YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY Gift of
WILLIAM SMITH MASON, Y 1888S

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

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THE

AUTOBIOGRAPHT

OF

Benjamin Franklin

With ILLUSTRATIONS

BOSTON and NEW YORK
Published by Houghton Mifflin & Company
MDCCCCVI

COPYRIGHT I906 BY HOUGHTON MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Q\G>5 v

OF THIS EDITION IOOO COPIES WERE PRINTED
AT THE RIVERSIDE PRESS CAMBRIDGE MDCCCCVI

NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS
All the reproductions in this volume, -with one exception {the Chamberlin portrait) , have been made from
original sources, through the courtesy of the owners. For various reasons a number of well-known portraits
and facsimiles are not included.
The Franklin Bicentennial Medal (obverse)  Front Cover
The gold medal designed by Louis and Augustus Saint-Gaudens, and struck
January 1 7, 1 906, to commemorate the two hundredth anniversary of Frank
lin's birth, was presented to the French Government by the United States. It
is reproduced on the cover by permission of Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of
State, and by the courtesy of Franklin's great-great-granddaughter, Miss Agnes
Irwin, LL.D. (St. Andrew's, Scotland, which, in 1759, conferred the-degree
of LL.D. on Franklin), who allowed her bronze copy of the medal to be used
for this reproduction.
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure) ".  Frontispiece
From the original " Earl Grey " portrait painted by Benjamin Wilson in 1759.
This portrait was taken from Franklin's home in Philadelphia in 1778 by Major
John Andre, and carried to England by General Sir Charles Grey. It was pre
sented to the United States at the Franklin Bicentennial, 1906, by his Excellency
Earl Grey, Governor-General of Canada. It now hangs in the White House,
Washington. The autograph is from a letter written in 1758, in the Chamberlin
collection, Boston Public Library. No engraving of this portrait is known to
exist, and this is the first time that it has been reproduced in a book.
Press at which Franklin worked in Watt's Printing-Office,
London, 1725  Title-Page
Property of Mrs. Felicia M. Tucker, New York, N. Y. In the Smithsonian
Institution, Washington.
Specimen Page of the Autobiography  8
From the original in a New York private library, and reproduced by permission
of the owner.
New England Courant, February 11, 1723  20
The first issue published by Benjamin Franklin. From the original in the British
Museum.
Title-Page of " A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleas
ure and Pain," called the " wicked tract "  42
From the original in the Congressional Library, Washington.
Sir Hans Sloane (photogravure)  44
From the original portrait in the National Portrait Gallery, London, painted
in 1736 by Stephen Slaughter. Sir Hans Sloane was an English physician
who died in 1753, and left to the nation his large collection of curiosities
and specimens of natural history. This gift was the foundation of the British
Museum.
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure)  50
From the original " Sumner " portrait of Franklin at twenty painted in London

iv Notes on the Illustrations
about 17Z6. It is said to have been given by Franklin to his brother, John, of
Newport, R. I., whose wife was the grandmother of Mrs. Thomas W. Sumner
of Brookline, Mass. From Mr. Sumner it passed to Dr. John C. Warren of
Boston, who bequeathed it to Harvard College in 1856.
The autograph is from a promissory note, given by Franklin to John Phillips,
Bookseller, in Boston, May 5, 1724, in possession of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania. This is said to be the earliest known Franklin autograph.
Facsimile of the Pennsylvania Gazette  64
From the first number published by Benjamin Franklin, October 2, 1729,
containing his address to the reader. From the original in the Lenox collection,
New York Public Library.
Dissolution of the Firm of Benjamin Franklin and Hugh
Meredith  68
From the original manuscript in possession of the American Philosophical
Society at Philadelphia.
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure)  70
From the portrait by G. D. Leslie. Copied from the original painting by
Mason Chamberlin, and presented to Harvard University by Joshua Bates.
This portrait was painted by Chamberlin in 1 760 for Col. Philip Ludwell of
Virginia, who visited England in that year. The original next went to Joshua
Bates of Boston, for whom Bates Hall in the Boston Public Library is named, and
is now in the possession of his grandson, Victor Van der Weyer, London, Eng
land. The autograph is from a letter dated 1 761, in the Chamberlin collection,
Boston Public Library.
Mrs. Deborah Franklin (photogravure)  84
From the original portrait in the possession of Rev. F. B. Hodge, D. D.,
Wilkes Barre, Pa. The autograph is from a letter in the possession of the
Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Mrs. Richard Bache (Sarah Franklin) (photogravure) .... 94
From the original painted by Hoppner in 1792. This portrait was in the
Bache family until 1 90 1 , when it came into the possession of the Metropolitan
Art Museum, New York City. The autograph is from a letter in the posses
sion of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia.
Poor Richard's Almanack, 1733  100
Facsimiles of the first, fifth, seventh, and last pages of the first issue. From
an original copy in the possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society at
Philadelphia. Paul Leicester Ford said of it: " Seventy editions of it have been
printed in English, fifty-six in French, eleven in German, and nine in Italian.
It has been translated into Spanish, Danish, Swedish, Welsh, Polish, Gaelic,
Russian, Bohemian, Dutch, Catalan, Chinese, modern Greek, and Phonetic
writing. It has been printed at least four hundred times, and is to-day as
popular as ever ! ' '
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure)  110
From the original painted by David Martin in 1 767, now in the possession
of Mr. Henry Williams Biddle, Philadelphia. This is known as the "Thumb "
portrait, and was painted for Robert Alexander of Edinburgh. Jonathan Wil
liams married Alexander's niece. The portrait was given to them " to descend

Notes on the Illustrations v
to the eldest male heir in perpetuity as the joint representative of both parties. "
The autograph is from a letter written in 1765, in the Chamberlin collection,
Boston Public Library.
George Whitfield (photogravure)  .112
From the original painting in Memorial Hall, Harvard University. The
autograph is from a letter in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, Boston.
Advertisement of Richardson's Pamela, published by Franklin . 116
Pamela is said to have been the first novel published in America. The photo
graph is from the Pennsylvania Gazette, 1 8th December, 1 744, in the possession
of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia.
Map of the Siege of Louisburg  118
This is photographed from the Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 860, published in
Philadelphia, June 6, 1745, now in the possession of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania. This is said to have been the first cut ever printed in any Ameri
can newspaper, and also the first time that an item of news appeared with an
illustration.
Title-Page of Cato Major  122
From the original in the Harvard University Library. This is commonly re
garded as one of the best examples of Franklin's press-work. It was not the first
American translation of a classic, but it was the first made and published
in America. Franklin in his preface says : "I shall add to these few lines my
hearty wish that this first translation of a classic in this western world may be
followed with many others performed with equal judgment and success; and
be a happy omen, that Philadelphia shall become the seat of the American
muses."
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure)  124
From the original " Athenaeum " portrait by Duplessis in the Boston Museum
of Fine Arts, the property of the Boston Athenaeum. This portrait was painted
by Duplessis in 1778 for M. Donatein le Ray de Chaumont, whose "petite
maison ' ' at Passy was occupied by Franklin through most of his stay in France.
The portrait came into the possession of Thomas Jefferson, and was left by
him to Joseph Coolidge Jr. of Boston, through whom it came to the Boston
Athenaeum in 1828. The autograph is from the Declaration of Independence.
William Shirley (photogravure)  140
After the painting by T. Hudson. The autograph is from the Lenox collec
tion, New York Public Library.
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure)  166
From a photograph of the statuette by Nini, in the possession of Hon. John
Bigelow, President of the New York Public Library. This statuette, interesting
because of its real hair, is owned by Mme. Guerin de Vaux of Paris. Jean
Baptiste Nini, native of Italy, an engraver on glass, was discovered by Le Ray de
Chaumont, who also discovered a remarkably fine quality of clay on his estate,
where he established Nini on a salary. It was through Le Ray, on whose
estate in Passy Franklin lived during most of his residence in France, that he,
until recognized as Minister of the United States, held intercourse with the
Government of France. He necessarily fell into intimate relations with Nini,
who appears to have found him his most profitable model. Medallions of

vi Notes on the Illustrations
Franklin by Nini are very common, and it is said that Nini made more medallions
of Franklin than of any other person.
Letter from Franklin to his Mother, April 12, 1750 . . . 168
From the original in the possession of the Boston Athenaeum.
Benjamin Franklin (photogravure)  170
From a photograph of the statuette by Nini in the possession of Hon. John
Bigelow.
Thomas Penn (photogravure) . *  180
From the original painting by Peter Van Dyke in the possession of the Earl
of Ranfurly.
List of Headings for the Autobiography  182
From the original manuscript in the possession of Hon. John Bigelow.
The Franklin Bicentennial Medal (reverse)  Bad Cover

INTRODUCTION
IN preparing this commemorative edition of the Auto
biography of Benjamin Franklin, it has been the intention
of the publishers to embody in a fit and adequate form the
authentic narrative, the ipsissima verba, of Franklin. Though
the story breaks off abruptly in the year 1757, when Franklin
had the three most splendid decades of his life still before him,
it has seemed best neither to make use of any of the admirable
continuations of the chronicle that have been constructed, nor
to attempt a new one, but rather to let the Autobiography
remain as it stood when the pen fell from Franklin's hand, in
tantalizing but imperishable incompleteness.
Yet considered either as a human document or as a piece
of artistic construction, the Autobiography is but superficially
incomplete. For many readers, Ben Franklin the printer,
provincial philosopher, and citizen of Philadelphia, is a more
intimate and engaging figure than Dr Benjamin Franklin, the
diplomatist, cosmopolitan savant, and citizen of the world.
The true drama of his life was enacted in the first half-century
of it. At the age of fifty, when the Autobiography leaves him,
his character was formed, his fate unfolded, his position assured.
What followed was but further illustration, or, as it were, an
elaborate sequel to a stirring tale.
As this edition includes only the actual Autobiography of
Franklin, it has seemed specially desirable that the text should
be printed with the utmost fidelity precisely as he wrote it.
By the courtesy of the Honorable John Bigelow, and his pub
lishers, The J. B. Lippincott Co., this edition has been set from
the text of the fifth edition of Mr Bigelow's text, which fol-

viii Introduction
lows Franklin's autograph manuscript verbatim et literatim, the
few deviations in the direction of uniformity of spelling which
occurred in Mr Bigelow's first edition having been in later
editions restored to Franklin's own orthography.
The story of the text of the Autobiography has been often
told; but it remains still one of the most interesting and ro
mantic episodes in the history of letters, and no edition of the
Autobiography should be printed without some chronicle of
the peculiar circumstances attending the establishment of its
authentic text.
The authoritative source for the story of the fortunes and
misfortunes of the autograph manuscript of Franklin's me
moirs of his own life is Mr Bigelow's account, prefixed to his
successive editions of the book. Briefly summarized, the facts
are as follows :
Franklin began the composition of his Autobiography in
the year 1771, while he was resident in the family of Doctor
Jonathan Shipley, Bishop of St Asaph. During the leisure
time afforded him by this visit, he completed the portion of
the Autobiography which carries the story from his birth, in
1706, to his marriage, in 1730. The work was not taken up
again until Franklin became Minister of the United Colonies
to France. While residing at Passy, in 1 784, he undertook to
continue the Autobiography, but wrote only a few pages of it
in all at this time, carrying the story from the memorandum
which occurs on page 73 of this edition as far as page 97.
Four years went by, in which the manuscript was untouched.
The third part was begun in 1788, when he had returned to
Philadelphia, and this carried the story to 1757. This com
pletes the Autobiography as it was printed up to the time of
Mr Bigelow's first edition, in 1867. That edition contained
a fourth part, consisting of a few pages written late in 1789.
Benjamin Franklin died in the spring of 1790, leaving a
will by which all his papers and manuscripts were committed

Introduction ix
to the care of his grandson, William Temple Franklin ; and
it was at once understood that the young Franklin was pre
paring his grandfather's Autobiography for the press. A few
months later William Temple Franklin sailed for England, for
the avowed purpose of publishing his grandfather's works.
It was, however, twenty-seven years — thrice the number
enjoined by Horace for the ripening of literature — be
fore the promise was fulfilled. An ugly story was circu
lated widely in the periodical press that William Temple
Franklin delayed the publication of his grandfather's papers
and suppressed some of them entirely for the consideration
of a suitable sum in hand, paid him by the British Govern
ment. Proof of the accusation, however, has always been
wanting, and the trend of the evidence is to make it less than
probable. Yet the first edition of the Autobiography ap
peared, oddly enough, in a French translation, in Paris, in
1 79 1 . This translation, which includes only the first of the
four portions of the Autobiography, was quite surely made
from one of the copies which Franklin is known to have
sent to his friends, Le Veillard and Rochefoucault of Paris,
and Vaughan of London, though the name of the French
translator has eluded the most anxious research.
The first English version of the Autobiography appeared
in 1793. This was a translation of the French edition pub
lished two years earlier, with a continuation of Franklin's
life, which was written by Doctor Henry Stuber, and printed
serially in the Columbian Magazine at Philadelphia. This,
the so-called Robinson edition, was twice reprinted in Lon
don, and was soon pirated in Dublin, Dundee, Edinburgh,
New York, Salem, and other cities. It remained the stand
ard edition of the Autobiography until 18 17, when the
William Temple Franklin edition appeared. This in turn
remained the standard edition until that of Mr Bigelow ap
peared, in 1867.

x Introduction
The curious fact that one of the most popular books in
the English language, which had run through scores of edi
tions, was printed first in its own tongue in a translation from
a translation, and that the original manuscript had never
been discovered, attracted from time to time the attention
of curious book-lovers and students of Franklin's life. It
was reserved for the Honorable John Bigelow to run the
autograph to its hiding-place and give it to the world. In
1866, while Mr Bigelow was the Minister of the United
States to France, the idea occurred to him that the original
manuscript of the complete Autobiography might be in that
country. Some inquiries after it were started, which at first
proved unsuccessful; but in the winter of 1867, after Mr
Bigelow had left Paris, and was in London, on his way
homeward to the United States, he received from M. Labou-
laye, who had been in quest of the manuscript, a note an
nouncing its discovery in the possession of M. de Senarmont,
a descendant of M. Le Veillard.
Mr Bigelow at once wrote to his friend William H.
Huntington, who was living in Paris, authorizing him to
examine the manuscript and make an offer for it of 1 5,000
francs. Mr Huntington replied in a series of letters of such
vivacity that they deserve to become classic in the history
of American bibliophily :

(High private and fiducial) 22 Janvier, '67.
"Dear Mr Bigelow:
Yours of no date whatever reached me Saturday, and that
of M. Laboulaye the same afternoon. M. L[aboulaye]
knows nothing more of the MSS. and portrait than what he
wrote you ; gave me letter of presentation to M. Senarmont,

Introduction xi
whom he does not know, in the which he mentioned
your name with full titles, and addressed it 78 Rue de
Verneuil. It was late to go there that day. A "glance at the map"
will show you that it is the one-fourth St Germain, and so
I did not go Sunday. Fytte Second
After breakfast and "girding myself up" — how much
easier one feels after it! — I took the letter in my hand on
this blessed day, and got myself up in the highest number in
the Rue de Verneuil, which I found, like Franklin's Me
moirs, broken off some time before 78. Whereupon "I
fetched a compass," as St Paul would say, and ran for Rue
de Varennes, where I presently made No. 98, and hailing
the concierge, found I had reached port this time.
Oh, such a concierge — both he and his female ! — repu
table, civil, in a comfortable room. While getting up a
broad, clean staircase, did hear bell ringing in the court. By
the time I reached the door au 2me, a gentle domestic was
already there. The dining-room was thoroughly warmed ;
through the open door, into the salon; a carpet continuous
with the parquet, and comfortable chairs, and other quietly,
not newly rich furnishing, and still another fire, offered so
many peaceful indications that here was not a shop to buy
things cheap in. M. de S. presently appeared from up-stairs
(occupy two floors, then!) Handsome (not pretty), 33 a 37
years of age, courteous, shrewd I guess, but really a gentle
man. He said that the MSS. were:
1. The original Autobiography, with interlinings, era
sures, etc., from which the copy was made that was sent to
W. T. Franklin, and the first translation: It is in folio,
bound, complete.

xii Introduction
2. Letters, mostly, he thinks, to M. Veillard, not relating
to politics — at least not specially political — friendly letters,
— and not, he thinks, ever communicated to Mr Sparks or
other book-making person. The portrait is by Duplessis, and,
according to a "tradition in the family," the original, not the
replica: it was given by B. F. to M. Veillard.
He had neither MSS. nor portrait in the house: they are
at his cousin's (who is, as I understand, part owner of them).
On Wednesday I am to go to No. 98 Rue de V. again, when
he will have them there or will accompany me to his cousin
to see them. He did reside formerly in Amiens, where he
or his father had these things. An American, he thinks, did
come some years ago to see the portrait there ; name of that
stranger unknown; also his quality, whether merely an in
quisitive traveller ; is ready but not eager to sell (if he knows
himself) at 25,000 francs the lot; does not want to sell any
one of the three articles separately. Does not know that they
are mercantilely worth 25,000 francs, but intimates that he
shall run the risk of waiting for or provoking the chance of
that price being given. Has been applied to by a photo
grapher (this some time ago) to photograph the portrait:
declined proposition at the time, but now conceives that it
might gratify curiosity of Americans coming to Exposition
next May to see copies of it, or the original hung up there !
I fancy that this Universal French-Exposition idea stands
more in the way of reducing the price than anything else.
I write you all these things so that, if you see fit, you can
let me know before Wednesday noon whether 1 5,000 francs
is your last price. Please write me by mail any suggestions or
directions you will : also how, in case he does yield to the
charm of 15,000 down, and I can get the MSS. and portrait
in time, I am to send them to you. Suppose M. de S. yields on
Wednesday the 23d, I get your money Saturday the 26th, and
the articles that night. I express them Sunday morning the

Introduction xiii
27th. And seeing we are in France, that is the quickest time
we could hope to make. I must hurry now to catch the mail.
Yours truly,
W. H. Huntington.
Paris (8 Rue de Boursault), 23 Jan., 1867.
Dear Mr. Bigelow:
I have seen the Frankliniseries (say Franklinienacs). The
autobiography is writ on large foolscap, bound very simply,
but without the slightest lesion of the pages. This is undoubt
edly the original manuscript, with interlining, erasures, marg
inal notes, and blots (of which one smasher, that was smatched
thin nearly over one page) of B. F. of the period. It is com
plete in both parts. The French publication of 1 79 1 stops
with the first part, you recollect — and more complete than
the "clean copy" from which W. T. Franklin printed the
two parts ; /. e., it has several more pages after the arrival in
London in 1 y^y, where W. T. F.'s print stops. I should think
there are other passages in this MS. omitted by W. T. F., or
by the writer of the clean copy. The MS. closes with these
words: "They were never put in execution."
Of the letters, only two or three are from B. F. — one
dated Philadelphia, 1787 ; another, ditto, 1788 ; 16 or 14 are
from W. Temple Franklin, 2 from Sarah Bache, 2 from B. F.
Bache: all addressed to M. Veillard. I judge, from what M.
Paul de Senarmont said, that they do not relate to political
subjects. I had not time to read any of them, having to go to
M. George de Senarmont, the cousin, to see the portrait.
It is nearly a half-length, life-size pastel, perfectly well
preserved, under glass, not a franc of additional value from the
frame. It is not signed. A labelled black and gilt statement,
which is undoubtedly true, is attached to the bottom of the
frame, and reads nearly as follows: "Portrait de Benjamin
Franklin, age jj, donne par luimeme a M. Veillard. Peint

xiv Introduction
par J. S. Duplessis, 1783." I have no doubt of the genuineness
of the portrait. M. S. says that the family tradition is that this
was the original, and the other one, which was in possession
of W. T. Franklin (?), the replica. Duplessis had a good repu
tation as a portrait-painter. The Biographie Nouvelle cites,
among twelve of his most esteemed portraits, one of Franklin
in the " Galerie Pamard a Avignon." The one that Mr Edward
Brooks bought of J. de Mancy, or his heirs, a few years ago,
was claimed to be by Duplessis. That was in oils; it was
offered to me by old de Mancy, in 1852, for 2000 francs.
There was a break in his history of it that led me to suspect
that it might be a copy.
M. de Senarmont holds firmly to the fixed price of 25,-
000 francs : agrees that it may be an extravagant one, but
will not set any other till after the Exposition. He means to
advertise Americans here of the manuscripts and portrait, and
where they may be seen, depositing them for that end with
some bookseller or other party. Meantime, he is quite will
ing to keep my address, and in case he does not sell at Ex
position season, to talk further about the matter. The manu
scripts and portraits are, as I understand him, an undivided
family property. . . .
Paris (8 Rue de Boursault), January 27, 1867.
Ever Honored:
My passage out from apartment in search of breakfast this
morning was obstructed by the concierge handing your letter
of 24th. Yours of 2 2d leaving all to my discretion, I thought
it discreetest not to spend so large a sum as 25m. frs. with
out positive orders. These last instructions being decisive, I
gat myself;
Onely, to Munroe & Co.'s, where I showed Mr Richards
(who had his hat on) your enabling act to them for my draw
ing of Pactolian draughts to the amount of 25m. frs.

Introduction xv
2ly, to Legoupy, a printseller of my acquaintance, on
Blvd. de la Madeleine, to ask how best the portrait of B. F.
could be safely packed, with or without the glass. " With,"
quoth he decidedly. Then I asked if he would charge himself
with the packing, he being much in the way of sending large
framed and glazed engravings out of the city ; and he said he
would. Threely, to the S. E. R. way and package and express
office, to ask at what latest minute they would receive and
forward packages to London, which proved to be 5 o'clock
P.M. Four mostly to breakfast. Presently after that refection I
girded up my loins and took voiture for 98 Rue de Varennes.
Coming into the presence of M. Paul de Senarmont, I spake,
saying : " I will take the Franklineaments and MSS. on these
three conditions : 1. That I take them immediately ; 2. That
you deduct 200 francs from the 25,000 frs. to pay my expenses
for going with them to London; 3. That you furnish — send
ing it to me hereafter for Mr Bigelow — the history of the
transitions of the three Franklinienacs from M. Veillard's to
your hands."
All of which being agreed to, I wrote then and there an
order, draught, draft, or whatever the name of the paper may
be, on J. M. & Co. for 24,800 francs in his favor at 3 days' vis
ion. Then P. de S. and the literary remains of B. F., and self
with cane, being bestowed in the voiture (No. of the same not
preserved), we careered away to Cousin George de Senarmont' s,
No. 23 Ruede Sevres. While Paul went in unto George, to
the bedroom of him — for George was poorly, it seems, this
morning, and late abed; leastway, late to breakfast — I ven
tured to relieve B. F. from the state of suspense he was in on
the wall of the salon, screwed out of his frame the iron ring,
and, in the distraction of the moment, gave it to Cousin
George's housekeeper.

xvi Introduction
That was what B. F. calls an erratum, for I have often use
for that sort of screw — which the housekeeper, let us hope,
could not care for.
Repacking, now, Paul de S., the MSS., umbrella, cane, and
B. F. his eidolon, which I sustained ever with one hand, into the
carriage, I bade cocher drive to 7 Rue Scribe, where I present
ed M. P. de S. to Mr J. Munroe, to whom I committed your
enabling note and identified Paul. Then P. de S. wished good
voyage to London, and the cocher asked, as I was delicately
handling B. F.'s portrait, if that was the Franklin who perished
in the Northern Seas. Queer but disappointing. Cocher evi
dently took a lively interest in the frozen party, and but a cold
indifferent one in the to him unheard-of philosopher. Now
straight to Legoupy's, whose packer declared he could have all
ready by 4 o'clock. I did not believe him, but by way of en
couragement pretended to, and held out to him as reward, in
case of success, that I would gladly contribute something to the
Washington Monument, which, let us hope, will never be
completed. There was time enough between this and five o'clock to go
to the Legation, but small chance of finding Mr Dix there.
So I went to the consulate and offered David to pay his passage
and expenses if he would go with B. F. to London to-night.
David would gladly but could not; had infrangible pre-engage-
ments for this evening ; I almost found, but missed another
man, who would, it was thought, take charge of the box and
surely deliver it Sunday, for 50 francs. During these entrefaites,
four o'clock sounded. At one quarter past, the caisse was on
the back of Legoupy's boy following your servant up the Boul
evard. The very best I could do at the R. and express office
was to obtain the most positive assurance, that a special mes
senger should take the box from Cannon Street to Cleveland
Square before noon on Monday. There is no delivery at any
price on Sunday. I was on the point of deciding — what I had

Introduction xvii
been debating ever since morning — to take a go and return
ticket and carry box and baggage to London myself. But you
know how I hate travelling at all times. On leaving the
express office, I passed a brief telegrammatic sentence to your
address, through the window of Grand Hotel T. bureau. The
gentleman who counted its letters estimated them at 6 francs,
which is more, proportionately, than what you paid for B. F.'s
MSS. and flattering to me. If I am ever able, I shall set up
a telegraph wire, and dance on to fortune.
Although my way along the quais and other marts where
books do congregate, are not as they were when you were my
fellow pilgrim, yet are they still not all without pleasantness.
Thus, coming away from my annual visit to the neuvaine fete
of Ste Genevieve three weeks ago, I fell upon the rummest
bronze medallion of B. Franklin (hitherto quite unheard of
by this subscriber) that ever you could conceive of. And yet
another day, one of those days lapsed last week from the polar
circles into the more temperate society of our Paris time, I
clutched with numb fingers a diminutive little 4to of pp. 48
with this title: "La Science du Bonhomme Richard par M.
Franklin: suivedes dix commandments de l'Honnete Homme,
par M.Fintry — prixquatresols. Se vend a Paris, chez Renault,
Libraire, Rue de la Harpe. — 1778." So, another day, was
all my homeward walk a path of exceeding peace by reason of
the primary, preadamite, genuine, juvenile, original Eloge de
Franklin hugged under my arm, like healing in the wing. But
the half of the enjoyment of these good gifts of fortune fails
me, in that I have no one now to congratulate me or hate me
for their acquisition.
M. de Senarmont promises me a letter giving the historique
of the triad of Franklin treasures, from the time of M. le Veil
lard to his possession of them. It will not amount to much,
— not from lack of willingness on his part, but because the
special sense is wanting in him. A dry authenticating certi-

xviii Introduction
ficate, however, I will insist on having, and will forward it to
your American address, which do not forget to advertise me
of from Liverpool or London.
M. de S. asks me to ask you, if you have the Duplessis pho
tographed, to send him two or three cards ; please add one
other or two for me, since you will be apt to send them to my
address. I shall be glad to have word from you, though in
your flitting hurry it must be brief, from London, and much
gladder to have news from America that you and yours are all
safely and soundly arrived there.
With best regards and good wishes to all ypur house, I rest
Yours truly,
W. H. Huntington.
Here folio weth an account of ye expenditures, outlays, and
disbursements of ye Franklin Expedition. Francs.
To a chariot and ye horseman thereof. Hire of the
vehicles and pourboire, as it were oats to the driver
for the greater speed  5
To packing B. Franklin under glass and in MSS. with
extra haste and yet care  9
To the binding of B. F. on a boy his back and port
erage of the same  1
To studiously brief telegrammatic phrase sent to
London  6
To arduous sperrits (with water) taken for sustentation
of the body thys day  0.50
Condamned tottle  21.50
The certificate given by M. de Senarmont to Mr Bigelow
accounts for the existence of the manuscript in France. And
bad as the circumstances seem upon their face they are easily
explicable. William Temple Franklin, when he came to pre
pare the Autobiography for the press, seems to have found it

Introduction xix
none too legible. Recalling, therefore, that a fair copy, per
haps made by his own hand, had been sent to M. le Veillard,
he wrote to the latter asking him to give him this fair copy
for the greater convenience of the printer, and offering him in
return the original autograph manuscript of Franklin. To
this M. le Veillard quite naturally agreed, and so the original
manuscript passed into his hands. Returning triumphantly to
America with the autograph manuscript of the Autobiography,
a still greater triumph awaited Mr Bigelow when he found
time to read it critically. He then discovered that the text as
printed by William Temple Franklin contained twelve hun
dred distinct deviations from the autograph original, nearly
all of them the obvious result of a painstaking but ill-advised
effort to chasten Franklin's virile and picturesque prose. We
have, for a single example, in the edition of 1 8 1 7 the correct
but drab phrase, "stared with astonishment," where Franklin
had written, "stared like a pig poisoned." Mr Bigelow also
verified Mr Huntington's statement that the autograph manu
script contained a fourth part of the Autobiography, some
pages in length, which was not included in the edition of 1 8 1 7.
Apparently William Temple Franklin, in his concern for the
ease of the printer, had traded the autograph manuscript with
out going to the trouble of reading it, and so was unaware that
it was more complete than the one he received in return.
This is the history of the authentic text of Franklin's Auto
biography so far as it is a matter of approved record. A host
of provocative questions still await a convincing answer : Who
was the translator of the first French edition ? Where did he
get his copy? Why did William Temple Franklin delay the
publication for twenty-seven years? Did he or the corrector
of the press attempt the emasculation of the autobiographer's
style ? The answers to these and many similar questions will
lie hid in the backward of time until some acute and patient
investigator has the fortune to find some forgotten scrap of

xx Introduction
manuscript, some unregarded paragraph, that will shoot a sud
den shaft of light to the heart of the maze.
Yet such questions are of little moment save for the special
ist. What is of permanent importance to the world is that
the Autobiography has been restored to its true and uncorrupt-
ed text, wherein we may delightfully learn to know the finest
example in history of the self-made man — the ideal type of
the wisely humorous philosopher of things as they are, incar
nated in a human personality at once ripe, various, charming,
sound, unique.

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Benjamin Franklin
HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY

Twyford, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's, 1771.
DEAR SON : I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any
little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember
the inquiries I made among the remains of my rela
tions when you were with me in England, and the journey
I undertook for that purpose. Imagining it may be equally
agreeable to you to know the circumstances of my life, many
of which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting the
enjoyment of a week's uninterrupted leisure in my present
country retirement, I sit down to write them for you. To
which I have besides some other inducements. Having
emerged from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born
and bred, to a state of affluence and some degree of reputation
in the world, and having gone so far through life with a con
siderable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use of,
which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my pos
terity may like to know, as they may find some of them suit
able to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated.
That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me some
times to say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have
no objection to a repetition of the same life from its beginning,
only asking the advantages authors have in a second edition to
correct some faults of the first. So I might, besides correcting
the faults, change some sinister accidents and events of it for
others more favourable. But though this were denied, I should
still accept the offer. Since such a repetition is not to be

2 The Autobiography of
expected, the next thing most like living one's life over again
seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recol
lection as durable as possible by putting it down in writing.
Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in old
men, to be talking of themselves and their own past actions ;
and I shall indulge it without being tiresome to others, who,
through respect to age, might conceive themselves obliged to
give me a hearing, since this may be read or not as any one
pleases. And, lastly (I may as well confess it, since my denial
of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps I shall a good deal
gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the
introductory words, " Without vanity I may say," etc., but some
vain thing immediately followed. Most people dislike vanity
in others, whatever share they have of it themselves ; but I
give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded
that it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to others
that are within his sphere of action ; and therefore, in many
cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank
God for his vanity among the other comforts of life.
And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all humil
ity to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned happiness of my
past life to His kind providence, which lead me to the means
I used and gave them success. My belief of this induces me
to hope, though I must not presume, that the same goodness will
still be exercised toward me, in continuing that happiness, or
enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I may experience as
others have done ; the complexion of my future fortune being
known to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even
our afflictions.
The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curi
osity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands,
furnished me with several particulars relating to our ances
tors. From these notes I learned that the family had lived in
the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hun-

Benjamin Franklin 3
dred years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from
the time when the name of Franklin, that before was the
name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a sur
name when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a
freehold of about thirty acres, aided by the smith's business,
which had continued in the family till his time, the eldest son
being always bred to that business ; a custom which he and
my father followed as to their eldest sons. When I searched
the registers at Ecton, I found an account of their births, mar
riages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no
registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that
register I perceived that I was the youngest son of the young
est son for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas,
who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till he grew too old to
follow business any longer, when he went to live with his
son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my
father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather died
and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest
son Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the
land to his only child, a daughter, who, with her husband,
one Fisher, of Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord
of the manor there. My grandfather had four sons that grew
up, viz. : Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Jo6iah. I will give you
what account I can of them, at this distance from my papers,
and if these are not lost in my absence, you will among them
find many more particulars.
Thomas was bred a smith under his father ; but, being in
genious, and encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were)
by an Esquire Palmer, then the principal gentleman in that
parish, he qualified himself for the business of scrivener ; be
came a considerable man in the county ; was a chief mover
of all public-spirited undertakings for the county or town of
Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances
were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized

4 The Autobiography of
by the then Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, January 6, old
style, just four years to a day before I was born. The account
we received of his life and character from some old people
at Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extraordinary,
from its similarity to what you knew of mine. " Had he died
on the same day," you said, "one might have supposed a trans
migration." John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was
bred a silk-dyer, serving an apprenticeship at London. He was
an ingenious man. I remember him well, for when I was a boy
he came over to my father in Boston, and lived in the house
with us some years. He lived to a great age. His grandson,
Samuel Franklin, now lives in Boston. He left behind him
two quarto volumes, MS., of his own poetry, consisting of
little occasional pieces addressed to his friends and relations,
of which the following, sent to me, is a specimen. He had
formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never
practising it, I have now forgot it. I was named after this uncle,
there being a particular affection between him and my father.
He was very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best preach
ers, which he took down in his short-hand, and had with him
many volumes of them. He was also much of a politician ;
too much, perhaps, for his station. There fell lately into my
hands, in London, a collection he had made of all the principal
pamphlets relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 171 7; many
of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but
there still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four in
quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with them,
and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought
them to me. It seems my uncle must have left them here when
he went to America, which was above fifty years since. There
are many of his notes in the margins.
This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation,
and continued Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary,

Benjamin Franklin 5
when they were sometimes in danger of trouble on account of
their zeal against popery. They had got an English Bible, and
to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with tapes under
and within the cover of a joint-stool. When my great-great
grandfather read it to his family, he turned up the joint-stool
upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes.
One of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw
the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court.
In that case the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when
the Bible remained concealed under it as before. This anecdote
I had from my uncle Benjamin. The family continued all of the
Church of England till about the end of Charles the Second's
reign, when some of the ministers that had been outed for non
conformity holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benja
min and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued all their lives :
the rest of the family remained with the Episcopal Church.
Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with
three children into New England, about 1682. The conven
ticles having been forbidden by law, and frequently disturbed,
induced some considerable men of his acquaintance to remove
to that country, and he was prevailed with to accompany them
thither, where they expected to enjoy their mode of religion
with freedom. By the same wife he had four children more
born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen;
of which I remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table,
who all grew up to be men and women, and married ; I was
the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was born
in Boston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was
Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers
of New England, of whom honorable mention is made by
Cotton Mather, in his church history of that country, entitled
Magnalia Christi Americana, as "a godly learned Englishman"
if I remember the words rightly. I have heard that he wrote
sundry small occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed,

6 The Autobiography of
which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1 675, in
the home-spun verse of that time and people, and addressed
to those then concerned in the government there. It was in
favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists,
Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under persecution,
ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses that had befallen
the country, to that persecution, as so many judgments of God
to punish so heinous an offense, and exhorting a repeal of those
uncharitable laws. The whole appeared to me as written with
a good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. The six
concluding lines I remember, though I have forgotten the two
first of the stanza ; but the purport of them was, that his cen
sures proceeded from good-will, and, therefore, he would be
known to be the author.
" Because to be a libeller (says he)
I hate it with my heart ;
From Sherburne town, where now I dwell,
My name I do put here ;
Without offense your real friend,
It is Peter Folgier."
My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different trades.
I was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my
father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the
service of the Church. My early readiness in learning to read
(which must have been very early, as I do not remember when
I could not read), and the opinion of all his friends that I should
certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose
of his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed
to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as
a stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I contin
ued, however, at the grammar-school not quite one year, though
in that time I had risen gradually from the middle of the class
of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into
the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at

Benjamin Franklin 7
the end of the year. But my father, in the meantime, from
a view of the expense of a college education, which having so
large a family he could not well afford, and the mean living
many so educated were afterwards able to obtain — reasons
that he gave to his friends in my hearing — altered his first in
tention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to
a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous
man, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profession
generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under
him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arith
metic, and made no progress in it. At ten years old I was taken
home to assist my father in his business, which was that of a tal
low-chandler and sope-boiler ; a business he was not bred to,
but had assumed on his arrival in New England, and on finding
his dying trade would not maintain his family, being in little
request. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for the
candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles,
attending the shop, going of errands, etc.
I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea,
but my father declared against it ; however, living near the
water, I was much in and about it, learnt early to swim well,
and to manage boats ; and when in a boat or canoe with other
boys, I was commonly allowed to govern, especially in any case
of difficulty; and upon other occasions I was generally a leader
among the boys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which
I will mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting
public spirit, tho' not then justly conducted.
There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond,
on the edge of which, at high water, we used to stand to fish
for minnows. By much trampling, we had made it a mere
quagmire. My proposal was to build a wharff there fit for us
to stand upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones,
which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which
would very well suit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening,

8 The Autobiography of
when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my
play-fellows, and working with them diligently like so many
emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them
all away and built our little wharff. The next morning the
workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which were
found in our wharff. Inquiry was made after the removers ; we
were discovered and complained of; several of us were cor
rected by our fathers; and, though I pleaded the usefulness of
the work, mine convinced me that nothing was useful which
was not honest.
I think you may like to know something of his person and
character. He had an excellent constitution of body, was of
middle stature, but well set, and very strong; he was ingenious,
could draw prettily, was skilled a little in music, and had a clear
pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin
and sung withal, as he sometimes did in an evening after the busi
ness of the day was over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He
had a mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy
in the use of other tradesmen's tools ; but his great excellence
lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment in prudential
matters, both in private and publick affairs. In the latter, in
deed, he was never employed, the numerous family he had to
educate and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him
close to his trade ; but I remember well his being frequently
visited by leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in
affairs of the town or of the church he belonged to, and showed
a good deal of respect for his judgment and advice; he was also
much consulted by private persons about their affairs when any
difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between
contending parties. At his table he liked to have, as often as
he could, some sensible friend or neighbor to converse with,
and always took care to start some ingenious or useful topic
for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his
children. By this means he turned our attention to what was

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SPECIMEN PAGE OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY

Benjamin Franklin 9
good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life ; and little or no
notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the
table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of
good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other
thing of the kind, so that I was bro't up in such a perfect in
attention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind
of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this
day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what
I dined upon. This has been a convenience to me in travelling,
where my companions have been sometimes very unhappy for
want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate, because
better instructed, tastes and appetites.
My mother had likewise an excellent constitution : she
suckled all her ten children. I never knew either my father or
mother to have any sickness but that of which they dy'd, he at
89, and she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together at Bos
ton, where I some years since placed a marble over their grave,
with this inscription :
JOSIAH FRANKLIN, AND
ABIAH his wife,
lie here interred.
they lived lovingly together in wedlock
fifty-five years.
without an estate, or any gainful employment,
by constant labor and industry,
with god's blessing,
they maintained a large family
comfortably,
and brought up thirteen children
and seven grandchildren
reputably.
from this instance, reader,
be encouraged to diligence in thy calling,
and distrust not providence.

10 The Autobiography of
HE WAS A PIOUS AND PRUDENT MAN ;
SHE, A DISCREET AND VIRTUOUS WOMAN.
THEIR YOUNGEST SON,
IN FILIAL REGARD TO THEIR MEMORY,
PLACES THIS STONE.
J. F. BORN 1655, DIED I744, ^ETAT 89.
A. F. BORN 1667, DIED I752,  85.
By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to be grown
old. I us'd to write more methodically. But one does not dress
for private company as for a publick ball. 'T is perhaps only
negligence. To return : I continued thus employed in my father's busi
ness for two years, that is, till I was twelve years old : and my
brother John, who was bred to that business, having left my
father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there
was all appearance that I was destined to supply his place, and
become a tallow-chandler. But my dislike to the trade contin
uing, my father was under apprehensions that if he did not find
one for me more agreeable, I should break away and get to sea,
as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He therefore
sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, brick
layers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he might ob
serve my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on some trade or
other on land. It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see
good workmen handle their tools ; and it has been useful to me,
having learnt so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself
in my house when a workman could not readily be got, and to
construct little machines for my experiments, while the inten
tion of making the experiment was fresh and warm in my
mind. My father at last fixed upon the cutler's trade, and my
uncle Benjamin's son Samuel, who was bred to that business in
London, being about that time established in Boston, I was sent
to be with him some time on liking. But his expectations of
a fee with me displeasing my father, I was taken home again.

Benjamin Franklin ii
From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money
that came into my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased
with the Pilgrim's Progress, my first collection was of John
Bunyan's works in separate little volumes. I afterward sold
them to enable me to buy R. Burton's Historical Collections ;
they were small chapmen's books, and cheap, 40 or 50 in all.
My father's little library consisted chiefly of books in polemic
divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted
that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more
proper books had not fallen in my way, since it was now re
solved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch's Lives there was
in which I read abundantly, and I still think that time spent to
great advantage. There was also a book of De Foe's, called an
Essay on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's, called Essays
to do Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that
had an influence on some of the principal future events of my
life. This bookish inclination at length determined my father to
make me a printer, though he had already one son (James) of
that profession. In 171 7 my brother James returned from
England with a press and letters to set up his business in Boston.
I liked it much better than that of my father, but still had a hank
ering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended effect of such
an inclination, my father was impatient to have me bound to
my brother. I stood out some time, but at last was persuaded,
and signed the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old.
I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one years of age,
only I was to be allowed journeyman's wages during the last
year. In a little time I made great proficiency in the business,
and became a useful hand to my brother. I now had access to
better books. An acquaintance with the apprentices of book
sellers enabled me sometimes to borrow a small one, which I
was careful to return soon and clean. Often I sat up in my room
reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was bor-

12 The Autobiography of
rowed in the evening and to be returned early in the morning,
lest it should be missed or wanted.
And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. Matthew
Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, and who fre
quented our printing-house, took notice of me, invited me to
his library, and very kindly lent me such books as I chose to
read. I now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces ;
my brother, thinking it might turn to account, encouraged me,
and put me on composing occasional ballads. One was called
The Lighthouse Tragedy, and contained an account of the drown
ing of Captain Worthilake, with his two daughters : the other
was a sailor's song, on the taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the
pirate. They were wretched stuff, in the Grub-street ballad
style ; and when they were printed he sent me about the town
tosell them. The first sold wonderfully, the event being recent,
having made a great noise. This flattered my vanity ; but my
father discouraged me by ridiculing my performances, and tell
ing me verse-makers were generally beggars. So I escaped be
ing a poet, most probably a very bad one ; but as prose writing
has been of great use to me in the course of my life, and was
a principal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in
such a situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that
way. There was another bookish lad in the town, John Collins by
name, with whom I was intimately acquainted. We sometimes
disputed, and very fond we were of argument, and very desirous
of confuting one another, which disputatious turn, by the way,
is apt to become a very bad habit, making people often ex
tremely disagreeable in company by the contradiction that is
necessary to bring it into practice ; and thence, besides souring
and spoiling the conversation's productive of disgusts and, per
haps enmities where you have occasion for friendship. I had
caught it by reading my father's books of dispute about re
ligion. Persons of good sense, I have since observed, seldom

Benjamin Franklin 13
fall into it, except lawyers, university men, and men of all sorts
that have been bred at Edinborough.
A question was once, somehow or other, started between
Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the female sex in
learning, and their abilities for study. He was of opinion that
it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. I
took the contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute's sake. He
was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plenty of words ; and
sometimes, as I thought, bore me down more by his fluency than
by the strength of his reasons. As we parted without settling the
point, and were not to see one another again for some time, I sat
down to put my arguments in writing, which I copied fair and
sent to him. He answered, and I replied. Three or four letters
of a side had passed, when my father happened to find my papers
and read them. Without entering into the discussion, he took
occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing ; ob
served that, though I had the advantage of my antagonist in
correct spelling and pointing (which I ow'd to the printing-
house),! fell far short in elegance of expression, in method and
in perspicuity, of which he convinced me by several instances.
I saw the justice of his remarks, and thence grew more attentive
to the manner in writing, and determined to endeavor at im
provement. About this time I met with an odd volume of the Spectator.
It was the third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought
it, read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. I
thought the writing excellent, and wished, if possible, to im
itate it. With this view I took some of the papers, and, making
short hints of the sentiment in each sentence, laid them by a
few days, and then, without looking at the book, try'd to com-
pleat the papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at
length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suit
able words that should come to hand. Then I compared my
Spectator with the original, discovered some of my faults, and

14 The Autobiography of
corrected them. But I found I wanted a stock of words, or a
readiness in recollecting and using them, which I thought I
should have acquired before that time if I had gone on making
verses; since the continual occasion for words of the same im
port, but of different length, to suit the measure, or of different
sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant
necessity of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix
that variety in my mind, and make me master of it. Therefore
I took some of the tales and turned them into verse; and, after
a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them
back again. I also sometimes jumbled my collections of hints
into confusion, and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them
into the best order, before I began to form the full sentences
and compleat the paper. This was to teach me method in the
arrangement of thoughts. By comparing my work afterwards
with the original, I discovered many faults and amended them ;
but I sometimes had the pleasure of fancying that, in certain
particulars of small import, I had been lucky enough to improve
the method or the language, and this encouraged me to think
I might possibly in time come to be a tolerable English writer,
of which I was extreamly ambitious. My time for these exer
cises and for reading was at night, after work or before it began
in the morning, or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the
printing-house alone, evading as much as I could the common
attendance on public worship which my father used to exact of
me when I was under his care, and which indeed I still thought
a duty, though I could not, as it seemed to me, afford time to
practise it.
When about 1 6 years of age I happened to meet with a book,
written by one Tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. I deter
mined to go into it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not
keep house, but boarded himself and his apprentices in another
family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned an inconveniency,
and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made myself

Benjamin Franklin 15
acquainted with Tryon's manner of preparing someof his dishes,
such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty pudding, and a
few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if he would
give me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, I would
board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found
that I could save half what he paid me. This was an additional
fund for buying books. But I had another advantage in it. My
brother and the rest going from the printing-house to their
meals, I remained there alone, and, despatching presently my
light repast, which often was no more than a bisket or a slice
of bread, a handful of raisins or a tart from the pastry-cook's,
and a glass of water, had the rest of the time till their return for
study, in which I made the greater progress, from that greater
clearness of headand quicker apprehension which usually attend
temperance in eating and drinking.
And now it was that, being on some occasion made asham'd
of my ignorance in figures, which I had twice failed in learn
ing when at school, I took Cocker's book of Arithmetick, and
went through the whole by myself with great ease. I also read
Seller's and Shermy's books of Navigation, and became ac
quainted with the little geometry they contain; but never pro
ceeded far in that science. And I read about this time Locke
on Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs du
Port Royal.
While I was intent on improving my language, I met with
an English grammar (I think it was Greenwood's), at the
end of which there were two little sketches of the arts of rhet
oric and logic, the latter finishing with a specimen of a dispute
in the Socratic method; and soon after I procur'd Xenophon's
Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many in
stances of the same method. I was charm' d with it, adopted
it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and positive argumentation,
and put on the humble inquirer and doubter. And being then,
from reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter

1 6 The Autobiography of
in many points of our religious doctrine, I found this method
safest for myself and very embarassing to those against whom
I used it ; therefore I took a delight in it, practis'd it contin
ually, and grew very artful and expert in drawing people, even
of superior knowledge, into concessions, the consequences of
which they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties out
of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtain
ing victories that neither myself nor my cause always deserved.
I continu'd this method some few years, but gradually left it,
retaining only the habit of expressing myself in terms of mod
est diffidence ; never using, when I advanced anything that
may possibly be disputed, the words certainly, undoubtedly, or
any others that give the air of positiveness to an opinion ; but
rather say, I conceive or apprehend a thing to be so and so ;
it appears to me, or I should think it so or so, for such and such
reasons ; or I imagine it to be so ; or it is so, if I am not mistaken.
This habit, I believe, has been of great advantage to me when
I have had occasion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade
men into measures that I have been from time to time engag'd
in promoting; and, as the chief ends of conversation are to
inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish well-
meaning, sensible men would not lessen their power of do
ing good by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to
disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat every one of
those purposes for which speech was given to us, to wit, giving
or receiving information or pleasure. For, if you would inform,
a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments
may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. If
you wish information and improvement from the knowledge
of others, and yet at the same time express yourself as firmly
fix'd in your present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do
not love disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in
the possession of your error. And by such a manner, you can
seldom hope to recommend yourself in pleasing your hearers,

Benjamin Franklin 17
or to persuade those whose concurrence you desire. Pope says,
judiciously :
" Men should be taught as if you taught them not,
And things unknown proposed as things forgot ; "
farther recommending to us
" To speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence."
And he might have coupled with this line that which he has
coupled with another, I think, less properly,
" For want of modesty is want of sense."
If you ask, Why less properly ? I must repeat the lines,
" Immodest words admit of no defense,
For want of modesty is want of sense."
Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to
want it) some apology for his want of modesty ? and would not
the lines stand more justly thus ?
" Immodest words admit but this defense,
That want of modesty is want of sense."
This, however, I should submit to better judgments.
My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a news
paper. It was the second that appeared in America, and was
called the New England Courant. The only one before it was
the Boston News-Letter. I remember his being dissuaded by
some of his friends from the undertaking, as not likely to suc
ceed, one newspaper being, in their judgment, enough for
America. At this time ( 1 jj 1 ) there are not less than five-and-
twenty . He went on, however, with the undertaking, and after
having worked in composing the types and printing off the
sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro' the streets to
the customers.
He had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus'd
themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, which gain'd
it credit and madeit more in demand, and these gentlemen often

1 8 The Autobiography of
visited us. Hearing their conversations, and their accounts of
the approbation their papers were received with, I was excited
to try my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspect
ing that my brother would object to printing anything of mine
in his paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my
hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at night under
the door of the printing-house. It was found in the morning,
and communicated to his writing friends when they call'd in as
usual. They read it, commented on it in my hearing, and I had
the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their approbation,
and that, in their different guesses at the author, none were
named but men of some character among us for learning and
ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges,
and that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then
esteem' d them.
Encourag'd, however, by this, I wrote and convey' d in the
same way to the press several more papers which were equally
approv'd; and I kept my secret till my small fund of sense for
such performances was pretty well exhausted, and then I dis
covered it, when I began to be considered a little more by my
brother's acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please
him, as he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make
me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of the
differences that we began to have about this time. Though
a brother, he considered himself as my master, and me as his
apprentice, and, accordingly, expected the same services from
me as he would from another, while I thought he demean' d
me too much in some he requir'd of me, who from a brother
expected more indulgence. Our disputes were often brought
before our father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right,
or else a better pleader, because the judgment was generally in
my favor. But my brother was passionate, and had often beaten
me, which I took extreamly amiss; and, thinking my appren
ticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some oppor-

Benjamin Franklin 19
tunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner
unexpected.1 One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point,
which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the Assembly. He
was taken up, cerisur'd, and imprison'd for a month, by the
speaker's warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover his
author. I too was taken up and examin'd before the council;
but, tho' I did not give them any satisfaction, they content' d
themselves with admonishing me, and dismissed me, consider
ing me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his
master's secrets.
During my brother's confinement, which I resented a good
deal, notwithstanding our private differences, I had the man
agement of the paper; and I made bold to give our rulers some
rubs in it, which my brother took very kindly, while others
began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a young genius
that had a turn for libelling and satyr. My brother's discharge
was accompany'd with an order of the House (a very odd one),
that "James Franklin should no longer print the paper called the
New England Courant."
There was a consultation held in our printing-house among
his friends, what he should do in this case. Some proposed to
evade the order by changing the name of the paper; but my
brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded
on as a better way, to let it be printed for the future under the
name of Benjamin Franklin ; and to avoid the censure of
the Assembly, that might fall on him as still printing it by his
apprentice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should
be return'd to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to
be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of my
service, I was to sign new indentures for the remainder of the
term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it
1 I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means of impressing me
with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to me through my whole life.

20 The Autobiography of
was ; however, it was immediately executed, and the paper
went on accordingly, under my name for several months.
At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and
me, I took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he
would not venture to produce the new indentures. It was not
fair in me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon
one of the first errata of my life; but the unfairness of itweighed
little with me, when under the impressions of resentment for
the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow upon me,
though he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd man : perhaps I was
too saucy and provoking.
When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent
my getting employment in any other printing-house of the
town, by going round and speaking to every master, who ac
cordingly refus'd to give me work. I then thought of going
to New York, as the nearest place where there was a printer ;
and I was rather inclin'd to leave Boston when I reflected that
I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing
party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in
my brother's case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring
myself into scrapes ; and farther, that my indiscrete disputations
about religion began to make me pointed at with horror by good
people as an infidel or atheist. I determin'd on the point, but
my father now siding with my brother, I was sensible that, if
I attempted to go openly, means would be used to prevent me.
My friend Collins, therefore, undertook to manage a little for
me. He agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my
passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of
his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would
compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not appear or
come away publicly. So I sold some of my books to raise a little
money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind,
in three days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from
home, a boy of but 1 7, without the least recommendation to,

From Monday February 4. to M b » d a y February 11. 1723.

The late'Publifher of this Paper, finding fo many
Iriconvenieiicies Would arjfe by his carrying the
' ..Miuul'cripts and public* News to be ftperyisd
by the Secroafyt as to render His canning item
tifiprofirable, fla's jntirely dropt the Undertaking.
The prefenr Publlfher having receiv'd the follow
ing Piece, denies- the Readers to accept of it as a
Preface to, what rhey may hereafter meet with
in this Paper.
fton ego mord/iei djjtrinx't Caniiine qitcvqiiartii
Hulls vanenato Liter* onijla Joco eft.
~ ONG has the Prefs
groaned in bringing
lotth ait hateful, but
umerous Brood ofPar-
ty Pamphlets, malici-
| ous Scribbles, and Bil-
gfgate Ribaldry. The
Rancour and bittemefs
t has unhappily infu-
"ed into Mens minds,
, and to what a Degree
hasfowred and lea-
I ven'd the Tempers of
PeiC ms formerly eiixemed foine of the molt fwcet
and affable, is too well known here, to need any
further Proof of Keptcfentation of the Maacr.
iNo generous and impartial Perl'on then can blame
the preLenx Undertaking, which is deiigned purely
for the DiverJion and Merriment of the Reader.
Pieces of Plealancy and Mirth have a fecret Chann
in them to allay the Heats and Tumors of our
Spirits, and to make a Man forget hia*reftlefs Ke-
fentments. They have a ftrange Power to tune the
' harlh Disorders of the Soul, and reduce us 10 a fe-
. tene and placid Stare of Mind,
The main Defign of chis Weekly Paper will be
to entertain the Town with the mult comical and
diverting Incidents of Humane life, which in fo
large a Place as Soften, will not fail of a universal
Exemplification: Nor /hall we be wanting to fill up
thefe Papers with a grateful Intertperfion of moie
ferious Morals, which may be drawn from the moft
judicrous and odd Parts of Life.
As fot the Author, that is the next QuefHon.
But iho' we profeTs our [elves ready 10 oblige the
ingenious and courteous Reader with molt Softs
of intelligence, jet here we beg a Referve. Nor will
it be of any Manner of Advantage either to them or
to the Writers, that their Names ihould be pub-
lihVd; and therefore in this Matter we defire the
Favour of you to fufier us to Bold our Tongues:
Which tho*3t this Time of Day it may found like
a very uncommon Requcifc, yet it ptoceeds from
the iery Hearts of youi Humble Servants.
By this Time . the Reader perceives that more
than one are engaged it the preterit Undertaking.
Yet is there one Perfon, an Inhabitant of this Town
of Eoftav, whom we honour as 3 Doctor in the
Chair, or a perpetual Dictator;
The Society had defign'd to prefenc the Publkk
with his Effigies, but that the Limner, to whom
he was prefetited for a Draught of hi ! Countenance,
defcijed ( and this he is ready to offer upon Oath)
Nineteen Features in hi/ face, more than ever he
beheld in any Humane Vrfage before; which Co
railed the Price of his Picturej that our Maftcr
Mm/elf forbid the Extravagance of coming up to it;
And then bsfides, the Limner oDJected a Schifm iir
his Face, wJiieii fp.its it from In,* Forehead jjj a

flrait Line dowet tD his Chin, in fucri. fort, thai
Mt. Painter protefts it is a double Face; and he'll
ha've. Four Poinds for the Pourtiaiture. However,
tho' this double Face has i'poilt us of a pretty
Picture, yet we all rejoiced to fee ©Id Jantii in our
Company. There 'is no Man in Boflon better qualified than
old Janus for a Cwtrtmttct, or if you pieafe, ari Ok*
fervator, being a Man of fuch remarkable Opticktj
as to look two ways at once.
As for his Morals, lie is a chearly Chiftian, as
the Country Phiafe expreiles it. A Man of good
Temper, courteous Dcportmenr, found Judgment ,
a mortal Hater of Nonferife, Foppery, Formality,
and endlefs Ceremony;
As for his Club; they aim at no greater Happi-
nefs or Honour, that, the Publick be made to know;
that it is the utmoftof their Ambition to attend up
on and do all imaginable good Offices to good Old
Janus ih* Couranteer, who is and always will be
the Reader; humble Servant.
P. 5. Gentle Readers^ we defign never to 'et a Paper pafsf
without a Latin Motto if we can poffibly pick one up, which
carries a Charm in it to' the Vulgar, and the learned ad
mire the blcafure nFConftruing. ^Je ihoiild have dbh'sed
the World with a Greek (trap »r two, ilK the Printer h23
no Types, nnd therefore we in treat die candid Reader net to
impute the dereft to our Ignorance, for our Coiior can fay
all the Greek Letters by heart.-'
His MajcSy's Sped to'llc Parliament, October
II. i/jo' already fuhlijb,d, may perhaps be new to many
of our Country Recdsi * ; ve/br,ll therefor* mfert it irt
this Day's Paper. ,
His MAJESTY'S moft Gracious SPEECH
to both Houfcs of Parliament, ori
Thurlday OQober ii. 1722^
My Lortis and Gtnllemen^
I Am Corry to find my felf obliged, at the Open
ing of this Parliament, to acquaint you, TliSr
a dangerous Cuiifpiracy has been for foih'e rime foi
med, and is ftill carrying on aguinir. .my Perfon and
Government, in Favour of a Popiffl Pretender.
The Difcovenes I have made here, the Informati
ons I have received from my Minifters a'broad, and
the Intelligences I h.ive had from the* Powers in Al
liance with me, and 1 ideed from moft parts of Eu
rope, have given me moft ample and current Proofs
of this Wicked Defign.
The Confpirators have, by their EmiiTaries, made
the ftmngeft Inftances for Aflirtance from Foreign
powers,but werediftappointed in their Expeitatkms;
However, confiding in their Numbers, and not dif-
couriged by their former ill Succefs, they refolved
onciflriore, upon their own flrengih, to attempt the
r/ubverlion of my Government.
To this End they provided confideraljle Sums of
Money, engaged great Numbers of Officers from' a-
broad, fecured large Qiiantitias of Arms and Ammu
nition, and thought themfelves in fuch Readinefsy
that had not the Conspiracy been tim;ly dilcoyered;
we ihould, without doubt,' before now have Ceen the
whole Nation, and particularly the City of Londqfly
involved in Blood a id Confulion. "
The Care I have taken lias, by the Bleuing of God^
hitherto prevented the Execution of their trayr"j^5jr$
Prbjefta, The Troops have been incainped all tjp*
Summef ; fix ReginK its ( though very il^^ffftty (pi
the Security of that Kingdom) have beerv brought
' over from Inland ,' 'I lie Stares GenCEar have ^vvcp
rrfe rJifyiancPs uidt uirey woatd t'&s.'p'a euii(jdt*3bLc
god\. of F<rC«*4U re*d*w*Ts to eu>:a(J»m) th ; ftsft j*;^

THE NEW ENGLAND COURANT, FEBRUARY II, 1 7 23
The first is.snr imblitthwl l>ii lU-n)a nun Franklin

¦dceW their bJng wanted here ; which was alJ._t de
nied ofthem, being determined not to put my Peo

ple toa.i) :

. absolutely of

necdlaiyior their Peace a id aecurhy.
eonrplrifots have been taken up and fecuied : fcV
dtiiours are ufeti idr appiehendiiig others.
Aly Lo^d, aud Gentlemen,
Ha>hg thuiin geneial laid before you the State
of the piefent Confpiracy, I mutt leave coyourCon-
fideratia >, what is proper and necefTary to be done
for the Quiet arid SaFeiy of the Kingdom, i cannot
but believe, that the Hopes and Expectations <of out
Enemies are \ ery ill grounded, in flattering them-
felvcs that the !.ne Dilcoments, (occafioned by pri
vate Loil'es and misfortunes) however mduftroouily
and maliciouil] fomented, are turned into a Ditaf-
fection and Spirit of Rebellion.
Had I, ii ice Iny Accellion to the Thione, ever at
tempted any Invafton in our Eltablriried Religion;
had 1, in any me IniTance, invaded the Liberty ard
Property of iny Subjects, 1 flinuld lefs wonder at any
Endeavours to alienate the Affections of my People,
and draw them intoMeafures that can end in nothing
but their own Deftruciion , But to liope to peifwade
a free People, in fuli enjoyment of all that's dear and
valuable ro them, to exchange Freedom for Slavery,
the Protectant Religion for Popery, and 10 Sacrifice
3t o.ice the Price of fo much Blood and Treafure as
JrSye >een fpent in our preSent Eitabhihmeiii, Seems
an -Infatuation v/hich cannot be accounted for. Bur
however vain and unfuccelsful thefe dcSperate Pro
jects may prove in 'he End, they have at pieSenr Co
fir the defired Effect, as to create Unealinefs and Dif
fidence in the Mmds of my People; which our Ene
mies improve to their own Advantage, by framing
Plots: They depreciate all Property that is veiled in
the Publick funds, and then complain of the iow
State of Credit; They make an Encreafe ofthelNa-
tional Espences necefTary, and then clamour at the
Buirhen of Taxes, and endeavour to 'impute to my
Government all the Grievances, the Mifchrcfs and
Calamities, which they^ajone cieate and occafion.
I wifh For nothing more than to fee the Publick
Expences IclTened, and the great National Debt put
into 3 Method of being gradually reduced and dis
charged, with a ftrjft Regard to Parliamentary Faith :
.And a more favourable Opportunity could never
have been hoped for than the State of profound Peace
which we now enjoy wirh al) our Neighbours. But
Publick Ciedit will always languid uocer Daily A-
latfins and Arrpreheriiions of Publick Danger ; and, as
¦ the Enemies of our Peace have been able to bring
this immediate Mifchief upon Us, nothing can pre
vent them from continuing to Subject the Nation to
new and conifer) t Difficulties and DiftreiTes, but , the
Wjfdom, Zeal 9nd vigorous Refolution of this Par-
Jiainenr. 'Gentlemen of the Hon fe of Commons, ' ,
I have ordered the Account to be made up and
laid before you, of the extraordinary Charge that has
'been incurred '(his- Summer, for the Defence ond Safe
ty of the Kingdom; and I have been particularly
careful, not to direcT any Expence to be made greater
or fooner than was absolutely ncceiTary. I have
likewife ordered Eftimates to be prepated and laid
before you, for the Service of the Year enduing; And
I hope the further Provifidris which the Treasonable
Practice of our Enemies have made necefTary for our
'Common Safety, may beordered with fuch Frugality;
-as very little to exceed the Supplies of the laft Year-
'My Lords and Gentlemen, ¦
I freed not tell you of what infinite Concern it
is to the Peace arid Tranquility of the Kingdom,
that tiiis Parliament fliould, upon this Occafion. ex-
- err rhemfelves with a more than ordinary ZeaPatid
'Vjgonr-An entire Unity among ail iliat Sincerely
''"Willi well'to thepreferit Eftabltfrinierir, ii now become
absolutely necefTary. Our Enemies have too long
takenAd vantages from your Differences ^DifTeiitioris;
Let it he known, that the Spirit of Popery, which be-
iffJes nothing bur Confufion to the Civil >nd Relr-
.g'Mti, Rjgfafc of a Proreibni C&rch andJKingdpm ;

( however abandoned Corrie few may be, In defpite df-
ail Obligations Divine and "Humane J. has not So far
pofleb'd my Peop.le.as to make them rigt fur fuuh a
fatal Change. Let the World See, thai the general
dUpe&idon of the Nation is'rho liwiiatjoi to a Fo
reign Power to invade us, not Ejicouxio^h,,.^ [0 jjr
mellielt Enemies to kindle a Civil War in the ffo .->ls
of the Kingdom. Your own iniereft and \V (fare
calls upon yuu to defend yourSelves; 1 ifrailwtioily
rely upon the Divine Proiedtiou, the Supppr.[of- UJ/
Parliament^ and the Affections of my People ^which
I Shall endeavour tu pieServe, by fteadiJy adheii^o to
trie Constitution bi Church andSiate, by contending
to make the Laws of my R.ealma the ruled McaSuies
of all my Actions.
London, 0{lob. 18. The Humble Addrefles of both
Houfes of Parliament, and that of the Convocati
on of Canterbury, full of Loyalty and Duty, have
¦ been prefented to his Majefty ; which Address his
Majefty was plcafed to receive very j>raciouily.
And 'tis not doubted but the Steady adherenceof the
Parliament and Clergy, ro his MajeSry's.PerSon and
Government, will put an End to the Trayterous De-
Jigns of thofe who are Enemies fo both.
London, QQoher ji 'Tis faid that a Scheme or
Draught of a Confpiiracy was found ainongft Coun-
fellor Lear's Papers, figned with his own Hand,
whereby the Tower was to "have been tirft 1'eiz'd, the
Palace of St. James's let 'on Fire, and certain DcSpe-'
radoes to be at hand, who, under Pretence of giving
Afliftance, were to have imnder'd His Majrlfy ; and
that a very great Nnmtmr of dilTaffert-ed Pferfons wet<=
to be aSSembled in Lincoln's Ino&ields, to put the
Town immediately into the greatest Cuafuhon
Bafion, Feb. it.
Laft Week the Reverend Mr. Orum; Minifter oF
the EpiScopal Church at Briftol, came from thence
with a Petition ftom Twelve of his Hearers ( who
areimpriton'd for Refufing to pay-Rates to the Pref-
byteriau Mir,jiter of Briftol J 10 the Lieut., Gover-
nour, who with the Advice oLthe Council, promis'd
Mr. Orum to ufe his Intereft for their Relief at the
next Meeting of the General Afjeriibty, the M on being
imptifon'd by Venue of the Laws of ithe Province-
We have Advice from the Eastward, that zoo
Men, under the Command of Capr. Harmon, are gone
to NorigiWock, in ijucit of the Indians,, aud n0 to
PennbScot, under Command of Col. Weftbiook. ' 'Tis
faid another Party are to march to Pejepfcot.
Yefterday Morning about 6 of Clock, a Fire
broke out at Mr. UJufn's Work-honfe in Cornhill
which burnr a conbderablePart of the Roof before
it was extinguifhd.
CnSam Moufe, Eoftnn. Entred Inwards.
Daniel JackSon fmm New-Hampfnire, Jorutlun
Chafe from Ncwpott, John Daskins from North
Carolina, Joihua Pw: jainin for South Carolina, Charles
Whitfield fiom Alanineco, John Bonoer, Ship Sarj.h
from London. Cleared OnU -None. ,
Outward Bound. Amos. Breed &h. JS'ew Lon
don, William Fletcher for Maryland, James
Blin for Annapolis Royal, John Tiobridge for North
Carolina, f. Pompey for -Antigua, Jatfob.Pinhuiac ioi
London.-THe beft new Philadelphia .'T6wa*bou']ted flower, to'bJ
iold by Mr. '-Villiam Glari in -Ms-rchaots Row, at
Twenty fcightShilUrjcs pCi Hundrcd.
A Servant Boy s Time for 4' Tears to f>; difpufed of! Pe£'i
is about 16 Tears of Age 'ahd eah Jcetp Accompts-
Enquire at tin Blue BaH'In Union Street,' and know fur-.
'J.' Tins Paper Juvivg. mt sritTyf.o.-gcntrnL itn Ac
ceptance inTown an.d.£ctfntryjar tn\Ttquir:.a fai ,(fti*f-'
tcr Number of ihtBf la ' b.S'f \rinicd,< than there is of the
other puHick-Popiri^mti-'i' bxing kefidetvwrc generally
read by, a vgH . A' 'uvibgr,- of.Sirrpvcr i,.wba do nnt 1. ike it -
i»\lbs2aU-tP>ff.tiiiriks!ffOpetio.gi-oe this pub licit Nincf
for the fitAoi'r-fg&ttnt'tf thofe- ivli voujd have Adver- .
riferoerHs jufcrrtd f» d* fnUtisk Print st»bnb tbey my,
have Hinted, jn tins Paper at >a woMnfl" E/iec. ¦ -

BOSTON ;¦ Printed 3pVJ:/bt'cI -bf Behxam

iw^pRAWKi^u-in. Ojjceu-Streev Where
ar-e^sk^itiH;- ¦  ¦

THE NEW ENGLAND COURANT, FEBRUARY II, 1 723
The 1i rst issnr imhlishrd by Hrnjutn'ui Franklin

Benjamin Franklin 21
or knowledge of any person in the place, and with very little
money in my pocket.
My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or
I might now have gratify'd them. But, having a trade, and sup
posing myself a pretty good workman, I offer' d my service to
the printer in the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had
been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence
upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could give me no em
ployment, having little to do, and help enough already ; but says
he, " My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand/
Aquila Rose, by death; if you go thither, I believe he may em
ploy you." Philadelphia was a hundred miles further ; I set out,
however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things to
follow me round by sea.
In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our rot
ten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill, and
drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a drunken Dutchman,
who was a passenger too, fell overboard; when he was sinking,
I reached through the water to his shock pate, and drew him
up, so that we got him in again. His ducking sobered him a
little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book,
which he desir'd I would dry for him. It proved to be my old
favorite author, Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, in Dutch, finely
printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress better than I
had ever seen it wear in its own language. I have since found
that it has been translated into most of the languages of Europe,
and suppose it has been more generally read than any other
book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that
I know of who mix'd narration and dialogue ; a method of writ
ing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting
parts finds himself, as it were, brought into the company and
present at the discourse. De Foe in his Cruso, his Moll Flan
ders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and other pieces,
has imitated it with success; and Richardson has done the same
in his Pamela, etc.

2,2 The Autobiography of
When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place
where there could be no landing, there being a great surff on
the stony beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung round towards
the shore. Some people came down to the water edge and hal
low'd to us, as we did to them; but the wind was so high, and
the surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand each
other. There were canoes on the shore, and we made signs,
and hallow'd that they should fetch us; but they either did not
understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away,
and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till the
wind should abate; and, in the mean time, the boatman and I
concluded to sleep, if we could ; and so crowded into the scut
tle, with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray beating
over the head of our boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we were
soon almost as wet as he. In this manner we lay all night, with
very little rest; but, the wind abating the next day, we made a
shift to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on
the water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of filthy
rum, the water we sail'd on being salt.
In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went into
bed ; but, having read somewhere that cold water drank plen
tifully was good for a fever, I follow'd the prescription, sweat
plentiful most of the night, my fever left me, and in the morn
ing, crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot,
having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I should find
boats that would carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia.
It rained very hard all the day ; I was thoroughly soak'd, and
by noon a good deal tired ; so I stopt at a poor inn, where I staid
all night, beginning now to wish that I had never left home.
I cut so miserable a figure, too, that I found, by the questions
ask'd me, I was suspected to be some runaway servant, and in
danger of being taken up on that suspicion. However, I pro
ceeded the next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within
eight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He

Benjamin Franklin 23
entered into conversation with me while I took some refresh-
c
ment, and, finding I had read a little, became very sociable and
friendly. Our acquaintance continu'd as long as he liv'd. He
had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, for there was no town
in England, or country in Europe, of which he could not give
a very particular account. He had some letters, and was ingen
ious, but much of an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook,
some years after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as Cot
ton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the facts in
a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his
work had been published ; but it never was.
At his house I lay that night, and the next morning reach' d
Burlington, but had the mortification to find that the regular
boats were gone a little before my coming, and no other expected
to go before Tuesday, this being Saturday ; wherefore I returned
to an old woman in the town, of whom I had bought ginger
bread to eat on the water, and ask'd her advice. She invited me
to lodge at her house till a passage by water should offer ; and
being tired with my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation.
She understanding I was a printer, would have had me stay at
that town and follow my business, being ignorant of the stock
necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a
dinner of ox-cheek with great good will, accepting only of
a pot of ale in return; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday
should come. However, walking in the evening by the side of
the river, a boat came by, which I found was going towards
Philadelphia, with several people in her. They took me in, and,
as there was no wind, we row'd all the way ; and about midnight,
not having yet seen the city, some of the company were con
fident we must have passed it, and would row no farther ; the
others knew not where we were ; so we put toward the shore,
got into a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails of which
we made a fire, the night being cold, in October, and there we
remained till daylight. Then one of the company knew the

24 The Autobiography of
place to be Cooper's Creek, a little above Philadelphia, which
we saw as soon as we gotout of the creek, and arriv'd there about
eight or nine o'clock on the Sunday morning, and landed at the
Market-street wharf.
I have been the more particular in this description of my jour
ney, and shall be so of my first entry into that city, that you may
in your mind compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure
I have since made there. I was in my working dress, my best
clothes being to come round by sea. I was dirty from my jour
ney ; my pockets were stuff 'd out with shirts and stockings, and
I knew no soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued
with travelling, rowing, and want of rest, I was very hungry ; and
my whole stock of cash consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about a
shilling in copper. The latter I gave the people of the boat for
my passage, who at first refus'd it, on account of my rowing ;
but I insisted on their taking it. A man being sometimes more
generous when he has but a little money than when he has
plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being thought to have but little.
Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near the
market-house I met a boy with bread. I had made many a meal
on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I went immediately
to the baker's he directed me to, in Second-street, and ask'd for
bisket, intending such as we had in Boston ; but they, it seems,
were not made in Philadelphia. Then I asked for a three-penny
loaf, and was told they had none such. So not considering or
knowing the difference of money, and the greater cheapness
nor the names of his bread, I bad him give me three-penny
worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great puffy
rolls. I was surpriz'd at the quantity, but took it, and, having
no room in my pockets, walk'd off with a roll under each arm,
and eating the other. Thus I went up Market-street as far as
Fourth-street, passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife's
father ; when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought
I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appear-

Benjamin Franklin 25
ance. Then I turned and went down Chestnut-street and part
of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the way, and, coming round,
found myself again at Market-street wharf, near the boat I
came in, to which I went for a draught of the river water; and,
being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman
and her child that came down the river in the boat with us, and
were waiting to go farther.
Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which by this
time had many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking
the same way. I joined them, and thereby was led into the
great meeting-house of the Quakers near the market. I sat down
among them, and, after looking round awhile and hearing
nothing said, being very drowsy thro' labor and want of rest
the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continued so till the
meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me.
This was, therefore, the first house I was in, or slept in, in Phil
adelphia. Walking down again toward the river, and, looking in the
faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose countenance
I lik'd, and, accosting him, requested he would tell me where
a stranger could get lodging. We were then near the sign of
the Three Mariners. "Here," says he, "is one place that en
tertains strangers, but it is not a reputable house ; if thee wilt
walk with me, I '11 show thee a better." He brought me to
the Crooked Billet in Water-street. Here I got a dinner; and,
while I was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as
it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appearance, that
I might be some runaway.
After dinner, my sleepiness return' d, and being shown to
a bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till six in the
evening, was call'd to supper, went to bed again very early, and
slept soundly till next morning. Then I made myself as tidy
as I could, and went to Andrew Bradford the printer's. I found
in the shop the old man his father, whom I had seen at New

26 The Autobiography of
York, and who, travelling on horseback, had got to Philadel
phia before me. He introduc'd me to his son, who receiv'd me
civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at present
want a hand, being lately suppli'd with one; but there was an
other printer in town, lately set up/ one Keimer, who, perhaps,
might employ me ; if not, I should be welcome to lodge at his
house, and he would give me a little work to do now and then
till fuller business should offer.
The old gentleman said he would go with me to the new
printer; and when we found him, "Neighbor," says Bradford,
"I have brought to see you a young man of your business ; per
haps you may want such a one." He ask'd me a few questions,
put a composing stick in my hand to see how I work'd, and
then said he would employ me soon, though he had just then
nothing for me to do ; and, taking old Bradford, whom he had
never seen before, to be one of the town's people that had a
good will for him, enter'd into a conversation on his present
undertaking and prospects ; while Bradford, not discovering
that he was the other printer's father, on Keimer's saying he
expected soon to get the greatest part of the business into his
own hands, drew him on by artful questions, and starting little
doubts, to explain all his views, what interest he reli'd on, and
in what manner he intended to proceed. I, who stood by and
heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old
sophister, and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with
Keimer, who was greatly surprised when I told him who the
old man was.
Keimer's printing-house, I found, consisted of an old shatter'd
press, and one small, worn-out font of English, which he was
then using himself, composing an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before
mentioned, an ingenious young man, of excellent character,
much respected in the town, clerk of the Assembly, and a pretty
poet. Keimer made verses too, but very indifferently. He could
not be said to write them, for his manner was to compose them

Benjamin Franklin 27
in the types directly out of his head. So there being no copy,
but one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require all the
letter, no one could help him. I endeavor'd to put his press
(which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood nothing)
into order fit to be work'd with; and, promising to come
and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready,
I return'd to Bradford's, who gave me a little job to do for the
present, and there I lodged and dieted. A few days after, Keimer
sent for me to print off the Elegy. And now he had got another
pair of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to
work. These two printers I found poorly qualified for their business.
Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate ; and
Keimer, tho' something of a scholar, was a mere compositor,
knowing nothing of press work. He had been one of the French
prophets, and could act their enthusiastic agitations. At this
time he did not profess any particular religion, but something
of all on occasion; was very ignorant of the world, and had, as
I afterward found, a good deal of the knave in his composition.
He did not like my lodging at Bradford's while I work'd with
him. He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he
could not lodge me ; but he got me a lodging at Mr Read's,
before mentioned, who was the owner of his house; and, my
chest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather a more
respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read than I had
done when she first happen' d to see me eating my roll in the
street. I began now to have some acquaintance among the young
people of the town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I
spent my evenings very pleasantly ; and gaining money by my
industry and frugality, I lived very agreeably, forgetting Boston
as much as I could, and not desiring that any there should know
where I resided, except my friend Collins, who was in my secret,
and kept it when I wrote to him. At length, an incident hap-

28 The Autobiography of
pened that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended.
I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a sloop that
traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at Newcastle,
forty miles below Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote
me a letter mentioning the concern of my friends in Boston at
my abrupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me, and
that every thing would be accommodated to my mind if I would
return, to which he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an
answer to his letter, thank' d him for his advice, but stated my
reasons for quitting Boston fully and in such a light as to con
vince him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended.
Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then at
Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in company
with him when my letter came to hand, spoke to him of me,
and show'd him the letter. The governor read it and seem'd
surpris'd when he was told of my age. He said I appear'd a
young man of promising parts, and therefore should be encour
aged; the printers at Philadelphia were wretched ones; and,
if I would set up there, he made no doubt I should succeed ;
for his part, he would procure me the public business, and do
me every other service in his power. This my brother-in-law
afterwards told me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it;
when, one day, Keimer and I being at work together near the
window, we saw the governor and another gentleman (which
proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely dress'd,
come directly across the street to our house, and heard them at
the door.
Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him;
but the governor inquir'd for me, came up, and with a conde
scension and politeness I had been quite unus'd to, made me
many compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, blam'd
me kindly for not having made myself known to him when I
first came to the place, and would have me away with him to
the tavern, where he was going with Colonel French to taste,

Benjamin Franklin 29
as he said, some excellent Madeira. I was not a little surprised,
and Keimer star'd like a pig poison'd. I went, however, with
the governor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the corner of
Third-street, and over the Madeira he propos'd my setting up
my business, laid before me the probabilities of success, and both
he and Colonel French assur'd me I should have their interest
and influence in procuring the public business of both govern
ments. On my doubting whether my father would assist me in
it, Sir William said he would give me a letter to him, in which
he would state the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevail
ing with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston
in the first vessel, with the governor's letter recommending me
to my father. In the mean time the intention was to be kept
a secret, and I went on working with Keimer as usual, the gov
ernor sending for me now and then to dine with him, a very
great honor I thought it, and conversing with me in the most
affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable.
About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer'd for Bos
ton. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my friends. The
governor gave me an ample letter, saying many flattering things
of me to my father, and strongly recommending the project of
my setting up at Philadelphia as a thing that must make my
fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down the bay, and
sprung a leak ; we had a blustering time at sea, and were oblig'd
to pump almost continually, at which I took my turn. We
arriv'd safe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been
absent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing of me;
for my br. Holmes was not yet return'd, and had not written
about me. My unexpected appearance surpriz'd the family; all
were, however, very glad to see me, and made me welcome,
except my brother. I went to see him at his printing-house.
I was better dress'd than ever while in his service, having a gen
teel new suit from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets lin'd
with near five pounds sterling in silver. He receiv'd me

30 The Autobiography of
not very frankly, look'd me all over, and turn'd to his work
again. The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, what
sort of a country it was, and how I lik'd it. I prais'd it much,
and the happy life I led in it, expressing strongly my intention
of returning to it ; and, one of them asking what kind of money
we had there, I produc'd a handful of silver, and spread it be
fore them, which was a kind of raree-show they had not been
us'd to, paper being the money of Boston. Then I took an op
portunity of letting them see my watch ; and, lastly (my brother
still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece of eight to drink, and
took my leave. This visit of mine offended him extreamly ; for,
when my mother some time after spoke to him of a recon
ciliation, and of her wishes to see us on good terms together,
and that we might live for the future as brothers, he said I had
insulted him in such a manner before his people that he could
never forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mistaken.
My father received the governor's letter with some apparent
surprise, but said little of it to me for some days, when Capt.
Holmes returning he showed it to him, ask'd him if he knew
Keith, and what kind of man he was ; adding his opinion that
he must be of small discretion to think of setting a boy up in
business who wanted yet three years of being at man's estate.
Holmes said what he could in favor of the project, but my father
was clear in the impropriety of it, and at last gave a flat denial
to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him
for the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declining to
assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in his opinion, too young
to be trusted with the management of a business so important,
and for which the preparation must be so expensive.
My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in the
post-office, pleas' d with the account I gave him of my new
country, determined to go thither also; and, while I waited for
my father's determination, he set out before me by land to

Benjamin Franklin 31
Rhode Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty collec
tion of mathematicks and natural philosophy, to come with
mine and me to New York, where he propos'd to wait for me.
My father, tho' he did not approve Sir William's proposi
tion, was yet pleas' d that I had been able to obtain so advan
tageous a character from a person of such note where I had
resided, and that I had been so industrious and careful as to
equip myself so handsomely in so short a time ; therefore, seeing
no prospect of an accommodation between my brother and me,
he gave his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, ad-
vis' d me to behave respectfully to the people there, endeavor
to obtain the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libel
ing, to which he thought I had too much inclination; telling
me, that by steady industry and a prudent parsimony I might
save enough by the time I was one-and-twenty to set me up ;
and that, if I came near the matter, he would help me out with
the rest. This was all I could obtain, except some small gifts
as tokens of his and my mother's love, when I embarked again
for New York, now with their approbation and their blessing.
The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I visited
my brother John, who had been married and settled there some
years. He received me very affectionately, for he always lov'd
me. A friend of his, one Vernon, having some money due to
him in Pensilvania, about thirty-five pounds currency, desired
I would receive it for him, and keep it till I had his directions
what to remit it in. Accordingly, he gave me an order. This
afterwards occasion'd me a great deal of uneasiness.
At Newport we took in a number of passengers for New
York, among which were two young women, companions, and
a grave, sensible, matron-like Quaker woman, with her attend
ants. I had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little
services, which impress'd her I suppose with a degree of good
will toward me; therefore, when she saw a daily growing famil
iarity between me and the two young women, which they

32 The Autobiography of
appear'd to encourage, she took me aside, and said, " Young
man, I am concern' d for thee, as thou has no friend with thee,
and seems not to knowmuch of the world, or of the snares youth
is expos' d to ; depend upon it, those are very bad women ; I can
see it in all their actions ; and if thee art not upon thy guard,
they will draw you into some danger; they are strangers to thee,
and I advise thee, in a friendly concern for thy welfare, to have
no acquaintance with them." As I seem'd at first not to think
so ill of them as she did, she mentioned some things she had
observ'd and heard that had escap'd my notice, but now con-
vine' d me she was right. I thank'd her for her kind advice, and
promis'd to follow it. When we arriv'd at New York, they told
me where they liv'd, and invited me to come and see them ; but
I avoided it, and it was well I did ; for the next day the captain
miss'd a silver spoon and some other things, that had been taken
out of his cabbin, and, knowing that these were a couple of
strumpets, he got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the
stolen goods, and had the thieves punish' d. So, tho' we had
escap'd a sunken rock, which we scrap' d upon in the passage,
I thought this escape of rather more importance to me.
At New York I found my friend Collins, who had arriv'd
there some time before me. We had been intimate from chil
dren, and had read the same books together; but he had the
advantage of more time for reading and studying, and a won
derful genius for mathematical learning, in which he far out-
stript me. While I liv'd in Boston, most of my hours of leisure
for conversation were spent with him, and he continu'd a sober
as well as an industrious lad ; was much respected for his learn
ing by several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to
promise making a good figure in life. But, during my absence,
he had acquir'd a habit of sotting with brandy; and I found by
his own account, and what I heard from others, that he had
been drunk every day since his arrival at New York, and behav'd
very oddly. He had gam'd, too, and lost his money, so that I

Benjamin Franklin 33
was oblig'd to discharge his lodgings, and defray his expenses
to and at Philadelphia, which prov'd extremely inconvenient
to me.The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop
Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young man, one of his
passengers, had a great many books, desir'd he would bring me
to see him. I waited upon him accordingly, and should have
taken Collins with me but that he was not sober. The gov'r.
treated me with great civility, show'd me his library, which
was a very large one, and we had a good deal of conversation
about books and authors. This was the second governor who
had done me the honor to take notice of me ; which, to a poor
boy like me, was very pleasing.
We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the way Ver
non's money, without which we could hardly have finish'd our
journey. Collins wished to be employ'd in some counting-
house ; but, whether they discover'd his dramming by his
breath, or by his behaviour, tho' he had some recommenda
tions, he met with no success in any application, and continu'd
lodging and boarding at the same house with me, and at my
expense. Knowing I had that money of Vernon's, he was con
tinually borrowing of me, still promising repayment as soon as
he should be in business. At length he had got so much of it
that I was distress' d to think what I should do in case of being
call'd on to remit it.
His drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes quar-
rell'd ; for, when a little intoxicated, he was very fractious.
Once, in a boat on the Delaware with some other young men,
he refused to row in his turn. " I will be row'd home," says he.
"We will not row you," says I. " You must, or stay all night
on the water," says he, "just as you please." The others said,
" Let us row ; what signifies it ? " But, my mind being soured
with his other conduct, I continu'd to refuse. So he swore he
would make me row, or throw me overboard ; and coming

34 The Autobiography of
along, stepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he came up
and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his crutch, and, ris
ing, pitched him head-foremost into the river. I knew he was
a good swimmer, and so was under little concern about him ;
but before he could get round to lay hold of the boat, we had
with a few strokes pull'd her out of his reach ; and ever when
he drew near the boat, we ask'd if he would row, striking a few
strokes to slide away from him. He was ready to die with vex
ation, and obstinately would not promise to row. However, see
ing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in and brought
him home dripping wet in the evening. We hardly exchang'd
a civil word afterwards, and a West India captain, who had a
commission to procure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman at
Barbadoes, happening to meet with him, agreed to carry him
thither. He left me then, promising to remit me the first
money he should receive in order to discharge the debt ; but
I never heard of him after.
The breaking into this money of Vernon's was one of the
first great errata of my life; and this affair show'd that my father
was not much out in his judgment when he suppos'd me too
young to manage business of importance. But Sir William, on
reading his letter, said he was too prudent. There was great
difference in persons ; and discretion did not always accompany
years, nor was youth always without it. "And since he will not
set you up," says he, "I will do it myself. Give me an inventory
of the things necessary to be had from England, and I will send
for them. You shall repay me when you are able; I am resolv'd
to have a good printer here, and I am sure you must succeed."
This was spoken with such an appearance of cordiality, that I
had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had
hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up, a secret in Phila-
delphia,and I still kept it. Had it been known that I depended
on the governor, probably some friend, that knew him better,
would have advis'd me not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard

Benjamin Franklin 35
it as his known character to be liberal of promises which he
never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited as he was by me, how
could I think his generous offers insincere? I believ'd him one
of the best men in the world.
I presented him an inventory of a little print'g-house,
amounting by my computation to about one hundred pounds
sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd me if my being on the spot in
England to chuse the types, and see that every thing was good
of the kind, might not be of some advantage. "Then," says he,
" when there, you may make acquaintances, and establish cor
respondences in the bookselling and stationery way." I agreed
that this might be advantageous. " Then," says he, "get your
self ready to go with Annis; " which was the annual ship, and
the only one at that time usually passing between London and
Philadelphia. But it would be some months before Annis
sail'd, so I continu'd working with Keimer, fretting about the
money Collins had got from me, and in daily apprehensions of
being call'd upon by Vernon, which, however, did not happen
for some years after.
I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first voyage
from Boston, being becalm' d off Block Island, our people set
about catching cod, and hauled up a great many. Hitherto I
had stuck to my resolution of not eating animal food, and on
this occasion I consider' d, with my master Tryon, the taking
every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder, since none of them
had, or ever could do us any injury that might justify the
slaughter. All this seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly
been a great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the
frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc'd some time be
tween principle and inclination, till I recollected that, when
the fish were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their
stomachs; then thought I, "If you eat one another, I don't see
why we mayn't eat you." So I din'd upon cod very heartily,
and continued to eat with other people, returning only now and

3<5

The Autobiography of

then occasionally to a vegetable diet. So convenient a thing is
it to be a reasonable creature, since it enables one to find or make
a reason for every thing one has a mind to do.
Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar footing, and
agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my setting
up. He retained a great deal of his old enthusiasms and lov'd
argumentation. We therefore had many disputations. I used to
work him so with my Socratic method, and had trepann'd him
so often by questions apparently so distant from any point we
had in hand, and yet by degrees lead to the point, and brought
him into difficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew
ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most
common question, without asking first, " What do you intend to
infer from that'? " However, it gave him so high an opinion of
my abilities in the confuting way, that he seriously proposed
my being his colleague in a project he had of setting up a new
sect. He was to preach the doctrines, and I was to confound all
opponents. When he came to explain with me upon the doc
trines, I found several conundrums which I objected to, unless
I might have my way a little too, and introduce some of mine.
Keimer wore his beard at full length, because somewhere in
the Mosaic law it is said, " Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy
beard." He likewise kept the Seventh day, Sabbath ; and these
two points were essentials with him. I dislik'd both ; but
agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting the doc
trine of using no animal food. " I doubt," said he, " my con
stitution will not bear that." I assur'd him it would, and that
he would be the better for it. He was usually a great glutton,
and I promised myself some diversion in half starving him.
He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep him company.
I did so, and we held it for three months. We had our victuals
dress'd, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the neigh
borhood, who had from me a list of forty dishes, to be prepar'd
for us at different times, in all which there was neither fish,

Benjamin Franklin 37
flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me the better at this time
from the cheapness of it, not costing us above eighteenpence
sterling each per week. I have since kept several Lents most
strictly, leaving the common diet for that, and that for the
common, abruptly, without the least inconvenience, so that I
think there is little in the advice of making those changes by
easy gradations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered
grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the fleshpots of Egypt,
and order'd a roast pig. He invited me and two women friends
to dine with him ; but, it being brought too soon upon table,
he could not resist the temptation, and ate the whole before
we came.
I had made some courtship during this time to Miss Read.
I had a great respect and affection for her, and had some reason
to believe she had the same for me; but, as I was about to take
a long voyage, and we were both very young, only a little above
eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother to prevent
our going too far at present, as a marriage, if it was to take
place, would be more convenient after my return, when I should
be, as I expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she
thought my expectations not so well founded as I imagined
them to be.
My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles Osborne,
Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers of reading. The
two first were clerks to an eminent scrivener or conveyancer
in the town, Charles Brogden ; the other was clerk to a mer
chant. Watson was a pious, sensible young man, of great integ
rity ; the others rather more lax in their principles of religion,
particularly Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled
by me, for which they both made me suffer. Osborne was
sensible, candid, frank ; sincere and affectionate to his friends ;
but, in literary matters, too fond of criticising. Ralph was
ingenious, genteel in his manners, and extremely eloquent ;
I think I never knew a prettier talker. Both of them great ad-

3«

The Autobiography of

mirers of poetry, and began to try their hands in little pieces.
Many pleasant walks we four had together on Sundays into the
woods, near Schuylkill, where we read to one another, and con-
ferr'd on what we read.
Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the study of poetry, not doubt
ing but he might become eminent in it, and make his fortune
by it, alleging that the best poets must, when they first began
to write, make as many faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him,
assur'd him he had no genius for poetry, and advis'd him to
think of nothing beyond the business he was bred to ; that, in
the mercantile way, tho' he had no stock, he might, by his dil
igence and punctuality, recommend himself to employment
as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own
account. I approv'd the amusing one's self with poetry now
and then, so far as to improve one's language, but no farther.
On this it was propos'd that we should each of us, at our next
meeting, produce a piece of our own composing, in order to
improve by our mutual observations, criticisms, and correc
tions. As language and expression were what we had in view,
we excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing that
the task should be a version of the eighteenth Psalm, which
describes the descent of a Deity. When the time of our meet
ing drew nigh, Ralph called on me first, and let me know his
piece was ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having little
inclination, had done nothing. He then show'd me his piece
for my opinion, and I much approv'd it, as it appear'd to me to
have great merit. " Now," says he, " Osborne never will allow
the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes i ooo criticisms
out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you ; I wish, there
fore, you would take this piece, and produce it as yours ; I will
pretend not to have had time, and so produce nothing. We
shall then see what he will say to it." It was agreed, and I
immediately transcrib'd it, that it might appear in my own
hand.

Benjamin Franklin 39
We met ; Watson's performance was read ; there were some
beauties in it, but many defects. Osborne's was read ; it was
much better; Ralph did it justice; remarked some faults, but
applauded the beauties. He himself had nothing to produce.
I was backward ; seemed desirous of being excused ; had not
had sufficient time to correct, etc.; but no excuse could be
admitted ; produce I must. It was read and repeated ; Watson
and Osborne gave up the contest, and join'd in applauding it.
Ralph only made some criticisms, and propos'd some amend
ments ; but I defended my text. Osborne was against Ralph,
and told him he was no better a critic than a poet, so he dropt
the argument. As they two went home together, Osborne ex
pressed himself still more strongly in favor of what he thought
my production ; having restrain' d himself before, as he said,
lest I should think it flattery. " But who would have imagin'd,"
said he, " that Franklin had been capable of such a performance ;
such painting, such force, such fire ! He has even improv'd
the original. In his common conversation he seems to have
no choice of words ; he hesitates and blunders ; and yet, good
God ! how he writes ! " When we next met, Ralph discovered
the trick we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little laught at.
This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of becoming
a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it, but he con
tinued scribbling verses till Pope cured him. He became, how
ever, a pretty good prose writer. More of him hereafter. But,
as I may not have occasion again to mention the other two, I
shall just remark here, that Watson died in my arms a few years
after, much lamented, being the best of our set. Osborne went
to the West Indies, where he became an eminent lawyer and
made money, but died young. He and I had made a serious
agreement, that the one who happen'd first to die should, if
possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him
how he found things in that separate state. But he never fulfill' d
his promise.

40 The Autobiography of
The governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequent
ly to his house, and his setting me up was always mention'd as
a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters recommendatory
to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish
me with the necessary money for purchasing the press and types,
paper, etc. For these letters I was appointed to call at different
times, when they were to be ready; but a future time was still
named. Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had
been several times postponed, was on the point of sailing. Then,
when I call'd to take my leave and receive the letters, his sec
retary, Dr Bard, came out to me and said the governor was
extremely busy in writing, but would be down at Newcastle
before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me.
Ralph, though married, and having one child, had de
termined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought he
intended to establish a correspondence, and obtain goods to sell
on commission ; but I found afterwards, that, thro' some dis
content with his wife's relations, he purposed to leave her on
their hands, and never return again. Having taken leave of my
friends, and interchang'd some promises with Miss Read, I left
Philadelphia in the ship, which anchor' d at Newcastle. The
governor was there ; but when I went to his lodging, the sec
retary came to me from him with the civillest message in the
world, that he could not then see me, being engaged in business
of the utmost importance, but should send the letters to me on
board, wished me heartily a good voyage and a speedy return,
etc. I returned on board a little puzzled, but still not doubt
ing. Mr Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadelphia, had
taken passage in the same ship for himself and son, and with
Mr Denham, a Quaker merchant, and Messrs Onion and Russel,
masters of an iron work in Maryland, had engag'd the great
cabin; so that Ralph and I were forced to take up with a berth
in the steerage, and none on board knowing us, were considered

Benjamin Franklin 41
as ordinary persons. But Mr Hamilton and his son (it was
James, since governor) return'd from Newcastle to Philadel
phia, the father being recall' d by a great fee to plead for a
seized ship; and, just before we sail'd, Colonel French coming
on board, and showing me great respect, I was more taken notice
of, and, with my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen
to come into the cabin, there being now room. Accordingly,
we remov'd thither.
Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board
the governor's despatches, I ask'd the captain for those letters
that were to be under my care. He said all were put into the
bag together and he could not then come at them ; but, before
we landed in England, I should have an opportunity of picking
them out ; so I was satisfied for the present, and we proceeded
on our voyage. We had a sociable company in the cabin, and
lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr Ham
ilton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage Mr
Denham contracted a friendship for me that continued during
his life. The voyage was otherwise not a pleasant one, as we
had a great deal of bad weather.
When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word
with me, and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for
the governor's letters. I found none upon which my name was
put as under my care. I picked out six or seven, that, by the
handwriting, I thought might be the promised letters, espe
cially as one of them was directed to Basket, the king's printer,
and another to some stationer. We arriv'd in London the 24th
of December, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came
first in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith.
" I don't know such a person," says he ; but, opening the letter,
" O ! this is from Riddlesden. I have lately found him to be
a compleat rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor
receive any letters from him." So, putting the letter into my
hand, he turn'd on his heel and left me to serve some customer.

42 The Autobiography of
I was surprized to find these were not the governor's letters ;
and, after recollecting and comparing circumstances, I began
to doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and opened
the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith's character; told
me there was not the least probability that he had written any
letters for me ; that no one, who knew him, had the smallest
dependence on him ; and he laught at the notion of the gov
ernor's giving me a letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit
to give. On my expressing some concern about what I should
do, he advised me to endeavor getting some employment in
the way of my business. " Among the printers here," said he,
"you will improve yourself, and when you return to America,
you will set up to greater advantage."
We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the stationer,
that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. He had half
ruin'd Miss Read's father by persuading him to be bound for
him. By this letter it appear'd there was a secret scheme on
foot to the prejudice of Hamilton (suppos'd to be then coming
over with us) ; and that Keith was concerned in it with Rid
dlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton's, thought
he ought to be acquainted with it ; so, when he arriv'd in Eng
land, which was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will
to Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I
waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thank'd me cor
dially, the information being of importance to him ; and from
that time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage after
wards on many occasions.
But what- shall we think of a governor's playing such pitiful
tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy ! It was
a habit he had acquired. He wish'd to please everybody ; and,
having little to give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise
an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good
governor for the people, tho' not for his constituents, the pro
prietaries, whose instructions he sometimes disregarded. Sev-

v . - A ]
pISSERTAf ION
ON
. Liberty and Neceffify,
Pleasure rf#<i Pain.

,

Whatever is, is in its Caufes jufl
Since all Things are by Fate ; but purblind Man
Sffis but a part o'th' Chain, the neareft Link,
fits 'Eyes not carrying to the equal Beam
That poifes all above.
Dryd.

/?

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.,,*

I

LONT>QN:
Priced in the Year MDCCXXV,

v

TITLE-PAGE OF "A DISSERTATION ON LIBERTY AND NECESSITY,

PLEASURE AND PAIN

Benjamin Franklin 43
eral of our best laws were of his planning and passed during
his administration.
Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodg
ings together in Little Britain at three shillings and sixpence
a week — as much as we could then afford. He found some
relations, but they were poor, and unable to assist him. He
now let me know his intentions of remaining in London, and
that he never meant to return to Philadelphia. He had brought
no money with him, the whole he could muster having been
expended in paying his passage. I had fifteen pistoles ; so he
borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking
out for business. He first endeavored to get into the playhouse,
believing himself qualify'd for an actor ; but Wilkes, to whom
he apply' d, advis'd him candidly not to think of that employ
ment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then he
propos'd to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write
for him a weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain condi
tions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he endeavored to
get employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers
and lawyers about the Temple, but could find no vacancy.
I immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a famous
printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd
near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph a good
deal of my earnings in going to plays and other places of
amusement. We had together consumed all my pistoles, and
now just rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seem'd quite to
forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my engagements
with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter,
and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return.
This was another of the great errata of my life, which I should
wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our
expenses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage.
At Palmer's I was employed in composing for the second
edition of Wollaston's " Religion of Nature." Some of his

44 The Autobiography of
reasonings not appearing to me well founded, I wrote a little
metaphysical piece in which I made remarks on them. It was
entitled " A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure
and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend Ralph ; I printed a
small number. It occasion'd my being more consider'd by Mr
Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, tho' he seriously
expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet,
which to him appear'd abominable. My printing this pamphlet
was another erratum. While I lodg'd in Little Britain, I made
an acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop
was at the next door. He had an immense collection of second
hand books. Circulating libraries were not then in use; but
we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms, which I have now
forgotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books. This
I esteem' d a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as
I could. My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one
Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled " The Infallibility
of Human Judgment," it occasioned an acquaintance between
us. He took great notice of me, called on me often to converse
on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale alehouse in
 Lane, Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr Mandeville,
author of the " Fable of the Bees," who had a club there, of
which he was the soul, being a most facetious, entertaining
companion. Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr Pemberton, at
Batson's Coffee-house, who promis'd to give me an opportun
ity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which
I was extreamely desirous ; but this never happened.
I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the prin
cipal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire.
Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to
his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he show'd me all his
curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the num
ber, for which he paid me handsomely.

- 7f'/- ?7fajtj - 'fetf/rc

Benjamin Franklin 45
In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, who,
I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly
bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing conversa
tion. Ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they grew inti
mate, she took another lodging, and he followed her. They
liv'd together some time; but, he being still out of business, and
her income not sufficient to maintain them with her child, he
took a resolution of going from London, to try for a country
school, which he thought himself well qualified to undertake,
as he wrote an excellent hand, and was a master of arithmetic
and accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below
him, and confident of future better fortune, when he should
be unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly em
ployed, he changed his name, and did me the honor to assume
mine ; for I soon after had a letter from him, acquainting me
that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it
was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen
boys, at sixpence each per week), recommending Mrs T 
to my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing for Mr
Franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place.
He continued to write frequently, sending me large speci
mens of an epic poem which he was then composing, and
desiring my remarks and corrections. These I gave him from
time to time, but endeavor'd rather to discourage his proceed
ing. One of Young's Satires was then just published. I copy' d
and sent him a great part of it, which set in a strong light the
folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of advancement by
them. All was in vain ; sheets of the poem continued to come
by every post. In the mean time, Mrs T  , having on his
account lost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and
us'd to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her
out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, being at that
time under no religious restraint, and presuming upon my
importance to her, I attempted familiarities (another erratum)

46 The Autobiography of
which she repuls'd with a proper resentment, and acquainted
him with my behaviour. This made a breach between us ; and,
when he returned again to London, he let me know he thought
I had cancell'd all the obligations he had been under to me.
So I found I was never to expect his repaying me what I lent
to him, or advanc'd for him. This, however, was not then of
much consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of
his friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I now
began to think of getting a little money beforehand, and, ex
pecting better work, I left Palmer's to work at Watts's, near
Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still greater printing-house. Here I con
tinued all the rest of my stay in London.
At my first admission into this printing-house I took to
working at press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily ex
ercise I had been us'd to in America, where presswork is
mix'd with composing. I drank only water; the other work
men, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer. On
occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of types in
each hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They
wondered to see, from this and several instances, that the Water-
American, as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who
drank strong beer ! We had an alehouse boy who attended
always in the house to supply the workmen. My companion
at the press drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at
breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast
and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about six
o'clock, and another when he had done his day's work. I
thought it a detestable custom ; but it was necessary, he sup-
pos'd, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I
endeavored to convince him that the bodily strength afforded
by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour of the
barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; that there
was more flour in a pennyworth of bread ; and therefore, if he
would eat that with a pint of water, it would give him more

Benjamin Franklin 47
strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and had
four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday
for that muddling liquor ; an expense I was free from. And
thus these poor devils keep themselves always under.
Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing-
room, I left the pressmen ; a new bien venu or sum for drink,
being five shillings, was demanded of me by the compositors.
I thought it an imposition, as I had paid below ; the master
thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood out two or
three weeks, was accordingly considered as an excommunicate,
and had so many little pieces of private mischief done me, by
mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter,
etc., etc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed
to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not
regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding the master's pro
tection, I found myself oblig'd to comply and pay the money,
convinc'd of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to
live with continually.
I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir'd
considerable influence. I propos'd some reasonable alterations
in their chappel laws, and carried them against all opposition.
From my example, a great part of them left their muddling
breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they could with
me be supply'd from a neighboring house witha large porringer
of hot water-gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumb' d with bread,
and a bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three
half-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper
breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those who continued
sotting with beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit
at the alehouse, and us'd to make interest with me to get beer;
their light, as they phrased it, being out. I watch' d the pay-table
on Saturday night, and collected what I stood engag'd for them,
having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their
accounts. This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good riggite,

48 The Autobiography of
that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in
the society. My constant attendance (I never making a St.
Monday) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon
quickness at composing occasioned my being put upon all work
of dispatch, which was generally better paid. So I went on now
very agreeably.
My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found
another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was
two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian warehouse. A widow
lady kept the house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant,
and a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but lodg'd
abroad. After sending to inquire my character at the house
where I last lodg'd she agreed to take me in at the same rate,
3 j. 6d. per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she
expected in having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow,
an elderly woman ; had been bred a Protestant, being a clergy
man's daughter, but was converted to the Catholic religion by
her husband, whose memory she much revered ; had lived much
among people of distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes
of them as far back as the times of Charles the Second. She
was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, seldom
stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company ; and
hers was so highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an
evening with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was only
half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and butter,
and half a pint of ale between us ; but the entertainment was
in her conversation. My always keeping good hours, and giving
little trouble in the family, made her unwilling to part with
me; so that, when I talk'd of a lodging I had heard of, nearer
my business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as I now
was on saving money, made some difference, she bid me not
think of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the
future ; so I remained with her at one shilling and sixpence as
long as I staid in London.

Benjamin Franklin 49
In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy,
in the most retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this
account : that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad
when young, and lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent of becom
ing a nun ; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned
¦to England, where, there being no nunnery, she had vow'd to
lead the life of a nun, as near as might be done in those circum
stances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to charitable
uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of
this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on
water-gruel only, and using no fire but to boil it. She had lived
many years in that garret, being permitted to remain there
gratis by successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as
they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest visited
her to confess her every day. "I have ask'd her," says my land
lady, " how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so much em
ployment for a confessor ? " " Oh," said she, " it is impossible
to avoid vain thoughts." I was permitted once to visit her. She
was chearful and polite, and convers'd pleasantly. The room
was clean, but had no other furniture than a matras, a table
with a crucifix and book, a stool which she gave me to sit on,
and a picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica displaying
her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of Christ's bleed
ing face on it, which she explained to me with great serious
ness. She look'd pale, but was never sick ; and I give it as
another instance on how small an income, life and health may
be supported.
At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with
an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy
relations, had been better educated than most printers ; was
a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and lov'd reading. I taught
him and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the river,
and they soon became good swimmers. They introduc'd me
to some gentlemen from the country, who went to Chelsea by

50 The Autobiography of
water to see the College and Don Saltero's curiosities. In our
return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate
had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and swam
from near Chelsea to Blackfryar's, performing on the way
many feats of activity, both upon and under water, that sur-
pris'd and pleas' d those to whom they were novelties.
I had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise,
had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's motions and positions,
added some of my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well
as the useful. All these I took this occasion of exhibiting to
the company, and was much flatter' d by their admiration; and
Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a master, grew more
and more attach' d to me on that account, as well as from the
similarity of our studies. He at length proposed to me travel
ling all over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere
by working at our business. I was once inclined to it ; but,
mentioning it to my good friend Mr Denham, with whom
I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from
it, advising me to think only of returning to Pennsilvania,
which he was now about to do.
I must record one trait of this good man's character. He
had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failed in debt to
a number of people, compounded and went to America. There,
by a close application to business as a merchant, he acquir'd
a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England in the
ship with me, he invited his old creditors to an entertainment,
at which he thank' d them for the easy composition they had
favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the
treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an
order on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid remainder
with interest.
He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and
should carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open
a store there. He propos'd to take me over as his clerk, to keep

f--^m^£^

tj2&Z^

Benjamin Franklin 51
his books, in which he would instruct me, copy his letters,
and attend the store. He added, that, as soon as I should be
acquainted with mercantile business, he would promote me by
sending me with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West
Indies, and procure me commissions from others which would
be profitable; and, if I manag'd well, would establish me hand
somely. The thing pleas'd me ; for I was grown tired of Lon
don, remembered with pleasure the happy months I had spent
in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again to see it; therefore I imme
diately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania
money ; less, indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor,
but affording a better prospect.
I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, and was
daily employed in my new business, going about with Mr
Denham among the tradesmen to purchase various articles, and
seeing them pack'd up, doing errands, calling upon workmen
to dispatch, etc. ; and, when all was on board, I had a few days'
leisure. On one of these days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by
a great man I knew only by name, Sir William Wyndham, and
I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of
my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar's, and of my teach
ing Wygate and another young man to swim in a few hours.
He had two sons, about to set out on their travels ; he wish'd
to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify
me handsomely if I would teach them. They were not yet
come to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not un
dertake it ; but, from this incident, I thought it likely that, if
I were to remain in England and open a swimming-school, I
might get a good deal of money ; and it struck me so strongly,
that, had the overture been sooner made me, probably I should
not so soon have returned to America. After many years, you
and I had something of more importance to do with one of these
sons of Sir William Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont,
which I shall mention in its place.

52 The Autobiography of
Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of
the time I work'd hard at my business, and spent but little upon
myself except in seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph
had kept me poor ; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds,
which I was now never likely to receive ; a great sum out of
my small earnings ! I lov'd him, notwithstanding, for he had
many amiable qualities. I had by no means improv'd my for
tune ; but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance,
whose conversation was of great advantage to me ; and I had
read considerably.
We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23rd of July, 1 726. For
the incidents of the voyage, I refer you to my Journal, where
you will find them all minutely related. Perhaps the most im
portant part of that journal is the plan to be found in it, which
I formed at sea, for regulating my future conduct in life. It is
the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young,
and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro' to old age.
We landed in Philadelphia on the nth of October, where I
found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer governor, being
superseded by Major Gordon. I met him walking the streets as
a common citizen. He seem'd a little asham'd at seeing me, but
pass'd without saying any thing. I should have been as much
asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her friends, despairing
with reason of my return after the receipt of my letter, per
suaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was
done in my absence. With him, however, she was never happy,
and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or
bear his name, it being now said that he had another wife. He
was a worthless fellow, tho' an excellent workman, which was
the temptation to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in
17270^728, went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer
had got a better house, a shop well supply' d with stationery,
plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho' none good, and
seem'd to have a great deal of business.

Benjamin Franklin 53
Mr Denham took a store in Water-street, where we open'd
our goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts,
and grew, in a little time, expert at selling. We lodg'd and
boarded together; he counsell'd me as a father, having a sincere
regard for me. I respected and loved him, and we might have
gone on together very happy ; but, in the beginning of Feb
ruary, 172^, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first year, we
both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very
nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point
in my mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself
recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some
time or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again.
I forget what his distemper was ; it held him a long time, and
at length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nun
cupative will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me
once more to the wide world ; for the store was taken into the
care of his executors, and my employment under him ended.
My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia,
advised my return to my business ; and Keimer tempted me,
with an offer of large wages by the year, to come and take the
management of his printing-house, that he might better attend
his stationer's shop. I had heard a bad character of him in
London from his wife and her friends, and was not fond of
having any more to do with him. I tri'd for farther employ
ment as a merchant's clerk ; but, not readily meeting with any,
I clos'd again with Keimer. I found in his house these hands :
Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years of age,
bred to country work ; honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid
observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink.
Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the
same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and humour,
but a little idle. These he had agreed with at extream low
wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every three months, as
they would deserve by improving in their business ; and the

54 The Autobiography of
expectation of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was
what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at
press, Potts at book-binding, which he, by agreement, was to
teach them, though he knew neither one nor t'other. John
 , a wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose serv
ice, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of
a ship ; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George Webb,
an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he had likewise
bought, intending him for a compositor, of whom more pre
sently ; and David Harry, a country boy, whom he had taken
apprentice. I soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at wages
so much higher than he had been us'd to give, was, to have these
raw, cheap hands form'd thro' me; and, as soon as I had in
structed them, then they being all articled to him, he should
be able to do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully,
put his printing-house in order, which had been in great con
fusion, and brought his hands by degrees to mind their business
and to do it better.
It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation
of a bought servant. He was not more than eighteen years of
age, and gave me this account of himself ; that he was born in
Gloucester, educated at a grammar-school there, had been dis
tinguish' d among the scholars for some apparent superiority in
performing his part, when they exhibited plays; belong' d to
the Witty Club there, and had written some pieces in prose and
verse, which were printed in the Gloucester newspapers ; thence
he was sent to Oxford ; where he continued about a year, but
not well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to see London, and be
come a player. At length, receiving his quarterly allowance of
fifteen guineas, instead of discharging his debts he walk'd out
of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London,
where, having no friends to advise him, he fell into bad com
pany, soon spent his guineas, found no means of being intro-

Benjamin Franklin 55
duc'd among the players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his cloaths,
and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry, and not
knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was put into
his hand, offering immediate entertainment and encourage
ment to such as would bind themselves to serve in America. He
went directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the ship, and
came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what
was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur'd, and
a pleasant companion, but idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to
the last degree.
John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to
live very agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they
found Keimer incapable of instructing them, and that from
me they learned something daily. We never worked on Satur
day, that being Keimer's Sabbath, so I had two days for reading.
My acquaintance with ingenious people in the town increased.
Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent re
gard, and nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to Vernon,
which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor cecono-
mist. He, however, kindly made no demand of it.
Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no
letter-founder in America ; I had seen types cast at James's in
London, but without much attention to the manner; however,
I now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as
puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supply'd in
a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also engrav'd several
things on occasion ; I made the ink ; I was warehouseman,
and everything, and, in short, quite a fac-totum.
But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my serv
ices became every day of less importance, as the other hands
improv'd in the business ; and, when Keimer paid my second
quarter's wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy,
and thought I should make an abatement. He grew by degrees
less civil, put on more of the master, frequently found fault,

5<5

The Autobiography of

was captious, and seem'd ready for an outbreaking. I went on,
nevertheless, with a good deal of patience, thinking that his
encumber'd circumstances were partly the cause. At length a
trifle snapt our connections ; for, a great noise happening near
the court-house, I put my head out of the window to see what
was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, look'd up and
saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind
my business, adding some reproachful words, that nettled me
the more for their publicity, all the neighbors who were look
ing out on the same occasion being witnesses how I was treated.
He came up immediately into the printing-house, continu'd
the quarrel, high words pass'd on both sides, he gave me the
quarter's warning we had stipulated, expressing a wish that he
had not been oblig'd to so long a warning. I told him his wish
was unnecessary, for I would leave him that instant ; and so,
taking my hat, walk'd out of doors, desiring Meredith, whom
I saw below, to take care of some things I left, and bring them
to my lodgings.
Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked
my affair over. He had conceiv'd a great regard for me, and was
very unwilling that I should leave the house while he remain'd
in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country,
which I began to think of; he reminded me that Keimer was in
debt for all he possess' d; that his creditors began to be uneasy ;
that he kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for
ready money, and often trusted without keeping accounts; that
he must therefore fail, which would make a vacancy I might
profit of.. I objected my want of money. He then let me know
that his father had a high opinion of me, and, from some dis
course that had pass' d between them, he was sure would advance
money to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with him.
" My time," says he, " will be out with Keimer in the spring ;
by that time we may have our press and types in from London.
I am sensible I am no workman; if you like it, your skill in the

Benjamin Franklin 57
business shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we will
share the profits equally."
The proposal was agreeable, and I consented ; his father was
in town and approv'd of it ; the more as he saw I had great in
fluence with his son, had prevail' d on him to abstain long from
dram-drinking, and he hop' d might break him offthat wretched
habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I
gave an inventory to the father, who carry'd it to a merchant;
the things were sent for, the secret was to be kept till they
should arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if I could,
at the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy there, and
so remain' d idle a few days, when Keimer, on a prospect of
being employ' d to print some paper money in New Jersey,
which would require cuts and various types that I only could
supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get
the job from him,sent me a very civil message, that old friends
should not part for a few words, the effect of sudden passion,
and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply,
as it would give more opportunity for his improvement under
my daily instructions ; so I return'd, and we went on more
smoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey jobb
was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copperplate press for it, the first that
had been seen in the country ; I cut several ornaments and checks
for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I exe
cuted the whole to satisfaction ; and he received so large a sum
for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much
longer above water.
At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal
people of the province. Several of them had been appointed
by the Assembly a committee to attend the press, and take care
that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They
were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he
who attended, brought with him a friend or two for company.
My mind having been much more improv'd by reading than

5»

The Autobiography of

Keimer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation
seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their houses, intro
duced me to their friends, and show'd me much civility; while
he, tho' the master, was a little neglected. In truth, he was an
odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely opposing
receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in
some points of religion, and a little knavish withal.
We continu'd there near three months; and by that thue I
could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel
Bustill, the secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph
Cooper, and several of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and
Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. The latter was a shrewd,
sagacious old man, who told me that he began for himself,
when young, by wheeling clay for the brickmakers, learned to
write after he was of age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who
taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd
a good estate ; and says he, " I foresee that you will soon work
this man out of his business, and make a fortune in it at Phila
delphia." He had not then the least intimation of my intention
to set up there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards of
great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They
all continued their regard for me as long as they lived.
Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may
be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard
to my principles and morals, that you may see how far those
influenc'd the future events of my life. My parents had early
given me religious impressions, and brought me through my
childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But I was scarce
fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points, as I
found them disputed in the different books I read, I began to
doubt of Revelation itself. Some books against Deism fell into
my hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons
preached at Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they wrought
an effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them ;

Benjamin Franklin 59
for the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted, to be re
futed, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations ; in
short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments per
verted some others, particularly Collins and Ralph; but, each
of them having afterwards wrong' d me greatly without the
least compunction, and recollecting Keith's conduct towards
me (who was another freethinker), and my own towards Ver
non and Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble, I
began to suspect that this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was
not very useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its
motto these lines of Dryden :
" Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man
Sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link :
His eyes not carrying to the equal beam,
That poises all above ; "
and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, goodness
and power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong
in the world, and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions,
no such things existing, appear'd now not so clever a perform
ance as I once thought it ; and I doubted whether some error
had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd into my argument, so as to
infect all that follow' d, as is common in metaphysical reason
ings. I grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings
between man and man were of the utmost importance to the
felicity of life ; and I form'd written resolutions, which still
remain in my journal book, to practice them ever while I lived.
Revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such ; but I enter
tain' d an opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad
because they were forbidden by it, or good because it commanded
them, yet probably these actions might be forbidden because
they were bad for us, or commanded because they were beneficial
to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things con
sidered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence,

60 The Autobiography of
or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances
and situations, or all together, preserved me, thro' this danger
ous time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was some
times in among strangers, remote from the eye and advice of
my father, without any willful gross immorality or injustice,
that might have been expected from my want of religion. I
say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had some
thing of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, and
the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable character to
begin the world with ; I valued it properly, and determin'd to
preserve it.
We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia before the
new types arriv'd from London. We settled with Keimer, and
left him by his consent before he heard of it. We found a house
to hire near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, which
was thenbut twenty-four pounds a year, tho' I havesince known
it to let for seventy, we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and
his family, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and
we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters and
put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance
of mine, brought a countryman to us, whom he had met in the
street inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended
in the variety of particulars we had been obliged to procure,
and this countryman's five shillings, being our first-fruits, and
coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown
I have since earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House has
made me often more ready than perhaps I should otherwise
have been to assist young beginners.
There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin.
Such a one then lived in Philadelphia ; a person of note, an
elderly man, with a wise look and a very gravemanner of speak
ing ; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger
to me, stopt one day at my door, and asked me if I was the
young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Being

Benjamin Franklin 61
answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, be
cause it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would
be lost ; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already
half-bankrupts, or near being so ; all appearances to the con
trary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his
certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact, among the
things that would soon ruin us. And he gave me such a detail
of misfortunes now existing, or that were soon to exist, that he
left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged
in this business, probably I never should have done it. This
man continued to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in
the same strain, refusing for many years to buy a house there,
because all was going to destruction ; and at last I had the
pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he
might have bought it for when he first began his croaking.
I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the
preceding year, I had form'd most of my ingenious acquaint
ance into a club of mutual improvement, which we called the
Junto ; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up
required that every member, in his turn, should produce one
or more queries on any point of Morals, Politics, or Natural
Philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company ; and once in three
months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any
subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction
of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of
inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of
victory ; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness
in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made
contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties.
The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of deeds
for the scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle-ag'd man,
a great lover of poetry, reading all he could meet with, and
writing some that was tolerable ; very ingenious in many little
Nicknackeries, and of sensible conversation.

6z The Autobiography of
Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his
way, and afterwards inventor of what is now called Hadley's
Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a
pleasing companion ; as, like most great mathematicians I have
met with, he expected universal precision in everything said,
or was for ever denying or distinguishing upon trifles, to the
disturbance of all conversation. He soon left us.
Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who
lov'd books, and sometimes made a few verses.
William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but, loving reading, had
acquir'd a considerable share of mathematics, which he first
studied with a view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at
it. He also became surveyor-general.
William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic,
and a solid, sensible man.
Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have
characteriz'd before.
Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous,
lively, and witty ; a lover of punning and of his friends.
And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my
age, who had the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, and the
exactest morals of almost anyman I ever met with. Hebecame
afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial
judges. Our friendship continued without interruption to his
death, upwards of forty years ; and the club continued almost
as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and
politics that then existed in the province ; for our queries,
which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us
upon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we
might speak more to the purpose ; and here, too, we acquired
better habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our
rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From
hence the long continuance of the club, which I shall have
frequent occasion to speak further of hereafter.

Benjamin Franklin 63
But my giving this account of it here is to show something
of the interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in
recommending business to us. Breintnal particularly procur'd
us from the Quakers the printing forty sheets of their history,
the rest being to be done by Keimer ; and upon this we work'd
exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It was a folio, pro
patria size, in pica, with long primer notes. I compos'd of it
a sheet a day, and Meredith worked it off at press; it was often
eleven at night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my
distribution for the next day's work, for the little jobbs sent in
by our other friends now and then put us back. But so deter
min'd I was to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that
one night, when, having impos'd my forms, I thought my day's
work over, one of them by accident was broken, and two pages
reduced to pi, I immediately distributed and compos'd it over
again before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our
neighbors, began to give us character and credit; particularly,
I was told, that mention being made of the new printing-office
at the merchants' Every-night club, the general opinion was
that it must fail, there being already two printers in the place,
Keimer and Bradford ; but Dr Baird (whom you and I saw
many years after at his native place, St. Andrew's in Scotland)
gave a contrary opinion : " For the industry of that Franklin,"
says he, " is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind ; I see
him still at work when I go home from club, and he is at work
again before his neighbors are out of bed." This struck the rest,
and we soon after had offers from one of them to supply us
with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse to engage in shop
business. I mention this industry the more particularly and the more
freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those
of my posterity, who shall read it, may know the use of that
virtue, when they see its effects in my favour throughout this
relation.

64

The Autobiography of

George Webb, who had found a female friend that lent him
wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer
himself as a journeyman to us. We could not then employ
him; but I foolishly let him know as a secret that I soon in
tended to begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him.
My hopes of success, as I told him, were founded on this, that
the then only newspaper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry
thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was
profitable to him; I therefore thought a good paper would
scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not
to mention it ; but he told it to Keimer, who immediately, to
be beforehand with me, published proposals for printing one
himself, on which Webb was to be employ' d. I resented this;
and, to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our paper,
I wrote several pieces of entertainment for Bradford's paper,
under the title of the Busy Body, which Breintnal continu'd
some months. By this means the attention of the publick was
fixed on that paper, and Keimer's proposals, which we bur-
lesqu'd and Pidicul'd, were disregarded. He began his paper,
however, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with
at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle;
and I, having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in
hand directly ; and it prov'd in a few years extremely profitable
to me.
I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular number,
though our partnership still continu'd; the reason may be that,
in fact, the whole management of the business lay upon me.
Meredith was no compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom
sober. My friends lamented my connection with him, but I was
to make the best of it.
Our first papers made a quite different appearance from any
before in the province ; a better type, and better printed ; but
some spirited remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going
on between Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly,

Numb. XL.

T H G

Pennfylvania GAZETTE.
Containing the frcjhejt Advices Foreign and Domeftiek.

From 'Jtfturfday, September 2J, to Thurithy, October 2.

rH E Pennf) Ivania 1 . tte
be etirry'u n by 01 bt < 1 1 (ft ¦ >, &bf Reader
wrfj / . - yrf ¦ /,,-¦ W«.. 1 I
i , ban '¦¦ ¦ ¦¦'¦ Dictionaries y
from ¦:.. 1 ¦ , . w ¦, , i 1 1 ./ ite rials of the
Unhcrfal lullitictor in all Arts and" Sciences,
which aftt&m ¦¦¦ 1 6 fc&e F/#? '-J'./rv 0/ this Taper,
we find that be/ides their containing wavy Things
ahftrufe or hffignifitant to m, it '-will probably
he fifty Tea&befort thefVhok can be gone thro'
in this Manner of Publication. Then are tike-
wjfe in tbofe/Books continual References front
Things under one Letter oj u
under another, which relah
and are ftewffary to explain and complejt it ;
the fe taken m their Turn may peri
I ea YTUTJTii II l j—TI» n /imt, n- rj-Trrcp^-rm^ -' i »
tie/ire to acquaint tmmfclves with any particular
Jlrt or Science, would \la <¦¦ > we the whole be
fore them 111 a mnch lefs Tunc, we believe our
Rtadcrs will not think fuch a Method of commu
nicating Knowh.lgt to be a proper One.
However^ tho' we do mt intend to continue the
Public at ton'' of tbofe Dictionaries m a regular
Alphabetical Method, as has hitherto been done j
yet as feveral Things exhibited from them in the
Coftrfc of tf.'cfe Tapers, have been entertaining
to fitch of the GtriottSj who never had and can
not bav&tbe yJdvautage of good Libraries ; and
as there arc many Things jl ill behind, which be
ing iu ttys Manner made generally known, may
per haps'ne come of ' con fder able Ufe, by giving fitch
Hints to the excellent natural Genms's of our
Country, as may contribute either to the Im
provement of our prefent Man /fact" tires, or to
wards the Invention of new Ones ; we propfe
from Ttfne to Time to communicate fitch particu
lar Tafts as appear to be of the moft general
Confeqtttnce. yJy fo the Religious Courtfliip, Tart of
whtch-has been retard to the Teblick in theft
Tapers], the Reader may he inform' d, that the
whole pock will probably in a little Time he
printed and bound, up by ihfclf', and tbofe who
appr v} of it, will doubtlefs be better pleas'd to
ham isfatire, than m this broken interrupted

Tier,. .< 1 ¦ . . ''¦¦fired to fee a
v / w „.'--/'.. ;„:, ¦ m Pennfylvania; andfsebopi
fhoft Gentlemen who an able, will contribute to-
wark the makit/e This fach. He ask Afpjfance,
becasfe we are fully faifi-ie, that to pttbhjh a
good ysws-Tapcr is not fo eafy an Undertaking
as mtuy Tcople imagine it to be. The Author of
a G.uettc (in the Opinion of the Learned) ought
to bt qualified with an extenfive Acquaintance
with Languages, a great Eafiuefs and Command
oj Writing and Relating Things clt inly and iu-
telhgil ly, and in fw Words ; he fho/tld be able
t fp tk of "Wat 'both by Land and Sea ; be well
ted with Geography^ with the Siftcry oj
me, with the fevegal Iuterefis -f -Princes
aud States, the Secrets offHourts^ 'and the Man
ners and Cupoms of all Nations. Men thas ac-
¦'!¦'. I are very rare in this remote T./rt of
¦¦ rldi and ft a nsta tiz ¦j.ell if the Writer
¦I theft Papers could make up amongbts Friends
tuba! is wanting in himfelf
Upon the Whole, we may ajfnre the Tubhck,
that as far as the Encouragement we meet with
will enable us, no Care and Pains /hall be omit
ted, that may make the Pennfylvania Gazette
as agreeable and, ufeful an Entertainment as the
Nature of the Thing will allow.

The Following is the lait MciTagc fent by
hs Excellency Governour Burnet, to the
Houl'e of Repretcntathcs in Boftou.
Cr.tlemen if the Htufe of RtprefenUttivti,
IT is nor with fo vain a Hope as m convince you, that
I rake the Trouble to anfwer your Mctfages, but, if
pofliblc, to open the Eyes of the deluded People whom
you jeprelent, ami whom you are at fo much Pains to keep
in Ignorance of the true State of their Affairs. I need not
go further for an undeniable Proof of thij Endeavour to
blinr* them, than your ordering the Letter of Mcfficurs
iVitks and fltlchrr of the ;th of Jtmt laft p your Speaker to
be ppblilhcd. This Letter j* faid (in ',./**« J. of your
Vora) to rachfe a Copy e>f tlx Report tf the lordi of tlx Com-
mrttf. 4 His Mayfly's Priny CoiiucH, with ftr'i Mrjtpy't ap
probation *nd Order tbtreon to Cnurt.'il ; Yet thefe Guntletrwn
had at the lame time the unpanrirell'd Prcfitnption to
write to the Speaker in this Manner; JWflf thfirw by tht
Conchiften^V3h.yt it propoftd to be tlx Cortfeyueixf ~tj your not cotr-
plyim With Nit Maj'jly't InfiruH'w ( tit «Me AJattrr le ho
hid

THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, OCTOBER 2, 1 7 29
The first iiiiiuhrr publishi-d hij Benjamin Franklin

Benjamin Franklin 65
struck the principal people, occasioned the paper and the mana
ger of it to be much talk'd of, and in a few weeks brought them
all to be our subscribers.
Their example was follow' d by many, and our number went
on growing continually. This was one of the first good effects
of my having learnt a little to scribble; another was, that the
leading men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of one who
could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and
encourage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and
other publick business. He had printed an address of the House
to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner ; we reprinted
it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. They
were sensible of the difference : it strengthened the hands of
our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers for
the year ensuing.
Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr Ham
ilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England,
and had a seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in
that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing
his patronage till his death.1
Mr Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I
ow'd him, but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous
letter of acknowledgment, crav'd his forbearance a little longer,
which he allow' d me, and as soon as I was able, I paid the prin
cipal with interest and many thanks ; so that erratum was in
some degree corrected.
But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never
the least reason to expect. Mr Meredith's father, who was to
have paid for our printing-house, according to the expectations
given me, was able to advance only one hundred pounds curren
cy, which had been paid ; and a hundred more was due to the
merchant, who grew impatient, and su'd us all. We gave bail,
but saw that, if the money could not be rais'd in time, the suit
« I got his son once ^joo. — Marg. note.

66 The Autobiography of
must soon come to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful
prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must
be sold for payment, perhaps at half price.
In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have never
forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing,
came to me separately, unknown to each other, and, without any
application from me, offering each of them to advance me all
the money that should be necessary to enable me to take the
whole business upon myself, if that should be practicable; but
they did not like my continuing the partnership with Meredith,
who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and play
ing at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These
two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told
them I could not propose a separation while any prospect re-
main'd of the Merediths' fulfilling their part of our agreement,
because I thought myself under great obligations to them for
what they had done, and would do if they could ; but, if they
finally fail'd in their performance, and our partnership must be
dissolv'd, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the
assistance of my friends.
Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my
partner, " Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the part you have
undertaken in this affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for
you and me what he would for you alone. If that is the case,
tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go about my
business." "No," said he, "my father has really been disap
pointed, and is really unable ; and I am unwilling to distress
him farther. I see this is a business I am not fit for. I was bred
a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put
myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new
trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in North
Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin'd to go with them,
and follow my old employment. You may find friends to
assist you. If you will take the debts of the company upon you;

Benjamin Franklin 6j
return to my father the hundred pound he has advanced ; pay
my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new
saddle, I will relinquish the partnership, and leave the whole
in your hands." I agreed to this proposal: it was drawn up in
writing, sign'd, and seal'd immediately. I gave him what he
demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence
he sent me next year two long letters, containing the best ac
count that had been given of that country, the climate, the soil,
husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very judicious. I
printed them in the papers, and they gave great satisfaction to
the publick.
As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two friends ; and
because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took
half of what each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of
the other; paid off the company's debts, and went on with the
business in my own name, advertising that the partnership was
dissolved. I think this was in or about the year 1729.
About this time there was a cry among the people for more
paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the
province, and that soon to be sunk. The wealthy inhabitants
oppos'd any addition, being against all paper currency, from an
apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New
England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We had discuss' d
this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition,
being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had
done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and
number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the
old houses inhabited, and many new ones building : whereas
I remembered well, that when I first walk'd about the streets
of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of the houses in
Walnut Street, between Second and Front streets, with bills on
their doors, "To be let ; " and many likewise in Chestnut-street
and other streets, which made me then think the inhabitants
of the city were deserting it one after another.

68 The Autobiography of
Our debates possess' d me so fully of the subject, that I wrote
and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled "The Nature
and Necessity of a Paper Currency." It was well receiv'd by the
common people in general; but the rich men dislik'd it, for it
increas'd and strengthen' d the clamor for more money, and
they happening to have no writers among them that were able
to answer it, their opposition slacken' d, and the point was car
ried by a majority in the House. My friends there, who con-
ceiv'd I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by
employing me in printing the money; a very profitable jobb and
a great help to me. This was another advantage gain'd by my
being able to write.
The utility of this currency became by time and experience
so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it
grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty
thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to upwards
of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building,
and inhabitants all the while increasing, tho' I now think there
are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful.
I soon after obtain' d, thro' my friend Hamilton, the printing
of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I
then thought it ; small things appearing great to those in small
circumstances; and these, to me, were really great advantages,
as they were great encouragements. He procured for me, also,
the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which
continu'd in my hands as long as I follow'd the business.
I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it blanks of
all sorts, the correctest that ever appear'd among us, being as
sisted in that by my friend Breintnal. I had also paper, parch
ment, chapmen's books, etc. One Whitemarsh, a compositor
I had known in London, an excellent workman, now came to
me, and work'd with me constantly and diligently; and I took
an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose.
I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for

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DISSOLUTION OF THE FIRM OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND HUGH MEREDITH

Benjamin Franklin 69
the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and character
as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in reality industrious
and frugal, but to avoid all appearances to the contrary. I drest
plainly ; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I never went
out a fishing or shooting; a book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd
me from my work, but that was seldom, snug, and gave no
scandal ; and, to show that I was not above my business, I some
times brought home the paper I purchas'd at the stores thro'
the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an indus
trious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought,
the merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom;
others proposed supplying me with books, and I went on swim
mingly. In the mean time, Keimer's credit and business de
clining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his printing-house to
satisfy his creditors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived
some years in very poor circumstances.
His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while
I work'd with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having
bought his materials. I was at first apprehensive of a powerful
rival in Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good deal
of interest. I therefore propos'd a partnership to him, which
he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud,
dress'd like a gentleman, liv'd expensively, took much diver
sion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business;
upon which, all business left him ; and, finding nothing to do,
he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, taking the printing-house
with him. There this apprentice employ'd his former master
as a journey man; they quarrel' d often; Harry went continually
behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his types and
return to his country work in Pensilvania. The person that
bought them employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a few years
he died.
There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia
but the old one, Bradford ; who was rich and easy, did a little

70 The Autobiography of
printing now and then by straggling hands, but was not very
anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-
office, it was imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining
news; his paper was thought a better distributer of advertise
ments than mine, and therefore had many more, which was
a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I
did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick
opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by bribing the
riders, who took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough
to forbid it, which occasion' d some resentment on my part ;
and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I afterward
came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it.
I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey, who lived
in part of my house with his wife and children, and had one
side of the shop for his glazier's business, tho' he worked little,
being always absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs Godfrey pro
jected a match for me with a relation's daughter, took oppor
tunities of bringing us often together, till a serious courtship
on my part ensu'd, the girl being in herself very deserving. vThe
old folks encourag'd me by continual invitations to supper, and
by leaving us together, till at length it was time to explain.
Mrs Godfrey manag'd our little treaty. I let her know that
I expected as much money with their daughter as would pay
off my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I be
lieve was not then above a hundred pounds. She brought me
word they had no such sum to spare; I said they might mort
gage their house in the loan-office. The answer to this, after
some days, was, that they did not approve the match; that,
on inquiry of Bradford, they had been informed the printing
business was not a profitable one; the types would soon be
worn out, and more wanted; that S. Keimer and D. Harry
had failed one after the other, and I should probably soon fol
low them ; and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the
daughter shut up.

Benjamin Franklin 71
Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice,
on a supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to
retract, and therefore that we should steal a marriage, which
would leave them at liberty to give or withhold what they
pleas' d, I know not; but I suspected the latter, resented it, and
went no more. Mrs Godfrey brought me afterward some more
favorable accounts of their disposition, and would have drawn
me on again; but I declared absolutely my resolution to have
nothing more to do with that family. This was resented by the
Godfreys ; we differ'd, and they removed, leaving me the whole
house, and I resolved to take no more inmates.
But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I
look'd round me and made overtures of acquaintance in other
places; but soon found that, the business of a printer being
generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect money with
a wife, unless with such a one as I should not otherwise think
agreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-governed passion
of youth hurried me frequently into intrigues with low women
that fell in my way, which were attended with some expense and
great inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health
by a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great
good luck I escaped it. A friendly correspondence as neighbors
and old acquaintances had continued between me and Mrs
Read's family, who all had a regard for me from the time of
my first lodging in their house. I was often invited there and
consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service.
I piti'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate situation, who was gen
erally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided company. I con
sidered my giddiness and inconstancy when in London as in a
great degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho' the mother was
good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she
had prevented our marrying before I went thither, and per
suaded the other match in my absence. Our mutual affection
was revived, but there were now great objections to our union.

72 The Autobiography of
The match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding
wife being said to be living in England ; but this could not
easily be prov'd, because of the distance ; and, tho' there was
a report of his death, it was not certain. Then, tho' it should
be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be
call'd upon to pay. We ventured, however, over all these diffi
culties, and I took her to wife, September ist, 1 730. None of
the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended; she
proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by at
tending the shop ; we throve together, and have ever mutually
endeavor'd to make each other happy. Thus I corrected that
great erratum as well as I could.
About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a
little room of Mr Grace's, set apart for that purpose, a propo
sition was made by me, that, since our books were often referr'd
to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it might be convenient
to us to have them altogether where we met, that upon occa
sion they might be consulted ; and by thus clubbing our books
to a common library, we should, while we lik'd to keep them
together, have each of us the advantage of using the books of
all the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial as
if each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we
fill'd one end of the room with such books as we could best
spare. The number was not so great as we expected ; and tho'
they had been of great use, yet some inconveniences occurring
for want of due care of them, the collection, after about a year,
was separated, and each took his books home again.
And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature,
that for a subscription library. I drew up the proposals, got
them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by
the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers
of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for
fifty years, the term our company was to continue. We after
wards obtain'd a charter, the company being increased to one

Benjamin Franklin 73
hundred : this was the mother of all the North American sub
scription libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great thing
itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have im
proved the general conversation of the Americans, made the
common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent as most gentle
men fromother countries,and perhaps havecontributedinsome
degree to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies
in defence of their privileges.
Memo. Thus far was written with the intention express'd
in the beginning and therefore contains several little family an
ecdotes of no importance to others. What follows was written
many years after in compliance with the advice contain' d in
these letters, and accordingly intended for the public. The
affairs of the Revolution occasion'd the interruption.

Letter from Mr Abel James, with Notes of my Life
(received in Paris)
"My Dear and Honored Friend: I have often been de
sirous of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to the
thought, that the letter might fall into the hands of the British,
lest some printer or busy-body should publish some part of the
contents, and give our friend pain, and myself censure.
" Some time since there fell into my hands, to my great joy,
about twenty-three sheets in thy own handwriting, containing
an account of the parentage and life of thyself, directed to thy
son, ending in the year 1730, with which there were notes,
likewise in thy writing ; a copy of which I inclose, in hopes it
may be a means, if thou continued it up to a later period, that
the first and latter part may be put together ; and if it is not yet
continued, I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain, as
the preacher tells us ; and what will the world say if kind,
humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave his friends

74 The Autobiography of
and the world deprived of so pleasing and profitable a work ;
a work which would be useful and entertaining not only to a
few, but to millions ? The influence writings under that class
have on the minds of youth is very great, and has nowhere
appeared to me so plain, as in our public friend's journals. It
almost insensibly leads the youth into the resolution of endeav
oring to become as good and eminent as the journalist. Should
thine, for instance, when published (and I think it could not
fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and temperance
of thy early youth, what a blessing with that class would such
a work be ! I know of no character living, nor many of them
put together, who has so much in his power as thyself to pro
mote a greater spirit of industry and early attention to business,
frugality, and temperance with the American youth. Not that
I think the work would have no other merit and use in the
world, far from it ; but the first is of such vast importance that
I know nothing that can equal it."
The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it
, , being shown to a friend, I received from him the following :
Letter from Mr Benjamin Vaughan
Paris, January 31, 1783.
" My Dearest Sir : When I had read over your sheets of
minutes of the principal incidents of your life, recovered for
you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told you I would send you
a letter expressing my reasons why I thought it would be useful
to complete and publish it as he desired. Various concerns have
for some time past prevented this letter being written, and I do
not know whether it was worth any expectation ; happening
to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by writing, at least
interest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am inclined to
use may tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall only

Benjamin Franklin 75
tell you how I would address any other person, who was as good
and as great as yourself, but less diffident. I would say to him,
Sir, I solicit the history of your life from the following motives:
Your history is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, some
body else will certainly give it; and perhaps so as nearly to do
as much harm, as your own management of the thing might
do good. It will moreover present a table of the internal cir
cumstances of your country, which will very much tend to
invite to it settlers of virtuous and manly minds. And consider
ing the eagerness with which such information is sought by
them, and the extent of your reputation, I do not know of a
more efficacious advertisement than your biography would
give. All that has happened to you is also connected with
the detail of the manners and situation of a rising people ;
and in this respect I do not think that the writings of Cassar
and Tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge of human
nature and society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opin
ion, compared with the chance which your life will give for
the forming of future great men ; and in conjunction with your
Art of Virtue (which you design to publish) of improving the
features of private character, and consequently of aiding all
happiness, both public and domestic. The two works I allude
to, sir, will in particular give a noble rule and example of self-
education. School and other education constantly proceed upon
false principles, and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a false
mark ; but your apparatus is simple, and the mark a true one ;
and while parents and young persons are left destitute of other
just means of estimating and becoming prepared for a reason
able course in life, your discovery that the thing is in many
a man's private power, will be invaluable ! Influence upon the
private character, late in life, is not only an influence late in life,
but a weak influence. It is in youth that we plant our chief
habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as
to profession, pursuits and matrimony. In youth, therefore,

j6 The Autobiography of
the turn is given ; in youth the education even of the next gen
eration is given ; in youth the private and public character is
determined; and the term of life extending but from youth to
age, life ought to begin well from youth, and more especially
before we take our party as to our principal objects. But your
biography will not merely teach self-education, but the educa
tion of a wise man; and the wisest man will receive lights and
improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another
wise man. And why are weaker men to be deprived of such
helps, when we see our race has been blundering on in the dark,
almost without a guide in this particular, from the farthest trace
of time ? Show then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons
and fathers ; and invite all wise men to become like yourself,
and other men to become wise. When we see how cruel states
men and warriors can be to the human race, and how absurd
distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be in
structive to observe the instances multiply of pacific, acqui
escing manners ; and to find how compatible it is to be great
and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored.
"The little private incidents which you will also have to
relate, will have considerable use, as we want, above all things,
rules of prudence in ordinary affairs; and it will be curious to
see how you have acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key
to life, and explain many things that all men ought to have
once explained to them, to give them a chance of becoming
wise by foresight. The nearest thing to having experience of
one's own, is to have other people's affairs brought before us
in a shape that is interesting ; this is sure to happen from your
pen; our affairs and management will have an air of simplicity
or importance that will not fail to strike ; and I am convinced
you have conducted them with as much originality as if you
had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy; and
what more worthy of experiments and system (its importance
and its errors considered) than human life?

Benjamin Franklin jj
" Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have spec
ulated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to bad
purposes ; but you, sir, I am sure, will give under your hand,
nothing but what is at the same moment, wise, practical and
good. Your account of yourself (for I suppose the parallel
I am drawing for Dr Franklin, will hold not only in point
of character, but of private history) will show that you are
ashamed of no origin ; a thing the more important, as you
prove how little necessary all origin is to happiness, virtue, or
greatness. As no end likewise happens without a means, so we
shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed a plan by which
you became considerable; but at the same time we may see that
though the event is flattering, the means are as simple as wis
dom could make them ; that is, depending upon nature, virtue,
thought and habit. Another thing demonstrated will be the
propriety of every man's waiting for his time for appearing upon
the stage of the world. Our sensations being very much fixed
to the moment, we are apt to forget that more moments are to
follow the first, and consequently that man should arrange his
conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. Your attribution ap
pears to have been applied to your life, and the passing moments
of it have been enlivened with content and enjoyment, instead
of being tormented with foolish impatience or regrets. Such
a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and themselves in
countenance by examples of other truly great men, of whom
patience is so often characteristic. Your Quaker correspond
ent, sir (for here again I will suppose the subject of my letter
resembling Dr Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence and
temperance, which he considered as a pattern for all youth; but
it is singular that he should have forgotten your modesty and
your disinterestedness, without which you never could have
waited for your advancement, or found your situation in the
mean time comfortable ; which is a strong lesson to show the
poverty of glory and the importance of regulating our minds.

78 The Autobiography of
If this correspondent had known the nature of your reputation
as well as I do, he would have said, Your former writings and
measures would secure attention to your Biography, and Art of
Virtue ; and your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would
secure attention to them. This is an advantage attendant upon
a various character, and which brings all that belongs to it into
greater play ; and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons
are at a loss for the means of improving their minds and char
acters, than they are for the time or the inclination to do it.
But there is one concluding reflection, sir, that will shew the
use of your life as a mere piece of biography. This style of writ
ing seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful
one ; and your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable,
as it will make a subject of comparison with the lives of various
public cut-throats and intriguers, and with absurd monastic self-
tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more writ
ings of the same kind with your own, and induces more men to
spend lives fit to be written, it will be worth all Plutarch's Lives
put together. But being tired of figuring to myself a character
of which every feature suits only one man in the world, with
out giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear
Dr Franklin, with a personal application to your proper self.
I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you should let
the world into the traits of your genuine character, as civil broils
may otherwise tend to disguise or traduce it. Considering your
great age, the caution of your character, and your peculiar style
of thinking, it is not likely that any one besides yourself can
be sufficiently master of the facts of your life, or the intentions
of your mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the
present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards the
author of it, and when virtuous principles have been pretended
in it, it will be highly important to shew that such have really
influenced ; and, as your own character will be the principal
one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects upon

Benjamin Franklin 79
your vast and rising country, as well as upon England and upon
Europe) that it should stand respectable and eternal. For the
furtherance of human happiness, I have always maintained that
it is necessary to prove that man is not even at present a vicious
and detestable animal ; and still more to prove that good man
agement may greatly amend him ; and it is for much the same
reason, that I am anxious to see the opinion established, that
there are fair characters existing among the individuals of the
race; for the moment that all men, without exception, shall be
conceived abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed
to be hopeless, and perhaps think of taking their share in the
scramble of life, or at least of making it comfortable principally
for themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most speed
ily into hand: shew yourself good as you are good; temperate
as you are temperate ; and above all things, prove yourself as
one, who from your infancy have loved justice, liberty and con
cord, in a way that has made it natural and consistent for you
to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last seventeen years
of your life. Let Englishmen be made not only to respect, but
even to love you. When they think well of individuals in
your native country, they will go nearer to thinking well of
your country; and when your countrymen see themselves well
thought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer to thinking
well of England. Extend your views even further; do not stop
at those who speak the English tongue, but after having settled
so many points in nature and politics, think of bettering the
whole race of men. As I have not read any part of the life in
question, but know only the character that lived it, I write
somewhat at hazard. I am sure, however, that the life and the
treatise I allude to (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil
the chief of my expectations ; and still more so if you take up
the measure of suiting these performances to the several views
above stated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all that
a sanguine admirer of yours hopes for them, you will at least

80 The Autobiography of
have framed pieces to interest the human mind ; and whoever
gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man, has added so
much to the fair side of a life otherwise too much darkened by
anxiety and too much injured by pain. In the hope, therefore,
that you will listen to the prayer addressed to you in this letter,
I beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc.,
" Signed, Benj. Vaughan."

Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at
Passy, near Paris, 1784
It is some time since I receiv'd the above letters, but I have
been too busy till now to think of complying with the request
they contain. It might, too, be much better done if I were at
home among my papers, which would aid my memory, and
help to ascertain dates ; but my return being uncertain, and hav
ing just now a little leisure, I will endeavor to recollect and
write what I can; if I live to get home, it may there be cor
rected and improv'd.
Not having any copy here of what is already written, I know
not whether an account is given of the means I used to establish
the Philadelphia public library, which, from a small beginning,
is now become so considerable, though I remember to have
come down to near the time of that transaction (1730). I will
therefore begin here with an account of it, which may be struck
out if found to have been already given.
At the time I establish' d myself in Pennsylvania, there was not
a good bookseller's shop in any of the colonies to the southward
of Boston. In New York and Philad'a the printers were indeed
stationers ; they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and
a few common school-books. Those who lov'd reading were
oblig'd to send for their books from England; the members of

Benjamin Franklin 8i
the Junto had each a few. We had left the alehouse, where we
first met, and hired a room to hold our club in. I propos'd that
we should all of us bring our books to that room, where they
would not only be ready to consult in our conferences, but be
come a common benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow
such as he wish'd to read at home. This was accordingly done,
and for some time contented us.
Finding the advantage of this little collection, I propos'd to
render the benefit from books more common, by commencing
a public subscription library. I drew a sketch of the plan and
rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer,
Mr Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of
agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engag'd
to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase of books, and
an annual contribution for increasing them. So few were the
readers at that time in Philadelphia, and the majority of us so
poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to find more than
fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for
this purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per annum.
On this little fund we began. The books were imported ; the
library was opened one day in the week for lending to the sub
scribers, on their promissory notes to pay double the value if not
duly returned. The institution soon manifested its utility, was
imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The libraries
were augmented by donations ; reading became fashionable ;
and our people, having no publick amusements to divert their
attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and
in a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed
and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally
are in other countries.
When we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles,
which were to be binding on us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years,
Mr Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, "You are young men,
but it is scarcely probable that any of you will live to see the

82 The Autobiography of
expiration of the term fix'd in the instrument." A number of
us, however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few
years rendered null by a charter that incorporated and gave per
petuity to the company.
The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the
subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting
one's self as the proposer of any useful object, that might be
suppos'd to raise one's reputation in the smallest degree above
that of one's neighbors, when one has need of their assistance to
accomplish that project. I therefore put myself as much as I
could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends,
who had requested me to go about and propose it to such as they
thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went on more
smoothly, and I ever after practis'd it on such occasions ; and,
from my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. The
present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply
repaid. If it remains a while uncertain to whom the merit be
longs, some one more vain than yourself will be encouraged to
claim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice
by plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them to their
right owner.
This library afforded me the means of improvement by con
stant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and
thus repair'd in some degree the loss of the learned education
my father once intended for me. Reading was the only amuse
ment I allow' d myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, or
frolicks of any kind ; and my industry in my business continu'd
as indefatigable as it was necessary. I was indebted for my
printing-house ; I had a young family coming on to be edu
cated, and I had to contend with for business two printers, who
were established in the place before me. My circumstances,
however, grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality
continuing, and my father having, among his instructions to
me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon,

Benjamin Franklin 83
" Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before
kings, he shall not stand before mean men," I from thence
considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth and distinc
tion, which encourag'd me, tho' I did not think that I should
ever literally stand before kings, which, however, has since hap
pened; for I have stood before/?^, and even had the honour of
sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner.
We have an English proverb that says, "He that would thrive,
must ask his wife." It was lucky for me that I had one as much
dispos'd to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me
cheerfully in my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tend
ing shop, purchasing old linen rags for the paper-makers, etc.,
etc. We kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple,
our furniture of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was
a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a two
penny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how
luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of prin
ciple : being call'd one morning to breakfast, I found it in a
China bowl, with a spoon of silver ! They had been bought for
me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the
enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had
no other excuse or apology to make, but that she thought her
husband deserv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any
of his neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and
China in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as
our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several hundred
pounds in value.
I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho'
someof the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees
of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible,
others doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public
assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never
was without some religious principles. I never doubted, for
instance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world,

84 The Autobiography of
and govern'd it by his Providence ; that the most acceptable
service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls are
immortal ; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue re
warded, either here or hereafter. These I esteem' d the essentials
of every religion ; and, being to be found in all the religions we
had in our country, I respected them all, tho' with different
degrees of respect, as I found them more or less mix'd with other
articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or
confirm morality, serv'd principally to divide us, and make us
unfriendly to one another. This respect to all, with an opinion
that the worst had some good effects, induc'd me to avoid all
discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another
might have of his own religion; and as our province increas'd
in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted,
and generally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for
such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused.
Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an
opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly con
ducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription for the
support of the only Presbyterian minister or meeting we had
in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and
admonish me to attend his administrations, and I was now and
then prevail'd on to do so, once for five Sundays successively.
Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might
have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the
Sunday's leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were
chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the pecul
iar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninter
esting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was
inculcated or enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make
us Presbyterians than good citizens.
At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter
of Philippians, " Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, hon
est, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any

\*C^/i

Benjamin Franklin 85
praise, think on these things." And I imagin'd, in a sermon on
such a text, we could not miss of having some morality. But
he confin'd himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle,
viz.: 1. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in
reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick
worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due re
spect to God's ministers. These might be all good things ; but,
as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from
that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other,
was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some
years before compos'd a little Liturgy, or form of prayer, for
my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled, Articles of Belief
and Acts of Religion. I return'd to the use of this, and went no
more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blame-
able, but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it ;
my present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apo
logies for them.
It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous pro
ject of arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to live without
committing any fault at any time; I would conquer all that
either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me
into . As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong,
I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the
other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of more diffi
culty than I had imagined. While my care was employ'd in
guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another;
habit took the advantage of inattention; inclination was some
times too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the
mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be com
pletely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping ; and
that the contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired
and established, before we can have any dependence on a steady,
uniform rectitude of con duct. For this purpose I therefore con
trived the following method.

86 The Autobiography of
In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met
with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numer
ous, as different writers included more or fewer ideas under the
same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined
to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean
the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or
passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I
propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more
names, with fewer ideas annex' d to each, than a few names with
more ideas ; and I included under thirteen names of virtues all
that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and
annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the ex
tent I gave to its meaning.
These names of virtues, with their precepts, were :
i. Temperance.
Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation.
2. Silence.
Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid
trifling conversation. 3. Order.
Let all your things have their places; let each part of your
business have its time. 4. Resolution.
Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail
what you resolve. 5. Frugality.
Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; i.e.,
waste nothing.

Benjamin Franklin 87
6. Industry.
Lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut
off all unnecessary actions. 7. Sincerity.
Use no hurtful deceit ; think innocently and justly, and, if
you speak, speak accordingly. 8. Justice.
Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that
are your duty. 9. Moderation.
Avoid extreams ; forbear resenting injuries so much as you
think they deserve. 10. Cleanliness.
Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation.
11. Tranquillity.
Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or un
avoidable. 12. Chastity.
Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dull
ness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or
reputation. 13. Humility.
Imitate Jesus and Socrates.
My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues,
I judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by at
tempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a

88 The Autobiography of
time; and, when I should be master of that, then to proceed to
another, and so on, till I should have gone thro' the thirteen ;
and, as the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the
acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd them with that view,
as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to procure
that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where
constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained
against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the
force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd and estab
lish' d, Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to gain
knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and con
sidering that in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use
of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break
a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking,
which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave
Silence the second place. This and the next, Order, I expected
would allow me more time for attending to my project and my
studies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm
in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues; Frugality
and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and produc
ing affluence and independence, would make more easy the
practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving then,
that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his Golden
Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the
following method for conducting that examination.
I made a little book, to which I allotted a page for each of
the virtues. I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven
columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column
with a letter for the day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen
red lines, marking the beginning of each line with the first letter
of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column,
I might mark, by a little black spot, every fault I found upon
examination to have been committed respecting that virtue
upon that day.

Benjamin Franklin

89

Form of the pages.

TEMPERANCE.

EAT NOT TO DULLNESS ;
DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION.

S.

M.

T.

W.

T.

F.

S.

T.

S.
#
*
#
#
O.
**
#
#
#
#
#
R.
#
#
F.
*
#
I.
#
S.
J-
M.
C.
T.
C.
H.
I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the
virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard
was to avoid every the least offence against Temperance, leaving
the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every
evening the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I could
keep my first line, marked T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit
90 The Autobiography of
of that virtue so much strengthen' d, and its opposite weaken'd,
that I might venture extending my attention to include the
next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of spots.
Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a course compleat
in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him
who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate
all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and
his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, hav
ing accomplished the first, proceeds to a second, so I should
have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages
the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines
of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should
be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks' daily
examination. This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addi
son's Cato: " Here will I hold. If there 's a power above us
(And that there is, all nature cries aloud
Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue ;
And that which he delights in must be happy."
Another from Cicero,
" O vitae Philosophia dux ! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque
vitiorum ! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis tuis actus, peccanti im-
mortalitati est anteponendus."
Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom
or virtue :
" Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches
and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are
peace." iii. 16, 17.
And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought
it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it ;
to this end I formed the following little prayer, which was
prefix'd to my tables of examination, for daily use:
" O powerful Goodness ! bountiful Father ! merciful Guide ! Increase

Benjamin Franklin

9i

in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. Strengthen my
resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices
to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual
favours to me."
I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from
Thomson's Poems, viz. :
" Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme !
O teach me what is good ; teach me Thyself !
Save me from folly, vanity, and vice,
From every low pursuit ; and fill my soul
With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure ;
Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss ! "
The precept of Order requiring that every part of my business
should have its allotted time, one page in my little book contain' d
the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours
of a natural day.

The Morning.
Question. What good shall I
do this day ?

Noon.

Evening.
Question. What good have I
done to-day ?

8
9
1011
12 2
3 4 5
6 78
9

Rise, wash, and address Pow
erful Goodness ! Contrive day's
business, and take the resolu
tion of the day; prosecute the
present study, and breakfast.
Work.

Read, or overlook my ac
counts, and dine.

Work. Put things in their places.
Supper. Music or diversion, or
conversation. Examination of
the day.

92 The Autobiography of

Night.

ioiii12 I
2
34

Sleep.

I enter' d upon the execution of this plan for self-examina
tion, and continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some
time. I was surpris'd to find myself so much fuller of faults
than I had imagined ; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them
diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my
little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of
old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became
full of holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory
leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn
with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I
mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could
easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro'
one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several
years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd
in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs
that interfered; but I always carried my little book with me.
My scheme of Order gave me the most trouble ; and I
found that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's business
was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a
journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be ex
actly observed by a master, who must mix with the world, and
often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too,
with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamly
difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and,
having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the
inconvenience attending want of method. This article, there
fore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it

Benjamin Franklin 93
vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment,
and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give
up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in
that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my
neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as
the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if
he would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd
the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which
made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every
now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and
at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding.
"No," said the smith, "turn on, turn on; we shall have it
bright by-and-by ; as yet, it is only speckled." " Yes," says the
man, " but I think I like the speckled ax best." And I believe this
may have been the case with many; who, having, for want of
some such means as I employ'd, found the difficulty of obtain
ing good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and
virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that " a speckled
ax was best ; " for something, that pretended to be reason, was
every now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety
as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals,
which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous ; that
a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience
of being envied and hated ; and that a benevolent man should
allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in counten
ance. In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order;
and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sen
sibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at
the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far
short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier
man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted
it ; as those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved
copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for excellence of those

94 The Autobiography of
copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tolerable
while it continues fair and legible.
It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this
little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the
constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which
this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in
the hand of Providence ; but, if they arrive, the reflection on
past happiness enjoy'd ought to help his bearing them with
more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-con
tinued health, and what is still left to him of a good consti
tution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his
circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that
knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and ob
tained for him some degree of reputation among the learned ;
to Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the
honorable employs it conferred upon him; and to the joint in
fluence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect
state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper,
and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his com
pany still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaint
ance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow
the example and reap the benefit.
It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly
without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distin
guishing tenets of any particular sect. I had purposely avoided
them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency
of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in
all religions, and intending some time or other to publish it,
I would not have anything in it that should prejudice any one,
of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little comment on
each virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of
possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice ; and
I should have called my book The Art of Virtue,1 because
1 Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue. — Marg. note.

^trt&cJl

Benjamin Franklin 95
it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue,
which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation
to be good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but
is like the apostle's man of verbal charity, who only without
showing to the naked and hungry how or where they might
get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed.
James ii. 15, 16.
But it so happened that my intention of writing and pub
lishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from
time to time, put down short hints of the sentiments, reason
ings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have still by
me ; but the necessary close attention to private business in the
earlier part of my life, and public business since, have occasioned
my postponing it; for, it being connected in my mind with
a great and extensive project, that required the whole man to ex
ecute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented
my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd unfinish'd.
In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this
doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are
forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature
of man alone considered ; that it was, therefore, every one's
interest to be virtuous who wish'd to be happy even in this
world ; and I should, from this circumstance (there being
always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states,
and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the man
agement of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeav
ored to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely
to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity.
My list of virtues contain' d at first but twelve ; but a Quaker
friend having kindly informed me that I was generally thought
proud; that my pride show'd itself frequently in conversation ;
that I was not content with being in the right when discussing
any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of which
he convinc'd me by mentioning several instances ; I determined

96 The Autobiography of
endeavouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly
among the rest, and I added Humility to my list, giving an ex
tensive meaning to the word.
I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this
virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of
it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the
sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I
even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the
use of every word or expression in the language that imported
a fix'd opinion, such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted,
instead of them, / conceive, I apprehend, or / imagine a thing to
be so or so ; or it so appears to me at present. When another
asserted something that I thought an error, I deny'd myself the
pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing im
mediately some absurdity in his proposition ; and in answering
I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his
opinion would be right, but in the present case there appear'd
or seem'd to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advan
tage of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag'd
in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I pro
pos'd my opinions procur'd them a readier reception and less
contradiction; I had less mortification when I was found to be
in the wrong, and I more easily prevail'd with others to give
up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in
the right.
And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence
to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual
to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever
heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit
(after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing
that I had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when
I proposed new institutions, or alterations in the old, and so
much influence in public councils when I became a member;
for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much

Benjamin Franklin 97
hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language,
and yet I generally carried my points.
In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions
so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it
down, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive,
and will every now and then peep out and show itself; you will
see it, perhaps, often in this history ; for, even if I could con
ceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be
proud of my humility.
[Thus far written at Passy, 1784.]

[" / am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but can not have
the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the
war. I have, however, found the following."]
Having mentioned a great and extensive project which I had
conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here
given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind
appears in the following little paper, accidentally preserv'd,
viz.: Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 1 9th,
I731- " That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions,
etc., are carried on and affected by parties.
"That the view of these parties is their present general in
terest, or what they take to be such.
" That the different views of these different parties occasion
all confusion.
" That while a party is carrying on a general design, each
man has his particular private interest in view.
"That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each
member becomes intent upon his particular interest ; which,
thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions
more confusion.

98

The Autobiography of

" That few in public affairs act from a mere view of the good
of their country, whatever they may pretend ; and, tho' their
actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily con
sidered that their own and their country's interest was united,
and did not act from a principle of benevolence.
" That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the
good of mankind.
"There seems to me at present to be great occasion for
raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous
and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be govern'd
by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men
may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, than
common people are to common laws.
" I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is
well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with
success. B. F"
Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken here
after, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary
leisure, I put down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such
thoughts as occurr'd to me respecting it. Most of these are
lost ; but I find one purporting to be the substance of an in
tended creed, containing, as I thought, the essentials of every
known religion, and being free of every thing that might shock
the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these words,
viz. :
" That there is one God, who made all things.
" That he governs the world by his providence.
" That he ought to be worshipped by adoration, prayer, and
thanksgiving. " But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good
to man.
" That the soul is immortal.
" And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice,
either here or hereafter."

Benjamin Franklin 99
My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun
and spread at first among young and single men only ; that each
person to be initiated should not only declare his assent to such
creed, but should have exercised himself with the thirteen
weeks' examination and practice of the virtues, as in the before-
mention'd model; that the existence of such a society should
be kept a secret, till it was become considerable, to prevent soli
citations for the admission of improper persons, but that the
members should each of them search among his acquaintance
for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent
caution, the scheme should be gradually communicated ; that
the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance,
and support to each other in promoting one another's interests,
business, and advancement in life ; that, for distinction, we
should be call'd The Society of the Free and Easy : free, as being,
by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the
dominion of vice ; and particularly by the practice of industry
and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confine
ment, and a species of slavery to his creditors.
This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except
that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted
it with some enthusiasm ; but my then narrow circumstances,
and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business,
occasion' d my postponing the further prosecution of it at that
time ; and my multifarious occupations, public and private,
induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted
till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such
an enterprise ; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practi
cable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming
a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by
the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always
thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work great
changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he
first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other

ioo The Autobiography of
employments that would divert his attention, makes the execu
tion of that same plan his sole study and business.
In 1732 I first publish' d my Almanack, under the name of
Richard Saunders; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five
years, commonly call'd Poor Richard' s Almanack. I endeavor'd
to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly
came to be in such demand, that I reap'd considerable profit
from it, vending annually near ten thousand. And observing
that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the pro
vince being without it, I consider'd it as a proper vehicle for
conveying instruction among the common people, who bought
scarcely any other books ; I therefore filled all the little spaces
that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calendar
with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry
and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby
securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want,
to act always honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs, it
is hard for an empty sack to stand upright.
These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages
and nations, I assembled and form'd into a connected discourse
prefix' d to the Almanack of 1 757, as the harangue of a wise old
man to the people attending an auction. The bringing all these
scatter' d counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make
greater impression. The piece, being universally approved,
was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent ; reprinted
in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses ; two trans
lations were made of it in French, and great numbers bought
by the clergy and gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor
parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged
useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its
share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money
which was observable for several years after its publication.
I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of com
municating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in

Poor Richard, 1733.
AN
Almanack
For the Year of Ch.rift

7 33

\ Being the Firft after LEAP YEAR:

And makes ffrr the Creation
3y the Account of the E (tern ^reips
!lv the Latin Church, when G em. "f
3y rhe Com putation of W.t-K
' By the Romm Chronology
B •

Ye 7241
6932 5742'
J (.83
5494

che Jenvifi Rabbies
Wherein u contained
\ The Lunation1:, Eclipfes, ludgmpnt.nf.
rhe Weather, Spring Tides, Plants Motion. &
mutual Arpefls, Sun unci Moon's Riltn»'anrl ¦set
ting, Length of Days, Time of High Water,
Faits, Courts, and obfervab!-- Days
Fitted to the Lari rude ol Forty Hegrecs
and a Meridian of Five Hours Weft from / mdon,
hut may without fenfihle Error, fetveah the jd-
jaeent Places, even from Newfoundland to South-
Carolma.
By LUCHJtiD SJO'NDERS,Thilomi

PHILADELPHI A-
Mated end fold by B. FRANlCLfV, at the New
Printing Office near the Market.

The Third Imprcffioa.*

Explanation of this ALMANACK, 1
THE firft Column fhews the Days of the Month. I
The fecond fhcwa the Week days, SuntUy
Letter being this* Year G.
The third contains theDays obferv'd by the Church,
the A (peers of the Planets and Judgment of the
Weather; the Length, Increafe, and Decrcaie of
Days, the rifing and letting of the feven Stars, &c.
The fourth is the Time of High Water at Phi
ladelphia, (h) fignifies half an hour after.
The fifth is the Moon's Place.
The fixth is the Sun's rifing and fetting, thus un-
ilcilrood ; Againft the fecond Day of January you
fee in the 6th Column theft Figures 7 ".4 j, which
(how that the Sun rifes that Day i4minutcsafter 7,
and lets 14 minutes before 5. I have chofe to put
the Sun's riling and letting for every day, rather than
the Moon's, becaufc of its conftanr \JCc in fetting
of Clocks and Watches.
In the laft Column, with the Changes of the
Moon, I have put her riling and fetting every five
it fix Days : If you want to know her rifing or fer-
uug on a Day or two afrcr That againft which I
have let it, the common Rule of an hour and a half
hirer each d iv, will be exact enough to direct Peo
ple- in their Travelling, which is the common Ufe
thai i- m ide of it.

Profitable Obfervations and Notes.
ALL Mcafures of Longitude arc deduced fioi
Barley-corns: Three Barley- corns make z
Inch, ]2 Inches a Foot, 3 Feet a Yard, 5 Yards &
nn hall one Pole or Perch, 40 Pearches make aFur-
long, S Furlongs make 1 Mile, in a Mile are 3^0
Pciches or Poles, 1066 Paces, 1408 Ells, 1760
Yards, szuuFcet; 65560 Inches ; l^coSo BaiJey-
The circumference of the Earth and Sea jointly
1 25036 Miles, and the Diameter 7966 Miles, and
iti Semidiametcr 3083 Miles, according to Eouliih
Mcniuration.

XI Mm. January hath xxxi days.

More nice than wife.
Old Batchelor would have a Wife that** wile.
Fair, rich, and young, a Maiden for his Bed ;
Nor proud, nor churliih, but of faultiets fiie;
A Country Houfwife in the City bred
He's a nice Fool, and long in vain hath (laid ;
He fhould befpeak her, there's none ready made.

Circumcifion 7 * fou. 7 5 1 Ev
6 © 5 Windy &
Day 9 h. 34 m.
% <$ ^fallmgwea
Epiphany D 6 ?
(now if not too warm
about this time.
© ent as
Days incr. 30m
Windy and
7 * Ibuth 7 13
cloudy .
Sund. aft. Ep.
* fo. 6 56
Killing wea. wind)
0(S)% moderate
fnow or rain.
Days 10 hours.
Sepruagelima 7 * fourh 6 32
Hbere zuill be more
D h 9 t0^ ram*
Days 10 h. 12 m
or fnow.
Sexagef Clear but
fbarp android,
K.Cha. I. decol
Froflt.

WW®
N? '4
hvyjy 14
2hja7 15

5 > rife 4 5 men
5

7 12
19I7 n
7 U
7 10
7 9
7 S

777 777
fl7
2h 197 666
6(I6

o
14
1028ion
1 1 25
12s

5

I4« 53
26fT 51
6 yi
2orj yo
Vf6 4S
166 47

New i 4 day
at 8 Afrcm.
Never /pare tit
Patfon's viae,
> lets S ! 3 aft.
nor the Baker's
pudding.
Firft Quarter,
, F,f,tsJ!ouldbt
5 Port, likea'-win-
5 >fetsat2oiom
<jters day, Left
5 you re toetrouble-
^{omhaJtatMuay.
51 >fas; (4mp.
s|FuH# 18 day
5 9 »t night.
46] A "beufe vjitUut
6wemahl*PFlTe*ol >ri(es to'aft.
might, U VUd
tfodftotth<tt/t*tticffprOe.tf!LaftQ;2«day,
o1>rif. 1 50fnor:V
OKm/u Sf £e4ri
6kftmvxnjta(b{ dketprt.

Ji Catalogue of me principal Kings and
Princes in Europe, with the Time of their Births
and Ages. Born Ag.
G&r«II.K.of(7r. Brit.&c. 30 OS, 1*8350
Ifilbelmma-Carilina liuQuecn I Mar. ifiSj 48
Frederick Prince of ttralef ' 19 Jan. 170627
Charles 6. Emperor of Germany 1 OH. 1*85148
Louis 15. King of France 1$ Feb 171023
Xlary. Queen of Frame, 23 Jun. 17033b
Leopold I. Duke of Lorra'm t I Sept. 1679 54
Pbilif J. King of ypain 19 ['Jec. 1683 50
'John 5, King of Portugal 22 OB. 16S9 44
FreJ.rT K.ofPruffia, Elof Beand.io, .iug. 16S8 45
Fred. Anvils, K. of Poland, 12 Mar 1661 72
Frederick 4. King of Denmark II OB. 16] 1 6z
Frederick King of Sweden 23 Apr. 167* 57
Charles Frederick. D. of f.'oljlecm 14-Vfr. I7C0 33
Prince tlurene of Savoy 18 OB. 1665 70
JobiGaJtmGrmr'.D'jk'eo^Tuf'mr 10, May 1*71 61

Poor Richard, au Ameiicjn Prince,
witlroiit8uhjecis, his Wife being
Viceroy over him.

I-

Off. iij34[49

A Dcfcriptioaofchc Highways &Roads
Fiomjvrtapelis in Maryland to Philadelphia, 145
Miles, thus accounred

FROM .trmapehs M
To Patapftc F'rry 30
To GumpteaUr Ferry 20
To Sufauehanah Perry 25
To Principle Iron kYar 3
To torth-Eafi i
To EH Uner 1
From Annapolis
FROtrl Jmrfolil M.
ToiW.f. Ferry 4
To Sm. sun's Kerry 9
To Upper Merlbereiigb 9

To Petri <tehata
To Jftt'tButj

to I

To N"U)caJ[lc
To Cheipra Ferry
To Srand."wyne Ferry
To Nsxantans Creek
To Cbejter
To Derby 9
To Phi!aJelp}:.t 8
to lYMiamsbtir^h,
To Southern' s Ferry 30
To Arnolds Ferry 56
To Qavbams Feny 22
To Fomoour's Ordina- 12
To IFillimskirgb 1*
In all i St

1?

THE FIRST ISSUE (1733) OF "POOR RICHARD'S ALMANACK'
First, Fifth, Srrcntli, mitt Last paijr* : ftrif/itull sizr : '2 I hij .'» \

Benjamin Franklin ioi
it extracts from the Spectator, and other moral writers ; and
sometimes publish' d little pieces of my own, which had been
first compos'd for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic
dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts
and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man
of sense ; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue
was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free
from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be
found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.
In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all
libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so
disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert
any thing of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they gen
erally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was
like a stage-coach, in which any one who would pay had a right
to a place, my answer was, that I would print the piece sepa
rately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as
he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon
me to spread his detraction ; and that, having contracted with
my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either use
ful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private
altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing them
manifest injustice. Now, many of our printers make no scruple
of gratifying the malice of individuals by false accusations of
the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity
even to the producing of duels ; and are, moreover, so indiscreet
as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neigh
boring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies,
which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences.
These things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that
they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and dis
grace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse
steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of
conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests.

102 The Autobiography of
In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South
Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I furnished him with
a press and letters, on an agreement of partnership, by which
I was to receive one-third of the profits of the business, paying
one-third of the expense. He was a man of learning, and hon
est but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho' he sometimes
made me remittances, I could get no account from him, nor
any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On his
decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being
born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, the
knowledge of accounts makes a part of female education, she
not only sent me as clear a state as she could find of the trans
actions past, but continued to account with the greatest regu
larity and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the
business with such success, that she not only brought up repu
tably a family of children, but, at the expiration of the term,
was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and establish
her son in it.
I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending
that branch of education for our young females, as likely to be
of more use to them and their children, in case of widowhood,
than either music or dancing, by preserving them from losses
by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to continue,
perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with establish' d cor
respondence, till a son is grown up fit to undertake and go on
with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of the family.
About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a
young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered
with a good voice, and apparently extempore, most excellent dis
courses, which drew together considerable numbers of different
persuasions, who join' d in admiring them. Among the rest, I
became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me,
as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly
the practice of virtue, or what in the religious style are called

Benjamin Franklin 103
good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who con
sidered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disapprov'd his
doctrine, and were join'd by most of the old clergy, who ar
raign' d him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to have
him silenc'd. I became his zealous partisan, and contributed
all I could to raise a party in his favour, and we combated for
him a while with some hopes of success. There was much
scribbling pro and con upon the occasion ; and finding that,
tho' an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent him
my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one
piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is
generally the case with controversial writings, tho' eagerly read
at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question whether
a single copy of them now exists.
During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause
exceedingly. One of our adversaries having heard him preach
a sermon that was much admired, thought he had somewhere
read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. On search, he
found that part quoted at length, in one of the British Reviews,
from a discourse of Dr. Foster's. This detection gave many
of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause, and
occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck
by him, however, as I rather approv'd his giving us good ser
mons compos'd by others, than bad ones of his own manufac
ture, tho' the latter was the practice of our common teachers.
He afterwards acknowledg'd to me that none of those he
preach' d were his own ; adding, that his memory was such as
enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading
only. On our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of better
fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after,
tho' I continu'd many years my subscription for the support of
its ministers.
I had begun in 1 73 3 to study languages ; I soon made myself
so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books

104 The Autobiography of
with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance,
who was also learning it, us'd often to tempt me to play chess
with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had
to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play any more, unless
on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a
right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got
by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd
was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As
we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that
language. I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir'd as
much of the Spanish as to read their books also.
I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruc
tion in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which
I neglected that language entirely. But, when I had attained
an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was
surpriz'd to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, that I
understood so much more of that language than I had imag
ined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study
of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages
had greatly smooth' d my way.
From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some
inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We
are told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and,
having acquir'd that, it will be more easy to attain those modern
languages which are deriv'd from it ; and yet we do not begin
with the Greek, in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It
is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase
without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in de
scending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will
with more ease ascend to the top ; and I would therefore offer
it to the consideration of those who superintend the education
of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with the
Latin quit the same after spending some years without having
made any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes

Benjamin Franklin 105
almost useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have
been better to have begun with the French, proceeding to the
Italian, etc. ; for, tho', after spending the same time, they should
quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they
would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that,
being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in com
mon life.
After ten years' absence from Boston, and having become
easy in my circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my
relations, which I could not sooner well afford. In returning,
I call'd at Newport to see my brother, then settled there with
his printing-house. Our former differences were forgotten,
and our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He was fast
declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his
death, which he apprehended not far distant, I would take
home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to
the printing business. This I accordingly perform' d, sending
him a few years to school before I took him into the office.
His mother carried on the business till he was grown up, when
I assisted him with an assortment of new types, those of his
father being in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I made
my brother ample amends for the service I had depriv'd him
of by leaving him so early.
In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old,
by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted
bitterly, and still regret that I had not given it to him by inocu
lation. This I mention for the sake of parents who omit that
operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive
themselves if a child died under it ; my example showing that
the regret may be the same either way, and that, therefore, the
safer should be chosen.
Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such
satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of intro
ducing their friends, which could not well be done without

106 The Autobiography of
exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, viz.,
twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule to keep
our institutions a secret, which was pretty well observ'd ; the
intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for
admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult
to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition
to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal,
that every member separately should endeavor to form a sub
ordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and
without informing them of the connection with the Junto.
The advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many
more young citizens by the use of our institutions ; our better
acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on
any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries
we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in
his separate club ; the promotion of our particular interests in
business by more extensive recommendation, and the increase
of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good
by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto.
The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to
form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only
were compleated, which were called by different names, as the
Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to them
selves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information,
and instruction, besides answering, in some considerable degree,
our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occa
sions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as
they happened.
My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of
the General Assembly. The choice was made that year with
out opposition ; but the year following, when I was again pro
pos'd (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a
new member made a long speech against me, in order to favour
some other candidate. I was, however, chosen, which was the

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"A

Benjamin Franklin 107
more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate
service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keep
ing up an interest among the members, which secur'd to me
the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other
occasional jobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very
profitable. I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member,
who was a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents
that were likely to give him, in time, great influence in the
House, which, indeed, afterwards happened. I did not, how
ever, aim at gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to
him, but, after some time, took this other method. Having
heard that he had in his library a certain very scarce and curious
book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire of perusing
that book, and requesting he would do me the favour of lend
ing it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I re
turn'd it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly
my sense of the favour. When we next met in the House, he
spoke to me (which he had never done before), and with great
civility ; and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me
on all occasions, so that we became great friends, and our
friendship continued to his death. This is another instance
of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which says,
" He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you
another, than he whom you yourself have obliged." And it shows
how much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to
resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings.
In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and
then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the conduct
of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in
rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts, took from him
the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily,
and found it of great advantage; for, tho' the salary was small,
it facilitated the correspondence that improv'd my newspaper,

108 The Autobiography of
increas'd the number demanded, as well as the advertisements
to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable in
come. My old competitor's newspaper declin'd proportion-
ably, and I was satisfy' d without retaliating his refusal, while
postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders.
Thus he suffer' d greatly from his neglect in due accounting;
and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be
employ'd in managing affairs for others, that they should
always render accounts, and make remittances, with great
clearness and punctuality. The character of observing such a
conduct is the most powerful of all recommendations to new
employments and increase of business.
I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs,
beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was
one of the first things that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It
was managed by the constables of the respective wards in turn;
the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him
for the night. Those who chose never to attend, paid him six
shillings a year to be excus'd, which was suppos'd to be for
hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was
necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place
of profit ; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such
ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable house
keepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too,
was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling.
I thereupon wrote a paper to be read in Junto, representing
these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the in
equality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the
circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow house
keeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not
perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the
wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds' worth of
goods in his stores.
On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the

Benjamin Franklin 109
hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that business; and
as a more equitable way of supporting the charge, the levying
a tax that should be proportion' d to the property. This idea,
being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated to the other
clubs, but as arising in each of them ; and though the plan was
not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the
minds of people, for the change, it paved the way for the law
obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs
were grown into more influence.
About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto,
but it was afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and
carelessnesses by which houses were set on fire, with cautions
against them, and means proposed of avoiding them. This was
much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project,
which soon followed it, of forming a company for the more
ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual assistance in removing
and securing of goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme
were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of
agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good order,
and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong
bags and baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which
were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once
a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and
communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon' the subject
of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions.
The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more
desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one
company, they were advised to form another, which was ac
cordingly done; and this went on, one new company being
formed after another, till they became so numerous as to in
clude most of the inhabitants who were men of property ; and
now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of fifty years
since its establishment, that which I first formed, called the
Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first

no The Autobiography of
members are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a
year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by mem
bers for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to
the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other use
ful implements for each company, so that I question whether
there is a city in the world better provided with the means of
putting a stop to beginning conflagrations ; and, in fact, since
these institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one
or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been ex
tinguished before the house in which they began has been half
consumed. In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr
Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as an itin
erant preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some
of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon
refus'd him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in the
fields. The multitudes of all sects and denominations that
attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter of
speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the
extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how
much they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his
common abuse of them, by assuring them they were naturally
half beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the change
soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being
thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if all the
world were growing religious, so that one could not walk thro'
the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different
families of every street.
And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air,
subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in
was no sooner propos'd, and persons appointed to receive con
tributions, but sufficient sums were soon receiv'd to procure
the ground and erect the building, which was one hundred feet
long and seventy broad, about the size of Westminster Hall ;

Benjamin Franklin hi
and the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished
in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both
house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use
of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire
to say something to the people at Philadelphia ; the design in
building not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the
inhabitants in general ; so that even if the Mufti of Constan
tinople were to send a missionary to preach Mohammedanism
to us, he would find a pulpit at his service.
Mr Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way
thro' the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province
had lately been begun, but, instead of being made with hardy,
industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people
fit for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop
keepers and other insolvent debtors, many of indolent and idle
habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in the woods,
unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure the hard
ships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many
helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable
situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of Mr Whitefield with
the idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they
might be supported and educated. Returning northward, he
preach' d up this charity, and made large collections, for his
eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses
of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance.
I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia was then
destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send
them from Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would
have been better to have built the house here, and brought the
children to it. This I advis'd ; but he was resolute in his first
project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refused to con
tribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons,
in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with
a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from

iiz The Autobiography of
me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three
or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded
I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another
stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and determin'd
me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I
empty' d my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and
all. At this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being
of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and sus
pecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution,
emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the
conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire
to give, and apply'd to a neighbour, who stood near him, to
borrow some money for the purpose. The application was
unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company
who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His
answer was, "At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend
to thee freely ; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right
senses." Some of Mr Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that
he would apply these collections to his own private emolument;
but I, who was intimately acquainted with him (being em
ployed in printing his Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had
the least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day decidedly
of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man;
and methinks my testimony in his favour ought to have the
more weight, as we had no religious connection. He us'd,
indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had
the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours
was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted
to his death.
The following instance will show something of the terms
on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England
at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Phil
adelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he

&^r A^^ys<^^

Benjamin Franklin 113
understood his old friend and host, Mr Benezet, was removed
to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house; if
you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will
be most heartily welcome." He reply' d, that if I made that
kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And
I returned, "Don't let me be mistaken ; it was not for Christ's sake,
but for your sake." One of our common acquaintance jocosely
remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when
they received any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation
from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had con-
triv'd to fix it on earth.
The last time I saw Mr Whitefield was in London, when he
consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose
of appropriating it to the establishment of a college.
He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and
sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood
at a great distance, especially as his auditors, however numerous,
observ'd the most exact silence. He preach'd one evening from
the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of
Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street, which
crosses it at right angles. Both streets were fill'd with his
hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost
in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could
be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the
river ; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-
street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagin
ing then a semicircle, of which my distance should be the
radius, and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom
I allow'd two square feet, I computed that he might well be
heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to
the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five
thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of
generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had sometimes
doubted.

114 The Autobiography of
By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between
sermons newly compos' d, and those which he had often preach' d
in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so
improv'd by frequent repetitions that every accent, every em
phasis, every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd
and well plac'd, that, without being interested in the subject,
one could not help being pleas' d with the discourse; a pleasure
of much the same kind with that receiv'd from an excellent
piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers have
over those who are stationary, as the latter can not well improve
their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals.
His writing and printing from time to time gave great
advantage to his enemies ; unguarded expressions, and even
erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might have been
afterwards explain' d or qualified by supposing others that might
have accompani'd them, or they might have been deny'd ; but
litera scripta manet. Critics attack' d his writings violently, and
with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the number
of his votaries and prevent their encrease ; so that I am of opinion
if he had never written any thing, he would have left behind
him a much more numerous and important sect, and his repu
tation might in that case have been still growing, even after
his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which to
found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes
would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of
excellences as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to
have possessed.
My business was now continually augmenting, and my cir
cumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper having become
very profitable, as being for a time almost the only one in this
and the neighbouring provinces. I experienced, too, the truth
of the observation, "that after getting the first hundred pound, it
is more easy to get the second" money itself being of a prolific
nature.

Benjamin Franklin 115
The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was en-
courag'd to engage in others, and to promote several of my
workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing them with
printing-houses in different colonies, on the same terms with
that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being enabled at the
end of our term, six years, to purchase the types of me and go
on working for themselves, by which means several families
Were raised. Partnerships often finish in quarrels ; but I was
happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably,
owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very
explicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by or
expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dis
pute, which precaution I would therefore recommend to all
who enter into partnerships ; for, whatever esteem partners may
have for, and confidence in each other at the time of the con
tract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas of in
equality in the care and burden of the business, etc., which are
attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection,
perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.
I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with
my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however,
two things that I regretted, there being no provision for de
fense, nor for a compleat education of youth ; no militia, nor any
college. I therefore, in 1 743, drew up a proposal for establish
ing an academy ; and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr
Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such
an institution, I communicated the project to him ; but he,
having more profitable views in the service of the proprie
taries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not
knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the
scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next year,
1 744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society.
The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my
writings, when collected.

116 The Autobiography of
With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at
war against Great Britain, and being at length join' d by France,
which brought us into great danger ; and the laboured and long-
continued endeavour of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with
our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law, and make other pro
visions for the security of the province, having proved abortive,
I determined to try what might be done by a voluntary asso
ciation of the people. To promote this, I first wrote and pub
lished a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in which I stated
our defenceless situation in strong lights, with the necessity of
union and discipline for our defense, and promis'd to propose
in a few days an association, to be generally signed for that pur
pose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was
call'd upon for the instrument of association, and having settled
the draft of it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the
citizens in the large building before mentioned. The house
was pretty full; I had prepared a number of printed copies, and
provided pens and ink dispers'd all over the room. I harangued
them a little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it,
and then distributed the copies, which were eagerly signed, not
the least objection being made.
When the company separated, and the papers were collected,
we found above twelve hundred hands ; and, other copies being
dispersed in the country, the subscribers amounted at length to
upward often thousand. These all furnished themselves as soon
as they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and
regiments, chose their own officers, and met every week to be
instructed in the manual exercise, and other parts of military
discipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves,
provided silk colors, which they presented to the companies,
painted with different devices and mottos, which I supplied.
The officers of the companies composing the Philadelphia
regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; but, con
ceiving myself unfit, I declin'd that station, and recommended

of old ll'oifcd Stockings, an old thirty a pair of Frederick's ;
(mall Steelyards without a Pec, end a narrow Eiq; in Kin
falling Ax. Whoever takes up and feciires the »nd takeopl
/„> j o ./-./.; 7. r /; i i ¦ on : as alio
/aid Servant, fo that bis Mayer may ha<ve btm Rent> to b
again, Jhall have Forty Shillings Reward, and thereof.
reafonable Charges, paid by yames Bayard.

To be S<
Draw

Tslken up en the z\fl c/Novem. A N'£r°
laft, a Hack Mare with a Bridle and fj-.J"S°±
Saddle: She had a Star in her Forehead, A LLTe
and a white Spot on each fide of her Bad;, has '» Ut! of
an imterfeel Brand, and is Shod a!! round. ^ f ']"'"'
s a ein.l thl. tot
Whoever hath loft faid Mare, by applying to defindtn bn

Wjjliam Hawkings, ,

of the Jolly Sai- jtfted.

lor, in Front ftreet, and faring the Chart
may ba<ve bfr again.
0 William Hawki rigs.

ft fi~ K'.

Tuft Publilhed,
And to be Told by B. Franklin, the follow ,,(.,„, -A4'r'n

tin if 'inter
end to I'air.t
Clctfs. All

ng B O O K S
I. ' "VHe P O C K E T A L M A N A C K,
JL for :he Year 1 745.
II, p A ME L A: or Virtue rewarded. Inn
S, iesof FAMILIAR LETTERS
from a I' autiful .our.g Damftl, to her Parents.
JNoew firft Pub/ijhcd, in order to cultivate the
Principles &/"Yirtue <?,>«/ Religion in the Minds
of the Youth r/"both Sexes.
A Narrative which has its Foundation in Truth
and Nature ; and at the fame time that it a-
greeally entertains, by a Variety of curious
Incidents, is intirely divcjled
ves, which, in too many Fie-
¦d for Amufetnent only, tend to
Minds they /hould inftrua.

G'af!, '¦ ay
Now fittir
a^ainll }
with the

etna
of.

Cts, C :' .a,.
inflame tb
Price 6 5.
11 '¦ \ Prefervativefrom the SiosandFollies
-*a of Childhood and Youth, written iy ivjy ttf tD ^
Qiufi::n and .'tnfti r. 'It ivluch are aided, ft>m Htligt-
,u't aniVhral ht]iraSitiia,inVerJ*. By 1. Watts, D.D-
Pric<- Sd.

\th 150- L L
and 1.
Ship, may 1
to the Pe-ii-t
Article/ art
have a Mir,

PHILADELPHIA:

Printed by
Printing-

advertisement OP PAMELA," PUBLISHED BY FRANKLIN

Benjamin Franklin 117
Mr Lawrence, a fine person, a man of influence, who was ac
cordingly appointed. I then proposed a lottery to defray the
expense of building a battery below the town, and furnishing
it with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the battery was
soon erected, the merlons being fram'd of logs and filled with
earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but, these
not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting,
at the same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho'
without much expectation of obtaining it.
Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram
Taylor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the asso-
ciators, commission'd to borrow some cannon of Governor
Clinton. He at first refused us peremptorily; but at dinner
with his council, where there was great drinking of Madeira
wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by
degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bum
pers he advanced to ten ; and at length he very good-naturedly
conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders,
with their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted
on our battery, where the associators kept a nightly guard while
the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of
duty there as a common soldier.
My activity in these operations was agreeable to the gov
ernor and council ; they took me into confidence, and I was
consulted by them in every measure wherein their concurrence
was thought useful to the association. Calling in the aid of
religion, I propos'd to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote
reformation, and implore the blessing of Heaven on our un
dertaking. They embrac'd the motion ; but, as it was the first
fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no pre
cedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education in
New England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here
of some advantage : I drew it in the accustomed stile, it was
translated into German, printed in both languages, and divulg'd

n8 The Autobiography of
thro' the province. This gave the clergy of the different sects
an opportunity of influencing their congregations to join in the
association, and it would probably have been general among
all but Quakers if the peace had not soon interven'd.
It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity
in these affairs, I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my
interest in the Assembly of the province, where they formed
a great majority. A young gentleman who had likewise some
friends in the House, and wished to succeed me as their clerk,
acquainted me that it was decided to displace me at the next
election ; and he, therefore, in good will, advis'd me to resign,
as more consistent with my honour than being turn'd out. My
answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some public
man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and never to
refuse one when offer'd to him. " I approve," says I, " of this
rule, and will practice it with a small addition ; I shall never
ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. If they will have my
office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from
me. I will not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or
other making reprisals on my adversaries." I heard, however,
no more of this ; I was chosen again unanimously as usual at
the next election. Possibly, as they dislik'd my late intimacy
with the members of council, who had join'd the governors in
all the disputes about military preparations, with which the
House had long been harass' d, they might have been pleas'd if
I would voluntarily have left them ; but they did not care to
displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association,
and they could not well give another reason.
Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the
country was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they
were not requir'd to assist in it. And I found that a much
greater number of them than I could have imagined, tho'
against offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. Many
pamphlets pro and con were publish'd on the subject, and some

» ¦¦? LAN of the Town and Harbour of LOU I S BU RG H

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-^

MAP OF THE SIEGE OF LOUISBURG

Benjamin Franklin 119
by good Quakers, in favour of the defense, which I believe
convinc'd most of their younger people.
A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into
their prevailing sentiments. It had been propos'd that we
should encourage the scheme for building a battery by laying
out the present stock, then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the
lottery. By our rules, no money could be dispos'd of till the
next meeting after the proposal. The company consisted of
thirty members, of which twenty-two were Quakers, and eight
only of other persuasions. We eight punctually attended the
meeting ; but, tho' we thought that some of the Quakers would
join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one
Quaker, Mr James Morris, appear'd to oppose the measure.
He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been propos'd, as
he said Friends were all against it, and it would create such
discord as might break up the company. We told him that
we saw no reason for that; we were the minority, and if Friends
were against the measure, and outvoted us, we must and should,
agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour
for business arriv'd it was mov'd to put the vote; he allow'd
we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us that
a number of members intended to be present for the purpose
of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for
their appearing.
While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two
gentlemen below desir'd to speak with me. I went down, and
found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me
there were eight of them assembled at a tavern just by ; that
they were determin'd to come and vote with us if there should
be occasion, which they hop'd would not be the case, and
desir'd we would not call for their assistance if we could do
without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil
them with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a
majority, I went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed

120 The Autobiography of
to a delay of another hour. This Mr Morris allow'd to be ex-
treamlyfair. Not one of his opposing friends appear'd, at which
he express'd great surprize ; and, at the expiration of the hour,
we carry' d the resolution eight to one; and as, of the twenty-
two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with us, and thirteen,
by their absence, manifested that they were not inclin'd to
oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the proportion of
Quakers sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one only ;
for these were all regular members of that society, and in good
reputation among them, and had due notice of what was pro
pos'd at that meeting.
The honorable and learn' d Mr Logan, who had always been
of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring
his approbation of defensive war, and supporting his opinion by
many strong arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to
be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions
to apply what prizes might be drawn wholly to that service.
He told me the following anecdote of his old master, William
Penn, respecting defense. He came over from England, when
a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It
was war-time, and their ship was chas'd by an arm'd vessel,
suppos'd to be an enemy. Their captain prepar'd for defense ;
but told William Penn, and his company of Quakers, that he
did not expect their assistance, and they might retire into the
cabin, which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay
upon deck, and was quarter' d to a gun. The suppos'd enemy
prov'd a friend, so there was no fighting ; but when the sec
retary went down to communicate the intelligence, William
Penn rebuk'd him severely for staying upon deck, and under
taking to assist in defending the vessel, contrary to the prin
ciples of Friends, especially as it had not been required by the
captain. This reproof, being before all the company, piqu'd
the secretary, who answer' d, " I being thy servant, why did thee
not order me to come down ? But thee was willing enough that I

Benjamin Franklin 121
should stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought there was
danger." My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of
which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportun
ities of seeing the embarrassment given them by their prin
ciple against war, whenever application was made to them, by
order of the crown, to grant aids for military purposes. They
were unwilling to offend government, on the one hand, by a
direct refusal ; and their friends, the body of the Quakers, on
the other, by a compliance contrary to their principles; hence
a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguis
ing the compliance when it became unavoidable. The com
mon mode at last was, to grant money under the phrase of its
being "for the king's use," and never to inquire how it was
applied. But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that
phrase was found not so proper, and some other was to be in
vented. As, when powder was wanting (I think it was for the
garrison at Lewisburg), and the government of New England
solicited a grant of some from Pennsilvania, which was much
urg'd on the House by Governor Thomas, they could not grant
money to buy powder, because that was an ingredient of war ;
but they voted an aid to New England of three thousand pounds,
to be put into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for
the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some
of the council, desirous of giving the House still further em
barrassment, advis'd the governor not to accept provision, as
not being the thing he had demanded; but he reply' d, " I shall
take the money, for I understand very well their meaning ;
other grain is gunpowder," which he accordingly bought, and
they never objected to it.1
It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire com
pany we feared the success of our proposal in favour of the
1 See the votes. — Marg. note.

122 The Autobiography of
lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr Syng, one of our mem
bers, " If we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire-engine with,
the money; the Quakers can have no objection to that ; and
then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee for that
purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire-
engine." " I see," says he, " you have improv'd by being so long
" in the Assembly; your equivocal project would be just a match
for their wheat or other grain''
These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer'd from having
establish'd and published it as one of their principles that no
kind of war was lawful, and which, being once published, they
could not afterwards, however they might change their minds,
easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more prudent
conduct in another sect among us, that of the Dunkers. I was
acquainted with one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon
after it appear'd. He complain'd to me that they were griev
ously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and
charg'd with abominable principles and practices, to which
they were utter strangers. I told him this had always been
the case with new sects, and that, to put a stop to such abuse,
I imagin'd it might be well to publish the articles of their
belief, and the rules of their discipline. He said that it had
been propos'd among them, but not agreed to, for this reason:
"When we were first drawn together as a society," says he,
" it had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far as to see that
some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors ;
and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths.
From time to time He has been pleased to afford us farther
light, and our principles have been improving, and our errors
diminishing. Now we are not sure that we are arrived at the
end of this progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or the
ological knowledge ; and we fear that, if we should once print
our confession of faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and
confin'd by it, and perhaps be unwilling to receive further

M.T.CICERO's
CA TO MAJOR,
OR HIS
DISCOURSE
OLD-AGE: With Explanatory NOTES.

PHILADELPHIA i
Printed and Sold by B. FRANKLIN,
MDCCXLIY.

TITLE-PAGE OF CATO MAJOR

Benjamin Franklin 123
improvement, and our successors still more so, as conceiving
what we their elders and founders had done, to be something
sacred, never to be departed from."
This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the
history of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in posses
sion of all truth, and that those who differ are so far in the
wrong ; like a man traveling in foggy weather, those at some
distance before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the fog,
as well as those behind him, and also the people in the fields
on each side, but near him all appears clear, tho' in truth he
is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of
embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually
declining the public service in the Assembly and in the mag
istracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their prin
ciple. In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that having,
in 1742, invented an open stove for the better warming of
rooms, and at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admit
ted was warmed in entering, I made a present of the model to
Mr Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having an
iron-furnace, found the casting of the plates for these stoves
a profitable thing, as they were growing in demand. To pro
mote that demand, I wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled
"An account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein
their Constructionand Manner oj 'Operation is particularly explained;
their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms de
monstrated ; and all Objections that have been raised against the
Use of them answered and obviated" etc. This pamphlet had a
good effect. Gov'r. Thomas was so pleas' d with the construc
tion of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me
a patent for the sole vending of them for a term of years ; but
I declin'd it from a principle which has ever weighed with
me on such occasions, viz., 'That, as we enjoy great advantages
from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity

124 The Autobiography of
to serve others by an invention of ours ; and this we should do freely
and generously.
An ironmonger in London, however, assuming a good deal
of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and making
some small changes in the machine, which rather hurt its oper
ation, got a patent for it there, and made, as I was told, a little
fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of patents taken
out for my inventions by others, tho' not always with the same
success, which I never contested, as having no desire of profit
ing by patents myself, and hating disputes. The use of these
fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the neighbour
ing colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the
inhabitants. Peace being concluded, and the association business there
fore at an end, I turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of estab
lishing an academy. The first step I took was to associate
in the design a number of active friends, of whom the Junto
furnished a good part; the next was to write and publish a
pamphlet, entitled Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth
in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among the principal inhab
itants gratis ; and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little
prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for
opening and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas
yearly for five years ; by so dividing it, I judg'd the subscription
might be larger, and I believed it was so, amounting to no less,
if I remember right, than five thousand pounds.
In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their publica
tion, not as an act of mine, but of some publick-spirited gentle
men, avoiding as much as I could, according to my usual rule,
the presenting myself to the publick as the author of any scheme
for their benefit.
The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execu
tion, chose out of their number twenty-four trustees, and ap
pointed Mr Francis, then attorney-general, and myself to draw

Benjamin Franklin 125
up constitutions for the government of the academy ; which
being done and signed, a house was hired, masters engag'd, and
the schools opened, I think, in the same year, 1749.
The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too
small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground, properly
situated, with intention to build, when Providence threw into
our way a large house ready built, which, with a few altera
tions, might well serve our purpose. This was the building
before mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr Whitefield,
and was obtained for us in the following manner.
It is to be noted that the contributions to this building being
made by people of different sects, care was taken in the nom
ination of trustees, in whom the building and ground was to
be vested, that a predominancy should not be given to any sect,
lest in time that predominancy might be a means of appropri
ating the whole to the use of such sect, contrary to the original
intention. It was therefore that one of each sect was appointed,
viz., one Church-of-England man, one Presbyterian, one Bap
tist, one Moravian, etc., those, in case of vacancy by death,
were to fill it by election from among the contributors. The
Moravian happen'd not to please his colleagues, and on his
death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The diffi
culty then was, how to avoid having two of some other sect, by
means of the new choice.
Several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed
to. At length one mention'd me, with the observation that I
was merely an honest man, and of no sect at all, which pre
vail' d with them to chuse me. The enthusiasm which existed
when the house was built had long since abated, and its trustees
had not been able to procure fresh contributions for paying the
ground-rent, and discharging some other debts the building
had occasion' d, which embarrass'd them greatly. Being now
a member of both setts of trustees, that for the building and
that for the academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating

126 The Autobiography of
with both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by which
the trustees for the building were to cede it to those of the acad
emy, the latter undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep for
ever open in the building a large hall for occasional preachers,
according to the original intention, and maintain a free-school
for the instruction of poor children. Writings were accord
ingly drawn, and on paying the debts the trustees of the acad
emy were put in possession of the premises ; and by dividing
the great and lofty hall into stories, and different rooms above
and below for the several schools, and purchasing some addi
tional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose,
and the scholars remov'd into the building. The care and trou
ble of agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials, and
superintending the work, fell upon me ; and I went thro' it the
more cheerfully, as it did not then interfere with my private
business, having the year before taken a very able, industrious,
and honest partner, Mr David Hall, with whose character I
was well acquainted, as he had work'd for me four years. He
took off my hands all the care of the printing-office, paying
me punctually my share of the profits. The partnership con
tinued eighteen years, successfully for us both.
The trustees of the academy, after a while, were incorpo
rated by a charter from the governor ; their funds were in-
creas'd by contributions in Britain and grants of land from the
proprietaries, to which the Assembly has since made consid
erable addition ; and thus was established the present University
of Philadelphia. I have been continued one of its trustees from
the beginning, now near forty years, and have had the very
great pleasure of seeing a number of the youth who have re
ceiv'd their education in it, distinguish'd by their improv'd
abilities, serviceable in public stations, and ornaments to their
country. When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private
business, I flatter' d myself that, by the sufficient tho' moderate

Benjamin Franklin 127
fortune I had acquir'd, I had secured leisure during the rest
of my life for philosophical studies and amusements. I pur
chased all Dr Spence's apparatus, who had come from England
to lecture here, and I proceeded in my electrical experiments
with great alacrity ; but the publick, now considering me as
a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their purposes, every
part of our civil government, and almost at the same time,
imposing some duty upon me. The governor put me into the
commission of the peace ; the corporation of the city chose
me of the common council, and soon after an alderman ; and
the citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in
Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to me,
as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear debates, in
which, as clerk, I could take no part, and which were often so
unentertaining that I was indue' d to amuse myself with mak
ing magic squares or circles, or anything to avoid weariness ;
and I conceiv'd my becoming a member would enlarge my
power of doing good. I would not, however, insinuate that
my ambition was not flatter'd by all these promotions ; it cer
tainly was ; for, considering my low beginning, they were great
things to me ; and they were still more pleasing, as being so
many spontaneous testimonies of the public good opinion, and
by me entirely unsolicited.
The office of justice of the peace I try'd a little, by attend
ing a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes ; but
finding that more knowledge of the common law than I pos
sess' d was necessary to act in that station with credit, I gradu
ally withdrew from it, excusing myself by my being oblig'd to
attend the higher duties of a legislator in the Assembly. My
election to this trust was repeated every year for ten years,
without my ever asking any elector for his vote, or signifying,
either directly or indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On
taking my seat in the House, my son was appointed their
clerk.

128 The Autobiography of
The year following, a treaty being to be held with the
Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House,
proposing that they should nominate some of their members,
to be join'd with some members of the council, as commis
sioners for that purpose.1 The House named the speaker (Mr
Norris) and myself; and, being commission' d, we went to
Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly.
As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, when
so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbad the
selling any liquor to them; and when they complain' d of this
restriction, we told them that if they would continue sober
during the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum when
business was over. They promis'd this, and they kept their
promise, because they could get no liquor, and the treaty was
conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction.
They then claim' d and receiv'd the rum ; this was in the after
noon: there were near one hundred men, women, and children,
and were lodg'd in temporary cabins, built in the form of a
square, just without the town. In the evening, hearing a great
noise among them, the commissioners walk'd out to see what
was the matter. We found they had made a great bonfire in
the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women,
quarreling and fighting. Their dark-colour' d bodies, half naked,
seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and
beating one another with firebrands, accompanied by their
horrid yellings, form'd a scene the most resembling our ideas
of hell that could well be imagin'd ; there was no appeasing the
tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a num
ber of them came thundering at our door, demanding more
rum, of which we took no notice.
The next day, sensible they had misbehav'd in giving us that
disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors to make
their apology. The orator acknowledg'd the fault, but laid it
* See the votes to have this more correctly. — Marg. note.

Benjamin Franklin 129
upon the rum ; and then endeavored to excuse the rum by say
ing, " The Great Spirit, who made all things, made every thing for
some use, and whatever use he design' d any thing for, that use it
should always be put to. Now, when he made rum, he said, ' Let
this be for the Indians to get drunk with,' and it must be so," And,
indeed, if it be the design of Providence to extirpate these
savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, it
seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means.
It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited
the sea-coast.
In 1 75 1, Dr Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine,
conceived the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadelphia
(a very beneficent design, which has been ascrib'd to me, but
was originally his), for the reception and cure of poor sick
persons, whether inhabitants of the province or strangers.
He was zealous and active in endeavouring to procure sub
scriptions for it, but the proposal being a novelty in Amer
ica, and at first not well understood, he met with but small
success. At length he came to me with the compliment that he found
there was no such thing as carrying a public-spirited project
through without my being concern' d in it. " For," says he,
" I am often ask'd by those to whom I propose subscribing,
Have you consulted Franklin upon this business ? And what
does he think of it ? And when I tell them that I have not
(supposing it rather out of your line), they do not subscribe,
but say they will consider of it." I enquired into the nature and
probable utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very
satisfactory explanation, I not only subscrib'd to it myself, but
engag'd heartily in the design of procuring subscriptions from
others. Previously, however, to the solicitation, I endeavoured
to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject
in the newspapers, which was my usual custom in such cases,
but which he had omitted.

130 The Autobiography of
The subscriptions afterwards were more free and generous ;
but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be insufficient without
some assistance from the Assembly, and therefore propos'd to
petition for it, which was done. The country members did
not at first relish the project; they objected that it could
only be serviceable to the city, and therefore the citizens alone
should be at the expense of it ; and they doubted whether
the citizens themselves generally approv'd of it. My allega
tion, on the contrary, that it met with such approbation as to
leave no doubt of our being able to raise two thousand pounds
by voluntary donations, they considered as a most extravagant
supposition, and utterly impossible.
On this I form'd my plan ; and, asking leave to bring in a
bill for incorporating the contributors according to the prayer
of their petition, and granting them a blank sum of money,
which leave was obtained chiefly on the consideration that the
House could throw the bill out if they did not like it, I drew
it so as to make the important clause a conditional one, viz.,
"And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that when the
said contributors shall have met and chosen their managers and
treasurer, and shall have raised by their contributions a capital stock
of  value (the yearly interest of which is to be applied to
the accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free
of charge for diet, attendance, advice and medicines), and shall
make the same appear to the satisfaction of the speaker of the Assem
bly for the time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for the
said speaker, and he is hereby required, to sign an order on the
provincial treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds,
in two yearly payments, to the treasurer of the said hospital,
to be applied to the founding, building, and finishing the same."
This condition carried the bill through ; for the members,
who had oppos'd the grant, and now conceiv'd they might
have the credit of being charitable without the experience,
agreed to its passage ; and then, in soliciting subscriptions

Benjamin Franklin 131
among the people, we urg'd the conditional promise of the
law as an additional motive to give, since every man's donation
would be doubled ; thus the clause work'd both ways. The
subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and
we claim'd and receiv'd the public gift, which enabled us to
carry the design into execution. A convenient and handsome
building was soon erected ; the institution has by constant ex
perience been found useful, and flourishes to this day ; and I
do not remember any of my political manoeuvres, the success
of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, after
thinking of it, I more easily excus'd myself for having made
some use of cunning.
It was about this time that another projector, the Rev. Gil
bert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would assist
him in procuring a subscription for erecting a new meeting
house. It was to be for the use of the congregation he had
gathered among the Presbyterians, who were originally disci
ples of Mr Whitefield. Unwilling to make myself disagree
able to my fellow-citizens by too frequently soliciting their
contributions, I absolutely refus'd. He then desired I would
furnish him with a list of the names of persons I knew by
experience to be generous and public-spirited. I thought it
would be unbecoming in me, after their kind compliance with
my solicitations, to mark them out to be worried by other beg
gars, and therefore refus'd also to give such a list. He then
desir'd I would at least give him my advice. "That I will
readily do," said I ; " and, in the first place, I advise you to
apply to all those whom you know will give something; next,
to those whom you are uncertain whether they will give any
thing or not, and show them the list of those who have given;
and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give
nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken." He
laugh'd and thank'd me, and said he would take my advice.
He did so, for he ask'd of everybody, and he obtained a much

132 The Autobiography of
larger sum than he expected, with which he erected the capa
cious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in Arch-
street. Our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful regularity, the streets
large, strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the
disgrace of suffering those streets to remain long unpav'd, and
in wet weather the wheels of heavy carriages plough' d them
into a quagmire, so that it was difficult to cross them ; and in
dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv'd near what was
call'd the Jersey Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants
wading in mud while purchasing their provisions. A strip of
ground down the middle of that market was at length pav'd
with brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm
footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. By
talking and writing on the subject, I was at length instrumental
in getting the street pav'd with stone between the market and
the brick' d foot-pavement, that was on each side next the
houses. This, for some time, gave an easy access to the market
dry-shod ; but, the rest of the street not being pav'd, when
ever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement, it
shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover' d with
mire, which was not remov'd, the city as yet having no scav
engers. After some inquiry, I found a poor, industrious man, who
was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by
sweeping it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from before all
the neighbours' doors, for the sum of sixpence per month,
to be paid by each house. I then wrote and printed a paper
setting forth the advantages to the neighbourhood that might
be obtain' d by this small expense ; the greater ease in keeping
our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people's
feet ; the benefit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as
buyers could more easily get at them ; and by not having, in
windy weather, the dust blown in upon their goods, etc., etc.

Benjamin Franklin 133
I sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day or two
went round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay
these sixpences ; it was unanimously sign'd, and for a time
well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were delighted
with the cleanliness of the pavement that surrounded the mar
ket, it being a convenience to all, and this rais'd a general de
sire to have all the streets paved, and made the people more
willing to submit to a tax for that purpose.
After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and
brought it into the Assembly. It was just before I went to
England, in 1757, and did not pass till I was gone,1 and then
with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which I thought
not for the better, but with an additional provision for light
ing as well as paving the streets, which was a great improve
ment. It was by a private person, the late Mr. John Clifton, his
giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his
door, that the people were first impress'd with the idea of
enlighting all the city. The honour of this public benefit has
also been ascrib'd to me, but it belongs truly to that gentle
man. I did but follow his example, and have only some merit
to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from
the globe lamps we were at first supply'd with from London.
Those we found inconvenient in these respects : they admitted
no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out
above, but circulated in the globe, lodg'd on its inside, and soon
obstructed the light they were intended to afford ; giving, be
sides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean ; and an acci
dental stroke on one of them would demolish it, and render it
totally useless. I therefore suggested the composing them of
four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw up the smoke,
and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the
smoke ; by this means they were kept clean, and did not grow
dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but continu'd
1 See votes.

134 The Autobiography of
bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would generally
break but a single pane, easily repair' d.
I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners did not,
from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps us'd at
Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to have such holes
in their street lamps. But, these holes being made for another
purpose, viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the wick
by a little flax hanging down thro' them, the other use, of let
ting in air, seems not to have been thought of; and therefore,
after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the streets of London
are very poorly illuminated.
The mention of these improvements puts me in mind of
one I proposed, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who was
among the best men I have known, and a great promoter of
useful projects. I had observ'd that the streets, when dry, were
never swept, and the light dust carried away ; but it was suffer'd
to accumulate till wet weather reduc'd it to mud, and then,
after lying some days so deep on the pavement that there was
no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms,
it was with great labour rak'd together and thrown up into
carts open above, the sides of which suffered some of the slush
at every jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, sometimes
to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason given for not
sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the
windows of shops and houses.
An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much
sweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my door
in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweeping my
pavement with a birch broom ; she appeared very pale and
feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I ask'd who em
ploy'd her to sweep there ; she said, " Nobody, but I am very
poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gentlefolkses doors,
and hopes they will give me something." I bid her sweep the
whole street clean, and I would give her a shilling ; this was

Benjamin Franklin 135
at nine o'clock ; at 1 2 she came for the shilling. From the
slowness I saw at first in her working, I could scarce believe
that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine
it, who reported that the whole street was swept perfectly
clean, and all the dust plac'd in the gutter, which was in the
middle; and the next rain wash'd it quite away, so that the
pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean.
I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a
street in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it
in half the time. And here let me remark the convenience of
having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running down
its middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the footway ;
for where all the rain that falls on a street runs from the sides
and meets in the middle, it forms there a current strong
enough to wash away all the mud it meets with ; but when
divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either,
and only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels
of carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the foot-
pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and slippery, and
sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. My proposal,
communicated to the good doctor, was as follows :
" For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the
streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the sev
eral watchmen be contracted with to have the dust swept up
in dry seasons, and the mud rak'd up at other times, each in the
several streets and lanes of his round ; that they be furnish' d
with brooms and other proper instruments for these purposes,
to be kept at their respective stands, ready to furnish the poor
people they may employ in the service.
" That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up
into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and windows
of houses are usually opened, when the scavengers, with close-
covered carts, shall also carry it all away.
" That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to be

136 The Autobiography of
spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling
of horses, but that the scavengers be provided with bodies of
carts, not plac'd high upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with
lattice bottoms, which, being cover' d with straw, will retain
the mud thrown into them, and permit the water to drain from
it, whereby it will become much lighter, water making the
greatest part of its weight ; these bodies of carts to be plac'd
at convenient distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel
barrows ; they remaining where plac'd till the mud is drain'd,
and then horses brought to draw them away."
I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter
part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some
streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining-sleds so as not
to encumber too much the passage ; but I am still of opinion
that the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and carry'd
away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the sum
mer, when the days are long; for, in walking thro' the Strand
and Fleet-street one morning at seven o'clock, I observ'd there
was not one shop open, tho' it had been daylight and the sun
up above three hours ; the inhabitants of London chusing vol
untarily to live much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine,
and yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles,
and the high price of tallow.
Some may think these trifling matters not worth minding
or relating ; but when they consider that tho' dust blown into
the eyes of a single person, or into a single shop on a windy
day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the
instances in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it
weight and consequence, perhaps they will not censure very
severely those who bestow some attention to affairs of this seem
ingly low nature. Human felicity is produc'd not so much by
great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little
advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor
young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you

Benjamin Franklin 137
may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving
him a thousand guineas. The money may be soon spent, the
regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in
the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for
barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths,
and dull razors ; he shaves when most convenient to him, and
enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instru
ment. With these sentiments I have hazarded the few pre
ceding pages, hoping they may afford hints which some time
or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many
years in it very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in
America. Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-
general of America as his comptroller in regulating several
offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, upon his
death in 1753, appointed, jointly with Mr William Hunter,
to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general
in England. The American office never had hitherto paid any
thing to that of Britain. We were to have six hundred pounds
a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits
of the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were
necessary ; some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so
that in the first four years the office became above nine hundred
pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us; and
before I was displac'd by a freak of the ministers, of which I
shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield three times as
much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice of Ireland.
Since that imprudent transaction, they have received from it
— not one farthing !
The business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a jour
ney this year to New England, where the College of Cam
bridge, of their own motion, presented me with the degree of
Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, had before made
me a similar compliment. Thus, without studying in any col-

138 The Autobiography of
lege, I came to partake of their honours. They were conferr'd
in consideration of my improvements and discoveries in the
electric branch of natural philosophy.
In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a con
gress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by order
of the Lord of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to con
fer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means
of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamil
ton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the House with it,
requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians,
to be given on this occasion ; and naming the speaker (Mr
Norris) and myself to join Mr Thomas Penn and Mr Secretary
Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House
approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the pre
sent, and tho' they did not much like treating out of the prov
inces ; and we met the other commissioners at Albany about
the middle of June.
In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union
of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be
necessary for defense, and other important general purposes.
As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there shown my project to
Mr James Alexander and Mr Kennedy, two gentlemen of great
knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their appro
bation, I ventur'd to lay it before the Congress. It then ap
peared that several of the commissioners had form'd plans of
the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether
a union should be established, which pass'd in the affirmative
unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member
from each colony, to consider the several plans and report.
Mine happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments,
was accordingly reported.
By this plan the general government was to be administered
by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown,
and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives

Benjamin Franklin 139
of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective
assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily,
hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and
difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome,
and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to
be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of
the several provinces. Its fate was singular : the assemblies did
not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative
in it, and in England it was judg'd to have too much of the
democratic. The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of
it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty ; but
another scheme was form'd, supposed to answer the same pur
pose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some
members of their respective councils, were to meet and order
the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the
treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards
to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America.
My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among
my political papers that are printed.
Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conver
sation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of
what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among
those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to
my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium ;
and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both
sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united,
would have been sufficiently strong to have defended them
selves ; there would then have been no need of troops from
England ; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing Amer
ica, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been
avoided. But such mistakes are not new ; history is full of the
errors of states and princes.
" Look round the habitable world, how few
Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue ! "

140 The Autobiography of
Those who govern, having much business on their hands,
do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and
carrying into execution new projects. The best public mea
sures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but
forc'd by the occasion.
The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the
Assembly, express' d his approbation of the plan, " as appear
ing to him to be drawn up with great clearness and strength
of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy
of their closest and most serious attention." The House, how
ever, by the management of a certain member, took it up when
I happen'd to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and
reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my
no small mortification.
In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with
our new governor, Mr Morris, just arriv'd there from Eng
land, with whom I had been before intimately acquainted. He
brought a commission to supersede Mr Hamilton, who, tir'd
with the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected him to,
had resign' d. Mr Morris ask'd me if I thought he must expect
as uncomfortable an administration. I said, " No ; you may, on
the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only take
care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly." " My
dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how can you advise my avoid
ing disputes? You know I love disputing ; it is one of my great
est pleasures ; however, to show the regard I have for your
counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them." He
had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute
sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative
conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his
father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute
with one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after
dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in the course
of my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confut-

Benjamin Franklin 141
ing people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get
victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would
be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia,
and I to Boston.
In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the As
sembly, by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his prom
ise to me, he and the House were already in high contention;
and it was a continual battle between them as long as he re
tain' d the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I
got back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on every com
mittee for answering his speeches and messages, and by the
committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as
well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently
abusive ; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might
have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cut
ting throats ; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal
difference between him and me was occasion' d by the contest,
and we often din'd together.
One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met
in the street. " Franklin," says he, "you must go home with
me and spend the evening ; I am to have some company that
you will like"; and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his
house. In gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he
told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd the idea of Sancho
Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a government,
requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he
could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One
of his friends, who sat next to me, says, "Franklin, why do
you continue to side with these damn'd Quakers ? Had
not you better sell them ? The proprietor would give you a
good price." "The governor," says I, "has not yet blacked
them enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the
Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off his coloring
as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his

142 The Autobiography of
own face ; so that, finding that he was negrofied himself, he,
as well as Mr Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and quitted
the government.
1 These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the pro
prietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any expense
was to be incurred for the defense of their province, with in
credible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act for
levying the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the
same act expressly excused; and they had even taken bonds of
these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for
three years held out against this injustice, tho' constrained to
bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor
Morris's successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how
that was brought about I shall show hereafter.
But I am got forward too fast with my story : there are still
some transactions to be mention'd that happened during the
administration of Governor Morris.
War being in a manner commenced with France, the gov
ernment of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown
Point, and sent Mr Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr Pownall,
afterward Governor Pownall, to New York, to solicit assistance.
As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr
Quincy 's countryman, he appli'd to me for my influence and
assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well re
ceiv'd. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid
out in provisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their
bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use
of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the pro
prietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be
necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their
grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accom
plish it. Mr Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain
his assent, but he was obstinate.
1 My acts in Morris's time, military, etc  Marg. note.

Benjamin Franklin 143
I then suggested a method of doing the business without the
governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which,
by law, the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was,
indeed, little- or no money at that time in the office, and there
fore I propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year, and
to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I sup
pos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd. The Assembly,
with very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders
were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee
directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them
was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the
province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from
the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they
obtain' d instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment
for the provisions, but many money' d people, who had cash
lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found
advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and
might on any occasion be used as money ; so that they were
eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to
be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means com-
pleated. Mr Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in a
handsome memorial, went home highly pleas' d with the
success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most
cordial and affectionate friendship.
The British Government, not chusing to permit the union
of the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union
with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military,
and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies at this
time being entertain'd of them, sent over General Braddock
with two regiments of regular English troops for that pur
pose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence march'd
to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages.
Our Assembly apprehending, from some information, that he
had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to the

144 The Autobiography of
service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as
postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with
him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty
the despatches between him and the governors of the several
provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual cor
respondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the expense.
My son accompanied me on this journey.
We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently
for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of
Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him
several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity
of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what
the Assembly had before his arrival actually done, and were
still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was
about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were
brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to
twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition.
The general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the ex
pedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim' d
against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a coun
try destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage,
etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being neces
sary. I happen'd to say I thought it was pity they had not been
landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every
farmer had his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my
words, and said, " Then you, sir, who are a man of interest
there, can probably procure them for us ; and I beg you will
undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the owners
of the waggons; and I was desir'd to put on paper the terms
that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed
to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd
immediately. What those terms were will appear in the adver
tisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, which

Benjamin Franklin 145
being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of
some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows :
" Advertisement " Lancaster, April 26, 1755.
" Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses
to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are
wanted for the service of his majesty's forces now about to ren
dezvous at Will's Creek, and his excellency General Braddock
having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of
the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that pur
pose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening,
and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening,
where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single
horses, on the following terms, viz. : 1 . That there shall be paid
for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen
shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle,
or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem ; and for
each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2.
That the pay commence from the time of their joining the
forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of
May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and
above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek
and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and
team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indif
ferent persons chosen between me and the owner ; and in case
of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service,
the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid.
4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me
to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time
of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by
General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time
of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded.
5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired

146 The Autobiography of
horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of
soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or tak
ing care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn,
or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more
than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken
for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the
same. " Note. — My son, William Franklin, is empowered to
enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.
" B. Franklin."

" To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster,
York and Cumberland
" Friends and Countrymen,
" Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days
since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated
on account of their not being supplied with horses and car
riages, which had been expected from this province, as most
able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between
our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided,
nor any steps taken for that purpose.
" It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into
these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses
as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the
service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.
" I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through
these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the
temper they are in, and their resentment against us, would be
attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabit
ants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying
first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The
people of these back counties have lately complained to the

Benjamin Franklin 147
Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting ; you have an
opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very con
siderable sum ; for, if the service of this expedition should con
tinue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and
twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount
to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you
in silver and gold of the king's money.
" The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce
march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and bag
gage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely nec
essary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army,
and no faster ; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where
they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.
"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal sub
jects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable serv
ice, and make it easy to yourselves ; for three or four of such
as can not separately spare from the business of their plantations
a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one
furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another
the driver, and divide the pay proportionably between you; but
if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily,
when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you,
your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business
must be done ; so many brave troops, come so far for your de
fense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do
what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and
horses must be had ; violent measures will probably be used ;
and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can
find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.
" I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the
satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my
labour for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons
and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word
to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St Clair,

148 The Autobiography of
the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the
province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because
I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,
" B. Franklin."
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be
disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc. ; but
that sum being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred
pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty wag
gons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on
their march for the camp. The advertisement promised pay
ment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse
should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not
know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on
his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which
I accordingly gave them.
While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the
officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me
his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not
in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in
the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro'
a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiser
ated their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring them some
relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but
wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly,
who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recom
mending the case of these officers to their consideration, and
proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and
refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp
life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'din
my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such diligence
that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as
soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each
containing

Benjamin Franklin 149
6 lbs. loaf sugar. i Gloucester cheese.
6 lbs. good Muscovado do. i kegg containing 20 lbs. good
1 lb. good green tea. butter.
1 lb. good bohea do. 2 doz. old Madeira wine.
6 lbs. good ground coffee. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits.
6 lbs. chocolate. 1 bottle flour of mustard.
i-a cwt. best white biscuit. 2 well-cur'd hams.
1-2 lb. pepper. 1-2 dozen dry'd tongues.
1 quart best white wine vine- 6 lbs. rice.
gar. 6 lbs. raisins.
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many
horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present
for one officer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the
kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of
both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too,
was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the
waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements,
thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance
in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was
busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing
for the service of my own money, upwards of one thousand
pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came to
his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he
return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the
round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to
the next account. I consider this payment as good luck, hav
ing never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more
hereafter. This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably
have made a figure as a good officer in some European war.
But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of
the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both
Americans and Indians. George Crogan, our Indian inter
preter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those
people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides,

150 The Autobiography of
scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and
neglected them, and they gradually left him.
In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some
account of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Du
quesne," says he, " I am to proceed to Niagara ; and, having
taken that, the Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I
suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three
or four days ; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my
march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the
long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow
road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also
what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French,
who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts
and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd
only to say, " To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne,
with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place
not yet completely fortified, and as we hear with no very strong
garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only
danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from am
buscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in
laying and executing them ; and the slender line, near four
miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be
attack' d by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into
several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in
time to support each other."
He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply' d, " These savages
may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American
militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir,
it is impossible they should make any impression." I was con
scious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man
in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy,
however, did not take the advantage of his army which I ap
prehended its long line of march expos' d it to, but let it advance
without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and

Benjamin Franklin 151
then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where
the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more
open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack' d its ad
vance guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which
was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's being
near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried
the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great con
fusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle ; and presently the
fire came upon their flank : the officers, being on horseback,
were more easily distinguish' d, pick'd out as marks, and fell
very fast ; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle,
having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till
two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with
a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.
The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scam-
per'd ; their example was immediately followed by others ; so
that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left
to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off
with difficulty; his secretary, Mr Shirley, was killed by his
side ; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or
wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of
eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men
from the whole army ; the rest had been left behind with Col
onel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the
stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd,
arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with
them instantly seiz'd him and all his people ; and, tho' he had
now above one thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten
Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and
French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to
recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, am
munition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses
to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to
remove. He was there met with requests from the governors

152 The Autobiography of
of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post
his troops onlhe frontier, so as to afford some protection to the
inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the
country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadel
phia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole
transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our ex
alted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well
founded. In their first march, too, from their landing till they got
beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the
inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting,
abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated. This
was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we
had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our
French friends in 1 781, who, during a march thro' the most
inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia,
near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest com
plaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.
Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp,
and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him,
and continu'd with him to his death, which happen'd in a few
days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at
night only said, "Who would have thought it?" That he was
silent again the following day, saying only at last, " We shall
better know how to deal with them another time ;" and dy'd in
a few minutes after.
The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instruc
tions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they
selected and translated into French a number of the articles,
which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British
court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some
letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the
great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me
to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after

Benjamin Franklin 153
secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and after
ward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he
had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Brad
dock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having
been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of
much value, for those recommendations were never of any use
to me. As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was,
that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more
of our bought servants, and that he would discharge such as had
been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were
accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. Dun
bar, when the command devolv'd on him, was not so generous.
He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I ap
ply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor
farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding
him of the late general's orders on that head. He promised me
that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he
should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would
there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at
the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he
refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and disap
pointment. As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally
known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which
I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal
of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in
the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first
be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them that
I had apply'd to that general by letter ; but, he being at a dis
tance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must
have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some
began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from
this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine

154 The Autobiography of
the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near
twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.
Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond
came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to de
fray the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to
exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort
Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be
time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we
should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that
I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the
d — 1 ! " says one of them, " you surely don't suppose that
the fort will not be taken?" "I don't know that it will not
be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to
great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons of my doubting;
the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed
the mortification they would have undergone if the firework
had been prepared. Dr Bond, on some other occasion after
ward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.
Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assem
bly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock,
to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the
defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the pro
prietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having
such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more
hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The
Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had justice
on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right
if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In
one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand
pounds, his propos'd amendment was only of a single word.
The bill express' d " that all estates, real and personal, were to
be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted." His amend
ment was, for not read only : a small, but very material altera
tion. However, when the news of this disaster reached Eng-

Benjamin Franklin 155
land, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish
with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages,
rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and
injustice in giving their governor such instructions ; some going
so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province,
they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this,
and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand
pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the
Assembly for such purpose.
This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of
their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an
exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By this act I was
appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money,
sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling the bill
and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a
bill for establishing and disciplining a voluntary militia, which
I carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was
taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote
the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue,1
stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such
a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.
While the several companies in the city and country were
forming, and learning their exercise, the governor prevail' d
with me to take charge of our North-western frontier, which
was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the
inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I
undertook this military business, tho' I did not conceive my
self well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full
powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be
given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in rais
ing men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my com
mand. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer
1 This dialogue and the militia act are in the Gentleman's Magazine for February and
March, 1756. — Marg. note.

156 The Autobiography of
in the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of
great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village
settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants ; but
the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts.
In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at
Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was
surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense ; the destruc
tion of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. The
principal buildings were defended by a stockade ; they had pur
chased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and
had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the
windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw
down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to
force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and
reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. In conver
sation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my sur
prise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament
exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had
suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms.
He answer'd me that it was not one of their established prin
ciples, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was
thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this
occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by
but a few. It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or
deceiv'd the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present
danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.
It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this
business of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the
Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that
upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with
similar instructions ; and I concluded to go myself with the
rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more
immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me five wag
gons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.

Benjamin Franklin 157
Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had
been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me
requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and
fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable
ammunition. We had not march' d many miles before it began
to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habi
tations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at
the house of a German, where, in his barn, we were all hud
dled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we
were not attack' d in our march, for our arms were of the most
ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry.
The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose,
which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers
above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd
inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off,
the priming being wet with the rain.
The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd
at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round
which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon
hutted ourselves ; an operation the more necessary at that in
clement season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury
more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half
interr'd by the country people.
The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out,
the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet,
which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one
with another, of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we
had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees,
and, our men being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch
was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to
look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine ; in six
minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen
inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades eighteen
feet long, pointed at one end. While these were preparing,

158 The Autobiography of
our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep, in
which the palisades were to be planted ; and, our waggons, the
bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated
by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch,
we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the pali
sades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our
carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six
feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loop
holes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of
the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know,
if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces ; and thus
our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miser
able a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard
every other day that the men could not work.
This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are em
ploy'd, they are best contented; for on the days they worked
they were good-natur'd and cheerful, and, with the conscious
ness of having done a good day's work, they spent the evening
jollify ; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrel
some, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in con
tinual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose
rule it was to keep his men constantly at work ; and, when his
mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there
was nothing further to employ them about, " Oh" said he,
" make them scour the anchor."
This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient de
fense against Indians, who had no cannon. Finding ourselves
now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to on occa
sion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent country.
We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neigh
boring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings.
There was an art in their contrivance of those places that seems
worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them ;
but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its

Benjamin Franklin 159
light have discover'd their position at a distance. They had
therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter,
and somewhat deeper ; we saw where they had with their
hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying
in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in
the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and
grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round,
with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet
warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of
fire, so manag'd, could not discover them, either by its light,
flame, sparks, or even smoke : it appear'd that their number was
not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked
by them with prospect of advantage.
We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr
Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally
attend his prayers and exhortations. When they enlisted, they
were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day,
which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning,
and the other half in the evening ; and I observ'd they were as
punctual in attending to receive it ; upon which I said to Mr
Beatty, " It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession
to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out
and only just after prayers, you would have them all about
you." He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the
help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to
satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more
punctually attended ; so that I thought this method preferable
to the punishment inflicted by some military laws for non-
attendance on divine service.
I had hardly finish' d this business, and got my fort well
stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the gov
ernor, acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and
wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the
frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer nee-

160 The Autobiography of
essary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their
letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended
forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented
to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to
return ; the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel
Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our
establishment, consented to accept the command. I gave him
a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before
them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his
skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them
than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my
leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few
days to recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first
night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so dif
ferent from my hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden
wrapt only in a blanket or two.
While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of
the Moravians : some of them had accompanied me, and all
were very kind to me. I found they work'd for a common
stock, eat at common tables, and slept in common dormitories,
great numbers together. In the dormitories I observed loop
holes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling, which
I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their
church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ
being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc.
I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to
mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our
common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the mar
ried men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the
young women, and the little children, each division by itself.
The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were
plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a
young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young
woman. The discourse seem'd well adapted to their capacities,

Benjamin Franklin 161
and was deliver' d in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them,
as it were, to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked
pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too
much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.
I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the
report was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were
us'd only in particular cases ; that generally, when a young man
found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his
class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young
women. As these elders of the different sexes were well ac
quainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective
pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and
their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in ; but if, for ex
ample, it should happen that two or three young women were
found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then
recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not made by the
mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be
very unhappy. " And so they may," answer'd my informer,
"if you let the parties chuse for themselves; " which, indeed,
I could not deny.
Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went
on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having
pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into compa
nies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, accord
ing to the new law. Dr B. visited me, and gave me an account
of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to
the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had had the
vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue ; however, not knowing but
that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion,
which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The
officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which
I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had,
but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with
a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass

1 62 The Autobiography of
field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as
to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed
my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would
salute me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook
down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And
my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our
commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in
England. During this short time of my colonelship, being about to
set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment
took it into their heads that it would be proper for them to
escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was
getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty
and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had not been
previously acquainted with the project, or I should have pre
vented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on
any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin' d at their appear
ance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made
it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their
swords and rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote
an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great
offense. No such honour had been paid him when, in the
province, nor to any of his governors ; and he said it was only
proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for
aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette
in such cases.
This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour
against me, which was before not a little, on account of my
conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate
from taxation, which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and
not without severe reflections on his meanness and injustice
of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as being
the great obstacle to the king's service, preventing, by my
influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising

Benjamin Franklin 163
money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof
of my having an intention to take the government of the pro
vince out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard
Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office;
but it had no other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a
gentle admonition.
Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the gov
ernor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a
share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse between that gen
tleman and myself, and we never had any personal difference.
I have sometimes since thought that this little or no resentment
against me, for the answers it was known I drew up to his mes
sages, might be the effect of professional habit, and that, being
bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as merely advocates
for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and
I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in
a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and some
times, tho' not often, take my advice.
We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with pro
visions ; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the
governor sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures
for preventing the desertion of the back counties. I forget now
the advice I gave ; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be
written to, and prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on
the frontiers for their protection, till, by re-enforcements from
the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the expedition.
And, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me
undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial
troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his
men being otherwise employed ; and he proposed to commis
sion me as general. I had not so good an opinion of my military
abilities as he profess' d to have, and I believe his professions
must have exceeded his real sentiments ; but probably he might
think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men,

164 The Autobiography of
and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them,
and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Find
ing me not so forward to engage as he expected, the project
was dropt, and he soon after left the government, being super
seded by Captain Denny.
Before I proceed in relating the part I had in publick affairs
under this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss
here to give some account of the rise and progress of my phil
osophical reputation.
In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr Spence,
who was lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some
electric experiments. They were imperfectly perform' d, as he
was not very expert ; but, being on a subject quite new to me,
they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my return
to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr P.
Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present
of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making
such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating
what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd
great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an ac
count of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say
much practice, for my house was continually full, for some
time, with people who came to see these new wonders.
To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I
caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house,
with which they furnish' d themselves, so that we had at length
several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr Kin-
nersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I
encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money,
and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments
were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explan
ations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in
comprehending the following. He procur'd an elegant ap
paratus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that

Benjamin Franklin 165
I had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by instru
ment makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave
great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the
colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up
some money. In the West India islands, indeed, it was with
difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general
moisture of the air.
Oblig'd as we were to Mr Collinson for his present of the
tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform' d of our
success in using it, and wrote him several letters containing
accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal
Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much
notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper, which
I wrote for Mr Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with
electricity, I sent to Dr Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and
one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word
that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs.
The papers, however, being shown to Dr Fothergill, he thought
them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing
of them. Mr Collinson then gave them to Cave for publica
tion in his Gentleman's Magazine ; but he chose to print them
separately in a pamphlet, and Dr Fothergill wrote the preface.
Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions
that arrived afterward they swell'd to a quarto volume, which
has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money.
It was, however, some time before those papers were much
taken notice of in England. A copy of them happening to fall
into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly
of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he
prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and
they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbe
Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family,
and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a
theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He

1 66 The Autobiography of
could not at first believe that such a work came from America,
and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at Paris,
to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that there
really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which
he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters,
chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying the
verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from
them. <
I once purpos'd answering the abbe, and actually began
the answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain' d
a description of experiments which any one might repeat and
verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended ; or of
observations offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatic
ally, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend
them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons,
writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by
mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's
meaning, much of one of the abbe's letters being founded on
an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for
themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could
spare from public business in making new experiments, than in
disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered
M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence;
for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences,
took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated
into the Italian, German, and Latin languages ; and the doc
trine it contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the
philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbe ; so
that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur
B  , of Paris, his eleve and immediate disciple.
What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity,'
was the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by
Messrs Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning
from the clouds. This engaged the public attention every-

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Benjamin Franklin 167
where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental
philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook
to repeat what he called the Philadelphia Experiments; and,
after they were performed before the king and court, all the
curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this nar
rative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the
infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made
soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found
in the histories of electricity.
Dr Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to
a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high
esteem my experiments were in among the learned abroad,
and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed
in England. The society, on this, resum'd the consideration
of the letters that had been read to them ; and the celebrated
Dr Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I
had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which he ac
companied with some praise of the writer. This summary was
then printed in their Transactions ; and some members of the
society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr Canton,
having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from
the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the
success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight
with which they had before treated me. Without my having
made any application for that honour, they chose me a mem
ber, and voted that I should be excus'd the customary payments,
which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas ; and ever
since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also pre
sented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the
year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very
handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein
I was highly honoured.
Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the
before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he

1 68 The Autobiography of
presented to me at an entertainment given him by the city. He
accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for
me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my char
acter. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at
that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into
another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by
his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one
who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of con
tributing most effectually to the making his administration
easy ; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good
understanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of his
readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might
be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor's
good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it
might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition
that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and
harmony riestor'd between him and the people; in effecting
which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than
myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments
and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not
return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira,
which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion be
came more profuse of his solicitations and promises.
My answers were to this purpose : that my circumstances,
thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favours un
necessary to me ; and that, being a member of the Assembly,
I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no
personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the
public measures he propos'd should appear to be for the good
of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more
zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded
on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently
intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice
to that of the people ; that I was much obliged to him (the gov-

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LETTER FROM FRANKLIN TO HIS MOTHER

Benjamin Franklin 169
ernor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might
rely on every thing in my power to make his administration
as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not
brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his pre
decessor had been hamper'd with.
On this he did not then explain himself; but when he after
wards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd
again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in
the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have
a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks
upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and
in the Historical Review I afterward publish'd. But between
us personally no enmity arose; we were often together ; he was
a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very
entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the
first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive;
that he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in Eng
land ; had been employ'd in the dispute between Prince
Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a pension of three
hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet,
Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad ; but his prose
was thought as good as any man's.
The Assembly1 finally finding the proprietary obstinately
persisted in manacling their deputies with instructions incon
sistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the
service of the crown, resolv'd to petition the king against them,
and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present
and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to
the governor, granting a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the
king's use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to
the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which the
governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his
instructions.
1 The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly — what date? — Marg. note.

170 The Autobiography of
I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New
York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when
Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told
me, to endeavor an accommodation between the governor and
Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed
by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir'd the governor and
myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on
both sides. We met and discuss' d the business. In behalf of
the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that may be
found in the public papers of that time, which were of my
writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly ;
and the governor pleaded his instructions ; the bond he had
given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey' d, yet seemed
not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would ad
vise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once
thought I had nearly prevail'd with him to do it ; but finally
he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly ; and
he entreated me to use my endeavours with them for that pur
pose, declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops
for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not con
tinue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain
expos' d to the enemy.
I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, present
ing them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring
our rights, and that we did not relinquish our claim to those
rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occa
sion thro' force, against which we protested, they at length
agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the
proprietary instructions. This of course the governor pass'd,
and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the
meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which
was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lord
ship's thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the
accommodation falling to his share.

t Ay e nyawAn 'Ayy<ynAAf n
r-'lA/u ,yAfrAfcsAAe

Benjamin Franklin 171
He set out for New York before me ; and, as the time for
dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there
were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to
sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I
might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, " I
have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next ; but I may
let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday
morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer." By
some accidental hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon
before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed,
as the wind was fair ; but I was soon made easy by the informa
tion that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till
the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very
point of departing for Europe. I thought so ; but I was not then
so well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which in
decision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some
instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to
New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we
sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had
been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters,
which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet
arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth
was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having
been there longest. Passengers were engag'd in all, and some
extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy
about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance
(it being war time) for fall goods ; but their anxiety avail'd
nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready ; and yet who
ever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand,
and concluded he must needs write abundantly.
Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in
his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who
had come from thence express with a paquet from Governor
Denny for the General. He delivered to me some letters from

172 The Autobiography of
my friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was
to return, and where he lodg'd, that I might send some letters
by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow at nine
for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off
immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A
fortnight after I met him again in the same place. " So, you are
soon return'd, Innis?" "Return 'd 7 no, I am not gone yet."
" How so ? " " I have called here by order every morning these
two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready."
"Is it possible, when he is so great a writer ? for I see him con
stantly at his escritoire." " Yes," says Innis, " but he is like
St George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on."
This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded ;
for, when in England, I understood that Mr Pitt gave it as
one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals
Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and
could not know what he was doing.
This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets
going down to Sand Hook, to join the fleet there, the passen
gers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the
ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remem
ber right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores,
and oblig'd to procure more. At length the fleet sail'd, the
General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with
intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in
company ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to receive
his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five
days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our
ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two
paquets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax,
where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks
upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging Louis
burg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together
with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passen-

Benjamin Franklin 173
gers ! During his absence the French and savages had taken
Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages
had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.
I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who com
manded one of those paquets. He told me that, when he had
been detain' d a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship
was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her
fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and re
quested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her
bottom. He was asked how long time that would require.
He answer' d, three days. The general replied, " If you can
do it in one day, I give leave ; otherwise not ; for you must
certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtain' d
leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full
three months.
I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was
so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him
so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and
back again, that he swore he would sue him for damages.
Whether he would or not, I never heard ; but, as he repre
sented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.
On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to
be intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of
a great army ; but, having since seen more of the great world,
and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my
wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the com
mand of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock,
would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much
better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was
frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond con
ception ; for, tho' Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible
and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from
others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active
in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defend-

174 The Autobiography of
ing the colonies with his great army, left them totally expos' d
while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George
was lost; besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and
distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of
provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd
by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in
favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps
from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the
embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to
Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain' d near three months
longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the
worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage
home. Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from
so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to
a man unacquainted with military business. I was at the enter
tainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun,
on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho' thereby
superseded, was present also. There was a great company of
officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been
borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them
very low, which fell to the lot of Mr Shirley. Perceiving it
as I sat by him, I said, " They have given you, sir, too low
a seat." " No matter," says he, " Mr Franklin, I find a low seat
the easiest."
While I was, as afore mention'd, detain' d at New York, I
receiv'd all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had fur
nish' d to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner
be obtain'd from the different persons I had employ'd to assist
in the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring
to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be regularly ex
amined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every
article with its voucher, certified them to be right ; and the
ballance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an

Benjamin Franklin 175
order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time
to time ; and, tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did
not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me
he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his
accounts with those of his predecessors. " And you," says he,
" when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the
treasury, and you will be paid immediately."
I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected
expense I had been put to by being detain' d so long at New
York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid ; and
on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any
further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had ad-
vanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "O, Sir,"
says he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no
gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every
one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the do
ing it, to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my
case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing ; but he appear'd
clearly not to believe me ; and, indeed, I have since learnt that
immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to
my ballance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more here
after. Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we
sailed, of the swiftness of his ship ; unfortunately, when we
came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his
no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the
cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours,
which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain ordered all hands
to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We
were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we stood
there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour
far behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected,
that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water,
it seems, had been all plac'd forward ; these he therefore order'd

176 The Autobiography of
to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her char
acter, and proved the best sailer in the fleet.
The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen
knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on
board, as a passenger, Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who con
tended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so
fast, and that there must have been some error in the division
of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager
ensu'd between the two captains, to be decided when there
should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigor
ously the log-line, and being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd
to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when
the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet,
Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen
knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager
lost. The above fact I give for the sake of the following obser
vation. It has been remark' d, as an imperfection in the art
of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she is tried,
whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer ; for that
the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in
a new one, which has prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull.
I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the different
opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging,
and sailing of a ship ; each has his system ; and the same vessel,
laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail bet
ter or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it
scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and
sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another
rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the
advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others,
and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a combina
tion of the whole.
Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have

Benjamin Franklin 177
often observ'd different judgments in the officers who com
manded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One
would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another,
so that they seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet
I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, to de
termine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing ;
next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts ;
then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the
wind may be ; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This
is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and
combin'd would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore,
that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to
whom I wish success.
We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd
every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good
observation, and the captain judg'd himself so near our port,
Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might
be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by
running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy's
privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the channel.
Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make,
and the wind being very fresh and fair, we Went right before
it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation,
shap'd his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly
Isles ; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting
up St George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the
loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This indraught was
probably the cause of what happened to us.
We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often
called, "Look well out before there'' and he as often answered,
"Ay, ay;" but perhaps he had his eyes shut, and was half asleep
at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically ;
for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by
the studding-sails from the man at the helm, and from the rest

178 The Autobiography of
of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was dis
cover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the
light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight,
and our captain fast asleep ; but Captain Kennedy, jumping
upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear
round, all sails standing ; an operation dangerous to the masts,
but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were
running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was
erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the
utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the
building more of them in America, if I should live to return
there. In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that
we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our
sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to
be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house,
discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in
its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was a most
pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any
other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and
it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the
anxieties which the state of war occasion'd.
I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we
only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury
Plain, and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very
curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th
of July, 1757.

As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr Charles had provided
for me, I went to visit Dr Fothergill, to whom I was strongly
recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings
I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate com
plaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should

Benjamin Franklin 179
first be personally appli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd,
by the interposition and persuasion of some private friends, to
accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old
friend and correspondent, Mr Peter Collinson, who told me
that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had request
ed to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry
me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of the Coun
cil and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go
with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr Hanbury called
for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's, who
receiv'd me with great civility ; and after some questions re
specting the present state of affairs in America and discourse
thereupon, he said to me : "You Americans have wrong ideas
of the nature of your constitution ; you contend that the king's
instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves
at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion.
But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given
to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some
trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges
learned in the laws ; they are then considered, debated, and per
haps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the
king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the
land, for the king is the Legislator of the Colonies." I told
his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always under
stood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our
Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal
assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or
alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent
laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them
without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did
not think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having
a little alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the
court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my
lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in

180 The Autobiography of
a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos'd to
make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause
was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them
as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct to
wards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that point
of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for
themselves. After some days, Dr Fothergill having spoken to the pro
prietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr T. Penn's
house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted
of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommo
dations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what
should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consider
ation of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated.
The proprietaries justify'd their conduct as well as they
could, and I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide,
and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage
all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I
should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and
they promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after,
but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Fer
dinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law
business in their great suit with the neighbouring proprietary
of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years,
and wrote for them all their papers and messages in then-
dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and
as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated
his papers with some severity, they being really weak in
point of argument and haughty in expression, he had con
ceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself when
ever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and
I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two
selves, and refus'd treating with any one but them. They
then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the At-

e^AAyytriyxJ ¦_ A,

yyirt

Benjamin Franklin 181
torney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel
upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days,
during which time I made frequent demands of an answer
from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than
that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney
and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive
it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but
sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by
Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formal
ity, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification
of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accom
modate matters if the Assembly would send out some person
of candour to treat with them for that purpose, intimating
thereby that I was not such.
The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not
having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd titles
of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Penn
sylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it necessary in a
paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to a cer
tainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva
voce. But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with
Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in
common with the estates of the people, which was the grand
point in dispute, they omitted answering the message.
When this act however came over, the proprietaries, coun
selled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal
assent. Accordingly they petition'd the king in Council, and
a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd
by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They
alleg'd that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate
in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were suffer'd
to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium
with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes,

1 82 The Autobiography of
they would inevitably be ruined. We reply' d that the act had
no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the
assessors were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess
fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might
expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the pro
prietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves.
This is the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides,
except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous conse
quences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, ^"ioo,-
ooo, being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his
service, and now spread among the people, the repeal would
strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total
discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the pro
prietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a
groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was in
sisted on in the strongest terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one
of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk's
chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if
I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the pro
prietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly.
"Then," says he, " you can have little objection to enter into
an engagement to assure that point." I answer'd, "None
at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, his
lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides ; a paper to
the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which
I sign'd with Mr Charles, who was also an Agent of the Pro
vince for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned
to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to
pass. Some changes were however recommended and we also
engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the
Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax
having been levied by the act before the order of Council ar
rived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings
of the assessors, and on this committee they put several partic-

Benjamin Franklin 183
ular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they
unanimously sign'd a report that they found the tax had been
assess' d with perfect equity.
The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part
of the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since
it secured the credit of the paper money then spread over all
the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I re
turn'd. But the,proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny
for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out with threats of
suing him for breach of instructions which he had given bond
to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the
General, and for His Majesty's service, and having some pow
erful interest at court, despis'd the threats and they were never
put in execution. . . . [Unfinished].

YALE UNIVERSITY

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