures for haUing the Prince,
thus highly favored by so great a Queen, as sovereign master
of the provinces, were pushed forward with great energy.
Nevertheless, the marriage ended in smoke. There were
plenty of tournays, pageants, and banquets ; a profusion of
nuptial festivities, in short, where nothing was omitted but
the nuptials. By the end of January, 1582, the Duke was no
nearer the goal than upon his arrival three months before.
Acceding, therefore, to the wishes of the Netherland envoys,
he prepared for a visit to their country, where the ceremony of
his joyful entrance as Duke of Brabant and sovereign of the
other provinces was to take place. No open rupture with
Ehzabeth occurred. On the contrary, the Queen accompanied
the Duke, with a numerous and stately retinue, as far as Can
terbury, and sent a most brilhant train of her greatest nobles
and gentlemen to escort him to the Netherlands, communi
cating at the same time, by special letter, her wishes to the
estates-general, that he should be treated with as much honor
" as if he were her second self'f
On the 10th of February, fifteen large vessels cast anchor at
Flushing. The Duke of Anjou, attended by the Earl of
Leicester, the Lords Hunsdon, Willoughby, Sheffield, Howard,
Sir Phihp Sidney, and many other personages of high rank
and reputation,+ landed from this fleet. He was greeted on
his arrival by the Prince of Orange, who, with the Prince of
Espinoy and a large deputation of the states-general, had been

* Bor, De Thou, ubi sup. Hoofd xviii. 788.
f " Oblectatus distractusque juvenis,  videt se in mediis nuptiis celebrare
omnia prater nuptias." — Strada, 2, iv. 217. — Compare De Thou, viii. 600, sqq.
Hoofd, xix. 795. "  qu'U aUast accompagne de la recommendation d'une
Princesse  qui estime avoir tel interest en vous que vous en serez pousses
d'avantage k honnorer un Prince qui lui est si cher qu'elle fait autant de lui
comme d'un autre soi-meme," etc., etc. — Lettre de la Serenissime Reine d'Angle
terre anx Etats-generaux, Fev. 6, 1581, MS. Ordinaris Depechen Boek der
Staten-general, A°, 1582-1583, f. 1"°, Hague Archives.
X De Thou, Hoofd, ubi sup. Bor, xvii 296. Meteren, xi 192.

1582.] PORTRAIT OF ALENCON. 529
for some days waiting to welcome him. The man whom the
Netherlands had chosen for their new master stood on the
shores of Zealand. Francis Hercules, Son of France, Duke
of Alencon and Anjou, was at that time just twenty-eight
years of age ; yet not even his flatterers, or his " minions," of
whom he had as regular a train as his royal brother, could
claim for him the external graces of youth or of princely
dignity. He was below the middle height, puny and
ill-shaped. His hair and eyes were brown, his face was
seamed with the smaU-pox, his skin covered with blotches, his
nose so swoUen and distorted that it seemed to be double.
This prominent feature did not escape the sarcasms of his
countrymen, who, among other gibes, were wont to observe
that the man who always wore two faces, might be expected to
have two noses also. It was thought that his revolting
appearance was the principal reason for the rupture of the
Enghsh marriage, and it was in vain that his supporters
maintained that if he could forgive her age, she might, in
return, excuse his ugliness. It seemed that there was a
point of hideousness beyond which even royal princes could
not descend with impunity, and the only wonder seemed that
Ehzabeth, with the handsome Robert Dudley ever at her feet,
could even tolerate the addresses of Francis Valois.*
His inteUect was by no means contemptible. He was not
without a certain quickness of apprehension and vivacity of
expression which passed current among his admirers for wit
and wisdom. Even the experienced Saint Aldegonde was
deceived in his character, and described him after an hour
and half's interview, as a Prince overflowing with bounty,
inteUigence, and sincerity. That such men as Saint Alde
gonde and the Prince of Orange should be at fault in their
judgment, is evidence not so much of their want of discern
ment, as of the difference between the general reputation of the

* Bor, xvii. 296. Meteren, xi 192. Hoofd, ubi sup. Mem. de SuUy, loc.
cit. "Fu piccioli di statura e poco ben fatto deUa persona." — BentivogUo,
G. di Fiandra, 2, ii. 275. "Pusillo ac deformi in corpore." — Ev. Reidan,
Ann. Belg., ii. 34; iii. 42. Van der Vynckt, ui. 69. Strada, 2, iv. 215.
VOL. m. 34

530 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
Duke at that period, and that which has been eventually esta-
bhshed for him in history. Moreover, subsequent events were
to exhibit the utter baseness of his character more signally than
it had been displayed during his previous career, however
vacillating. No more ignoble yet more dangerous creature
had yet been loosed upon the devoted soil of the Netherlands.
Not one of the personages who had hitherto figured in the
long drama of the revolt had enacted so sorry a part. Ambi
tious but trivial, enterprising but cowardly, an intriguer and a
dupe, without religious convictions or poUtical principles, save
that he was wUling to accept any creed or any system
which might advance his own schemes, he was the most unfit
protector for a people who, whether wrong or right, were at
least in earnest, and who were accustomed to regard truth as
one of the virtues. He was certainly not deficient in self-
esteem. With a figure which was insignificant, and a coun
tenance which was repulsive, he had hoped to efface the
impression made upon Elizabeth's imagination by the hand
somest man in Europe. With a commonplace capacity, and
with a narrow poUtical education, he intended to circumvent
the most profound statesman of his age. And there, upon the
pier at Flushing, he stood between them both ; between the
magnificent Leicester, whom he had thought to outshine, and
the silent Prince of Orange, whom he was determined to
outwit. Posterity has long been aware how far he succeeded
in the one and the other attempt.
The Duke's arrival was greeted with the roar of artillery,
the ringing of bells, and the acclamations of a large concourse
of the inhabitants ; suitable speeches were made by the
magistrates of the town, the deputies of Zealand, and other
functionaries,* and a stately banquet was provided, so remark
able "for its sugar-work and other delicacies, as to entirely
astonish the French and English lords who partook thereof'f
The Duke visited Middelburg, where he was received with

* Bor, xvii 296. Hoofd, xix. 795. + Bor, xvii. 297.

1582.] THE INAUGURATION. 531
great state, and to the authorities of which he expressed his
gratification at finding two such stately cities situate so close
to each other on one little island.*
On the 17th of February, he set sail for Antwerp. A fleet
of fifty-four vessels, covered with flags and streamers, conveyed
him and his retinue, together with the large deputation which
had welcomed him at Flushing, to the great commercial
metropolis. He stepped on shore at Kiel within a bowshot of
the city — for, like other Dukes of Brabant, he was not to
enter Antwerp until he had taken the oaths to respect the
constitution — and the ceremony of inauguration was to take
place outside the walls. A large platform had been erected
for this purpose, commanding a view of the stately city, with
its bristling fortifications and shady groves.f A throne, covered
with velvet and gold, was prepared, and here the Duke took
his seat, surrounded by a brilliant throng, including many of
the most distinguished personages in Europe.
It was a bright winter's morning. The gaUy bannered
fleet lay conspicuous in the river, whfle an enormous concourse
of people were thronging from aU sides to greet the new
sovereign. Twenty thousand burgher troops, in bright
uniforms, surrounded the platform, upon the tapestried floor
of which stood the magistrates of Antwerp, the leading mem
bers of the Brabant estates, with the Prince of Orange at
their head, together with many other great functionaries.
The magnificence everywhere displayed, and especiaUy the
splendid costumes of the mUitary companies, excited the pro
found astonishment of the French, who exclaimed that every
soldier seemed a captain, and who regarded with vexation
their own inferior equipments.^
Andrew Hessels, doctor utriusque juris, dehvered a saluta-

* Bor, xvii. 297.
f " La joyeuse et magnifique entre'e du Monseign1 Francois, Fils de France,
Duc d'Anjou, etc., en sa tres renommee vUle d'Anvers." — Anvers. Plantin.,
1682. — Compare Bor, xvii 297. Hoofd, xix. 795.
X Renom de France, MS., v. 2.

532 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
tory oration, in which, among other flights of eloquence, he
expressed the hope of the provinces that the Duke, with the
beams of his greatness, wisdom, and magnanimity, would dis
sipate all the mists, fogs, and other exhalations which were
pernicious to their national prosperity, and that he would
bring back the sunlight of their ancient glory.*
Anjou answered these compliments with equal courtesy, and
had much to say of his willingness to shed every drop of his
blood in defence of the Brabant liberties ; but it might have
damped the enthusiasm of the moment could the curtain of
the not very distant future have been lifted. The audience,
Ustening to these promises, might have seen that it was not so
much his blood as theirs which he was disposed to shed, and
less, too, in defence than in violation of those same hberties
which he was swearing to protect.
Orator Hessels then read aloud the articles of the Joyous
Entry, in the Flemish language, and the Duke was asked if
he required any explanations of that celebrated constitution.
He replied that he had thoroughly studied its provisions, with
the assistance of the Prince of Orange, during his voyage
from Flushing, and was quite prepared to swear to maintain
them. The oaths, according to the antique custom, were
then administered. Afterwards, the ducal hat and the velvet
mantle, lined with ermine, were brought, the Prince of
Orange assisting his Highness to assume this historical cos
tume of the Brabant dukes, and saying to him, as he fastened
the button at the throat, " I must secure this robe so firmly,
my lord, that no man may ever tear it from your shoulders."f
Thus arrayed in his garment of sovereignty, Anjou was
compelled to hsten to another oration from the pensionary of
Antwerp, John Van der Werken. He then exchanged oaths
with the magistrates of the city, and received the keys,
which he returned for safe-keeping to the burgomaster. Mean
while the trumpets sounded, largess of gold and sflver coins
* The oration is given in fuU by Bor, xvii. 297, 298.
t Bor, xvu. 298. Hoofd, xix. 796. Meteren, xi. 192.

1582.] THE PROCESSION. 533
was scattered among the people, and the heralds cried aloud,
" Long Uve the Duke of Brabant."*
A procession was then formed to escort the new Duke to
his commercial capital. A stately and striking procession it
was. The Hanseatic merchants in ancient German attire,
the Enghsh merchants in long velvet cassocks, the heralds in
their quaint costume, the long train of civic mihtia with full
bands of music, the chief functionaries of city and province
in their black mantles and gold chains, all marching under
emblematical standards or time-honored blazons, foUowed each
other in dignified order. Then came the Duke himself, on a
white Barbary horse, caparisoned with cloth of gold. He was
surrounded with Enghsh, French, and Netherland grandees,
many of them of world-wide reputation. There was the
stately Leicester ; Sir Phihp Sidney, the mirror of chivalry ;
the gaunt and imposing form of William the SUent ; his son ;
Count Maurice of Nassau, destined to be the first captain of
his age, then a handsome, dark-eyed lad of fifteen ; the
Dauphin of Auvergne ; the Marechal de Biron and his sons ; the
Prince of Espinoy ; the Lords Sheffield, Willoughby, Howard,
Hunsdoh, and many others of high degree and distinguished
reputation, f The ancient guilds of the crossbow-men and
archers of Brabant, splendidly accoutred, formed the bodyguard
of the Duke, whUe his French cavahers, the Ufe-guardsmen of
the Prince of Orange, and the troops of the line, foUowed
in great numbers, their glittering uniforms aU gaily inter
mingled, " like the flowers de luce upon a royal mantle." The
procession, thus gorgeous and gay, was terminated by a dismal
group of three hundred malefactors, marching in fetters, and
imploring pardon of the Duke, a boon which was to be
granted at evening. Great torches, although it was high noon,
were burning along the road, at intervals of four or five feet,
* " La joyeuse et magnifique entre'e," etc., Bor, xvii. 297, sqq., who con
scientiously gives aU the long speeches at full length. Meteren, xi. 192. Tassis,
vi 429.
f "La joyeuse et magnifique entree," etc., Bor, xvii 300, sqq. Hoofd, six.
797, 89a

534 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
in a continuous line reaching from the platform at Kiel to the
portal of Saint Joris, through which the entrance to the city
was to be made.
Inside the gate a stupendous allegory was awaiting the
approach of the new sovereign.* A huge gilded car, crowded
with those emblematical and highly bedizened personages
so dear to the Netherlanders, obstructed the advance of the
procession. AU the virtues seemed to have come out for an
airing in one chariot, and were now waiting to offer their
homage to Francis Hercules Valois. Religion in " red satin,"
holding the gospel in her hand, was supported by Justice,
" in orange velvet," armed with blade and beam. Prudence
and Fortitude embraced each other near a column en-
wreathed by serpents " with their tails in their ears to
typify deafness to flattery ;" whfle Patriotism as a pelican, and
Patience as a brooding, hen, looked benignantly upon the
scene. This greeting duly acknowledged, the procession
advanced into the city. The streets were lined with troops
and with citizens ; the balconies were filled with fair women ;
"the very gables," says an enthusiastic contemporary,
" seemed to laugh with ladies' eyes."f The market-place was
fUled with waxen torches and with blazing tar barrels, while
in its centre stood the giant Antigonus — founder of the city
thirteen hundred years before the Christian era— the fabulous
personage who was accustomed to throw the right hands of
aU smuggUng merchants into the Scheld.J This colossal
individual, attired in a " surcoat of sky-blue," and holding a
banner emblazoned with the arms of Spain, turned its head

* "La joyeuse et magnifique entree," etc., in which contemporary pamphlet
are many beautifuUy executed engravings of the wonders exhibited on this occa
sion.— Bor, xvii. 300, 301.
f Hoofd, xix. 798.
X "La joyeuse entree," etc.
"Hie fuit Antigoni castrum insigne Gigantis,
Quem Brabo devicit, de quo Brabonica teUus," etc., etc.
Ancient verses quoted by Ludov. Guicciardini, in his description of Antwerp,
"but by whom written,'' says that author, " novit Leus." — Tot Belg. Descript,
131.

1582.] ORATORY. 535
as the Duke entered the square, saluted the new sovereign, and
then dropping the Spanish scutcheon upon the ground, raised
aloft another bearing the arms of Anjou.*
And thus, amid exuberant outpouring of confidence, another
lord and master had made his triumphal entrance into the
Netherlands. Alas ! how often had this sanguine people
greeted with simUar acclamations the advent of their be
trayers and their tyrants ! How soon were they to discover
that the man whom they were thus receiving with the
warmest enthusiasm was the most treacherous tyrant of all.
It was nightfaU before the procession at last reached the
palace of Saint Michael, which had been fitted up for the
temporary reception of the Duke.f The next day was de
voted to speech-making ; various deputations waiting upon
the new Duke of Brabant with congratulatory addresses.
The Grand Pensionary dehvered a pompous oration upon a plat
form hung with sky-blue silk, and carpeted with cloth of gold.
A committee of the German and French Reformed Churches
made a long harangue, in which they expressed the hope
that the Lord would make the Duke " as vahant as David,
as wise as Solomon, and as pious as Hezekiah."J A Roman
Catholic deputation informed his Highness that for eight
months the members of the Ancient Church had been for
bidden all reUgious exercises, saving baptism, marriage, visi
tation of ^he sick, and burials. A promise was therefore
made that this prohibition, which had been the result of
the disturbances recorded in a preceding chapter, should be
immediately modified, and on the 15th of March, accordingly,
it was arranged, by command of the magistrates, that all
Catholics should have permission to attend public worship,
according to the ancient ceremonial, in the church of Saint
Michael, which had been originaUy designated for the use of

* "La joyeuse entre'e," etc., Bor, xvii. 301.
f Bor, ubi sup. Hoofd, xix. 798, 199. "Maer de geheele stadt was vol Tort-
sen, Fackelen ende Vyeren op alle de straden, ende op de kerck torens, dat ds
etadt scheen in een vyer te staen." — Meteren, xi. 193°,
X Bor, xvii. 803.

536 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582
the new Duke of Brabant. It was, however, stipulated that
aU who desired, to partake of this privUege should take the
oath of abjuration beforehand, and go to the church without
arms."* Here then had been oaths enough, orations enough, com
pliments enough, to make any agreement steadfast, so far as
windy suspirations could furnish a solid foundation for the
social compact. BeUs, trumpets, and the brazen throats of
men and of cannons had made a sufficient din, torches and
tar-barrels had made a sufficient glare, to confirm — so far
as noise and blazing pitch could confirm — the decorous pro
ceedings of church and town-house, but time was soon
to show the value of such demonstrations. Meantime, the
"muzzle" had been fastened with solemnity and accepted
with docility. The terms of the treaty concluded at Plessis les
Tours and Bordeaux were made public. The Duke had sub
scribed to twenty-seven articles, which made as stringent
and sensible a constitutional compact as could be desired by
any Netherland patriot. These articles, taken in connection
with the ancient charters which they expressly upheld, left
to the new sovereign no vestige of arbitrary power. He
was merely the hereditary president of a representative re
pubUc. He was to be Duke, Count, Margrave, or Seignior
of the different provinces on the same terms which his pre
decessors had accepted. He was to transmit tb«e dignities
to his children. If there were more than one child, the pro
vinces were to select one of the number for their sovereign.
He was to maintain all the ancient privUeges, charters,
statutes, and customs, and to forfeit his sovereignty at the
first violation. He was to assemble the states-general at least
once a year. He was always to reside in the Netherlands.
He was to permit none but natives to hold office. His right
of appointment to aU important posts was limited to a selec
tion from three candidates, to be proposed by the estates of
the province concerned, at each vacancy. He was to main-

Bor, xvii. 303. f The articles are given in full by Bor, 3, xvii. 307-309.

1582.] TREATY OF BORDEAUX. 537
tain "the Rehgion" and the religious peace in the same
state in which they then were, or as should afterwards be
ordained by the estates of each province, without making any
innovation on his own part.* HoUand and Zealand were to
remain as they were, both in the matter of religion and
otherwise.^ His Highness was not to permit that any one
should be examined or molested in his house, or otherwise, in
the matter or under pretext of religion.^ He was to procure
the assistance of the King of France for the Netherlands. He
was to maintain a perfect and a perpetual league, offensive and
defensive, between that kingdom and the provinces ; without,
however, permitting any incorporation of territory. He was
to carry on the war against Spain with his own means and
those furnished by his royal brother, in addition to a yearly
contribution by the estates of two million four hundred thou
sand guldens.§ He was to dismiss aU troops at command of
the states-general. He was to make no treaty with Spain
without their consent.
It would be superfluous to point out the great difference
between the notions entertained upon international law in the
sixteenth century and in our own. A state of nominal peace
existed between Spain, France and England ; yet here was
the brother of the French monarch, at the head of French
troops, and attended by the grandees of England, solemnly
accepting the sovereignty over the revolted provinces of
Spain. || It is also curious to observe that the con
stitutional compact by which the new sovereign of the
Netherlands was admitted to the government, would have
been repudiated as revolutionary and republican by the
monarchs of France or England, if an attempt had been

* Article 12.
f HoUand en Zeland sullen blijven als sy tegenwoordlijk sijn in 't stuk van den
Religie en andersins. — Art. 13
X Art. 14. § Art 18.
| On the other hand, the denial by England of an asylum to the refugees, in
1572, and their forcible expulsion from her shores, led to the occupation of BrUl
and the foundation of the Dutch Republic

538 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
made to apply it to their own realms, for the ancient charters
— which in reahty constituted a repubUcan form of govern
ment — had aU been re-estabUshed by the agreement with
Anjou. The first-fruits of the ban now began to display themselves.
Sunday, 18th of March, 1582, was the birthday of the Duke
of Anjou, and a great festival had been arranged, accordingly,
for the evening, at the palace of Saint Michael, the Prince of
Orange as weU as aU the great French lords being of course
invited. The Prince dined, as usual, at his house in the
neighbourhood of the citadel, in company with the Counts
Hohenlo and Laval, and the two distinguished French com
missioners, Bonnivet and Des Pruneaux. Young Maurice of
Nassau, and two nephews of the Prince, sons of his brother
John, were also present at table. During dinner the conver
sation was animated, many stories being related of the cruelties
which had been practised by the Spaniards in the provinces.
On rising from the table, Orange led the way from the dining-
room to his own apartments, showing the noblemen in his
company as he passed along, a piece of tapestry upon which
some Spanish soldiers were represented. At this moment,
as he 6tood upon the threshold of the ante-chamber, a youth
of small stature, vulgar mien, and pale dark complexion,
appeared from among the servants and offered him a petition.
He took the paper, and as he did so, the stranger suddenly
drew a pistol and discharged it at the head of the Prince.
The ball entered the neck under the right ear, passed through
the roof of the mouth, and came out under the left jaw-bone,
carrying with it two teeth.* The pistol had been held so

* Hoofd, xix. 804. Bor, xvii 313. Meteren, xi. 194°. Tassis, vi. 431.
Strada, 2, iv. 219. " Korte Verhaal van den moorddadigen aanslag, bedreven
op den persoon van den zeer doorluchtigen vorst, den heere Prins van Oranje,
door Jan Jauregui, een Spanjard." — This is the title of a pamphlet pubhshed
at the time with authentic documents, by Plantin, at Antwerp. There is also
a French edition, printed simultaneously with that in Flemish, intituled, "Bref
Recueil de l'Assassinat," etc.— Reiffenberg has republished it in his edition of
Van der Vynckt. Letter of Derens, March, 27, 1582, in Archives et Correspond
ance, vib. 77.

1582.] ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE ORANGE. 539
near, that the hair and beard of the Prince were set on fire
by the discharge. He remained standing, but blinded, stunned,
and for a moment entirely ignorant of what had occurred.
As he afterwards observed, he thought perhaps that a part of
the house had suddenly fallen. Finding very soon that his
hah and beard were burning, he comprehended what had
occurred, and caUed out quickly, " Do not kill him — I forgive
him my death !" and turning to the French noblemen present,
he added, " Alas ! what a faithful servant does his Highness
lose in me !"*
These were his first words, spoken when, as aU believed, he
had been mortally wounded. The message of mercy came,
however, too late ; for two of the gentlemen present, by an
irresistible impulse, had run the assassin through with their
rapiers. The halberdiers rushed upon him immediately after
wards, so that he fell pierced in thirty-two vital places.f The
Prince, supported by his friends, walked to his chamber, where
he was put to bed, while the surgeons examined and bandaged
the wound. It was most dangerous in appearance, but a very
strange circumstance gave more hope than could otherwise
have been entertained. The flame from the pistol had been
so close that it had actuaUy cauterized the wound inflicted by
the baU. But for this, it was supposed that the flow of blood
from the veins which had been shot through would have
proved fatal before the wound could be dressed. The
Prince, after the first shock, had recovered full possession of
his senses, and beheving himself to be dying, he expressed the
most unaffected sympathy for the condition in which the Duke
of Anjou would be placed by bis death. " Alas, poor Prince 1"
he cried frequently ; " alas, what troubles wiU now beset
thee !"f The surgeons enjoined and implored his silence, as

* "Doodt hem niet, ik vergeef hem mijen doodl" — Korte Verhaai Bor, xvii
312. Hoofd, xix 804. Meteren, xi. 194.
\ Ibid. Letter of Herle, Archives et Correspondance, supplement, pp. 220,
sqq. Letter of Derens, Archives et Correspondance, viii. 78.
X " Ach arme vorst, arme vorst! wat zult gij nog moeijelijkheden ont moeteni"
— Korte Verhaai Bor, xvii. 813. Meteren, xi 194". Hoofd, xix. 805.

540 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
speaking might cause the wound to prove immediately fatal.
He complied, but wrote incessantly.* As long as his heart
could beat, it was impossible for him not to be occupied with
his country.
Lion Petit, a trusty Captain of the city guard, forced his
way to the chamber, it being absolutely necessary, said the
honest burgher, for him to see with his own eyes that the
Prince was living, and report the fact to the townspeople :
otherwise, so great was the excitement, it was impossible to
say what might be the result. It was in fact believed that
the Prince was already dead, and it was whispered that he
had been assassinated by the order of Anjou. This hor
rible suspicion was flying through the city, and producing
a fierce exasperation,f as men talked of the murder of
Coligny, of Saint Bartholomew, of the murderous propensities
of the Valois race. Had the attempt taken place in the
evening, at the birth-night banquet of Anjou, a horrible
massacre would have been the inevitable issue. As it hap
pened, however, circumstances soon occurred to remove the
suspicion from the French, and to indicate the origin of the
crime. Meantime, Captain Petit was urged by the Prince, in
writmg, to go forth instantly with the news that he yet sur
vived, but to implore the people, in case God should caU him
to Himself, to hold him in kind remembrance, to make no
tumult, and to serve the Duke obediently and faithfuUy4
Meantime, the youthful Maurice of Nassau was giving
proof of that cool determination which already marked his
character. It was natural that a boy of fifteen should be
somewhat agitated at seeing such a father shot through the
head before his eyes. His situation was rendered doubly
grave by the suspicions which were instantly engendered as to
the probable origin of the attempt. It was already whispered
in the haU that the gentlemen who had been so officious in

* Korte Verhaai etc. — "Met eene vaste handen vlug schreef"
f Korte Verhaai 591. Bor, ubi sup. Meteren, xi. 194. Hoofd, xix. 804.
Strada, 2, iv. 219. Bor, xvii. 313.
X Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. Korte Verhaai.

1582.] EXCITEMENT AND SUSPICIONS. 541
slaying the assassin, were his accomphces, who — upon the
principle that dead men would teU no tales — were disposed,
now that the deed was done, to preclude inconvenient revela
tions as to their own share in the crime. Maurice, notwith
standing these causes for perturbation, and despite his grief at
his father's probable death, remained steadily by the body of
the murderer. He was determined, if possible, to unravel the
plot, and he waited to possess himself of aU papers and
other articles which might be found upon the person of the
deceased.* A scrupulous search was at once made by the attendants,
and everything placed in the young Count's own hands. This
done, Maurice expressed a doubt lest some of the villain's
accompUces might attempt to take the articles from him,f
whereupon a faithful old servant of his father came forward, who
with an emphatic expression of the importance of securing such
important documents, took his young master under his cloak,
and led him to a retired apartment of the house. Here, after
a rapid examination, it was found that the papers were all
in Spanish, written by Spaniards to Spaniards, so that it was
obvious that the conspiracy, if one there were, was not a French
conspiracy. The servant, therefore, advised Maurice to go to
his father, while he would himself instantly descend to the
haU with this important inteUigence. Count Hohenlo had,
from the instant of the murder, ordered the doors to be fas
tened, and had permitted no one to enter or to leave the
apartment without his permission. The information now
brought by the servant as to the character of the papers
caused great relief to the minds of aU ; for, tfll that moment,
suspicion had even hghted upon men who were the firm friends
of the Prince.J
Saint Aldegonde, who had meantime arrived, now proceeded,

* Korte Verhaai, etc. Bor, xvii. 313. Hoofd, xix. 805. Meteren, xi. 194.
f Korte Verhaai. — "Helas," said the boy, "ik ben zoo bevreest dat hier eenig
andere booswicht zij, die mij die papieren afneemt."
X Korte Verhaai, Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. Strada, 2, iv. 219.

542 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
in company of the other gentlemen, to examine the papers and
other articles taken from the assassin. The pistol with which
he had done the deed was lying upon the floor ; a naked.
poniard, which he would probably have used also, had his
thumb not been blown off by the discharge of the pistol, was
found in his trunk hose. In his pockets were an Agnus Dei, a
taper of green wax, two bits of hareskin, two dried toads —
which were supposed to be sorcerer's charms — a crucifix, a
Jesuit catechism, a prayer-book, a pocket-book containing two
Spanish bills of exchange — one for two thousand, and one for
eight hundred and seventy-seven crowns — and a set of writing
tablets.* These last were covered with vows and pious
invocations, in reference to the murderous affair which the
writer had in hand. He had addressed fervent prayers to the
Virgin Mary, to the Angel Gabriel, to the Saviour, and to the
Saviour's Son — "as if," says the Antwerp chronicler, with
simplicity, " the Lord Jesus had a son"f — that they might
aU use their intercession with the Almighty towards the
certain and safe accomphshment of the contemplated deed.
Should he come off successful and unharmed, he solemnly
vowed to fast a week on bread and water. Furthermore, he
promised to Christ a " new coat of costly pattern ;" to the
Mother of God, at Guadalupe, a new gown ; to Our Lady of
Montserrat, a crown, a gown, and a lamp ; and so on through
a long hst of similar presents thus contemplated for various
shrines. $ The poor fanatical fool had been taught by deeper
villains than himself that his pistol was to rid the world

° Korte Verhaai, etc., 589, 590. Strada, 2, iv. 219. — Compare Haraei, Turn.
Belg., in. 336. — "Twee stukken huid, zoo het scheen van eenen haas; het geen
velen aanleiding gaf om te zeggen, dat hij padden en toovery bij zich had."
Korte Verhaai, etc. Bor, Hoof, Meteren, ubi sup.
f "Als of Christus noch eenen sonne hadde." — Meteren, xi 194. The foUow
ing extracts from the assassin's memorandum-book are worthy of attention. The
papers were pubhshed by authority, immediately after the deed. " Al Angel
Gabriel me encomiendo con todo mi spiritu y coracon para que agora y siempre
me sea mi intercessor a nuestro Senor Jesu Christo yasu hijo preciosissimo, y a la
Virgen Sancta Maria y a todos los sanctos y sanctas de la corte del cielo de guar-
darme," etc., etc. — Korte Verhaai
X Korte Verhaai Meteren. Bor, xvii. S13.

1582.] DISCOVERY OF THE CRIMINALS. 543
of a tyrant, and to open his own pathway to Heaven, if his
career should be cut short on earth. To prevent so unde
sirable a catastrophe to himself, however, his most natural
conception had been to bribe the whole heavenly host, from
the Virgin Mary downwards, for he had been taught that ab
solution for murder was to be bought and sold hke other
merchandise. He had also been persuaded that, after accom-
phshing the deed, he would become invisible*
Saint Aldegonde hastened to lay the result of this exami
nation before the Duke of Anjou. Information was likewise
instantly conveyed to the magistrates at the Town House, and
these measures were successful in restoring confidence through
out the city as to the intentions of the new government.
Anjou immediately convened the State Council, issued a sum
mons for an early meeting of the states-general, and published
a proclamation that aU persons having information to give con
cerning the crime which had just been committed, should
come instantly forward, upon pain of death. The body of the
assassin was forthwith exposed upon the pubhc square, and
was soon recognized as that of one Juan Jaureguy, a servant
in the employ of Gaspar d' Anastro, a Spanish merchant of
Antwerp. The letters and biUs of exchange had also, on
nearer examination at the Town House, implicated Anastro in
the affair. His house was immediately searched, but the
merchant had taken his departure, upon the previous Tuesday,
under pretext of pressing affairs at Calais. His cashier,
Venero, and a Dominican friar, named Antony Zimmermann,
both inmates of his famfly, were, however, arrested upon sus
picion. On the foUowing day the watch stationed at the gate
carried the foreign post-bags, as soon as they arrived, to the
magistracy, when letters were found from Anastro to Venero,
which made the affair quite plain.f After they had been
thoroughly studied, they were shown to Venero, who, seeing

c Letter of P. van Reigersberg, March 19, 1582 ; apud Van Wyn op Wagenaer,
7, iii 112. Letter of Herle, before cited.
f Korte Verhaai Bor, xvii. 313. Hoofd, xix. 805. Meteren, xi. 194.

544 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
himself thus completely ruined, asked for pen and ink, and
wrote a full confession.
It appeared that the crime was purely a commercial specu
lation on the part of Anastro. That merchant, being on the
verge of bankruptcy, had entered with Philip into a mutual
contract, which the King had signed with his hand and sealed
with his seal, and according to which Anastro, within a certam
period, was to take the Ufe of WiUiam of Orange, and for so
doing was to receive eighty thousand ducats, and the cross of
Santiago.* To be a knight companion of Spain's proudest
order of chivalry was the guerdon, over and above the eighty
thousand pieces of silver, which Spam's monarch promised the
murderer, if he should succeed. As for Anastro himself, he
was too frugal and too wary to risk his own hfe, or to lose
much of the premium. With tears streaming down his
cheeks, he painted to his faithful cashier the picture which his
master would present, when men should point at him and
say, " Behold yon bankrupt !" protesting, therefore, that he
would murder Orange and secure the reward, or perish in the
attempt. Saying this, he again shed many tears. Venero,
seeing his master thus disconsolate, wept bitterly hkewise, and
begged him not to risk his own precious life. J After this pathetic
commingling of their grief, the merchant and his book-keeper
became more composed, and it was at last concerted between
them that John Jaureguy should be entrusted with the job.
Anastro had intended — as he said in a letter afterwards inter
cepted — " to accomplish the deed with his own hand ; but, as
God had probably reserved him for other things, and particu
larly to be of service to his very affectionate friends, he had
thought best to entrust the execution of the design to his
servant."§ The price paid by the master to the man, for the

* Korte Verhaai. Bor, xvii. 313. Hoofd, xix. 802. Meteren, xi. 194t>.
f " Mirad aquel hombre que ha hecho bancarote," etc. — Confession of Venero
in Bref. RecueU.
X "Todo lo dezia Uorando e yo viendole tan desconsolado Uorava mucho." —
Ibid. § "  Doch het mag wesen dat God mij noch heeftwUlen bewaren om dienst

1582.] CRITICAL CONDITION OF ORANGE. 545
work, seems to have been but two thousand eight hundred
and seventy-seven crowns. The cowardly and crafty principal
escaped. He had gone post haste to Dunkirk, pretending
that the sudden death of his agent in Calais required his imme
diate presence in that city. Governor Sweveseel, of Dunkirk,
sent an orderly to get a passport for him from La Motte, com
manding at Gravelingen. Anastro being on tenter-hooks lest
the news should arrive that the projected murder had been
consummated before he had crossed the border, testified extra
vagant joy on the arrival of the passport, and gave the mes
senger who brought it thirty pistoles. Such conduct natu
raUy excited a vague suspicion in the mind of the governor,
but the merchant's character was good, and he had brought
pressing letters from Admiral Treslong. Sweveseel did not
dare to arrest him without cause, and he neither knew that any
crime had been committed, nor that the man before him was
the criminal. Two hours after the traveUer's departure, the
news arrived of the deed, together with orders to arrest
Anastro, but it was too late. The merchant had found refuge
within the Unes of Parma.*
MeanwhUe, the Prince lay in a most critical condition.
Believing that his end was fast approaching, he dictated
letters to the states-general, entreating them to continue in
their obedience to the Duke, than whom he affirmed that he
knew no better prince for the government of the provinces.
These letters were despatched by Saint Aldegonde to the
assembly, from which body a deputation, in obedience to the
wishes of Orange, was sent to Anjou, with expressions of
condolence and fidehty.f

en vrundschap te mogen doen mijn geaffectioneerde vrienden, gehjk ik die hebbe
op sekere lijste." — Letter of Anastro to the "very magnificent Lord, Martin
Drogue, Sea-captain in Flushing," dated March 28, 1582, in Bor, xvii. 315.
It must have been disagreeable to the very magnificent Drogue — and to
Admiral Treslong, who received a letter of simUar purport from Anastro — to
find themselves inscribed on the list of " his affectionate friends" by this con
summate viUain.
* Bor, xvii. 314. Hoofd, xix. 803, 804. t Korte Verhaai
VOL. IIL 35

546 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
On Wednesday a solemn fast was held, according to pro
clamation, in Antwerp, aU work and aU amusements being
prohibited, and special prayers commanded in aU the churches
for the recovery of the Prince. "Never, within men's
memory," says an account published at the moment, in Ant
werp, " had such crowds been seen in the churches, nor so
many tears been shed."*
The process against Venero and Zimmermann was rapidly
carried through, for both had made a full confession of their
share in the crime. The Prince had enjoined from his sick
bed, however, that the case should be conducted with strict
regard to justice, and, when the execution could no longer be
deferred, he had sent a written request, by the hands of Saint
Aldegonde, that they should be put to death in the least
painful manner. The request was comphed with, but there
can be no doubt that the criminals, had it not been made,
would have expiated their offence by the most lingering
tortures. Owing to the intercession of the man who was to
have been their victim, they were strangled, before being
quartered, upon a scaffold erected in the market-place, opposite
the Town House. This execution took place on Wednesday,
the 28th of March.f
The Prince, meanwhfle, was thought to be mending, and
thanksgivings began to be mingled with the prayers offered
almost every hour in the churches ; but for eighteen days he
lay in a most precarious state. His wife hardly left his bed
side, and his sister, Catharine Countess of Schwartzburg, was

* Korte Verhaai.
, f Bor, xvu. 314. — The following is the text of this most interesting letter: —
" Monsieur de Saint Aldegonde : j'ay entendu que Ton doibt demain faire jus
tice de deux prisonniers, estans complices de celuy qui m'a tire le coup, De
ma part, je leur pardonne tres volontiers de ce qu'Us me peuvent avoir offense,
et s'ils ont peut etre merite" un chastoy et rigoureux, je vous prie vouloir tenir
la main devers Mess" du Magistrat qu'Us ne les veuiUent faire souffrir grand
tourment et se contenter, s'Us l'ont merite d'une courte mort. Votre bien bon
amy a vous faire service, Guillaume de Nassau." — Bref RecueU de l'Assassinat
commis en la personne du tres illustre Prince d'Orange (Anvers. Chr. Plantin,
1582).

1582.] HIS CONVALESCENCE. 547
indefatigable in her attentions. The Duke of Anjou visited
him daily, and expressed the most filial anxiety for his
recovery, but the hopes, which had been gradually growing
stronger, were on the 5th of April exchanged for the deepest
apprehensions. Upon that day the cicatrix by which the
flow of blood from the neck had been prevented, almost from
the first infliction of the wound, feU off. The veins poured
forth a vast quantity of blood ; it seemed impossible to check
the haemorrhage, and aU hope appeared to vanish. The Prince
resigned himself to his fate, and bade his chUdren " good
night for ever," saying calmly, " it is now aU over with
me."* It was difficult, without suffocating the patient, to fasten a
bandage tightly enough to staunch the wound, but Leonardo
Botalli, of Asti, body physician of Anjou, was nevertheless
fortunate enough to devise a simple mechanical expedient,
which proved successful. By his advice, a succession of
attendants, relieving each other day and night, prevented the
flow of blood by keeping the orifice of the wound shghtly but
firmly compressed with the thumb. After a period of anxious
expectation, the wound again closed, and by the end of the
month the Prince was convalescent. On the 2nd of May he
went to offer thanksgiving in the Great Cathedral, amid the
joyful sobs of a vast and most earnest throng.f
The Prince was saved, but unhappily the murderer had yet
found an illustrious victim. The Princess of Orange, Charlotte
de Bourbon — the devoted wife who for seven years had so
faithfully shared his joys and sorrows — lay aheady on her
death-bed. Exhausted by anxiety, long watching, and the

* Bor, xvii. 314. Korte Verhaai. Bor, xvii 316. Hoofd, xix 806.
Meteren, xi 194. Letter of Mary of Orange to Count John, Archives et
Corresp., viii. 88.
f Hoofd, xix. 806, ascribes the superintendence of the cure to Botalli (as
stated in the text). Bor and Meteren, however, only mention the name of
Joseph Michaeli, of Lucca. Bor does not speak at all of the singular expedient
employed to stop the effusion of blood; Hoofd, Meteren, and others, allude
to it.

548 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
alternations of hope and fear during the first eighteen days,
she had been prostrated by despair at the renewed haemorrhage.
A violent fever seized her, under which she sank on the 5th of
May, three days after the solemn thanksgiving for her
husband's recovery.* The Prince, who loved her tenderly,
was in great danger of relapse upon the sad event, which,
although not sudden, had not been anticipated. She was laid
in her grave on the 9th of May, amid the lamentations of the
whole country,f for her virtues were universaUy known and
cherished. She was a woman of rare inteUigence, accompUsh-
ment, and gentleness of disposition, whose only offence had been
to break, by her marriage, the Church vows to which she had
been forced in her chUdhood, but which had been pronounced
fllegal by competent authority, both ecclesiastical and lay. For
this, and for the contrast which her virtues afforded to the vices
of her predecessor, she was the mark of calumny and insult.
These attacks, however, had cast no shadow upon the serenity
of her married hfe, and so long as she lived she was the trusted
companion and consoler of her husband. " His Highness,"
wrote Count John in 1580, " is in exceUent health, and, in
spite of adversity, incredible labor, perplexity, and dangers, is
in such good spirits that it makes me happy to witness it.
No doubt a chief reason is the consolation he derives from the
pious and highly-inteUigent wife whom the Lord has given
him — a woman who ever conforms to his wishes, and is inex
pressibly dear to him."f
The Princess left six daughters — Louisa Juliana, Ehzabeth,
Catharina Belgica, Flandrina, Charlotta Brabantica, and
Emilia Secunda.§
Parma received the first inteUigence of the attempt from the
mouth of Anastro himself, who assured him that the deed had
been entirely successful, and claimed the promised reward.
* Hoofd, Meteren, Bor, ubi sup.
f "With a stately procession of two thousand mourning mantles," Bays Hoofd,
xix. 807.
X Apologie d'Orange. Archives, etc., vii 333.
§ Bor, xvii 316. Meteren. xi 195.

1582.] ACCEPTANCE OF SOVEREIGNTY. 549
Alexander, in consequence, addressed circular letters to the
authorities of Antwerp, Brussels, Bruges, and other cities,
caUing upon them, now that they had been relieved of their
tyrant and their betrayer, to return again to the path of their
duty and to the ever open arms of their lawful monarch.*
These letters were premature. On the other hand, the states
of HoUand and Zealand remained in permanent session,
awaiting with extreme anxiety the result: of the Prince's
wound. " With the death of his ExceUency, if God should
please to take him to himself," said the magistracy of Leyden,
" in the death of the Prince we aU foresee our own death."
It was, in truth, an anxious moment, and the revulsion of
feeling consequent on his recovery was proportionately in-
tense.f In consequence of the excitement produced by this event, it
was no longer possible for the Prince to dechne accepting the
countship of Holland and Zealand, which he had refused abso
lutely two years before, and which he had again rejected,
except for a Umited period, in the year 1581. J It was weU
understood, as appears by the treaty with Anjou, and after
wards formaUy arranged, "that the Duke was never to claim
sovereignty over HoUand and Zealand,"§ and the offer of the
sovereign countship of HoUand was again made to the Prince
of Orange in most urgent terms. It will be recoUected that
he had accepted the sovereignty on the 5th of July, 1581,
only for the term of the war. In a letter, dated Bruges,
14th of August, 1582, he accepted the dignity without limita
tion. || This offer and acceptance, however, constituted but
the preliminaries, for it was further necessary that the letters of
" Benversal" should be drawn up, that they should be formaUy

* Bor (xvii. 314, 315) gives the letters. Meteren, xi 195.
\ Bor, xvii. 316. Kluit, i. 292.
X Djid., i 262 ; 201, sqq. § Ibid., i. 246, 247. Bor, xv. 182, 183.
j Ibid., xv. 183, 184, 185— Compare Kluit, i 213, 214. The deeds of offer and
of acceptance were dated July 6th, 1581. The oaths were exchanged between
the estates and the Prince, July 24th, two days before the act of abjuration. Tha
letter of August 14th, 1582, is given in Bor, xv. 186, 187.

550 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
dehvered, and that a new constitution should be laid down,
and confirmed by mutual oaths. After these steps had been
taken, the ceremonious inauguration or rendering of homage
was to be celebrated.
All these measures were duly arranged, except the last. The
installation of the new Count of Holland was prevented by his
death, and the northern provinces remained a Repubhc, not
only in fact but in name.*
In poUtical matters, the basis of the new constitution was
the " Great Privilege" of the Lady Mary, the Magna Charta
of the country. That memorable monument in the history

* As the measures therefore were, after all inchoate, a brief indication of
these dates and objects wUl suffice to show the relative position of the Prince
and the people of Holland and Zealand. The act of acceptance by WiUiam the
SUent of the proffered sovereignty, was dated August 12, 1582. — (Bor, xv. 186,
187.) The letters patent, or the Renversal as they were technically caUed, were
drawn up and signed and sealed by the " three eldest nobles." — (Bor, xv. 187.
Kluit, i. 311, 312.) They were then sent to all the cities, and received their
twenty-five separate seals at different dates. — (Kluit, i 311, 312, and Bijlagen,
451-463.) The original was afterwards delivered to the Prince, and stUl exists,
with its twenty -eight seals, among the Archives of the now royal family of
Orange Nassau. — (Kluit, i. 316.) On the 6th of May, 1583, the States of
HoUand addressed a remarkable circular (Bor, xv. 187-190), who states that it
was addressed only to the States of Utrecht, whUe Kluit (i 322) shows that it
was a general circular to the States of Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel Brabant,
Flanders, Gelderland, and to the States-general also, giving an historical sketch
of the life and services of WUham the SUent, together with the weighty reason
which had induced them to urge the ancient Countship of HoUand upon hi3
acceptance. This step they declared themselves to have taken, " after frequent
communication with our cities, and each of them ; after ripe deliberation and
councU ; after having heard the advice of the coUeges and communities of the
cities, as well as that of the magistracies and senates, and of all other persons
whom it behoved to consult, and whose counsel in matters of consequence is
usuaUy asked." — (See the Commentary of Kluit, i. 322-326.) They moreover
expressed the hope that the measure would meet with the approval of aU their
sister provinces and with the especial co-operation of those estates with which
they were accustomed to act. On the 15th of November, 1583, the Deputies
of Zealand and Utrecht, thus especiaUy alluded to, formaUy declared their in
tention to remain in their ancient friendship and union with HoUand, " under
one sovereignty and government." — (Kluit, i 329, 330.) An act to this effect
was drawn up, to be referred for ratification to their principals at the next
assembly. — It had, however, not been ratified when the proceedings were for
ever terminated by the Prince's death. — (Kluit, 330, 351, 352, 353. Bor, xv.

1582.] A NEW CONSTITUTION. 551
of the Netherlands and of municipal progress had been over
thrown by Mary's son, with the forced acquiescence of the
states, and it was therefore stipulated by the new article, that
even such laws and privUeges as had faUen into disuse should
be revived. It was furthermore provided that the httle state
should be a free Countship, and should thus silently sever its
connexion with the Empire.*
With regard to the position of the Prince, as hereditary
chief of the little commonwealth, his actual power was rather
diminished than increased by his new dignity. What was
his position at the moment ? He was sovereign during the
war, on the general basis of the authority originally bestowed
upon him by the King's commission of stadholder. In 1581,
his Majesty had been abjured and the stadholder had become
sovereign. He held in his hands the supreme power, legisla
tive, judicial, executive. The Counts of Holland — and PhUip
as their successor — were the great fountains of that triple
stream. Concessions and exceptions had become so extensive,
no doubt, that the provincial charters constituted a vast body
of "hberties" by which the whole country was reasonably
weU supplied./ At the same time, aU the power not expressly
granted away remained in the breast of the Count.f If am
bition, then, had been WilUam's ruling principle, he had
exchanged substance for shadow, for the new state now con
stituted was a free commonwealth — a repubhc in all but
name. By the new constitution he ceased to be the source of

186.) HoUand accepted this formality as sufficient, and the act of Renversal
was accordingly dehvered on the 7th of December, 1583. — (Kluit, i. 330.) On
the 30th of the same month, forty-nine articles (they are given in fuU by Bor, xv.
191-194), containing as sensible a plan for a free Commonwealth as had ever
been drawn up previously to that day in Christendom, were agreed upon by the
Prince and the estates, as the fundamental conditions under which he should be
invested with the Countship. The Prince, however, accepted the dignity and the
articles, only upon the further condition that the whole proceeding should be
once more approved and confirmed by the senates of the cities. — (Kluit, i 335. —
Compare Bor, iii. xv. 194b).
* Kluit, i 346, 347. See Introduction to this work. Article 5. Kluit, i 337,
note 63. + Kluit, i 11-16 and 346, sqq.

552 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
governmental Ufe, or to derive his own authority from above by
right divine. The sacred oU which had flowed from Charles
the Simple's beard was dried up. Orange's sovereignty was
from the estates, as legal representatives of the people, and,
instead of exercising aU the powers not otherwise granted
away, he was content with those especially conferred upon him.
He could neither declare war nor conclude peace without the
co-operation of the representative body. The appointing power
was scrupulously Umited. Judges, magistrates, governors,
sheriffs, provincial and municipal officers, were to be nomina
ted by the local authorities or by the estates, on the triple
principle. From these triple nominations he had only the right
of selection by advice and consent of his councU He was ex
pressly enjoined to see that the law was carried to every man's
door, without any distinction of persons, to submit himself to
its behests, to watch against aU impediments to the even flow
of justice, to prevent false imprisonments, and to secure trials
for every accused person by the local tribunals. This was
certainly little in accordance with the arbitrary practice of the
past quarter of a century.
With respect to the great principle of taxation, stricter
bonds even were provided than those which aheady existed.
Not only the right of taxation remained with the states, but
the Count was to see that, except for war purposes, every im
post was levied by a unanimous vote. He was expressly for
bidden to tamper with the currency. As executive head, save
in his capacity as Commander-in-chief by land or sea, the new
sovereign was, in short, strictly limited by self-imposed laws.
It had rested with him to dictate or to accept a constitution.
He had in his memorable letter of August, 1582, from Bruges,
laid down generaUy the articles prepared at Plessis and
Bourdeaux, for Anjou — together with all appUcable pro
visions of the Joyous Entry of Brabant — as the outlines of the
constitution for the Uttle commonwealth then forming in the
north. To these provisions he was willing to add any others
which, after ripe dehberation, might be thought beneficial to
the country.

1582.] ITS FEATURES. 553
Thus limited were his executive functions. As to his judi
cial authority it had ceased to exist. The Count of HoUand
was now the guardian of the laws, but the judges were to ad
minister them. He held the sword of justice to protect and
to execute, whUe the scales were left in the hands which had
learned to weigh and to measure.
As to the Count's legislative authority, it had become co
ordinate with, if not subordinate to, that of the representative
body. He was strictly prohibited from interfering with the
right of the separate or the general states to assemble as often
as they should think proper ; and he was also forbidden to
summon them outside their own territory.* This was one
immense step in the progress of representative hberty, and the
next was equaUy important. It was now formaUy stipulated
that the estates were to deliberate upon aU measures which
" concerned justice and polity," and that no change was to be
made — that is to say, no new law was to pass — without then-
consent as weU as that of the counciLf Thus, the principle
was estabhshed of two legislative chambers, with the right,
but not the exclusive right, of initiation on the part of govern
ment, and in the sixteenth century one would hardly look for
broader views of civil liberty and representative government.
The foundation of a free commonwealth was thus securely
laid, which had WiUiam Uved, would have been a represen
tative monarchy, but which his death converted into a federal
repubUc. It was necessary for the sake of unity to give a
connected outhne of these proceedings with regard to the
sovereignty of Orange. The formal inauguration only re
mained, and this, as wiU be seen, was for ever interrupted.

* Kluit, i. 347. f Article 20.— Compare Kluit, i 348.

CHAPTER VI.

Parma recals the foreign troops — Siege of Oudenarde — Coolness of Alexander
— Capture of the city and of Ninove — Inauguration of Anjou at Ghent —
Attempt upon his life and that of Orange — Lamoral Bgmont's implication
in the plot — Parma's unsuccessful attack upon Ghent — Secret plans of
Anjou — Dunkirk, Ostend, and other towns surprised by his adherents —
FaUure at Bruges — Suspicions at Antwerp — Duplicity of Anjou — The
" French Fury" — DetaUs of that transaction — Discomfiture and disgrace of
the Duke — His subsequent effrontery — His letters to the magistracy of
Antwerp, to the Estates, and to Orange — Extensive correspondence between
Anjou and the French Court with Orange and the Estates — Difficult position
of the Prince — His policy — Remarkable letter to the States-general — Pro
visional arrangement with Anjou — Marriage of the Archbishop of Cologne
— Marriage of Orange with Louisa de Cohgny — Movements in HoUand,
Brabant, Flanders, and other provinces, to induce the Prince to accept
sovereignty over the whole country — His steady refusal — Treason of Van
den Berg in Gueldres — Intrigues of Prince Chimay and Imbize in Flanders
— Counter efforts of Orange and the patriot party — Fate of Imbize — Recon
ciliation of Bruges — Death of Anjou.
During the course of the year 1582, the mUitary operations
on both sides had been languid and desultory, the Prince of
Parma, not having a large force at his command, being com
paratively inactive. In consequence, however, of the treaty
concluded between the united states and Anjou, Parma had
persuaded the WaUoon provinces that it had now become
absolutely necessary for them to permit the entrance of fresh
Italian and Spanish troops.* This, then, was the end of the
famous provision against foreign soldiery in the WaUoon

* Bor, xvii 320, 321.

1582.] SIEGE OF OUDENARDE. 555
treaty of reconciliation. The Abbot of Saint Vaast was im
mediately despatched on a special mission to Spain, and the
troops, by midsummer, had already begun to pour into the
Netherlands.* In the meantime, Farnese, whUe awaiting these rein
forcements, had not been idle, but had been quietly picking
Up several important cities. Early in the spring he had
laid siege to Oudenarde, a place of considerable importance
upon the Scheld, and celebrated as the birthplace of his grand
mother, Margaret van Geest.f The burghers were obstinate ;
the defence was protracted ; the sorties were bold ; the skir
mishes frequent and sanguinary. Alexander commanded
personaUy in the trenches, encouraging his men by his ex
ample, and often working with the mattock, or handling a
Bpear in the assault, hke a private pioneer or soldier. To
wards the end of the siege, he scarcely ever left the scene of
operation, and he took his meals near the outer defences, that
he might lose no opportunity of superintending the labors of
bis troops. One day his dinner was laid for himself and staff
in the open air, close to the entrenchment.J He was himself
engaged in planting a battery against a weak point in the
city waU, and would on no account withdraw for an instant.
The tablecloth was stretched over a number of drum-heads,
placed close together, and several nobles of distinction — Arem-
berg, Montigny, Eichebourg, La Motte, and others, were his
guests at dinner. Hardly had the repast commenced, when a
baU came flying over the table, taking off the head of a young
WaUoon officer who was sitting near Parma, and who was
earnestly requesting a foremost place in the morrow's assault.
A portion of his skuU struck out the eye of another gentleman
present. A second baU from the town fortifications, equaUy

* Bor, xvii. 320, 321. — Compare Reconc. Prov. Wall., t. v., MS.
f Bor, vii. 322. Strada, 2, iv. 225-234. Meteren, xi. 195. The city is in
Flanders, on the Scheld, in. the country of the ancient Nervu, from which vahant
tribe, according to Meteren, it derived its name, Oude-narde, Oude Naarden, old
Nervii — xi. 195b.
X Bor, ubi sup. Strada, 2, iv. 225-234

556 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
weU directed, destroyed two more of the guests as they sat at
the banquet — one a German captain, the other the Judge-
Advocate-General. The blood and brains of these unfortunate
individuals were strewn over the festive board, and the others
aU started to their feet, having httle appetite left for their din
ner. Alexander alone remained in his seat, manifesting no
discomposure. Quietly ordering the attendants to remove the
dead bodies, and to bring a clean tablecloth,* he insisted that
his guests should resume their places at the banquet which
had been interrupted in such ghastly fashion. He stated with
very determined aspect that he could not aUow the heretic
burghers of Oudenarde the triumph of frightening him from
his dinner, or from the post of danger. The other gentlemen
could, of course, do no less than imitate the impassibility of
their chief, and the repast was accordingly concluded without
further interruption. Not long afterwards, the city, close
pressed by so determined a commander, accepted terms, which
were more favorable by reason of the respect which Alexander
chose to render to his mother's birthplace. The piUage was
commuted for thirty thousand crowns, and on the 5th of July
the place was surrendered to Parma almost under the very
eyes of Anjou, who was making a demonstration of reheving
the siege.f
Ninove, a citadel then belonging to the Egmont famUy,
was next reduced. Here, too, the defence was more obstinate
than could have been expected from the importance of the
place, and as the autumn advanced, Parma's troops were nearly
starved in their trenches, from the insufficient supplies furnished
them. They had eaten no meat but horseflesh for weeks, and
even that was gone. The cavalry horses were aU consumed, and
even the chargers of the officers were not respected. An aid-
de-camp of Parma fastened his steed one day at the door of

* "  solus Alexander nee sedem nee vultum mutavit  jubet auferri
iUinc, humarique cadavera, aha induci in mensam lintea, alias dapes." — Strada,
2, v. 233.
f Strada, 2, v. 232-234.— Compare Bor, xvii. 322. Hoofd, xix. 812.

1582.] OTHER OPERATIONS. 557
the Prince's tent, whUe he entered to receive his commander's
instructions. When he came out again, a few minutes after
wards, he found nothing but the saddle and bridle hanging
where he had fastened the horse. Eemonstrance was useless,
for the animal had aheady been cut into quarters, and the only
satisfaction offered to the aid-de-camp was in the shape of a
steak. The famine was long famfliarly known as the " Ninove
starvation," but notwithstanding this obstacle, the place was
eventually surrendered.*
An attempt upon Lochum, an important city in Gelderland,
was unsuccessful, the place being reheved by the Duke of
Anjou's forces, and Parma's troops forced to abandon the siege.
At Steenwyk, the royal arms were more successful, Colonel
Tassis, conducted by a treacherous Frisian peasant, having
surprised the city which had so long and so manfuUy sustained
itself against Eenneberg during the preceding winter. With
this event the active operations under Parma closed for the
year. By the end of the autumn, however, he had the satis
faction of numbering, under his command, full sixty thousand
well-appointed and discipUned troops, including the large
reinforcements recently despatched from Spain and Italy.f
The monthly expense of this army — half of which was
required for garrison duty, leaving only the other moiety for
field operations — was estimated at six hundred and fifty
thousand florins.J The forces under Anjou and the united
provinces were also largely increased, so that the marrow of the
land was again in fair way of being thoroughly exhausted by
its defenders and its foes.§
The incidents of Anjou's administration, meantime, during
the year 1582, had been few and of no great importance.
After the pompous and elaborate " homage-making" at Ant
werp, he had, in the month of July, been formaUy accepted, by

* Strada, 2, v. 242.
f 56,550 infantry and 3537 cavalry— total 60,087.^Meteren, xi. 198'.
X 654,356 guldens. — Djid.
§ Meteren, xi. 197. Tassis, vi 433. Strada, 2, v. 244, 245.

558 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
writing, as Duke of Guelders and Lord of Friesland. In
the same month he had been ceremoniously inaugurated at
Bruges as Count of Flanders — an occasion upon which the
Prince of Orange had been present. In that ancient and
stately city there had been, accordingly, much marching
about under triumphal arches, much cannonading and haran
guing, much symbol work of suns dispelling fogs, with other
cheerful emblems, much decoration of ducal shoulders with
velvet robes lined with weasel skin, much blazing of tar-
barrels and torches.* In the midst of this event, an attempt
was made upon the hves both of Orange and Anjou. An
Italian, named Basa, and a Spaniard, caUed Salseda, were
detected in a scheme to administer poison to both princes,
and when arrested, confessed that they had been hired by
the Prince of Parma to compass this double assassination.
Basa destroyed himself in prison. His body was, however,
gibbeted, with an inscription that he had. attempted, at the
instigation of Parma, to take the hves of Orange and Anjou.
Salseda, less fortunate, was sent to Paris, where he was found
guilty, and executed by being torn to pieces by four horses.
Sad to relate, Lamoral Egmont, younger son and namesake
of the great general, was intimate with Salseda, and impli
cated in this base design.f His mother, on her death-bed,
had especiaUy recommended the youth to the kindly care
of Orange.J The Prince had ever recognized the claim,
manifesting uniform tenderness for the son of his fll-starred
friend ; and now the youthful Lamoral — as if the name of

* Bor, xvii 328, 329, 332. Meteren, xi. 196. A rising sun, with the motto
"fovet et discutit," was the favorite device of Anjou.
f Bor, xvii. 331. Hoofd, xix. 814, 815. Meteren, xi 196. Egmont pre
tended to be studying alchemy with Salseda.
X Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. See a letter of Orange to Josse Borluut,
October 11, 1580, requesting him to furnish young Lamoral with needful funds,
adding, " le principal point pour se faire valoir au chemin de la vertu pour
auquel continuer au bien en mieulx, ay donne" ordre qu'U soit guide de personnes
a ce bien propres et qualifies. " — Documents Inedits, par Kervyn de Volkaersbeka
et J. Diegerick, ii 158.

1582.] ATTEMPT TO DESTROY ORANGE AND ANJOU. 559
Egmont had not been sufficiently contaminated by the elder
brother's treason at Brussels — had become the comrade of
hired conspirators against his guardian's life. The affair was
hushed up, but the story was current and generally believed
that Egmont had himself undertaken to destroy the Prince at
his own table by means of poison which he kept concealed in
a ring. Saint Aldegonde was to have been taken off in the
same way, and a hoUow ring filled with poison was said to have
been found in Egmont's lodgings.*
The young noble was imprisoned ; his guilt was far from
doubtful ; but the powerful intercessions of Orange himself,
combined with Egmont's near relationship to the French Queen,
saved his life, and he was permitted, after a brief captivity,
to take his departure for France.f
The Duke of Anjou, a month later, was received with equal
pomp, in the city of Ghent. Here the ceremonies were inter
rupted in another manner. The Prince of Parma, at the head
of a few regiments of WaUoons, making an attack on a body of
troops by which Anjou had been escorted into Flanders, the
troops retreated in good order, and without much loss, under
the waUs of Ghent, where a long and sharp action took place,
much to the disadvantage of Parma. The Prince of Orange
and the Duke of Anjou were on the city waUs during the
whole skirmish, giving orders and superintending the move
ments of their troops, and at nightfall Parma was forced to
retire, leaving a large number of dead behind him.J
The 15th day of December, in this year was celebrated —
according to the new ordinance of Gregory the Thirteenth —
as Christmas.§ It was the occasion of more than usual merry-

* "Wreede Turkshe wonderiijcke verhaalinge van dit leste verraet teghen
Ducks Dangu (sic) en tegen den edelen P. v. Orangien," etc., etc. — Leyden, 1582.
This curious pamphlet, in the Duncan collection, consists of a letter from Bruges
of 25th July, and another from Antwerp, of 27th July, 1582.
f Louise de Vaudemont, wife of Henry III., was daughter of the great
Count Egmont's sister. She was consequently first cousin to young Lamorai
X Bor, xvu. 334. Strada, 2, v. 240, 241. Meteren, xi. 197.
§ Bor, xvii. 338. Meteren, xi 198, sqq. Hoofd, xix. 827. Strada, 2, v. 245.

560 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1582.
making among the Catholics of Antwerp, who had procured,
during the preceding summer, a renewed right of public worship
from Anjou and the estates. Many nobles of high rank came
from France, to pay their homage to the new Duke of Brabant.
They secretly expressed their disgust, however, at the close
constitutional bonds in which they found their own future
sovereign imprisoned by the provinces. They thought it far
beneath the dignity of the " Son of France" to play the
secondary part of titular Duke of Brabant, Count of Flanders,
Lord of Friesland, and the like, while the whole power of
government was lodged with the states. They whispered that
it was time to take measures for the incorporation of the
Netherlands into France, and they persuaded the false and
fickle Anjou that there would never be any hope of his royal
brother's assistance, except upon the understanding that the
blood and treasure of Frenchmen were to be spent to increase
the power, not of upstart and independent provinces, but of
the French crown.*
They struck the basest chords of the Duke's base nature by
awakening his jealousy of Orange. His whole soul vibrated to
the appeal. He already hated the man by whose superior
inteUect he was overawed, and by whose pure character he was
shamed. He stoutly but secretly swore that he would assert
his own rights, and that he would no longer serve as a shadow,
a statue, a zero, a Matthias.f It is needless to add, that
neither in his own judgment nor in that of his mignons, were
the constitutional articles which he had recently sworn to sup
port, or the solemn treaty which he had signed and sealed at
Bordeaux, to furnish any obstacles to his seizure of unlimited
power, whenever the design could be cleverly accomplished.
He rested not, day or night, in the elaboration of his plan.
Early in January, 1583, he sent one night for several of his

* Bor, xvu. 339, sqq. Strada, 2, v. 246, sqq. Meteren, xi. 199, 200. Hoofd,
xix. 837, 838.
t Bor, xvii. 339. Hoofd, xix. 837. Strada, 2, v. 247.

1583.] THE duke's PLOT. 561
intimate associates, to consult with him after he had retired
to bed. He complained of the insolence of the states, of the
importunity of the council which they had forced upon him, of
the insufficient sums which they furnished both for him and
his troops, of the daily insults offered to the Catholic rehgion.
He protested that he should consider himself disgraced in tha
eyes of aU Christendom, should he longer consent to occupy
his present ignoble position. But two ways were open to
him, he observed ; either to retire altogether from the Nether
lands, or to maintain his authority with the strong hand, as
became a prince. The first course would cover him with dis
grace. It was therefore necessary for him to adopt the other.
He then unfolded his plan to his confidential friends, La
Fougere, De Fazy, Valette, the sons of Marechal Biron, and
others. Upon the same day, if possible, he was determined to
take possession, with his own troops, of the principal cities in
Flanders. Dunkirk, Dixmuyde, Denremonde, Bruges, Ghent,
Vilvoorde, Alost, and other important places, were to be simul
taneously invaded, under pretext of quieting tumults artfuUy
created and encouraged between the burghers and the garri
sons, while Antwerp was reserved for his own especial enter
prise. That important capital he would carry by surprise at
the same moment in which the other cities were to be secured
by his lieutenants.*
The plot was pronounced an exceUent one by the friends
around his bed — aU of them eager for Cathohc supremacy, for
the estabhshment of the right divine on the part of France to
the Netherlands, and for their share in the sacking of so many
wealthy cities at once. These worthless mignons applauded
their weak master to the echo ; whereupon the Duke leaped
from his bed, and kneeling on the floor in his night-gown,
raised his eyes and his clasped hands to heaven, and piously
invoked the blessing of the Almighty upon the project which

* Bor, xvii 339, 340. Meteren, xi. 200, 201. Hoofd, xix. 837, 838. Strada,
2, v. 248, 249.
Vol. ill. 36

562 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
he had thus announced.* He added the solemn assurance
that, ff favored with success in his undertaking, he would
abstain in future from all unchastity, and forego the irregular
habits by which his youth had been stained. Having thus
bribed the Deity, and received the encouragement of his
flatterers, the Duke got into bed again. His next care was to
remove the Seigneur du Plessis, whom he had observed to be
often in coUoquy with the Prince of Orange, his suspicious
and guUty imagination finding nothing but mischief to him
self in the conjunction of two such natures. He therefore
dismissed Du Plessis, under pretext of a special mission to
his sister, Margaret of Navarre ; but in reality, that he might
rid himself of the presence of an inteUigent and honorable
countryman.f On the 15th January, 1583, the day fixed for the execution
of the plot, the French commandant of Dunkirk, Captain
Chamois, skilfully took advantage of a slight quarrel between
the citizens and the garrison, to secure that important frontier
town. The same means were employed simultaneously, with
similar results, at Ostend, Dixmuyde, Denremonde, Alost,
and Vilvoorde, but there was a fatal delay at one impor
tant city. La Fougere, who had been with Chamois at
Dunkirk, was arrested on his way to Bruges by some
patriotic citizens who had got wind of what had just been
occurring in the other cities, so that when Valette, the pro
vost of Anjou, and Colonel la Rebours, at the head of fifteen
hundred French troops, appeared before the gates, entrance
was flatly refused. De Grijse, burgomaster of Bruges, encou
raged his feUow townsmen by words and stout action, to resist
the nefarious project then on foot agamst rehgious liberty
and free government, in favor of a new foreign tyranny.J
He spoke to men who could sympathize with, and second his
courageous resolution, and the delay of twenty-four hours,

* Deposition of La FougeTe, the Duke's maitre d'hdtel, in Bor, xvii. 340.
Hoofd, xix. 838.
t Ibid. Strada, 2, v. 248. X Bori xyii- 34°- Hoofd, xix. 834.

1583.] suspicions. 563
during which the burghers had time to take the alarm, saved
the city. The whole population was on the alert, and the
baffled Frenchmen were forced to retire from the gates, to
avoid being torn to pieces by the citizens whom they had
intended to surprise.
At Antwerp, meanwhile, the Duke of Anjou had been
rapidly maturing his plan, under pretext of a contemplated
enterprise against the city of Endhoven, having concentrated
what he esteemed a sufficient number of French troops at
Borgerhout, a village close to the waUs of Antwerp.
On the 16th of January, suspicion was aroused in the city.
A man in a mask entered the mainguard-house in the night,
mysteriously gave warning that a great crime was in con
templation, and vanished before he could be arrested. His
accent proved him to be a Frenchman. Strange rumors flew
about the streets. A vague uneasiness pervaded the whole
population as to the intention of their new master, but nothing
was definitely known, for of course there was entire ignorance
of the events which were just occurring in other cities. The
colonels and captains of the burgher guard came to consult
the Prince of Orange. He avowed the most entire confidence
in the Duke of Anjou, but, at the same time, recommended
that the chains should be drawn, the lanterns hung out, and
the drawbridge raised an hour earlier than usual, and that
other precautions, customary in the expectation of an attack,
should be duly taken. He likewise sent the Burgomaster of
the interior, Dr. Alostanus, to the Duke of Anjou, in order to
communicate the suspicions created in the minds of the city
authorities by the recent movements of troops.*

* Corte Verclaering, ghedaen by Burgemeesteren, Schepenen ende Raedt der
Stadt Antwerpen, nopende den aenslaeg tegen de selve stadt aengerichtet den
xvii deser maendt, Jan. 1583. — Antwerp. Christ Plantin, 1583. This is the official
account — published by authority immediately after the event — and the source
Whence Bor, Meteren, and other contemporary chroniclers have derived the details
of this important transaction. — Compare Bor, xvii. 341, sqq. ; Meteren, xi 201, sqq.
Hoofd, xix. 838, 839, sqq. Reid., iii. 46.

564 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
Anjou, thus addressed, protested in the most solemn man
ner that nothing was farther from his thoughts than any
secret enterprise against Antwerp. He was willing, according
to the figure of speech which he had always ready upon every
emergency, " to shed every drop of his blood in her defence."
He swore that he would signaUy punish all those who had
dared to invent such calumnies against himself and his faith
ful Frenchmen, declaring earnestly, at the same time, that the
troops had only been assembled in the regular course of their
duty. As the Duke was so loud and so fervent ; as he,
moreover, made no objections to the precautionary measures
which had been taken ; as the burgomaster thought, more
over, that the public attention thus aroused would render all
evfl designs futile, even if any had been entertained ; it was
thought that the city might sleep in security for that night at
least.* On the foUowing morning, as vague suspicions were stfll
entertained by many influential persons, a deputation of magis
trates and militia officers waited upon the Duke, the Prince
of Orange — although himself stUl feehng a confidence which
seems now almost inexplicable — -consenting to accompany them.
The Duke was more vehement than ever in his protestations
of loyalty to his recent oaths, as weU as of deep affection for
the Netherlands — for Brabant in particular, and for Ant
werp most of all, and he made use of aU his vivacity to per
suade the Prince, the burgomasters, and the colonels, that they
had deeply wronged him by such unjust suspicions. His as
sertions were accepted as sincere, and the deputation withdrew,
Anjou having first solemnly promised — at the suggestion of
Orange — not to leave the city during the whole day, in order
that unnecessary suspicion might be prevented.f
This pledge the Duke proceeded to violate almost aa

* Corte Verclaering. Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, ubi sup. Ev. Reidani, iii
46, 47.
+ Bor, xvii 342. Corte Verolaering, etc.

1583.] THE ATTEMPT UPON ANTWERP. 565
soon as made. Orange returned with confidence to his own
house, which was close to the citadel, and therefore far removed
from the proposed point of attack, but he had hardly arrived
there when he received a visit from the Duke's private secre
tary, Quinsay, who invited him to accompany his Highness
on a visit to the camp. Orange declined the request, and sent
an earnest prayer to the Duke not to leave the city that
morning. The Duke dined as usual at noon. While at dinner
he received a letter, was observed to turn pale on reading it,
and to conceal it hastily in a muff which he wore on his left
arm. The repast finished, the Duke ordered his horse. The
animal was restive, and so strenuously resisted being mounted
that, although it was his usual charger, it was exchanged for
another. This second horse started in such a flurry that the
Duke lost his cloak, and almost his seat. He maintained his
self-possession, however, and placing himself at the head of
his body-guard and some troopers, numbering in all three
hundred mounted men, rode out of the palace-yard towards
the Kipdorp gate.*
This portal opened on the road towards Borgerhout, where
his troops were stationed, and at the present day bears the
name of that viUage. It is on the side of the city farthest
removed from and exactly opposite the river. The town was
very quiet, the streets almost deserted ; for it was one o'clock,
the universal dinner-hour, and aU suspicion had been disarmed
by the energetic protestations of the Duke. The guard at
the gate looked Ustlessly upon the cavalcade as it approached,
but as soon as Anjou had crossed the first drawbridge, he rose
in his stirrups and waved his hand. " There is your city, my
lads," said he to the troopers behind him ; "go and take pos-1*
session of it !"f
At the same time he set spurs to his horse, and gaUoped
off towards the camp at Borgerhout. Instantly afterwards, a

* Hoofd, xix. 839-843. Meteren, xi. 201. Bor, xvii. 342.
f Corte Verclaering, etc. Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. Strada, 2, v. 249.
Ev. Reid., iii. 47.

566 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
gentleman of his suite, Count Rochepot,* affected to have
broken his leg through the plunging of his horse, a circum
stance by which he had been violently pressed against the
waU as he entered the gate. Kaiser, the commanding officer
at the guard-house, stepped kindly forward to render him
assistance, and his reward was a desperate thrust from the
Frenchman's rapier. As he wore a steel cuirass, he fortu
nately escaped with a shght wound.f
The expression, "broken leg," was the watch-word, for at
one and the same instant, the troopers and guardsmen of Anjou
set upon the burgher watch at the gate, and butchered every
man. A sufficient force was left to protect the entrance thus
easily mastered, whUe the rest of the Frenchmen entered the
town at fuU gaUop, shrieking " Ville gaignee, ville gaignee!
vive la messe ! vive le Duc d'Anjou .'" They were foUowed by
their comrades from the camp outside, who now poured into
the town at the preconcerted signal, at least six hundred
cavalry and L^ree thousand musketeers, all perfectly appointed,
entering Antwerp at once. From the Kipdorp gate two
main arteries — the streets caUed the Kipdorp and the Meer —
led quite through the heart of the city, towards the town-
house and the river beyond. Along these great thoroughfares
the French soldiers advanced at a rapid pace ; the cavalry
clattering furiously in the van, shouting " Ville gaignee, ville
gaignee! vive la messe, vive la messe! tue, tue, tue!"%
The burghers coming to door and window to look for the
cause of aU this disturbance, were saluted with voUeys of
musketry. They were for a moment astonished, but not
appaUed, for at first they beUeved it to be merely an accidental
tumult. Observing, however, that the soldiers, meeting

* " Dont le nom est enseveU dans 1' oubh," says De Thou, adding, " et plut a
Dieu que l'mfamie de son action le fQt aussi I" — Tom. ix. Uv. 77, p. 37. Reyd,
however, says it was Count Rochepot. — Ann. Belg. 347. De Weert's MS. Jour
nal also gives the name and the incident.
t De Thou, Reyd, Bor, Meteren, Hoofd.
X Corte Verclaering, etc. Bor, xvii. 343. Hoofd, xix. 841, sqq. Meteren,
Reyd, ubi sup. Strada, 2, v. 249, sqq.

1583.J DEFENCE OF THE CITIZENS, 567
with but Uttle effective resistance, were dispersing into
dwellings and warehouses, particularly into the shops of the
goldsmiths and lapidaries, the citizens remembered the dark
supicions which had been so rife, and many recaUed to mind
that distinguished French officers had during the last few days
been carefuUy examining the treasures of the jewellers, under
pretext of purchasing, but, as it now appeared, with intent to
rob inteUigently.*
The burghers, taking this rapid view of their position, flew
instantly to arms. Chains and barricades were stretched
across the streets ; the trumpets sounded through the city ;
the municipal guards swarmed to the rescue. An effective
raUy was made, as usual, at the Bourse, whither a large
detachment of the invaders had forced their way. Inhabitants
of aU classes and conditions, noble and simple, Catholic and
Protestant, gave each other the hand, and swore to die at each
other's side in defence of the city against the treacherous
strangers. The gathering was rapid and enthusiastic. Gentle
men came with lance and cuirass, burghers with musket and
bandoleer, artisans with axe, mallet, and other implements of
their trade. A bold baker, standing by his oven — stark
naked, according to the custom of bakers at that day —
rushed to the street as the sound of the tumult reached
his ear. With his heavy bread shovel, which he stUl held in
his hand, he dealt a French cavalry officer, just riding and
screaming by, such a hearty blow that he fell dead from his
horse. The baker seized the officer's sword, sprang aU un-
attired as he was, upon his steed, and careered furiously
through the streets, encouraging his countrymen everywhere
to the attack, and deahng dismay through the ranks of the
enemy. His services in that eventful hour were so signal that
he was pubhcly thanked afterwards by the magistrates for his
services, and rewarded with a pension of three hundred florins
for life.f

* Strada, 2, v. 252. Ev. Reidani, ii 53.
f Corte Verclaering. Bor, xvii. 343. Meteren, xi. 201. Hoofd, xix. 841
842. Strada, 2, v. 250. Tassis, vi. 435.

568 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
The invaders had been forced from the Bourse, whUe another
portion of them had penetrated as far as the Market-place.
The resistance which they encountered became every mstant
more formidable, and Fervacques, a leading French officer, who
was captured on the occasion, acknowledged that no regular
troops could have fought more bravely than did these stalwart
burghers. * Women and chUd ren mounted to roof and window,
whence they hurled, not only tUes and chimney pots, but
tables, ponderous chairs, and other bulky articles, upon the
heads of the assaUants,f while such citizens as had used aU
their bullets, loaded their pieces with the sflver buttons from
their doublets, or twisted gold and silver coins with their
teeth into ammunition. With a population so resolute, the
four thousand invaders, however audacious, soon found them
selves swaUowed up. The city had closed over them like
water, and within an hour nearly a third of their whole number
had been slain. Very few of the burghers had perished, and
fresh numbers were constantly advancing to the attack. The
Frenchmen, bhnded, staggering, beaten, attempted to retreat.
Many threw themselves from the fortifications into the moat.
The rest of the survivors struggled through the streets —
falling in large numbers at every step — towards the point at
which they had so lately entered the city. Here at the Kip
dorp gate was a ghastly spectacle, the slain being pUed up in
the narrow passage full ten feet high, while some of the heap,
not quite dead, were striving to extricate a hand or foot,
and others feebly thrust forth their heads to gain a mouthful
of air.J
From the outside, some of Anjou's officers were attempting
to chmb over this mass of bodies in order to enter the city ;
from the interior, the baffled and fugitive remnant of their
comrades w^re attempting to force their passage through the

* Ev. Reid., iii. 48. f Bor, Hoofd, Meteren, Strada.
X Bor, xvii. 343, 344. Meteren, xi. 201. Hoofd, xix. 841, 842, 843.
Strada, 2, v. 250. "Ut duorum altitudinem hominum exaequaret cadaveruni
strues."

1583.] THE FRENCH ROUTED. 569
same horrible barrier ; while many dropped at every instant
upon the heap of slain, under the blows of the unrelenting
burghers.* On the other hand, Count Rochepot himself, to
whom the principal command of the enterprise had been
entrusted by Anjou, stood directly in the path of his fugitive
soldiers, not only bitterly upbraiding them with their cowardice,
but actuaUy slaying ten or twelve of them with his own hands,f
as the most effectual mode of preventing their retreat. Hardly
an hour had elapsed from the time when the Duke of Anjou
first rode out of the Kipdorp gate, before nearly the whole of
the force which he had sent to accomplish his base design
was either dead or captive. Two hundred and fifty nobles of
high rank and illustrious name were kiUed ; recognized at
once as they lay in the streets by their magnificent costume.
A larger number of the gallant chivalry of France had been
sacrificed — as Anjou confessed — in this treacherous and most
shameful enterprise, than had often fallen upon noble and
honorable fields. Nearly two thousand of the rank and file
had perished, and the rest were prisoners. It was at first
asserted that exactly fifteen hundred and eighty-three French
men had faUen, but this was only because this number hap
pened to be the date of the year, to which the lovers of mar-
veUous coincidences struggled very hard to make the returns
of the dead correspond. Less than one hundred burghers lost
their Uves.J
Anjou, as he looked on at a distance, was bitterly reproached
for his treason by several of the high-minded gentlemen about
his person, to whom he had not dared to confide his plot. The
Duke of Montpensier protested vehemently that he washed
his hands of the whole transaction, whatever might be the

* Meteren, xi. 201, sqq., who had his information from eyewitnesses. — Com
pare Hoofd, Bor, Meteren, Strada, loc. cit
f Hoofd, xix. 843. Reidani, iii 47.
X According to a statement made by a French prisoner, more than fifty gen
tlemen had been kiUed, of whom the poorest had six thousand hvres annual in
come. Bor, xvii. 343.— Compare Meteren, xi. 202. Ev. Beid.. iii 4S. Strada.
2, v. 252. Hoofd, xix. 843.

570 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
issue.* He was responsible for the honor of an iUustrious
house, which should never be stained, he said, if he could
prevent it, with such foul deeds. The same language was held
by Laval, by Rochefoucauld, and by the Marechal de Biron,
the last gentleman, whose two sons were engaged in the vUe
enterprise, bitterly cursing the Duke to his face, as he rode
through the gate after revealing his secret undertaking.f
Meanwhfle, Anjou, in addition to the punishment of hearing
these reproaches from men of honor, was the victim of a
rapid and violent fluctuation of feehng. Hope, fear, triumph,
doubt, remorse, alternately swayed him. As he saw the fugi
tives leaping from the waUs, he shouted exultingly, without
accurately discerning what manner of men they were, that
the city was his, that four thousand of his brave soldiers were
there, and were hurling the burghers from the battlements.
On being made afterwards aware of his error, he was pro
portionably depressed ; and when it was obvious at last that
the result of the enterprise was an absolute and disgraceful
faUure, together with a complete exposure of his treachery, he
fairly mounted his horse, and fled conscience-stricken from
the scene.f
The attack had been so unexpected, in consequence of the
credence that had been rendered by Orange and the magis
tracy to the solemn protestations of the Duke, that it had
been naturally out of any one's power to prevent the catas
trophe. The Prince was lodged in a part of the town remote
from the original scene of action, and it does not appear that
information had reached him that anything unusual was
occurring, until the affair was approaching its termination.
Then there was little for him to do. He hastened, however,
to the scene, and mounting the ramparts, persuaded the
citizens to cease cannonading the discomfited and retiring foe.
He felt the full gravity of the situation, and the necessity of
diminishing the rancor of the inhabitants against their

* De Thou, ix. 37, and xxvii.
t Hoofd, xix. 834. Bentivoglio, 2, ii. 268, 271. De Thou, loc. cit
X Corte Verclaering. Meteren, xi. 201d. Bor, xvii. 343. Hoofd, xix. 842.

1583.] CAUSES OF THE DEFEAT. 571
treacherous allies, if such a result were yet possible.* The
burghers had done their duty, and it certainly would have
been neither in his power nor his inclination to protect the
French marauders from expulsion and castigation.
Such was the termination of the French Fury, and it seems
sufficiently strange that it should have been so much less dis
astrous to Antwerp than was the Spanish Fury of 1576, to
which men could stfll scarcely aUude without a shudder. One
would have thought the French more likely to prove successful
in their enterprise than the Spaniards in theirs. The Spaniards
were enemies against whom the city had long been on its
guard. The French were friends in whose sincerity a some
what shaken confidence had just been restored. When the
Spanish attack was made, a large force of defenders was
drawn up in battle array behind freshly strengthened fortifi
cations. When the French entered at leisure through a
scarcely guarded gate, the whole population and garrison of
the town were quietly eating their dinners. The numbers of
the invading forces on the two occasions did not materially
differ ; but at the time of the French Fury there was not a
large force of regular troops under veteran generals to resist
the attack. Perhaps this was the main reason for the result,
which seems at first almost inexphcable. For protection
against the Spanish invasion, the burghers relied on mer
cenaries, some of whom proved treacherous, whfle the rest
became panic-struck. On the present occasion the burghers
rehed on themselves. Moreover, the French committed the
great error of despising their enemy. RecoUecting the ease
with which the Spaniards had ravished the city, they beheved
that they had nothing to do but to enter and take possession.
Instead of repressing their greediness, as the Spaniards had
done, untU they had overcome resistance, they dispersed almost
immediately into by-streets, and entered warehouses to search
for plunder. They seemed actuated by a fear that they should
not have time to rifle the city before additional troops should

* Meteren, xi 201d. Hoofd, xix. 843. — Compare Bentivogho, 2, ii. 271.

572 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
be sent by Anjou to share in the spoil.* They were less used
to the sacking of Netherland cities than were the Spaniards,
whom long practice had made perfect in the art of methodi
cally butchering a population at first, before attention should
be diverted to plundering, and supplementary outrages. At
any rate, whatever the causes, it is certain that the panic,
which upon such occasions generally decides the fate of the
day, seized upon the invaders and not upon the invaded, almost
from the very first. As soon as the marauders faltered in their
purpose and wished to retreat, it was aU over with them.
Returning was worse than advance, and it was the almost
inevitable result that hardly a man escaped death or capture.
The Duke retreated the same day in the direction of
Denremonde, and on his way met with another misfortune,
by which an additional number of his troops lost their Uves.
A dyke was cut by the Mechhn citizens to impede his march,
and the swollen waters of the Dili, liberated and flowing
across the country which he was to traverse, produced such an
inundation, that at least a thousand of his foUowers were
drowned.f As soon as he had established himself in a camp near
Berghem, he opened a correspondence with the Prince of
Orange, and with the authorities of Antwerp. His language
was marked by wonderful effrontery. He found himself and
soldiers suffering for want of food ; he remembered that he
had left much plate and valuable furniture in Antwerp ; and
he was therefore desirous that the citizens, whom he had so
basely outraged, should at once send him supphes and restore
his property. He also reclaimed the prisoners who stfll
remained in the city, and to obtain aU this he appUed to the
man whom he had bitterly deceived, and whose life would have
been sacrificed by the Duke, had the enterprise succeeded.J
It had been his intention to sack the city, to re-estabhsh

* Strada, 2, v. 252. Reidani, ii. 53.
t Meteren, xi. 202*>. Hoofd, xx. 848. Strada, 2, v. 251.
X Hoofd, xix. 844. — Compare De Thou, t. ix. L 77.

1583.] LETTERS OF ANJOU. 573
exclusively the Roman Catholic worship, to trample upon the
constitution which he had so recently sworn to maintain, to
deprive Orange, by force, of the Renversal by which the Duke
recognized the Prince as sovereign of Holland, Zealand, and
Utrecht,* yet notwithstanding that his treason had been
enacted in broad dayhght, and in a most dehberate manner, he
had the audacity to ascribe the recent tragic occurrences to
chance. He had the farther originality to speak of himself as
an aggrieved person, who had rendered great services to the
Netherlands, and who had only met with ingratitude in return.
His envoys, Messieurs Landmater and Escolieres, despatched
on the very day of the French Fury to the burgomasters
and senate of Antwerp, were instructed to remind those magis
trates that the Duke had repeatedly exposed his Ufe in the
cause of the Netherlands. The affronts, they were to add,
which he had received, and the approaching ruin of the
country, which he foresaw, had so altered his exceUent
nature, as to engender the present calamity, which he infinitely
regretted. Nevertheless, the senate was to be assured that his
affection for the commonwealth was still so strong, as to
induce a desire on his part to be informed what course was now
to be pursued with regard to him. Information upon that im
portant point was therefore to be requested, whUe at the same
time the liberation of the prisoners at Antwerp, and the resto
ration of the Duke's furniture and papers, were to be urgently
demanded.f Letters of simUar import were also despatched by the Duke
to the states of the Union, while to the Prince of Orange, his
application was brief but brazen. " You know well, my
cousin," said he, " the just and frequent causes of offence
which this people has given me. The insults which I this
morning experienced cut me so deeply to the heart, that they
are the only reasons of the misfortune wliich has happened to-

* Bor, xvu. 344.
f Bor (xvn. 344, sqq.) gives the instructions, together with the whole corre
spondence.

574 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [lOOd.
day. Nevertheless, to those who desire my friendship I shall
show equal friendship and affection. Herein I shaU foUow the
counsel you have uniformly given me, since I know it comes
from one who has always loved me. Therefore I beg that
you wfll kindly bring it to pass, that I may obtain some deci
sion, and that no injury may be inflicted updn my people.
Otherwise the land shall pay for it dearly."*
To these appeals, neither the Prince nor the authorities of
Antwerp answered immediately in their own names. A general
consultation was, however, immediately held with the estates-
general, and an answer forthwith despatched to the Duke hy
the hands of his envoys. It was agreed to Uberate the pris
oners, to restore the furniture, and to send a special deputation
for the purpose of making further arrangements with the Duke
by word of mouth, and for this deputation his Highness was
requested to furnish a safe conduct.f
Anjou was overjoyed when he received this amicable com
munication. ReUeved for a time from his fears as to the result
of his crime, he aheady assumed a higher ground. -He not
only spoke to the states in a paternal tone, which was suf
ficiently ludicrous, but he had actually the coolness to assure
them qf his forgiveness. " He felt hurt," he said, " that they
should deem a safe conduct necessary for the deputation which
they proposed to send. If they thought that he had reason on
account of the past, to feel offended, he begged them to beheve
that he had forgotten it all, and that he had buried the past in
its ashes, even as if it had never been." He furthermore begged
them — and this seemed the greatest insult of all — in future to
trust to his word, and to beUeve that if any thing should be
attempted to their disadvantage, he would be the very first to
offer himself for their protection.''^
It will be observed that in his first letters the Duke had not
affected to deny his agency in the outrage — an agency so
flagrant that all subterfuge seemed superfluous. He in fact
avowed that the attempt had been made by his command, but
* See the letter in Bor, xvii 345». t Ibid-> xvii 345- X ^i

1583.] the duke's effrontery. 575
sought to paUiate the. crime on the ground that it had been the
result of the Ul-treatment wliich he had experienced from the
states. "The affronts which I have received," said he,
both to the magistrates of Antwerp and to Orange, " have
engendered the present calamity." So also, in a letter written
at the same time to his brother, Henry the Third, he observed
that "the indignities which were put upon him, and the
manifest intention of the states to make a Matthias of him,
had been the cause of the catastrophe."*
He now, however, ventured a step farther. Presumirfg upon
the indulgence which he had already experienced, and bravely
assuming the tone of injured innocence, he ascribed the enter
prise partly to accident, and partly to the insubordination of his
troops. This was the ground which he adopted in his interviews
with the states' commissioners. So also, in a letter addressed to
Van der Tympel, commandant of Brussels, in which he begged
for supplies for his troops, he described the recent invasion of
Antwerp as entirely unexpected by himself, and beyond his
control. He had been intending, he said, to leave the city and
to join his army. A tumult had accidentaUy arisen between
his soldiers and the guard at the gate. Other troops rushing
in from without, had joined in the affray, so that to his great
sorrow, an extensive disorder had arisen. He manifested the
same Christian inchnation to forgive, however, which he had
before exhibited. He observed that " good men would never
grow cold in his regard, or find his affection diminished." He
assured Van der Tympel, in particular, of his ancient good
will, as he knew him to be a lover of the common weal.f
In his original communications he had been both cringing
and threatening — but, at least, he had not denied truths which
were plain as daylight. His new position considerably
damaged his cause. This forgiving spirit on the part of the
malefactor was a httle more than the states could bear, dis
posed as they felt, from pohcy, to be indulgent, and to smooth

c Bor gives the letter, xvii 348.
f See the letter to V. der Tympel in Bor, xvu. 345, 346.

576 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
over the crime as gently as possible. The negotiations were
interrupted, and the authorities of Antwerp pubhshed a brief
and spirited defence of their own conduct. They denied that
any affront or want of respect on their part could have pro
voked the outrage of which the Duke had been guilty. They
severely handled his self-contradiction, in ascribing originally
the recent attempt to his just vengeance for past injuries, and
in afterwards imputing it to accident or sudden mutiny, while
they cited the simultaneous attempts at Bruges, Denremonde,
Alost,*Dixmuyde, Newport, Ostend, Vflvoorde, and Dunkirk,
as a series of damning proofs of a deliberate design.*
The publication of such plain facts did not advance the
negotiations when resumed. High and harsh words were
interchanged between his Highness and the commissioners,
Anjou complaining, as usual, of affronts and indignities, but
when pushed home for particulars, taking refuge in equivo
cation. "He did not wish," he said, "to re-open wounds
which had been partiaUy healed." He also affected benignity,
and wishing to forgive and to forget, he offered some articles
as the basis of a fresh agreement. Of these it is sufficient to
state that they were entirely different from the terms of the
Bordeaux treaty, and that they were rejected as quite inad
missible, f
He wrote again to the Prince of Orange, J invoking his
influence to bring about an arrangement. The Prince, justly
indignant at the recent treachery and the present insolence of
the man whom he had oo profoundly trusted, but feeling
certain that the welfare of the country depended at present
upon avoiding, if possible, a poUtical catastrophe, answered the
Duke in plain, firm, mournful, and appropriate language.
He had ever manifested to his Highness, he said, the most
uniform and sincere friendship. He had, therefore, the right
to teU him that affahs were now so changed that his greatness
and glory had departed. Those men in the Netherlands,

* Bor, vii. 346, 347. f Ibid., xvii. 347.
X From Vilvoorde, Jan. 25, 1583. Bor, xvu. 347, 348.

1583.] LETTERS FROM FRANCE. 577
who, but yesterday, had been wUling to die at the feet of his
Highness, were now so exasperated that they avowedly pre
ferred an open enemy to a treacherous protector. He had
hoped, he said, that after what had happened in so many cities
at the same moment, his Highness would have been pleased to
give the deputies a different and a more becoming answer. He
had hoped for some response which might lead to an arrange
ment. He, however, stated frankly, that the articles trans
mitted by his Highness were so unreasonable that no man in
the land would dare open his mouth to recommend them. His
Highness, by this proceeding, had much deepened the distrust.
He warned the Duke accordingly, that he was not taking the
right course to reinstate himself in a position of honor and
glory, and he begged him, therefore, to adopt more appro
priate means. Such a step was now demanded of him, not
only by the country, but by aU Christendom.*
This moderate but heartfelt appeal to the better nature of
the Duke, if he had a better nature, met with no immediate
response. While matters were in this condition, a special envoy arrived
out of France, despatched by the King and Queen-mother, on
the first reception of the recent inteUigence from Antwerp.f
M. de Mirambeau, the ambassador, whose son had been kflled
in the Fury, brought letters of credence to the states of the
Union and to the Prince of Orange.^ He dehvered also a
short confidential note, written in her own hand, from Cathe
rine de Medici to the Prince, to the foUowing effect : —
" My Cousin, — The King, my son, and myself, send you
Monsieur de Mirambeau, to prove to you that we do not be
lieve — for we esteem you an honorable man — that you would
manifest ingratitude to my son, and to those who have fol
lowed him for the welfare of your country. We feel that you
have too much affection for one who has the support of so
* The letter is given in Bor, xvii 348.
f Bor, xvii 349. Meteren, xi. 202d-
X Bor, Meteren, ubi sup. Hoofd, xx. 849.
vol. in. 37

578 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
powerful a prince as the King of France, as to play him so base
a trick. Until I learn the truth, I shall not renounce the good
hope which I have always indulged — that you would never
have invited my son to your country, without intending to
serve him faithfuUy. As long as you do this, you may ever
reckon on the support of aU who belong to him.
" Your good Cousin,
" Catherine."*
It would have been very difficult to extract much informa
tion or much 'comfort from this why epistle. The menace
was sufficiently plain, the promise disagreeably vague. More
over, a letter from the same Catherine de Medici, had been
recently found in a casket at the Duke's lodgings in Antwerp.
In that communication, she had distinctly advised her son to
re-establish the Roman Cathohc religion, assuring him that by
so doing, he would be enabled to marry the Infanta of Spain.f
Nevertheless, the Prince, convinced that it was his duty to
bridge over the deep and fatal chasm which had opened be
tween the French Prince and the provinces, if an honorable
reconcihation were possible, did not attach an undue impor
tance either to the stimulating or to the upbraiding portion of
the communication from Catherine. He was most anxious to
avert the chaos which he saw returning. He knew that while
the tempers of Rudolph, of the Enghsh Queen, and of the
Protestant princes of Germany, and the internal condition of
the Netherlands remained the same, it were madness to pro
voke the government of France, and thus gain an additional
enemy, while losing their only friend. He did not renounce the
Hope of forming all the Netherlands — excepting of course the
WaUoon provinces already reconciled to PhUip — into one

* Archives et Correspondance, viii. 148. Bor, xvii, 349.
f Hoofd is the authority for the anecdote, having heard it related by old inha
bitants of the place. " Replantez la Religion Catholique dans An vers," said Cath
erine, " et je me fais fort que vous vous marierez avec l'Infante d'Espagne." — xx.
846. — Compare Strada, 2, v. 258, who alludes to the rumour which was spread
"either by Anjou or by Orange," that a marriage between the Duke and the
Infanta was in contemplation, and that Parma was privy to the scheme.

1583.] THE DILEMMA. 579
independent commonwealth, freed for ever from Spanish
tyranny. A dynasty from a foreign house he was willing to
accept, but only on condition that the new royal line should
become naturahzed in the Netherlands, should conform itself
to the strict constitutional compact established, and should
employ only natives in the administration of Netherland
affairs. Notwithstanding, therefore, the recent treachery of
Anjou, he was wiUing to treat with him upon the ancient
basis. The dUemma was a very desperate one, for whatever
might be his course, it was impossible that it should escape
censure. Even at this day, it is difficult to decide what
might have been the result of openly braving the French
government, and expelling Anjou. The Prince of Parma —
subtle, vigilant, prompt with word and blow — was waiting
most anxiously to take advantage of every false step of his
adversary. The provinces had been already summoned in most
eloquent language, to take warning by the recent fate of
Antwerp, and to learn by the manifestation just made by
Anjou, of his real intentions, that their only salvation lay in a
return to the King's arms.* Anjou himself, as devoid of
shame as of honor, was secretly holding interviews with
Parma's agents, Acosta and Flaminio Carnero,f at the very
moment when he was alternately expressing to the 6tates his
resentment that they dared to doubt his truth, or magnani
mously extending to them his pardon for their suspicions. He
was writing letters fuU of injured innocence to Orange and to
the states, whUe secretly cavilling over the terms of the
treaty by which he was to seU himself to Spain. Scruples as
to enacting so base a part did not trouble the " Son of
France." He did not hesitate at playing this doubly and
trebly false game with the provinces, but he was anxious
to drive the best possible bargain for himself with Parma. He
offered to restore Dunkirk, Dixmuyde, and the other cities
which he had so recently filched from the states, and to enter
into a strict aUiance with PhUip ; but he claimed that certain
* Bor, xvii. 348, sqq. Meteren, xi 202d. Hoofd, xx. 849.
j- Strada, ii 257.

580 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
Netherland cities on the French frontier, should be made over
to him in exchange. He required, likewise, ample protection
for his retreat from a country which was hkely to be sufficiently
exasperated. Parma and his agents smiled, of course, at such
exorbitant terms.* Nevertheless, it was necessary to deal
cautiously with a man who, although but a poor baffled rogue
to-day, might to-morrow be seated on the throne of France.
Whfle they were all secretly haggling over the terms of the
bargain, the Prince of Orange discovered the intrigue.f It
convinced him of the necessity of closing with a man whose
baseness was so profound, but whose position made his enmity,
on the whole, more dangerous than his friendship. Anjou,
backed by so astute and unscrupulous a politician as Parma,
was not to be trifled with. The feeling of doubt and anxiety
was spreading daily through the country : many men, hitherto
firm, were already wavering, whfle at the same time the Prince
had no confidence in the power of any of the states, save those
of Holland and Utrecht, to maintain a resolute attitude of de
fiance, if not assisted from without.
He therefore endeavored to repair the breach, if possible,
and thus save the Union. Mirambeau, in his conferences with
the estates, suggested, on his part, aU that words could effect.
He expressed the hope that the estates would use their discre
tion " in compounding some sweet and friendly medicine" for
the present disorder ; and that they would not judge the Duke
too harshly for a fault which he assured them did not come
from his natural disposition. He warned them that the enemy
would be quick to take advantage of the present occasion to
bring about, if possible, their destruction, and he added that
he was commissioned to wait upon the Duke of Anjou, in order
to assure him that, however ahenated he might then be from
the Netherlands, his Majesty was determined to effect an entire
reconciliation.;!; The envoy conferred also with the Prince of Orange, and

* Strada, ii. 255-257. f Ibid., 257.
X Bor, xvii. 349. — Compare Meteren, xi. 202, 203. Hoofd, xx. 850.

1583.] OPINIONS OF THE PRINCE. 581
urged him most earnestly to use his efforts to heal the rupture.
The Prince, inspired by the sentiments already indicated, spoke
with perfect sincerity. His Highness, he said, had never
known a more faithful and zealous friend than himself. He
had begun to lose his own credit with the people by reason of
the earnestness with which he had ever advocated the Duke's
cause, and he could not flatter himself that his recommendation
would now be of any advantage to his Highness. It would be
more injurious than his sUence. Nevertheless, he was wiUing
to make use of all the influence which was left to him for the
purpose of bringing about a reconciliation, provided that the
Duke were acting in good faith. If his Highness were now
sincerely desirous of conforming to the original treaty, and
willing to atone for the faults committed by him on the same
day in so many cities — offences which could not be excused
upon the ground of any affronts which he might have received
from the citizens of Antwerp — it might even now be possible
to find a remedy for the past. He very bluntly told the envoy,
however, that the frivolous excuses offered fey the Duke caused
more bitterness than if he had openly acknowledged his fault.
It were better, he said, to express contrition, than to excuse
himseU7 by laying blame on those to whom no blame belonged,
but who, on the contrary, had ever shown themselves faithful
servants of his Highness*
The estates of the Union, being in great perplexity as to
their proper course, now applied formally, as they always did
in times of danger and doubt, to the Prince, for a public
expression of his views.f Somewhat reluctantly, he complied
with their wishes in one of the most admirable of his state
papers.f He told the states that he felt some hesitation in expressing
his views. The blame of the general Ul success was always
laid upon his shoulders ; as if the chances of war could be
controUed even by a great potentate with ample means at his

* Bor, xvii. 349. \ Doid. Meteren, xi. 203*. Hoofd, xx. 851.
X It is given in full by Bor, xvii. 349-354, and abridged by Meteren, xi. 203-205,
and by Hoofd, xx. 851-856.

582 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
disposal. As for himself, with so Uttle actual power that he
could never have a single city provided with what he thought
a sufficient garrison, it could not be expected that he could
command fortune. His advice, he said, was always asked,
but ever judged good or evU according to the result, as if the
issue were in any hands but God's. It did not seem advisable
for a man of his condition and years, who had so often felt the
barb of calumny's tongue, to place his honor again in the
judgment scale of mankind, particularly as he was likely to
incur fresh censure for another man's crime.* Nevertheless,
he was wilhng, for the love he bore the land, once more to en
counter this danger.
He then rapidly reviewed the circumstances which had led
to the election of Anjou, and reminded the estates that they
had employed sufficient time to dehberate concerning that
transaction. He recaUed to their remembrance his frequent
assurances of support and sympathy if they would provide
any other means of self-protection than the treaty with the
French Prince. He thought it, therefore, unjust, now that
calamity had sprung from the measure, to ascribe the blame
entirely to him, even had the injury been greater than the
one actually sustained. He was far from palliating the crime,
or from denying that the Duke's rights under the Treaty of
Bordeaux had been utterly forfeited. He was now asked what
was to be done. Of three courses, he said, one must be taken :
they must make their peace with the King, or consent to a
reconcfliation with Anjou, or use all the strength which God
had given them to resist, single-handed, the enemy. With
regard to the first point, he resumed the argument as to the
hopelessness of a satisfactory arrangement with the monarch
of Spain. The recent reconcfliation of the Walloon provinces

* The Prince was always keenly sensitive to attacks upon his honor. On the
other hand, he was singularly exempt from "the last infirmity of noble minds."
" To reply to what men tell me — namely, that I have rendered my name suffi
ciently famous," he observed in a remarkable letter to his brother, at this period,
"seems quite superfluous, since never did such vanity move me to so much labor.
so many losses, and to confront such dangerous enmities." — Archives et Corre
spondance, viii. 354, 355.

1583.] HIS LETTER TO THE STATES. 583
and its shameful infraction by Parma in the immediate recal
of large masses of Spanish and Italian troops, showed too
plainly the value of all solemn stipulations with his Catholic
Majesty. Moreover, the time was unpropitious. It was idle
to look, after what had recently occurred, for even fair pro
mises. It was madness then to incur the enmity of two such
powers at once. The French could do the Netherlands more
harm as enemies than the Spaniards. The Spaniards would
be more dangerous as friends, for in cases of a treaty with Philip,
the Inquisition would be established in the place of a religious
peace. For these reasons the Prince declared himself entirely
opposed to any negotiations with the Crown of Spain.
As to the second point, he admitted that Anjou had gained
httle honor by his recent course, and that it would be a mis
take on their part to stumble a second time over the same
stone. He foresaw, nevertheless, that the Duke — irritated as
he was by the loss of so many of 'his nobles, and by the down-
faU of aU his hopes in the Netherlands — would be hkely to
inflict great injuries upon their cause. Two powerful nations
like France and Spain would be too much to have on their
hands at once. How much danger, too, would be incurred by
braving at once the open wrath of the French King and the
secret displeasure of the English Queen. She had warmly
recommended the Duke of Anjou. She had said that honors
to him were rendered to herself, and she was now entirely
opposed to their keeping the present quarrel alive.* If France
became their enemy, the road was at once opened through
that kingdom for Spain. The estates were to ponder weU

* Discourse of Orange, apud Bor, loc. cit — "  vous conseiller et vous
admonestrer," wrote Ehzabeth to the states-general, " que vous donnez bien garde
d'offencer un Prince de sa qualite  aijant dejjl par le mepris passe refroidi
beaucoup en lui la premiere affection qu'il vous portoit (1) Car vous pourriez
aisement penser que s'il est si avant irrite par telies facons de faire qu'il en
devienne votre ennemi Celui sera chose assez facile de se venger sur vous avec
les moyens et la force que son frere lui pourra mettre en main," etc. — Lettre
de la Serme Roine d'Anglet. MS., 20 Ap., 1583. Ord. Dep. Boek der St-gl, A".
1582-1583, f. 557T0. — Compare Elizabeth's instructions to Sir John Somers, special
envoy to the Duke of Anjou; Meteren, xi 203.

584 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
whether they possessed the means to carry on such a double
war without assistance. They were likewise to remember
how many cities stUl remained in the hands of Anjou, and
their possible fate if the Duke were pushed to extremity.
The third point was then handled with vigor. He reminded
the states of the perpetual difficulty of raising armies, of
coUecting money to pay for troops, of inducing cities to accept
proper garrisons, of estabhshing a council which could make
itself respected. He aUuded briefly and bitterly to the per
petual quarrels of the states among themselves; to then
mutual jealousy ; to their obstinate parsimony ; to their jealousy
of the general government ; to their apathy and inertness be
fore impending ruin. He would not calumniate those, he
said, who counseUed trust in God. That was his sentiment
also. To attempt great affairs, however, and, through avarice,
to withhold sufficient means, was not trusting, but tempting
God. On the contrary; it was trusting God to use the means
which He offered to their hands.
With regard, then, to the three points, he rejected the first.
Reconcfliation with the King of Spain was impossible. For
his own part, he would much prefer the third course. He had
always been in favor of their maintaining independence by
their own means and the assistance of the Almighty. He
was obliged, however, in sadness, to confess that the narrow
feehng of individual state rights, the general tendency to dis
union, and the constant wrangling, had made this course a
hopeless one. There remained, therefore, only the second, and
they must effect an honorable reconcihation with Anjou,
Whatever might be their decision, however, it was meet that
it should be a speedy one. Not an hour was to be lost. Many
fair churches of God, in Anjou's power, were trembhng on
the issue, and religious and poUtical liberty was more at stake
than ever. In conclusion, the Prince again expressed his
determination, whatever might be their decision, to devote the
rest of his days to the services of his country.*

Discourse of Orange, etc.

1583.] TROUBLES IN GERMANY. 585
The result of these representations by the Prince — of frequent
letters from Queen Elizabeth,* urging a reconciliation — and of
the professions made by the Duke and the French envoys,
was a provisional arrangement, signed on the 26th and 28th
of March. According to the terms of this accord, the Duke
was to receive thirty thousand florins for his troops, and to
surrender the cities stfll in his power. The French prisoners
were to be liberated, the Duke's property at Antwerp was to
be restored, and the Duke himself was to await at Dunkirk
the arrival of plenipotentiaries to treat with him as to a new
and perpetual arrangement.f
The negotiations, however, were languid. The quarrel was
healed on the surface, but confidence so recently and violently
uprooted was slow to revive. On the 28th of June, the Duke
of Anjou left Dunkirk for Paris, never to return to the Neth
erlands, but he exchanged on his departure affectionate let
ters with the Prince and the estates. M. des Pruneaux
remained as his representative, and it was understood that the
arrangements for re-instaUing him as soon as possible in the
sovereignty which he had so basely forfeited, were to be pushed
forward with earnestness.^
In the spring of the same year, Gerard Truchses, Archbishop
of Cologne, who had lost his see for the love of Agnes Mans
feld, whom he had espoused in defiance of the Pope, took
refuge with the Prince of Orange at Delft.§ A civil war in
Germany broke forth, the Protestant princes undertaking to
support the Archbishop, in opposition to Ernest of Bavaria,
who had been appointed in his place. The Palatme, John
Casimir, thought it necessary to mount and ride as usual.
Making his appearance at the head of a hastUy coUected force,
and prepared for another plunge into chaos, he suddenly heard,
however, of his elder brother's death at Heidelberg. Leaving
his men, as was his habit, to shfft for themselves, and Baron

* Meteren, xi. 203.
¦f See the Accord, in twenty-one articles, in Bor, xvii. 355-357.
X Bor, xviii. 371, 372, sqq. Meteren, xi. 206°.
§ Bor, xviii 360, 361.

586 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
Truchses, the Archbishop's brother, to faU into the hands of
the enemy, he disappeared from the scene with great rapidity,
in order that his own interests in the palatinate and in the
guardianship of the young palatines might not suffer by his
absence.* At this time, too, on the 12th of April, the Prince of
Orange was married, for the fourth time, to Louisa, widow of the
Seigneur de TeUgny, and daughter of the iUustrious Coligny.f
In the course of the summer, the states of HoUand and
Zealand, always bitterly opposed to the connection with Anjou,
and more than ever dissatisfied with the resumption of nego
tiations since the Antwerp catastrophe, sent a committee
to the Prince in order to persuade him to set his face
agamst the whole proceedings. They dehvered at the same
time a formal remonstrance, in writing (25th of August,
1583), in which they explained how odious the arrangement
with the Duke had ever been to them. They expressed the
opinion that even the wisest might be sometimes mistaken,
and that the Prince had been bitterly deceived by Anjou and
by the French court. They besought him to rely upon the
assistance of the Almighty, and upon the exertions of the
nation, and they again hinted at the propriety of his accepting
that supreme sovereignty over all the united provinces which
would be so gladly conferred, while, for their own parts, they
voluntarily offered largely to increase the sums annually con
tributed to the common defence.^
Very soon afterwards, in August, 1583, the states of the
united provinces assembled at Middelburg formaUy offered
the general government — which under the circumstances was
the general sovereignty — to the Prince, warmly urging his
acceptance of the dignity. He manifested, however, the same
reluctance which he had always expressed, demanding that
the project should beforehand be laid before the councUs of all
the large cities, and before the estates of certain provinces

* Bor, ubi sup.
f Bor, xviii. 366. Meteren, xi. 205. Hoofd, xx. 864.
X Bor, xviii. 397, 398.

1583.] SOVEREIGNTY REFUSED BY ORANGE. 587
which had not been represented at the Middelburg diet. He
also made use of the occasion to urge the necessity of providing
more generously for the army expenses and other general dis
bursements. As to ambitious views, he was a stranger to
them, and his language at this moment was as patriotic and
self-denying as at any previous period. He expressed his
thanks to the estates for this renewed proof of their confidence
in his character, and this additional approbation of his course,
— a sentiment which he was always ready " as a good patriot
to justify by his most faithful service." He reminded them,
however, that he was no great monarch, having in his own
hands the means to help and the power to liberate them ; and
that even were he in possession of aU which God had once
given him, he should be far from strong enough to resist,
single-handed, their powerful enemy. AU that was left to him,
he said, was an " honest and moderate experience in affairs."
With this he was ever ready to serve them to the utmost ; but
they knew very weU that the means to make that experience
available were to be drawn from the country itself. With
modest simphcity, he observed that he had been at work
fifteen or sixteen years, doing his best, with the grace of God,
to secure the freedom of the fatherland and to resist tyranny
of conscience ; that he alone — assisted by his brothers and
some friends and relatives — had borne the whole burthen in
the beginning, and that he had afterwards been helped by the
states of Holland and Zealand, so that he could not but render
thanks to God for His great mercy in thus granting His
blessing to so humble an instrument, and thus restoring so
many beautiful provinces to their ancient freedom and to the
true religion. The Prince protested that this result was afready
a sufficient reward for his labors — a great consolation in his
sufferings. He had hoped, he said, that the estates, " taking
into consideration his long-continued labors, would have been
willing to excuse him from a new load of cares, and would have
granted him some httle rest in his already advanced age ;"
that they would have selected "some other person more fitted
for the labor, whom he would himself faithfuUy promise to

588 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
assist to the best of his abilities, rendering him willing obedi
ence proportionate to the authority conferred upon him."*
Like aU other attempts to induce the acceptance, by the
Prince, of supreme authority, this effort proved ineffectual,
from the obstinate unwilUngness of his hand to receive the
proffered sceptre.
In connection with this movement, and at about the same
epoch, Jacob Swerius, member of the Brabant Councfl, with
other deputies, waited upon Orange, and formaUy tendered
him the sovereign dukedom of Brabant,f forfeited and vacant
by the late crime of Anjou. The Prince, however, resolutely
refused to accept the dignity, assuring the committee that
he had not the means to afford the country as much protec
tion as they had a right to expect from their sovereign.
He added that " he would never give the King of Spain the
right to say that the Prince of Orange had been actuated
by no other motives in his career than the hope of self-
aggrandizement, and the desire to deprive his Majesty of the
provinces in order to appropriate them to himself. "J
Accordingly, firmly refusing to heed the overtures of the
United States, and of HoUand in particular, he continued to
further the re-establishment of Anjou — a measure in which, as
he deliberately believed, lay the only chance of union and in
dependence. The Prince of Parma, meantime, had not been idles He
had been unable to induce the provinces to listen to his wiles,
and to rush to the embrace of the monarch whose arms he
described as ever open to the repentant. He had, however,
been busily occupied in the course of the summer in taking
- Message of Orange to the states-general, MS. — " Ghe exhibeert by sijne
Exetiodenvi Sept., 1583." Ordinaris Depeehen Boek der St-gL A°. 1583,
1584, f. 21, 22, Hague Archives. This very important and characteristic docu
ment has never been pubhshed
t Bor, xix. 455b, who had his information from Jacob Swerius himself. — Com-
pare Wagenaer, vii. 484.
X " Maer dat het syne Excellentie afsloeg seggende den middel van sich selven
niet te hebben om dat te beschermen en dat hy ook de Koning van Spangien geen
oorsake wilde geven te seggen dat hy anders niet hadde gesocht dan hem alle
sijne landen of te nemen." — Bor, loc. cit.

1583.] TREASON OF VAN DEN BERG. 589
up many of the towns which the treason of Anjou had laid
open to his attacks.*
Eindhoven, Diest, Dunkirk, Newport, and other places, were
successively surrendered to royalist generals.f On the 22nd
of September, 1583, the city of Zutfen, too, was surprised
by Colonel Tassis, on the faU of which most important place,
the treason of Orange's brother-in-law, Count Van den Berg,
governor of Gueldres, was revealed. His fidelity had been
long suspected, particularly by Count John of Nassau, but
always earnestly vouched for by his wife and by his sons.J
On the capture of Zutfen, however, a document was found
and made pubhc, by which Van den Berg bound himself to
dehver the principal cities of Gueldres and Zutfen, beginning
with Zutfen itself, into the hands of Parma, on condition of
receiving the pardon and friendship of the King.§
Not much better could have been expected of Van den Berg.
His pusiUanimous retreat from his post in Alva's time wUl be
recoUected ; and it is certain that the Prince had never placed
implicit confidence in his character. Nevertheless, it was the
fate of this great man to be often deceived by the friends
whom he trusted, although never to be outwitted by his
enemies. Van den Berg was arrested, on the 15th of Novem
ber, carried to the Hague, examined and imprisoned for a time
in Delftshaven. After a time he was, however, hberated, when
be instantly, with aU his sons, took service under the King.||
* Strada, 2, v. 259, sqq.
\ Bor, xviii 366, 367, 371, 372. Strada, 2, v. 259-266. Meteren, xi 206,
207. Hoofd, xx. 866-872. Tassis, vi. 436, 437, 440.
X See the letters of the various members of the family in Archives et Corre
spondance, vii, passim.
§ See the Agreement (signed and sealed upon the 25th of August, 1583),
apud Bor, 3, xviii. 402. He had succeeded Count John in the stadholderate of
Gueldres in 1581, but the appointment had never been particularly agreeable to
the Prince of Orange. When applied to by Van den Berg for a recommendation,
he had thus addressed the estates of Gueldres, " My brother-in-law, desirous of
obtaining the government of your province, has asked for my recommendation.
He professes the greatest enthusiasm for the service and the just cause of the
fatherland. I could wish that he had shown it sooner. Nevertheless, 'tis better
late than never."— Ev. Reid., 37. Hoofd, xx. 875.
J Bor, xviii. 402. Hoofd. xx. 875. Archives et Corresp., viii 288, sqq

590 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1583.
WhUe treason was thus favoring the royal arms in the
north, the same powerful element, to which so much of the
Netherland misfortunes had always been owing, was busy in
Flanders. Towards the end of the year 1583, the Prince of Chimay,
eldest son of the Duke of Aerschot, had been elected governor
of that province.* This noble was as unstable in character, as
vain, as unscrupulous, and as ambitious as his father and
uncle. He had been originaUy desirous of espousing the
eldest daughter of the Prince of Orange, afterwards the
Countess of Hohenlo, but the Duchess of Aerschot was too
strict a Catholic to consent to the marriage,f and her son was
afterwards united to the Countess of Meghem, widow of Lan
celot Berlaymont.f
As affairs seemed going on prosperously for the states in
the beginning of this year, the Prince of Chimay had affected
a strong inclination for the Reformed religion, and as governor
of Bruges, he had appointed many members of that Church to
important offices, to the exclusion of Catholics. By so decided
a course, he acquired the confidence of the patriot party and at
the end of the year he became governor of Flanders. No
sooner was he instaUed in this post, than he opened a private
correspondence with Parma, for it was his intention to make
his peace with the King, and to purchase pardon and advance
ment by the briUiant service which he now undertook, of
restoring this important province to the royal authority. In
the arrangement of his plans he was assisted by Champagny,
who, as wfll be recoUected, had long been a prisoner in Ghent,
but whose confinement was not so strict as to prevent fre
quent intercourse with his friends without.§ Champagny
was indeed beUeved to be the hfe of the whole intrigue.
The plot was, however, forwarded by Imbize, the roaring

* Bor, xviii. 406, sqq. Meteren, xi. 206, 207. f Meteren, xii. 209.
X The same lady whose charms and whose dower had so fatal an influence
upon the career of Count Renneberg.
§ Bor, xviii. 406. Meteren, xii. 211. Ev. Reidani, iii. 65.

1584.] INTRIGUES AT GHENT. 591
demagogue whose republicanism could never reconcile itself
with what he esteemed the aristocratic policy of Orange, and
whose stern puritanism could be satisfied with nothing short
of a general extermination of Catholics. This man, after
having been aUowed to depart, infamous and contemptible,
from the city which he had endangered, now ventured after
five years, to return, and to engage in fresh schemes which were
even more criminal than his previous enterprises. The uncom
promising foe to Romanism, the advocate of Grecian and
Genevan democracy, now allied himself with Champagny and
with Chimay, to effect a surrender of Flanders to Phihp and
to the Inquisition. He succeeded in getting himself elected
chief senator in Ghent, and forthwith began to use all his
influence to further the secret plot.* The joint efforts and
intrigues of Parma, Champagny, Chimay, and Imbize, were
near being successful. Early in the spring of 1584 a formal
resolution was passed by the government of Ghent, to open
negotiations with Parma. Hostages were accordingly ex
changed, and a truce of three weeks was agreed upon, during
which an animated correspondence was maintained between the
authorities of Ghent and the Prince of Chimay on the one
side, and the United States-general, the magistracy of Antwerp,
the states of Brabant, and other important bodies on the other.
The friends of the Union and of liberty used all their eloquence
to arrest the city of Ghent in its course, and to save the province
of Flanders from accepting the proposed arrangement with
Parma. The people of Ghent were reminded that the chief
promoter of this new negotiation was Champagny,f a man
* Bor, xviii 407. Meteren, xii. 211, 212. Hooffl, xx. 885, 886. Van der
Vynckt, hi. 104-110.
f Bor, xviii. 407, 410-419.— "There is a report," wrote the Prince of Orange
to the magistracy of Ghent, "that a passport has been given to one of our most
especial enemies (eenen van onse partiaelste vyanden) to come within the citj
of Ghent in order to converse with Champagny by word of mouth (mondelinge
met Champigny te spreecken)."— Letter of 31 May, in de Jonge, Onuitgegevene
Stukken. 's Gravenhage und Amsterdam, 1827. " "Tis Champagny who is at the
bottom of all these proceedings," wrote the states of Brabant to the magistrates
of Ghent. — Letter of March 14, in Bor, xviii. 415, 416,

592 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
who owed a deep debt of hatred to their city, for the long, and
as he believed, the unjust confinement which he had endured
within its walls. Moreover, he was the brother of GranveUe,
source of aU their woes. To take counsel with Champagny, was
to come within reach of a deadly foe, for " he who confesses
himself to a wolf," said the burgomasters of Antwerp, "wfll
get wolf's absolution." The Flemings were warned by all
their correspondents that it was puerile to hope for faith in
PhUip ; a monarch whose first principle was, that promises to
heretics were void. They were entreated to pay no heed to
the " sweet singing of the royalists," who just then affected to
disapprove of the practice adopted by the Spanish Inquisition,
that they might more surely separate them from their friends.
" Imitate not," said the magistrates of Brussels, " the foolish
sheep who made with the wolves a treaty of perpetual amity,
from which the faithful dogs were to be excluded." It was
affirmed — and the truth was certainly beyond peradventure—
that religious liberty was dead at the moment when the treaty
with Parma should be signed. " To look for poUtical privilege
or evangelical hberty," said the Antwerp authorities, " in any
arrangement with the Spaniards, is to look for hght in dark
ness, for fire in water." " PhiUp is himself the slave of the
Inquisition," said the states-general, and has but one great
purpose in life — to cherish the institution everywhere, and
particularly in the Netherlands. Before Margaret of Parma's
time, one hundred thousand Netherlanders had been burned or
strangled, and Alva had spent seven years in butchering and
torturing many thousands more." The magistrates of Brus
sels used simUar expressions.* " The King of Spain," said they
to their brethren of Ghent, " is fastened to the Inquisition.
Yea, he is so much in its power, that even if he desired, he is
unable to maintain his promises."f The Prince of Orange
* Letter of the burgomasters of Antwerp to the authorities of Ghent, in Bor
xviii 417. Letter from the magistrates of Brussels to those of Ghent, March 16,
1584. — Bor, xviii. 414. Letter of states-general to Prince of Chimay and the
bailiffs of Bruges, March 17, 1584. — Bor, 3, xviii. 41011.
t Letter of magistrates of Brussels.— Bor, xviii. 414.

1584.] FATE OF IMBIZE. 593
too, was indefatigable in public and private efforts to coun
teract the machinations of Parma and the Spanish party in
Ghent. He saw with horror the progress wliich the pohtical
decomposition of that most important commonwealth was
making, for he considered the city the keystone to the union
of the provinces, for he felt with a prophetic instinct that its
loss would entaU that of aU the southern provinces, and make
a united and independent Netherland state impossible. Al
ready in the summer of 1583, he addressed a letter fuU of
wisdom and of warning to the authorities of Ghent, a letter
in which he set fully before them the iniquity and stupidity
of their proceedings, whUe at the same time he expressed
himself with so much dexterity and caution as to avoid giving
offence, by accusations which he made, as it were, hypotheti-
caUy, when, in truth, they were real ones.*
These remonstrances were not fruitless, and the authorities
and citizens of Ghent once more paused ere they stepped
from the precipice. WhUe they were thus wavering, the whole
negotiation with Parma was abruptly brought to a close by a
new incident, the demagogue Imbize having, been discovered
in a secret attempt to obtain possession of the city of Denre-
monde, and deliver it to Parma.f The old acquaintance, ally,
and enemy of Imbize, the Seigneur de Ryhove, was com
mandant of the city, and information was privately conveyed to
him of the design, before there had been time for its accom
plishment. Ryhove, being thoroughly on his guard, "arrested
his old comrade, who was shortly afterwards brought to trial,
and executed at Ghent.J John van Imbize had returned to
the city from which the contemptuous mercy of Orange had
permitted him formerly to depart, only to expiate fresh tur
bulence and fresh treason by a felon's death. Meanwhile the

* The letter is published, together with others of great interest, by De Jonge,
Onuitgegevene Stukken., 84-92.
+ Bor, xviii 420. Meteren, xi. 212. Hoofd, xx. 886. Van der Vynckt, iii
105-110. X Van der Vynckt, iii 110. Meteren, xii. 21 3* In the month of August,
1584 VOL. Ill 38

594 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584,
citizens of Ghent, thus warned by word and deed, passed an
earnest resolution to have no more intercourse with Parma,
but to abide faithfully by the union.* Their example was
followed by the other Flemish cities, excepting, unfortunately,
Bruges, for that important town, being entirely in the power
of Chimay, was now surrendered by him to the royal govern
ment. On the 20th of May, 1584, Baron Montigny, on the
part of Parma, signed an accord with the Prince of Chimay,
by which the city was restored to his Majesty, and by which aU
inhabitants not wUling to abide by the Roman Cathohc re
ligion were permitted to leave the land. The Prince was re
ceived with favor by Parma, on conclusion of the transaction,
and subsequently met with advancement from the King, while
the Princess, who had embraced the Reformed religion, re
tired to Holland.f
The only other city of importance gained on this occasion
by the government was Ypres, which had been long besieged,
and was soon afterwards forced to yield. The new Bishop, on
taking possession, resorted to instant measures for cleansing a
place which had been so long in the hands of the infidels, and
as the first step in this purification, the bodies of many heretics
who had been buried for years were taken from their graves,
and pubhcly hanged in their coffins. AU living adherents to
the Reformed religion were instantly expeUed from the place.J
Ghent and the rest of Flanders were, for the time, saved
from the power of Spain, the inhabitants being confirmed in
their resolution of sustaining their union with the other pro
vinces by the news from France. Early in the spring the
negotiations between Anjou and the states-general had been,
earnestly renewed, and Junius, MouiUerie, and Asseliers, had
been despatched on a special mission to France, for the purpose
of arranging a treaty with the Duke. On the 19th of April,
1584, they arrived in Delft, on their return, bringing warm
letters from the French court, full of promises to assist the
Netherlands ; and it was understood that a constitution, upon

* Bor, xviii 420. \ Ibid., xviii. 420-423. X Ibid., 425- Hoofd, xx. 887.

1584.] DEATH OF ANJOU. 595
the basis of the original arrangement of Bordeaux, would be
accepted by the Duke.* These arrangements were, however,
for ever terminated by the death of Anjou, who had been iU
during the whole course of the negotiations. On the 10th of
June, 1584, he expired at Chateau Thierry, in great torture,
sweating blood from every pore, and under circumstances
which, as usual, suggested strong suspicions of poison.f

* Bor, xviii 423.
f Bor, xviii. 426. Meteren, xii. 214 Hoofd, xx. 890, 891. Ev. Reidani iii
54. De Thou, ix. 181-184.

CHAPTEE VII.

Various attempts upon the life of Orange— Delft — Mansion of the Prince de
scribed — Francis Guion or Balthazar Gerard — His antecedents — His cor
respondence and interviews with Parma and with d' AssonleviUe — His em
ployment in France — His return to Delft and interview with Orange — The
crime — The confession — The punishment — The consequences — Concluding
remarks.
It has been seen that the Ban against the Prince of Orange
had not been hitherto without fruits, for although unsuccessful,
the efforts to take his life and earn the promised guerdon
had been incessant. The attempt of Jaureguy, at Antwerp,
of Salseda and Baza at Bruges, have been related, and in
March, 1583, moreover, one Pietro Dordogno was executed in
Antwerp for endeavoring to assassinate the Prince. Before his
death, he confessed that he had come from Spain solely for
the purpose, and that he had conferred with La Motte, gov
ernor of Gravelines, as to the best means of accompUshing
his design.* In April, 1584, Hans Hanzoon, a merchant of
Flushing, had been executed for attempting to destroy the
Prince by means of gunpowder, concealed under his house in
that city, and under his seat in the church. He confessed
that he had deliberately formed the intention of performing
the deed, and that he had discussed the details of the enter
prise with the Spanish ambassador in Paris.f At about the

* Meteren, xi. 205''. f Ibid. Bor, xviii. 423. Hoofd, xx. 892.

1584.] ATTEMPTS UPON the prince's LIFE. 597
same time, one Le Goth, a captive French officer, had been
apphed to by the Marquis de Richebourg, on the part of
Alexander of Parma, to attempt the murder of the Prince.
Le Goth had consented, saying that nothing could be more
easily done ; and that he would undertake to poison him in a
dish of eels, of which he knew him to be particularly fond.
The Frenchman was hberated with this understanding ; but
being very much the friend of Orange, straightway told him
the whole story, and remained ever afterwards a faithful
servant of the states.* It is to be presumed that he excused
the treachery to which he owed his escape from prison on the
ground that faith was no more to be kept with murderers than
with heretics. Thus within two years there had been five
distinct attempts to assassinate the Prince, aU of them with
the privity of the Spanish government. A sixth was soon
to follow.
In the summer of 1584, WiUiam of Orange was residing at
Delft, f where his wife, Louisa de Coligny, had given birth, in
the preceding winter, to a son, afterwards the celebrated stad
holder, Frederic Henry. The chUd had received these
names from his two godfathers, the Kings of Denmark and of
Navarre, and his baptism had been celebrated with much
rejoicing on the 12th of June, in the place of his birth.!
It was a quiet, cheerful, yet somewhat drowsy little city,
that ancient burgh of Delft. The placid canals by which it
was intersected in every direction were aU planted with

* Meteren, xi. 205, 206. Hoofd, xx. 891, 892. He is sometimes called
Gott f He had removed thither from Antwerp on the 22nd July, 1583. Hia
departure from the commercial metropolis had been hastened by an indignity
offered to him by a portion of the populace, on the occasion of some building
which had been undertaken in the neighbourhood of the citadel A senseless
rumor had been circulated that the Prince had filled the castle with French
troops, and was about to surrender it to Anjou. Although the falsehood of the
report had been publicly demonstrated, and although the better portion of the
citizens felt indignant at its. existence, yet the calumniators had not been
punished. The Prince, justly aggrieved, retired accordingly from the city— ¦
Meteren, xi 207, 208.
X Bor, xviii 407b- Hoofd, xx. 883

598 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584
whispering, umbrageous rows of hmes and poplars, and along
these watery highways the traffic of the place glided so noise
lessly that the town seemed the abode of sUence and tran-
quiUity. The streets were clean and airy, the houses well
built, the whole aspect of the place thriving.
One of the principal thoroughfares was caUed the old Delft-
street. It was shaded on both sides by lime trees, which in
that midsummer season covered the surface of the canal
which flowed between them with their hght and fragrant
blossoms. On one side of this street was the " old kirk," a
plain, antique structure of brick, with lancet windows, and
with a tall, slender tower, which inchned, at a very consider
able angle, towards a house upon the other side of the canal
That house was the mansion of WUiam the SUent. It stood
directly opposite the church, being separated by a spacious
courtyard from the street, whUe the stables and other offices in
the rear extended to the city wall. A narrow lane, opening out
of Delft-street, ran along the side of the house and court, in the
direction of the ramparts. The house was a plain, two-storied
edifice of brick, with red-tiled roof, and had formerly been a
cloister dedicated to Saint Agatha, the last prior of which had
been hanged by the furious Lumey de la Marck.
The news of Anjou's death had been brought to Delft by a
special messenger from the French court. On Sunday morn
ing, the 8th of July, 1584, the Prince of Orange, having read
the despatches before leaving his bed, caused the man who
had brought them to be summoned, that he might give some
particular details by word of mouth concerning the last illness
of the Duke.* The courier was accordingly admitted to the
Prince's bed-chamber, and proved to be one Francis Guion, as
he called himseff. This man had, early in the spring, claimed
and received the protection of Orange, on the ground of being
the son of a Protestant at Besancon, who had suffered death
for his religion, and of his own ardent attachment to the

* Bor, xviii. 427, sqq. Meteren, xii. 214, sqq. Hoofd, xx. 892-894, sqq.
Wagenaer, vii. 529, sqq. Le Petit, Grande Chronique des P. B., liv. v.

1584.] GUION ALIAS GERARD. 599
Reformed faith.* A pious, psalm-singing, thoroughly Calvin
istic youth he seemed to be, having a bible or a hymn-book
under his arm whenever he walked the street, and most
exemplary in his attendance at sermon and lecture. For the
rest, a singularly unobtrusive personage, twenty-seven years
of age, low of stature, meagre, mean-visaged, muddy com-
plexioned, and altogether a man of no. account — quite insigni
ficant in the eyes of all who looked upon him. If there were
one opinion in which the few who had taken the trouble to
think of the puny, somewhat shambling stranger from Bur
gundy at aU coincided, it was that he was inoffensive, but
quite incapable of any important business. He seemed weU
educated, claimed to be of respectable parentage, and had
* The main source from which the historians cited in the last note, and all
other writers, have derived their account of Balthazar Gerard, his crime and
punishment, is the official statement drawn up by order of the States-general,
entitled, " Verhaai van de moort ghedaen aen den personne des doorluchtigen
fursten ende heeren Wilhelms Prince van Oraengien," etc., etc., Delft, A0. 1584,
of which a copy may be found in the Duncan collection in the Royal Library at
the Hague. The basis of tbis account was the confession of Balthazar, written
in the convent of Saint Agatha (or Prinzen Hof, the residence of Orange)
immediately after his arrest, together with his answers to the interrogatorie:
between the 10th and 14th of July. The confession has been recently published
by M. Gachard (Acad. Roy. de Belg. t. xx. N°. 9, Bulletins) from an old and
probably contemporaneous MS. copy. A very curious pamphlet — a copy of
which also may be found in the Duncan Collection — should also be consulted,
called " Historic Balthazars Geraert, alias Serach, die den Tyran van 't Neder-
landt den Princen van Orangie doorschoten heeft : ende is darom duer grou-
welijcke ende vele tormenten binnen de stadt van Delft openbaerlijck ghedoodt,
1584," (with no name of place or publisher.) This account, by a very bitter
royalist and papist — perhaps a personal acquaintance of Gerard — extols the deed
to the skies, and depicts the horrible sufferings of the malefactor as those of a
blessed martyr. A manuscript in the Bibliotheque de Bourgogne (now the MS.
section of the Royal Library at Brussels), entitled, " Particularites touchant Bal
thazar Gerard," No. 17,386, contains many important documents, letters of
Parma, of Gerard, and of Cornelius Aertsens. The fifth volume of the MS. history
of Renom de France has a chapter devoted to the subject, important because he
wrote from the papers of d' AssonleviUe, who was Parma's agent in the prelim
inary negotiations with Gerard. Part ofthese documents have been published by
Dewez (Hist. Gen. de la Belg., torn, vi.), by Reiffenberg, and still more recently
by Professor Arent (" Recherches Critiques et Historiques sur la Confession de
B. Gerard, Bruxelles, 1854,") who has ably demonstrated the authenticity of the
" Confession" published by M. Gachard.

600 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
considerable facility of speech, when any person could be
found who thought it worth whfle to listen to him ; but on
the whole he attracted little attention.
Nevertheless, this insignificant frame locked up a desperate
and daring character ; this mild and inoffensive nature had
gone pregnant seven years with a terrible crime, whose birth
could not much longer be retarded. Francis Guion, the Cal
vinist, son of a martyred Calvinist, was in reahty Balthazar
Gerard, a fanatical Catholic, whose father and mother were
etiU living at ViUefans in Burgundy. Before reaching man's
estate, he had formed the design of murdering the Prince of
Orange, " who, so long as he lived, seemed hke to remain a
rebel agamst the Cathohc King, and to make every effort to
disturb the repose of the Roman Cathohc Apostolic rehgion."
When but twenty years of age, he had struck his dagger
with aU his might into a door, exclaiming, as he did so, " Would
that the blow had been in the heart of Orange !" For this
he was rebuked by a bystander, who told him it was not for
him to kiU princes, and that it was not desirable to destroy so
good a captain as the Prince, who, after aU, might one day
reconcile himself with the King.*
As soon as the Ban against Orange was published, Bal
thazar, more anxious than ever to execute his long-cherished
design, left D61e and came to Luxemburg. Here he learned
that the deed had already been done by John Jaureguy. He
received this inteUigence at first with a sensation of rehef,
was glad to be excused from putting himself in danger,f
and beheving the Prince dead, took service as clerk with one
'John Duprel, secretary to Count Mansfeld, governor of Luxem
burg. Ere long, the Ul success of Jaureguy's attempt becoming
known, the " inveterate determination" of Gerard aroused
itself more fiercely than ever. He accordingly took models of
Maasfeld's official seals in wax, in order that he might make

* Confession de B. Gerard. — Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, Le Petit, ubi sup. et al.
T "  de3 quelles nouvelles je fus fort aise, tant pour estre (comme
j'estimois) la justice faite, que pour avoir excuse de me mettre au danger." 
Conf. de Gerard

1584.] A DELIBERATE PLAN. 601
use of them as an acceptable offering to the Orange party,
whose confidence he meant to gain.
Various circumstances detained him, however. A sum of
money was stolen, and he was forced to stay tfll it was found,
for fear of being arrested as the thief. Then his cousin and
employer fell sick, and Gerard was obliged to wait for his re
covery. At last, in March, 1584, "the weather, as he said,
appearing to be fine," Balthazar left Luxemburg and came to
Treves. WhUe there, he confided his scheme to the regent of the
Jesuit coUege — a " red-haired man" whose name has not been
preserved.* That dignitary expressed high approbation of the
plan, gave Gerard his blessing, and promised him that, if his
Ufe should be sacrificed in achieving his purpose, he should be
enroUed among the martyrs.f Another Jesuit, however, in
the same college, with whom he likewise communicated, held
very different language, making great efforts to turn the young
man from his design, on the ground of the inconveniences which
might arise from the forging of Mans/eld's seals — adding, that
neither he nor any of the Jesuits Uked to meddle with such
affairs, but advising that the whole matter should be laid be
fore the Prince of Parma. J It does not appear that this per
sonage, "an excellent man and a learned," attempted to
dissuade the young man from his project by arguments drawn
from any supposed criminaUty in the assassination itself, or
from any danger, temporal or eternal, to which the perpetrator
might expose himself.
Not influenced, as it appears, except on one point, by the
advice of this second ghostly confessor, Balthazar came to

* Verhaai van de Moordt, etc. — Compare Bor, ubi sup.
f Ibid. — Compare Meteren, Le Petit, ubi sup.
X This curious fact was disingenuously suppressed in the official account
"Verhaai van de Moordt," etc., and is consequently not mentioned by the pre-
viously cited authors. The statement appears in the copy of the Confession pub
lished by M. Gachard; "  et s'efforfa le dit pere de m'oster de teste ceste
mienne deliberation, pour les dangers et inconveniens qu'il m'allegoit en pour
roient survenir, au prejudice de Dieu et du Roy, parle moyen des cachets vollans ;
disant, au reste, qu'il ne se mesloit pas voluntiera de telz affaires, ny pareillement
tous ceulx de leur dicte compagnie,"

602 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
Tournay, and held councfl with a third — the celebrated Fran
ciscan, Father Ge'ry — by whom he was much comforted and
strengthened in his determination.* His next step was to
lay the project before Parma, as the " exceUent and learned"
Jesuit at Treves had advised. This he did by a letter, drawn
up with much care, and which he evidently thought weU of as
a composition. One copy of this letter he deposited with the
guardian of the Franciscan convent at Tournay ; the other he
presented with his own hand to the Prince of Parma.f " The
vassal," said he, "ought always to prefer justice and the wfll
of the king to his own Ufe." That being the case, he ex
pressed his astonishment that no man had yet been found to
execute the sentence against WiUiam of Nassau, " except the
gentle Biscayan, since defunct."! To accomphsh the task,
Balthazar observed, very judiciously, that it was necessary to
have access to the person of the Prince — wherein consisted the
difficulty. Those who had that advantage, he continued, were
therefore bound to extirpate the pest at once, without obhging
bis Majesty to send to Rome for a chevaher, because not one
of them was wiUing to precipitate himself into the venomous
gulf, which by its contagion infected and kflled the souls and
bodies of all poor abused subjects, exposed to its influence.
Gerard avowed himself to have been so long goaded and
stimulated by these considerations — so extremely nettled with
displeasure and bitterness at seeing the obstinate wretch
stiU escaping his just judgment— as to have formed the
design of baiting a trap for the fox, hoping thus to gain access
to him, and to take him unawares.§ He added — without
explaining the nature of the trap and the bait — that he

* Verhaai van de Moordt, etc. Bor, Meteren, Le Petit, ubi sup.
f This letter, with several others relative to the subject, is contained in a man
uscript of the Bib. de Bourgogne, N°. 17,386, entitled, " Particularites touchant
Balthazar Gerard."
X " Hormis le gentil Biscayen defunct."
§ " Estant de long temps durement pique et stimule par ces deux points et poin-
conne extrement de de"plaisir et amertume  si finalement me suis advise" de
donner une amorce k ce renard pour avoir acces chez-lui, afin de le prendre au
tre'buehet en momens ODportuns, et si proprement qu"il n'en puisse echapper."

1584.] PARMA'S SHARE IN THE CRIME. 603
deemed it his duty to lay the subject before the most serene
Prince of Parma, protesting at the same time that he did not
contemplate the exploit for the sake of the reward mentioned
in the sentence, and that he preferred trusting in that regard
to the immense liberahty of his Majesty.*
Parma had long been looking for a good man to murder
Orange,f feeling — as Philip, GranveUe, and aU former gov
ernors of the Netherlands had felt — that this was the
only means of saving the royal authority in any part of the
provinces. Many unsatisfactory assassins had presented them
selves from time to time, and Alexander had paid money in
hand to various individuals — Italians, Spaniards, Lorrainers,
Scotchmen, Enghshmen, who had generally spent the sums
received without attempting the job. Others were supposed
to be still engaged in the enterprise, and at that moment
there were four person — each unknown to the others, and
of different nations — in the city of Delft, seeking to compass
the death of WiUiam the SUent.J Shag-eared, military,
hirsute ruffians — ex-captains of free companies and such
marauders— were daily offering their services ; there was no
lack of them, and they had done but little. How should
Parma, seeing this obscure, under-sized, thin-bearded, run
away clerk before him, expect pith and energy from him ? He
thought him quite unfit for an enterprise of moment, and
declared as much to his secret councillors and to the King.§
* "  et moins encore 6tre vue si pr6sompteux que de preferer la liberalite
immense de S. M.," etc.
f " Y porque tal enemigo tuviese castigo, andava el Principe de Parma bus-
cando maneras como quitarle del mundo." — Herrera, Hist del mundo en el
reynado del Rey D. Phelipe II., xiv. 10, torn. ii. 550.
X "  aulcuns Italiens et soldats avoient paravant obtenu certaines sommes
au mesme effet sans avoir riens attente." — Renom de France MS., torn. v. u. 26. —
Compare Strada, 2, v. 287.
g "  le dit jeune homme," wrote Parma to the King, " m'avait communique
sa resolution de la quelle pour dire la verite je tenois peu de compte, pour ce que
la disposition du personnaige ne sembloit promettre emprinse de si grande impor
tance. Touttefois je le laisaye aller, apres l'avoir fait exorter par quelques ungz
de ceux qui servent ici" — Relation du Duc de Parma au Roy. Phil. II. ; in the
manuscript entitled, " Particularites touchant B. Gerard." Bib. de Bourgogne,
N°- 17,386.

604 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
He soon dismissed him, after receiving his letters, and it may
be supposed that the bombastic style of that epistle would not
efface the unfavorable impression produced by Balthazar's ex
terior. The representations of Haultepenne and others induced
him so far to modify his views as to send his confidential coun
cillor, d' AssonleviUe, to the stranger, in order to learn the
detaUs of the scheme.* AssonleviUe had accordingly an inter
view with Ge"rard, in which he requested the young man to
draw up a statement of his plan in writing, and this was done
upon the 11th of April, 1584.
In this letter Gerard explained his plan of introducing
himself to the notice of Orange, at Delft, as the son of
an executed Calvinist ; as himself warmly, though secretly,
devoted to the Reformed faith, and as desirous, therefore, of
placing himself in the Prince's service, in order to avoid the
insolence of the Papists. Having gained the confidence of
those about the Prince, he would suggest to them the great
use which might be made of Mansfeld's signet in forging pass
ports for spies and other persons whom it might be desirous
to send into the territory of the royalists. " With these or
similar feints and frivoUties," continued Gdrard, " he should
soon obtain access to the person of the said Nassau," repeat
ing his protestation that nothing had moved him to his en
terprise " save the good zeal which he bore to the faith and
true religion guarded by the Holy Mother Church Cathohc,
Apostohc, and Roman, and to the service of his Majesty."
He begged pardon for having purloined the impressions of
the seals — a turpitude which he would never have committed,
but would sooner have suffered a thousand deaths, except for
the great end in view. He particularly wished forgiveness
' for that crime before going to his task, " in order that he
might confess, and receive the holy communion at the coming
Easter, without scruples of conscience." He Ukewise begged
the Prince of Parma to obtain for him absolution from his

* Renom de France MS., loc. cit, who wrote his history from the papers of
Councillor d' AssonleviUe.

1584.] MOTIVES OF THE ASSASSIN. 605
Holiness for this crime of pilfering — the more so "as he was
about to keep company for some time with heretics and atheists,
and in some sort to conform himself to their customs."*
From the general tone of the letters of Gerard, he might be
set down at once as a simple, rehgious fanatic, who felt sure
that, in executing the command of PhUip pubUcly issued to
aU the murderers of Europe, he was meriting weU of God and
his King. There is no doubt that he was an exalted enthu
siast, but not purely an enthusiast. The man's character
offers more than one point of interest, as a psychological
phenomenon. He had convinced himself that the work wliich
he had in hand was eminently meritorious, and he was utterly
without fear of consequences. He was, however, by no means
so disinterested as he chose to represent himself in letters
which, as he instinctively felt, were to be of perennial interest.
On the contrary, in his interviews with AssonleviUe, he urged
that he was a poor feUow, and that he had undertaken this
enterprise in order to acquire property — to make himself
richf — and that he depended upon the Prince of Parma's
influence in obtaining the reward promised by the Ban to the
individual who should put Orange to death.
This second letter decided Parma so far that he authorized
AssonleviUe to encourage the young man in his attempt, and
to promise that the reward should be given to him in case of
success, and to his heirs in the event of his death.J Assonle
viUe, in the second interview, accordingly made known these
assurances in the strongest manner to Gdrard, warning him,
at the same time, on no account, if arrested, to inculpate the
Prince of Parma. The counciUor, while thus exhorting the
stranger, according to Alexander's commands, confined him-

* The letter is contained in the MS. before cited, " Particularites touchant B.
Gerard." f "Estant povre compagnon," etc. — Verhaai van de Moordt, etc. Le Petit
Bor, loc. cit
X "  qu'on procurevoit en sa faveur ou de ses proches heritiers les mercedes
et recompenses promises par l'edict qui fut toute la consolation qu'il receut, plus
propre pour le retirer et divertir que pour l'encourager a une emprinse si hazard-
euse." — Renom de France MS., loc. cit.

606 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
self, however, to generalities, refusing even to advance fifty
crowns, which Balthazar had begged from the Governor-
General in order to provide for the necessary expenses of
his project.* Parma had made similar advances too often
to men who had promised to assassinate the Prince and had
then done Uttle, and he was resolute in his refusal to this
new adventurer, of whom he expected absolutely nothing.
Gerard, notwithstanding this rebuff, was not disheartened.
"I wfll provide myself out of my own purse," said he to
AssonleviUe, "and within six weeks you wfll hear of me."
" Go forth, my son," said AssonleviUe, paternally, upon this
spirited reply, " and ff you succeed in your enterprise, the
King wUl fulfil all his promises, and you wUl gain an immortal
name beside."f
The "inveterate dehberation," thus thoroughly matured,
Gerard now proceeded to carry into effect. He came to
Delft, obtained a hearing of ViUers, the clergyman and inti
mate friend of Orange, showed him the Mansfeld seals, and
was, somewhat against his wiU, sent to France, to exhibit
them to Mardchal Biron, who, it was thought, was soon to be
appointed governor of Cambray. Through Orange's recom
mendation, the Burgundian was received into the suite of Noel
de Caron, Seigneur de Schoneval, then setting forth on a special
mission to the Duke of Anjou. J Whfle in France, Gerard could
rest neither by day nor night, so tormented was he by the
desire of accompUshing his project,^ and at length he obtained
permission, upon the death of the Duke, to carry this
important intelhgence to the Prince of Orange. The de
spatches having been entrusted to him, he traveUed post
haste to Delft, and, to his astonishment, the letters had
p.ardly been delivered before he was summoned in person to

* "  et aianct d' AssonleviUe traicte" la dessus avec le Prince de Parme fut
conclud que on n'avanceroit riens a Balthazar Gerard, non pas les 50 escus
ausquels il se restraindoit," etc. — Ibid.
f Ibid. Verhaai van de Moordt. Bor, Meteren, Le Petit.
X Confession de Gerard. Verhaai van de Moordt. Bor, Meteren, Le Petit,
Hoofd, ubi sup.
§ Verhaai van de Moordt

1584.] SUNDAY MORNING. 607
the chamber of the Prince. Here was an opportunity such
as he had never dared to hope for. The arch-enemy to the
Church and to the human race, whose death would confer
upon his destroyer wealth and nobUity in this world, besides a
crown of glory in the next, lay unarmed, alone, in bed, before
the man who had thirsted seven long years for his blood.
Balthazar could scarcely control his emotions sufficiently to
answer the questions which the Prince addressed to him con
cerning the death of Anjou,* but Orange, deeply engaged with
the despatches, and with the reflections which their deeply-
important contents suggested, did not observe the countenance
of the humble Calvinist exile, who had been recently recom
mended to his patronage by Villers. Gerard, had, moreover,
made no preparation for an interview so entirely unexpected,
had come unarmed, and had formed no plan for escape. He
was obliged to forego his prey when most within his reach,
and after communicating aU the information which the Prince
required, he was dismissed from the chamber.
It was Sunday morning, and the beUs were tolling for
church. Upon leaving the house he loitered about the court
yard, furtively examining the premises, so that a sergeant of
halberdiers asked him why he was waiting there. Balthazar
meekly repUed that he was desirous of attending divine
worship in the church opposite, but added, pointing to his
shabby and travel-stained attire, that, without at least a new
pair of shoes and stockings, he was unfit to join the congre
gation. Insignificant as ever, the smaU, pious, dusty stranger
excited no suspicion in the mind of the good-natured sergeant.
He forthwith spoke of the wants of Gerard to an officer, by
whom they were communicated to Orange himself, and the
Prince instantly ordered a sum of money to be given him.f
Thus Balthazar obtained from William's charity what Parma's
thrift had denied — a fund for carrying out his purpose !
Next morning, with the money thus procured he purchased

* Verhaai, ete. Bor, Meteren, Le Petit.
f Verhaai van de Moordt. Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, loc. cit.

608 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
a pair of pistols, or smaU carabines, from a soldier, chaffering
long about the price because the vender could not supply a
particular kind of chopped buUets or slugs which he desired.
Before the sunset of the following day that soldier had stabbed
himself to the heart, and died despairing, on hearing for what
purpose the pistols had been bought.*
On Tuesday, the 10th of July, 1584, at about half-past twelve,
the Prince, with his wife on his arm, and foUowed by the
ladies and gentlemen of his family, was going to the dining-
room. WiUiam the SUent was dressed upon that day, accord
ing to his usual custom, in very plain fashion. He wore a
wide-leaved, loosely-shaped hat of dark felt, with a silken cord
round the crown — such as had been worn by the Beggars
in the early days of the revolt. A high ruff encircled his
neck, from which also depended one of the Beggar's medals,
with the motto, " Fideles au roy jusqu'd la besace," whfle a
loose surcoat of grey frieze cloth, over a tawny leather doublet,
with wide, slashed underclothes completed his costume.f
Gerard presented himself at the doorway, and demanded a
passport. The Princess, struck with the pale and agitated
countenance of the man, anxiously questioned her husband
concerning the stranger. The Prince carelessly observed that
" it was merely a person who came for a passport," ordering,
at the same time, a secretary forthwith to prepare one. The
Princess, stiU not reUeved, observed in an under-tone that
" she had never seen so viUanous a countenance."^: Orange,
however, not at all impressed with the appearance of Gerard,
conducted himself at table with his usual cheerfulness, con
versing much with the burgomaster of Leewarden, the only
guest present at the famUy dinner, concerning the political
and rehgious aspects of Friesland.§ At two o'clock the

* "  zig op 't hooren van 't gruuwzaam gebruik, 't geen er de Booswigt van
gemacht hadt, uit wanhoop, met twee of drie poignaard steeken om 't leven
bragt." — Van Wyn op Wagenaer, vii. 116.
f The whole dress worn by the Prince on this tragical occasion is still to be
seen at the Hague in the National Museum.
X Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup.
§ Historic Balth. Geraerts alias Serach, eta

1584.] THE DEED DONE. 609
company rose from table. The Prince led the way, intending
to pass to his private apartments above. The dining-room,
which was on the ground floor, opened into a little square
vestibule, which communicated, through an arched passage
way, with the main entrance into the court-yard. This
vestibule was also directly at the foot of the wooden staircase
leading to the next floor, and was scarcely six feet in width.*
Upon its left side, as one approached the stairway, was an
obscure arch, sunk deep in the wall, and completely in the
shadow of the door. Behind this arch a portal opened to the
narrow lane at the side of the house. The stairs themselves
were completely hghted by a large window, half way up the
flight. The Prince came from the dining-room, and began
leisurely to ascend. ' He had only reached the second stair,
when a man emerged from the sunken arch, and, standing
within a foot or two of him, discharged a pistol fuU at his
heart. Three baUs entered his body, one of which, passing
quite through him, struck with violence against the wall
beyond. The Prince exclaimed in French, as he felt the
wound, " 0 my God, have mercy upon my soul ! 0 my God,
have mercy upon this poor people !"f
* The house (now called the Prinsen HofJ but used as a barrack) still presents
nearly the same appearance as it did in 1584.
f Korte Verhaai van den Moordt, etc. — Bor, Meteren, Hoofd. Doubts have
been expressed by some writers as to the probability of the Prince, thus mortally
wounded, having been able to speak so many words distinctly. (See Wagenaer,
Vad. Hist, vii. 532, and note.) There can, however, be no doubt on the subject
The circular letter of the States-general to the respective provinces, dated Delft,
July 12, 1584, has this passage: "Die corts daervan t' onser grooten leedwesen
ende verdriete overleden, segghende deselve ont faen hebbende, Mon Dieu, ayez
pitic de mon ame; Mon Dieu, ayez pitie de ce pouvre peuple 1" (Brieven van de
Gen.-staten., etc., nopende de dood van heere P. van Orangien. Ordinaris Dep.
Boek, MS., 1584, f. 162, Hague Archives.) This is conclusive^jevidence. See
also a letter from young Maurice of Nassau to the magistracy of Ghent, relating
the death and last words of his father in similar terms, but in the Flemish tongue.
"Maeralzoode leste woorden van zijne Excie waeren, myn Godtl ontfermt
U. mynder ziele, myn Godtl ontfermt uwer ghemeente." (De Jonge Onuitg.
Stukken., 100-103.— Compare Regist. der Resolut. Holl, July 10, 1584; Bor,
Autm Stukk., ii. 58). The Greffier Cornelius Aertsens, writing to Brussels on
the 11th of July from Delft, uses precisely the same language: "Son Ex" est
vol. iii. 39

610 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
These were the last words he ever spoke, save that when
his sister, Catherine of Schwartzburg, immediately afterwards
asked him if he commended his soul to Jesus Christ, he faintly
answered; "Yes." His master of the horse, Jacob van
Maldere, had caught him in his arms as the fatal shot was
fired. The Prince was then placed on the stairs for an
instant, when he immediately began to swoon. He was after
wards laid upon a couch in the dining-room, where in a few
minutes, he breathed his last in the arms of his wife and sis
ter.* The murderer succeeded in making his escape through the
side door, and sped swiftly up the narrow lane. He had
almost reached the ramparts, from which he intended to spring
into the moat, when he stumbled over a heap of rubbish. As
he rose, he was seized by several pages and halberdiers, who
had pursued him from the house. He had dropped his pistols
upon the spot where he had committed the crime, and upon
his person were found a couple of bladders, provided with a
piece of pipe with which he had intended to assist himself
across the moat, beyond which a horse was waiting for him.
He made no effort to deny his identity, but boldly avowed
himself and his deed. He was brought back to the house,
where lie immediately underwent a preliminary examination
before the city magistrates. He was afterwards subjected to
excruciating tortures ; for the fury against the wretch who had
destroyed the Father of the country was uncontrollable, and
WiUiam the Silent was no longer aUve to intercede — as he had
often done before — in behalf of those who assaUed his Ufe.
The organization of Balthazar Gdrard would furnish a
subject of profound study, both for the physiologist and the
metaphysician. Neither whoUy a fanatic, nor entirely a
ruffian, he combined the most dangerous elements of both

trespasse et fini en Dieu, n'aiant parle autre chose que ces mots bien hauts— Mon
Dieu, ayez pitie" de mon ame ; et apres, Ayez pitie de ce pauvre peuple, demeu-
rans les deux derniers mots quasi en sa bouche."— Relation au Mag. de Brux.,
N°. 17,386, Bib. de Bourg., MS.
* Bor, Meteren, Hoofd, ubi sup. Historic B. Geraerts alias Serach.

1584.] COURAGE OF GERARD. 611
characters. In his puny body and mean exterior were en
closed considerable mental powers and accomplishments, a
daring ambition, and a courage almost superhuman. Yet
those quahties led him only to form upon the threshold of hfe
a dehberate determination to achieve greatness by the assassin's
trade. The rewards held out by the Ban, combining with his
rehgious bigotry and his passion for distinction, fixed aU his
energies with patient concentration upon the one great purpose
for which he seemed to have been born, and after seven years'
preparation, he had at last fulfiUed his design.
Upon being interrogated by the magistrates, he manifested
neither despair nor contrition, but rather a quiet exultation.
"Like David," he said, "he had slain Goliath of Gath."*
When falsely informed that his victim was not dead, he showed
no creduhty or disappointment. He had discharged three
poisoned baUs into the Prince's stomach, and he knew that
death must have already ensued.f He expressed regret, how
ever, that the resistance of the halberdiers had prevented him
from using his second pistol, and avowed that if he were a
thousand leagues away he would return in order to do the
deed again, if possible. He dehberately wrote a detailed con
fession of his crime, and of the motives and manner of its
commission, taking care, however, not to implicate Parma in the
transaction. After sustaining day after day the most horrible
tortures, he subsequently related his interviews with Assonle
viUe and with the president of the Jesuit coUege at Treves,
adding that he had been influenced in his work by the assurance
of obtaining the rewards promised by the Ban.J During the
intervals of repose from the rack he conversed with ease, and
even eloquence, answering aU questions addressed to him with
apparent sincerity. His constancy in suffering so astounded
* Haraei Annales, iii. 363.
\ "  j'ai ce jourd'hui tire et debende celle portant les trois balles contre
l'estomach dudict Prince d'Orange," etc. — Confession de Gerard. ¦'  enheeft
hem also met een pistolet onder zijne mantel met drij fenijnige ende geketenda
looten aen een gehecht geladen zijnde aen die treppen vander eetplatsen verwacht,"
etc. — Historie B. Geraerts alias Serach.
X Verhaai van de Moordt. Bor, Meteren. .

612 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584,
his judges that they believed him supported by witchcraft.
" Ecce homo !" he exclaimed, from time to time, with insane
blasphemy, as he raised his blood-streaming head from the
bench. In order to destroy the charm which seemed to render
him insensible to pain, they sent for the shirt of a hospital
patient, supposed to be a sorcerer. When clothed in this
garment, however, Balthazar was none the less superior to the
arts of the tormentors, enduring aU their inflictions, according
to an eye-witness, " without once exclaiming, Ah me !" and
avowing that he would repeat his enterprise, if possible, were
he to die a thousand deaths in consequence. Some of those
present refused to beUeve that he was a man at all. Others
asked him how long since he had sold himself to the Devil ?
to which he replied, mUdly, that he had no acquaintance
whatever with the Devil. He thanked the judges politely for
the food wliich he received in prison, and promised to rec
ompense them for the favor. Upon being asked how that was
possible, he repUed, that he would serve as their advocate in
Paradise.* The sentence pronounced against the assassin was execrable
— a crime agamst the memory of the great man whom it
professed to avenge. It was decreed that the right hand of
Gerard should be burned off with a red-hot iron, that his
flesh should be torn from his bones with pincers in six different
places, that he should be quartered and disemboweUed ahve,
that his heart should be torn from his bosom and flung in his
face, and that, finally, his head should be taken off. Not even
his horrible crime, with its endless consequences, nor the
natural frenzy of indignation which it had excited, could justify

* Verhaai van de Mooodt, Bor, Meteren. — "  mais je n'ay ouy de ma vie
une plus grande resolution d'homme ny Constance, il n'a oneques dit ' Ay my,'
mais en tous tourmens s'est tenu sans dire mot, et sur tous interrogatories a re-
pondu bien apropos et avec bonne suite, quelquefois que voulez-vous faire de moy ?
je suis resolu de mourir aussy d'une mort cruelle que je n'eusse laisse mon entre-
prinse ni encore si j'etois hbre la laisseroie, comme que je deusse mourir mille
morts, " etc. — Extrait d'une Relation faite a ceux du Magistrat de Bruxelles, par
Corneille Aertsens alors leur Greffier, 11 Juillet, 1584. Bib. de Bourg. MS., N°.
17,386, Historic B. Geraerts alias Seraob,

1584.] HIS REWARD. 613
this savage decree, to rebuke which the murdered hero might
have almost risen from the sleep of death. The sentence was
HteraUy executed on the 14th of July, the criminal supporting
its horrors with the same astonishing fortitude. So calm were
his nerves, crippled and half roasted as he was ere he mounted
the scaffold, that when one of the executioners was shghtly
injured in the ear by the flying from the handle of the ham
mer with which he was breaking the fatal pistol in pieces, as
the first step in the execution — a circumstance which produced
a general laugh in the crowd — a smile was observed upon Bal
thazar's face in sympathy with the general hUarity. His lips
were seen to move up to the moment when his heart was
thrown in his face — " Then," said a looker-on, " he gave up
the ghost."*
The reward promised by PhUip to the man who should mur
der Orange was paid to the heirs of Gerard. Parma in
formed his sovereign that the " poor man" had been executed,
but that his father and mother were stfll living, to whom
he recommended the payment of that "merced" which "the
laudable and generous deed had so weU deserved."f This
was accordingly done, and the exceUent parents, ennobled
and enriched by the crime of their son, received instead of
the twenty-five thousand crowns promised in the Ban, the
three seignories of Lievremont, Hostal, and Dampmartin, in
the Franche Comte, and took their place at once among the
landed aristocracy4 Thus the bounty of the Prince had fur
nished the weapon by which his life was destroyed, and his
estates supplied the fund out of which the assassin's family
* Extrait d'une Relation de Corneille Aertsens (14 Juillet, 1584). He was
present at all the tortures and at the execution, and drew up his report the sam6
day. Manuscript before cited. — Compare Meteren, Bor, Le Petit, Historic B.
Geraerts ahas Serach.
f Relation du Duc de Panne au Roy Phil. IL, 12 Aout, 1584.— "Le pauvre
homme est demeure prisonnier. L'acte est tel qu'il merite grande louange, et je
me vais informant des parens du deffunt, duquel j'entends le pere et la mere
gtre encoires vivans, pour apres supplier V. M. leur faire le raercede qu'une si
genereuse resolution merite." — MS. before cited.
X MS. before cited.

614 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584
received the price of blood. At a later day, when the unfor
tunate eldest son of Orange returned from Spain after twenty-
seven years' absence, a changeling and a Spaniard, the restora
tion of those very estates was offered to him by PhUip the
Second, provided he would continue to pay a fixed proportion
of their rents to the family of his father's murderer. The edu
cation which Philip Wilham had received, under the King's
auspices, had however, not entirely destroyed aU his human
feehngs, and he rejected the proposal with scorn.* The estates
remained with the Gerard family, and the patents of nobUity
which they had received were used to justify their exemption
from certain taxes, untfl the union of Franche Comte, with
France, when a French governor tore the documents in pieces
and trampled them under foot.f
WiUiam of Orange, at the period of his death, was aged
fifty-one years and sixteen days. He left twelve children. By
his first wife, Anne of Egmont, he had one son, Phihp, and
one daughter, Mary, afterwards married to Count Hohenlo.
By his second wife, Anna of Saxony, he had one son, the cele
brated Maurice of Nassau, and two daughters, Anna, married
afterwards to her cousin, Count WiUiam Louis, and Emilie,
who espoused the Pretender of Portugal, Prince Emanuel.
By Charlotte of Bourbon, his third wife, he had six daughters ;
and by his fourth, Louisa de Coligny, one son, Frederic WU-
Uam, afterwards stadholder of the Republic in her most palmy
days. J The Prince was entombed on the 3rd of August, at
Delft, amid the tears of a whole nation.§ Never was a more
extensive, unaffected, and legitimate sorrow felt at the death
of any human being.

* Van Kampen, i. 545-
f Van d. Vynct, iii. — Notes of Tarte and Reiffenberg.
X Bor, ubi sup. Archives, ubi sup. Meteren, xii 216.
§ Bor, xviii 433. Meteren, xii 215. Hoofd, xx 896.

1584.] TERRITORY OF THE REPUBLIC DEFINED. 615
The life and labors of Orange had established the emanci
pated commonwealth upon a secure foundation, but his death
rendered the union of aU the Netherlands into one repubhc
hopeless. The efforts of the Malcontent nobles, the religious
discord, the consummate ability, both political and military, of
Parma, aU combined with the lamentable loss of William the
SUent to separate for ever the southern and Catholic provinces
from the northern confederacy. So long as the Prince remained
ahve, he was the Father of the whole country ; the Nether
lands — saving only the two WaUoon provinces — constituting a
whole. Notwithstanding the spirit of faction and the bhght
of the long civU war, there was at least one country, or the
hope of a country, one strong heart, one guiding head, for the
patriotic party throughout the land. Philip and GranveUe
were right in their estimate of the advantage to be derived
from the Prince's death ; in beheving that an assassin's hand
could achieve more than aU the wUes which Spanish or Itahan
statesmanship could teach, or aU the armies which Spain or
Italy could muster. The pistol of the insignificant Gdrard
destroyed the possibihty of a united Netherland state, while
during the life of WiUiam there was union in the policy, unity
in the history of the country.
In the following year, Antwerp, hitherto the centre around
which aU the national interests and historical events group
themselves, fell before the scientific efforts of Parma. The
city which had so long been the freest, as weU as the most
opulent, capital in Europe, sank for ever to the position of a
provincial town. With its fall, combined with other circum
stances, which it is not necessary to narrate in anticipation,
the final separation of the Netherlands was completed. On
the other hand, at the death of Orange, whose formal inaugu
ration as sovereign Count had not yet taken place, the states
of HoUand and Zealand reassumed the sovereignty. The
commonwealth which WiUiam had liberated for ever from
Spanish tyranny continued to exist as a great and flourishing
repubhc during more than two centuries, under the successive
stadholderates of his sons and descendants

616 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584
His life gave existence to an independent country — his
death defined its limits. Had he hved twenty years longer,
it is probable that the seven provinces would have been seven
teen ; and that the Spanish title would have been for ever
extinguished both in Nether Germany and Celtic Gaul. Al
though there was to be the length of two human generations
more of warfare ere Spain acknowledged the new government,
yet before the termination of that period the United States
had become the first naval power and one of the most consid
erable commonwealths in the world ; whUe the civil and reli
gious liberty, the political independence of the land, together
with the total expulsion of the ancient foreign tyranny from
the soil, had been achieved ere the eyes of WUliam were closed.
The republic existed, in fact, from the moment of the abjura
tion in 1581.
The most important features of the polity which thus
assumed a prominent organization have been already indicated.
There was no revolution, no radical change. The ancient
rugged tree of Netherland liberty — with its moss-grown
trunk, gnarled branches, and deep-reaching roots — which had
been slowly growing for ages, was 6tiU fuU of sap, and was to
deposit for centuries longer its annual rings of consolidated
and concentric strength. Though lopped of some luxuriant
boughs, it was sound at the core, and destined for a stUl
larger Ufe than even in the healthiest moments of its me
diaeval existence.
The history of the rise of the Netherland Republic has been
at the same time the biography of WUliam the SUent. This,
while it gives unity to the narrative, renders an elaborate de
scription of his character superfluous. That life was a noble
Christian epic ; inspired with one great purpose from its com
mencement to its close ; the stream flowing ever from one
fountain with expanding fulness, but retaining all its original
purity. A few general observations are aU which are neces
sary by way of conclusion.
In person, Orange was above the middle height, perfectly
well made and sinewy, but rather spare than stout. His eyes,
hair, beard, and complexion were brown. His head was

1584.] CHARACTERISTICS. 617
small, symmetricaUy-shaped, combining the alertness and com
pactness characteristic of the soldier, with the capacious brow
furrowed prematurely with the horizontal hnes of thought,
denoting the statesman and the sage. His physical appear
ance was, therefore, in harmony with his organization, which
was of antique model. Of his moral quahties, the most
prominent was his piety. He was more than anything else a
religious man. From his trust in God, he ever derived
support and consolation in the darkest hours. Imphcitly
relying upon Almighty wisdom and goodness, he looked
danger in the face with a constant smile, and endured incessant
labors and trials with a serenity which seemed more than
human. WhUe, however, his soul was fuU of piety, it was
tolerant of error. Sincerely and deUberately himself a convert
to the Reformed Church, he was ready to extend freedom of
worship to Cathohcs on the one hand, and to Anabaptists on
the other, for no man ever felt more keenly than he, that the
Reformer who becomes in his turn a bigot is doubly odious.
His firmness was aUied to his piety. His constancy in bear
ing the whole weight of struggle as unequal as men have ever
undertaken, was the theme of admiration even to his enemies.
The rock in the ocean, " tranquil amid raging billows," was
the favorite emblem by which his friends expressed their sense
of his firmness. From the time when, as a hostage in France,
he first discovered the plan of PhiUp to plant the Inquisition
in the Netherlands, up to the last moment of his life, he never
faltered in his determination to resist that iniquitous scheme.
This resistance was the labor of his life. To exclude the
Inquisition, to maintain the ancient hberties of his country,
was the task which he appointed to himself when a youth of
three-and-twenty. Never speaking a word concerning a
heavenly mission, never deluding himself or others with the
usual phraseology of enthusiasts, he accomphshed the task,
through danger, amid toils, and with sacrifices such as few
men have ever been able to make on their country's altar ; —
for the disinterested benevolence of the man was as prominent
as his fortitude. A prince of high rank and with royal

618 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584
revenues, he stripped himself of station, wealth, almost at
times of the common necessaries of Ufe, and became, in his
country's cause, nearly a beggar as weU as an outlaw. Nor
was he forced into his career by an accidental impulse from
which there was no recovery. Retreat was ever open to him.
Not only pardon but advancement was urged upon him again
and again. OfficiaUy and privately, directly and circuitously,
his confiscated estates, together with indefinite and boundless
favors in addition, were offered to him on every great occasion.
On the arrival of Don John, at the Breda negotiations, at the
Cologne conferences, we have seen how calmly these offers
were waved aside, as if their rejection was so simple that it
hardly required many words for its signification, yet he had
mortgaged his estates so deeply that his heirs hesitated at
accepting their inheritance,* for fear it should involve them.
in debt. Ten years after his death, the account between his
executors and his brother John amounted to one million four
hundred thousaud fiorinsf due to the Count, secured by various
pledges of real and personal property, and it was finally settled
upon this basis. He was besides largely indebted to every
one of his powerful relatives, so that the payment of the in
cumbrances upon his estate very nearly justified the fears of his
children. While on the one hand, therefore, he poured out these
enormous sums hke water, and firmly refused a hearing to the
tempting offers of the royal government, upon the other hand
he proved the disinterested nature of his services by declining,
year after year, the sovereignty over the provinces ; and by
only accepting, in the last days of his Ufe, when refusal had
become almost impossible, the limited, constitutional supre^
macy over that portion of them which now makes the realm of
his descendants. He lived and died, not for himself, but for his
country : " God pity this poor people !" were his dying words.
His intellectual faculties were various and of the highest
order. He had the exact, practical, and combining qua
lities which make the great commander, and his friends

* Ev. Reyd, iii. 69. f Bor, xviii. 438.

1584.] CONSTANCY. 619
claimed that, in mUitary genius, he was second to no captain
in Europe.* This was, no doubt, an exaggeration of partial
attachment, but it is certain that the Emperor Charles had an
exalted opinion of his capacity for the field. His fortification
of PhihppeviUe and Charlemont, in the face of the enemy —
his passage of the Meuse in Alva's sight — his unfortunate but
well-ordered campaign against that general — his sublime plan
of rehef, projected and successfuUy directed at last from his
sick bed, for the besieged city of Leyden — wiU always remain
monuments of his practical military skill.
Of the soldier's great virtues — constancy in disaster, devotion
to duty, hopefulness in defeat — no man ever possessed a larger
share. He arrived, through a series of reverses, at a perfect
victory. He planted a free commonwealth under the very
battery of the Inquisition, in defiance of the most powerful
empire existing. He was therefore a conqueror in the loftiest
sense, for he conquered hberty and a national existence for a
whole people. The contest was long, and he fell in the
struggle, but the victory was to the dead hero, not to the
hving monarch. It is to be remembered, too, that he always
wrought with inferior instruments. His troops were usually
mercenaries, who were but too apt to mutiny upon the eve of
battle, while he was opposed by the most formidable veterans
of Europe, commanded successively by the first captains of the
age. That, with no heutenant of eminent valor or experience,
save only his brother Louis, and with none at aU after
that chieftain's death, Wilham of Orange should succeed in
baffling the efforts of Alva, Requesens, Don John of Austria,
and Alexander Farnese — men whose names are among the
most brilhant in the mihtary annals of the world — is in itself
sufficient evidence of his warlike ability. At the period of his
death he had reduced the number of obedient provinces to
two ; only Artois and Hainault acknowledging Phihp, whUe
the other fifteen were in open revolt, the greater part having
solemnly forsworn their sovereign.
* " Belli artibus neminem suo tempore parem habuit," says Ev. Reyd, Ann.
Ui 59.

620 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
The supremacy of his poUtical genius was entirely beyond
question. He was the first statesman of the age. The quickness
of his perception was only equaUed by the caution which enabled
him to mature the results of his observations. His knowledge
of human nature was profound. He governed the passions
and sentiments of a great nation as if they had been but the
keys and chords of one vast instrument ; and his hand rarely
failed to evoke harmony even out of the wildest storms. The
turbulent city of Ghent, which could obey no other master,
which even the haughty Emperor could only crush without
controlling, was ever responsive to the master-hand of Orange.
His presence scared away Imbize and his bat-hke crew, con
founded the schemes of John Casimir, frustrated the wUes of
Prince Chimay, and while he lived, Ghent was what it ought
always to have remained, the bulwark, as it had been the
cradle, of popular liberty. After his death it became its tomb.
Ghent, saved thrice by the pohcy, the eloquence, the self-
sacrifices of Orange, fell within three months of his murder
into the hands of Parma. The loss of this most important city,
foUowed in the next year by the downfaU of Antwerp, sealed
the fate of* the Southern Netherlands. Had the Prince hved,
how different might have been the country's fate ! If seven
provinces could dUate, in so brief a space, into the powerful
commonwealth which the Republic soon became, what might
not have been achieved by the united seventeen ; a confederacy
which would have united the adamantine vigor of the Batavian
and Frisian races with the subtler, more delicate, and more
graceful national elements in which the genius of the Frank,
the Roman, and the Romanized Celt were so intimately
blended. As long as the Father of the country lived, such a
union was possible. His power of managing men was so un
questionable, that there was always a hope, even in the darkest
hour, for men felt implicit reUance, as weU on his inteUectual
resources as on his integrity.
This power of dealing with his fellow-men he manifested in
the various ways in which it has been usually exhibited by
statesmen. He possessed a ready eloquence — sometimes im-

1584.] ELOQUENCE. 621
passioned, oftener argumentative, always rational. His in
fluence over his audience was unexampled in the annals of
that country or age ; yet he never condescended to flatter
the people. He never foUowed the nation, but always led
her in the path of duty and of honor, and was much more
prone to rebuke the vices than to pander to the passions of his
hearers. He never faUed to administer ample chastisement
to parsimony, to jealousy, to insubordination, to intolerance,
to infidelity, wherever it was due, nor feared to confront
the states or the people in their most angry hours, and to tell
them the truth to their faces. This commanding position he
alone could stand upon, for his countrymen knew the generosity
which had sacrificed his aU for them, the self-denial which
had eluded rather than sought pohtical advancement, whether
from long or people, and the untiring devotion which had
consecrated a whole life to toU and danger in the cause of their
emancipation. While, therefore, he was ever ready to rebuke,
and always too honest to flatter, he at the same time possessed
the eloquence which could convince or persuade. He knew
how to reach both the mind and the heart of his hearers. His
orations, whether extemporaneous or prepared — his written
messages to the states-general, to the provincial authorities,
to the municipal bodies — his private correspondence with men
of all ranks, from emperors and kings down to secretaries, and
even children — aU show an easy flow of language, a fulness of
thought, a power of expression rare in that age, a fund of his
torical aUusion, a considerable power of imagination, a warmth
of sentiment, a breadth of view, a directness of purpose — a
range of qualities, in short, which would in themselves have
stamped him as one of the master-minds of his century, had
there been no other monument to his memory than the remains
of his spoken or written eloquence. The bulk of his perform
ances in this department was prodigious. Not even Philip
was more industrious in the cabinet. Not even GranveUe held
a more facile pen. He wrote and spoke equaUy weU in French
German, or Flemish ; and he possessed, besides, Spanish,
Italian, Latin. The weight of his correspondence alone would

622 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC.

[1584.

have almost sufficed for the common industry of a lifetime,
and although many volumes of his speeches and letters have
been pubhshed, there remain in the various archives of the Ne
therlands and Germany many documents from his hand which
wfll probably never see the light. If the capacity for unre
mitted inteUectual labor in an honorable cause be the measure
of human greatness, few minds could be compared to the
" large composition" of this man. The efforts made to destroy
the Netherlands by the most laborious and painstaking of
tyrants were counteracted by the industry of the most inde
fatigable of patriots.
Thus his eloquence, oral or written, gave him almost bound
less power over his countrymen. He possessed, also, a rare
perception of human character, together with an iron memory
which never lost a face, a place, or an event, once seen or
known. He read the minds even the faces of men, like
printed books. No man could overreach him, excepting only
those to whom he gave his heart. He might be mistaken
where he had confided, never where he had been distrustful or
indifferent. He was deceived by Renneberg, by his brother-
in-law Van den Berg, by the Duke of Anjou. Had it been
possible for his brother Louis or his brother John to have
proved false, he might have been deceived by them. He was
never outwitted by Philip, or GranveUe, or Don John, or
Alexander of Parma. Anna of Saxony was false to him, and
entered into correspondence with the royal governors and with
the King of Spain ; Charlotte of Bourbon or Louisa de Co
ligny might have done the same had it been possible for their
natures also to descend to such depths of guile.
As for the Aerschots, the Havres, the Chimays, he was
never influenced either by their blandishments or their plots.
He was willing to use them when their interest made them
friendly, or to crush them when their intrigues against his
policy rendered them dangerous. The adroitness with which
he converted their schemes in behalf of Matthias, of Don
John, of Anjou, into so many additional weapons for his own
cause, can never be too often studied. It is instructive to ob-

1584.] ADROITNESS. 623
serve the wiles of the Macchiavehan school employed by a master
of the craft, to frustrate, not to advance, a knavish purpose.
This character, in a great measure, marked his whole policy.
He was profoundly skflled in the subtleties of Itahan states
manship, which he had learned as a youth at the Imperial
court, and which he employed in his manhood in the service,
not of tyranny, but of Uberty. He fought the Inquisition with
its own weapons. He dealt with Philip on his own ground.
He excavated the earth beneath the King's feet by a more i
subtle process than that practised by the most fraudulent
monarch that ever governed the Spanish empire, and Philip,
chain-mailed as he was in complicated wUes, was pierced to
the quick by a keener policy than his own.
Ten years long the King placed daUy his most secret letters
in hands which regularly transmitted , copies of the corre
spondence to the Prince of Orange, together with a key to the
ciphers and every other iUustration which might be required.*
Thus the secrets of the King were always as well known to
Orange as to himself ; and the Prince being as prompt as
Philip was hesitating, the schemes could often be frustrated
before their execution had been commenced. The crime of
the unfortunate clerk, John de CastiUo, was discovered in the
autumn of the year 1581, and he was torn to pieces by four
horses.f Perhaps his treason to the monarch whose bread he
was eating, while he received a regular salary from the King's
most determined foe, deserved even this horrible punish
ment, but casuists must determine how much guilt attaches to
the Prince for his share in the transaction. This history is
not the eulogy of Orange, although, in discussing his cha
racter, it is difficult to avoid the monotony of panegyric.
Judged by a severe moral standard, it cannot be called virtuous
or honorable to suborn treachery or any other crime, even to
accomplish a lofty purpose ; yet the universal practice of man
kind in all ages" has tolerated the artifices of war, and no

* Bor, xvi. 288b. Hoofd, xviii 791.
f Meteren, Bor, ubi sup.

624 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584
people has ever engaged in a holier or more mortal contest
than did the Netherlands in their great struggle with Spain.
Orange possessed the rare quality of caution, a characteristic
by which he was distinguished from his youth. At fifteen he
was the confidential counsellor, as at twenty-one he became
the general-in-chief, to the most politic, as weU as the most
warlike potentate of his age, and if he at times indulged in
wiles which modern statesmanship, even while it practises,
condemns, he ever held in his hand the clue of an honorable
purpose to guide him through the tortuous labyrinth.
It is difficult to find any other characteristic deserving of
grave censure, but his enemies have adopted a simpler pro
cess. They have been able to find few flaws in his nature,
and therefore have denounced it in gross. It is not that his
character was here and there defective, but that the eternal jewel
was false. The patriotism was counterfeit ; the self-abnegation
and the generosity were counterfeit. He was governed only by
ambition — by a desire of personal advancement. They never
attempted to deny his talents, his industry, his vast sacrifices
of wealth and station ; but they ridiculed the idea that he could
have been inspired by any but unworthy motives.* God
* " A man born to the greatest fame," says Bentivogho, "if, content with
his fortunes, he had not sought amid precipices for a still greater one." While
paying homage to the extraordinary genius of the Prince, to his energy, elo
quence, perspicacity in all kinds of affairs, his absolute dominion over the
minds and hearts of men, and his consummate skill in improving his own
positions and taking advantage of the false moves of his adversary, the Cardinal
proceeds to accuse him of " ambition, fraud, audacity, and rapacity." The last
qualification seems sufficiently absurd to those who have even superficially
studied the life of Wilham the Silent. Of course, the successive changes of reli
gion by the Prince are ascribed to motives of interest — "Videsi variare di
Religione secondo che vario d'interessi. Da fanciuHo in Germania fu Luterano.
Passato in Fiandra mostrossi Cattolico. Al principio della rivolte si dichiara
fautore delle nuove sette ma non professore manifesto d'alcuna; sinche final-
mente gli parve di seguitar quella de' Calvinisti, come la piu contraria di tutte
alia Religione Cattolica sostenuta dal Re di Spagna." — (Guerra di Fiandra,
p. 2, 1. ii. 276.) The Cardinal does not add that the conversion of the Prince to
the Reformed rehgion was at the blackest hour of the Reformation. Cabrera is
cooler and coarser. According to him the Prince was a mere impostor. The
Emperor even had been often cautioned as to his favorite's arrogance, deceit and
ingratitude, and warned that the Prince was " a fox who would eat up all his

1584.] PATRIOTISM. 625
alone knows the heart of man. He alone can unweave the
tangled skein of human motives, and detect the hidden springs
of human action, but as far as can be judged by a careful
observation of undisputed facts, and by a diligent collation of
pubhc and private documents, it would seem that no man —
not even Washington — has ever been inspired by a purer
patriotism. At any rate, the charge of ambition and self-
seeking can only be answered by a reference to the whole
picture which these volumes have attempted to portray. Tha
words, the deeds of the man are there. As much as possible,
his inmost soul is revealed in his confidential letters, and he
who looks in a right spirit wfll hardly faU to find what he
desires. Whether originaUy of a timid temperament or not, he was
certainly possessed of perfect courage at last. In siege and
battle — in the deadly air of pestilential cities — in the long
exhaustion of mind and body which comes from unduly pro-
Majesty's chickens." While acknowledging that he " could talk well of public
affairs," and that he " entertained the ambassadors and nobihty with splendor and
magnificence," the historian proclaims him, however, " faithless and mendacious,
& flatterer and a cheat." — (Cabrera, v. 233.) We have seen that Tassis accused
the Prince of poisoning Count Bossu with oysters, and that Strada had a long
story of his attending the deathbed of that nobleman in order to sneer at the
viaticum. We have also seen the simple and heartfelt regret which the Prince
expressed in his private letters for Bossu's death and the sohd service which he
rendered to him in life. Of false accusations of this nature there was no end.
One of the most atrocious has been recently resuscitated. A certam Christophe de
Holstein accused the Prince in 1578 of having instigated him to murder Duke
Eric of Brunswick. The assassin undertook the job, but seems to have been de
terred by a mysterious bleeding at his nose from proceeding with the business.
As this respectable witness, by his own confession, had murdered his own brother,
for money, and two merchants besides, had moreover been concerned in the kill
ing or plundering of a " curate, a monk, and two hermits," and had been all his
life a professional highwayman and assassin, it seems hardly worth while to dis
cuss his statements. Probably a thousand such calumnies were circulated at
different times againBt the Prince. Yet the testimony of this wretched malefacto*
is gravely reproduced, at the expiration of near three centuries, as if it were aoT,
missible in any healthy court of historical justice. Truly says the adage: "calom.
niez toujours, il en restera quelque chose." — See Compte Rendu de la Com. Roy.
d'Hist, torn, xi., Bruxelles, 1846. Notice sur les aveux de Chr. de Holstein, etc.,
etc., par le Dr. Coremans, pp. 10-18.
vol. in. 40

626 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. [1584.
tracted labor and anxiety — amid the countless conspiracies of
assassins — he was daily exposed to death in every shape.
Within two years, five different attempts against his life had
been discovered. Rank and fortune were offered to any
malefactor who would compass the murder. He had aheady
been shot through the head, and almost mortaUy wounded.
Under such circumstances even a brave man might have
seen a pitfaU at every step, a dagger in every hand, and
poison in every cup. On the contrary, he was ever cheerful,
and hardly took more precaution than usual. "God in
his mercy," said he, with unaffected simplicity, " will main
tain my innocence and my honor during my life and in future
ages. As to my fortune and my life, I have dedicated both,
long since, to His service. He wUl do therewith what pleases
Him for His glory and my salvation."* Thus his suspicions
were not even excited by the ominous face of Gerard, when
he first presented himself at the dining-room door. The
Prince laughed off his wife's prophetic apprehension at
the sight of his murderer, and was as cheerful as usual to the
last. He possessed, too, that which to the heathen philosopher
seemed the greatest good — the sound mind in the sound body.
His physical frame was after death found so perfect that a
long life might have been in store for him, notwithstanding
aU which he had endured. The desperate illness of 1574, the
frightful gunshot wound inflicted by Jaureguy in 1582, had
left no traces. The physicians pronounced that his body
presented an aspect of perfect health.f His temperament was
cheerful. At table, the pleasures of which, in moderation,
were his only relaxation, he was always animated and merry,
and this jocoseness was partly natural, partly intentional. In
the darkest hours of his country's trial, he affected a serenity
which he was far from feehng, so that his apparent gaiety
at momentous epochs was even censured by duUards, who

* Apologie, p. 133. f Reydani, ih. 59.

1584.] conclusion. 627
could not comprehend its philosophy, nor applaud the flip
pancy of WiUiam the Silent.*
He went through life bearing the load of a people's sorrows
upon his shoulders with a smUing face. Their name was the
last word upon his lips, save the simple affirmative, with which
the soldier who had been batthng for the right all his lifetime,
commended his soul in dying " to his great captain, Christ."
The people were grateful and affectionate, for they trusted the
character of their " Father WiUiam," and not aU the clouds
which calumny could collect ever dimmed to their eyes the
radiance of that lofty mind to which they were accustomed, in
their darkest calamities, to look for hght. As long as he lived,
he was the guiding-star of a whole brave nation, and when he
died the Uttle chUdren cried in the streets.f

* " Imprimis inter cibos hilaris et velut omnium securus : qui re et tetricos
atque arrogantiores nonnullos offendit, qui simulatam saepe et coactam earn
laetitiam haud capiebant : cum illius aspectu cuncti refoverentur, illius ex vultu
spei quisque aut desperationsi caussam sumeret." — Ev. Reyd., ubi sup.
f Literal expression in the official report made by the Greffier Corneille Aert-
sens: "dont par toute la ville Ton est en si grand duil tellement que les petits
enfans en pleurent par les rues." — Relation faite a ceux du Magistrat de Brux
elles, 11 Juillet, 1584, MS., Bib. de Bourg., No. 17,386.

INDEX.

The Roman numerals refer to the volume ; the figures to the pages.

Accord, signed between Margaret of
Parma and confederated Netherland
nobles, 1566, i 575 ; of 29th of Octo
ber, 1576, between Sancho d'Avila
and Count Oberstein, iii 98.
Address, royal issued by Alva after the
fall of Harlem, ii. 461.
Adrian VI., Pope, denounces the crimes
of the Church, i 78.
Aerschot, Duke of) his birth and cha
racter, i. 100 ; quarrels with Eg
mont, and refuses to join league
against Granvelle, 377; appointed
Governor of the citadel of Antwerp,
after its evacuation by Spanish
troops, iii 180; selfishness of his
character and motives, 181; is dis
trusted by all parties, ib.; oath of
allegiance administered to him by
Escovedo, ib.; his falseness, both
to Don John and Prince of Orange,
iii. 220; informs Don John that
Prince of Orange is meditating a
forcible seizure of his person, 221 ;
gives Orange private information
concerning the government, and
sends him intercepted letters from
his enemies, 222 ; deserts Don
John, and makes up to Orange
again, after failure of the former's
plan against Antwerp citadel 257 ;
head of the cabal to bring Archduke
of Austria to Netherlands, 284; dis
content of people with his appoint
ment as Governor of Flanders, 285 ;
his entry into Ghent as Governor
of Flanders, ib. ; suspicions enter
tained of him by Reformed party
there, ib. ; capitulates to insurgents
of Ghent, 293 ; is taken prisoner by
them, ib.
Alava, Don Francis de, forged letter
from, to Margaret of Parma, ii 32 ;
report to Philip on state of Nether
lands and conduct of Alva, 346.

Aldegonde, St. Philip de Marnix,
lord of, said to be the author of
the compromise, i 492; his cha
racter and attainments, 494 ; ad
dress to congress of Dort in behalf
of Prince of Orange, ii 379 ; de-
spatched to Harlem by Prince of
Orange, to make a thorough change
in body of magistracy, 429 ; his life
saved by capture of Spanish Admiral
Bossu, 493; is released from prison,
and despatched on secret mission to
Orange and the estates, iii 3 ; re
port of estates in answer to his
propositions, 4; is sent as chief of
a mission to Queen Elizabeth of
England, to offer to her the sove
reignty of Holland and Zealand, 44;
leaves England without having effect
ed his purpose, 46; lays before es
tates meagre result of his mission, 47 ;
his despair at rehgious tolerance of
Prince of Orange, 206.
Alencon, Duke of| and Anjou, intrigues
of Catholic Netherland nobles with,
iii 337 ; his character and career,
339; relations with Prince of
Orange, 341; despatches envoys to
states-general of Netherlands and to
Orange, to offer assistance after
battle of Gemblours, 342; engage.
ments entered into between him
and states-general of Netherlands,
344; departure from Netherlands,
389; exchange of courtesy with
estates, 390; policy of electing him
for sovereign of Netherlands, 519 ;
limitations to be put to his power,
524; arrives in Netherlands in 1581,
at the head of five thousand troops,
525; departs for England, ib. ; spe
cial mission from estates proceeds to
England to make arrangements for
his formal installation as sovereign
of Netherlands, 527; returns to

630

INDEX.

Netherlands, accompanied by a
number of English gentlemen, 528;
is received at Flushing by Orange
and deputation from states-general,
ib. ; his personal appearance, 529
his character and capacities, 530
ceremony of his inauguration, 531
procession escorting him to Ant
werp, 533 ; festive reception within
the city, 534 ; prohibitions against
Cathohc worship raised, 535 ; consti
tution signed by him at Bordeaux,
536; is suspected of complicity in at
tempted assassination of Orange,
540; is formally accepted as Duke
of Gueldres and Lord of Friesland,
558 ; scheme to poison him and
Orange, ib. ; ceremonies of his re
ception at Ghent interrupted by an
attack on his troops by Parma, 559 ;
first whisperings of treason against
Orange and against the states, 560 ;
plot for seizing the most important
cities by surprise, and making him
self absolute master, 561 ; failure of
the plot at Bruges, 562 ; mendacious
asseverations used to allay suspicions
of his plot against Antwerp, 564;
attempt upon the city, 565 ; total
failure, 568 ; indignation of French
noblemen in his suite at his treach
ery, 569; causes of his defeat at Ant
werp, 571 ; effrontery evinced in
subsequent communications with
Orange and with magistracy of
Antwerp, 572 ; declares attempt
upon Antwerp to have been quite
unexpected by him, 575 ; efforts at
reconciliation, 576 ; intrigues with
agents of Parma, 579; provisional
accord signed between him and pro
vinces, 26th and 28th March, 585 :
leaves Netherlands never to return,
ib. ; enters into renewed negotiations
with states-general, 594; is taken ill
and dies, 595.
Aikmaar, city of; its situation, ii. 463 ;
is invested by Don Frederic de
Toledo, ib. ; heroic repulses of the
assault, 467 ; raising of the siege,
471.
Alva, Ferdinando Alvarez de Toledo,
Duke of; enmity to Ruy Gomez,
i 147 ; at first not beloved by
PhUip II., ib. ; eclipsed by Ruy
Gomez, ib.; believed to be hesita
ting and timid, ib. ; his conduct of
Itahan campaign, 163 ; signs treaty
/.of peace with Pope Paul IV., 165;

negotiates with King of France a
f, scheme for extirpation of Protest-
j antism, 238; advises Philip to dis-
'^semble, with Netherland nobles, 238 ;
his advice to Philip about Grenvelle's
dismissal, 405 ; accompanies Queen
of Spain to Bayonne to meet Cathe
rine de Medici, 476; instructed by
i Philip to promote in every way plan
for simultaneous destruction of here
tics in France and in Spanish domi
nions, 476 ; diplomatic talent re- .
vealed in the letters from Bayonne, \
" ib. ; proposes secret league against {
, Protestants, 477 ; despatched from
! "Madrid with a Spanish army to
crush the remaining hberties of
Netherlands, ii 82 ; his suitableness
for task assigned to him in Nether
lands, 103 ; his great mihtary at
tainments, ib.; his descent, educa
tion, and early career, 104; cause
of his hatred to Egmont^ 106; his
character and manners, 107 ; his
personal appearance, 109 ; exqui-j
siteness of the army with whichl
he proceeded to Netherlands, ib. ; J
commanders of this army, ib. •*
embarks at Carthagena on 10th
May, 110; order of march of his
army, ib. ; armies of observation
hovering on his flanks, 111 ; encamps
within Netherland territory without
having encountered any opposition,
ib. ; his contempt for Regent and
people, 112 ; begins to receive trem
bling welcomes from cities and au
thorities, ib. ; his first meeting with
Egmont, ib. ; his reception by Mar
garet of Parma, 114; circular letters
from the King and the Regent com
mand unconditional submission to
his orders, 116; distributes his troops
through the principal cities, and
demands the keys of them, 117 ; pur
pose for which he was despatched
to Netherlands, ib. ; treacherous pro
ceedings to entrap Horn, 121 ; informs
Philip of success of his plan, 127 ;
establishes Council of Troubles, 135 ;
"~~is assisted in the choice of members
\ by Viglius, 138 ; his zealous attend-
I ance in Council of Troubles or Blood-
X Council, 142 ; is appointed Governor-
General of Netherlands, 147 ; pro
positions made to him by French
court, 149; despatches an auxiliary
force to France, 150 ; his plan for
seizing the person of the Count de

INDEX.

631

Buren, son of the Prince of Orange,
,. 156; ferocious reply to magistracy
/ r of Antwerp when soliciting mercy
•>' -i for imprisoned citizens, 157 ; his
•> •>- reply to appeals in favour of Eg
mont and Horn, 165 ; first measure
taken against patriot army, 185 ;
his wrath at loss of battle of Holy
Lion, 196 ; atrocious measures against
nobles taken in consequence, 197 ;
his cruelly ambiguous answer to
Countess of Egmont, 199 ; increased
hatred of him in consequence of
execution of Egmont and Horn,
211; measures taken to avenge the
defeat of Aremberg, 213 ; routs
Nassau near Groningen, 2i7 ; de
feats him again at Jemmingen, 220 ;
destroys Nassau's armjujiear Sel-
„ ,, waert Abbey, 221 /returns ~tyj
<- <~ -Utrecht and beheads an old woman,
225; repairs to Brussels and re\
commences his persecutions against1;
citizens, 240 ; his plans of campaign*
against William of Orange, 253;
incidents of the campaign, 256 ; re
turns in triumph to Brussels after
discomfiture of William of Orange,
265 ; causes monument to be erected
,to himself, 266; quarrel with Queen
, /Ehzabeth of England, 277 ; severe
\ measures against Enghsh subjects,
, ,.• 279 ; continuation of atrocious re-
\ Vligious persecutions, ib. ; signal
rSarks of the Pope's approbation of
r his proceedings, 281 ; -new scheme
of taxation laid before provincial
,, estates of Brussels, 285; atrocious
means used for enforcing new system
•'"of taxation, 289; begs to be re
called from Netherlands, 293; pro
claims an amnesty, 296 ; renewed
contentions with estates at Nether
lands on the subject of taxes, 328 ;
symptoms of declining power, 330;
his opinion of scheme against Queen
of . England, 335 ; prudential and
artful remonstrances agamst Philip's
instructions, ii. 336; sends assassins
. 'to England to attempt the life of the
I Queen, 338; his successor in Ne
therlands appointed, 340; protesta
tions of love for Netherlands, 341 ;
interview with Alava at Brussels,
345 ; open revolt against his new
tax, 347 ; his rage at rapid and suc
cessful revolt of various provinces
and cities, 373; despatches his son
to lay siege to Mons, 374 ; consents

to abolish tax of tenth penny on
condition of a yearly supply from
estates, 376; congratulates Philip
on sack of Mechlin, ordered by him-
4> self, 410 ; blasphemous account of\
/ atrocious proceedings against Nar-
[__ den, 423 ; relations with Medina '
Coeli, 459; attempts to win back
the allegiance of other cities after
the fall of Harlem, 460; letters to
Philip on the subject of Alkmaar,
464 ; suspicions against King of
France, 472 ; his position in Nether
lands in 1573,fand relations with*'j
various individuals there, 493 ; sur
reptitious departure from Amster
dam, 495 ; final departure from
Netherlands, 496 ; number of per- i
sons executed in Netherlands during \
his government, 497 ; close of his»4*
career, ib. ; retrospective view of his
great mflitary talents, 498 ; his igno
rance and want of skill as a finan
cier, 500 , his character as an ad
ministrator of civil and judicial
affairs, 501 ; parting advice on leav- r
ing Netherlands, 503 ; his inconceiv- ;
able cruelty, ib. ; vindication of the"
view given of his character, 505 — in j
note. sawif
Amnesty, proclaimed at Antwerp in
1570, ii. 296; exceptions in, 298;
dissatisfaction with, 299 ; pubhshed
1574, 555 ; effect produced by it, 556.
Amsterdam, its critical position during
siege of Harlem, ii. 440; refuses to
acknowledge the authority of Prince
of Orange, hi. 323 ; various schemes
set on foot by estates of the pro
vinces to gain the city, ib. ; treaty
of " Satisfaction" at length established,
324; plot for placing city in the
hands of Don John by aid of Swedish
ships, 330 ; municipal revolution in,
331 ; incidents of popular movement,
332.
Anabaptists, their excesses, i. 75 ; per
secution of, 80.
Anastro, Gaspard d', » Spanish mer
chant of Antwerp, saved from bank
ruptcy by Philip II. on condition o."
assassinating Prince of Orange, iii.
543.
Antwerp, city of, its commercial great
ness, i 82; origin of its name
and escutcheon, ib. ; its great com
mercial houses, ib. ; its civic in
stitutions, ib. ; state of schools, 84 ;
gorgeous pageantries in honour of

632

INDEX.

Philip IL, 136; rejoicings at sup
posed birth of heir of Phihp and
Mary, 139; on occasion of truce of
Vaucelles, 154; rejoicings at con
clusion of peace of Cateau Cam-
bresis, 207 ; popular outbreak at,
on occasion of execution of Chris
topher Smith, 449; effects of re
publication of edicts and canons of
Trent on prosperity of city, 482;
enthusiastic reception of Wilham of
Orange in 1566, 540 ; tumult at, in
consequence of defeat of sectarian
force at Ostrawell, ii 63 ; submits
I to receive a garrison, 81 ; building
of citadel of, 150; description of
citadel, 151 ; magistracy of Ant
werp solicit mercy for imprisoned
citizens, 157 ; proclamation of am
nesty at, in 1570, 296 ; seized by
mutinous Spanish troops, 547 , en
gagements entered into by citizens
to rid themselves of mutineers, 549 ;
is again menaced by the Spanish
mutineers, iii 96 ; its flourishing
state in the midst of general deso
lation, ib.; measures of defence,
99; confused councils, 101; zeal of
citizens of all ranks in defence of
city, 102; first cannonade from the
citadel, 103 ; exertions of Cham-
pigny, ib. ; the morning before the
attack, 104 ; the attack, 107 ; inci
dents of the struggle, 108 ; destruc
tion of the city, 110 ; horrible mas
sacre, 111 ; atrocious acts committed
by Spanish soldiery to extort gold
from citizens, 112 ; dreadful spec
tacle presented by the city after the
massacre and pillage, 115; specu
lations of victors, 117; statistics of
the slain, 119; negotiations with
German troops after seizure of cita
del by De Bours, 249; flight of
mercenaries, 251 ; abortive attempt
made by Duke of Anjou to seize
the city, 565 ; incidents of straggle
between Burghers and followers of
Duke of Anjou, 567 ; defence of their
conduct published by the authorities
of the city, 576.
Antwerp, citadel of, plots and counter
plots for obtaining possession of, iii.
247 ; eventuaUy gained for estates,
249 ; razed to the ground on side
towards city, 264 ; popular fury
against statue of Alva, ib.
Apology of Prince of Orange in reply
to Ban of King of Spain, iii. 493.

Architecture of Netherlands, i. 551 ; de
struction of architectural monuments
by image-breakers, 552 ; cathedral of
Antwerp, 553.
Aremberg and Meghen despatched with
a Spanish force against Louis of
Nassau, ii. 187 ; meets Nassau near
the monastery of the Holy Lion,
190 ; is defeated, 198 ; his death,
194.
Aristocracy, character of, at commence
ment of Regency of Margaret of
Parma, i. 253 ; views entertained
by, with regard to the Church,
256.
Armenteros, Thomas de, despatched by
Regent to Spain, i. 385 ; his charac
ter, ib. ; his instructions, ib. ; his first
interview with Philip, 387 ; his cupid
ity and venality, 443 ; his confidential
intimacy with Regent, ib.
Army, rate of payment in Netherlands,
iii. 48.
Arras, intrigues at, to weaken the
aUegiance of Artois and other Wal
loon provinces to patriot cause, iii.
492 ; municipal revolution affected
by Gosson, 399; counter-revolution,
401.
Arsens, Pierre, president of Artois, me
morializes Alva in favour of Egmont,
ii 179.
Artois, estates of, their address to
Philip II. on his departure from Ne
therlands, i. 215.
Austria, Don John of, his romantic
entry into Netherlands, iii. 127 ; his
birth, 131 ; early education, 134;
theatrical disclosure of his imperial
descent, 135; enmity between him
and Don Carlos, 136 ; his campaigns
against the Moors and the Turks,
136; battle of Lepanto, 139; spread
of his fame, 141 ; disobedience to
PhUip, 142 ; his plans upon Mary
Stuart and the kingdoms of Eng
land and Scotland, 143 ; is appointed
Governor-General of the Nether
lands, ib. ; stops at Paris on his
way to Netherlands and becomes
enamoured of Queen of Navarre,
144 ; his personal beauty, 145 ; com
parison between him and William of
Orange, ib. ; instructions furnished
to him by PhUip, 146; false posi
tion in which he was placed in
Netherlands, 147 ; citizens of Na
mur forbidden to take oath of alle
giance to him untU he has complied

INDEX.

633

with preliminary demands of estates,
151; first interview with estates-
general at Luxemburg, 152 ; de
mands made by deputies, ib. ; reply
to them, 153 ; new discussions with
deputies from estates at Huy, 158;
freedom of tone used by deputies,
158; his reply to three questions
put by deputies, 159; declares his
intention not to maintain Treaty of
Ghent, 160; altercations with de
puties, ib. ; concessions offered by
him, 161 ; virtually accedes to
Pacification of Ghent, 162 ; desires
and endeavors to concUiate Prince
of Orange, 170 : his views as to
position held by Orange in estima
tion of Netherland people, 171 ;
repairs to Louvain, 175 ; his affabi
lity and popularity, 176 ; intercedes
with PhUip in favour of commanders
of Spanish troops withdrawn from
Netherlands, 180 ; his triumphal
entrance into Brussels, 183 ; his
hatred of Netherlands, 184; his
correspondence with and betrayal
by Antonio Perez, 185 ; letters to
Philip on his position in Nether
lands, 187 ; on relations with Eng
land, 188 ; letters to Perez on same
subjects, 191 ; further communica
tions to Phihp on the same subjects,
201 ; makes new advances to Orange,
205 ; issues edict commanding strict
enforcement of Canons of Trent,
218; his intrigues with German
troops in Netherlands, 220; con
stant fears of capture or assassina
tion, 221 ; flies from Brussels to
Mechlin, ib. ; is informed by Aer
schot that Prince of Orange is plan
ning a violent seizure of his person,
ib. ; repairs to Namur to greet the
Queen of Navarre, 226; chivalrous
reception given to Queen of Navarre,
228 ; treacherous seizure of Castle
of Namur, 230 ; plan for seizure
of citadel of Antwerp, 232; reite
rated complaints to estates of con
spiracies against his life, 244 ; de
mands that soldiers and citizens
throughout Brabant shall be dis
armed, 245 ; and that a list of per
sons qualified to sit in general
assembly shaU be submitted to him
for elimination, 246; requires that
estates shall cease to hold commu
nication with Prince of Orange if
je does not fulfil Treaty of Ghent,

246; requests to be provided with
a body-guard, ib. ; reply of estates
to these demands, ib. ; his secret
practices discovered, by interception
of his letters, ib. ; furious com
plaints of intrigues of Orange, 247 ;
result of his projects on Antwerp
Castle, ib. ; rage at failure of his
plan on Antwerp citadel, 252 ; ex
traordinary demands addressed by
him to estates in letter of 7th of
August, 1577, ib. ; letter to Em
press-dowager his sister, character
izing the Netherlands as » bad
people and the Prince of Orange as
a perverse and heretic tyrant, 225 ;
his courtiers begin to desert him,
257 ; letter to estates dated 13th
August, 1577, expressive of his ex
treme desire for peace, 257 ; reply
of estates to this letter intimating
that his intercepted letters proved
him unworthy of their confidence,
258 ; arrangement with Ayamonte
and Idiaquez for return of Spanish
troops to Flanders, 260; increasing
bluntness of tone assumed by estates
in their correspondence with him,
ib- ; categorical conditions of recon
ciliation stipulated by estates, 261
attempted justification of his own
conduct in reply to estates, 262;
requests a formal conference with
estates, accompanied by an exchange
of hostages, 263 ; new and harder
conditions imposed on him by estates
after arrival of Prince of Orange in
Brussels, 273; his extreme indig
nation at these proposals, 274;
leaves Namur for Luxemburg after
having despatched a final commu
nication to estates, 275 ; intrigues
with Duke of Guise, 280; de
clared by estates-general an enemy
of the country, 266; letter to Em
peror of Germany urging him to
adopt the cause of Spanish govern
ment in Netherlands, 308; threat
uttered in interview with English
envoy, Leyton, 310; coUects an
army at Luxemburg, 311; change
in his appearance, ib. ; issues a pro
clamation in French, German, and
Flemish, ib. ; mUitary advantages
possessed by him, 312 ; privileges
conferred on him by the Pope, 313 ;
towns taken by him after battle of
Gemblours, and atrocities committed,
321 ; preparations for new cam-

634

INDEX.

paign, 529 ; unsuccessful efforts to
rouse the King to a more decisive
policy, ib. ; issues manifesto dissolv
ing estates, general and provincial,
330 ; renewed attempts at concUia-
tion with estates, 345 ; convention
submitted to him by states-general,
347 ; is rejected by him as iniqui
tous, 348 ; forced to inactivity in
his fortified camp of Bouge, gives
himself up to despondency, 354 ;
melancholy letter to Andrew Doria,
355 ; idem to Pedro Mendoza, 356 ;
idem to Philip II., ib. ; feeling
death approaching, appoints Alex
ander Farnese to be his successor,
358; his death supposed to be occa
sioned by poison, ib. ; his funeral
rites, 359 ; mode in which his body
was transported through France to
Spain, 361 ; presentation of the
corpse to PhUip, ib. ; retrospective
view of his character and capacities,
362.
Austria, Maximilian of, marries Mary
of Burgundy, i 53 ; his crafty po
licy, ib. ; Governor of the Nether
lands during minority of his children,
54 ; is taken prisoner by the citizens
of Bruges, ib. ; is released by the
other estates, ib. ; swears to the
treaty with the Flemings, ib. ; suc
ceeds to the imperial throne, 55; in
trigues to be elected Pope, 74.
Austria, House of, accession of,
i 53; obtains absolute dominion
over Flanders and other provinces,
54.
Austria, Matthias, Archduke of, in
vited to Brussels by Cathohc nobles,
iii . 276; escapes secretly from
Vienna and repairs to Netherlands,
279 ; opposition of Queen of Eng
land to his nomination, 280 ; is
received at Antwerp by Orange, 281 ;
is accepted as Governor-General of
Netherlands, 301; limitation of his
power as such, ib. ; articles forming
basis on which he was accepted,
302 ; ceremony of his inauguration,
304; summons meeting of estates
at Antwerp to remonstrate against
negotiations with Anjou, 489; de
parts from Netherlands, 517 ; insig
nificance of part played by him there,
518.
Auto-da-fe on return of PhUip II. to
Spain, i. 221 ; description of ceremo
nials observed at, 324.

Avila, Don Sancho d', successful ope
rations against Louis of Nassau at
Maestricht, ii. 533; defeats Louis
in battle of Mook, 535 ; opens com
munication with mutineers while
holding the citadel of Antwerp, iii
80 ; recognized as chief of the mutiny,
97 ; gains over the leaders of the
German forces in the city of Ant
werp, 98.
Bakerzeel, confidential secretary of Eg
mont, his character and influence
over his master, i. 470; his influ
ence over Egmont, and excessive
cruelty, ii. 13; arrested the same
day as his master, 125 ; is subjected
to the torture to extract his secrets,
131 ; is executed by order of Alva,
240.
Ballads, popular, Ulustrative of Flemish
people's view of Alva's proceedings,
ii. 506 — in note.
Ban, against the Prince of Orange, issued
by King of Spain, iii. 492.
Bandes d'ordonnance, standing army of
Netherlands, i 210.
Bardez, William, a warm partizan of
Prince of Orange, effects a muni
cipal revolution in Amsterdam, iii
331.
Bartholomew, the massacre of, ii. 384;
rejoicings caused by, in Spanish camp
before Mons, u. 393.
Batavia, island of, i 2.
Batavians, characteristics of, i 5 ; esteem
in which they were held by Rome,
5 ; form an alhance with Rome, 13 ;
help Germanicus to crush the hberties
of their German kindred, 13 ; extinc
tion of name, 19.
Batenburg, is despatched, at the head of
a considerable but irregular force, to
relieve Harlem, u. 448; his plans
discovered by Spaniards, ib. ; is
slain, and his troops utterly routed,
449.
Bavaria, Duke William of, established
as Lord of Hainault, i 40; is
succeeded by his brother Albert,
i. 40.
Beauvoir, Philip de Lannoy, Seigneur
de, attacks and disperses Tholouse's
force at OstraweU, ii. 62.
Bede, or Request made to the estates in
1556, i 156.
Beggars, the WUd, origin of the bro
therhood, i 160 ; cruelties perpe
trated by them, ib. ; of the Sea, laws

INDEX.

635

given to them by Prince of Orange,
325 ; of the Sea, assembled by Boisot,
for the relief of Leyden, 563.
Bergh, Count Van den, brother-in-law
of Orange, abandons his trust and flies
the country, ii. 418; serious conse
quences to patriot cause, ib. ; delivers
up the important town of Zutfen to
Parma, iii. 589 ; is arrested and im
prisoned, ib. ; he and aU his sons take
service under PhUip, ib.
Berghen, Marquis ofj his detestation
of system of persecution, i. 343 ;
refuses to sign letter of nobles to
Philip, complaining of Granvelle,
879; his sickness and death at
Madrid, ii. 132; confiscation of his
property, 135.
Berlaymont, Baron, his character, i
100; member of State-Council ap
pointed by PhUip, ii. 231 ; various
opinions of his character, 231 ; at
tempts to conciliate both parties
and discredits himself with both,
379 ; accepts the office of member of
the Blood Council, ii. 140.
Berty, Secretary, sent by Regent on a
special mission to Antwerp, to gain
WUham of Orange, ii. 85 ; prevaUs
upon the Prince to hold an interview
with other seigniors at Willebrock, 86.
BUly, Seigneur de, despatched to
Spain by Margaret of Parma, to
represent the inexpediency of send
ing Alva to Netherlands, ii. 83 ;
warns Egmont of the coming danger,
119; and lulls Horn into false se
curity, 121.
Bishops, number of, increased, i. 266;
Bull of Paul IV., authorizing erection
of new bishoprics, ib. ; dissatisfaction
created by this measure, 271.
Blaise Bouzet, a cobbler of Mons, hanged
for eating meat soup on a, Friday,
ii 404.
Bias, Bertrand le, a velvet manufacturer
of Tournay, takes the consecrated
wafer from the hands of a priest in
cathedral, and tramples it under foot,
i. 334; frightful punishment invented
for him, 335.
Blomberg, Barbara, mother of Don
John of Austria, iii. 131 ; her shrew
ish character the torment of Alva's
life, 132.
Boards of Council, their constitution,
i 209 ; number of, 209.
Bodavero, testimony to Ruy Gomez, de
votion to Philip II., i 149.

Boisot, Admiral, assembles a fleet for
the rehef of Leyden, u. 563 ; gradual
advance with force towards Leyden,
565 ; captures Zoeterwoude, 573 ; de
spairs of passing fortress of Lammen,
574; is relieved by flight of Span
iards, 575; enters Leyden, 576 ; abor
tive attempt to relieve Zierickzee,
iii. 67 ; death of, 68.
Boisot, Charles van, slain by his own
soldiers at Duiveland, iii. 38.
Bossu, Count, appointed commander-
in-chief of patriot army, iii. 335;
worsts the royalists near Rine-
mants, 335; avoids a general en
gagement with enemy, ib. ; suspi
cions against him, ib.; his death
calumniously attributed to poison
administered by Prince of Orange,
iii. 391.
Bourbon, Charlotte of, her early his
tory, iu. 21; marries WUliam of
Orange, 26.
Bours, De, carries Antwerp citadel for the
estates, iii 248 ; is induced by Peter
Lupus to become a traitor to Orange
and the patriot cause, 462 ; surrenders
the city, 463.
Bordeaux, treaty of, signed by Duke of
Anjou, on accepting sovereignty of
Netherlands, iii. 536.
Brabant, ancient constitution of, called
the "Joyeuse Entree," i 270; com
promise in, between abbeys and bish
ops, 320 ; four principal cities of; en
ter solemn protestation against edicts,
as violations of the Joyeuse Entree,
483; declared free of the Inquisi
tion, 484.
Bray, Guido de, a reformed preacher of
Valenciennes, ii. 79 ; his answer to
the Countess of Roeulx, ib. ; his firm
ness under the gibbet, 80.
Breda, negotiations for peace opened at,
iii 13; closing of conferences, 17.
Brederode, his personal appearance
and character, i 100; his efforts to
make Granvelle ridiculous, 355 ; his
devotion to Egmont, and insulting
conduct to Archbishop of Cambray,
458; selected to present Request to
Regent, 510; his genealogical claims
to sovereignty of Netherlands, 511 ;
his habits and character, ib. ; one of
the first to sign Compromise, 494;
his famous banquet to confederates,
519; accused of eating a capon on
Good Friday, 525 ; his eccentricities
during the autumn and winter of

636

INDEX.

1566, ii. 51; presents new Petition
or Request to Regent, 57; enrols
troops against government, and
contemplates an attempt against
Walcheren, 59 ; proposes to march
to the relief of Valenciennes, 61;
his ridiculous conduct at Amster
dam, 92; arrests La Torre, sent
thither by Regent to obtain from
magistracy his forcible ejection from
the city, 93; makes his submission
to Margaret of Parma, ib. ; dies in
Germany, 94; fate of his foUowers,
ib.
BriU, attack and capture of fortress of;
by Beggars of the Sea, ii. 354; vain
attempt at recapture by Spaniards,
356; population takes oath of alle
giance to Prince of Orange as stadt
holder, 357.
Brueuil, commandant of St. Quentin,
applies for reinforcements to resist
attack of Spanish army, i 175.
Bruges, inhabitants of, present remon
strances to Regent, against proceed
ings of Peter Titelmann, the inquisi
tor, i 450 ; successful resistance of
citizens of, to scheme of Anjou to
seize the city, iii. 562 ; city of; sur
rendered by Prince of Chimay to
Spanish government, 594; Accord
signed at, aUowing Protestants to
leave the country, ib.
Bruges, John of, disciple of Hubert van
Eyck, i. 46.
Brussels, character of the city, i 96 ;
meeting of states-general of Brussels
at, on occasion of abdication of
Charles V., 97; preparations for ex
ecution of Egmont and Horn, ii 203;
forced rejoicings on occasion of
Alva's triumphant return after first
campaign against Orange, 267 ; revolt
against Spaniards, iii. 78; now Act
of Union signed 10th Dec. 1577,
guaranteeing rights of Catholics
and Protestants, 297 ; third and last
confederation of all the Nether
lands, 299 ; ceremony of the inaugu
ration of Archduke Matthias, as Gov
ernor-General of Netherlands, 304;
rage of people against nobles after
battle of Gemblours, 322 ; complete
defence of, 322.
Buren, Count de, son of WUliam of
Orange, kidnapped by Alva, and
sent to Spain, ii. 155; change in his
character under Spanish influence,
157.

Burgher class, power of, in Netherlands,
i. 42.
Burgundy, Margaret of, marries WiUiam
of Hainault, i. 40.
Burgundy, Mary of, succeeds her fathel',
Charles the Bold, 49 ; people of Neth
erlands rise against her to recover
their liberties, 50 ; Louis XI. seizes
her Burgundian inheritance, 50;
grants the "Groot PrivUegie" and
other charters, 50; intrigues with
Louis XL, 52 ; marries Maximilian of
Austria, 53 ; is succeeded by her son
PhUip, 53.
Burgundy, PhUip of, surnamed The
Good, succeeds to the lordships of
HoUand, Zealand, and Hainault,
i 41 ; his other possessions, ib. ; mar
ries IsabeUa of Portugal, ib. ; insti
tutes orders of golden Fleece, ib. ; cur
tails the liberties of the Netherlands,
43 ; his death, ib. ; his numerous
grants of charters of monopoly, 46;
his character and administration — his
encouragement of art and literature,
ib.
Burgundian Library, founded at Brus
sels by Phihp the Good, i. 46.
Cabrera, biographer of PhUip IL, his
eulogium of autos-da-fe, i. 326; main
tains that Don Carlos died a natural
death, ii. 232.
Calais taken by Duke de Guise, i 190.
Calberg, Thomas, tapestry weaver of
Tournay, burnt alive for having copied
some hymns, i. 333.
Cambray, Archbishop of; insulted by
nobles, at banquet given in honour
of Egmont, i 458; his character,
462.
Camiciata, or mock assault on Rome in
1557, i 165.
Caraffa, Cardinal, endeavours to excite
France against Spain, i 159; goes to
Paris as legate of the Pope, i. 161 ;
his duplicity, ib.
Carlos, Don, son of Philip II., absur
dity of his pretended love for his
step-mother, ii. 226; Phihp's secret
letters to the Pope concerning him,
227 ; suppositions and accounts re
lating to bis death, ib. ; his charac
ter, 233 ; instances of his excessive
ferocity and malignity, 235; his hatred
of his father, and indignation at Alva's
nomination to government of Nether
lands, 237.
Casimir, Prince-palatine of Pfalz, joins

INDEX.

637

Netherland patriots with twelve
thousand men, iu. 336; his charac
ter and motives, ib. ; is held in con
tempt by Orange, ib. ; motives of
Queen Elizabeth for entrusting him
with command of her levies, ib. ;
foments insurrection at Ghent, 375 ;
his mercenaries pilage the southern
provinces, 376; difficulties of his posi
tion, 385; repeated rebukes of Queen
of England, 386; is relieved by
Prince of Orange, and rewards him
with ingratitude, 387 ; leaves Nether
lands, ib. ; repairs to England, ib. ;
is invested with the Order of the
Garter, 388 ; his German troops ex
peUed from Netherlands by Duke of
Parma, ib.
Castello, John de, punishment of, for be
traying correspondence of PhUip II.
with Prince of Orange, iii. 623.
Cateau Cambresis, treaty ofj i 203.
Celtic and German races, characteristic
distinctions of, i 6; difference of
politics, 7 ; of social arts, 8 ; of re
ligion, 9 ; of social characteristics,
10.
CerbeUoni, Gabriel de, one of the archi
tects of the famous citadel of Ant
werp, ii 150.
Cercamp, congress of, i 202.
Champagny, his conduct as governor
of city of Antwerp, during struggle
against Spanish mutineers, iii. 100 ;
makes his escape from Antwerp,
109; as leader of Catholic party,
presents a petition to magistracy of
Brussels against the draft of a reh
gious peace, drawn up by Prince of
Orange, 352; consequent riots and
arrest of nobles, 353 ; is carried to
Ghent, ib.
Charles V., his birth, i. 56; issues
the document called the Kalf Vel,
or calf skin, 61 ; resolves to queU
insurrection in Flanders, 63 ; en-
, trance into Ghent, ib. ; pronounces
sentence on the city, 64; promul
gates new form of municipal govern
ment, ib. ; his cruel treatment of
the citizens, 65 ; his hypocritical be
nignity, ib. ; his proceedings against
the Reformation, 77 ; his sanguinary
persecution of heretics in the Ne
therlands, 80; ceremonies on occa
sion of his abdication, 97 ; his per
sonal appearance, 102 ; his address
to the states on abdication, 107 ;
bis oppression of Netherlands, 113 ;

introduces Inquisition into Nether
lands, 114; his mock piety, 116;
his accomplishments, 117 ; his popu
larity in Netherlands, 117 ; his per
sonal qualities, 118 ; and personal
habits, 123; difficulties relative to
his abdication, 124; his reverses,
127; causes which led to his abdi
cation, 129 ; his retirement at Juste,
131 ; his endeavours to secure the
succession in Netherlands to his sis
ters, in case of default of direct male
issue, 136 ; his obsequies at Brussels,
205.
Charles of Burgundy, surnamed The
Bold, his character and career, i 47 ;
extortions practised by him in Ne
therlands, 48 ; he removes the su
preme court of Holland from the
Hague to Mechlin, ib. ; invests it
with supreme jurisdiction over the
charters of the provinces, 49 ; pro
claims aU its authority derived from
his will, ib. ; centralizes government
of Netherlands, ib. ; establishes a
standing army, ib. ; dies, 1477, ib.
Charles, Archduke of Austria, de
spatched to Madrid by Maximilian
II. on a special mission concerning
state of Netherlands and proceedings
of WUham of Orange, ii. 269 ; public
and private letter of King of Spain,
273 ; is authorized by Maximilian to
offer to Phihp the hand of the Arch
duchess Anne, 274.
Charles IX., of France, alarm at the
crossing of the French Frontier by
Prince of Orange and his army, ii.
261 ; letter to Louis of Nassau ex
pressive of his determination to as
sist Netherlands, 387 ; gives the sig
nal for the St. Bartholomew massacre,
389 ; duplicity of his dealings with
Alva and Orange, 392; change of
tone on perceiving the effects of the
St. Bartholomew on the various courts
of Europe, 476 ; distress at desertion
of his cause by King of Spain, 478 ;
designs upon the crown of Poland,
480.
Charters, earliest in Netherlands, i
34 ; ancient, of Netherland provinces,
270.
Chimay, Prince of, eldest son of Duke
of Aerschot, is elected Governor of
Flanders, iii. 590: immediately
opens negociations with Parma for
delivering up the province to PhUip,
ib.

638

INDEX.

Church, depravity of Roman Catholic, i
75.
Cities, growth of, i 32; earliest char
ters, 34 ; acquire right to send depu
ties to estates of the provinces, 37 ;
aUowed to choose their chief magis
trates, ib. ; number of, 91.
Claudius CivUis, a Batavian noble, ef
fects a general confederation of the
Netherland tribes, i. 14 ; is unsuccess
ful, and is deserted by his countrymen,
15; enters into negotiations with the
Romans, 16 ; meets Cerialis on the
bridge across the Nabalia, 16.
Clergy, power of, i. 69 ; decline of power,
70; their opposition to canons of
Trent, 471.
CocquevUle, de, commanding, a division
under Louis of Nassau, is defeated at
St. Valery, ii. 184.
Coligny, Admiral appointed Governor
of Picardy, receives orders to make a
foray on frontiers of Flanders, i 117;
shrinks from breaking truce signed
by himself, 167 ; is foUed in attack
on Douay, 168 ; attacks and sacks
Lens, ib. ; throws himself into St.
Quentin, 176 ; is taken prisoner at St.
Quentin, 185 ; is converted to Calvin
ism during Flemish captivity, 189 ;
makes peace with the French court,
ii. 322 ; memoir on invasion of Nether
lands, drawn up by design of Charles
IX., 323.
Cologne, conferences at, for settlement
of disputes between King of Spain
and Netherland provinces, Ui. 452 ;
failure of conferences after seven
months of useless negotiation, 459 ;
ultimatum of patriot party, ib. ; ex
penses incurred by envoys to confer
ences, 460.
Commerce carried on with England and
the Baltic, i. 36; with Mediterranean,
37.
Commission of Troubles estabhshed at
Mons after capitulation, ii. 403 ; cruel
and unjust proceedings of, 404; in
famous sentiments of commissioners,
406.
Compromise, foundation of league thus
caUed, i 494 ; contents of the docu
ment signed, 497 ; character of
nobles who joined in league, 501 ;
growing audacity and turbulence of
confederates, ib. ; they propose to
present a Request to Regent, 506 ;
entrance of confederates into Brus
sels, 511; procession of confederates

to dehver Request, 512; confederates
present a second address promising
to maintain the ancient rehgion, 517;
assembly of members at St. Trond,
545.
Conjuring books consulted by Augustus
of Saxony, ii. 538 — in note.
Constitution, new, of HoUand and Zea
land, iii. 551.
Consul ta, its constitution, i 210; ita
members, ib.
Convention between England and Spain
with regard to the Netherland diffi
culty, pubhshed 1573, ii 473.
Cornaille, Pierre, locksmith and Calvin
ist preacher, places himself at the
head of 3000 combatants to march to
the aid of Valenciennes, ii. 48 ; is de
feated at Lannoy, ib.
Cosse, Governor of Picardy, beats army
of Netherland patriots at St. Valery,
n. 184.
Coster, Lorenz, introduces the use of
moveable types, i 45.
Council of Philip IL, how constituted,
i 147.
CouncU, royal, of Spain, how constituted,
u. 2.
Council of State, assumes the reins of
government at death of Requesens,
iii. 53 ; names of members, ib. ; con
firmed in government by King, 66 ;
members held captive in Brussels, 73 ;
faUs into contempt on account of in-
ability to put down mutiny, 74; is
formaUy arrested, 91 ; members again
liberated, 92.
Council of Troubles, or Blood-Council,
established by Alva, ii. 135 ; its con
stitution and functions, 136; its
first session, 141; mode of procedure,
143 ; number of victims sacrificed,
144; senseless pretexts for prosecu
tions, 145 ; abolition of the institu
tion, in. 2.
CouncU, general executive, for United
Provinces, established 1581, iii 501;
constitution of council, ib.
Court, organization of Flemish, during
reign of PhUip IL, i 146.
Culemburg is cited before the Blood,
CouncU, ii. 153.
Douay, City of, betrayed hy an old gam
bler, saved by an old woman, i 167,
168.
Dathenus, Peter, a converted monk
and reformed preacher, i 633 ; his
character, ib.

INDEX.

639

Delft, diet assembled at, unanimously
resolves to throw off allegiance to
King of Spain and seeks foreign as
sistance, iii. 42 ; the estates of Hol
land and Zealand assemoled at, con
clude a new act of union, 57 ; articles
of Union of, 58 ; character of league
concluded at, 59 ; assembly of united
provinces at, in 1581, establish a gen
eral executive council, 501 ; descrip
tion of city and the house of Prince of
Orange, 597.
Ilendermonde, meeting of nobles at, ii
32.
Diaz, Francisco, a Spanish soldier, cap
tures Admiral Coligny at storming of
St. Quentin, i 185.
Diemen, Vrouw van, a woman of eighty
years, beheaded for having given a
night's lodging to a heretic preacher,
n. 225.
Dirkzoon, Arent, and three other ec
clesiastics put to death for heresy, ii.
281.
Dort, congress of, resolves to support
Orange with blood and money, ii.
380; invests the Prince virtually with
dictatorial power, 381.
Duiveland and Schouwen, expedition
to, iii. 35 ; heroism of Spaniards, 37 ;
conquest of the islands effected, 38;
important results of expedition, 46.
Dunkirk taken by assault, i 193.
Edict of 1550, its leading provisions,
i 261 ; of 24th of May, 1567, against
Protestants, excites the wrath of
PhUip on account of its clemency,
ii 97 ; against Spanish mutineers,
iu. 73 ; dissensions caused by it,
75 ; Perpetual signed at Marche
en Famine and at Brussels, Ui. 164 ;
provisions of this document, ib. ;
is confirmed by Philip, ib. ; dis
pleases Orange, 166 ; tendencies of
treaty, 167 ; published in HoUand,
suspending exercise of Romish wor
ship, iii. 503 ; cause of these mea
sures, ib.
Education, flourishing condition of, i.
86.
Egmond, Nicholas of, a Carmelite monk,
appointed coadjutor of Inquisitor-gen
eral, i. 328.
Egmont, Anne of, the greatest heiress
in Netherlands, married to WUham
of Orange, i. 240.
Egmont, Countess of, her desolate
state after her husband's arrest, ii.

163; endeavours to save her hus
band, ib. ; her misery and poverty
after her husband's death, 212.
Egmont, PhUip, Count of, accompanies
Marquis of Havre" to Antwerp, iii
99 ; is taken prisoner by the Spa
niards, 120; attempts to seize Brus
sels to deliver it over to the Spa
niards, 429 ; his complete discomfiture,
430 ; is aUowed to depart unscathed,
431 ; mendacious attempts to clear
himself of blame, ib. ; base endea
vours to obtain favour of Spanish go
vernment, 432. i
Egmont, Lamoral, the younger, impli
cated in Salseda's scheme to poison
Orange and Anjou, 558 ; escapes pun
ishment on account of his relationship
to'Queen of France, 559.
Egmont, Lamoral, Count ofj his per
sonal appearance, i. 100 ; his bril
liant victories in Picardy determine
the issue of the Italian campaign,
164; his character, descent, and
early history, 170; persuades Duko
of Savoy to dehver battle to Montmo
rency before St. Quentin, 179 ; con
duct and battle of St. Quentin, 180;
assumes the field against De Thermes,
194; conduct at battle of Grave
lines, 196; becomes the idol of the
people, 1 98 ; gains the enmity of
Duke of Alva, ib.; one of hostages
for execution of treaty of Cateau
Cambresis, 203; his enmity to
Cardinal GranveUe, 283 ; and Orange
complain to the King of Cardinal
GranveUe, 288 ; joins Orange and
Horn in a letter to Philip, showing
danger of leaving unlimited power
in hands of GranveUe, 375; quarrel
with Aerschot, 377; and Arem
berg, 378; his recklessness and in
discretion, ib. ; declines Philip's
invitation to come to Spain, 383;
adoption of foolscap liveries in order
to humiliate GranveUe, 402; Gran-
veUe's estimate of his character,
433; his partiality for the edicts,
434; his fear of the Inquisition,
ib. ; change in his feelings towards
GranveUe, 434; growing favour at
Regent's court, 442; cultivates tho
good graces of lower classes, ib. ;
accepts a mission to Spain, 455;
outrageous conduct of nobles to
Archbishop of Cambray on occasion
of Egmont's passing through that
city on his way to Spain, 458 ; db-

640

INDEX.

tinction with which he is treated in
Spain, 463; returns from Spain to
Netherlands expressing himself per
fectly content, 466 ; gives an ac
count to councU of his interview
with the King, and a statement of
the royal intentions, 467; his high
commendations of PhUip and warm
expressions of loyalty, 468; his in
dignation at Philip's duplicity, 469;
influence of Bakerzeel over him,
470; returns to his government of
Flanders and acts as an unscrupu
lous partizan of government, ii. 12 ;
views expressed at meeting at Den-
dermonde, 35; offers to throw him
self into Walcheren to oppose rebels,
60 ; proceeds with Aerschot to Va
lenciennes, on mission from Regent,
74 ; suggests point of assault on Va
lenciennes, 76; his zeal in carrying
out the wishes of Philip and Mar
garet, 77; declares, in interview with
Orange at WUlebrock, his intention
on no account whatsoever to take up
arms against King of Spain, 87 ;
proceeds to Tirlemont to receive and
compliment Alva, 112 ; his infa
tuation as regards the danger that
threatened himseU; 119 ; his inti
macy with Alva's son, 120; his
arrest, 124; commencement of
mock process against him, 160;
judgment pronounced against him,
162 ; endeavours made to save him,
163; charges against him, 174; his
reply to these, 175; is sentenced to
death by Alva, 198; is informed of
his doom by Bishop of Vpres, 200 ;
his last night, 201; his letter to
the King, 202 ; his execution, 204 ;
sympathy of the people, 208 — in
note; his head sent to Madrid, ib. ;
retrospective view of his character,
209.
Electors of Germany — their appeal to
Emperor in favour of Netherlands, ii.
268.
Elizabeth of England — quarrel with
Duke of Alva, ii. 278 ; plot against
her entered into, by Phihp, ii. 333 ;
accused of having hired an assassin
to attempt the life of Prince John
of Nassau, ii. 554 — see note; co
quetting policy with regard to Ne
therlands, iii. 43; sovereignty over
Zealand and HoUand offered to, 45;
first answer to commissioners from
these states, 46 ; empty promises

and paltry concessions, 47 ; attitude
assumed towards Netherlands after
death of Requesens, 63 ; makes ad
vances to Prince of Orange, 277 ; in
dignation at intrigues of nobles with
Archduke of Austria, 277 ; her min
ister informs Netherland envoy that
she wUl withdraw aU succour from
provinces if Orange be deprived of his
leadership, 280 ; reply of Meetkerke,
280 ; consents to a treaty of alliance
and subsidy with Netherlands, 300 ;
conditions of treaty, ib. ; threatens to
withdraw herself from the cause of
Netherland patriots and even to take
up arms against them on account of
their friendly relations with Alencon,
343.
"Encamisada," of nocturnal attack made
by Don Frederick of Toledo and Julian
Romero on Prince of Orange's army
at Hermigny, ii. 397.
Ende, van, his treachery in attack of
Spanish mutineers upon Antwerp, iii
103.
Entes, Barthold, one of the Beggars
of the Sea, character and career,
iii. 483 ; his death before Groningen,
483.
Erasmus of Rotterdam, his testimony to
the power and importance of Ghent,
i. 69 ; his moderation, i 72 ; upholds
Luther, 75 ; is attacked by the clergy,
76.
Escorial, palace of the, erected in com
memoration of battle of St. Quentin,
i 183.
Escovedo, secretary to Don John of
Austria, entrusted with arrange
ments for departure of Spanish
troops from Netherlands, in. 177;
difficulties of his task, 178; com
munications to PhUip on subject of
departure of the troops, 179 ; letters
to Antonio Perez on state of affairs
in Netherlands, ni 189; suggests
the recal of Don John and the ap
pointment of a woman as governor,
190 ; expresses to Perez his willing
ness to enter into scheme for assassi
nation of Prince of Orange, 198;
suggests to PhUip the benefit to be
derived from pitting the Reformed
and Catholic parties against each
other, 200; departs for Madrid, and
takes charge of a remonstranco from
estates of Brabant to the King, as to
the evil consequences of the course
pursued by his Majesty's governor in

INDEX.

641

Netherlands, 233 ; plots against him,
at Madrid, 234; his death deter
mined on, 236; various attempts at
and ultimate success of murder,
237; rewards given to assassins,
238.
Eslesmes, Francois de Glarges, Seig
neur d', an innocent Catholic gentle
man, condemned to death by Blood-
Council at Mons, and his property
confiscated to enrich Noircarmes,
ii. 405.
Espinoy, Mary de Montmorency, Prin
cess of, undertakes defence of Tour
nay, in absence of her husband,
iii 525.
Estates of HoUand, assembled at Dort
to take formal measures for re
nouncing the authority of Alva, ii.
37 ; and Zealand offer sovereignty
over provinces to a French prince,
iii. 65.
Estates-General, their power, i 85 ;
their constituent elements, 89; re
monstrance agamst foreign troops,
i. 216; clamour of people and nobles
for convocation of, ii. 208; address
letters to PhUip of 24th August and
8th September, 1577, on state of
Netherlands, iii. 265 ; formally de
clare Don John of Austria to have
forfeited his offices and to be an
enemy of the country, 296; declare
themselves wUling to accept Arch
duke Matthias as Governor-General,
302 ; in their own name, and that
of Archduke Matthias, demand of
Philip, the recal of Don John, and
the maintenance of the Pacification
of Ghent, 327 ; summoned in return
to obey the King's commands, ib. ;
affirm their resolution never more
to submit to Spanish tyranny, or re
turn to the principles of Charles V.
and of Alva, 328 ; efforts to avert
the approaching dismemberment of
country, 409 ; deputations sent to
Walloon provinces to endeavor to
reconcfle contending parties, 421 ;
solemn appeal addressed to seceding
provinces, 423 ; invited by Parma to
accept terms offered to WaUoons, and
to restore system of Charles V., 424 ;
bitter reply, ib.
Estates of United Provinces formally
offer the general government to
Prince of Orange, iii. 586.
EstonteviUe, succeeds to Thermes,
i 194.
vol. ni. 41

Eyck, Van, John and Hubert, attracted
to Bruges by generosity of PhUip
the Good, i 46.
Faveau and MaUart, Protestant mi
nisters, condemned to death for
reading Bible, i 344; attempt of
the people to rescue them, 346 ;
their escape, ib.; recaptured and
burnt, 346.
Flanders, refuses to recognize Maxi
milian as governor, i. 54 ; is subdued
and obliged to make humble sub
mission, 55; the four estates of; pre
sent solemn address to King against
monstrous proceedings of Peter Titel-
mann, 451; nominally pacified by
cruel exertions of Egmont, ii. 14;
outbreak of anti-Catholic revolution
in, iii. 292.
Fleece, order of Golden, instituted by
Philip of Burgundy, i. 41 ; assembly
of knights of the, convoked by the
Regent in 1562, i 359 ; subsequent
meeting at Prince of Orange's, 360 ;
meeting dissolved, 364; chevaliers
of the, declare to the Regent that it
is below the dignity of any of their
order to take a long and troublesome
journey in order to accuse Granvelle.
i. 383 ; golden statutes ofj appealed
to with a view to saving Counts
Egmont and Horn, ii 165; set
aside by Phihp, 166; legal mode of
proceeding against knights of, 167 —
in note.
Fleet, Portuguese, captured hy insur
gent patriots, ii. 375.
Flushing, the town of, rises in rebeUion
after capture of BriU, and ejects Spa
nish government, ii. 359.
Frisians, territory inhabited by, i. 6;
eventuaUy subdued by the Franks,
20 ; accept Christianity, 21 ; their
ancient laws, 27.
Friesland, East, its political constitu
tion, i 38; the people of, elect the
Duke of Saxony podesta, 56; is sold
by him to the house of Austria, i ib. ;
separation of West and East, i 38 ;
political constitution of East Fries
land, 38.
Fuente, Ponce de la, his bones burnt at
Sevffle, i 223.
Fury, the Spanish, iii 116.
Gemblours, battle of, iii. 314; defeat
of patriots, 317 ; cruelty of victors
towards captives, 318; names of

642

INDEX.

commanders in victorious Spanish
army, 319.
Genhs, is despatched to France for
reinforcements after capture of
Mons, ii. 382; returns with a
Huguenot force, which is routed by
the Spaniards, 383 ; is taken cap
tive and subsequently put to death,
384.
Gerard, Balthazar, murderer of Prince
of Orange, receives the protection of
Orange under the name of Guion,
iii 598; personal appearance, pa
rentage, and education, 599; long-
nourished determination to murder
i Prince of Orange, 600 ; lays his
project before Parma, 602 ; is con
sidered unfit for the task, 603 ; draws
up a written statement of his plan,
by desire of AssonleviUe, 604; his
motives for the murder, 605 ; is at
length approved fit by Parma, ib. ; pro
ceeds to put his plan into execution,
606 ; the deed done, 609 ; is seized
and put to the torture, 610 ; horrible
sentence passed upon him, 612; the
reward of his crime paid by PhUip to
his heirs, 613.
Germany, state of rehgious parties in
1576, iii. 65.
Ghent, convention of, i 50 ; its Wealth
and power, 59 ; its constitution, 60 ;
insurrection of, under Charles V.,
61 ; its privUeges and immunities
annuUed, 64; humUiation of citi
zens of, i. 65 ; convocation of pro
vinces, 211 ; congress of, in 1576,
ui 88 ; treaty of union with Wil
ham of Orange and estates of Hol
land and Zealand, 125 ; stormy
meetings of estates at, after arrival
of Duke of Aerschot in capacity of
Governor of Flanders, 286; party
dissensions at, 288 ; commencement
of revolution, 292 ; nobles and com
munity of, publish vindication of
revolution, 293; effect of revolu
tion throughout Netherlands, 294;
pageantries on occasion of visit of
Prince of Orange after the insur
rection, 295; dissensions between
malcontents and burghers, 378 ;
act of accord between contending
parties mediated by Prince of
Orange, 381 ; remonstrances ad
dressed to magistracy by Queen of
England, ib. ; by envoys from states-
general at Brussels, 382; fresh
riots, 383 ; continued anarchical

state of, 446 ; government of; opens
negotiations with Parma, 591;
efforts of other states to dissuade
them from proposed step, ib. ; nego
tiations brought to a sudden close,
593 ; citadel of, held by Spanish
mutineers and besieged by patriots,
iii. 93 ; razed to the ground,
265.
Goard, St., French ambassador at Ma
drid, urges PhUip II. to command the
immediate execution of Genlis and
other Huguenot prisoners in Nether
lands, li 391 ; statement of reasons
of Maximilian II. for mediating be
tween Netherlands and King of Spain,
ni 11.
Godelaevus, testimony to emotion of
Flemish people, on abdication of
Charles V., i. 110.
Gomez, Ruy, his hatred to Alva, 147;
early history, 148 ; influence over
PhUip, ib. ; character and acquire
ments, 149; endeavours to prevent
the mission of Alva to Netherlands,
ii. 102 ; continued jealousy and hatred
between him and Alva, ib. ; perfidious
conduct to Marquis Berghen in his
last moments, 133.
Gonzaga, Ferdinand, advises PhUip II.
to march on Paris after battle of St.
Quentin, i. 184.
Gosson, leader of the burgess faction
in Arras, iii. 399; effects a muni
cipal revolution in city, ib. ; counter
revolution and retaliation, 401;
condemned to death and executed,
402.
Grandfort, Dr., called "the Light of
the World," i 72; denounces eccle
siastical errors, ib. ; disputes the in-
faUibUity of the Pope and various
popish doctrines, ib.
Grange, Peregrine de la, Protestant
preacher at Valenciennes, urges
citizens to refuse to admit a mer
cenary garrison, ii 45; hanged
after surrender of city, 79; his last
words, 80.
GranveUe, the elder, his influence with
Charles V., i 122.
Granvelle, Anthony Perrenot, Bishop
of Arras, afterwards Cardmal, pro
nounces address to Flemish peo
ple for PhUip II., on abdication of
Charles V., i 109; advises the re-
enactment of edict of 1550, 155 ;
disapproves of war with France and
the Pope, 163; negotiations with

INDEX.

643

Cardinal of Lorraine, at Peronne,
191 ; appointed chief of the Con-
sulta, 247 ; his parentage and
education, ib. ; acquires the favour
and confidence of Charles V., 248;
his mental and moral characteristics,
ib. ; his pohtical principles, 249;
his contempt for the people, 251 ;
his extraordinary industry, ib. ; his
riches and covetousness, ib. ; is ap
pointed Archbishop of Mechlin,
272; his growing unpopularity, ib. ;
indemnifies himself for pecuniary
loss accruing to him by acceptance
of Archbishopric of MechUn, 273;
his zeal in ferreting out heretics,
288 ; Margaret of Parma obtains for
him the cardinal's hat, ib. ; his
growing assumption, and unfriendly
relations with Egmont, 282 ; his
early intimacy with Orange, 284;
breach with Orange, 286; preju
dices Philip against Count Horn,
289 ; suggests to the King his
answers to remonstrances of Ne
therland nobles, 291 ; his intrigues
relative to the marriage of Prince of
Orange with Princess of Lorraine,
296; his entry into city of Mechhn,
as archbishop, 319; his baneful
influence on PhUip, 342 ; his zeal
in carrying out PhiUp's views
regarding Inquisition, 343; increas
ing hatred of the people to him,
347 ; lampoons directed against him,
349; hostUity of nobles towards
him, 351 ; unfounded accusations
of cowardice, 355; his country
house of La Fontaine, 256 ; shunned
by great nobles, surrounds himself
with their inferiors, 367 ; his reports
to PhUip on proceedings in Nether
lands, regarding introduction of In
quisition, and accusations and innu
endoes against nobles, 363; sug
gests to PhUip how to proceed to
wards Netherland nobles, and in
interviews with Montigny, 369;
lays a schemo with King and Re
gent to sow dissensions among no
bles, 370 ; acquires knowledge of
joint letter of Orange, Egmont, and
Horn, and instructs Philip how to
reply, 377 ; his acknowledgment of
his own unpopularity, 381 ; continued
reports regarding, and artful insinu
ations against nobles, 389 ; recom
mends Philip to come to Nether
lands to aUay the rising storm, 398 ;

contemptuous expressions against
the people, 400 ; approaching crisis
in his fate, ib. ; determination of
nobles to insult and humiliate him,
401 ; is recaUed by Philip, 408 ; de
parture from Brussels, 409 ; carries
out the deception regarding his re
tirement, as planned by Philip, 411;
his adherents deceived by his and
the King's duplicity, 412 ; his life in
retirement, 414; turned into ridi
cule by nobles at masquerade in
Count Mansfeld's house, 420 ; aban
dons all idea of returning to Nether
lands, and repairs to Rome, 421 ; is
employed by Philip to negotiate
treaty between Spain, Rome, and
Venice, ib. ; is made Viceroy of
Naples, and returns to Madrid in
1575, ib. ; dies there, 1586, ib. ; re
trospect of his character and con
duct, 422 ; policy devised by him
and Spinosa, for entire subjugation
of Netherlands, ii. 82 ; his dupli
city as regards capture of Nether
land nobles, 129; regret at escape
of WiUiam of Orange, 130; cruel
insinuations against Egmont, 131 ;
exultation at discomfiture of Prince
of Orange in first campaign against
Alva, 264.
Gravelines, battle of; i. 195.
Gresham, Sir Thomas, his anticipation
of coming storm in Netherlands,
ii. 17 ; testimony to excessive fury
of citizens of Antwerp during tu
mult subsequent to defeat of Ostra-
weU, 71.
Griet-mann, chief ruler of an East
Friesland district, i. 38.
Groningen, city of, delivered up to
Prince of Parma by Count Renne
berg, iii. 479; beleagured by pa
triot forces, ib. ; siege of, 482 ; death
of Entes, 483 ; siege raised by defeat
of Hohenlo on Hardenberg Heath,
485.
"Groot Privilegie," the Magna Charta
of HoUand, granted by Mary of Bur
gundy, i. 50.
" Gueux," origin of the appellation as a
party name, i 515 ; vindication of this
origin in opposition to Gachard, 516
— in note ; adoption of the name and
of the symbols, 520; adoption of
costume, 523; ultimate fate of the
confederates, ii. 94.
Guilds, institution of; i. 34 ; mihtary
86 ; hterary, 87.

644

INDEX.

Guines, reduction of; i. 190.
Guise, Duke of, is defeated by Alva in
Italian campaign, i. 163 ; is recaUed
from Italy to take command on Flem
ish frontiers, imperilled by Egmont,
164; is reproved by pope, 165; as
sembles a new army, 189; takes
Calais by assault, 190 ; renews hos
tilities by attack on ThionviUe, 192 ;
neglects to follow up his successes in
Flanders, 193; assembles a new army
at Pierrepont, 201.
Hammes, Nicholas de, his zeal in pro
motion of the compromise league,
i. 497 ; his imprudent impetuosity,
497.
Harangue, the, document issued by
WUliam of Orange, and addressed to
princes of Germany, ii. 343.
Haring, John, heroic conduct in battle
of the Diemerdyk, ii. 441 ; loses his
life in naval engagement in the Zuyder
Zee, 492.
Harlem, Lake of, situation of; ii. 429 ;
battles on, 445.
Harlem, city of; is threatened by Spanish
army, ii. 427 ; skirmish upon the ice,
427 ; a portion of the magistracy
enter into secret negotiation with
Alva, 428 ; situation of the city
and natural features of environs,
429; character of fortifications, 430;
investment of the city, 431 ; char
acter of the struggle, and incidents
of the siege, 432 ; first assault, 434 ;
continuation of siege and horrors
attending it, 435 ; second assault,
437 ; the Spanish general deter
mines to reduce the city by famine,
438 ; rescuing force under Sonoy de
feated, 441 ; cruelty and heroism of
citizens, 442 ; miseries of famine,
446; desperate projects of the be
sieged, 450; the city surrenders at
discretion, 452 ; subsequent plunder
and butchery, 454.
Hasselaer, Kenau, a lady of Harlem,
who distinguished herself during the
siege as the leader of a female corps,
ii. 432.
Havre, Marquis of, despatched by
PhUip to Netherlands, to try and
conciliate the people, ni. 75; is de
spatched to Antwerp with reinforce
ments, 99 ; incompetency of himself
and young nobles who accompany
him, 99.
Henry II. of France enters into secret

treaty with Pope Paul IV. to drivo
the Spaniards out of Italy, i. 153 ; re
solves upon war with Spain, 160 -,
joins the army of Pierrepoint,. 201 ;
his death, 204; arrangement with
King of Spain for destruction of
Huguenots, 205 ; revelation to Wil
ham of Orange of plot for extirpation
of Protestantism, 238.
Heretics, persecution of, i 80 ; increas-
ing persecution of, 346; police regu
lations excluding them from all
share in usual conveniences of so
ciety, 453.
Herlin, Michael, a citizen of Valencien
nes, beheaded, together with his son,
by Noircarmes, after surrender of city,
ii. 79.
Herpt, the Seigneur de, a partizan of
Orange, excites the citizens of Flush.
ing to revolt, 358.
Hessels, member of the Blood-Council,
his cruelty, n. 141 ; letter from, to
Count de Reux, which precipitates
revolution in Flanders, 288; and
Vischer put to death by Ryhove,
ih. 379.
Heuterus, Pontus, testimony to emotion
of Flemish people on abdication of
Charles V., i. 110.
Hohenlo, Count Philip of, leader of
patriot army at siege of Groningen,
iU. 484; his discreditable character
and manners, 484 ; marches to Coer-
werden to meet royalist troops, and is
defeated by them at Hardenberg
Heath, 485.
HoUand, its geographical separation
from Friesland, i 38 ; Counts of, 39 ;
joined to the provmce of Hainault,
40.
HoUand, Jaqueline, Countess of, her ro
mantic history, i 40 ; importance of
its fisheries, i 43.
Holland, union with Zealand, iii. 19;
articles of union, ib. ; ratification of
these, 20.
HoUand and Zealand relinquishes the
"Great PrivUege," i 55;- moral and
physical conditions of provinces at
the period of Requesen's death, iii
56; change in political constitution,
57; supreme authority in, conferred on
Prince of Orange, 59; character of
league cencluded, ib. ; estates of,
offer sovereignty to Orange, 490;
new constitution drawn up on occa
sion of conferring sovereign rule on
Prince of Orange, 550 ; estates of,

INDEX.

645

make a formal remonstrance against
arrangements with the Duke of
Anjou, 686.
Hoogstraaten, his disgraceful conduct to
Archbishop of Cambray, i 458 ; con
duct at Antwerp during winter of
1566, ii 58; is cited before the Blood-
Council 153 ; charges against him,
153 ; publishes a reply to act of con
demnation, 181; death of; 258.
"Hooks," first rise of party of this
name, i 40.
Hopper, Joachim, takes Viglius's place
in council i. 457 ; his previous career
and mental characteristics, ib. ; his
incompetency, iii. 64.
Horn, Count of, his personal appear
ance and character, i. 100 ; joins
Orange and Egmont in remonstrances
against power of GranveUe, 375 ; pri
vate letter to PhUip concerning Gran-
veUe's conduct of affairs in Nether
lands, 385 ; evidence of his having
been a Protestant, 432 — in note;
his proceedings at Tournay subse
quent to image-breaking excesses, U.
18; is recalled from Tournay by
Regent, 23 ; grants permission to Re
formed congregations to preach in
Clothiers' Hall, at Tournay, 23; goes
to Brussels, 24 ; his state of mind and
position after recal from Tournay, 36 ;
comes to Brussels by persuasion of
Alva, 122; is arrested, 125; his pa
pers are seized, 126; commencement
of mock process against, 160; sen
tence pronounced against him, 162 ;
endeavours made to save him, 163 ;
charges against him, 167 ; answer to
charges, 176 ; is condemned to death
by Alva, 197; preparations for his
and Egmont's execution, 203 ; his
death, 207 ; his head sent to Madrid,
208 ; retrospective view of his char
acter, 210.
Ilugonet enters into treasonable negoti
ation with Louis XI., and is beheaded,
i 52.
Huguenots: new outburst of dissen
sions between this party and the
Guise faction in France, ii. 148.
Hulst, Francis Van der, appointed in
quisitor-general for the Netherlands,
i. 328 ; his character, 329 ; degraded
from position, ib.
Hungary, Mary, Queen of, regent of
Netherlands, resigns her office, i. 109 ;
her character, 150 ; her detestation
of Netherlands, ib.

Huy, deliberations at, between Don
John of Austria and deputies from
estates, ni 158; three questions
put by deputies, 158; altercations
between deputies and governor,
160.
Image-breaking: commencement of
riots at Antwerp, i 557; excesses
committed, 564; simultaneous out
break of riots throughout aU pro
vinces, 565; incidents of riots at
Tournay, 566; at Anchin, 669; at
Valenciennes, ib. ; deprecated by all
ministers of Reformed religion, 670 ;
remarkable abstinence of rioters from
robbery and personal violence, 571;
pretext furnished by riots for subse
quent oppression, 572.
Imbize, leader of a party in Ghent,
iii 286; gives first impulse to out
break of revolution in Ghent, 291;
imprisons the magistrates, and esta
blishes new form of government, 449 ;
his scheme defeated by Orange, 450 ;
seeks refuge with John Casimir, 451 ;
intrigues at Ghent, with a view to
enabling Chimay to surrender Flan
ders to PhUip, 591 ; his ultimate fate,
593.
Imbrecourt betrays his country, and is
beheaded, i. 52.
Independence, declaration of; signed at
the Hague, 26th July, 1581, iu. 504;
events immediately preceding this
act, 506.
Indulgences, sale of; in Netherlands,
i 71.
Inquisition: its introduction into Ne
therlands by Charles V., i. 114;
number of victims to, in HoUand
and Friesland, 115; the real cause
of the revolt of the Netherlands,
321 ; the three varieties of the insti
tution, 322; Spanish Inquisition de
scribed, ib. ; introduction of Inquisi
tion into the Netherland provinces,
327 ; distinction between Spanish
and Netherland, 339 ; council of
doctors and theologians to settle
matters concerning, i 471 ; growing
wrath of people against, 474; new
mode of punishment adopted for
^heretics, 475; frenzy of people at
renewed proclamation of, 482 ; aboli
tion of, insisted upon by Nether
landers, n. 2 ; preposterous death-
warrant issued against inhabitants of
Netherlands by, 158.

646

INDEX.

Inquisitors, papal, in Netherlands, i.
329 ; their powers and functions, ib. ;
complain to King and Regent of in
disposition of civil functionaries to
assist them in their duties, and of
other difficulties' encountered in pro
secution of their office, 474.
Institutions in Netherlands, their last
form, i. 81.
Inundation in Netherlands in 1570, ii.
314.
IsabeUa of France married to PhUip II.,
i 223.
Italy, campaign in, 1556, i. 162.
Jemmingen, defeat of, ii. 219.
Jonghe, Junius de, representative of
Prince of Orange, reply to proposals
of Governor Requesens, iu. 4.
Jaureguy, Juan, attempts the life of
Prince of Orange at Antwerp, iii.
538 ; is killed on the spot, 539 ; sus
picion of complicity against Anjou
and the French, 540 ; resolute con
duct of Maurice of Nassau, ib. ; ex
amination of papers found on assassin,
542 ; curious indications of fanaticism
and superstition in murderer, ib. ; re
sult of examination laid before Anjou
by St. Aldegonde, 543 ; the crime
proved to be a commercial specula
tion, ib.
Junius, Francis, a French Huguenot, in
vited to Brussels to preach a sermon
in house of Count Culemburg, i. 492 ;
his previous career, ib.
" Kabeljaws," first rise of party of the
name, i. 40.
Kalf Vel issued by Charles V., i. 61 ;
destruction of the document, 62.
Knuttel, William, used by Prince of
Orange to gain assent of Landgrave
of Hesse to his marriage with the
Princess Anna, i. 306.
Koop, van Fandern, tradition of the,
i. 62.
Kopell, Walter, burned for heresy, i.
333 ; singular devotion of an idiot to
him, 334.
Kopperzoon, Manning, subjected to
atrocious tortures by Governor Sonoy,
iii. 30.
Koppelstok, Peter, ferryman on the
Meuse, assists the Beggars of the Sea
in the capture of Brill, ii. 352.
Lalain, Count, Governor of Hainault,
won over by Queen of Navarre,

promises to hold his government at
service of Duke of Alengon, iii. 227.
La Loo, Horn's secretary, is executed
by order of Alva, ii. 240.
La Torre despatched by Regent to Am
sterdam to obtain forcible ejectment
of Brederode, ii. 93.
Laurens, President of the Grand
Council of Mechlin, his character,
i 328.
Lens, town of, sacked by Coligny, i 168.
Leoninus, Dr. Elbertus, and Hugo
Bonte, commissioned by Requesens
to treat with Prince of Orange, iii.
5; his early career, 7 — in note; de
spatched on mission from Don John
of Austria to Prince Orange, . 170 ;
instructions given to him, ib. ; reply
of Orange to his proposals, 172.
Letters of Prince of Orange to principal
cities of Netherlands, requesting funds
for the support of his army, u. 377 ;
effects of these letters, ib.
Leyden, preparations for raising the
siege of, ii. 529 ; commencement of
second siege, 551; description of
city, 552; preliminaries of siege,
553; endeavours of the "Glippers"
to persuade their countrymen to sub
mit, 557 ; reply of citizens of Leyden,
ib. ; Orange's plan for rescuing the
city, 558; called upon to surrender
by Valdez, 559; joy of citizens on
receipt of intelligence that the sluices
had been opened, 560; desponding
appeal to estates, 561; patriots take
possession of the Landseheidung,
564; gradual advance of the reliev
ing flotilla through the dykes, 565;
pest and famine within the city,
569; heroic conduct of Adrian van
der Werff, 570 ; the providential
tempest, 572 ; progress of the flotilla,
673; the last night, 575; the city
saved, ib. ; flight of the Spaniards,
ib. ; thanksgiving after the danger,
577; rewards for suffering, 579;
charter of university, 680 ; solemni
ties of inauguration, ib.
Lion, battle of the Holy, or Heiliger
Lee, ii. 190.
Lorente : his testimony as to mode of
death of Don Carlos, ii. 232.
Lodroiio, Sancho de, and Sancho de
Avila, defeat patriot army at Dalem,
ii. 185.
Longehave, one of the members of the
Commission of, Troubles at Mons, in
tercedes for people, ii 406.

INDEX.

647

Lorraine, Cardinal of, negotiations with
Bishop of Arras for peace between
France and Spain, i. 151.
Lorraine, Christina of, seeks to become
Regent of Netherlands, i 207.
Louvain, university of; i. 85 ; character
of its teaching, ib. ; merry-making at,
on occasion of presence of Don John
of Austria, hi. 176.
Lupus, Peter, a Carmehte friar of Mech
lin, forms the design of restoring
the city to the Prince of Parma,
iii. 462.
Luxemburg, negotiations between Don
John of Austria and deputies from
estates at, iu. 152.
Maas, Jacob, pronounces an harangue
in name of states-general on abdica
tion of Charles V.
Maas, Engelbert, Chancellor of Bra
bant, openly charged by WiUiam of
Orange with knavery and corruption,
i 455.
Maestricht, citizens of, wrest the town
from the hands of Spanish troops,
in. 95 ; shameful expedient used by
Spanish soldiery in attempt to regain
the place, ib. ; city recovered by
Spaniards, 96 ; importance of the
city as key to the German gate of
Netherlands, 419 ; is invested by
Prince of Parma, ib. ; narrative of
siege, 433 ; the assault repulsed, 437 ;
the successful storm and the massa
cre, 443.
Mansfeld, Charles de, signs the Com
promise, i. 494 ; sent out of the coun
try by his father before the arrival of
Alva, ii. 129.
Mansfeld, Peter Ernest de, betrays and
is sneered at by Netherland nobles,
ii 27 ; entrusted with supreme mUita
ry command after death of Requesens,
iii. 53 ; interview with mutineers
at HerenthaUs, 72 ; arrives in Nether
lands with an army of well trained
troops, 311.
Manufactures, influence on rise of small
republics, i. 36.
Marck, Robert de la, his animosity to
GranveUe, and efforts to make him
ridiculous, i. 355.
Marck, WUliam de la, chief of the
Beggars of the Sea, ii. 350 ; is
driven out of the English ports with
his foUowers by order of the Queen,
351; saUs for HoUand, ib. ; sum
mons the fortress of BriU to sur

render, 353 ; attacks and takes the
town, 354; requires citizens to take
oath of allegiance to Prince oJ
Orange, 357 ; is despatched by
Orange from Leyden with a force for
the relief of Harlem, but is defeated
on the road, 433 ; is deprived of his
eommission, 435 ; enormities practised
by him laid at the door of Prince
of Orange, 475 ; murder of Cornelius
Musius, ib. ; dies of the bite of a mad
dog, ib.
Mary Tudor, her devotion to Philip IL,
i. 137 ; personal appearance, ib. ; cha
racter and accomplishments, 138 ; her
death, 202.
Mason, Sir John, testimony to emotion
of the people at the ceremony of the
abdication of Charles V., i. 110.
Mau-brulez, journee des, i 346.
Maurice, Duke of Saxony, intercedes
with Philip for release of Landgrave
of Hesse, i 135.
Maximilian II., Emperor of Germany,
intercessions in favour of Nether
land nobles, ii. 267 ; despatches the
Archduke Charles to Madrid on a
special mission concerning state of
Netherlands and proceedings of
William of Orange, 269 ; public and
private answers of King of Spain,
271 ; change in his views caused by
widowhood of Philip II., 274; again
issues his injunctions against mili
tary operations of Orange, 385
reply of Orange to these, 386
new attempts at mediation between
Netherlands and King of Spain,
iii 10.
Mechlin, city of, abandoned by Alva to
the licence of the Spanish soldiers,
ii. 407 ; delivered up to Parma by
treason of De Bours, iii. 463; re
captured for estates by Van der
Tympel, ib.
Medici, Cosmo de, reaps the benefits
of war between France and Spain,
1 166.
Medici, Catharine de, interview with
Queen of Spain at Bayonne, i. 475 ;
proposals made by her, 477 ; refuses
to enter into secret league against
Protestants, ib. ; letter to Prince of
Orange after attempt of Anjou to
make himself absolute master in
United Provinces, Ui. 577 ; letter to
Anjou recommending him to re-es
tablish Catholic religion in Nether
lands, 678.

648

INDEX.

Medina Cceli, Duke of, appointed
Governor-General of Netherlands,
ii 340; arrives in Netherlands,
n. 375; bickerings with Alva,
459; departure from Netherlands,
460.
Meghen denounces conspiracy of here
tics and sectaries to Regent, i 508 ;
convenes grand assembly of notables,
510.
Mey, Peter van der, a carpenter of Alk-
maar, undertakes a dangerous mission
for the besieged, ii. 467.
Middelburg, siege of, ii. 521; capitula
tion of, 528; restoration of ancient
constitution by Prince of Orange,
529.
Mirambeau, ambassador from France
to Netherlands, endeavours to
' effect a, reconciliation between the
provinces and Duke of Anjou,
iii. 580.
Mondragon, a Spanish colonel, heads a
most adventurous expedition foi the
relief of the town of Tergoes, ii. 415 ;
is besieged by patriots in Middelburg,
521 ; is forced to abandon Zierickzee,
iii. 127.
Mondoucet, French envoy in the Ne
therlands, by order of his King
urges Alva to put to death all
French prisoners taken before Mons,
U. 395.
Monluc, his opinion of treaty of Cateau
Cambresis, i. 203.
Mons, capture of; by Louis of Nassau,
ii. 369 ; is besieged by Don Frederick
of Toledo, 382 ; capitulation of, 401 ;
brutal violation of articles of capitula
tion, 403 ; estabhshment of a commis
sion of Troubles, ib.
Montigny, despatched as envoy to
Spain, i. 362 ; his imprudent reve
lation to PhUip of his opinion of
GranveUe, 373 ; returns to Nether
lands, ib. ; reports to state-council
result of his mission, ib. ; violent
scene in council occasioned by this
report, 374 ; refuses to sign letter
to PhUip concerning undue power
of GranveUe, 379 ; evidence of his
having been a Protestant, 432 — in
note; Berghen and Mansfeld refuses
to enforce edicts within their gov
ernments, 482 ; his nuptials with
the Princess d'Espinoy, 485; and
Berghen proceed on mission to
Madrid, 529 ; represents to Philip
state of Netherlands and determina

tion of people not to be trampled on,
ii. 2 ; three great points of his instruc
tions, ib. ; is cited before Blood-
Council, 153 ; is imprisoned at Se
govia, 302 ; stratagem by means of
which he learns the fate of his bro
ther and Egmont, ib. ; unsuccessful
plan for his escape from prison, ib. ;
his case brought before the Blood-
Council in Netherlands, 303 ; inter
cession of his wife in his behalf,
304 ; sentence of death pronounced
against him by Alva, 305 ; his secret
execution determined upon, 306;
elaborate and extraordinary prepara
tions for this, 307 ; his last hours,
310 ; witnesses of his death forbidden
to reveal the secret on pain of death,
312; elaborate measures taken to
conceal his having died a violent
death, ib.
Montmorency, Constable of France,
takes command of French army at
Pierrepoint, i. 174 ; forms a project
for relieving St. Quentin, 177 ; is
wounded at battle of St. Quentin
and taken prisoner, 181 ; dispute
about his capture after battle of St.
Quentin, 182 ; decline of his influence
after battle, 183 ; empowered to open
secret negotiations for peace, 201 ;
death of; ii. 149.
Mook, battle of, ii. 535 ; defeat and death
of Louis of Nassau, 537.
MoriUon, a favourite of Granvelle,
caUed double A B C, i 351; his
rage at Schwendi's letter to Regent,
399.
Motte, Siegneur de la, Governor of
Gravelines, sells himself and his
troops to Spaniards, iii. 393.
Muler, Geleyn de, schoolmaster of Oude-
narde, executed for crime of reading
the Bible, i. 333.
Musins, Cornelius, pastor of Saint Aga
tha, put to death by De la Marck,
under circumstances of great atrocity,
ii. 475.
Mutiny of Spanish troops after sur
render of Zierickzee, iu. 69 ; muti
neers proceed from Zealand to Bra
bant, devouring as thoy go, 71 ;
demonstration upon Mechlin, 72;
alarm created at Brussels, 73 ; muti
neers declared outlaws by Spanish
government, ib. ; joined by German
regiments, 78, by Sancho d' Avila.
80 ; mutineers in possession of all Ihe
principal fortresses, ib. ; embraces

INDEX.

649

whole Spanish army, and is headed
by Sancho d'AvUa, 97.
Naarden, a small town of Holland re
fuses to abandon the cause of tho
Prince of Orange, ii. 419; is invested
by Don Frederic de Toledo, 420
surrenders, ib. ; the citizens mas^
sacred and town set on fire, 421
atrocities committed by Spanish
soldiery, 422.
Namur, city of, description of, iii. 224;
festivities on occasion of presence of
Queen of Navarre, 229.
Namur, citadel of, taken by stratagem
by Don John of Austria, iii. 230.
Nassau, history of famUy of, i. 233.
Nassau, Henry of, governor and confi
dential friend of Charles V., by his in
fluence places the imperial crown on
Charles's head, i 234.
Nassau, William of, surnamed The Rich,
father of the great Prince of Orange,
i 235.
Nassau, Chalons Rene de, leaves his
titles and estates to his cousin ger-
man, WiUiam of Nassau, who thus
succeeds to the title of Prince of
Orange, i. 235,
Nassau, Louis of, one of the first to
sign the Compromise, i. 494; his
character and personal appearance,
496 ; and his twelve apostles de
spatched to Brussels to lay propo
sals of confederates before Regent,
548 ; appealed to for intercession in
favour of Reformers persecuted by
Egmont, ii. 14; is cited before the
Blood-Council, 153; looked to as
chief of Huguenots of France, in
case of Coligny's faU, 182 ; com
mences to levy troops and money,
183 ; makes an unsuccessful attempt
to capture Alva and Brussels, ib.;
his plan of campaign, 184; enters
Friesland, 186 ; summons Gronin
gen to join him, ib. ; takes up a
position near Monastery of Holy
Lion, 185; defeats Aremberg, 193;
entrenches himself before Gronin
gen, 196; his position after battle
of Holy Lion, 214; his army is
routed near Groningen, 217 ; is de
feated again at Jemmingen, 220 ;
total destruction of his army near
Selwaert Abbey, 221 ; takes refuge
in Germany, 224; joins army of
Huguenots in France, 321 ; his
conduct at battle of Montcon-

tour, 322 ; his endeavours to gain
friends for Netherlands, 323; cap
tures Mons, the capital of Hainault,
369 ; his address to citizens of
Mons, 371; condition of, within
the walls of Mons, 400 ; pays his
respects to victorious generals after
capitulation, 401 ; incidents attend
ing departure from the city, 402 ;
agreement between him and repre
sentative of France with reference
to Netherlands, 483 ; promises to use
his influence to procure crown of
Poland for Duke of Anjou, ib. ; frank
and fearless letter to King of France,
484 ; promises of support received
from France, 530 ; assembles a small
army in Germany, 531 ; crosses the
Rhine in February, 1574, and en
camps within four miles of Jfaestricht,
ib. ; disasters encountered there, 533 ;
is obliged to abandon his position, ib. ;
mutiny in the army, 534; battle of
Mook, 535 ; death of Louis and his
brother Henry, 537.
Nassau, Adolphus of, brother of Wil
liam of Orange, is kUled by Arem
berg in battle of the Holy Lion, ii
194.
Nassau, Count John of; is appointed
governor of Gelderland, iii. 350;
wearied out by petty annoyances,
determines to leave Netherlands,
468 ; exceeding poverty of his
household, 487 ; excuses for his re
tirement, ib. ; his second marriage,
488.
Nassau, Maurice of, son of Prince of
Orange, his resolute conduct after at
tempted assassination of his father,
iii. 540.
Nervii, heroic resistance offered by this
people to Cfesar, i. 12
Netherlands, the earliest history of, i. 1 ;
physical geography of; 2 ; primitive
natural features, original inhabit
ants, 4 ; state of population subse
quent to the migrations of the na
tions, 19 ; become a, province of
the empire of Charlemagne, 22;
pass into the German empire, 23 ;
aspect of country at commencement
of regency of Margaret of Parma,
253; causes preparatory of revolt,
257 ; receive the ideas of the Refor
mation from France, 259 ; ancient
charters, 270 ; their industry taxed
to enable France to attack the
Huguenots, 359 ; anarchy and con-

650

INDEX.

fusion after departure of Granvelle,
440; pubhc corruption, ib.; spread
of Reformed religion, and growing
enthusiasm of. its followers, 532;
state of country after departure of
William of Orange for Germany,
ii. 95 ; dismay at arrival of Alva,
117 ; consternation created by arrest
of Egmont and Horn, 127 ; state of
discouragement caused by proceed
ings of Blood-Council, 146 ; depopu
lation of country in consequence of
cruel proceedings of Alva, 147 ; all
the inhabitants of, condemned to
death by Inquisitions, 158 ; whole
sale executions and frightful cruel
ties, 159 ; severe blow inflicted on
their commerce by quarrel between
Alva and Queen of England, 279 ;
continuation of religious persecu
tions, ib. ; new scheme of taxation
introduced, in violation of provincial
charters, 284; state of manufactur
ing industry in year 1570, 286 — in
note; opposition to new system of
taxation, 288 ; terrible destruction by
inundation in 1570, 314 ; open revolt
against the new taxes, 347 ; suc
cessive insurrections in various cities
and provinces, 365 ; state of country
at death of Requesens, iii. 56 ; state
of religious parties in the various
provinces, 83; state of country at
period of death of Don John of Aus
tria, 375; division of country into
three portions, 506.
Nevers, Duke de, Governor of Cham
pagne, disposes his forces to meet an
attack of Spanish army, i. 174 ; makes
his escape after battle of St. Quentin,
180; his escape deemed impossible,
181.
Ninove the starvation of, iii. 556.
Nobles, disaffected state of, holding com
mand in patriot army, iii. 312 ; mal
content party brought over by Duke
of Parma, 404 ; jealousies, bickerings,
and mutual recriminations among
them, 406.
Noue, De la, is made prisoner in an ac
tion near Ingelmunster, iii. 480 ; vain
endeavours of patriot party to obtain
his release, 481 ; is kept in prison five
years, and then offered hiB release
on condition of sacrificing his eyes,
ib. ; works composed by him in
prison, 482.
Noircarmes, his cruel character, i. 107 ;
proceeds to Tournay to disarm the

citizens, ii 24; his calumnious re
ports to Regent relative to intended
massacre of Catholics, 28 ; invests
Valenciennes, 46 ; conduct after sur
render of Valenciennes, 78 ; per
suades Egmont to disregard the re
peated warnings to him to fly, 123 ;
accepts the office of member of the
Blood-Council, 140 ; his testimony
to desperate state of Netherland
citizens in consequence of Alva's
cruel persecutions, 344; cruel pro
ceedings at Mons, 403; his base
cupidity, 405.
Ogier, Robert, of Ryssel, and his family,
executed for not attending mass, i
336.
Oliver, Antony, a native of Mons, lays a
plan for the capture of city, with
Louis of Nassau and other Huguenot-
chiefs, ii. 368 ; kUled at battle of the
Diemerdyk, 442.
Orange, WiUiam of Nassau, Prince of,
his personal appearance, i. 106 ;
empowered to open secret negotia
tions of peace after battle of Grave
lines, 201 ; one of the hostages for
execution of treaty of Chateau Cam-
bresis, 203 ; learns from King of
France designs against Protestants,
205 ; supports endeavours of Du
chess of Lorraine to become Regent
of Netherlands, 208 ; appointed, to
gether with Egmont, to command
of foreign troops, 218; rebuked by
Philip II. when leaving Nether
lands, 219 ; succeeds, at the age of
eleven, to principality of Orange,
236; is sent to Brussels for educa
tion, ib. ; becomes the friend and
favourite of Charles V., ib. ; ap
pointed general-in-chief of army on
French frontier, 237 ; secret nego
tiator of peace of 1559, with France,
ib. ; one of the hostages selected by
King of France, for execution of
treaty, ib. ; discovers scheme of
Henry II. and Philip II., for extir
pating Protestantism, ib. ; earns the
surname of "The Silent," 239;
though still a Catholic, determines
to save Protestants if he can, ib. ;
increases his possessions by mar
riage with Anne of Egmout. ib. ;
becomes a widower, 1558, ib. ; is
accused of having murdered his
wife, 241 ; his character and con
duct in early part of his career, ii. ;

INDEX.

651

his splendour and hospitality, 242 ;
his gentleness and winning address,
243; expensive habits and conse
quent debts, 244 ; his various sources
of revenue, ii. ; is falsely accused
of cowardice, 245 ; his talents and
accomplishments, 247 ; his opposi
tion to institution of new bishops,
275 ; resigns command of Spanish
legion, 277; his early intimacy with
GranveUe, 284 ; his quarrel with
the Cardinal 286 ; and Egmont
address joint letter to the King,
complaining cf the undue power
arrogated by Cardinal GranveUe,
288 ; his marriage with Anna of
Saxony, and difficulties attending it,
with vindication of his conduct with
regard to these, 295 ; proceedings
and festivities on occasion of his
wedding, . 311 ; meeting of Knights
of the Fleece, at his house, to discuss
public matters, 360 ; supported by
people in his opposition to Gran
velle and the Regent, 363 ; frank
ness and legality of this opposition,
vindicated, ib. ; determines that he
wUl withdraw from government if
GranveUe be not recalled, 376 ;
writes joint letter with Egmont and
Horn, to PhUip, on necessity of
withdrawing power of GranveUe,
375; quarrels with Aremberg be
cause he refuses to join the league
against GranveUe, 378 ; Egmont
and Horn write second joint letter
to Philip, tendering their resigna
tion as members of CouncU of State,
384; hand in remonstrances to Re
gent, 386; abstain from session
of State-Council, 387 ; attempts to
stem tide of corruption, after de
parture of GranveUe, 441 ; his
noble ambition and purity of cha
racter, ib. ; decUnes in favour at
Regent's court, 442 ; his speech on
occasion of Egmont's "mission to
Spain, and Viglius's instructions,
455; effect of this speech on mem
bers of council, 456 ; his indignation
at PhUip's persistence in religious
persecution, 468 ; upbraids Egmont
with having forgotten interests of
his country during mission to Spain,
470; declares that the King's orders
relative to Inquisition are too per
emptory not to be obeyed, but
washes his hands of consequences,
480; is supported by Egmont and

Horn, ib. ; is not consulted in for
mation of compromise league, 499 ;
his opinions on enforcement of
Edicts and Inquisition, ii. ; disap
proves of the compromise league,
601 ; commences system of espio
nage upon PhUip, 502; invites
leading nobles to meet at Breda, for
a conference on public affairs, 507 ;
effects change in tone and purport
of Request, 508; his moderation,
509 ; inclines to Lutheranism, 538 ;
repairs to Antwerp at solicitation of
citizens to restore public tranquiUity,
540 ; regarded by all parties as tho
only man able to stem the rising tide
of revolution, 542 ; remonstrates at
Diiffel with deputation from members
of Compromise assembled at St,
Trond, 547 ; is not deceived by false'
promises of Philip, ii. 7 ; his moderate
proceedings at Antwerp relative to
image-breakers, 14 ; draws up sixteen
articles of agreement between heads
of Reformed religion and govern
ment, 1 0 ; growing liberality of his
views, ib. ; establishes religious peace
at Utrecht and Amsterdam on same
basis as at Antwerp, 17 ; his per
sonal conduct at Antwerp when en
deavouring to restore order after the
iconoclast riots, 29; first thoughts of
resistance to the plans of the Spanish
government, and proposals to Eg
mont and Horn on the subject, 30 ;
interviews at Dendermonde between
Orange, Horn, Egmont, Hoogstraten,
and Count Louis of Nassau, 32 ;
his isolated position, 36; his in
creasing watchfulness, 40 ; pub
lishes a pamphlet on necessity of
allowing some degree of rehgious lib
erty, 43 ; encourages citizens to re
sist introduction of mercenary gar
risons, 46 ; his endeavours in favour
of Protestants of Amsterdam, 53;
»efuses to take the new oath of alle
giance imposed by government, 55 ;
tenders his resignation, ii. ; is con
sulted by Brederode and other
seigniors as to new petition to be
presented to Regent, 57 ; partially
connives at proceedings of Brede
rode, 59 ; his dauntless conduct at
Antwerp during tumult caused by
defeat of Ostrawell, 64; proposes
terms of arrangement, 68 ; avails
himself of antagonism between Lu
therans and Calvinists to save tha

652

INDEX.

city, 69; meets the insurrectionists
in the Mere, and proposes articles
of accommodation, 71; succeeds in
re-establishing order, 72 ; his efforts
unappreciated by Regent, 73 ; his
resolute resistance to all efforts to
gain him over to the Spanish party,
84; interview with Mansfeld and
Egmont, at WiUebrock, 86 ; endea
vours to save Egmont, 88; letter to
PhUip, announcing his intention to
withdraw from Netherlands, 89 ;
letters to Horn and Egmont on
same subject, ii. ; is informed by
Vandernese that Alva has orders
to arrest and condemn him at once,
91 ; and other seigniors are cited
before the Blood- Council, 153;
charges against them, ii. ; his reply
to the summons, 154; his son seized
as a hostage, 155; publishes a reply
to act of condemnation, 180; his
exertions to raise troops and gain
allies in Germany, England, and
France, 182 ; grants commission to
Count Louis, to levy troops and
wage war on Phihp, 182 ; is recom
mended by his friends among the
German princes, to pause in his at
tempts to save the Netherland pro
vinces, 241 ; enrols himself for life
as a soldier of tho Reformation,
243 ; change supervened in his reli
gious character, 244; sincerity of
his piety, 245 ; is required by the
Emperor to lay down arms under
penalty of forfeiting his rights and
privUeges, 246 ; his reply to Emperor's
requisition, 247 ; his formal decla
ration of war against Alva, 249 ;
proclamation to the people of the
Netherlands, 250 ; crosses the Meuse
with his army, 251 : enters Brabant
and takes up a position within a
short distance of Alva's encamp
ment, 252 ; baffling plan of his ad
versary, 253 ; incidents of the cam
paign, 256 ; effects a junction with
Genhs, at Waveren, 259 ; disap
pointment at supineness of people,
ii. ; mutinous state of Jus army,
ib. ; crosses the frontier of France,
260; is summoned by the King of
France to declare his intentions,
261 ; his reply, ii. ; is forced to lead
back and disband his army, 263 :
sets forth with his two brothers to
join the banner of Conde, ii. ; pro
ceedings in France after disbanding

his army at Strasburg, 321 ; returns
to Germany 324; extensive corres
pondence with leading personages
in every part of Netherlands, ii. ,
issues commissions to privateers,
ib. ; gives laws to the Beggars of
the Sea, 325 ; his forlorn condition
but unbroken spirit after return
from France, 326; persevering
efforts to obtain money and allies,
341 ; instructions to Diedrich Sonoy,
342 ; document caUed the Harangue
addressed to princes of Germany, 343 ;
oath of allegiance taken by revolted
provinces to him as stadholder of
King of Spain, 367; resumes stadt-
holderate over Holland and Zealand,
368 ; religious toleration exhibited
in his instructions to functionaries
appointed by him, and in new oath
of aUegiance imposed, ii. ; assembles
a new army in Germany, 377; ad
dresses letters to principal cities of
Netherlands, adjuring them to he
true to his and their cause, ii.;
power conferred on him by congress
of Dort, 381 ; ordinance issued by
him as a provisional form of gov
ernment and voluntarUy imposing
limits on himself, 382 ; crosses the
Rhine at Duisburg with a consider
able army, 384; takes Roermond,
ib. ; difference between his character
as mUitary commander and that of
Alva, 385 ; his further advance,
386; learns the news of the mas
sacre of the Huguenots in Paris,
388; advances with his army to
wards Mons, in the hope of pro
voking the enemy into a pitched
battle, 396 ; night attack on his
army by Don Frederick de Toledo,
398 ; retreats to Peronne and Ni-
vedes, 399 ; is followed by an assas
sin hired by Alva, ib. ; his soldiers
refuse to remain longer in the field,
ii. ; is obliged to advise his brother
to capitulate, ii. ; crosses the Rhine,
disbands his army, and repairs to
Holland, 399; his reception in pro
vince of Holland after breaking up
his army, 425 ; unfolds his plan of
future proceedings in secret session
of states of provinces at Harlem,
ii. ; despatches a force under De la
Marck to the relief of Harlem,
432 ; makes a fresh effort to succour
the town, 434 ; further endeavours
to succour Harlem, 440 .; keeps

INDEX.

653

firm in faith and hope in spite of
repeated disasters, 457 ; his lofty
enthusiasm, 466; for want of funds
is obliged to decline offer of Spanish
soldiery to deliver Harlem into his
hands, 462 ; difficulties experienced
by him in raising funds for his
enterprise, 474; his lofty and gene
rous purpose, ii. ; accusations against
him by bigoted adherents of both
reUgions, ii. ; his reliance upon
secret negotiations reopened with
the court of France, 476; reasons
for conquering his repugnance to
King of France, 480 ; outlines of new
treaty with France drawn up by
him, 481 ; solitary and anxious
position during the misfortunes of
Harlem and Alkmaar, 486 ; appeal
to the general assembly of the Ne
therlands, exhorting the country to
union against the oppressor, 487;
epistle to the King of Spain, 488 ;
confidence in God the mainspring of
his energy, 490; liberty of con
science for the people his main ob
ject, ib. ; publicly joins the Calvinist
Church at Dort, ib. : his fears rela
tive to impression likely to be pro
duced by the King's promise of
pardon, 523; position taken up by
him during siege of Leyden, 558 ;
desperate plan for the rescue of
Leyden, 559; his Ulness at Rotter
dam, 562; resumes preparations for
rehef of Leyden, 663 ; proceeds on
board the fleet before Leyden, 568;
receives news of the rescue of Ley
den, 577; enters the city, 578;
grants privileges to the city a3 a re
ward for its sufferings, 579; reply
to proposals of Requesens, made
through St. Aldegonde, iii. 4;
answer to other negotiators, 5 ;
power lodged in his hands, 7 ; com
plains in assembly of states of Hol
land of conduct of cities, and offers
to resign, 8; powers vested in him
by estates, 9 ; refuses to accept
government on these terms unless
furnished with a monthly allowance,
10; suspicions of Spanish govern
ment and fear of a disastrous peace,
11; accepts the government of
HoUand and Zealand, 20; results of
his marriage with Anne of Saxony,
22; marries the Princess Charlotte
of Bourbon, 26 ; enmities caused by
this marriage, ib. ; evil conse

quences, 28 ; resolution to throw off
aUegiance to King of Spain, 41 ;
difficulties as to choice of new sove
reign for the states, 43; financial
embarrassments of himself and bro
ther John, 48 ; desperate scheme
for rescuing inhabitants of HoUand
and Zealand, 49 ; prompt and de
cided conduct after death of Reque
sens, 55 ; changes introduced by
him into political constitution of
HoUand and Zealand, 58 ; supreme
authority in Holland and Zealand
conferred on him, 59 ; especial
powers vested in him, ib. ; absencg
of personal views and ambition, 61;
honourable title bestowed on hiq
by people, ii. ; his unswerving re
ligious toleration, ii. ; reinstated ii,
his principality of Orange by King
of France, 65 ; prepares to take ad,
vantage of mutiny of Spanish troops
to bring about a general union and
organization, 84; letter to Count
Lalain, 85 ; to estates of Gueldres,
ii. ; to estates of Brabant, 86 ; im
plores the various provinces to send
deputies to a general congress, to
effect a close union between B'oi-
land and Zealand and the otHer
provinces, 88 ; sends troops to (he
assistance of Flanders against muti.
neers, 94; letters addressed by him
to the states-general, assembled at
Ghent, urging them to hasten to
conclude treaty of union, 122 ; diffi
culties suggested by the arrival of
Don John of Austria, 148 ; counsels
to stateB-general relative to arrival
of new governor-general, 149 ; out
lines of negotiation to be entered
into with Don John, 151; basis of
his policy, ib. ; his combination dis
arranged by amplitude of conces
sions made by Don John of Austria,
165 ; his distrust of Don John and
reasons for this, 166 ; is irritated at
haste with which estates concluded
treaty with Don John, ii. ; dis
pleasure at provisions of Perpetual
Edict, 167 ; refuses to publish or
recognize the treaty in Holland and
Zealand, 168; his written opinion
of treaty, given to states-general at
their request, 169; perfect accord
between him and estates of Hol
land and Zealand, ib. ; his reply
to proposals made by Dr. Leoniri us
in name of Don John of Ausbij,

654

INDEX.

172; his unbounded influence in
HoUand and Zealand, 174; respect
in which he was held in other pro
vinces, ii. ; his reply to letters of
Don John, 175; tokens of sym
pathy received from his mother,
203; and from his son, 204; finan
cial embarrassments of his famfly,
caused by their sacrifices to the
cause of the Netherlands, ii. ; new
advances made to him by Don John
of Austria, 205; his struggles to
establish a system of toleration,
206; interview and discussions with
envoys sent by Don John of Austria
and by estates-general of Catholic
provinces, 208; envoys make a
formal statement to him and the
states of HoUand and Zealand on
the part of Don John, 216; protest
against Perpetual Edict embodied
in his reply to the document, 217;
encourages and superintends the re-
erection of dykes in HoUand and
Zealand, 139; touching love and
gratitude of people towards him, ii. ;
letter, never hitherto published, to
estates-general on seizure of citadel
of Namur and general conduct of
Don John, 240; vindication of him
self against charges made by Don
John and others, 242 ; repairs to
Utrecht, on invitation from magis
tracy, 243; hearty welcome given
to him, ii. ; treaty of "Satisfaction"
drawn up, 244; stratagem for over
coming German troops shut up in
Breda, 253 ; his determination to
restore the administration to a state-
council appointed by estates-gene
ral, 261 ; is invited by estates-
general to come to Brussels to aid
them with his counsels, 266 ; in
crease of his power and influence,
267 ; memorial presented to him at
Gertruydenburg by commissioners
sent to invite him to Brussels, 268 ;
permission for his journey obtained
from estates of HoUand and Zea
land, 269; reply to memorial of
commissioners, 270 ; enthusisastic
reception at Antwerp, 271 ; entry
into Brussels, ib.; future measures
contemplated by him, 272; puts a
stop to negotiations with Don John,
ib.,; exceeding devotion of burghers
of Brussels for him, 278 ; his wise
conduct with regard to Archduke
Matthias, 231; is elected Ruward

of Brabant, 282; significance of this
office, ii. ; his new dignity confirmed
by estates-general, 283 ; the crown
within his grasp, ii. ; indignation at
treacherous conduct of nobles, 284;
interview With Ryhove previous to
outbreak of revolution in Ghent,
290; proceedings relative to out
break, 294; repairs to Ghent on
invitation of four estates of Flan
ders, ii. ; brings about a new act of
union, securing the religious rights
of Catholics and Protestants, 297;
succeeds in negotiating treaty of
alliance and subsidy with England,
300; establishes fundamental terms
on which Archduke Matthias is to
be received as Governor-General of
Netherlands, 301; is appointed
lieutenant-general for the Archduke
Matthias, 303; jealousy of him en
tertained by nobles, 312; loyal con
duct with regard to Amsterdam,
323 ; preparations for campaign of
1578, 328; negotiations with Eng
land, ii.; again confers chief posts
of command on Cathohc nobles, ii. ;
rebukes his own Church for its in
tolerance, 333; his reasons for
maintaining relations with Duke of
Alencon, 341; prescribes the term
on which Alencon's assistance may
be accepted, 344; causes a system
of provisional toleration to be signed
by Matthias, 348; incapability of
his contemporaries to understand
his tolerance, ii. ; provisional ar
rangement for religious toleration
in Antwerp, 350 ; discontent caused
among Catholic leaders and WaUoon
population by his attempt to esta
blish rehgious toleration, 351; en
deavours to conciliate the contend
ing parties in Ghent, 380; indig
nation at image-breaking riots at
Ghent, 383 ; is induced to go to
Ghent to appease uproar, 384 ; ob
tains consent of all parties to a re
ligious peace, published 27th De
cember, 1578, 385; import of this
document, ii. ; malcontents sum
moned to lay down their arms, re
fuse, ii.; growing conviction of his
enemies that his death alone would
enable them to put down Netherland
rebeUion, 397 ; effects the Union of
Utrecht, the foundation of the Ne
therland repubhc, 411 ; false accu
sations against, relative to Union of

INDEX.

655

Utrecht, 414; unceasing efforts to
counteract the dismembering policy
of Parma, 421; is blamed for the
faU of Maestricht, and accused of
plotting to deliver the country into
the hands of France, 445; hbeUous
letter against him laid before the
assembly of the estates, 44.6 ; efforts
to allay new disorders in Ghent,
448 ; repairs a second time to Ghent,
and again his presence restores
order, 450 ; accepts the government
of Flanders and returns to Antwerp,
451 ; attempts to bribe him made
by members of Cologne conferences,
456 ; their utter faUure, 457 ; offers
to cede his powers to any successor
appointed by estates-general, ii. ;
new schemes of government contem
plated by him, 465; his arguments
in favour of choice of Duke of Anjou
as future ruler of the Netherlands,
468 ; rebukes and warnings and
self-vindication addressed to various
corporations and assembUes in 1579,
469; speech in estates-general at
Antwerp, in 1579, upbraiding the
people with the want of a broad
patriotism, 473 ; address upon the
state of the country in January,
1580, urging the necessity of raising
a numerous and efficient army, ii. ; is
offered the sovereignty by estates of
Holland and Zealand, 490 ; by ad
vice of Cardinal GranveUe a price is
set upon his head, 492; contents of
Ban, ib. ; rephes by his famous
Apology, 494; reluctantly accepts
provisional sovereignty over Holland
and Zealand, 507 ; substance of act
conferring this sovereignty, ii. ;
limitation of sovereignty as to time
subsequently canceUed by the states
without his knowledge, ii. ; absence
of personal ambition in him inju
rious to his country, 517 ; his reasons
for wishing Anjou to be elected
sovereign of Netherlands, 521 ;
again summons country to provide
for the general defence and to take
measures for inauguration of Anjou,
626; attempt to assassinate him at
Antwerp, 538; his generous for
giveness of assassin, ii. ; his solici
tude for Duke of Anjou and his
country when thinking himself
mortaUy wounded, ii. ; agitation of
the people, 540; investigations rela
tive to attempted crime, 541; dis

covery of instigator, 543; letter to
estates-general, imploring them, in
case of his death, to remain faithful
to Anjou, 545; solemn fast in Ant
werp, 646; his care that tho pro
ceedings against his assassins should
be conducted with strict justice, ii. ;
his convalescence and relapse, ii. ;
Leonardo Botalli, body physician to
Anjou, saves his life by an ingenious
expedient, 547 ; joy of people at his
recovery, ii. ; death of his wife,
Charlotte of Bourbon, 548; happi
ness enjoyed in marriage with her,
ii. ; is forced by the excitement, in
consequence of his recovery, to ac
cept permanently the Countship of
HoUand and Zealand, 549; position
assigned to him by the new consti
tution, 551 ; other provisions of new
constitution, 562; appeal to Anjou
in reference to invasion of Antwerp,
577; letter from Catherine do
Medici, ii. ; efforts to effect an
honourable reconciliation, if pos
sible, between Duke of Anjou and
the provinces, 678; his unceasing
desire to see all the Netherland pro
vinces united into one independent
commonwealth, 579; discovers in
trigues of Anjou with Parma and
Philip, 580; reply to Mirambeau,
despatched to Netherlands by King
of France to endeavour to effect a
reconciliation between Anjou and
the provinces, 581 ; statement of
opinions as to necessity of not
breaking with Anjou, drawn up at
request of estates, ii. ; accord signed
in consequence, 585 ; married; for
the fourth time, to Louisa, widow
of Teligny and daughter of Coligny,
586 ; refuses the sovereignty of
United Provinces offered to him by
the estates, 587; patriotic and self-
denying tone of his answer on the
occasion, ii. ; sovereign dukedom of
Brabant forfeited by Anjou, offered
to him, ii. ; refuses this also, and
continues his efforts in favour of
Anjou, ii. ; indefatigable endea
vours to counteract the machina
tions of Spanish party in Ghent,
593; various new attempts against
his life, 596; last and successful
attempt, 608; his last words, 609;
children by his four marriages, 614;
deep sorrow of the people at hi*
death, ii. ; effect of hia death on

656

INDEX.

country, 615; his physical appear
ance and moral qualities, 616; the
great aim of his life and pohcy,
617; disinterestedness of his ser
vices, 618 ; his inteUectual faculties,
ii. ; his never-failing constancy, 619 ;
his pohtical genius, ii. ; his power
of dealing with his feUow-men, 620 ;
his eloquence, oral, and written, 621 ;
his industry, ii. ; penetration and
adroitness, 623; caution, 624; false
view of his character given by his
enemies, 624 — in note ; his calm
courage and cheerful disposition,
626 ; unvarying love and esteem of
the people for him, 627.
03traweU defeat of Marnix de Tho-
louse and Protestant troops at,
ii 62.
Oudewater, besieged and taken by as-
saiflt by Spaniards, iii. 32.
Outreman, pensionary of Valenciennes,
excites the fury of his feUow-citizens,
by being the bearer of propositions
from Noircarmes, ii. 47.
Pacification of Ghent, opinion of juris
consults and divines upon, in. 155.
Pacheco, or Paciotti, an Italian engineer
attached to the army of Duke of Alva,
ii. 110 ; employed in the erection of
the famous citadel of Antwerp, 150 ;
is put to death by the populace of
Flushing, 361.
Panis, Peter, a taUor of Mechlin, con
demned to death on the charge of
having preached the Reformed faith
in that city, iii. 218.
Parma, Ottavio Farnese, afterwards
Duke of, married to Margaret,
daughter of Charles V., i 228 ; ac
companies the Emperor to Barbary,
229.
Parma, Alexander of, his bearing
and character, i 486 ; his nuptials
with Maria of Portugal 488;
joins Don John of Austria at Lux
emburg with several choice regi
ments from Spain and Italy, hi
311 ; distinguished conduct in battle
of Gemblours, 316; his birth and
early characteristics, 368 ; educa
tion and youthful tastes, ii. ;
mode of life at Parma, 369 ; he-
 .roic conduct at battle of Lepanto,
.370; his personal appearance, 371;
Ms military abilities and mental
characteristics, 372; his rehgious
sentiments, 373; favorable auspices

under which he assumed power in
the Netherlands, 374; his subtle
and unscrupulous pohcy, in. 392 ;
commences campaign of 1579 with
a feint agamst Antwerp, and then
moves upon Maestricht, 419; con
tinued negotiations and intrigues
with WaUoon provinces, 470; signs
Treaty of Accord with WaUoon pro
vinces, 426; pantomime at Paris
Ulustrative of his success, 427; his
entry into Maestricht after capture
of the city, 444; indignation at ar
rival of his mother in Netherlands
to assume civil administration of
Provinces, 502 ; declares his deter
mination not to submit to divide
authority, and conquers, 503 ; mea
sures taken in consequence of pro
posed assassination of Prince of
Orange, 549 ; draws foreign trqops
into the country in spite of treaty
to the contrary with united WaUoon
Provinces, 554; lays siege to Oude-
narde, 555; traits of courage and
coolness evinced by him during
siege, ib. ; reduces Ninove, 556 ; un
successful attack on Lochum, 557;
expenses of his army, ib. ; position
at close of autumn, 1582 — is ac
cused of having instigated attempt
to poison Anjou and Orange at
Bruges, 558 ; intrigues with Prince
of Chimay, by which Bruges is re
stored to Philip, 594; his share in
murder of Prince of Orange. 603;
intercedes with PhUip to secure to
the heirs of the murderer the reward
for the assassination of Prince of
Orange, 613.
Parma, Margaret of, nominated Re
gent of Netherlands, i. 208; her
descent and early education, 227;
is given in marriage to Alexander
de Medici, 228; married a second
time to Ottavio Farnese, ii. ; her
aversion to her husband, ii. ; re
morse at his reported death, 229;
her hatred for him changes to pas
sionate fondness, ii. ; reasons for
her being appointed Regent of Ne
therlands, ii. ; her bigotry, 230 ;
her personal appearance and mental
characteristics, ii. ; stratagem used
by her to induce the councU to com
ply with PhUip's request to send
troops to France, 359 ; forbidden by
Philip to convoke the estates-general,
summons a meeting of Knights of

INDEX.

657

the Fleece, ii. ; exerts herself to re
concile contending factions, 361 ;
informs PhUip that the Prince of
Orange is reported to bo revolving
some great design, 370; reports to
PhUip dissensions among seigniors,
379 ; despatches Armenteros to
Spain, 385; her instructions to him,
ii. ; her alarm at increasing discon
tent of nobles, 386; urges Philip
to give satisfaction to Netherland
nobles, 404 ; her dehght at having
escaped from servitude to GranveUe,
417 ; contumelious treatment of his
friends, 418; her denunciations of
GranveUe and his party to King, and
secret protestations of friendship to
GranveUe himself, ii. ; her intimacy
with Armenteros, and disgraceful
participation in his peculations,
443 ; her contemptuous treatment
of former adherents of GranveUe,
444 ; her insinuations against Vig
lius, 447 ; difficulties of her posi
tion, 475; urges Phflip to change
instructions to inquisitors, ii. ; ex
penses and distress caused by her
son's nuptials, 487 ; driven to de
spair by disturbed state of country
and discontent of the nobles, 503 ;
informs PhUip that he must take
up arms or make concessions, 509 ;
her agitation on the presentation
of Request, 514 ; her answer to
Request, 517 ; reply to second ad
dress of confederates, 518 ; issues
the "Moderation," 527; purport of
Moderation, ii. ; issues proclama
tions to put down religious assem
blies, 534; false accusations against
Orange, 548 : her rage at bold
language of members of compro
mise assembled at St. Trond, 549;
indignation and terror at image-
breaking, 572 ; determines to seek
refuge in Mons, 573 ; is advised by
Beigniors to remain at her post, ib. ;
is forced to concede hberty of wor
ship where already established, 575 ;
signs articles of agreement called
the "Accord," 576; announces to
PhUip that if the three points de
manded by Berghen and Montigny
be not granted she can no longer
restrain rebeUion, ii. 4; letter to
Philip on subject of concessions
made to confederates, 9; calumnies
against Orange, Egmont, Horn, and
Hoogstraaten, 10 ; compact agreed to
VOL. III. 42

with confederates for pacification of
provinces, 12; begins to assume a
tone of open defiance toward mal
contents, 22 ; recalls Horn from
Tournay 23 ; despatches Noir-
carmes to Tournay to disarm citizens
and suppress the Accord, 24; con
tinued treacherous conduct to
Orange, Horn, and Egmont, 26 ;
informs the King that a scheme is
arranged for dividing the country
and for massaoreing the people, 27;
declares Valenciennes in a state of
siege and aU citizens rebels, 46 ; ap
peals to Orange for assistance against
proceedings of Brederode, 53 ;
grants permission to Protestants of
Amsterdam to preach in the Las-
tadge, and immediately afterward
withdraws the same, 54; refuses to
accept resignation of Orange, 55 ;
haughty reply to Brederode's second
request, 67 ; visits Antwerp after
the pacification of Calvinist tumults,
81; her expressions on the occasion,
ii. ; her indignation at being super
seded by Alva, 82 ; her efforts to
gain over Orange, 85 ; her indigna
tion on arrival of Alva, 113; con
duct subsequent to arrest of Egmont
and Horn, 127 ; her resignation is
finaUy accepted, 147; she departs
from Netherlands, ii.
Parties, three pohtical, in Netherlands
during government of Don John of
Austria, iii. 219.
Passau, Treaty of, affirmed by Gran
velle to have been secretly revoked
by Charles V., ii. 276.
"Paternoster Jacks," name given to
malcontent WaUoon party by Cal
vinists, iii. 349.
Patriots, position of, after departure of
Alva, ii. 522.
Paul IV., indignation of, at the truce
of VauceUes, i. 157 ; his ambitious
character, ii.; his hatred of Span
iards, 158; absolves King of France
from keeping faith with Spain, 161;
makes peace with Spain, 165.
Peace, universal desire for, in Nether
lands, after departure of Alva, ii. 515.
People, degraded condition of; i 32;
state of, at commencement of Re
gency of Margaret of Parma, i. 258 ;
refuse to repair dykes if Spanish
troops are not removed, 277 ; their
growing terror of and wrath at In
quisition, 473 ; call upon Orange,

658

INDEX.

Egmont, and Horn to come for
ward as their champions, 479 ; de
spair at republication of edicts and
renewed proclamation of Inquisi
tion, 482 ; sufferings of, and com
mencement of emigration to Eng
land, 504.
Perez, Gonzalo, secretary of Phihp IL,
draws up letter by which the King
recalls GranveUe, i. 414.
Perez, Antonio, confidential secretary
of state of Phihp IL, his betrayal
of Don John of Austria, iii. 195 ;
plottings with PhUip against Don
John of Austria, and professions of
friendship to the latter, 193; con
duct toward Escovedo, 194 ; sug
gests to Don John the necessity of
procuring assassination of Prince of
Orange, 196.
Peronne, interview of Cardinal de
Lorraine and Bishop of Arras at, i.
190.
Phihp the Fair, receives the homage
of the states of Netherlands, i. 55 ;
curtaUs the privileges of the states,
ii. ; marries Joanna, daughter of
Ferdinand and IsabeUa of Castile and
Arragon, 58 ; dies at Bruges, ii.
Philip IL, King of Spain and of the
Netherlands, his personal appear
ance, i. 103 ; his ingratitude to his
father, 129 ; accession to the sove
reignty of the Netherlands, 134;
his first appearance in Netherlands
as crown prince, ii. ; his marriage
with Maria of Portugal, ii. ; swears
without reservation to support all
the constitutions and privileges of
the provinces, 135 ; his marriage
with Mary of England, 137 ; his re
pulsive manners, 139 ; his tempera
ment and characteristics, 140 ; his
accomplishments and personal ha
bits, 154 ; determines to re-enact
the edict of 1550, 155; desires to
annihilate provincial independence
of Netherlands, ii. ; qualms of con
science, occasioned by hostile posi
tion toward the Church, 163 ; his
concessions to Pope Paul IV., 165 ;
induces England to declare war
against France, 1557, 169 ; refuses
to encamp before St. Quentin, 181;
neglects to follow up victory of St.
Quentin by marching on Paris, 184;
causes body of Saint Quentin to be
brought to his tent, 188 ; disbands
his army after victory of St. Quen

tin, 189; proposes to marry daugh
ter of King of France, 203 ; recom
mends the councils of the provinces
to extirpate all heretics, 211 ; takes
leave of the estates, 2i2; makes a
"Request" for new suppUes, 213;
nominates Duchess of Parma Re
gent, ii. ; his rage at remonstrance
relative to foreign troops presented
by the states-general, 217 ; his sub
sequent dissimulation, ii. ; issues
further instructions for persecution
of heretics, 218 ; rebukes William
of Orange, 219 ; lands in Spain
after quitting Netherlands, 220 ;
celebrates his return by an auto-da-
fe, 222 ; swears to uphold the In
quisition, ii. ; his reasons for ap
pointing Margaret of Parma Regent
of Netherlands, 229 ; carries out
measures relative to creation of new
bishoprics, without consulting An
thony Perronet, 273 ; directs from
Spain criminal informations against
individuals in Netherlands, 279 ;
his rage at complaints against Gran
veUe and opposition to institution
of new bishops, 289 ; submission to
inspirations of GranveUe, 291 ; state
of his exchequer, ii. ; confirms in
structions of Charles V. to inquisi
tors in Netherlands, 331 ; his cha
racterization of Inquisition in Ne
therlands, 341 ; urged by GranveUe,
denies the intention to introduce
Spanish Inquisition in Netherlands,
354 ; protests to Montigny that he has
no intention to introduce Spanish In
quisition into Netherlands, and that
GranveUe was not consulted pre
viously to introduction of new bishop
rics, 371; requests opinion of Alva
on letters and remonstrances of
Netherland nobles, 387 ; orders
Margaret of Parma to proclaim and
enforce decrees of Councfl of Trent
in Netherlands, 452 ; endeavours to
win Egmont when in Spain, 463;
dissimulation with aU parties, 469;
suggestions as to new mode of pun
ishing heretics, 475 ; instructions
to Alva for his guidance in inter
view with Catherine de Medici at
Bayonne, 476 ; letters to inquisitors
in Netherlands, 478 ; expresses his
dissatisfaction at opposition of Ne
therlands to Inquisition, and enjoins
Regent strictly to carry out rehgious
decrees, ii. ; applauds decision of

INDEX.

659

theological assembly, 479 ; open and
secret proceedings after arrival of
Berghen and Montigny in Madrid,
ii. 1 ; communications to the Pope
regarding pretended concessions
made to Netherlands, 6; false pro
mises to visit Netherlands, 7 ; de
clares to Regent his determination
never to allow states-general to be
convened, but desires the people to
be deceived on the subject, 8 ; letter
to Egmont expressive of approbation
of his having taken the new oath,
and his whole course of conduct, 91 ;
letter to Margaret of Parma expres
sive of disapprobation of edict of
24th May, 1557, on account of its
leniency, 97 ; the veil of hypocritical
clemency towards Netherlands is
thrown off, 102 ; is counseUed by
Ruy Gomez to proceed in person to
Netherlands, ii. ; intentions with
which he despatched Alva to Ne
therlands, 117; his. joy at Alva's
success in capturing Netherland
nobles, 129 ; perfidious instructions
to Eboli regarding his conduct to
Berghen and Montigny, 133; issue
proclamation concerning the decree
of the Holy Office condemning to
death all the inhabitants of the Ne
therlands, 158 ; expression of deter
mination to sacrifice his own flesh,
if required by the Lord, 233 ; public
answer to Emperor of Germany's
intercession in favour of Nether
lands and WUham of Orange, 271 ;
private answer to same, 272 ; ela
borate preparations for secret and
extraordinary execution of Mon
tigny, 306; instructs Alva to make
known that Montigny has died a
natural death, 313 ; consummate
hypocrisy evinced on this occasion,
ib. ; plot agamst Queen of England,
333 ; orders Alva to supply troops
to carry out plot against Queen of
England, 335 ; appoints Duke of
Medina CceU Governor-General of
Netherlands, in heu of Alva, 340;
reprimands deputies from Nether
land provinces, sent to Spain to re
monstrate against imposition of the
new taxes, 347 ; his exultation at
massacre of Huguenots in France,
390 ; letters to Alva on the subject,
391 ; secret endeavours to obtain
the imperial crown of Germany,
478; pledges himself to withdraw

Spanish troops from Netherlands,
and to allow the free exercise of the
Reformed religion there, 479; hia
ministers and governors mere pup
pets in his hands, 612; dissimula
tion as regards his intended pohcy
towards Netherlands, 614; expenses
of Netherland rebeUion, 517 ; anger
of death of Requesens, iii. 53 ; un
decided policy subsequent to this
event, 54; despatches Havre" to
endeavour to pacify the country, 76;
letters to estates of .Brabant, and to
state-council, 77 ; plottings with An
tonio Perez to ensnare Don John of
Austria, 193 ; suggests to Don John,
through the means of Perez, the
necessity of the assassination of
Prince of Orange, 196; letter to
estates-general of Netherlands in re
ply to their communications of 24th
August and 8th September, 1577,
325 ; insists upon necessity of main
taining the royal supremacy and
the Catholic religion on the basis
adopted by his father, 326; issues
Ban against Prince of Orange, 492;
despatches Duchess Margaret of
Parma to Netherlands, 502 ; offers
to restore to eldest son of Prince of
Orange the estates bestowed on tho
relatives of his father's murderer, on
condition of his paying a pension to
them, 614.
Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, his opposi
tion to marriage of his grand-daughter,
Anna of Saxony, with WUliam of
Orange, i 300 ; his protest against
said marriage, 311.
Phihbert de BraxeUes, his speech on
the Emperor's abdication, i 105.
Pierrepoint, French army assembled at,
in 1557, i 168 ; army assembled at,
201.
Plessis les Tours, convention of, be
tween estates-general of Netherlands
and Duke of Anjou, ui 490.
Podesta, chief magistrate of East
Friesland, elected by provinces,
i 38.
Pontus Payen, author of a history of
the times, i. 172 — in note.
Portugal, Maria of, first wife of PhUip
II., i 134.
Portugal, Maria of, wife of Alexander
of Parma, her beauty and accomphsh
ments, i. 487.
Protestants, purity of their lives,
i484.

660

INDEX.

Rassinghem, defeats secretaries at Wa-
trelots, n. 48.
Ratcliffe and Gray, two Englishmen,
executed on charge of having assas
sinated Don John of Austria, iii. 358.
Reformation, progress of, in Nether
lands, i 7 1 ; attempts to suppress, in
Netherlands, 77.
Reformed rehgion, triumphant in Hol
land and Zealand, iii. 333; rapid
spread through the provinces, ii.
Reformers, their increasing boldness
and religious meetings in the fields,
i. 533 ; their preachers, ii. ; sects to
which they principally belonged, 537 ;
commence buUding their first temple
outside Tournay, ii. 21 ; demand per
mission to preach inside the city, 21 ;
their conduct at Valenciennes, 45 ;
their conduct at Antwerp after defeat
of Tholouse, 63.
Remonstrance of estates of Brabant on
destruction of Antwerp, iii. 121.
Renard, Simon, suspected of writmg
a stinging lampoon against Cardinal
GranveUe, i. 350.
Renneberg, Count, brother of Count
Hoogstraaten, and stadholder of
Friesland and. Drenthe, betrays
patriot cause, iii. 474; price paid
for his treachery, 475; evil influence
of his sister, Cornelia Lalain, Baro
ness Monceau, 476; his character,
477 ; intercepted letters reveal his
treason to Orange, ii. ; incidents
attending his seizure of the city of
Groningen for Prince of Parma,
478 ; lays siege to Steenwyk, 497 ;
is obliged to abandon the siege,
500; his subsequent career and
death, 506.
Requesens, Don Luis de, appointed
successor of Alva, arrives in Brus
sels, ii. 496; his previous career,
512; instructions received from
Philip on assuming governorship of
Netherlands, 514; his views of Ne
therland affairs on first assuming
office, 518; opposite opinions held
by him and Alva, 520 ; sends two
fleets, under Romero and Avila,
to attempt to rescue Middelburg,
524; parleys with mutinous Spanish
troops, 547 ; vain negotiations with
assembly of deputies at Brussels,
iii 2; various negotiations with
Orange, 3 ; his ignorance as to
Philip's real wishes and intentions
regarding peace, 18; preparations

for taking possession of isles of Zea
land, 33 ; his financial difficulties,
47 ; unexpected death, 50 ; retro
spective views of his character and
career, 51.
Request, proposed to be presented by
Margaret of Parma by confederates
of the Compromise league, i. 506;
Orange's steps with regard to it, ib. ;
subject of, discussed in assembly of
notables, 510; presentation of 512;
purport of this document, 513 ; an
swer to, 517.
Reulx, Count, Governor of Flanders,
solicits aid from Prince of Orange
against mutineers, iii 93.
Rhetoric chambers, their hberal ten
dencies and influence on people,
i. 347.
Richardot, Juan, nephew of the Bishop
of Arras, his testimony to the incredi
ble horrors of the sack of Mechhn,
ii. 419.
Riots of Reformers against Cathohcs, in
Antwerp, iii. 428 ; in Utrecht, 429.
Riperda, commander of the garrison of
Harlem, warns the citizens of the ab
solute necessity of making a last effort
for freedom, ii. 428.
Roda, Jerome de, claims to be sole
Governor of Netherlands, Ui. 79; his
unworthy treatment of Netherland
nobles after capture of Antwerp, iii
120; writes letter of congratulation
to Phihp, after capture of the city,
120.
Rodolph II. , accession to the imperial
throne, iii. 163; his sentiments to
wards Netherlands, 163.
Romero, Julian, supposed to have been
the officer who urged Egmont to es
cape, ii. 122; disgraceful conduct at
Naarden, 420.
Rotterdam, onslaught of Spanish troops
on, after vain attempts to recapture
Brffl, ii. 358.
Ruyter, Hermande de, a cattle drover,
and partizan of Orange, murders the
Governor of Louestein, and takes
possession of the castle, ii. 317 ; blows
up the castle, 218.
Ryhove, a nobleman of Ghent, pas
sionately attached to Prince of
Orange, and desirous of forming a
free confederation of Netherlands.
(iii. 286), seeks an interview with
Prince of Orange, at Antwerp, to
propose a revolution in Ghent, 289 ;
incidents and result of intend"".

INDEX.

661

ib. ; returns to Ghent, and urges
on the people to throw off the
Spanish yoke, 292 ; is placed at the
head of provisional government,
293; atrocious proceedings against
Vischer and Hessels, 379 ; struggles
for power with Imbize, at Ghent,
448.
Rythovius, Peter, Doctor of Divinity,
raises popular commotion by enter
ing into disputation with reformed
preacher, i 544

Saint Quentin, city of, strategical
importance of its position, i. 175;
is threatened by the Duke of Savoy,
ii. ; battle of, 179-182; assault and
sack of the city, 185-188.
Saint Winochsberg, taken by De
Thermes, i 193
Salseda, a Spaniard, and Basa, an
Italian, delected in a scheme to
poison Anjou and Orange, at insti
gation of Duke of Parma, ni 658 ;
fearful mode of execution at Paris,
ii.
Sarrasin, John, prior of Saint Vaast,
his zeal in buying over adherents to
royal cause, and services in re-estab
lishing the royal authority over the
WaUoon provinces, iii. 395 ; pur
chases effected by him among Ca
thohc nobles, 404.
Savoy, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of,
Regent of Netherlands ; his cha
racter and early career, i 161;
takes command of army, 170; in
vests St. Quentin, 174; recovers
his sovereignty, i. 203 ; promises to
marry Margaret, sister of King of
France, ii. ; rebukes estates for
indignity offered to PhUip, ii. 217.
Saxony, Augustus, Elector of,, his
eagerness for marriage of his niece
Anna, with WiUiam of Orange, i
300.
Saxony, Anna of, married to WUliam
of Orange, i 295 ; her eccentricity,
ui 22 ; her conduct towards Orange,
ib. ; her intemperance, 23 ; her
letters to Alva, ii. ; her infidelity,
24 ; her solitary confinement, ii. ;
death, ii.
Scheldt, victory of the patriot fleet over
the Spanish fleet, in the year 1574,
ii 525 ; victory of patriot Admiral
Haemsted off Antwerp, 550.
Schetz, Caspar, Baron of Grobben

donck, his position, i 400 ; his
venahty, 401 ; humiliation of Gran
velle fixed upon by nobles at ban
quet at his house, ii.
Schoonoven, surrender to Hierges,
iii. 33.
Schout and Schepens, chief magis
trates and aldermen of Flemish
cities, how appointed, i. 35.
Schouwen conquered by the Spaniards,
iii. 38.
Schwarzburg, Count Gunther de, de
spatched to Germany, to sue for the
hand of the Princess Anna of
Saxony for WiUiam of Orange, i
302.
Schwendi, Lazarus, friend of Prince of
Orange, urges King and Regent to
take means to allay storm gathering
in Netherlands, i. 399.
Sects, religious, in Netherlands, i 68;
dreadful persecution of, ii.
Segovia, consultations of Spanish
councU at, on the subject of discon
tent in Netherlands, ii. 2.
Selwaert Abbey, total destruction of
Nassau's army near, n. 221.
Sessa, Carlos da, burnt as a heretic, i.
222.
Sienna ceded to Cosmo de Medici, i
166.
Slaves and serfs in Netherlands, i. 32.
Smith, Christopher, a Carmelite monk
converted to Protestantism, put to
death at Antwerp, i. 448.
Soldiery, Spanish, become mutinous,
ii. 62 ; offer to deliver Harlem into
the hands of Orange, 462 ; are ap
peased by Alva, 463 ; their peculiar
situation and constitution in Nether
lands, ii. 543 ; mutiny immediately
after battle of Mook, or Mooker-
heyde, 545 ; seize Antwerp, 547 ;
mutiny settled by treaty with go
vernor-general, 549 ; departure of;
from Netherlands, iii. 179.
Sonnius, Dr. Francis, sent on a mis
sion to Rome to represent necessity
of increase of bishoprics in Nether
lands, i. 266.
Sonoy, Diedrich, appointed by Orange
Lieutenant-governor of North Hol
land, ii. 368 ; written instructions
given to him by the Prince, ii. ;
floods the country to save Alkmaar,
ii. 470 ; discovers conspiracy among
certain inhabitants of Holland to
favor a Spanish invasion, iii. 28 ;
establishes a kind of blood-councU

662

INDEX.

and commits horrible cruelty on
some of the conspirators, 29.
Sorrento, Archbishop of, his mission in
Netherlands, i 531.
Spa, meeting of nobles at, to lay the
foundations of the Compromise, i
498.
Spaniards, growing hatred between
them and the Flemings, i 118.
Stadholders of provinces, their func
tions and powers, i. 210.
Statistics of life and money expended
in Netherlands during the struggle
for liberty, in. 119.
Steenwyk, the key to the province of
Drenthe, is besieged by Renneberg,
in. 497 ; is assaUed with red-hot
baUs and with stingless sarcasms,
498 ; pretended intercepted letter
of Orange, ii ; homilies of Captain
Cornput, 500 ; siege abandoned by
Renneberg, ii.
Stolberg, Juliana of, mother of Wil-
Uam of Orange, i. 235; her piety
and beneficial influence on her sons,
236.
Straalen, Antony van, burgomaster of
Antwerp, arrested the same day as
Egmont and Horn, ii. 125 ; is exe
cuted by order of Alva, 240.
Strada, his doubts as to letter of
Francis de Alava to Margaret of
Parma, u. 84.
Strozzi, Marshal, commences cam
paign in Italy in 1556, i. 161 ; his
death, 192.
Strycher, Herman, a converted monk,
addresses an assembly of eight
thousand persons in neighborhood of
Ghent, i. 533.
Swarte, John de, and other persons
burned for reading the Bible, i. 337.

Taffin, Nicholas, demands that the
community of Tournay shall defray
expenses of buflding Protestant
temples, ii. 2.
Tanchelyn, his character and career,
i. 67.
TeUgny, son-in-law of CoUgny, shut
up in St. Quentin, makes an impru
dent sortie, and further increases
dangers of the fortress, i 176 ; falls
in the encounter, 176.
Tergoes, besieged by Jerome de 't Ze-
raerts, ii. 413 ; position of town,
414 ; expedition to relieve the place,
415; defeat of besieging army, 416;

Thermes, Paul de, Governor of Calais,
i 190; attacks and takes Dunkirk,
i 193 ; taken prisoner after battle of
Gravelines, i. 107.
ThionviUe, siege of, i. 192.
Tholouse, Marnix de, commands ex
pedition against Walcheren, pro
jected by Brederode, ii. 60.
Tiskaen, Hans, his execution for heresy
by order of Regent, i. 526.
Tisnacq, engagement at, between mu
tinous Spanish troops and a mass of
students, burghers, and peasantry,
iii. 89.
Titelmann, Peter, inquisitor in Flan
ders, Douay, and Tournay, his cha
racter and cruelty, 332 ; remon
strances made by citizens and estates
against his monstrous proceedings,
i 450 ; prognosticates evU from the
escape of Orange, ii. 130.
Toledo, Don Ferdinand de, grand
prior, natural son of the Duke of
Alva, his friendship for Egmont, ii
120 ; urges Egmont to escape, 126.
Torquemada first grand inquisitor, i
322; number of individuals burnt
alive during his administration, 322.
Tournay, its liberties destroyed by
Charles V., i 113 ; citizens of, dis
armed, ii. 25 ; is besieged by Alex
ander of Parma, iii. 525 ; defended
by Princess of Espinoy, 525 ; capitu
lation of, 526.
Treaty of Union signed between Prince
of Orange and estates of Holland
and Zealand on the one side, and
other provinces of Netherlands on
the other, iii. 124; great credit and
benefits accruing from the treaty, '
126 ; popularity of the treaty, 127.
Trent, decrees of council of, ordered
to be enforced in Netherlands, i
52 ; their provisions, ii. ; contrary
to the privileges of provinces, ii. ;
opposition to their promulgation,
454 ; opposition of clergy to council
of, 471 ; orders to pubhsh CouncU
of Trent Edicts and Inquisition
throughout Netherlands, 481.
Treslong, WiUiam de Blois, Seigneur
de, one of the leaders of the Beg
gars of the Sea, his part in capture
of BriU, ii. 352.
Tribaulet, jester at the court of Charles
V., i. 124.
Trond, St., assembly of members of
Compromise league at, i 545 ; dis
solution of assembly, 550.

INDEX.

663

Truchses, Gerard, Archbishop of
Cologne, seeks refuge with Prince
of Orange at Delft, iii 585.
Uitenhove, a Flemish noble, roasted to
death by slow fire for having been
engaged in the capture of Brill
ii. 494.
Union of Brussels, iii 155 ; tenor,
motive, and effect of agreement, 155 ;
germ of destruction contained in it,
157.
Utrecht, foundation of bishopric of,
i. 21 ; city and province of, declared
to have forfeited aU rights and pro
perty by opposition to new system
of taxation, ii. 290 ; appeal to PhUip
against Alva, 291 ; Union of; effected
by William of Orange, iii. 411; ob
ject and provisions of Union, 411 ;
characterization of Union, 415.
Valenciennes, city of, its origin and
situation, n. 44; refuses to admit a
garrison of Spanish mercenaries, 45 ;
is invested by Noircarmes, 46; ap
peals to the Knights of the Fleece for
assistance, 51; terms proposed by
Regent and counter propositions to
these, 75; assault and surrender ofj
77; sufferings of citizens, 80.
Valladolid, first auto-da-fe at, i 221.
Valois, Margaret of; Queen of Na
varre, her exceeding beauty and
great talents, iu. 226; her intrigues
in Hainault in favour of Duke of
Alencon, 227 ; her reception at
Namur by Don John of Austria,
228.
Vandenesse, private secretary to PhUip
II. and secret agent of Orange, in
forms the latter that Alva has re
ceived orders to arrest him, ii. 91.
Vargas, Franci3 de, opinion as to in
fallibility of Council of Trent, i.
452.
Vargas, Juan de, member of the Blood-
CouncU, his vicious and cruel charac
ter, u. 140.
VaueeUes, truce of, concluded Sth Fe
bruary, 1556 ; rejoicings caused by, i
154.
Velleda, a German prophetess, promises
success to Claudius Civilis, and gains
confederates for him, i. 14 ; is bought
over by the Romans, 15.
Venero and Zimmermann, execution of,
the accomplices of assassin of Prince
of Orange, iii 546.

Verdugo, report of state of affairs in
Brussels and Antwerp in consequence
of mutiny of Spanish soldiers, iii
79.
Vervins, town of; burned and pillaged
by Spanish army, under Duke of
Savoy, i. 174.
Viglius, van Aytta, president of the
Council, his personal appearance,
i 101; his origin, talents, and
learning, i 231 ; his early career,
ii. ; nominated member of councU
of state and of consulta, 232;
odious on account of supposed par
ticipation in composition of edict
of 1550, ii. ; his bigotry and into
lerance, ii. ; his pusillanimity, i
352 ; his desire to retire, and Philip's
bribes to retain him in office, ii. ;
his speech to the assembly of
Knights of the Fleece, convoked in
1562, 359; rendered uneasy by up
rooting of a mulberry-tree, 362 ; his
uneasiness after recal of GranveUe,
and contempt with which he was
treated by the Regent, 444; his
love of lucre, 446; accusations
of Regent against him, 447 ; being
attacked by apoplexy is superseded
by Hopper, 457 ; attempts to
smooth the troubled waters, 480 ;
represents necessity for the King's
presence in Netherlands, ii. 8; his
obsequiousness to Alva, 138; assists
in the choice of members of the
Blood-Council, 140 ; his eulogy on
the prudence and gentleness of
Alva, 147 ; opposes Alva's new
scheme of arbitrary taxation in Ne
therlands, 287 ; his endeavours to
procure an amnesty, 292 ; adopts
the cause of the people in opposition
to Alva, 328; dissenting statements
as to his presence in state council on
occasion of its arrest by the Seigneur
de Heze, iii 91 — in note ; his death,
207.
Villages, number of, i 91.
Vfllars, de, commanding a division of
patriot army under Louis of Nassau,
is defeated first at Roermonde, ii
184; subsequently at Erkelens and
Dalem, 185 ; betrays Orange's de
signs, ii.
Vitelli, Chiappin, his character and
extraordinary obesity, ni 39 ; hi3
death, ii.
Vroedschappen, or counciUors elected
by the cities in Netherlands, i 37.

664

INDEX.

Walcheren, horrid internecine warfare
in the island of; u. 366; detestable
cruelty of natives towards Spaniards,
366.
WaUoon, provinces of, Artois, Hai
nault, Lflle, Douay, and Orchies,
unite in a separate league, 1579, iii.
406; conferences with deputations
from states general 421; deputa
tion sent to Prince of Parma before
Maestricht, 425 ; flattering reception
given to deputation, ib, ; fascination
exercised by Prince on deputation,
426 ; preliminary Accord signed with
King's government, ii. ; provisions
of Accord, ii. ; effect produced by
Accord throughout Netherlands on
Prince of Orange and in France,
427.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, and Lord
Cobham despatched to Netherlands
by Queen of England to endeavour
to effect pacification between the
estates and the Governor, Don John
of Austria, ni 345 ; conference with
Don John, ii. ; leave Netherlands,
having fafled in their mission, 346.
WUlebrock, interview between Orange,
Egmont, and Mansfeld at, ii. 86.
Wfllemzoon Dirk, an anabaptijt put

to death under dreadful tortures after
an admirable act of Christian self-
devotion, ii. 281.
Women, condition of in Netherlands,
i. 91.
Vpres forced to yield to Spanish
government, and dead heretics
hanged and hving ones kUled, iii
594.
Zealand, islands of, recovered by pa
triots, iii. 127.
Zeraerts, Jerome van 't, appointed by
Orange Governor of the island of
Walcheren, ii. 363.
Zierickzee, besieged by Mondragon,
iii. 39 ; attempts to reheve city, 67 ;
surrenders on advice of Prince of
Orange, 69 ; conditions of surrender,
ii. ; mutiny of Spanish troops after
surrender, ii.
Zutphen, enormous cruelties committed
at, by order of Alva, u. 417.
Zuyder Zee formed by submersion of
lands along the VUe, i 37 ; naval
engagement in, between Count Bossu
and Admiral Dirkzoon, ii. 490 ; victory
of patriots and capture of Spanish
Admiral 494.

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