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1911

DIARY OF
GIDEON WELLES
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOLUME in

DIARY OF
GIDEON WELLES
SECRETABT OF THE NAVY UNDER
LINCOLN AND JOHl^SON
WLTH AN INTRODUCTION BY JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
AND
WITH UiUSTRATIONS
VOLUME m
JANUARY 1, 1867— JUNE 6, 1869

BOSTON AND NEW TORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
^{)e Stiberiiibe pK0 CambntiQe
1911

COPYRIGHT, 1909, AND I9IO, BY EDGAR T. WELLES
COPYRIGHT, I9II, BY EDGAR T. WELLES AND HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Published October iqh

CONTENTS XLV
JANUARY, 1867
Cabinet Discussion of the Message vetoing the District of Columbia
Reorganization Bill — The Bay of Samand. Purchase Scheme meets
with DiflBculties — Congress overrides the Veto — Representative
Ashley of Ohio introduces a Resolution to impeach the President —
Seward submits to the Cabinet the Articles of a Proposed Treaty
with Prussia — An Amnesty Proclamation agreed upon — The
President asks the Opinions of the Cabinet Members in regard to
Territorializing the States — Senator Grimes as Chairman of the
Naval Committee — General Grant's Position on the District of Co
lumbia Suffrage Bill — His Lack of Political Principles — The Sen
atorial Fight in Pennsylvania results in the Nomination of Cam
eron — Roscoe Conkling nominated in New York — Cabinet Dis
cussion of the Right of a Territory to organize itself as a State —
The Senatorial Elections — Conkling, Cameron, and Trumbull —
The Italian and Chilian Missions — Motley resigns as Minister to
Austria — Seward's Calls at the Capitol — The Cabinet decides
not to sell out the Dunderberg to the Contractor — The Swatara re
turning from Nice with Surratt — Action of the House in regard to
the Ship Idaho — The President vetoes the Colorado and Nebraska
Bills — The Army moving to get Possession of the Indian Bureau —
A Committee from North Carolina submits a Reconstruction Pro
posal to the President,  3
XLVI
FEBRUARY, 1867
The Circumstances attending Motley's Resignation discussed in Cab
inet — The North Carolina Plan published in the Richmond Papers
— The Matter of the R, R, Cuyler, bought by the Colombian Gov
ernment and seized by the United States — Failure of the Samand.
Negotiations — Thaddeus Stevens's Proposal to establish Military
Governments in the Southern States opposed in the House — Banks
leads the Opposition — Stanton's Sensational Report on the En
forcement of the Civil Rights Act — Plain Talk with the President
about Stanton — Stevens's Bill passes the House — Sherman's Sub
stitute adopted in the Senate — The House makes Further Amend
ments — Impeachment discussed in the Cabinet — The Tenure-of-
OflSce Bill condemned in the Cabinet  34

vi CONTENTS XLVII
MARCH, 1867
Seward and Stanton prepare the Veto Message on the Tenure-of-Office
Bill — Vetoes of this and the Military Govemment Bill sent in —
Reverdy Johnson's Extraordinary Course — Butler's Animosity
towards Grant — The Chances of Impeachment — The Close of
One Congress and the Beginning of Another — The Powers of the
Military Governors — The President's Exclamation in regard to
Impeachment — Ex-Congressman Law of Indiana on Andrew
Johnson — The President's Reticence — Randall's Conciliatory At
titude towards the Radicals — Stanton apparently to select the
Military Governors — Sickles among the Generals chosen as Gov
ernors — Wgil^Street's Influence in Congress — The Alaska Pur
chase Treaty^^^TJealE of Charles Eames — His Career — Senator
Foster and the Austrian Mission — No Opposition to the Russian
Treaty in the Cabinet — The ex-Confederate Admiral of the Peru
vian Navy to be saluted by American Officers — Indian Affairs —
The President wishes to offer the Austrian Mission to General
Blair — Judge Blair's Story of the Action of General Grant and
General Dick Taylor against Seward and Stanton — Private Secre
tary Moore's Relations with Stanton — Congress refuses to adjourn
— The Alaskan Treaty signed — Seward tells ex-Minister Bigelow
how he shaped Lincoln's Cabinet  54
XLVIII
APRIL AND MAY, 1867
Union Success in the Connecticut Election — Seward seeks to reward a
Political Trimmer with the Cuban Consul-Generalship — The Pre
sident receives Word that an Injunction against him is to be asked
from the Supreme Court — Conversation with General Butler on
Public Affairs — The Senate confirms the Alaska Purchase Treaty
— Attempts to fill the Cuban Consul-Generalship — ¦ Admiral
Goldsborough seeks through his Wife to be retained on the Active
List — Senator Wilson electioneering in the South — Thaddeus
Stevens denies Wilson's Authority to make Promises — Governor
English of Connecticut — Most of his Message to the Legislature
written by Secretary Welles — A Delegation of Japanese visits the
President — The House Judiciary Committee seeking Evidence on
which to impeach — McCulloch talks plainly to the President about —
Stanton — The French buying War Vessels in the United States
— Seward considers acquiring Snake Island in the West Indies —
Wilkes Booth's Diary — The Price of the Danish West Indies —
Attorney-General Stanbery examining the Military Government
Act — The Indian Troubles — The Japanese conclude to buy the
Ship Stonewall — The President to visit North Carolina .... 77

CONTENTS vii
XLIX
JUNE, 1867
The President goes to North Carolina, accompanied by Seward and
Randall — Chief Justice Chase to hold Court in North Carolina —
The Judiciary Committee decides against Impeachment but reports
a Resolution of Censure against the President — A Visit to the Naval
Academy with Admiral Farragut — Parting with Farragut — Far-
ragut the Great Hero of the War — Sheridan's Removal of Gov
ernor Wells of Louisiana — Stanbery's Liberal Interpretation of the
Military Government Act — Talk with Governor Pease of Texas —
A Faction in Colombia proposes to tax Foreign Residents — Sew
ard's Presidential Ambitions and Craze for the Acquisition of Ter
ritory — The Attorney-General's Opinion on the Reconstruction
Bills an Able Document — Mrs. Goldsborough presses the Admir
al's Claims to Retention on the Active List — The President invites
Secretary Welles to accompany him on a Journey to Boston —
Cabinet Discussion of the Attorney-General's Opinion on the Mili
tary Govemment Law — Commander Roe's Action in seizing
Santa Anna — The President starts for Boston — The Publication
of Cabinet Proceedings — Sheridan's Insubordination — The
President's Faltering Conduct — His Administration a Failure —
General Sickles's Letter against the Secretary of the Navy — The
President courteously received in New England — Grant's Probable
Candidacy — Montgomery Blair's Opinion of Grant as a General
— Admiral Farragut sails for Europe with two of the Secretary's
Sons accompanying him — Conversation with the President on his
Return from the South  101

JULY, 1867
Seward proposes to purchase Two Islands from Denmark for $7,400,000
— Cabinet Discussion of Sheridan's Letter to Grant — Maximilian
shot in Mexico — Congress meets in Extra Session — General Hal
leck proposed as Commissioner to go to Alaska — Seward justifies
Commander Roe in the Capture of Santa Anna — Stanton ignores
the President in addressing a Communication directly to the
Speaker of the House — Reconstruction Bill passed — The Influ
ence of Seward and Stanton on the Administration — Conversation
with a Member of the British Pariiament on Constitutions and Re
construction — The President vetoes the Reconstruction Bill with
out consulting the Cabinet — Congress passes a Resolution of Sym
pathy with Cretan Insurrectionists — General Banks calls to urge a
Removal and an Appointment — The President's Leniency in Mat
ters of Pardon — Troops sent to Tennessee — Grant's Change of
Views — General Rousseau proposed for Sheridan's Place — Pro-

viii CONTENTS
posal to appoint Frederick Douglass to the Head of the Freedmen's
Bureau — The President receives Papers revealing a Conspiracy
to manufacture Evidence against him — Sheridan removes Gov
ernor Throckmorton of Texas and appoints E. M. Pease in his Place
— McCulloch discouraged at the Political Outlook  124
LI
AUGUST, 1867
The President consults with his Cabinet as to the Advisability of
removing Sheridan — The Conover AUegations — McCuUoch's
Compromises — His Great Ability as a Financier — Grant depre
cates the Removal of Sheridan — Grant going over to the Radicals
— Conversation with the President as to the Possibihty of Stanton's
Retirement — Postmaster-General Randall asks for Leave of Ab
sence — The President requests Stanton to resign — Stanton re
fuses — The Tenure-of-Office Act in Relation to the Question of
Stanton's Removal — Randall's Shakiness — Thurlow Weed's At
tack on Chase — Secretary Welles advises the President to remove
Judge-Advocate-General Holt with Stanton and to appoint one of
the Blairs Secretary of War — The President discusses the Matter
with Montgomery Blair — The Jury in the John H. Surratt Case
disagrees — The President suspends Stanton and appoints General
Grant ad interi-m — General Sickles prohibits Civil Process in his
Military Department — Alleged Conspiracy against Judge-Advo
cate-General Holt — Stanton's Dismissal makes Little Commotion
— Correspondence between the President and General Grant re
lative to the Removal of Sheridan — Gfinvf-^jjitinp ""t^ ^'•anti ""
the Subject of Reconstruction — A Po1it,i(;;al Tfrnnra.Tinii!^ — General
Sickles announces his intention of obstructing the United States
Court — Passage between Grant and Assistant Attorney-General
Binckley in Cabinet — Suspicions in regard to Randall — A Reor
ganization of the Cabinet talked of in the Papers — Conversation
with Montgomery Blair about Grant — Grant, insubordinate in
Cabinet, is rebuked by the President — The President's Strength
and Weaknesses  149
LII
SEPTEMBER, 1867
Grant's Insubordination — Form of a Proclamation of General Pardon
— Newspaper Rumors of Differences between the President and
Grant — Amnesty proclaimed — Newspaper Reports of an In
tended Prorogation of Congress in case of an Attempt at Impeach
ment — Exercises at the Antietam Battle-Field — Governor Geary's
Followers try to turn the Affair into a Radical Demonstration —
Death of Sir Frederick Bruce — The President consults with Lewis

CONTENTS ix
V. Bogy of St. Louis — Jeremiah S. Black as an Adviser of the
President — The Case of Paymaster Belknap — The Sale of Iron
clads discussed in Cabinet — General Sickles asks for a Court of
Inquiry — The Question of the Power of State and Municipal
Courts to discharge Men enlisted in the United States Service —
The Attorney-General consulted on the Subject — The Matter dis
cussed in Cabinet — Stanbery's Views as to the Habeas Corpus
Writ — Admiral Godon on the Naval Battle at Port Royal . . .193
LIII
OCTOBER, 1867
Attorney-General Stanbery reads his Opinion on the Habeas Corpus
Case — The President calls General Sherman to Washington —
Colonel Cooper on the Political Situation in New York State — A
Sketch of Party Politics in New York — James A. Seddon's Appli
cation for Pardon — Governor Cox of Ohio mentioned for the War
Portfolio — General Blair's Qualifications for the Position — Sher
man's Relations with Grant — Election Returns from Pennsylvania
and Ohio indicate an Overthrow of the Radicals — The President
has a Frank Talk with Grant, who assures him that he should ex
pect to obey Orders — Boutwell disavows any Intention of attempt
ing to arrest the President  218
LIV
NOVEMBER AND DECEMBER, 1867
Cabinet Discussion of the Question of Arrest — The President's Mes
sage — The Judiciary Committee of the House reports in favor of
Impeachment — The President's Message to the Senate giving Rea
sons for suspending Stanton — The Alabama Claims discussed in
Cabinet — A Complaint from Alabama against General Pope's Op
pression — Grant's Presidential Aspirations — Senator Nye intro
duces a Bill to establish a Board of Survey to supervise the Naval
Bureaus — Admiral Porter thought to be behind it — Porter's
Services and Ambition — Thurlow Weed moving for Grant — The
Retirement of Captain R. W, Meade, U.S.N., called up for Re
vision — Raymond and the Philadelphia Convention  237
LV
JANUARY, 1868
Senator Grimes wishes to reorganize the Engineer Corps of the Navy —
Jealousy between the Line Officers and the Engineers — The Indian
"War" — Stanton's Case in Congress — Charles Francis Adams
resigns the Ministry to England — The President considers appoint-

X CONTENTS
ing General McCIellan to the Place — John Sherman's Instability
— Grant leaves the War Department — His Explanation of his
Course, made in Cabinet — Will Stanton resign? — The Naval
Estimates and the House Committee on Appropriations — Grant
keeps away from the White House — Mrs, Welles's Reception —
Grant's Interview with Stanton — The Political Situation in Con
necticut — Grant writes the President denying the Reports of his
Action in abandoning his Position as Secretary of War ad interim . 252
LVI
FEBRUARY, 1868
Grant's Treachery — Conversation with the President on the Subject
of Preparation for an Emergency — Proposal to make Washington
a Military Department and order Sherman to it — Excitement over
the Correspondence between the President and Grant — Grant's
Account of his Interview with Stanton — Grant's Dislike for and
Subjection to Stanton — - His Indifference to Human Life — Stan
ton goading the Radicals to Impeachment — He dreads being out
of Place — The President sends to the House the Account of his In
terview with Grant, with the Statements of the Cabinet Members
— Hancock remonstrates against an Order of Grant's — General
Lorenzo Thomas ordered to resume his Duties as Adjutant-General
at Washington — A New Military Department created at Wash
ington and Sherman placed in Command — Sherman asks to be ex
cused from coming to Washington — The President removes Stan
ton — McCIellan nominated as Minister to England — Excitement
in Congress over Stanton's Removal — Adjutant-General Thomas
arrested — The President nominates Thomas Ewing Secretary of
War — Stanbery an Honest Lawyer and Faithful to the President,
but too Dependent on Precedents in an Emergency — Jeffries, Reg
ister of the Treasury, ad-vises the President to use Strong Measures
— Officers summoned from an Evening Party — General Thomas's
Unfitness for the Place of Secretary of War ad interim — The Ques
tion of the Tenure of the Four Hold-over Members of the Cabinet
— The House votes to impeach the President — Conversation
with John Bigelow on the Situation — Repugnance of the Conserv
ative Senators to the Possibility of Wade's becoming President —
General Lorenzo Thomas arrested and then discharged — Sugges
tions as to the Democratic Candidate for the Presidency — A Nitro-
Glycerine Scare in Congress — Stanbery considers resigning to de
vote himself to the President's Cause  269
LVII
MARCH, 1868
Preparations for the Impeachment Trial — The Notice of Impeach
ment served on the President — Selecting the President's Counsel

CONTENTS xi
— Stanbery determines to resign his Cabinet Position before under
taking the President's Case — Stanton fortified in the War Depart
ment — Radical Victory in the New Hampshire Election — A
Sketch of New Hampshire Politics — Stanbery hands in his Resig
nation — The President's Ill-considered Talks with Newspaper Men
— Senator Sherman "srishes a Naval Lieutenant court-martialed for
using Disrespectful Language of Congress — ¦ The President's Un-
communicativeness — Judge Black on Seward's Handling of the
Alta Vela Affair — The Impeachment Proceedings open with Little
Excitement — ¦ Judge Black withdraws from the President's Case —
Probable Reasons for his Course — A Spirit of Mischief in the Ha
waiian Islands — Black's Letter to the President withdrawing from
the Case and denouncing Seward's Conduct in the Alta Vela Matter
— Wilson and Sumner and the Nava,! Appropriation Bill — Gen
eral Butler's Opening in the Impea,Bfim^nt Trial  300
LVIII
APRIL, 1868
Gloomy Political Outlook in Connecticut — English reelected, how
ever, by an Increased Majority — Curtis opens for the President
in the Impeachment Trial — Consultation as to the Introduction
of General Sherman's Testimony — The Need of a Lawyer who
can meet Butler and Bingham on their own Ground — Sherman's
Testimony admitted — Secretary Welles on the Stand — Manager
Wilson's Elaborate Speech interjected into the Proceedings — The
President nomi"''^'?P General Schofield n.a Het^retarv of WaiT—
Kfenator Grimes on the Impeachment Trial — Surmises as to the
President's P'"'Bf>rif *'"'' "fiminatine Schofield — Vice-Admiral
Porter said to be fishing for the Secretaryship of the Navy — The
Speeches of Thaddeus Stevens and Thomas Williams — Stanbery,
though ill, is confident of Success — Evarts's Speech  328
LIX
MAY, 1868
A Visit to Mount Vernon — The President's Disappointment at Black's
Desertion — The Outcome of the Impeachment hanging in the Bal
ance — The Doubtful Senators — The Carpet-Bag Constitutions of
Arkansas and South Carolina transmitted to Congress — Bing
ham's Closing Speech for the Prosecution — Congressional Inquiry
into the Sale of the Ironclads Oneota and Catawba — The Case of
the Hannah Grant — An Exciting Afternoon and Evening in the
Senate — Speeches of Sherman, Grimes, Trumbull, and Fessenden
— Hopeful Outlook — The Vote on Impeachment postponed —
Illness of Senator Grimes — Public Opinion manufactured in Wash
ington by the Radicals — The Vote on the Eleventh Article fails to

xii CONTENTS
convict the President — A Call on Senator Grimes — Attack on
Ross of Kansas for his Vote in favor of the President — The Candi
dates before the Repubhcan Convention at Chicago — Grant and
the Radicals — Rumors of Cabinet Changes — Japanese Affairs —
Grant and Colfax nominated at Chicago — The Acquittal of the
President — The News comes to the Cabinet in Session — Charges
of Corruption — Stanton leaves the War Department — His Char
acter and Abilities and his Administration of the Department —
Schofield's Appointment as Secretary of War sticks in the Senate —
A Seminole Chief on the Written Constitution  343
LX
JUNE, 1868
Whites and Blacks in the Washington Election — Death of ex-Pre
sident Buchanan — His Character — Oregon goes Democratic —
Stanbery, renominated as Attorney-General, is rejected by the Sen
ate — The Senate compliments Stanton — The Powers of the
Comptrollers and Auditors in the Treasury Department — Chase
talked of for the Presidency — Burlingame and the Chinese Am
bassadors — City Election in Washington — Chase's Candidacy
for the Democratic Nomination to the Presidency — Hopelessness of
President Johnson's Desire for the Nomination — Admiral Porter
and the Controversy between the Line and Staff Officers of the
Navy — The Intelligencer attacks McCulloch — Congressional In
quiry into the Sale of the Ironclads Oneota and Catawba — The
House accepts the Arkansas Constitution over the President's Veto
— The Attack on McCulloch instigated by Seward — Evarts nom
inated Attorney-General — Intimations of Another Impeachment
Movement  374
LXI
JULY, 1868
A Proclamation of General Amnesty read in Cabinet — Jefferson Da
vis the only Person excepted — The President draws' up another
making no Exception — The New York Convention nominates
Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair — An Unfortunate Nomina
tion — The Result brought about by the Tammany Managers
— Disappointment of the President — Seward Close-mouthed on
the Nominations — Conversation with the President in regard to
Seward, Stanton, and McCulloch — Doolittle invited to become
an Independent Candidate — The President prepares a Message
recommending Certain Changes in the Constitution — Cabinet Dis
cussion of it — A Talk with Montgomery Blair — The Blairs and
the President — Evarts takes his Seat in the Cabinet — The Two
New Cabinet Members, Schofield and Evarts — John A. Griswold

CONTENTS xiii
claiming Credit for the Monitor to the Exclusion of the Navy De
partment — Congress, instead of adjourning, takes a Recess till
September 21 — Seward reads in Cabinet a Proclamation relating
to the Fourteenth Amendment — General Banks and the Navy
Yard Appointments — Conditions in Georgia  393
LXII
AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1868
A Tour of Inspection of the Navy Yards — Talk of an Extra Session of
Congress — The Railroads and Congress — Sanford E. Church and
Dean Richmond (the younger) on a Political Mission from New
York — The Power of State Sheriffs to call on Army Officers for
Assistance — Death of Thomas H. Seymour — His Career and the
Part played in it by Mr, Welles — Radical Gains in the Maine
Election — The "Alexandrine Chain" — Senator Morgan and
Representative Schenck issue a Call for Congress to reassemble —
Congress meets and adjourns — General John A, Dix's anti-
Seymour Letter — His Character and Political Views — Marriage
of Robert T. Lincoln — The Pacific Railroad  422
LXIII
OCTOBER AND NOVEMBER, 1868
Dahlgren's Management of the Ordnance Bureau — The Political Out
look — Getting the Election Returns — Proposal to withdraw Sey
mour and substitute another Democratic Candidate for the Pre
sidency — The Democratic Mistake and how it came about — The
Governor of Arkansas asks for Arms — Troops to be sent to Mem
phis — Seward's Table of Treaties — Dinner of the New York Bar
to Attorney-General Evarts — Grant's Spite against Members of
the Cabinet — Minister Washburn in Paraguay — Minister Rev
erdy Johnson submits a Protocol on the Alabama Claims — Discus
sion of the Subject  445
LXIV
DECEMBER, 1868
Report on the Pacific Railroad — The New York Evening Post on Van
derbUt and the Merrimac — The Alabama Claims — Congress as-
"sembles — Senator Trumbull makes an Unreasonable Request —
The President's Annual Message and its Reception in Congress —
Proposal to annex San Domingo — Attorney-General Evarts and
the Law relating to Courts Martial — Grant's Probable Course as
President — Discussion of the Finances of the Country — Fox's
Conversation with Admiral Porter — Formal Acquisition of League

xiv CONTENTS
Island for the New Navy Yard — Bowles of the SpringfiM Repub
lican arrested at the Suit of Fisk — Relations of Grant with Pre
sident Johnson and Members of the Cabinet — Cabinet Discussion
of the Currency Question — The End of an Eventful Year . . . 472
LXV
JANUARY, 1869
The President's New Year's Reception — Grant's Failure to call on the
President — The President decides not to attend Grant's Inaugura
tion — The Naval Surgeons seeking to be made Commodores —
Death of General Rousseau — The Tenure-of-Office Repeal Bill
passes the House — Seward concludes his Fifty-sixth Treaty —
Evarts favors abandoning Confiscation Proceedings — Senatorial
Elections — The Alabama Claims Treaty discussed in Cabinet —
Fenton defeats Morgan for the Republican Senatorial Nomination
— Seward's Subserviency to Grant — Senator Grimes introduces
a Bill to reorganize the Navy  496
LXVI
FEBRUARY, 1869
Students of Georgetown College visit the President — John P, Hale as
Minister to Spain — General Schofield advocates consolidating the
War and Navy Departments — President Lincoln's Clemency to
wards the Defeated South — Did Grant and Sherman aot under In
structions from him in making the Terms of the Surrender? — Sena
tor Morrill of Vermont compliments the Administration of the Xa"vy
Department — Insurrection in Cuba — The Butler and Bingham
Factions among the Radicals — General Dix resigns as Minister to
France — Hawley urged for Grant's Cabinet — The Panama Canal
Treaty — Grant's Nepotism — Simeon Johnson and Coombs's
Claim — Johnson's Ignorance of the Duties of the Departments —
Grant's Cabinet still in Doubt — The Question of governing
Alaska — The Course to be followed by President Johnson and his
Cabinet on Inauguration Day  518
LXVII
MARCH, 1869
Discussion of the Inauguration Ceremonies — The President's Last
Reception — Good-byes at the Department — How President
Johnson and his Cabinet spent the Last Moments of the Adminis
tration — The Inaugural Ceremonies and Procession — Grant's
Cabinet — A.T, Stewart illegally nominated Secretary of the Treas
ury — Sumner's Wrath at Grant's Course in regard to his Cabinet

CONTENTS XV
— Stewart, after offering to trustee his Business, finally declines the
Secretaryship — Pressure for BoutweU as Secretary of the Treasury
— Mr, Faxon and Mr, E, T, Welles leave the Navy Department —
Hamilton Fish succeeds Washbume as Secretary of State and the
Latter is appointed Minister to France — General Rawlins made
Secretary of War — Admiral Porter, in charge of the Navy De
partment, appoints Chief Engineer King in Isherwood's Place —
Porter's Management of the Department — Debate on the Repeal
of the Tenure-of-Office Act — Grant's Scheme of reorganizing
the Navy — Moses H. Grinnell made Collector at New York —
Porter's Intrusion in the Navy Department — The Story of his
Appointment as Vice-Admiral — • Butler expresses Contempt for
Grant — Ex-President Johnson in Tennessee — Montgomery Blair
on Colonel Moore and other Associates of Johnson in Washington
— Butler outgeneraled and the Tenure-of-Office Repeal Bill com
promised  536
LXVIII
APRIL, MAY, AND JUNE, 1869
The Compromise on the Tenure-of-Office Bill passes Both Houses —
Porter as "Lord of the Admiralty" — Connecticut goes Radical in
the State Election — Possibility of War with Spain — Congress
adjourns after placing the Matter of Reconstruction in the Pre
sident's Hands — Morton's Amendment requiring the Adoption of
the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution before a State is given
Representation — Corruption not confined to one Party — A Gen
eral Sweep of Official Inciimbents — Diplomatic Appointments —
Motley goes to England, Washbume to France — The Senate re
jects the Alabama Treaty after a Speech against it by Sumner —
Regrets at leaving Washington — A Courtesy from Vice-Admiral
Porter — Reflections on relinquishing Office — The Retum to Hart
ford — CaU on Admiral Farragut in New York — The Admiral
suffering from Official Neglect — Changes in Hartford in Eight
Years — Getting settled — Grant's Unfitness for the Presidency —
Secretary Borie a Nonentity — Admiral Porter's Order to change
the Names of Men-of-War — The Alabama Question and the Brit
ish Public  568
INDEX  591

ILLUSTRATIONS

Andrew Johnson  Photogravure frontispiece
James W. Grimes  14
Gideon Welles  86
Ed"win M. Stanton  158
Ulysses S. Grant  260
William M. Evarts  308
William Pitt Fessenden  360
William Faxon  386
James R. Doolittle  402
David D. Porter  650

DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES
VOLUME III
JANUARY 1, 1867— JUNE 6, 1869

DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES
JANUARY 1, 1867 — JUNE 6, 1869
XLV
Cabinet Discussion of the Message vetoing the District of Columbia Reor
ganization Bill — The Bay of Samand. Purchase Scheme meets with
Difficulties — Congress overrides the Veto — Representative Ashley of
Ohio introduces a Resolution to impeach the President — Seward sub
mits to the Cabinet the Articles of a Proposed Treaty with Prussia —
An Amnesty Proclamation agreed upon — The President asks the
Opinions of the Cabinet Members in regard to Territorializing the
States — Senator Grimes as Chairman of the Naval Committee —
General Grant's Position on the District of Columbia Suffrage Bill — His
Lack of Political Principles — The Senatorial Fight in Pennsylvania
results in the Nomination of Cameron — Roscoe Conkling nominated in
New York — Cabinet Discussion of the Right of a Territory to organize
itself as a State — The Senatorial Elections — Conkling, Cameron, and
Trumbull — The Italian and ChiUan Missions — Motley resigns as
Minister to Austria — Seward's CaUs at the Capitol — The Cabinet
decides not to sell out the Dunderberg to the Contractor — The Swar
tara returning from Nice with Surratt — Action of the House in regard
to the Ship Idaho — The President vetoes the Colorado and Nebraska
BiUs — The Army moving to get Possession of the Indian Bureau — A
Committee from North Carolina submits a Reconstruction Proposal to
the President.
January 1, 1867, Tuesday. I neither called on the Pre
sident nor did I receive this New Year's Day. My nephew,
Robert G. Welles, was buried this p.m. Funeral at his
father's in Glastonbury.
January 4, Friday. At the Cabinet to-day the President
read his veto message on the bill reorganizing the District
of Columbia, which excluded those who had given comfort
to the Rebels but allowed negroes to vote. I was not aware
until to-day that the bill had been sent him. When I last

4 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [JAN. 4
conversed with him, about a week since, he said he had not
received it. He had, moreover, requested the Cabinet to
consider the subject, for he should wish then: "written opin
ions. I was therefore surprised, when, without ofl&cial Cab
inet consultation or opinion, he to-day brought forward his
proposed message. The document is one of length, too
much on the defensive of himself and the Supreme Court,
and does not, I think, take hold of some of the strongest
poLats for a veto.
Seward gave it his approval and made quite a random
general speech "without much point. Said he had always
advocated negro suffrage and voted for it in New York.
Here and in the States where there was a large preponder
ating negro population it was different, — if they were not
in a majority they were a large minority. That eventually
universal suffrage was to prevail, he had no doubt. AU gov
ernments were coming to it. There are to-day represent
atives in service in Egypt elected, etc., — but he approved
the message.
McCulloch approved the message because he was op
posed to giving this pri"vilege to the negro. That was the
sentiment of his State, as well as of himself, and he had
always voted in conformity to it.
Stanbery occupied much the same position. Had as a
member of the Ohio Legislature voted against negro suf
frage. Should do the same to-day if there, and beUeved
that on the naked question there were at least one hundred
thousand majority against it in that State.
Stanton took from his portfoUo a brief and carefuUy
prepared written statement, to the effect that he had
examined the bill and could perceive no constitutional
objections to any of its provisions; he therefore hoped the
President would give it his approval.
I read from some rough notes that the bill proposed to
do something more for the blacks than to raise them to an
equality with the whites, — it proposed to elevate them
above a certain class of whites of admitted mteUigence and

18671 THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BILL 5
character who, heretofore, were entitled to and had exer
cised suffrage. If suffrage is claimed for the blacks on the
ground that they are rightfully entitled to it as citizens of
the United States, then to deprive the white citizens of
that right which they now enjoyed is to inflict a punish
ment upon them and subject them to a forfeiture, and it is
proposed to do this without due form of law, — that is,
without trial and con"viction, they, by an ex post facto law,
are to be condemned. The Constitution would thus be
•violated in two of its most important provisions, deemed
essential to the preservation of liberty, and the act, if sanc
tioned, wiU stand as a precedent for any similar violation
hereafter, etc. On the other points I agreed with the
gentlemen that Congress ought to pass no such law until
the States had at least gone as far, — that the people of the
District (the white people) ought to be heard. I expected
that Stanton would have met me defiantly, but he said not
a word. Browning was opposed to the bill for the reasons stated
in the veto, and so was Randall.
After all had expressed themselves, Attorney-General
Stanbery inquired how long the veto could be delayed.
The President said until Monday. Stanbery remarked
that would not be sufficient for his purpose. He had rea
son to believe the Supreme Court would give its opinion
on the test oath question on Monday, which he thought
would embrace the point which I had raised. He had not
turned his mind to the constitutional question, but be
Ueved the objection well taken. Stanton still said nothing.
I thought, however, that he was of Stanbery's opinion.
General Grant, who was present by invitation, was very
emphatic against the biU, not because it disfranchised
Rebels, for he said he rather liked that, but he thought it
very contemptible business for Members of Congress whose
States excluded the negroes, to give them suffrage in this
District. I agreed with him, but remarked there were other and

6 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 4
stronger reasons also, which, in a difference between the
President and Congress, should not be overlooked.
McCuUoch said he doubted if it would be politic to
bring forward the constitutional objection at this time,
for the Radicals would seize hold of it and insist that we
were in sympathy with the Rebels.
Randall was also decisive against it. The message was
just right; he would add nothing nor take anything away.
I stated I had no controversy in regard to the message,
but that if there was a constitutional point against a bill
which was to be vetoed, that point ought, in my opinion,
never to be omitted.
Ten members of the Arkansas Legislature were in waiting
when the Cabinet met, and the President proposed to intro
duce them. They had been appointed a committee to "visit
Washington and ascertain the views of the Govemment.
The interview was brief. Seward requested them to dine
with him to-morrow evening and in"vited the Cabinet to
come also. I promised to call in the course of the evening,
but asked to be excused from the dinner. McCuUoch and
Stanbery concurred.
Not being satisfied that the President should omit the
constitutional point in his veto message, I caUed on him
this evening for further conversation. Stanbery was "with
him. The President produced a file of letters of Forney,
Clerk of the Senate, "written while he was paying court to
the President, strongly urging him to take the position he
has pursued, praising and complimenting him. Yet this
fellow is now attacking, abusing, and misrepresenting the
President summarily in his "two papers, both daily."
The President heard my suggestions in regard to the
constitutional objection; agreed with me; admitted, as I
urged, the importance of it and of his concurrence "with the
Court ; but did not say, nor did I ask or expect him to say,
whether he would make that point in his message. I am
inclined to think he will not. The question of expediency
raised by McCulloch and Randall, and the point not hav-

1867] SAMANA SCHEME IN DIFFICULTIES 7
ing been original with himself , as all are aware, have their
infliiehce. Yet he hesitates. This is his great infirmity.
The President has fimmess, but is greatly wanting in
prompt decision. He is unwilUng to take a step, but when
it is once taken he does not recede.
We discussed the whole subject of suffrage and civil
rights after Stanbery left, — the views of Jefferson and
others. I quoted from Jefferson and he wished to know
where he could find the passage. I could not tell him and
promised I would give it to him in the morning.
January 5, Saturday. Seward's scheme to purchase the
Bay of Samand, St. Domingo, meets with untoward dif
ficulties. His son, who is to be the negotiator, started in
the Gettysburg, which got hard aground before she had
proceeded three miles from Annapolis. The Don was then
ordered round from New York, which took on board pass
engers, etc., from the G. and proceeded to sea. The Gettys
burg got off directly after and was ordered to Hampton
Roads, Norfolk. To-day Admiral Porter telegraphed me
that the Don encountered a gale, lost her mainmast, and
had returned to Norfolk for repairs. He now wants the
Gettysburg. Directed him to take her. I am not in favor
of this purchase. It is a scheme, personal and political, on
the part of Seward. A tub thro"wn to assure Thad Stevens
and Fessenden.
Gave the President the passage quoted from Jefferson.
It is in the first volume of Jefferson's works, — his Autobi
ography, page 29. It is quoted by De TocqueviUe. I again
ad"vised that the constitutional objection should be pre
sented in his message.
Went with McCulloch to Seward's and spent an hour or
two with the Arkansas gentlemen. Told them I knew of
nothing they had to reconstruct. If Congress admitted
them to their rightful representation, in accordance with
the Constitution, all was weU with them. In regard to the
Constitutional Amendment, assured them I was opposed

8 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 5
to it as a Northern man as weU as Southern. As an Ameri
can citizen I wanted no such interpolation' in the Consti
tution. McCulloch teUs me that General Grant urged upon them
to adopt the Amendment; said the North was in favor;
that they had decided for it in the late election; that if not
adopted the Government would impose harder terms. What
nonsense! What business has Congress to impose terms
upon States? General Grant, not very enUghtened, has
been led astray, I trust un"wittingly on his part, by Stanton
and Washburne.
January 7, Monday. The veto went in to-day. But a
party vote overrode it, as was expected. The message was
courteous in terms, and the argument and reason very well,
though not as strong and exhaustive as could have been
wished; sufficiently so, however, to have satisfied aU who
are not partisans or fanatics. No cahn, considerate, and
true statesman or legislator can believe it correct to im
pose this bill upon the District against the unanimous
voice of the people. The ignorant, "vicious, stupid negroes
who have flocked hither cannot vote inteUigently ; are unfit
to be jurjrmen. The States and constituencies from which
these came would oppose it within their own jurisdictions.
I In the House of Representatives fanaticism, prompted
by partisanship, ran wUd. The reckless leaders were jubi
lant ; the timid followers were ab j ect and obedient . Ashley ^
introduced a resolution to impeach the President, or to
authorize inquiry, and by an almost strict party vote it was
adopted and referred to the Judiciary Committee under
the previous question. It "will never result, even under
party drUl, in an impeachment and conviction, but it is
disreputable and demoralizing that a packed party major
ity should so belittle the government and free institutions
as to entertain such a resolution from such a source. But
he has not done it without consulting others.
' James M. Ashley of Ohio.

1867] PROPOSED TREATY WITH PRUSSIA 9
January 8, Tuesday. Seward submitted the articles of a
proposed treaty between the United States and Prussia,
proposing an arbitrament of claims of citizens of the two
governments, which had been prepared and agreed upon
by himself and Baron Gerolt, the Prussian Minister. It
was asked, first I believe by Stanton, whether it embraced
or excluded those Prussians who were domiciled in the
Rebel region and who had sustained losses by the War.
Seward made a long talk, claiming it did not, because such
persons could not come under the law of nations. Bro"wn-
ing undertook also to say the commissioners who would be
appointed would be sensible men, and would not give such
cases consideration. I asked why not, then, insert an arti
cle excluding such. Stanton said that if a man were to
claim his house and was wUling to submit to arbitration to
decide if the title was in him, it did not follow that he (S.)
would consent to arbitrate. After a long, full, and free dis
cussion the opinion was unanimous against the treaty as
presented. Browning, perhaps, finally expressed no opinion
either way. Randall was absent. It was one of the frequent
mistaken schemes of our Secretary of State, who is not a
diplomatist, not a "wise statesman, and is always unsafe,
not"withstanding he has plausible talent.
The President brought forward the question of issuing a
proclamation for more extended amnesty; referred to Mr.
Lincoln's successive proclamations, beginning "with that of
September, 1862, and showing consistency and imiformity
of proceedings and views.
Stanton stated that he had this morning received a copy
of the act which had just passed the legislature of North
Carolina, granting amnesty and oblivion; said that all our
oflBcers and soldiers were Uable to be harassed and arrested
through the Southern States for trespass and injury;
thought it would be well there should be reciprocal am
nesty. The suggestions struck aU favorably and wiU, I
think, receive consideration and action.
Another matter the President remarked he wished to

10 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 8
bring forward, and that was, in view of what was taking
place around us, especially on the subject of dismantling
States, throwing them into a Territorial condition and an
nulling their present organization and govemment, he con
sidered it important he should know the opinions and "views
of each member of the Cabinet. If we are imited, that fact
would carry weight with it, here and before the country; if
we were not united there was weakness.
I had observed through the whole sitting that the Pre
sident was absorbed and prepared for an energetic move
ment, and from what he had said to me on Saturday, I an
ticipated what his purpose was. But he had been slow, and
procrastinated, and until he broached the subject I had not,
after previous experience, much faith that we should reach
it to-day. When he commenced, however, his coimtenance
indicated firm and fixed resolution. He was pale and calm,
but no one could mistake that he was determined in his
purpose. I doubt if any one but myself was aware of what was
passing in his mind. Perhaps McCulloch may have thought
of it, for I told him on Saturday evening of my interview.
He said he had repeatedly spoken to the President, and had
similar intimations, but he had little confidence.
Seward was evidently taken by surprise. Said he had
avoided expressing himself on these questions; did not
think it judicious to anticipate them; that storms were
never so furious as they threatened; but as the subject had
been brought up he would say that never, under any circum
stances, could he be brought to admit that a sovereign
State had been destroyed, or could be reduced to a Terri
torial condition.
McCulloch was equaUy decided that the States could not
be converted into Territories.
Browning, who sat next to him, began to express his
views, —a discourtesy which he not unfrequently commits
but I think will not again, —when Stanton intermpted him
and requested him to wait his tum.

1867] TERRITORIALIZING THE STATES 11
Stanton said he had communicated his "views to no man.
Here, in the Cabinet, he had assented to and cordially ap
proved of every step which had been taken to reorganize
the governments of the States which had rebelled, and saw
no cause to change or depart [from it. Stevens' proposition
he had not seen, and did not care to, for it was one of those
schemes which would end in noise and smoke. He had con
versed with but one Member, Mr. Sumner, and that was
one year ago, when Sumner said he disapproved of the policy
of the Administration and intended to upset it. He had
never since conversed with Sumner nor any one else. He did
not concur in Mr. Sumner's "views, nor did he think a State
would or could be remanded to a Territorial condition.
I stated my concurrence in the opinions which had been
expressed by the Secretary of War and that I held Con
gress had no power to take from a State its reserved rights
and sovereignty, or to impose terms on one State which
were not imposed on all States.
The President interrupted. He said the power to pre
scribe terms was one thing; the expediency was another. I
said I was opposed to the whole subject or theory of pre
scribing or imposing terms external to the Constitution on
sovereign States on the score of expediency as well as of
want of power. If there was no power it certainly could
not be expedient. I confessed I had not been as reserved
as the Secretary of State and Secretary of War in express
ing my opinions. When friends had approached me and
conversed on these or indisputable fimdamental questions,
I had not refrained from stating my "views, especially to
those who had consulted me. It seemed to me proper that
we should do so. I had conversed with Mr. Sumner in the
early part of last session, about the period that the Secre
tary of War had his interview, and then Sumner had
taken exception to the omission to give negro suffrage,
and for that reason, and that only, he had opposed the
President's policy of Reconstmction.
Stanbery said he was clearly and unquaUfiedly against

12 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 8
the whole talk and theory of territoriaUzing the States.
Congress could not dismantle them. It had not the
power, and on that point he would say that it was never
expedient to do or attempt to do that which we had not
the power to do.
Browning declared that no State could be cut down or
extinguished. Congress could make and admit States, but
could not destroy or extinguish them after they were
made. The resolution to impeach the President, Seward and
others treat Ughtly. My impressions are that it will not
result in a conviction, although infamous charges,infamous
testimony, and infamous proceedings wiU be produced as
easUy, honestly, and legally as Butler could get spoons in
New Orleans; but, the preliminary step ha"ving been taken,
backed by strong party vote, the Radicals are committed.
Ashley, who introduced the resolution, is a calculating fan
atic, weak, designing, fond of notoriety, not of very high-
toned moral calibre. I do not think, however, that he is,
as some suppose, a tool of others entirely, — certainly not
an unwilling tool. He seeks the notoriety and notice, and
hounds like Boutwell and Williams of Pittsburg edge him
on. Colfax, though feeble-minded, is Speaker, seeks to be
foremost, and has been an ad"viser "with Ashley and pion
eered the way for him to introduce the resolution. Stevens,
much shrewder and abler than either, keeps in the back
ground, though the chief conspirator.
It is a necessity for the Radicals to get rid of the Pre
sident. Unless they do, they cannot carry out their plans
of dwarfing the States under the torture of Reconstruction
with the judiciary opposed to their revolutionary schemes.
At present the Senate is not prepared to con"vict, even if
the conspiracy to impeach should pass the House. But
there is not much reliance on the present Senate. The hon
est instincts of a majority are against the whole scheme,
but a considerable portion of them are without moral cour
age or high integrity. Perhaps they may herd together and

1867] AN INTRIGUE OF SENATOR GRIMES 13
hold out; but, individuaUy, very few of them can stand up
against the dictates of party.
January 9, Wednesday. Mr. Eames was yesterday
touched with a sUght fit of apoplexy when arguing the case
of the Grey Jacket in the Supreme Court. Called upon
him this evening and found him better than I apprehended.
Sent in repUes, one to the Senate and one to the House,
through the President. The first called for detailed orders
issued to officers, mechanics, laborers, etc., in all the na"vy
yards and all correspondence at the Norfolk Yard. The
response to this call embraced probably two thousand
pages. Most of it mere routine orders, and the whole call is
an abuse and valueless. The object was to get at a certain
communication from the Radicals at Norfolk, who, while
employed at the navy yard, had been active partisans, —
had attended, whilst receiving pay from the Government,
the sectional Southern delegation at Philadelphia, been
displaced or suspended by Admiral Rowan, and his action
had been confirmed by the Department. Clements, one of
the dismissed men, had been employed here on the Capitol
for two or three years, had formed partisan acquaintance
with Radical Members of Congress, and believed he could
compel the Department to reinstate him. Senator Grimes,
to whom he appealed and from whom I have reason to be
Ueve he had assurances of support, did not like to appear
in the matter, and he therefore induced Senator Hender
son of Missouri to offer the resolution. Admiral Smith,
who was a good deal disgusted with the unnecessary parti
san call, knowing some of the facts, charged Grimes with
ha"ving instigated the movement. Grimes, who is jealous,
suspicious, and intensely sectional in party matters, but
proud and ambitious, was enraged to leam that his intrigue
was known to and understood by the Department. Under
high impulse, immediately on getting to the Senate, he
introduced a resolution for discontinuing the Norfolk Yard
and putting it in charge of the Commandant of Marines.

14 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 9
This was to get rid of Rowan, whose course I approved. It
was a pitiful exhibition of spite, maUce, and e"vU passion,
of which I have no doubt he will in due time be ashamed;
but it shows the course of action, personal and party
motives, and narrow and vindictive malevolence of one of
the ablest of the Radical leaders. Strange that a man and
Senator of his good sense should so give way to party!
Senator Grimes is ambitious, dissatisfied, always sus
picious, and at times ungenerous. He is intelUgent, has
moral courage, but is not always bold to act. Beyond any
other one man he is responsible for the present calamitous
condition of affairs. Sumner and Stevens are open and un
disguised in their hostility and "without aid from Grimes
they could accomplish little. Yet Grimes does not respect
them or their motives and to me invariably condemns
them. He knows his own abUity and is vexed that Johnson,
an old associate Senator but not a Radical, is in a higher
position than himself. Fessenden and he act in concert,
and Wilson of Iowa is stimulated, counseled, and controUed
by him.
The course of the Radicals has received its direction more
from Grimes than almost any other man, and yet others,
for whom he has not high regard, instead of himself have
the odium and the honor also of friends or opponents of the
measure. This irritates and vexes him, but he would get
angry with any one who should openly teU him the truth
and give him his right position.
I regret that Admiral Smith should have informed him
of what we know of his movements. I have hitherto got
along very well with Grimes, for he has flattered himself
that I was not aware of his operations and intrigues, be
cause I have not put myself in his way. As chairman of the
Naval Committee, with such a Congress as we now have,
with such a chairman as J. P. Hale through the War, there
has been no alternative but to submit in a degree to the
disposition of measures which he might propose. By yield
ing to his suggestions I was sometimes able to modify his

.JAMES ^Y. GKIMES

1867] GRANT ON THE DISTRICT BILL 15
opinions when we counseled together, if he was not pubUcly
committed. January 10, Thursday. The New York Times correspond
ent states, tolerably correctly, the position of General
Grant on the suffrage bUl of the District of Columbia. He
condenmed the Members of Congress for imposing negro
suffrage on this District until their States had adopted the
principle. The worst thing in the bill, he said, was that
which violated the Constitution. Punishing Rebels by an
ex post facto law was right; condemning them "without trial
he did not object to. Yet General Grant will very likely
be the next President of the United States. I do not think
he intends to disregard the Constitution, but he has no rever
ence for it, — he has no poUtical principles, no intelUgent
ideas of constitutional government, and it is a day when
the organic law seems to be treated as of less binding
authority than a mere resolution of Congress.
Dined this evening with the President, the Cabinet, and
their families. General Grant and the Tennessee delegation
and their wives being present. Mrs. Taylor, wife of the
Member from the Eastern District of Tennessee, says she
buried her dresses to keep them from the Rebels, and the
one she wore this evening she o"wned before the War and
had buried it for over four years. Occasionally she un
earthed her clothing, evenings, to air and preserve it. Col
onel Hawkins said aU his wife's dresses, save what she wore
at the time, had been stolen from her, and what the Rebels
could not carry away they had torn up and destroyed. Mrs.
Taylor said she carried arms and was at all times "ready
with her shooter." The people of Tennessee, particularly
those of East Tennessee, were great sufferers during the
Civil War.
January 11, Friday. Senatorial nominations were made
last evening in several of the States. That in Pennsylvania,
in place of Cowan, excites most interest. The competing

16 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. ii
Radical candidates were Thad Stevens, Cameron, Govern
or Curtin, Forney, and Judge Kelley. The two latter with
drew some weeks since, and their combined strength was
concentrated on Stevens. The Radical press in that State
and throughout the country generally also favored him.
Governor Curtin, however, had a distinctive and active
newspaper and party support. Stevens, "with some parade
and an announcement of the fact on the floor of Congress,
left his seat in the House and repaired to Harrisburg to
superintend his own election. Forney left the Clerk's desk
to aid him. Both Stevens and Curtin addressed a caucus
of the Members.
A single ballot was taken, at which Cameron was nomin
ated, getting 46 votes, Curtin 23, and the combined forces
of Stevens, Forney, and Kelley but 7, — a few scattering.
Forney last week made a violent attack on Cameron in his
paper, the Philadelphia Press. The result surprises all,
more in the fact that Stevens was so feebly supported than
that Cameron succeeded. While I have not a high estimate
of Cameron in many respects, I think him greatly prefer
able to either of his competitors. No worse man than
Stevens could be elected. Curtin is Umber, deceptive, and
unreliable. Cameron is not great but adroit; his instincts
are usually right, but he will sacrifice the right for selfish
purposes. He is, however, equal to an average of the
Senate. Is a politician of the second class.
In New York, Conkling is nominated to succeed Judge
Harris, who has been sly and manoeuvring and has de
feated himself. Conkling is vain, has abiUty "nith touches
of spread-eagle eloquence, and a good deal of impetuous
ardor. He may improve and he may not. At present he is
an intense Radical. If he has real sense he will get the bet
ter of it with experience. Conkling and Horatio Seymour
are brothers-in-law, and either is a fair offset to the other.
Both are ambitious and intense partisan politicians, but
of opposing parties.
Little of interest at the Cabinet to-day. In a conversa-

1867] A SELF-PERPETUATING CONGRESS 17
tion with McCulloch he did not conceal that he was dis
couraged. The condition of the country is indeed deplor
able, — that, I said, should make us the more resolute.
But the great majority of the Radicals who are making war
on his financial policy and striving to embarrass him, he
says correctly, makes it a hard struggle. That the Presi
dent is so slow in coming to a decision he feels to be a weak
ness in administration. The South is becoming rapidly de
moraUzed. I expressed myself gratified that the President
had, the other day, got Stanton unequivocally committed
for the poUcy of the Administration and against the theory
of territorializing the States. McCulloch says that Stanton,
whenever it becomes an object, will deny this, or modify
and change his "views to suit his purposes; that S. is false
and treacherous, and, he believes, a steady spy upon all of
us. I apprehend there is much in McCuUoch's suspicions.
Although the President has committed no act that can
subject him to impeachment, and is in many respects one
of the best and most single-minded Executives we have ever
had, I have little doubt that the Radical leaders intend to
try to get rid of him. This they feel to be essential to con
summate their usurping schemes. There is a conspiracy
maturing. How can they reduce the States to the condi
tion of corporations, territorialize them, deprive them of
their original, reserved, and guaranteed constitutional
rights, "without the aid of the Judiciary? How can they get
control of the Court except by enlarging its numbers? If
the number is to be increased, how can they get Radicals,
except by displacing Johnson and getting Wade or one Uke
him in his place?
January 12, Saturday. A law has passed the two houses
convening the next Congress on the 4th of March. We
have passed through the pressure and difficulties of the War
"without any such necessity, but Radicalism, which is striv
ing to exclude certain States from participating in the gov
emment and to consolidate aU power in Congress, like the
3

18 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 12
Rump Parliament, desires a perpetual session to override
the Executive. We are Uving in a revolutionary period, and
the character of the govemment is undergoing a strain
which may transform it into a different character.
Erastus Corning writes me, eamestly, pressing that Cap
tain De Camp may be made a commodore, and sends me
the copy of a letter from Vice-Admiral Porter, stating that
he ought to have that rank, that he (Porter) voted for him
in the Board of Admirals and was disappointed he had not
received it. This statement, if genuine, is a breach of con
fidence and of regulations; is unjust and unfair towards his
associates; for the Board did not recommend De Camp; is,
moreover, grossly wrong to the Department, and in every
way unworthy of Vice-Admiral Porter.
De Camp is one of Porter's pets, — a triffing, disap
pointed, lazy officer, but popular good feUow with his
cronies; ought to have been long since on the retired Ust
and would have been but for some imderhand intrigue.
January 14, Monday. It is given out that Senator
Grimes intends making an assault on the Na"vy Depart
ment, or, in other words, an attack on the Secretary for
dismissing Radicals from the Norfolk Na'vy Yard. His "viru
lent and sectional hate, which has warped his better sense
and led him to secretly push on others, compels him to now
come forward, he being chairman of the Naval Committee,
and show himself when one of his troop is removed. The
man for whom he is interested went to Philadelphia to
attend a sectional party convention; the money to pay
his expenses was raised, or a part of it, in the Na"vy Yard,
against regulations. Admiral Rowan suspended him, and
I confirmed it, but being an intense Radical, Grimes would
shield and sustain him.
January 15, Tuesday. The President submitted three
bills, — one relating to suffrage in the Territories, one to the
meeting of Congress on the 4th of March, and one cover-

1867] THE RIGHTS OF TERRITORIES 19
ing the repeal of a clause in the amnesty law. This last was
considered as of no moment, — it neither enlarged nor dim
inished the authority of the President. The second, al
though a mere party scheme, unwise and uncalled-for and
of mischievous intent, was not such a biU as the President,
under the circumstances, could very well veto. I suggested
that no necessity for such an early session had existed dur
ing the War and there was certainly none at this time.
On the first proposition, or bill, there was considerable
debate. Browning insisted it was operative no longer than
the people of a Territory formed their constitution. I asked,
if, in framing this constitution, they changed the principle
and excluded the negroes, whether the application for
admission into the Union would not be confronted with this
law, and admission denied them because they disregard it.
He thought not, because the people of the Territory would
decide this matter for themselves. Stanton came to Brown
ing's assistance and said the constitution of a Territory or
State was no law until Congress had sanctioned it. I dis
sented from this doctrine. The people in their sovereign
capacity framed their local organic law, and if they had the
sovereign abiUty as well as the sovereign power, they
might maintain their position. The Federal Government
would refuse to admit such State into the Union, but if
their constitution did not conflict with the Federal Consti
tution, they might, if sufficiently powerful, remain a State
without the Union. Such a conflict was not probable, but
should not be invited. The President did not commit him
self, but was evidently not in accord with Bro"wning.
The tone and language of the press and of considerate
men are against the impeachment project; but the Radical
leaders have a purpose to accomplish and intend to press
the subject. Not to do so, after what they have said and
done, would check the conspiracy and be a defeat that
would in all probability injure them as a party. Whether
it will not injure them more to proceed and fail, they do
not pause to consider. They are vindictive and restless,

20 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 15
regardless of right, and constitutional restraint and ob
Ugations. Thus far they have been successful in exercising
arbitrary and unauthorized power, and they wUl not hesi
tate in the future, as in the past, to usurp authority, — to
try without cause and to condemn without proof. Nor
will they scruple to manufacture evidence if wanted.
There is nothing judicial or fair in this proceeding. It is
sheer partisanism with most of them, a deliberate conspir
acy with the few. The subject was taken up in caucus. A
farce was then gone through with. A committee is sitting
in secret, — a foul conspiracy, — trying to hunt up charges
and e'vidence against as pure, as honest, as patriotic a chief
magistrate as we have ever had. It is for his integrity they
conspire against him.
I see by the papers this evening that the Radical legis
latures of one or two States are taking the matter in hand,
and urging impeachment without any facts, or fault, or
specified crime, as a mere party measure, but it is all in
character, — a conspiracy against the Constitution and
the President for adhering to it.
January 16, Wednesday. An election of Senators took
place in several States yesterday. Conkling was chosen in
place of Judge Harris in New York. The Judge has been a
cunning manager, as he thought; has, against his 0"wn con
victions, gone with the Radicals and received his just re
ward. Conkling is vigorous and vain, full of spread-eagle
eloquence and Radical violence. Time may temper his zeal
and conduct, but this can hardly be expected under this
recent success.
In Pennsylvania, Simon Cameron was elected in place
of Cowan. The latter is a good lawyer and fair and weU-
meaning legislator. A man of talent and right instincts, a
safe Senator, but not a politician or statesman of the first
class. Until his election as Senator he had confined his
studies to the law.
Cameron is an adroit and bold party operator. He does

1867] THE SENATORIAL ELECTIONS 21
not attempt to deny that he uses money, party influence,
legislative abuses, and legislative grants to secure an elec
tion. In carrying his points, he is unscrupulous and cun
ningly audacious. His party tools he never forgets, so long
as they are faithful in his cause and interest, and he freely
gives his time, labor, and money to assist them. He is ac
curate and sharp, but has no enlarged view or grasp of
mind; is supple as well as subtle and resorts to means which
good men would shun. Against him were combined Thad
Stevens, a man of as little principle as, but vastly niore
genius than, Cameron, and Forney, and Kelley, who sup
port. Stevens. The entire strength of this formidable com
bination commanded seven votes in the legislative Repub
lican caucus. I have not thought Kelley corrupt, though a
flaming and intense poUtician, but Stevens and Forney are
infinitely worse than Cameron. Stevens has higher culture,
more genius, learning, and education than Cameron, but
less party tact and sagacity. He would sacrifice a prin
ciple, a constitutional question, for a joke, yet by his sar
castic power and the necessity of using him he is extolled
in Forney's Chronicle and Press as the "Great Commoner"
and controls the legislation of the country.
Trumbull was reelected in Illinois after something of a
struggle in the Radical Party. Trumbull has abiUty and
culture, but is querulous, captious, and freaky. He has
changed his principles within a year.
I had a long conversation with the President to-day and
warned him that the leaders intended, if possible, to press
impeachment, and inquired whether he had marked out the
line of policy he should pursue; told him I thought it
should be understood by the friends he could trust and that
it should be bold and decided.
January 17, Thursday. In the Senate, Henderson of Mis
souri made his attack on me. It was based on a letter of
mine to Rear-Admiral Rowan in command of the Norfolk
Navy Yard, in which I informed him that the Department

22 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.17
gave no encouragement to disunionists, whether secession
ists or exclusionists. Henderson had neither the manliness
nor the fairness to give the whole letter, but he may make
the most of the extract which he tears from the body of the
letter. The sentiments expressed I have always avowed,
and the doctrine I shall maintain so long as I Uve and there
is a Union. As to the employment of workmen, I have left
that to the officers of the yards. Before the suppression of
the RebelUon none who were Secessionists were employed
if their views were known. Many poor men who lived in
Norfolk and Portsmouth had worked to support their fam
Uies and been pressed into the Rebel service, though neu
tral Unionists. Appeals in behalf of these poor men were
made to me by the best Union men in Virginia, and it was
on their appeal that the letter was "written.
There was a pleasant reception this evening at the Pre
sident's, which was very generally attended, except by the
more vindictive partisans in Congress who are conspiring
against him. I was glad to "witness it, for the President is
vilely slandered and greatly misunderstood by many.
January 18, Friday. A fire early this morning consumed
the greater part of the conservatory buUding and destroyed
most of the plants at the Executive Mansion.
At the Cabinet-meeting the President submitted bills
which had passed Congress for admitting Colorado and
Nebraska with certain fundamental conditions as to the
qualification of voters. All the Cabinet, except Stanton,
were opposed to them, not only because they had not suf
ficient population, but because of the constitutional ob
jection against the fundamental proposition. The want of
statesmanship and of intelligence with the demagogism
exhibited in these bills is lamentable. The population of
the Territories is not sufficient for one Congressional Dis
trict, yet it is proposed to give them two Representatives
and four Senators in Congress. While they are doing this
for the sparsely peopled Territories on the frontier, the

18671 A FRAUDULENT CONTRACTOR 23
same Members of Congress refuse to permit Georgia, with
a mUUon population, to have her constitutional right of
representation; and so of other States.
A long discussion took place on the case of C  , a fraud
ulent contractor now in the penitentiary, having been con
fined nearly three years. The Attorney-General and the
Secretary of War argued the case, the former for his release
and the latter opposed. Ithink from the representation C. is
a great rascal and so stated, but if he would pay the judg
ment I would leave the matter of clemency to the Pre
sident, — merely as an act of clemency to an old man who
had already been severely punished. The example had done
its work, — the War is over. I would not be vindictive.
Seward and McCulloch were for clemency; Browning and
RandaU, with Stanton, opposed. Stanton was ferociously
vindictive; was for holding the prisoner the whole period,
etc. A letter to General Dix on Mexican matters, with docu
ments, was submitted by Seward, and one on Indian dif
ficulties by Browning.
I rode with Stanton back to Department. He said he
wished this matter of vetoes might be over. I said it was
unavoidable whilst Congress passed unconstitutional laws.
Told him that in my opinion there must be equality of
rights among the States, or we should have an unequal
union or no union. He said he had no doubt on that sub
ject as regarded the ten States, but he was not so clear
on the question with Territories. I remarked that while
Territories they might be govemed, but that when they
became States they were endowed with the same political
rights as the other States. He repUed that he had not given
that question so much consideration as he desired, and for
that reason had waived any expression of opinion on that
point until he had examined the subject.
Sumner has been making a violent denunciatory speech
against the President, which he "will be ashamed of if he
Uves many years. It would hardly be excusable in a party

24 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 18
gathering if made by a demagogue filled with whiskey, and
is wholly unworthy of one of the pretensions of Sumner.
Loon of Missouri has delivered himself of a counterpart in
the House. Colfax, the Speaker, with his heartless, ever
lasting smile and slender abihties, decided Loon to be in
order, and the House, of course, sustained the little dema
gogue. A more selfish and aspiring feUow is not to be
found in either house, or one more unscrupulous, though
always skulking from frank and open responsibiUty.
January 19, Saturday. The mails from the North are
detained by a great snow-fall, which the high wind has
drifted in places to the height of twenty feet.
I saw it stated a few days since that Senator Foster was
to have the ItaUan Mission, and asked the President if such
was the fact. He said it was the first time the subject had
been mentioned to him and proceeded to say that some
hasty and inconsiderate appointments had been made.
The Chilian Mission he particularized as one of that char
acter. I remarked that I was glad he had spoken of that,
for it always appeared to me to be one of those unfortunate
New York movements which were harmful. General KU-
patrick had that place given him by Seward at the instiga
tion of Thurlow Weed, more to spite General Slocum, a
true friend of the Administration, than to reward K.
Motley has tendered his resignation in a pet. One of
Seward's spies had reported, it seems, that some of our
foreign ministers and consuls were free in their censures of
the President. Without going to the parties impUcated,
Seward appears to have forwarded extracts to all. Motley
has evidently spoken freely and improperly and felt him
self cornered, and, after a petulant letter, tendered his re
signation. The President, instanter, as Seward closed read
ing the document, ordered the acceptance, without remark
or word from any one.
Perry, consul at Tunis, sends his resignation under
similar circumstances.

1867] DELIRIUM AMONG THE RADICALS 25
Seward stated yesterday that E. Jay Morris, our Min
ister at Constantinople, was at variance with Brown,
Secretary of Legation, and called the attention of Attomey-
General Stanbery to the subject, who, it seems, is an old
friend of Brown. He (Stanbery) thought there should be
no hasty action against B., who is a competent man, long a
resident at Constantinople, had been the efficient man with
aU our ministers for years. Seward, with a manner not
very unusual, but which is very offensive, said he had but
one course to pursue m cases of this kind, and that was
they must settle their difficulties or both quit. This was
about what he had done with Hale and Perry at Madrid
and had brought them to their senses very soon.
I remarked that I did not approve of the policy of put
ting the good and the bad on the same level; that one or
the other of the parties in each of them, and in most other
controversies, was chiefly in fault, and from my knowledge
of the principals I should believe they were culpable; that
Hale was notoriously unfit for his position.
The occurrences of the week have not improved the
prospect of affairs. There is a wild delirium among the
Radical Members of Congress which is no more to be com
mended and approved than the Secession mania of 1860.
In fact it exhibits less wisdom and judgment, or regard for
the Constitution, whilst it has all the recklessness of the
Secession faction. Bythe exclusion of ten States a partisan
majority in Congress, under the machinery of secret cau
cuses controlled by an irresponsible directory, has posses
sion of the Government and is hurrying it to destruction,
breaking down State barriers and other departments be
sides the legislature. Whether some of the better-disposed
but less conspicuous men among the Radicals will make a
stand is uncertain. As yet they have exhibited no independ
ence, or political or moral firmness.
In the mean time the President, conscious of his right
intentions and from habit, holds stUl and firm. Seward,
relying on expedients, is dancing round Stevens, Sumner,

26 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 19
Boutwell, Banks, and others. Runs to the Capitol and seats
himself by Stevens in the House and by Sumner in the Sen
ate. This makes comment in the galleries, and paragraphs
in the newspapers, and, Seward thinks, "wiU, through their
leaders, conciliate the Senators and Representatives to
wards himself, if not towards the President.
Sumner is easily and always flattered by attentions and
notice, though he will not relinquish what he esteems his
great mission of taking care of the negroes and subordin
ating and putting do"wn the Southern whites. Seward is
wiUing the negroes should have all Sumner would give
them, for he sets no high estimate on suffrage and citizen
ship. Stevens has none of the sincere, fanatical fervor of Sum
ner, nor much regard for the popular element, or for pubUc
opinion, but, having got power, he would exercise it arbi
trarily and despotically towards aU who differ "with him.
He has no professed respect for Seward, but feels compU
mented that the Secretary of State should come into the
House of Representatives and sit do"wn by and court the
" Great Commoner." It is an observance that gratifies his
self-esteem, a homage that soothes his arrogance.
Stanton continues to occupy an intermediate position on
some important questions, differing "with the President but
almost obsequiously deferring to him. McCulloch says he
is treacherous and a spy. He does not, however, I think,
make regular report to any one. The Radicals receive his
subtle advice and promptings and give him their support.
The President understands him, but still consults him as
fuUy as any member of the Cabinet. Seward and Stanton
continue to cooperate together. Seward, I think, has
doubts of Stanton's "divinity," yet, in view of his Radical
associates, considers him more than ever a power and im
presses the President with that fact.
Gradually the Radical Members are pressing on impeach
ment. Under the lead of the New York Herald and Forney's
Chronicle, the Radical presses are getting into the move-

1867] THE CASE OF THE DUNDERBERG 27
ment. Yet the exclusionists, or centralists, have doubts if
they can succeed, though earnestly striving to that end.
Violent partisanship but no statesmanship, no enlarged or
comprehensive "views, are developed in either house.
The States which were in rebellion are each organized
and in full operation as before the Rebellion, but Congress
did not do this nor have any part in it. The people them
selves in the respective States did it, and the lesser lights
in Congress are told that they must assist in undoing the
work which has been well and rightly done by the people
interested, and compel the States to go through the process
of disorganizing in order to organize.
The President remains passive and firm, but with no de
clared poUcy if the Radicals pursue their design to impeach
and suspend him during trial. He said to me one day what
he would do in a certain contingency, but it was rather
thinking aloud what he might do than declaring a policy.
What General Grant and certain others might do, were
Congress to proceed to extremities, neither the President
nor any of his true friends are aware. I doubt if Grant him
self knows. The Radicals, who distrust him, are neverthe
less courting him assiduously.
January 23, Wednesday. The question of reUnquishing
the contract for the Dunderberg was to-day before the
Cabinet. Seward brought it forward by request of Webb,
the builder, who finds he has a losing bargain with the
Na-vy Department and wishes to sell the vessel, he says,
to Colombia. To this Seward states there is no objection,
or "violation of neutrality. If this is the case, the Secretary
of State has nothing to do with the matter, though Seward
introduced it with pomp and reference to the Attorney-
General and myself.
I stated that I had on two or three occasions presented
this subject to the President and Cabinet by request of
Mr. Webb, who has proposed in various ways to repay the
Govemment for all advances and take the vessel into his

28 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 23
possession, "with a view of reimbursing himself by dispos
ing of her to some other government. No arrangement has
ever been agreed upon, for he has wanted credit imtU he
disposed of the vessel. But after ad"visement "with our
naval constructors, I would not object to recei"ving back
our money and permitting Webb to take her. It is repre
sented to me by our constructors and experts that there is
much green timber and that there are other defects. I doubt
if he can effect a sale, but would release him on retum of
the money which had been advanced.
Stanton objected to gi"ving up the vessel. Was apprehen
sive that England or France would get her. One million
and a quarter dollars was nothing, in his estimation, even
if she had green timber and rotted down in half a dozen
years. McCulloch thought best to keep the vessel, and
Browning concurred. The President thought best to post
pone the subject to Friday.
January 25, Friday. The subject of the sale of the Dun
derberg, or the relinquishing of the vessel to the contractor,
was considered. Mr. Webb had proposed to me to take her
and refimd to the Government the amount which had been
paid, or, if that was not done, he desired that there should
be a committee appointed to say what should be paid him
on his losing contract. He called on me yesterday to con
verse on the subject. I advised him to put his views or
propositions in writing, which led to the letter as above.
As the contract with the Government stipulated the price,
neither I nor the Administration could vary the contract,
or authorize a committee to do so.
Stanton and McCulloch were very earnest and decided
against selling, though each declared himself ready to defer
to my opinion, which I had freely stated; but I requested
that the subject should be disposed of by the Government
in Cabinet. We could build a better vessel than this, but
it would require time. Over three years have been given to
the Dunderberg.

1867] SURRATT ON HIS WAY TO AMERICA 29
It was concluded not to sell, and I so informed Webb.
Letters from Admiral Goldsborough inform the Depart
ment that the Swatara left Nice on the 8th of January with
Surratt on board. She may arrive at any time, but cannot
reach Washington at present, the Potomac being closed by
ice for forty miles below. Baltimore and Annapolis Harbors
are also closed. It is urged by Seward and Stanton that the
Swatara remain at Hampton Roads with Surratt on board
until further orders or till the ice disappears from the river.
The House of Representatives has passed an act direct
ing the Secretary of the Navy to receive the Idaho at
$550,000. We have offered her to Forbes, the contractor,
for $275,000. We could not get for her $150,000. Forbes
sought this contract ; said he could make a better and faster
vessel than any in the Na"vy and in less time; guaranteed
fifteen-knot speed; was to have delivered the vessel in about
a year; was to have but $300,000 until completed. The
vessel was not completed to time, cannot make over eight
or ten knots; Congress long ago ordered $250,000 to be
paid in addition to the $300,000 which had been paid. The
whole is a failure, and Congress now steps in to relieve
the contractor from the liabilities of his folly, error, and
imprudence. January 26, Saturday. Congress does not make much
progress in the schemes of Reconstruction and impeach
ment. The Radical portion of the Republicans are as keen
as ever and will continue to be so, especially on impeach
ment, but the considerate hesitate. It is a party scheme
for party purposes, not for any criminal or wrong act of the
President. On Reconstruction, as it is called, there are differences
and doubts and darkness. None of the Radicals have any
clear conception or perception of what they want, except
power and place. No well-defined policy has been indicated
by any of them. Stevens wants a stronger govemment
than the old Union.

30 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 26
Violence of language has broken out two or three times
during the week. The Speaker, whUst ready to check the
Democrats, permits the Radicals to go to extreme length.
The President is denounced and vilified in the worst and
most vulgar terms without any restraint or intimation of
impropriety from the presiding officer, yet Mr. Colfax
wishes to be popular. His personal aspirations warp his
judgment, which is infirm, and, like most persons, in striv
ing to reach a position for which he is unfitted he fails.
Those who may be pleased for the moment "with his parti
san leanings wiU not confide in him beyond the moment.
January 28, Monday. The President sent in his veto on
the Colorado Bill to-day, gi-ving cogent and sufficient rea
sons why that Territory should not "with the present popu
lation be admitted as a State. A veto on the admission of
Nebraska will go in to-morrow. Both these vetoes have
been looked for.
January 29, Tuesday. The Army desires to get posses
sion of the Indian Bureau, and the Interior Department is
not disposed to relinquish it. Stanton professes to care
nothing about it, and thrusts forward Grant and other
military men as the movers. I can perceive that they
have in him a prompter and "wUling coadjutor. As the Rad
icals are in sympathy with Stanton and not with Brown
ing, the question "will be likely to go "with the War rather
than the Interior Department, whatever may be the
merits involved.
It is a great mistake to change good Indian agents, if
any there are. Political party adventurers and speculators,
without conscience or principles, seek these positions to
enrich and elevate themselves at the expense of the poor
Indians. The old, single-hearted agents studied the char
acter of the Indian, studied his habits, and interested
themselves in his welfare. Military men are to a great ex
tent natural enemies of the Indian, and if intimacy brings

1867] THE ARMY AND THE INDIANS 31
them into friendly relations, it can last only for a brief
period, when they and their commands are ordered away
to other duty. They are sojourners, not residents, and do
not, like old and faithful agents, become identified with
any Indian policy.
January 31, Thursday. The President sent for me this
P.M. to call if convenient and when I could spare the time.
When I met him, he inquired as to the arrival of the
Swatara and Surratt and when they might be expected.
I replied at any time, yet they might not reach Hampton
Roads for ten days. At present the boat could not ap
proach Washington on account of the ice, and she would
necessarily be detained till it disappeared.
The President remarked that no good could result from
any communication "with Surratt, and that the more reck
less Radicals, if they could have access to him, would be
ready to tamper with and suborn him. The man's life was
at stake, he was desperate and resentful. Such a person
and in such a condition might, if approached, make almost
any statement. He, therefore, thought he should not be
allowed to communicate with others, nor should unauthor
ized persons be permitted to see him. In these views
and suggestions I coincided, and told the President what
Admiral Goldsborough had communicated and that the
orders were stringent.
Passing from this subject, the President alluded to the
condition of the country and the importance of bring
ing about an early reestabUshment of the Union. The
Constitutional Amendment, which had been the policy of
Congress, so far as they had a policy, was a failure, and
something was now requisite to be done. He asked
what I thought of a proposition from one or more of the
excluded States for a compromise, — how would it be
received? I replied that would depend, of course, on the character
of the proposition; but that I knew of nothing which was

32 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 31
required of those States but submission to the Constitu
tion, and that they had made. Indi"viduals were amenable
to the laws which they had violated, but I knew of nothing
which the States were to do as States, beyond acquiescence,
which they had already done.
The President assented, but asked whether, in the ex
cited condition of the country and the party feeling which
prevailed, it would not be well to take some steps which
might be considered a compromise. Let the Rebel States
themselves make a tender. Some Constitutional Amend
ment might be proposed which might be satisfactory and
could, perhaps, unite all. In order to more clearly indicate
his object, he wished to submit to me a paper which he
had. This he brought from the library, and, sitting do"wn
together, he requested me to read it aloud.
It was a series of resolutions which the State of North
CaroUna proposed to adopt, and a committee, he said, was
waiting to get from him an expression in regard to them.
It was for this purpose he had sent for and desired to con
sult with me. The document had been prepared "with some
care, and there were interUneations in red ink which had
been made. I do not mention the details of this paper be
cause the President said, after ha"ving my brief criticisms,
"To-morrow is Cabinet day, and likely the subject had
then better be discussed. Moreover, if adopted, they wiU
hereafter be published, altered and changed, perhaps, in
some features or detaUs."
In one or two suggestions made by me, one seemed to
strike the President "with force. A proposed Constitutional
Amendment declared in effect that no State should retire
from the Union and that the Union should be perpetuated.
I proposed to amend by saying that no State should volun
tarily withdraw or be excluded from the Union, or deprived
of its constitutional right of representation, but that the
Union should be perpetual. This was the idea; as regards
the phraseology I was indifferent; but it seems to me, after
past and present experience, and with the centralizing

1867] PROPOSAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA 33
schemes and intrigues now upon us, that the organic law
should not only be against the voluntary withdrawal of a
State, but against its exclusion by the arbitrary desire of
any accidental party maj ority in Congress. As the Radicals
act from no fixed principles, but from party impulse and
greed of power, they will object.

XLVI
The Circumstances attending Motley's Resignation discussed m Cabinet —
The North Carolina Plan published in the Richmond Papers — The
Matter of the R. R. Cuyler, bought by the Colombian Government and
seized by the United States — FaUure of the Samani Negotiations —
Thaddeus Stevens's Proposal to establish Military Governments in the
Southern States opposed in the House — Banks leads the Opposition —
Stanton's Sensational Report on the Enforcement of the Civil Rights
Act — Plain Talk with the President about Stanton — Stevens's BiU
passes the House — Sherman's Substitute adopted in the Senate —
The House makes Further Amendments — Impeachment discussed in
the Cabinet — The Tenure-of-Office BUl condemned in the Cabinet.
February 1, Friday. The President did not bring forward
the document which he submitted to me yesterday, nor
make any allusion to it. A number of gentlemen from the
South, committeemen from their respective States, are
here, or have been recently, many of whom have caUed on
me, and each has had something to say on the unhappy
condition of affairs. The Radical leaders look upon them
and all the Southem people not as feUow countrymen, but
treat them as though they had no rights and as if they did
not intend they should be considered as equals, or as citi
zens who have, or are entitled to, a voice in the Govem
ment. Seward spoke of the caU which had been made or was
being made on him for the letters and author of the accusa
tions against Mr. Motley and others. He was, as usual
when in difficulty and especially conscious that he may
have made a mistake, very talkative, almost garrulous.
The letters which passed between Seward and Motley, end
ing with the resignation of the latter, have been pubUshed,
and very generally the Secretary of State has been cen
sured and severely condemned. Men and papers of all
parties are against him. Although his method and maimer

1867] MOTLEY'S RESIGNATION 35
might have been different, I do not think this the most
objectionable act which he has committed. His informant,
who, he says, is an American gentleman traveling in Eu
rope, told him that some of our representatives abroad are
denouncing the Administration, particularly the President,
and expressing views that are un-American and offensive.
To have taken no notice of such a communication, coming
from a person of position and character, would have been
reprehensible, yet such it is generally claimed by his
opponents would have been his proper course.
Senator Sumner, who has been conspicuous in this mat
ter, is indignant that an obscure person, as he assumes this
informant to be, should have received a moment's atten
tion when making statements affecting Minister Motley,
the historian. But if less notorious than Motley, he may be
as inteUigent, patriotic, and worthy, and entitled to as
much consideration as the official who, in a foreign land,
slanders the Govemment. "A cat may look upon a king,"
and a patriotic American citizen can hear and disapprove
and make known the objectionable and offensive utter
ances of one of his countrymen who is officially clothed and
recognized as a representative.
Mr. Motley denies a portion of the letters, and that part
of it, if Mr. M. is one of the offenders alluded to, consti
tutes a question of veracity between the informant and the
Minister. As Mr. M. disavows the opinions, he should
have the privilege and right of relieving himself. If, how
ever, he has been censorious or offensive, or careless in his
language and utterances, why should not the fact be com
municated? He speaks of his right to express his opinions
within his own walls. Such would be the case undoubtedly
were he a private citizen ; but a public man with stranger
guests, the representative of his Govemment at a foreign
Court, is not to be justified in defaming before a miscel
laneous company the public authorities at home.
This subject has not been, perhaps, managed discreetly
and courteously, such as becomes the Secretary of State,

36 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. i
but he could not have passed the matter without notice.
Supposing the whole statement were true and admitted to
be tme by M. himself, woiUd he be justified or excused
because he is a writer and historian, and the informant an
obscure man, as Senator Sumner declares? How was the
Secretary to know without inquiry, and in what way so
well as by direct appUcation to Motley himself?
Seward says he shaU answer the caU of the Senate by giv
ing the whole letter and the name of his informant. I said
that was not, in my opinion, right imless his informant con
sented; that I did not Uke this tamely responding to calls
which neither house had a right to make, if the commim-
ication was given in confidence. Seward, without stating
whether his informant was or was not "wUling, repUed that
it was best to throw the whole matter before Congress;
that, if we decUned, it would only make them the more
noisy and peremptory. I repUed that I would act on no
such principle. Some one interrupted by asking the name
of the informant, and he said it was, I think, McCracken,
a gentleman of character and large wealth, the former
proprietor of Fort Washington, New York.
There may be circumstances and facts desirable to be
made pubUc, and the informant may consent to the sur
render of his name, but I apprehend not, and if not, the
disclosure is impoUtic and wrong. I have so Uttle confid
ence in the judgment, discretion, and courage of Seward
that I shaU feel imcomfortable until I know more. He
is timid when cornered, and does many things that are
strange. He stated to-day, among other things, that when
he a few weeks ago brou^t forward Mr. Motley's letter of
resignation, he had in his portfolio a soothing letter in reply,
to the effect that his tender of resignation was perhaps
inade without due consideration, he would please recon
sider, etc. This letter, he says, by some inadvertence had
been sent off to Mr. M., the President, in the mean time,
having accepted the resignation and nominated another
person.

1867] NORTH CAROLINA PLAN PUBLISHED 37
AU this may be so, yet there is something in the man
agement and way of doing things that is suspicious and
strange, to say the least. Mr. Motley may, on reading this
unauthorized letter expressing softly the sentiments of Mr.
Seward, become reconciled to him personaUy and doubly
¦vindictive towards the President.
February 5, Tuesday. Seward handed me in Cabinet a
dispatch from Mr. Hovey, our Minister to Peru, inclosing
correspondence "with Admiral Dahlgren relative to Tucker,
a Rebel deserter, formerly Commander in our Na"vy and
now Admiral in the Pem"vian Na"vy, and wished I would
try to get the matter adjusted. It is a troublesome dif
ficulty and not easy to dispose of, though not of great
moment. Seward also read McCracken's letter concerning Motley
and other ministers and consuls abroad who are out
spoken Radicals and, he says, objectionable and officious
in other respects. I again asked if McCracken was wiUing
to have his name given to the pubUc. Without answering
my question direct, he said if men wrote letters concerning
public men and public business, they must take the risk of
their being published. McCracken,' Seward says, is a New-
Yorker of wealth, a relative of Charles 0' Conor, has influ
ence, and if Sumner and his men want to fight the down-
to"wn bugs, damn them, let them. This is, I suppose, sec
ond-hand from Thurlow Weed.
The Richmond papers have the Southem proposed plan
which the President showed me a few days since. It was
not my suggestion to set off exclusion and secession. This,
I think, shows want of judgment and tact on the part of
those who have the subject in hand, nor do I think it wise
to pubUsh the plan before it has even been submitted to
the legislature of any one State. There is an undercurrent
in this, as in the Philadelphia Convention, that I dislike.
As regards the project itself, I do not admire it as a whole,
or as a compromise. In fact, I am not disposed to tamper

38 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 5
with the Constitution at any time, but if changes are to
be made, let the whole country participate, and let there be
deliberation and consultation and comparison of opinions.
I am apprehensive that we may be on the eve of great and
serious movements which are to affect our govemment
and institutions most deeply.
February 8, Friday. The Secretary of the Treasury
brought forward the question of the seizure of the R. R.
Cuyler, a steamer once owned by the Govemment, but
which had been sold to private parties after the close of the
War. Recently she has been contracted for by the Repub
Uc of Colombia, and was seized by our Govemment on the
eve of sailing. It seems by the contract she was to leave
under the American flag and that the transfer was to take
place at a Colombian port. The Colombian Minister, Sa-
langer, protests against the seizure and claims the transac
tion to be legal and in good faith. Seward says the sale is
fictitious or a cover; that the vessel is to be converted into
a privateer, or passed over to the Pem"vians; and that no
attention should be paid to Salanger, who is a weak man
and can be easily imposed upon. He, therefore, justffies the
seizure and proposes to tum the whole matter over to
the Attorney-General and the courts.
I remarked that I had given the question no study, but
from the statement of the Secretary of State I doubted the
propriety of these proceedings. If the Colombian Govem
ment is not at war with any other power, she has an un
doubted right to purchase; the acts of her representative,
or minister, are her acts. These int.erpositions to check
and embarrass the sale of vessels, on mere suspicion, would
injure an important branch of industry, and our mechan
ical and business interests were already greatly depressed.
Under the circumstances, I thought the Colombian Min
ister was to be respected and his Govemment must be
responsible for his acts.
Stanton desired me to repeat what I said in regard to

1867] THE MATTER OF THE R. R. CUYLER 39
shipbuilding and mechanics, which I did. He said he took
an altogether different view. We had complained of Laird
and the builders of Rebel vessels at Glasgow. But the Eng
lish Government claimed their mechanics had a right to
build and sell Alabamas. This was the very matter now in
issue with that Government, and we must not embarrass
the State Department, which had those negotiations, by
committing a similar wrong.
I denied that the cases were parallel. The Rebels were
belligerents, waging war against a Government in friendly
relations with Great Britain; but Colombia was not a bel
ligerent, and had as good a right to buy of us, and we as
good a right to sell to her, as England or France.
The Attorney-General and Browning fully concurred
"with me, and in answer to a remark of Seward's that these
South American states were poor and their ministers, some
of them, indifferent men, Mr. Stanbery said we were not
the conservators of those states. They are entitled to the
comity of nations.
Stanton and Seward reiterated their claims, the former
repeating that it was a question for the Secretary of State
and that he would defer to him. Seward said it was a legal
question and should be left to the Court ; he therefore pro
posed to tum the matter over to the Attorney-General.
If there were legal points and nothing else, I said, that
might be well, but I insisted this is a political question
between us and a foreign government; that it devolved
properly on the Secretary of State and should not be treated
as a legal question.
Like many others, most men perhaps, Seward is dis
posed to evade responsibility when there is uncertainty
and an impending storm. In this matter of the R. R. Cuy
ler, there is, in my opinion, no justifiable reason for her de
tention. Our shipbuilders and shipowners ought to be able
to sell to a neutral govemment at peace; otherwise we shall
drive all our customers away and into other markets.
There is want of energetic national feeling in the State

40 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 8
Department which is emasculating the country of aU
vigor. The subject of the R. R. Cuyler being disposed of, I
brought up the case of the Dunderberg. Mr. Webb, the
contractor, claims he can sell her at a great advance to
a foreign government and wishes to refund advances and
take her. To this, individually and officially, I would not
object, but others of the Administration do. My own im
pression is that Webb will find difficulty in disposing of her,
and if we refuse him the opportunity he will come back for
a gratuity or advance award above the naval contract.
Mr. Seward brought his son Fred, Assistant Secretary,
to state the result of his mission, which is a faUure. The
Dominicans are not disposed to sell. I am glad of it. We
can, if at war with them, capture when there is necessity
easier than we can purchase, or cheaper at all events. Dur
ing the Civil War it would have been convenient to have
had a station in the West Indies. But in case of a foreign
war with England, France, or Spain, we can capture with
out difficulty one or more of these islands.
Seward and Stanton had made arrangements to send
General Meigs to Denmark to purchase or negotiate for
St. Thomas. I doubted the necessity; but the President
ended the matter by saying he was opposed to the prac
tice, which was being introduced, of sending officers on
traveling excursions for their personal benefit at the
Government's expense. General Meigs ^is a worthy man
and a good officer, but a pet of Seward's and too much
disposed to pander to him. I was, therefore, gratified at
the prompt and emphatic decision of the President.
February 9, Saturday. The House has been excited for
a day or two. A proposition submitted by Stevens from
the Reconstruction Committee, proposing to establish mil
itary governments over the Southem States, meets with
opposition from many Republicans who are not yet Radi
cals. There has been but little legislation this session in the

1867] THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT BILL 41
[proper] sense of the word. A Radical party caucus decides
in relation to the course to be pursued on all important
questions. Two thirds of the Republicans and all of the
Radical partisans attend. A majority of them follow
Stevens and company. Those who hesitate or are opposed
have neither the courage nor the abiUty to resist. The
measure, however offensive or even unconstitutional, hav
ing the caucus sanction, is brought into the House, the
previous question is moved and carried, and, without de
bate, adopted. But on the matter of these "vice-royalties,
a stand was made against Stevens, and the previous ques
tion was not sustained. Governor Banks appears to have
been the leading man in opposition, but he had no plan or
poUcy to propose. To-day, I am told, he introduced some
rude scheme for a commission to take charge of each of the
ten States which are imder the Radical ban of exclusion.
These commissions are to disorganize the States and then
reorganize them.
There is neither wisdom nor sense in the House, but
"wild, "vicious partisanship continues and is increasing.
February 11, Monday. Eliot of Massachusetts, chairman
of a committee sent out by Congress to New Orleans,
made a report for upsetting the State Govemment of Lou
isiana and converting the State into a province or Territory,
over which there is to be a governor and council of nine, to
be appointed by the President and Senate. These Rad
icals have no proper conception of constitutional govem
ment or of our republican federal system. On this absurd
scheme of Eliot and Shellabarger, both centralists, the
House has ordered, without debate, the previous question,
— prostrating a State, tearing down our governmental
fabric, treating States as mere corporations.
February 12, Tuesday. The subject of the R. R. Cuyler
was reported upon by the Attorney-General, who thought
the vessel should be surrendered to the parties, they giving

42 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 12
bonds as required by statute. The conclusion was right,
and Seward and Stanton acquiesced.
Webb, builder of the Dunderberg, called on me yester
day in relation to his vessel or contract. He wants more
money. Senator Morgan was with him, and will, I suppose,
introduce a resolution for a committee. Webb has thought
I might exercise equity power, but this I shall not do, al
though the Attorney-General has given an opinion to that
effect, for the power, I conceive, is not given me, but the
law and contract must govern me. Equity power is with
Congress. February 15, Friday. A call was made, on the 8th of Jan
uary, on the President for any facts which had come to his
knowledge in regard to failure to enforce the Ci"vil Rights
Bill. When the resolution reached the President, he
brought it before the Cabinet for answer, and it was re
ferred to the Attorney-General on the suggestion of Stan
ton, that he should forward copies to the heads of Depart
ments for answer. On receiving the resolution I answered
immediately, without an hour's delay, and so, I think, did
the other members, except Stanton. The subject had
passed from my mind and I supposed had been reported
until to-day, when Stanton brought in his answer to the
President. It was a strange and equivocal document, ac
companied by a report which he had called out from Gen
eral Grant, and also one from General Howard. Grant's
report was brief, but was accompanied by a singular paper
transmitted to him by Howard, being an omnium-gatherum
of newspaper gossip, rumors of negro murders, neighbor
hood strifes and troubles, amounting to 440 in number, —
vague, indefinite party scandal which General Howard and
his agents had picked up in newspapers and all other ways
during four weeks, under and with the assistance of the
War Department, who had aided in the search. There was
but one sentiment, I think, among all present, and that
was of astonishment and disgust at this presentation of

1867] STANTON'S SENSATIONAL REPORT 43
the labors of the War Department. The Attorney-General
asked what all this had to do with the inquiry made of the
President. The resolution called for what information had
come to the knowledge of the President respecting failures
to execute the law under the Civil Rights Bill, and here
was a mass of uncertain material, mostly relating to negro
quarrels, wholly unreliable, and of which the President had
no knowledge, collected and sent in through General
Grant as a response to the resolution.
Two or three expressed surprise at these documents.
Stanton, who is not easily dashed when he feels he has
power and will be sustained, betrayed guilt, which, how
ever, he would not acknowledge, but claimed that the in
formation was pertinent, was furnished by General Grant.
If, however, the President did not choose to use it, he could
decUne doing so. Subsequently he thought the Attorney-
General should, perhaps, decide.
Seward undertook to modify and suggest changes. I
claimed that the whole was wrong and that no such reply
could be made acceptable under any form of words.
Randall thought the letter of Stanton and the whole
budget had better be received, and that the President
should send in that he knew nothing about them when this
Senate resolution was passed, but that, having since re
ceived this information, he would have it looked into and
thoroughly investigated.
Stanton, who showed more in countenance and manner
than I ever saw him, caught at Randall's proposition. Said
he would alter his report to that effect and went to work
"with his pencil.
Seward indorsed RandaU. Said he thought all might be
got along with if that course was pursued.
I dissented entirely and deprecated communicating this
compilation of scandal and inflammable material, gath
ered by partisans since the action of Congress, and repre
sented tobe a matter of which the President had knowledge
when the resolution was passed. It would be said at once

44 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 15
by mischievous persons that here was information of which
Grant complained, but of which the President took no
notice; that Congress had caUed out the information and
Grant communicated it, and that there is maladministra
tion. [I said] that this was the purpose of the call; the
design probably of the Members who got it up.
Stanton looked at me eamestly. Said he was as desirous
to act in unison "with the President as any one, no matter
who ; that this information seemed to him proper, and so,
he said, it seemed to General Grant, who sent it to him;
but if others wished to suppress it they could make the
attempt, but there was little doubt that Members of Con
gress had seen this, — likely had copies.
Finally, and with great reluctance on his part, it was
arranged that he should, as the rest of us had done, give aU
the information called for which had come to his know
ledge in answer to the resolution, and that the reports of
Grant and Howard should, with the rumors, scandal, and
gossip, be referred to the Attorney-General for investiga
tion and prosecution if proper.
It was evident throughout this whole discussion of an
hour and a half that all were aUke impressed in regard
to this matter. McCulloch and Stanbery each remarked to
me before we left that here was design and intrigue in con
cert with the Radical conspirators at the Capitol. Stanton
betrayed his knowledge and participation in it, for, though
he endeavored to bear himself through it, he could not
conceal his part in the intrigue. He had delayed his answer
until Howard and his subordinates scattered over the
South could hunt up all the rumors of negro quarrels and
party scandal and malignity, and pass them, through Gen
eral Grant, on to the President. It would help generate
difference between the President and the General, and, if
sent out to the country under the call for information by
Congress, would be used by the demagogues to injure the
President and, perhaps, Grant also.
Seward obviously saw the intent and scope of the thing

1867] PLAIN TALK WITH THE PRESIDENT 45
and soon took up a book and withdrew from the discussion.
His friend Stanton was in a position where he could do
Uttle to relieve him. Randall played the part of trimmer
to extricate Stanton, who avaUed himself of the plank
thrown out.
Seward made allusion to the difficulty between our naval
officers and Tucker, the unpardoned Rebel whom the Peru
vians have made rear-admiral, and wished the members
of the Cabinet, exclusive of him and myself, to consider
and be prepared to act upon the subject at the Cabinet-
meeting on Tuesday.
February 16, Saturday. Had a brief conversation with
Browning, who was at my house at reception last evening,
concerning the proceedings yesterday. He expressed his
amazement at the course of Stanton. Said he listened and
observed without remark till the close, and was compelled
to beUeve that there was design and "villainy, if not ab
solute treachery, at the bottom. It was "with reluctance he
came to this conclusion, but it was impossible to do other
wise. I have been so disturbed by it and by the condition of
affairs that I made it a point to call on the President and
communicate my feeUngs. I told him that it was with re
luctance I was compeUed to express an unfavorable opin
ion of a colleague and that I would not do so except from
a sense of duty. I adverted to the occurrences of yesterday
and told him I had carefully and painfully pondered them,
and my first impression was fully confirmed by reflection,
that the details of Stanton's report, the introduction of
Grant and Howard, with their catalogue of alleged mur
ders and crimes unpunished, which had been industriously
gathered up, was part of a conspiracy which was on foot to
destroy him and overthrow his Administration; that it was
intended the statement of reported murders should go
abroad under his name, drawn out by Congress, and spread
before the country on the passage of the biU estabUshing

46 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 16
miUtary governments over the Southern States as a justi
fication for legislative usurpation. That report was to be
the justification for the act. There had been evident pre
concert in the matter, and Radical Congressmen were act
ing in concert with the Secretary of War. I alluded to the
manipulation of officers by the War Department, and men
tioned how improper men had been placed at important
points, being first impressed with the views of the Secre
tary, which we all knew to be Radical and hostUe to the
President's poUcy. I said that I could perceive Grant had
been strongly but unmistakably prejudiced, — perhaps
seduced, worked over, and enlisted, — and that gradually
the Administration was coming under the War Depart
ment. The President listened and assented to my observations;
spoke of the painful exhibition which Stanton made of
himself; said he should, but for the rain, have sent for
Grant to know how far he really was involved in the mat
ter, etc. ; that as regards the miUtary governments, they
were not yet determined upon, perhaps would not be.
He still hesitates, faUs to act, retains bad ad"visers and
traitors. February 18, Monday. The session of the Senate on Sat
urday continued through the night and imtil 6.30 yester
day morning. The subject under consideration was the
establishment of military governments over the South
ern States. A biU to this effect was introduced by Thad
Stevens from the Reconstruction Committee, and was
carried under his management and dictation through the
House. Very few attempt to indorse or justify the meas
ure, yet all the Radicals and most of the RepubUcans voted
for it. There is very little finnness or moral courage in the
House. The Members dare not speak nor act according to
their convictions. Indeed, their convictions are feeble and
there is little sincerity in them.
In the Senate, Wade, Sumner, and company undertook

1867] THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT BILL 47
to force through the bill at the Saturday's session. A stand
was made by the minority against such precipitate and un
reasonable legislation on so important a measure. Various
amendments were offered and voted do"wn, but at length,
on Sunday morning, Mr. Sherman offered a substitute
which was adopted. It is in one or two respects less offens
ive than the House bill, but is still an outrage upon the
Constitution, the rights of the people, and the rights of
the States. Sumner was violent, and Grimes tells me swore
savagely when Sherman's substitute was adopted. He left
the Senate in a rage. Grimes and Sumner, though both
Radicals, are not friends or on speaking terms. Of course
Grimes is enjoying Sumner's disappointment.
Stevens, Boutwell, and the extreme Radicals are as
indignant as Sumner, and will make fight against the bill
in its present shape and likely secure amendments. The
RepubUcans, though disliking and mistrusting each other
more and more each day, are not yet prepared to break.
There is no shrewd man among the Democrats to take
advantage of or to manage their rising differences or to
lead his own party wisely.
Seward and Stanton confuse and bewilder the mind of
the President, prevent him from pursuing a straightfor
ward and correct course and from taking and maintaining
a bold, decisive policy. They are weakening the executive
power daily and imdermining the constitutional fabric.
Seward acts, as usual, from no fixed principles, but from
mere expediency, his own self-wisdom, not with a design
to injure the President or to help the Radicals. He tries to
resuscitate, vitaUze, and perpetuate the old Whig Party
and to undo and destroy the Democratic Party, each for
the glory of Seward. Stanton is deep in the Radical in
trigues, but contrives to get along with and to use Seward
and his superficial "wisdom, and is so far successful as to
keep his place, although the President knows his mischiev
ous designs and purposes.
The country is in poor legislative hands and the prospect

48 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 18
is sadly foreboding. The Constitution and the great prin
ciples of union and free govemment on a federal basis are
disregarded. February 22, Friday. The poUticians in and out of Con
gress have been busy for several days on the subject of gov
erning the Southem States. Sherman's amendment went
down to the House, was disagreed to, and some abomin
able additions were made. Partisans, and factions, and
fanatics, and demagogues were each and all at work. Fin
ally a bill was adopted establishing military governments
and martial law in and over those States. Where Congress
gets the power to do these things no one attempts to point
out. The Members of Congress e"vidently confoimd mar
tial law with military law, and know no distinction. Con
gress has the undoubted right to enact miUtary laws for
the govemment of the land and naval forces; but martial
law exists and is in operation where there is no law. The
will of the mUitary officer in command is supreme. He can
order courts martial or miUtary commissions to try citizens
as well as soldiers, but citizens cannot be tried by mUitary
law. Martial law aboUshes jury trials; Congress cannot
abolish them. Martial law may abridge freedom of speech
and of the press, but Congress cannot.
When there is a congress or legislature to enact laws,
there can be no martial law. It would be a solecism. Yet
this Radical Congress has undertaken to enact martial law.
In other respects the bill is subversive of govemment, de
stroys titles, and introduces chaos.
The President, as commander-in-chief of the Army and
Na"vy, exercised the power, which devolved upon him
when the Rebellion was suppressed, and the miUtary
forces occupied the Rebel States, and there was no law,
and chaos reigned, of appointing provisional governors and
ordering other measures to estabUsh order and system
and reintroduce law. Congress could not do this. It had
no authority or power. AU its powers are derived from the

1867] TWO BILLS BEFORE THE CABINET 49
Constitution, the organic law; but when martial law pre
vaUs, municipal law is suspended.
To-day the President laid this bill, and also the one re
specting the tenure of office, before the Cabinet. The bill
for the mihtary government of the States was the only one
considered. On this there was the usual uncertainty. No
one of the Cabinet ad"vised the President to approve the
bill but Stanton. He said that, though he would have
framed the bill differently and altered it in some respects,
he should give it his sanction, and ad"vised the President to
give it his approval.
FoUowing him, I wholly dissented, and plainly and
directly ad"vised the President to put his veto upon it.
Reverdy Johnson, the Senatorial trimmer, gave his
vote in the Senate for this infamous bill. Stanton quoted
him as an example and an authority. How long will the
President be able to go on with such an opponent at his
councU board?
February 25, Monday. I read some suggestions on the
Tenure-of-Office Bill to the President. " They were prepared
in response to an opinion of the Attorney-General some
months since, but are applicable to the bill. The Pre
sident was pleased with them. I also left with him some
"views on the bill for the military government of the South
em States. These "views, which relate to the strange plan
of enacting martial law by Congress, chimed in with his
opinions. On taking the paper, the President alluded to the Cab
inet council on Friday and the pitiful exhibition which
Stanton made of himself, and wondered if he (S.) supposed
he was not understood. The sparkle of the President's eyes
and his whole manner betokened intense though sup
pressed feeling. Few men have stronger feeling; still fewer
have the power of restraining themselves when evidently
excited.. I remarked that it was but part of the drama which had
3

50 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 25
long been enacting and asked what was to be the condition
of things, if impeachment were pressed and an attempt to
arrest him was made. This subject the President himself
had brought forward at the Friday meeting. Seward and
Stanton wished to give it the go-by, though each had his
own theory. Seward said it was not wise to anticipate such
a thing, — to discuss it even among ourselves, — had an
anecdote to tell, and his experience on the McCracken
correspondence. I differed with him, and thought it both
wise and prudent to be prepared for an emergency which
was threatened and had been undoubtedly discussed.
Others agreed with me and the President eamestly. Thus
pressed, Seward said it might be considered a law question,
coming particularly within the province of the Attorney-
General whenever it came up, but if the Attorney-General
should advise the President to submit to an arrest before
conviction, he would demand the immediate dismissal of
the Attorney-General. I asked if the demand would be
made on legal or poUtical groimds. Stanton tried to evade
the matter; did not believe that impeachment would be
pursued; the session is near its close, etc.
The President was e"vidently not satisfied with this
treatment of the subject when we had our conversation on
Saturday, and was now a good deal indignant. But whether
he will make any demonstration in that direction remains
to be seen. I have little expectation that he will, although,
had I not previously had sunilar strong intimations with
out any result, I should from his expressive manner have
expected a change.
February 26, Tuesday. At the Cabinet the subject of
the Tenure-of-Office Bill came up. It had been postponed
at the request of the Attomey-General on Friday. He said
he had not read it until to-day, but he required no time to
express his unquaUfied condenmation of it. In this the
whole Cabinet were united. Stanton was very emphatic
and seemed glad of an opportunity to be in accord with his

1867] VETO OF TENURE-OF-OFFICE BILL 51
colleagues. The President said he was overwhelmed with
many pressing matters which must be disposed of, and he
would be glad if Stanton would prepare a veto or make
suggestions. Stanton asked to be excused, for he had not
time. The Attorney-General said it was impossible for
him to do the work. The President turned to Seward,
who said he had not recently given these subjects attention,
but he would take hold if Stanton would help him. The
President suggested that both the War and Navy must
help in this matter, and McCulloch expressed a special de
sire that I should participate. I saw that Seward was not
taken with that proposition.
Some general discussion followed, and, before we left,
Seward spoke across the room to Stanton and requested
him to call and enter upon their duties; but no in"vitation
was extended to me. The President turned to me and
in an undertone remarked that I had given this subject
a good deal of thought and he reckoned I had better pre
pare a paper. I told him I would have no objection to
contribute to the document, but it had gone into hands
that seemed willing to grapple "with it, and I apprehended
after what had been said that they would do it justice.
If, however, anything was wanted of me, I would be
ready to contribute at any time.
Febrvary 27, Wednesday. I called on the President to
day with a brief communication to the House of Represent
atives, declining to furnish certain information which had
been caUed for at the instigation of a claim agent, which
response I thought had better pass through the President.
The anterooms were very much crowded. In the council-
room, at the President's table, was a gentleman busily
writing, who did not lift his head while I was in the room^
but who, I am confident, was Judge Jeremiah Black. My
interview with the President was necessarily brief, for I
saw he was engaged and none were admitted. I have no
doubt that Black is assisting in preparing the veto message

52 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 27
on the MiUtary Government Bill, stating some of the legal
objections. This evening, just before I left the Department, Seward's
clerk Smith, his legal clerk, called and said Mr. Stanton
was with Mr. Seward and they wished to know where they
could get a copy of Mr. Webster's speech on removals from
office, to which I had made reference in some of our discus
sions. I told him I could not get the volume at that time,
nor did I know whether it was pubUshed in Webster's
Works, but that it was in the great debate on Calhoim's
resolution in 1834. He said that could not be, that the
speech must have been in 1830; they had searched for it
through 1830, 1831, and 1832. I told them they had not
looked late enough, that Calhoun was then Vice-President
and not a Senator.
No invitation came for me to participate. This is best.
Our views are so different in many respects that it is weU
I should be absent. The principles of Seward and Stanton
and their party education were different, and aU may work
out well, — better than if I were with them.
February 28, Thursday. Yoimg Ruger, of Janes"vUle, Wis
consin, who was nominated postmaster at that place, was
rejected by the Senate and has come on here. In an inter-
"view with Senator Howe, that gentleman said to Ruger the
Senate would confirm no man for any office who did not
vote for Lincohi and Johnson. Mr. RandaU, Postmaster-
General, thinks it best to nominate only such RepubUcans
as will be confirmed, and so told Ruger. Under such course
and practice the President will have very little opportunity
to strengthen himself or maintain his rightful authority.
Randall was confirmed by the Senate under suspicious cir
cumstances. There are many indications that he is under
bad influences. Some of his associations are bad.
Sumner and Chandler made a gross and indecent attack
on McCulloch in the Senate, and were rebuked by Sher
man and Fessenden. The condition of the country is de-

1867] ATTACK ON McCULLOCH 53
plorable when such men, in such positions, thus exhibit
themselves. Chandler's instincts are low and debasing,
always. Sumner is domineering, arrogant, insolent, and
presuming. He is angry because a brother-in-law was
removed for malconduct. Chandler is mad because he
cannot dictate all the Michigan appointments. High Sena
torial duties are discharged by men who in their official
acts are govemed by narrow personal considerations.
Little regard is felt for the country, while private resent
ments are all-controlling. I am not certain that judicious
selections are always made, but I do know that good and
judicious men are rejected for no cause.

XLVII
Seward and Stanton prepare the Veto Message on the Tenure-of-Office BUI
— Vetoes of this and the Military Govemment Bill sent in — Reverdy
Johnson's Extraordinary Course — Butler's Animosity towards Grant
— The Chances of Impeachment — The Close of One Congress and the
Beginning of Another — The Powers of the Military Governors — The
President's Exclamation in regard to Impeachment — Ex-Congressman
Law of Indiana on Andrew Johnson — The President's Reticence —
Randall's Conciliatory Attitude towards the Radicals — Stanton ap
parently to select the MUitary Governors — Sickles among the Generals
chosen as Governors — Wall Street's Influence in Congress — The
Alaskan Purchase Treaty — Death of Charles Eames — His Career —
Senator Foster and the Austrian Mission — No Opposition to the Rus
sian Treaty in the Cabinet — The ex-Confederate Admiral of the Peru
vian Navy to be saluted by American Officers — Indian Affairs — The
President wishes to offer the Austrian Mission to General Blair — Judge
Blair's Story of the Action of General Grant and General Dick Taylor
against Seward and Stanton — Private Secretary Moore's Relations
with Stanton — Congress refuses to adjourn — The Alaskan Treaty
signed — Seward tells ex-Minister Bigelow how he shaped Lincoln's
Cabinet.
March 1, Friday. Seward and Stanton have prepared
and handed to the President the veto message on the bill
for the tenure of office. They did not see fit to submit it to
me, and I hesitated whether to inform the President of the
fact. Amidst other multitudinous duties he supposes, I
have no doubt, that I have participated in and re"vised the
message. On the whole, concluded to say notliing unasked.
But little was done in Cabinet. Some little discrepancies
between Stanbery and Black, who has been consulted,
have delayed the veto on the Military Govemment BiU,
which is the absorbing measure in this exciting time of
extraordinary measures.
Business of importance has been as usual delayed to the
close of the session. Office and place have been the en
grossing subjects of the Members. Legislation by which
the appointments may be transferred from the Executive

1867] TWO VETOES SENT IN 55
to Congress^ by which Radicals in office may be retained
in place, or that "will secure Radical appointments, has
been a primary object. To break down State independence
and State rights, to undermine and destroy the character
of the executive and judicial departments of the Govern
ment, are great purposes with the Radical leaders. There
is no doubt that the Government is to be subverted and
constitutional limitations are to be swept away, provided
the Radicals can succeed. Hate of the Rebels and of all
whites, whether Rebels or not, if they Uved in the Rebel
States, "with intense love for the negro, the "wards of the
nation," for whom the rights and feelings of white men are
freely sacrificed, characterizes Congress.
March 2, Saturday. The President is greatly pressed
"with business. Sent in to-day his two vetoes. That on the
establishment of military governments over the ten States
was received with deep interest. The opinions of a major
ity of the Republicans are undoubtedly against the prin
ciples of the bill, but they have not the independence and
moral courage to act in conformity to their convictions and
confront the Radicals. Party subjection overpowers them.
Thad Stevens and the discipline of the caucus are potent.
In the Senate, as in the House, party dominates over
country. Fear comes over the feeble-minded, who com
prise nearly one half of the Senate. If two or three hesi
tated, the recent extraordinary course of Reverdy Johnson
decided them to submit to the demands of party. Johnson
knows and says the bill is unconstitutional and "wrong, yet
he "violates his oath and votes for it. His justification is
that the Radicals, in their fury, will impose harder terms if
these are not accepted, and he wants the coimtry should
have repose. It is known, however, that his son-in-law is
an earnest candidate for the office of District Attorney of
Maryland, and he could not, under existing circumstances,
expect to be confirmed by this Senate, were the President
to nominate him. This apostasy of Johnson will insure the

56 DIARY OF GIDEON. WELLES [march 2
son-in-law's confirmation, provided he gets the nomination,
and Reverdy, to say nothing of other malign influences,
fancies that his position as Senator and one of the judges
of the President in case of impeachment will secure the
selection. I have no doubt this old poUtical prostitute has
been govemed by these mercenary personal considera
tions. He has a good deal of legal abiUty, but is not over
burdened with political principles. This conduct occasions
less surprise on that account. Sad is the condition of the
country when such men influence its destiny.
March 3, Sunday. Spent two or three hours at the Pre
sident's this morning. McCulloch and Browning caUed for
me. Seward and Randall were there. The President was
calm, but I thought more dejected than I had almost ever
seen him. Not that he expressed himself despondingly, but
his air and manner were of that appearance. Perhaps it
was because he had had but Uttle sleep, for he spoke of
transactions past midnight.
While the President was absent for a short time in the
library. Browning remarked that he felt disturbed by
the state of things. "How," said he, "is Grant? Does any
one know his opinions, and what stand he takes?"
Seward; said he would know to-morrow at 2 p.m., or
perhaps at 2 p.m. on Tuesday. Browning pricked up his
ears and opened his eyes. "How," inquired he, "shaU I
know?" "Why," repUed Seward, "Benjamm F. Butler
will be sworn in by that time, and his animosity towards
Grant is so much greater than it is towards the President
that he will make his opinions known and understood upon
the floor of the House. When that is done, you wiU aU
understand where Grant stands."
This was delivered very oracularly, and I have no doubt
Seward has turned this matter over in his mind and come
to the conclusion that the President will have a fast friend
in Grant in consequence of the disagreement between him
and Butler. Whether Stanton has helped to impress this

1867] THE CHANCES OF IMPEACHMENT 57
on Seward is uncertain. I am inclined to think he has been
instrumental in practicing on the too ready creduUty of
the Secretary of State in this matter. He is too ready to be
Ueve what he wishes, if he has even but slight authority.
RandaU thought there was not much probability that
the impeachment scheme would be pressed any further.
Encouraged by this, Seward said nothing would be done.
"But," remarked Bro"wmng, " provided they should go on,
what have we to depend upon?" Seward evaded a direct
answer; spoke of the discontent of the business men; said
the Members were also disturbed. Randall took the same
"view; said Congress would not consent to this thing.
I said that was the common-sense view, and if there
were any reliable inteffigence and firmness in Congress
there would be an end of the matter at once. But, unfor
tunately, there was neither good sense, ability, nor inde
pendence among the Radicals. There is no individuality
among the weU-meaning Members. A few leaders and the
Radical cohorts had entire control of the whole mass of Re
publicans. Stevens, Butler, Boutwell, Schenck, Kelley, and
a few other violent partisans led the positive element,
and in revolutionary times such as these the positive and
the "violent always controlled. If the men I had named
and a few others willed it, the House would unquestion
ably impeach, whether they foimd a reason therefor or
not. I, therefore, thought Browning's inquiry pertinent
and that the subject should receive attention.
Seward admitted that the positive element invariably
bore sway, and told of some who had dined "with him the
past week and swore they would not vote to impeach, but
he told them they would despite their assertions, if Stevens
demanded it, — that they were dra"wn on step by step.
Randall made no further remark. I have a distrust of
him that I can't remove. I regret it and hope I am mis
taken. He is not treacherous, that I am aware, to the Pre
sident, but he is on terms with the President's enemies
and has bad associates. ...

58 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 3
The President said he had last night, after one o'clock,
a letter from Reverdy Johnson requesting that his son-ui-
law, Ridgely, might be nominated District Attorney. This,
the President remarked, was about as cool a piece of as
surance as he had ever vsdtnessed. It does not surprise me.
What will the President do?
March 4, Monday. Went at half-past nine to the Capi
tol. The President directed the Cabinet to meet at that
time. I called at the Executive Mansion on my way and
found the President very busy. He had signed all the biUs
sent him save three. One was the Army Appropriation
Bill, the second section of which, as weU as some others,
was objectionable, — so much so that I could not advise
him to sanction it. Another was the Woolens BiU, which
I had not examined, but which McCuUoch thought the
President had better sign with a protest.
The two houses were in session until after meridian.
Time was set back. The session was called as of the 2d of
March, Sunday being dies non. The houses had each taken
frequent recesses without adjourning. It was the only
evidence of regard for the Constitution which I witnessed,
and this was a fiction.
I looked briefly into the Senate, where the new Senators
were being sworn in. It is the only time I have seen the
Senate in session since I was there at the adjournment last
July. I could not respect the body or many of its members.
They are, in their intense faction hate of Southern whites
and zeal for the negro, determined to pull down the piUars
of the Republic.
Foster and I met in the passage as I was going into the
Senate. He was looking disconsolate, but I wasted no
sympathy on him, and in the few words which passed I was
not hypocrite enough to express any regret that his term
had closed. I was sorry that Cowan, frank and bold, hon
est as regards measures, though not always correct in his
estimate of men, should leave. The Senate in its meanness

1867] POWERS OF MILITARY GOVERNORS 59
did not act on his nomination to Vienna. It neither rejected
nor confirmed him.
Reverdy Johnson's son-in-law was nominated and con
firmed to be District Attorney for Maryland. So much for
disregarding principle, conviction, and duty. Who influ
enced the President in this matter I know not. Seward, I
am satisfied, assented to it, if he did not advise it. Johnson
was frequently in and out, and I saw Cowan with him. Not
unUkely the good-natured Senator was persuaded to ap
peal to the forbearing President.
I went with McCulloch to the House of Representatives,
which was crowded. The Clerk was just commencing to
call the roll for Speaker, and I left. Some changes take
place in this body. Ten States are excluded and unrepre
sented, but the Radical fragment will press forward all
all the more eamestly for mischief.
March 5, Tuesday. Some of the Radical revolutionary
measures were discussed to-day in Cabinet. The legisla
tion and action of Congress have thrown several hundred
officers out, and the public funds are in jeopardy. Intent
on office, place, and power, the real interests of the coun
try have been neglected or not considered by the Radicals.
Want of comprehension of consequences and a feeling of
irresponsibility have been manifest throughout.
A question came up as to the power and jurisdiction of
the military governors who were to be placed in charge of
the Southem States. Stanton said they must be subordin
ate and accountable to their superiors who were in charge
of the military departments. Stanbery doubted the cor
rectness of this view. I put the distinct question whether,
if there were conflicts of opinion between the mUitary gov
ernor and his superior, — as for instance if the brigadier
governor of Georgia and Alabama should take a position,
or issue an order which was disapproved by Major-General
Thomas, in command of that military department, would
he override and annul the order of the military governor?

60 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 5
Stanton said General Thomas' order would control. I
questioned it and claimed that the special authority con
ferred by the act, if the act was of any vaUdity, made the
brigadier independent of General Thomas in goveming
the States to which he was assigned.
This seemed the prevaUing opinion, but at Stanton's
request, decision was deferred untU Friday, he promising
in the mean time to investigate the subject.
March 6, Wednesday. I was "with the President on a
little business, and Stanbery was present at the early part
of our interview. The subject of yesterday's decision on
the powers of the brigadiers was introduced by S., who
said he had not a shadow of a doubt in regard to it; he
thinks Stanton and his friends have overshot the mark.
After Stanbery left, the President continued the conver
sation on the same topic, and if he intended to enforce an
unconstitutional law in regard to the importance of select
ing the right men for military governors, I urged him to
be certain in regard to his men for those positions and
to have an interview with each before gi'ving them orders.
He assented fully.
I then alluded again to the condition of things here in
Washington. In the event of the Radical leaders succeeding
in their intrigue to procure an impeachment, the first step
after impeachment should be voted would be to order his
arrest. If he was not prepared to submit to an arrest, was
he prepared to meet it? Whom could he confide in? Who of
the miUtary men, or of the War Department, would stand
by him against an order issued by Congress, or the Senate
as a court, under the signature of the Chief Justice, com
manding his arrest? I had on two or three occasions, I re
marked, introduced this topic, not that it was pleasant or
interesting to me, but it was unportant to him and the
country. Once he had himself brought forward the sub
ject, but a direct and positive answer by the Cabinet or
some of the Cabinet had been evaded by the Cabinet

1867] THE PRESIDENT'S HESITATION 61
or some of the members. The President said yes, he was
aware of it, but he would bring the subject to a decision
next Friday. I told him it was in my opinion due to
himself, although Mr. Seward had said it was not best to
anticipate. But it has been the misfortune, the weakness, the great
error of the President to delay, — hesitate before acting.
It has weakened him in public estimation, and given the
impression that he is not strong in his own opinions. Yet
I know of no man who is more firm, when he has once taken
a stand. But promptness, as well as firmness, is necessary
to inspire pubUc confidence.
March 7, Thursday. The Radicals are divided in opinion
on the subject of impeachment, and also as to the adjourn
ment. Some wish a continuous session, some wish to
adjourn to May, others until October or November. The
Senate seem determined to adjourn over until the fall,
whUe the extreme Radicals vnsh to continue in session, al
though there is no business requiring their presence. But
they desire to administer the govemment and impeach the
President. Not that he has committed any wrong or that
any offense can be stated; but they have had a committee
searching the country to find, if possible, some mistake,
some error, some act which can be construed into a polit
ical fault and thus justify his removal, because he is an
obstacle in the way of RadicaUsm.
March 8, Friday. Very little was done to-day in Cabinet.
It was expected, I think, by all that the President would
bring forward measures in relation to the Military Govem
ment Act, and, therefore, they had omitted pressing any
business except such as was absolutely necessary from the
Departments. But the President made no allusion to the
subject. He said he was very much engaged, as he must
be, not only on that of the military govemment but other
matters which should be immediately disposed of.

62 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 8
After the meeting, or the regular session, was over, Mc
Culloch reached over the table, at the end of which the
President was sitting, I being as usual on his left, and
Browning came and seated himself on the opposite side
and said something in a low tone which I did not hear, or
which passed out of my mind in consequence of what
subsequently occurred. He said it — his suggestion, what
ever it was — would check the impeachment movement.
The President replied hastily: "I "wiU do nothing to check
impeachment, if there is any wish to press it. I am tired
of hearing allusions to impeachment. God Almighty
knows I will not tum aside from my pubUc duties to attend
to these contemptible assaults which are got up to embar
rass the Administration. Let the House go forward and
busy themselves in that matter if they "wish."
There are rumors as to the persons to be selected as miU
tary governors, and I think the President is, unfortunately
for himself, consulting with General Grant. How far Grant
confers with Stanton, I know not, nor does the President,
— if he confers at all. That Grant may be biased by Stan
ton and Holt, "with whom he has constant, intimate inter
course is not improbable. However, my impression has
been that Grant is himself rightly disposed, though there
are some things which indicate subtlety and dupUcity.
March 9, Saturday. Law of Indiana, who was a Mem
ber of the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth Congresses,
called on me, being on a visit to Washington. We have
been good friends since our first acquaintance. He said he
had just paid his respects to the President and reminded
him of an incident. In the summer of 1861, he, L., was at
the Burnett House in Cincinnati on his way to Washing
ton in pursuance of the call of President Lincoln for an
extra session. He had just finished his meal, — breakfast, I
think, — and came out on the piazza, when a troop of horse,
both riders and animals somewhat jaded, rode up, and
opening in line, a citizen, in citizen's dress much dusted,

.1867] ;eX-CONGRESSMAN LAW ON JOHNSON 63
came forward and dismounted. That man, exhausted and
covered with dust, was Andrew Johnson, a Senator from
Tennessee on his way to Washington under the caU of the
President, and the military authorities had dispatched a
troop of horse to escort and guard him across the State of
Kentucky. "I little thought," said Law, "that I should
ever hear Andrew Johnson denounced as a Rebel, or a sym
pathizer with Rebels; that partisan malice would ever
accuse hinn of want of fidelity to the Union; but God only
knows what we are coming to in these Radical times. Such
a patriot as Johnson," said Law, with tears running down
his cheeks, "a man who has suffered and done so much,
deserves better treatment from his countrymen."
March 11, Monday. Senator Morgan says Nye returns
from Connecticut, where he has been making political
speeches, very much alarmed at the prospect, and if extra
efforts are not put forth, Deming will lose his election to
Congress. Were the election to take place at this time, I
am inclined~t6 think the Radicals would be beaten, but
much can be done in three wee^U
Stanbery and myself were with the President a short
time this morning. Business disposed of, some conversation
foUowed in regard to the selection of military governors.
We both dwelt on the importance of judicious, good, re
liable men. The President assented and said he hoped to
finish up the matter to-day, but he made no intimation as
to the persons whom he should designate. I had no desire
to ask, and Stanbery seemed Ukewise disposed.
The President is without doubt too reticent "with his
Cabinet ad"visers, and perhaps "with all his friends, although
inclined to much public speaking and free utterance on
matters that are public. From his silence on the subject
of military governors I do not anticipate a judicious selec
tion, and shall not be surprised if Grant, in whom he still
has confidence, and possibly Stanton, are the only persons
whom he consults. If so he "will have trouble.

/

64 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [makch 12
March 12, Tuesday. Current matters of no special inter
est to-day in Cabinet. Appointments and rejections were
talked over. I do not leam that the President and some
of the Departments have any system in this matter of
appointments and removals. Randall equivocates, trims,
and gives in to the Radicals. It is said he was confirmed
with that understanding. He has no backbone or power.
If the Senate rejects a good man because he is friendly to
the President and adheres to the Constitution, RandaU is
content to present another of an entirely different charac
ter, a tool of the Senate, an enemy to the President, a "wild
Radical. Of course no party can succeed under such man
agement, and the Administration is consequently making
no headway. McCulloch is a different and much better
man than Randall in every respect; but, overwhelmed
with the financial difficulties of the country, he is for
conciliating the Radicals, yields too much, and Randall
and others increase that infirmity. The tendency is aU
wrong. Nothing was said by the President in Cabinet on the
subject of military governors. He took Stanton aside and
had a conversation of some fifteen minutes "with him, while
the rest were waiting. At the close Stanton was unusually
jubilant, had a joke or two "with McCuUoch and could not
suppress his feelings. I shaU not be disappointed if Stan
ton selects or controls the military governors, and I think
Seward has advised that he should. These two men have
contrived to break do"wn the Administration, — Seward
without intending it. Thurlow Weed has been in to"wn for
a day or two, almost as much at the War as at the State
Department. His counsel is always pernicious.
March 13, Wednesday. Judge Field called on me to-day.
He is very sound and correct on the great questions before
the country. He concurred with me as to the peculiar char
acteristics of the President and the misfortunes which he
has brought on himself and the country by failing to act

1867] SICKLES ONE OF THE GOVERNORS 65
promptly on his own convictions, and by listening to the
advice of those who are not his friends.
Judge Field has no confidence in Stanton and fears he
wUl influence bad appointments for military governors,
and expressed a strong hope that General Sickles would
not be selected.
The paper this morning announces the generals who
have been designated, and Sickles is one of them. Sickles
is a favorite of Stanton, who defended him for murdering
Key. I do not think the selections in several respects ju
dicious. That of Sickles accounts for Stanton's exuberant
feelings yesterday and confirms my impression that he has
been instrumental in selections, some of which will be likely
to cause difficulty. It would not be easy, however, to go
among the mUitary men and choose five in whom to repose
full confidence. In listening to Stanton the President has
made no friends. The War Department has made itself
felt in the appointments. "The slime of the serpent is over
them all." General Grant has apparently borne himself
under all influences as well as could be expected, yet I
think he is to some extent affected and has been swayed
by Radical influence.
March 14, Thursday. McCulloch spent some time with
me this evening. He is a good deal desponding. Says
Congress is very corrupt. Certain Wall Street operators
know daily what is done in the Finance and Ways and
Means Committees. He gets information of the trans
actions of that committee by way of Wall Street before
the committee reports to or ad"vises with him, and his o"wn
movements are also in that way betrayed. These Radical
patriots are swindling the country while imposing on its
creduUty. The want of prompt and decisive action on the part
of the President, who is deceived by Stanton, aided by
Seward, who supports Stanton, we both lamented. It has
made the Administration a faUure and transferred power
3

66 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 14
from the Executive to Congress, which is now omnipotent
and unrestrained. On every hand the Executive has been
hedged in and crippled. It annoys McCuUoch that Stan
ton should have the ear and confidence of the President,
while to him it is obvious that the President is betrayed;
the rest of the Cabinet, who are faithfully dischargmg
their duties, are assailed, while Stanton, who is faithless
and treacherous, escapes, — has aU the appropriations he
asks. But McCulloch does not reaUze what is ob"vious to me,
— that Seward has the ear and the confidence of the
President, and is the man who by his efforts and repre
sentations retains Stanton. These two men have sacri
ficed the President. He has permitted it and thereby made
his Administration impotent.
March 15, Friday. Seward produced a treaty for ac
quiring the Russian possessions in North America. All
assented to submitting it to the Senate.
The subject of naval courtesies with Tucker, the Rebel
deserter, whom Peru has made admiral of her na"vy, came
up. No one stood by me, of the Cabinet. The President
patiently listened. Stanton declared his heart and sym
pathies were "with me, but the question of intemational
courtesies he thought should be left with the Secretary of
State and Attomey-General. This lugging in the Attomey-
General on international law and political questions and
committing them to him I do not like. It is to enlist
Stanbery and relieve Seward of responsibiUty in a matter
which belongs to the State Department.
I could perceive that the Attomey-General had been
consulted, and was prepared to give an opinion as the
Secretary of State "wished. As usual the Secretary of
State disregards not only the national punctilio but the
national points [sic], — surrenders all when the easy work
ing of his own Department is concerned.
Stanton, who has heretofore, and, as he declared, de-

1867] DEATH OF CHARLES EAMES 67
Uberately, agreed with me, fell away at the crisis. This
did not disappoint me. He always goes with Seward.
They are one.
March 16, Saturday. Charles Eames died this after
noon. He was in many respects a very superior man, and,
though a private citizen, his death is a public loss. I con
sider him to have been the best-read and most correct
admiralty lawyer in the country, and the best authority
on questions of maritime law. I have seen but little of
him for a year past, — he has been so immersed in busi
ness, — but I have made it a point to get his opinion on
important questions when I had doubts and when I dif
fered with others whose opinions I thought of value.
Twenty years ago we became acquainted during Polk's
Administration. He was a clerk for a short time in the
Na"vy Department. Appleton was then Chief Clerk. Both,
though my juniors, are now dead. Eames became editor
of the Union, ^ was commissioner to the Sandwich Islands,
Minister to Venezuela, etc. His attainments placed him,
though unpretentious, high as a publicist and statesman.
As a poUtician he lacked force, but was an excellent
ad"viser. His poUtics were democratic Republican. As a
critic he was acute and accurate. Marcy, Everett, and
Guthrie submitted to him some of their most important
papers before gi'ving them publicity. He was the young
est and best scholar in the most renowned class which
ever graduated at Harvard.
Buchanan treated Eames shabbily, and when I came
here at the commencement of Lincoln's Administration,
he was low in finance and business and somewhat de
jected. We soon renewed our acquaintance, became so
cial, and I was enabled to assist him. He was a politician
in the best sense of the word and did not love the practice
of the law, but necessity impelled him, and, being thrown
out of public employment by the perverse action and
* A Washington newspaper.

68 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 16
opposition of Seward and the cold dupUcity of Chase, he
applied himself to the profession. The prize cases brought
him forward, and the Treasury availed itself of his abUity.
Not endowed with a strong constitution, he broke do"wn
under the pressure of certain great cases intrusted to
him. His physical system was not equal to his mental
power and the demands upon him. Farewell, old friend!
There is no one to supply your place to me.
March 18, Monday. Senator Foster caUed on me to
day to aid him in obtaining the mission to Vienna. Says
Seward advised him to consult me. Seward knew that,
though I had personal regard for Foster and appreciated
his qualities, I did not think this a judicious appointment
at this time and under existing circumstances. He assured
me that nothing had, up to that time, been said to him
by Foster, nor would he entertain the matter without
consulting me. I have no doubt that he is turning his
thoughts to Foster for this mission and has ad"vised this
call. I could give F. no assurance, nor yet was I prepared
to tell him flatly I would oppose him. For Seward has, not
unlikely, consulted and enUsted the President, and if the
point is already determined, to resist it would be foolish
ness. Foster, after recent occurrences, has certainly no claims
on the Administration. He has not, it is true, been "vindic
tive and acrimonious like some Senators, but he has been
steady in his opposition, the slave of factious party dis
cipline, often, as I have reason to beUeve, against his
own conviction. He timidly threw away his 0"wn chance
for reelection and sacrificed those who stood by him.
March 19, Tuesday. Had the Russian treaty on the
tapis. No division of opinion as to the measure.
The question of courtesy to Tucker, the Rebel deserter,
whom the Peruvians have, discourteously to us, made
admiral and consequently outranking his seniors in our

1867] INDIAN AFFAIRS 69
service who were not Rebels, was brought forward by
Seward. I stated that my opinion had undergone no change,
but that I should, of course, although it might be humili
ating to American officers, conform to the decision of the
President and Cabinet. If, however, we yielded to the
discourtesy, we should, besides doing an act tending to
demoralize our Na"vy, be setting a bad precedent.
Stanton again repeated that his feelings and sympathies
were with me, but as it was an intemational question, he
should defer to the Secretary of State. Browning gave up
the question without understanding it and was very
earnest for Peru. Under the circumstances and with the
united opinion against me, the President thought Dahl
gren had better give up the point. I am, therefore, to in
form him that the President has directed that Paragraph
96 of Na"vy Regulations, which I had authorized him to
waive, would be hereafter observed by the South Pacific
Squadron. A long discussion followed between Stanton and
Bro"wning, gro"wing out of the attempts of the military
to interfere in Indian affairs. Browning claims that the
agents, if respected and not interfered "with by the army
officers, "vrill save us from an Indian war. Stanton thinks
army officers are better judges as to the treatment of the
Indians than the traders and agents. He protests against
their selling arms and ammunition to the Indians. Brown
ing says it is necessary for their existence that they should
have firearms.
My "views were and are "with Browning. With firearms
I believe the Indians are less furious than with bow and
arrow and tomahawk. The attempt to prevent them from
ha"ving arms they would naturally consider unfriendly
and hostile.
Stanton attempts to fortify hiniself behind Grant.
March 20, Wednesday. In an interview with the Pre
sident, after disposing of other matters, I read to him a

70 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 20
letter from Connecticut on the approaching election, in
which a very strong wish was expressed that Foster should
not receive the appointment to Austria, as reported in the
papers he had, — at all events, that it should not take
place until after the election.
The President was much pleased with the tone and
spirit of the letter and remarked that the "writer might
rest easy as regarded Mr. Foster. He said Seward had
proposed Foster's name this moming, shortly before I
called, and "I asked him," said the President, "what
in God's name F. had done that we should select him.
There are others, as good and as capable men as he who
have stood firm and done service that should be remem
bered. Mr. Foster has no preeminent qualifications for
the place; he has been here all "winter voting for these
abominable measures which we pronounce unconstitu
tional, and beUeve and know to be so, and so does he;
and now, when thrown out of place by his 0"wn weakness,
we are expected to take him up. What can be thought of
our sincerity if we do this? If Mr. Foster is "with us, why
don't he go home and take a manly part in the elections?
Why is he lingering here?"
"What," inquired I, "did Mr. Seward reply?"
"Not a word," said the President. "He took up his
budget and left. I am sick of such things."
I informed him that Mr. Foster had caUed on me also
and I could not otherwise than inform him of the object of
Mr. F.'s visit; but after his remarks it was unnecessary
to say more on the subject.
Some conversation as to the expediency of sending in
General Blair's name followed.
March 21, Thursday. Wrote letter to Admiral Dahlgren
on the subject of courtesies to Tucker in obedience to in
structions from the President. Sent it to Seward for his
perusal. Also sent him the correspondence which had
passed between Admiral Goldsborough and E. J. Morris,

1867] THE AUSTRIAN MISSION 71
our Minister at Constantinople. The latter has been urg
ing Admiral G. to send a ship to Candia to transport the
Cretans to Greece, — a direct infringement of neutrality.
Morris justified himself on the ground of assurance from
the Secretary of State.
March 22, Friday. There was no meeting of the Cabi
net to-day. A severe snowstorm through the whole day.
The President on subject of veto of supplemental bill to
the miUtary governments.
March 23, Saturday. Read to the President my letter
of instructions to Rear-Admiral Dahlgren relative to
interchange of courtesies with Tucker, the Rebel, late
Commander in our service, now Admiral in the Peruvian
Na"vy. Told him I had nothing to say after the discussion
which had been had. He remarked it was a matter which
he did not Uke, but the Secretary of State seemed' to con
sider it important, and others coincided with him. I re
marked that, as a general thing, I paid little attention
to what I called Mr. Seward's qualities. That his opinions
on intemational law had never impressed me; that the
national honor seemed of Uttle concern to him and never
stood in the way of his schemes of expediency; that this
might be a troublesome precedent in the future. So far as
Peru was concerned, she had bestowed her highest honors
on a man who had been false to his country and flag.
We had a few words in regard to the Austrian Mission.
The President said he had sent in no nomination, that he
had sent to Judge Blair to ad"vise with him in regard to
the nomination of General Blair, but the Judge had not
since called on him. I said if he was to communicate with
the General, it might be difficult, for he was in Connecti
cut. March 25, Monday. I called this moming on Judge
Blair pursuant to an understanding with the President

72 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 25
on Saturday to ascertain if he had heard from his brother.
He said he had not. I then expressed an opinion that the
President had better nominate Frank and let the Senate
dispose [of the measure. If they confu-med him and he
refused to accept, it were better that he knew notliing on
the subject, — if the Senate rejected, or adjoumed without
action, he would not be dishonored. The Judge agreed
with me and I subsequently saw the President, who
adopted the suggestion.
In my interview with Judge Blair he again expressed
dissatisfaction with the President for retaining Seward
and Stanton, and said some things were to him inex
plicable. He informs me in confidence, that nearly a year
ago General Dick Taylor 1 was in Washington and had
spent some time with General Grant. The two discussed
very fuUy the condition of affairs, and both concurred
in appro"ving the President's policy, but [thought] that to
carry it out, he must rid himself of Seward and Stanton.
With these views they saw the President and had a fuU
and free interchange of opinion "with him, and the Pre
sident responded to them favorably, eamestly, and de
cidedly. On the day follo"wing, Stanton caUed on General Grant,
I think at his house, where he had never pre"viously called,
for he was not on intimate terms "with the General; but
on this occasion he opened his mind fully to Grant, and was
ready to unite "with him and Taylor in sustaining the Pre
sident and his policy, even to the sacrificing of Seward.
General Grant knew not what to make of this and com
municated the conversation to General Taylor, who re
fused to have any connection with Stanton whatever, and
immediately sought the President and told him that they
had been betrayed, that Stanton had become possessed
of their views and was ready to unite "with them, pro"vided
he could retain his place in the War Department. But this,
' Richard Taylor, son of President Zachary Taylor and a lieutenant-
general in the Confederate service.

1867] PRIVATE SECRETARY MOORE 73
Taylor declared, was out of the question, for he had no
confidence in Stanton and would not be connected with
him. The President, he said, seemed confused, but there
the matter dropped. Blair thinks the President commun
icated the subject to Stanton, and it gives him distrust
and dissatisfaction.
Revolving the subject inmy mind, I question whether the
President is in fault, yet there are some singular circum
stances which seem to confirm it. Again my attention
turns to Colonel Moore, the President's confidential sec
retary, who was turned over to him by Stanton, who is
an officer of the War Department, and whose grateful
feelings may influence him when Stanton is in danger. It
is mere vague surmise on my part. I am and have been
favorably impressed by Colonel Moore, who has appeared
to me to be an honorable man in all my intercourse with
him and who seems invaluable to the President. But
there have been some singular things in the President's
course which are wholly beyond my comprehension, and
which I cannot reconcile or account for satisfactorily in
any way except that he is betrayed.
March 29, Friday. Congress has been making itself a
reproach to the country and to free government by its
course in relation to adjournment, by its assaults on public
men, by its rejection of some of the best men nominated
for public position, and its efforts to invade and destroy
the executive department of the Government. The lowest
and most vituperative partisanship is exhibited, towards
the President especially, who is denounced as a traitor
and pubhc enemy. One ob j ection raised to an ad j ournment
until next December is that the Radical majority mitsi see
the laws executed.
The Constitution makes it the duty of the President
to see the laws executed, but the Radical maj ority openly
usurp this power and propose a perpetual session in order
to cripple the Executive and concentrate all power in

74 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 29
Congress. Propositions to adjourn from month to month,
to adjourn and authorize the presiding officers to convene
the two houses, or to adjourn them without meeting, have
been made and supported by leading Radicals "with a
shameless disregard of their duty and oaths. If the public
necessities require, the Constitution makes it the duty of
the President to convene Congress in special session.
It is stated freely and "vpithout contradiction that
Stanton and Grant both were on the floor of the two
houses, beseeching the Members not to adjourn over to
next winter and thus leave the administration of the
government with the President. I was un"willing to be
lieve this, particularly of Grant, but fear it is true.
The Senators show an unfriendly feeling towards army
officers whom the President nominates for civil position,
and Grant cannot have failed to see there is jealousy of
the military among aspiring politicians. I am not sorry
to see this, not that I approve of the proscription of men
because they have been officers, or because they are friends
of the President; but there is a disposition on the part of
the miUtary to be clannish and to grasp poUtical office and
power, which should not overshadow ci"vU merit.
We had to-day a long discussion over Indian affairs.
The military officers have assumed the control of matters
which the law confides to the Indian agents, and have issued
orders which conflict with and subjugate the agents. To
this the Secretary of the Interior, who has charge of In
dian affairs, objects and demands that the military orders
be revoked. The Secretary of War thinks the officers are
to be justified and brings forward Generals Grant and
Sherman as his backers.
Seward is for compromising and after long discussion
opposes the revocation of the order. McCulloch concurs
with him because the army is there to protect the agents
and settlers. Stanton is very emphatic the same way, of
course. I dissented from the three who preceded me and
took a different view from McCulloch. The military are

1867] THE ALASKAN TREATY SIGNED 75
there subordinate to the agents and the law, and should
not control. All who followed me concurred with me.
Stanbery made quite an argument.
March 30, Saturday. Dined with Seward to meet
Bigelow, our late Minister to France. None present but
Mrs. W., B. and wife. Senator Cattel of New Jersey, and
Seward and family.
Congress adjourned to-day, until next July, when if a
quorum is not present, presiding officers wiU adjourn then
over to December, — a silly attempt to evade and get round
the Constitution, which confides the subject to the Pre
sident. The President and Cabinet were at the Capitol at 10
A.M. and remained untU twelve, when the adjournment
took place.
Seward and myself were first on the ground. He told
me that he and Stoeckel signed the treaty for the cession
of Russian America at four this moming, ha"ving been up
all night for that purpose. The consideration is $7,200,000.
He had informed Sumner, and the treaty was to be sent
in as soon as the President arrived. I suggested that Sum
ner might, as he was opposed to adjournment, avail him
self of the occasion to delay adjournment. Seward was
a good deal startled for a moment; said he hoped there
was no need of prolonging the session. I asked what
pro"vision had been made for payment. He said that
would not take place immediately, but could be made next
"winter. He then called in, one at a time, four or five Senators
and made special confidants of each, beginning with
Cole. I was somewhat amused and not a little disgusted
with the little acts and overpowering egotism he exhibited.
The last is a growing infirmity.
Dining with him this evening, the whole time was
spent in talking of himself and his doings, and his plans.
Bigelow, I perceive, is very much taken with him and

76 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 30
credulous in his belief of what he says, on all subjects.
Attendance at Court has had an influence on B., greater
than I should have believed.
Among other things Seward undertook to tell Bigelow
how he had shaped the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, after it
was formed. He commenced by saying that he had no
thing to do with being brought into the Cabinet, of which,
however, I knew more than he was aware. But, vie"wing
the condition of the country in March, 1861, he perceived,
he said, the necessity of entire imanimity and concert in
the Cabinet council and his great object was harmonious
action among all the members. This he succeeded in
bringing about. Blair had sometimes been a Uttle cap
tious and Chase ambitious. The latter wanted to compete
for the Presidency against Lincoln, which he (Seward)
knew would not answer.
The truth is, no member was so meddlesome and in
triguing as Seward; he was making more difficulties and
committing more errors than all the others. They toler
ated him because Mr. Lincoln did, and because it was
necessary, as he says, in the then condition of the country.
He complimented the Cabinet as the ablest and best
that the country had ever had; said that Jefferson and
Hamilton, who were in Washington's, could never have
carried the country through the War and the difficulties
and the embarrassments we have had. The diary of Jeffer
son he condemned as imworthy. Bigelow says Jefferson's
letters from France are infimtely inferior to Franklin's,
who preceded him. He was astonished at the contrast.

XLVIII
Union Success in the Connecticut Election — Seward seeks to reward a
Political Trimmer with the Cuban Consul-Generalship — The President
receives Word that an Injunction against him is to be asked from the
Supreme Court — Conversation with General Butler on Pubhc Affairs
— The Senate confirms the Alaska Purchase Treaty — Attempts to ffll
the Cuban Consul-Generalship — Admiral Goldsborough seeks through
his Wife to be retained on the Active List — Senator Wilson electioneer
ing in the South — Thaddeus Stevens denies WUson's Authority to
make Promises — Governor English of Connecticut — Most of his
Message to the Legislature written by Secretary WeUes — A Delegation
of Japanese visits the President — The House Judiciary Committee
seeking Evidence on which to impeach — McCulloch talks plainly to the
President about Stanton — The French buying War Vessels in the
United States — Seward considers acquiring Snake Island in the West
Indies — Wilkes Booth's Diary — The Price of the Danish West Indies
— Attomey-General Stanbery examining the MUitary Government Act
— The Indian Troubles — "The Japanese conclude to buy the Ship
Stonewall — The President to "visit North Carolina.
April 1, Monday. The annual election took place
to-day in Connecticut. It has been a severe struggle,
warmly contested on both sides. /The issues were those
which the Radicals in Congress have forced on the coun- /
try, and the importance of the result was generally feltTJ
In the selection of candidates the anti-Radicals showed
wisdom ahd^shrewdnessT There were old party organiza
tions, and prejudices and impracticables to encounter,
but objectionable candidates were avoided and ol)hoxious
individuals were ISepfTf oih "the" meetihgs. The few re
turns sent forward this evening leave no doubt that the
Union men, who support the Administration and disap
prove the~Cohgjessional usurpations and innovations on
the^onstitution, have been successful, electing English
and three of the four Members of Congress. In the last
Congress all were Radicals. ~
I went to the President with the first dispatch received

78 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aprili
and told him I was satisfied the Radicals were defeated
in the State and three Congressional districts. He was
much gratified and said it was the tum of the current.
April 2, Tuesday. The Connecticut election creates
quite a commotion among the politicians. It is the jfet
loud knock which admonishes the Radicals of their in
evitable doom. Seward attempts to taUi sound phUosophy
and to account for the result, which he says could not have
been obtained a month ago. I think, and so told him,
that we should have done quite as weU a month ago.
The speech and vote of Reverdy Johnson, who had be
come a renegade, and the acquiescence of the South, or
-their submission rather, had been discouraging and de
pressing to the true Constitutional men in Connecticut.
Very httle aid had reached them from "without the State.
April 3, Wednesday. When at the Cabinet yesterday,
Seward informed me that the consulship at Panama is
vacant and asked if Earl Martin or some good Connecti
cut man did not want it. He felt anxious, he said, to give
recognition to Connecticut for the good work she had
done. As I have no personal acquaintance with Martin, I could
not advise him, but said I did not feel anxious to send a
good man to a place where the yeUow fever was raging
and which was always unhealthy.
This evening he called at my house "with Senator Dixon
and said they had come to consult with me in relation to
the place of Consul-General to Cuba. Governor Minor
has sent in his resignation. Seward received it, he says,
yesterday afternoon, after seeing me, and, accidentaUy
meeting Senator Dixon, that gentleman had proposed
Gideon Hollister for the position, but he thought proper
before coming to a final conclusion that he should see me,
and had, therefore, got Mr. Dixon to call "ndth him. Dixon,
being quite deaf and engaged in reading the Hartford

1867] THE CUBAN CONSUL-GENERALSHIP 79
papers, did not listen or understand Seward's conversa
tion, further than he knew its general purport, until I
called him to Usten. I told them I was not prepared to
advise the appointment, that it did not strike me as par
ticularly favorable in a political point of view, or that it
would be received by the people who had elected English
as a special compliment to them.
Our conversation was not very extended, but was such
as led them both to suggest that the subject should be
further considered, and Dixon is to call on me to-morrow
morning in regard to it.
Hollister is a personal adherent and crony of Dixon, a
sly and sUppery partisan who has run himself ashore by
Uttle intrigues. Personally I have always been on terms
with him, but the election of mere office-seekers who have
no distinctive principle does not beget confidence.
The Democratic and conservative papers are jubilant
over the election, and the Radicals are extremely bitter.
Hawley vents his grief and disappointment in a rancorous
article in his paper, denunciatory of me and spiteful
towards Dixon.
April 4, Thursday. Dixon called this a.m., rather late,
in regard to the consulate at Havana. I think he has in the
mean time seen Seward.
I told him I had thought a good deal on the subject
since last evening's interview and that my opposition to
it had increased; that Hollister was in no sense a repre
sentative man of the party or people who had just achieved
a "victory in the State; that I had not heard of him through
this hard-fought campaign; that I did not even know
that he voted for the Administration, though I presumed
he did for most of it, not from any deep conviction, . but
because he (D.) was for it; that the appointment would
injure him (D.), for it would be at once said he had availed
himself of the labors of others to get an important posi
tion for a personal friend; that the appointment would

80 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 4
not strengthen the Administration or do it any good at
home. He was evidently impressed with my suggestions.
Said he feared he had been hasty; that he supposed I had
been consulted by Seward before he knew anything of the
case; that Seward had sent for him and he met hun after
receiving the note, and at once and without much thought
named Hollister; that Seward had repUed, "Very weU,"
but subsequently proposed that I should be seen. In the
mean time, Dixon says, he wrote inconsiderately to Hol
lister that he could have the place, relying on what Seward
said. As it is, he thinks the appointment had better not go
to Hartford, he has become so imfortunately compUcated,
but as Hollister may decline, the subject had better remain
quiet for a day or two.
I was with the President in the course of the afternoon
and introduced the subject of consul-general to Cuba,
informing him, as I had Dixon, that a different man,
like Judge James Phelps or Hovey of Norwich, would be
a stronger and better appointment, and that EngUsh and
others should be consulted. The President agreed with
me, and said when Mr. Seward called on him to make the
appointment he inquired what I thought of it, and said
it would be proper to get my "views.
All of this Seward has concealed from me, and strove
to get Dixon committed with him without informing me.
When the President sent him to me, he came with his
story of accidentally meeting Dixon, but D. assured me,
and twice repeated, that Seward had sent for him, —
written him a note. Such is Seward. A great "victory
achieved by the friends of the Administration is per
verted to personally enrich and reward a trimmer.
April 5, Friday. President called the Cabinet to a
special session at 9 a.m., relative to notice given him of
a motion which was to be made to the Supreme Court for

1867] TALK WITH GENERAL BUTLER 81
an injunction on him and general order to stay proceed
ings under the military biU for constructing the Rebel
States. Attomey-General was directed to object to the mo
tion, — the President, as the representative of the United
States, cannot be sued.
General Butler called on me yesterday, ostensibly on
some Uttle matter of business. When it was disposed of,
he asked whether he was to congratulate or condole with
me on the result of the Connecticut election. I replied
that I was gratified at the result and, of course, had no
need of condolence; that I congratulated myself and others
on what had taken place. This opened the subject of our
public affairs, on which we had a pretty free and apparently
imreserved conversation, though he is neither frank nor
reUable. He is not, I perceive, satisfied with his position,
nor with his treatment by a portion of the Radicals. I
spoke of the election as being favorable to the President,
Mr. Johnson, whose policy I approved; the policy had
commenced "with Mr. Lincoln, and I believed it correct.
I asked wherein he could except to it. He said that per
haps Congress should have been consulted, — he thought
so. I inquired by what authority Congress could inter
vene. Congress was the legislative, not the executive, de
partment of govemment, had none but granted powers,
and where was the power conferred on Congress to con
struct or destroy a State? He answered there is no
grant, but it grew out of the War; the Rebel States were
conquered States; the President had no more power than
Congress. "Therein," said I, "we differ. I hold, as did Mr. Lin
coln and as does Mr. Johnson, that when Lee and Johns
ton surrendered, martial law prevailed from the Potomac
to the Rio Grande, and the President, as commander-in-
chief, had the undoubted right under the war power to
govern those States, temporarily, and to bring order out
of chaos. He could have turned the matter over to General
Grant and other miUtary subordinates, but he preferred
3

82 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 5
to do it himself. He appointed a provisional governor,
first in North CaroUna and subsequently in other States,
as you. General Butler, being in chief command in the
Gulf, appointed Deming a provisional mayor in New Or
leans. Mr. Lincoln had no intention of callmg on Congress
to assist in this matter. Every one knew this, who had
any knowledge of Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Colfax was here on
the day of his death to bid him good-bye, for he was in
tending to cross the Plains and be absent untU October.
As Speaker he would not have absented himself, had there
been any intention of convening Congress.
"Then," said I, "these miUtary despotisms over the
States, — the assembling of the State Governments, —
I don't see. General, how you, if a democratic RepubUcan,
can sanction such measures."
"I had nothing to do with them," said he. "They were
enacted before I took my seat."
"But," said I, "you are identified with that party and
those acts."
"Begging your pardon, I do not indorse those acts
nor approve them. I am not identified with them, nor
responsible for them."
I remarked that I was glad to hear him say so.
"Why," he asked, "does not the President test them?
Why does he submit to such laws and attempt to carry
them out? He declares them imconstitutional. If so, they
are no laws. Why does he obey them?"
I called his attention to the constitutional require
ment, that he should see all laws faithfully executed.
"But it is no law," said Butler; "the President says
it is no law. He is one of the departments of the Govem
ment and must decide for himself. If, however, he wants
to get a decision from the Court, there is no difficulty.
Let a suit be instituted in Virginia and brought at once
before the Supreme Court now in session."
He then went on to detail the modus operandi.
On the whole, I am satisfied that Butler is dissatisfied.

1867] THE SENATE REJECTS NOMINATIONS 83
April 17, Wednesday. My time has been so occupied
that I could make no record of daily occurrences in this
book. Important events have occurred; some of the details
should have been jotted down.
The Senate continues in session, rejecting the nomina
tions which the President sends in, — not that the nom
inees are not competent and faithful, but because they
are his friends and support his measures. Some of the
Senators declare they wiU vote to confirm no man who
is not a Radical. Dixon teUs me that Sumner made his
boast, in extra session, that he had aUowed none but
Radicals to be appointed to any office in Massachusetts,
where the Senate has a voice. I have little confidence in
Randall as Postmaster-General, imder such circumstances.
He gives in, trims, lacks vim and strength, if nothing else.
I apprehend his course has some influence on McCul
loch, who, loaded down with the financial difficulties,
wants to conciUate. It requires some courage to meet a
not overscrupulous body of men clothed with authority,
and who can, if they choose, embarrass the Govemment
without financial accountabUity. The President has held
his own very well, considering his surroundings. Seward
he probably consults most, and Seward has, as Mr. Clay
said of him, "no convictions," — is an egotist and selfish
aspirant. RandaU, whose confirmation is understood to
have been secured by pledges to Radical Senators, is greatly
under Seward's influence, and the President cannot, with
his reticence, avoid committing errors with such ad"visers.
The result is the President is appointing more enemies
than friends, and his Administration is thereby weakened.
Seward seldom selects or makes a good appointment. He
thinks he is helping himself and cares little about helping
the President, except as it may ultimately benefit himself
and his former Whig friends.
The treaty for the acquisition of Russian America
was finally confirmed, only two Senators voting against
it, though qiute a number spoke against it. Some de-

84 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 17
nounced it with violence, but voted for it at last, — mere
partisans wanting in legislative wisdom and moral cour
age. The New York Tribune, Mr. Greeley, made a ferocious
attack on the treaty, ridiculed and denounced the ac
quisition, but foimd he had no influence where he thought
himseU aU-powerful.
Dixon has urged me to unite "with him in behalf of
Gideon H. Hollister as Consul-General to Cuba. I have
decUned. Told him I was not aware Hollister was a repre
sentative of those who carried the late election; that I
considered him a party trimmer without much regard for
principle. Dixon says he has become compUcated. Repeats that
Seward wished him to caU and see him, asked him to
nominate, and he supposed I had been consulted and was
aware of the steps Seward had taken. Seward caUed "with
Dixon on me after all this had occurred, and opened the
subject to me in confidence, wanted us to unite, etc. My
"views were fully expressed in his presence at that time,
and it was subsequently that Dixon told me how Seward
had first approached him. A day or two after the two had
paid me a "visit, the President spoke of the appointment,
said Seward had brought him HoUister's name and he
asked if I had been consulted. Seward said he had consulted
the Senator from Connecticut, and the President desired
that I should be seen. It was this order which had brought
about the interview between S. and D. "with me at my
house. I stated finally, after repeated calls from Dixon, who
has behaved well enough so far as I am concerned, that
I would give HoUister's true character to the President
and there leave it, for he and I ought not to be in con
flict. The result is Hollister has been nominated. He is a
hanger-on to Dixon, writes sonnets to Mrs. D., has a bad
poUtical record and no force.

1867] THE SENATE ADJOURNS 85
April 20, Saturday. Hollister was promptly rejected.
I then proposed Judge James Phelps, whom I had first
named. Dixon assented, but afterwards suggested that
Phelps' appointment would create a vacancy which the
Radicals would fiU. Ferry wrote Faxon a note that
Phelps would be confirmed, but that Lippitt of New
London, whom I had suggested "with Phelps, would prob
ably be rejected. On this state of facts, "with a disposition
to be kind to New London, where the people had been
made sore by Brandegee and others on the Na"vy Yard
question, I ad"vised sending in Lippitt's name. He was
at once rejected. The President then proposed to go else
where than Connecticut, and I could not object. Kilby
Smith was nominated, and his name laid on the table.
So the consulate is not filled, nor is the Austrian Mis
sion, and several other places.
The Senate adjoumed on Saturday, the 20th, at 9 p.m.
From day to day, and on Saturday from hour to hour,
the adjournment was postponed, in order to arrange for
the offices. The President yielded to some extent as he
has done before, which I regretted, for tampering "with
enemies and surrendering his constitutional prerogative
weakens his position. In their usurpations. Senators claim
the right to dictate in regard to appointments for which
the President and not the Senators is responsible, and he,
without acknowledging their right, yields to their usurping
pretensions. Rear-Admiral Goldsborough continues to press his
claims for four years' addition to his time on the active
list. He "will in January have been an officer of the Na"vy
fifty-five years, but as he did not from sheer favoritism
receive orders for sea until four years after his appoint
ment he now claims that those four years should not count
against him. He has had the benefit of them for more
than fifty years, giving him priority over others. Were
he here to attend to his own case personally, I could get

86 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 20
along, but, being absent, he stimulates and pushes for
ward his wife, the daughter of Attomey-General WiUiam
Wirt, a very worthy woman and very devoted to him,
and with her there is no reasoning. She is satisfied that
her husband is the best officer in the Na"vy, has done more
service than any other, and, being not only the wife of
a Rear-Admiral, but the daughter of an Attomey-General,
there is no convincing her. I do not controvert the facts
which she assumes in regard to her husband. No one
could. And her law is as good as his war statements.
She has consulted Chief Justice Chase, her former in
structor and friend, Attomey-General Stanbery, and
Reverdy Johnson, successor of Wirt, and some others,
who all, without knowing the facts, assure her that her
husband ought to be continued four years longer on the
active Ust. Mr. J. P. Kennedy, late Secretary of the 'N&'vj,
also favors Goldsborough, and has "written a book, which
has been printed, to prove that G. should continue to
receive extraordinary favors.
April 29, Monday. The injunction cases in behalf of
Georgia and Mississippi have been before the Court and are
still pending. Attomey-General and Mr. O'Conor made
arguments on Friday. The latter is evidently more of a
lawyer than statesman, studies law more than constitu
tions, cases more than governmental principles. Nothing
will be got from the Court, I apprehend, and there are
embarrassments in the case. The Attorney-General's
positions cannot be subscribed to in all respects. Why
O'Conor and his associates make no use of the recent
decision of the Court in MilUgan's case I don't imderstand.
Congress, under color of law, cannot invest brigadiers with
power to abolish jury trial or to suspend the pri\'ilege of
habeas corpus in time of peace.
Senator Wilson is electioneering through the Southem
States, stirring up the blacks, irritating and insulting the
whites, promising the people recognition and that they

GIDEON WELLES

1867] SENATOR WILSON IN THE SOUTH 87
may have their constitutional rights, provided they will
submit to the unconstitutional and unwarranted dictation
of the Radicals.
Thad Stevens has issued a card denying Wilson's au
thority to make promises for the Radicals. He, Stevens,
intends to play the part of tyrant and dictator to the
South for years, wUl not permit them to be represented,
intends to exclude them and to confiscate the property of
the Rebels. These differences among the Radical leaders
may have the effect of bringing considerate men in the
North to their senses, lead them to examine the principles
on which the govemment is founded, and cause them to
look again to the Constitution which they have thrust
aside for some time past.
The North must retrieve itself from its errors growing
out of resentment and e"vil passions, and in retrieving it
self wUl extricate the country from the slough in which
the Radicals have plunged it.
May 1, Wednesday. A delegation of Japanese have
arrived here for some purpose. Seward sent Chilton, one
of his clerks, to take them in charge, and they have been
brought to Washington. Their arrival hastened Seward's
retum from Auburn, where he had gone to make his semi
annual visit and, it was said, to make his semi-annual
speech. HappUy the Japanese, or some other cause, saved
the inffiction.
May 2, Thursday. Th^new Governor of Connecticut,
EngUsh, was inaugurated yesterday. His message is dif
ferent in sentiment and principle from the views of his
predecessor. Governor Hawley.^J do not think, however,
that H. has any well-defined opinions or convictions on
great govemmental or political questions. / If^o he does
not consistently adhere to them. He_began his career as
an AboUtionist and was earnest and enthusiastic with
probably more sentimentality than principle. As the

88 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 2
cause expanded, he became bewUdered, but clung to his
_humanitarianism as the Alpha and Omega of party.
Since the emancipation and suppression of the RebelUon,
he has floated with the current, impulsive by nature, yet
Republican rather than Radical. . . .
.- The Radicals of Connecticut and of New England are
narrow-minded party men of Puritanic-Cal"vinistic notions
in politics and religion, intolerant and prejudiced in their
^opinions. Hate, revenge, and persecution enter largely
into their composition. They think, — or believe, for they
do not give so much thought as they should to the sub
ject, — they believe that force, oppression, compulsion
are necessary to govern the South and that the Radicals
of the North should govern them; that the people of the
South must be discipUned; that since the RebelUon they
are without the pale of the Constitution and should be
less tolerated than if they were aliens. These fanatics
want a God to punish, not to love, those who do not agree
with them.
"" May 3, Friday. The President compliments the message
of Governor English, and the Radical editors, "without
-controverting it, call it names.
Governor English has been a successful merchant in
New Haven and represented his to"wn and district in the
legislature, without any marked distinction, but "with a
degree of fairness that led to his election to the Thirty-
seventh Congress and his reelection to the Thirty-eighth.
His course in the national legislature had, of course, no
thing brUUant, but he acquitted himself during that try
ing and turbulent period in a manner that was more
acceptable to men of all parties than that of either of his
colleagues. Although a Democrat, he supported the Ad
ministration in most of its War measures, and voted "with
the Republicans on some of the test questions of party
without forfeiting the confidence of his associates, or polit
ical constituents. The good judgment he displayed rather

1867] A JAPANESE DELEGATION 89
than any shining quaUties or marked genius led to his
nomination and election as Governor .|Most of the message
which the President commends, and which the Radicals
condemn, was written by me, but of this the President
knows nothijig, and I apprehend EngUsh himself is not
fully informed. Jit was written with a view of calling
pubUc^ttention to the vital poUtical questions before the
country. \
Senator WUson extends his joumey South, making of
fensive speeches, which are permitted, because the man
liness as well as the haughty arrogance which once char
acterized the South is broken and completely subdued.
They seem to have no spirit in them. It can scarcely be
doubted, however, that the slumbering "vsrath will yet be
aroused. But Wilson's success has started out another
set of Radical orators, who are going South to enkindle
party animosity, arouse the ignorant blacks, and excite
them against the whites. This is the Radical process of
Reconstruction. Seward had the Japanese to see the President to-day.
Spoke of them in Cabinet. Says they have not yet dis
closed their object; supposes they "wish to buy ships; likely
may want to make some inquiry about the two that were
buUt for them by Weed and Lansing, to whom they in
trusted funds ; but that all is friendly.
I hope that everything may prove satisfactory to them
and that they have not been wronged; but have my appre
hensions that they have been cheated and swindled badly.
Seward knows that I have not fallen in with the course
he has pursued towards them. We could have their friend
ship and their commerce, — we may have it still, but it is
in jeopardy, for they have not been well and fairly treated
by us. I have already, and in former pages, made mention
of these circumstances, and my official letters to Seward
have expressed my opinions. He looks upon me, I think,
with some distrast in this matter. I know his friend Weed
does.

90 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 4
May 4, Saturday. I offered Commodore Lee to-day the
Naval Observatory. He decUned it. Said he had a house
of his 0"wn and to take the observatory would lessen his
percentage in consequence of the house there which he
should have to take. I asked him if he would like the
Norfolk Navy Yard. He said no, he would not, but he
should be glad to have the Ordnance Bureau, which Wise
was about leaving. I told him that I was not aware that
Wise desired to relinquish that position. My impression
was that he did not. Lee said that Mrs. Wise had given
out that her husband was going to Eirrope and would give
up the Ordnance. That, I remarked, was woman's talk.
He said if Wise was not going to give up the bureau, he
wished a day or two to think of the other matter, to which
I assented. He is mercenary and avaricious to a wonder
ful extent.
The Judiciary Committee of the House has reassembled
in Washington to pursue inquiries and see if they cannot
obtain something on which to impeach the President.
No facts, no charges, no malconduct are kno"wn or pre
ferred, for the sUp-slop of Ashley was long since discarded,
but a standing committee is advertised and has assem
bled to ascertain whether something cannot be found which
may be tortured or twisted against the President, whom
they cannot induce to go "vsdth them in their revolution
ary schemes, and who is, consequently, in their way. A
more scandalous villainy never disgraced the country.
McCulloch tells me he has had a talk with the President
and told him he had brought these troubles upon him
self by the hesitating course he had pursued; that he had
retained a man in his Cabinet who is notoriously op
posed to his Administration, a man who, from the begin
ning, has been an embarrassment; that there was never any
free interchange of opinion when that member was pre
sent, but there was reserve ; yet in many of the important
measures and movements that false member had a con
trolling voice and often was the only person consulted.

1867] JAPAN WANTS TO BUY SHIPS 91
McC. instanced the appointment or selection of the mili
tary governors, which had been made without consultation
with any member of the Cabinet, save the false and un
faithful one. The President listened and assented to the
remarks, but having, under the influence of Seward, com
menced in error, he will be likely under the same influence
to continue in weakness, as regards Stanton.
I have seen all these errors, have adverted to them when
opportunity presented, have had my opinions indorsed,
but there the subject has ended. Seward, and RandaU,
whom he uses, are not elements of strength, but they are
different from Stanton, for whom they apologize and whom
they justify and sustain. They are weak; he is wicked.
By weak I mean their course and counsel, politically, are
worse than worthless. They have no sincere convictions,
— no treacherous intentions, but are full of tricks and
expedients, which accomplish nothing, while they beget
distrust. May 6, Monday. Dined at Seward's on Saturday with
the Cabinet and the Japan Embassy. Senator Sumner and
others were present, among them Madame Juarez, wife
of the President of Mexico, and daughters. Each of the
Cabinet and some others were introduced to them and to
each of the Japanese. One of their number talked English,
and others understood it.
To-day Seward called on me with some of the Japanese,
who want to purchase naval vessels. A serious rebellion
prevails in Japan. They profess to seek advice and assist
ance. Say they "wish to act in good faith in carrying out
the treaty.
Seward had informed them that we had various kinds
of vessels. They wanted monitors, but had leamed it
was difficult handling and navigating them. I told them
we could well spare some monitors, but it would be scarcely
possible to get them to Japan. Any vessels which we could
spare I would be glad to have them possess.

92 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 6
Seward and myself called on the President on their be
half, and I have detaUed Commodore Jenkins to go "with
the commission to Annapolis, examine the school and ves
sels, and have an interview with the superintendent.
May 7, Tuesday. Webb, builder of the Dunderberg,
informs me he has made sale of that vessel to an agent
of the French Government. And Quintard has also sold
that Govemment the Onondaga. Secor and Swift apply
to purchase five more monitors, doubtless for sale to foreign
governments. Their proposition is to resume or retake the
vessels, refunding to the Govemment the amount we have
paid. Seward and the Cabinet were taken aback when I in
formed them that the French were purchasing our naval
vessels. Seward had stated that Berth^my, the French
Minister, had called upon him to remonstrate, or inquire
into the sale of war vessels to Prussia, and he had some
thing of a querulous story to teU. When he had got through
and I told him what the French were doing, he stood in
amazement. I submitted the proposition of Secor and Swift for the
five vessels. He seemed disposed to sell, but Stanton, who
objected, would sell none of these vessels. Others pro
posed to commit the whole subject to my discretion. I
informed them it was not a matter for me to decide, but
for the President, "with the advice of the Cabinet, to dis
pose of. I was, however, indi"viduaUy decidedly in favor
of selling so far as I had a voice.
May 11, Saturday. Thomas Ewing called on me at the
solicitation of Mrs. Dahlgren, who insists on going out
to her husband in the South PacUic. She wants a pubhc
vessel to convey her, her two infant twins, their nurses,
etc., from Panama. A great pressure has been made upon
me from the time Admiral Dahlgren received his orders,
and Mr. Ewing has on one or two former occasions spoken

1867] OFFICERS' WIVES ON SHIPBOARD 93
on the subject. It has been before the Cabinet. At this
time the matter comes up in a new form. The yeUow fever
prevails at Panama, and Mr. E"wing says that Admiral
D. represents it is on board the packet ships. I asked if
that was not an intimation that he deemed it inexpedient
and ill-advised for Mrs. D, to leave the country with her
infants. It has been the policy not to send women out in
naval vessels, and I think it unfortunate that the ladies
go abroad to their husbands on foreign stations. In this
instance I remarked it appeared extremely injudicious,
for Dahlgren had but a year and a half to serve. If Mrs.
D. should be with her family at Lima it would, unavoid
ably, influence the movements of the Admiral and the
squadron. Mr. Ewing assented to the correctness of my
¦views, but said Mrs. D. was resolved to go if she had to
take the sickly steamers.
Stanton yesterday made an exhibit of the requisitions
for expenditures by the military governors, or satraps, in
the territoriaUzed States. They wiU draw largely on the
Treasury. Sheridan especially "goes in with a rush" as
they say. He is brave and patriotic, but not an adminis
trative officer whom I should select for civil duties. But
the officers are less blamable for this military government,
whether well or poorly administered, than the Congress
which passed the laws creating it.
May 13, Monday. Have talked with several naval
officers on the subject of taking their wives on naval ves
sels, and found them generally opposed to it. There are,
however, exceptions, and most of them admit there may
be occasions abroad when it would be pleasant and ex
cusable, perhaps, to give them passage, but it nevertheless
disarranges and invariably causes discontent.
I have under the circumstances given a permit to Mrs.
D. to go on a public vessel from Panama.
May 14, Tuesday. Attomey-General Stanbery read a

94 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may i4
number of pages of his opinion on the subject of registra
tion and suffrage, under what is known as the military
bill for governing the Rebel States. It is very elaborate
and has been carefully prepared. He promises the re
mainder at the next Cabinet-meeting on Friday. He will
give much more extended suffrage to the whites than was
intended by the Radical concocters of the law. Stanton
was somewhat annoyed by it, and I was satisfied from his
remarks that his intimacy "with that bill has been early
and thorough. I have little doubt that he was consulted,
if he did not ad"vise, perhaps originate, the measure.
May 15, Wednesday. Returning from the Department
this P.M., I met Seward, who was going with his sons to
call on me. I got into his carriage and rode with him, as
he had a matter to communicate. Some New-Yorker has
informed him of an uninhabited island, called Snake
Island,^ near St. Thomas, which has a capacious and ex
cellent harbor. His informant occupied the island prior
to the War and was engaged in making sugar-hogsheads.
The island, he says, is low and weU timbered. I asked why,
if it had such excellent harbor, it had remained unoccupied.
Seward could not inform me, nor what nation claimed it,
but he supposed the Spaniards. I apprehend there must
be a want of water. Seward promises to send me the
papers. I advised, if the facts were as stated, that his New York
friend should resume possession and that we would defend
him in his rights. If Spain should claim jurisdiction, we
must adjust the matter with her. I told him I much pre
ferred this to buying St. Thomas.
May 16, Thursday. Was at the President's on a Uttle
matter of business when the Metropolitan poUce came
for review. RandaU and myself supported the President.
' The island of Culebra (Spanish for "snake") is between St. Thomas
and Puerto Rico and belongs to the latter.

1867] PRICE OF DANISH WEST INDIES 95
Afterward Randall read to us his testimony before the
Judiciary Committee.
The President submitted to us the letters of Judge
Holt and Stanton in regard to Booth's diary and a copy
of the contents, and inquired what we thought of its
pubUcation. I asked what objections there could be. It
was a great mystery and was construed to mean whatever
any diseased imagination might conceive. Randall thought
as I did. The President said Stanton was violently op
posed to its publication.
May 17, Friday. Seward had a long tale to teU in regard
to his testimony before the Judiciary Committee. He
makes himself, I perceive, the hero with Stanton of Mr.
Lincoln's Administration. I shall be curious to see that
testimony when published. Many things in regard to
Reconstruction and organizing the provisional govern
ments of the Rebel States occurred whUe he was sick and
unable to attend to his duties.
May 21, Tuesday. Seward presents a telegraphic cor
respondence with Raasloff,! now at Copenhagen, and a
memorandum given to Senator Doolittle relative to the
purchase of the Danish West India Islands. Denmark
wants $15,000,000 for the whole or $10,000,000 for St.
Thomas, with consent of the inhabitants to the transfer.
Seward sent a dispatch to Yeaman, our Minister, to offer
$5,000,000, ultimatum $10,000,000. Any expression of
inhabitants must be before treaty.
McCulloch and myself expressed surprise that more
than $5,000,000 had been or should be offered. McCul
loch said he believed something had been said about
going up to $7,500,000 for the whole. I stated that I pre
ferred not to purchase even at $5,000,000. At all events,
would not go beyond that. During the War I had felt
» General Raasloff was Danish Minister to the United States. The nego
tiations for the purchase of the islands had been conducted through him. ,

96 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 21
that a station in the West Indies was desirable, but we
should experience no such want again. We are now as weU
accommodated as if we o"wned St. Thomas. In case of a
war with either of the great powers, — British, French,
or Spanish, — we could seize one of these islands. In the
condition of our Treasury I did not care to buy. Attomey-
General Stanbery preferred to take Snake Island than to
buy an inhabited island.
Seward is anxious to make a purchase somewhere. Has
loose, indefinite, and selfish notions. It is more the glory
of Seward than the true interests of the country, I appre
hend. He craves constant notoriety, and the purchase of
the Danish Islands for $15,000,000 or even $10,000,000
would, I think, give him more than he expects, or perhaps
would want.
The Attorney-General presented another installment of
his opinion on the MiUtary Govemment BiU. Stanton
criticized it closely, controverted some of the points, is
friendly to the bill, and probably had much to do in its
preparation if he did not originate the measure. He
defended it with all the earnestness and tenacity of an
author, and took ground such as would suit the strongest
Radicals. As the act and supplemental act are palpably and clearly
imconstitutional, I see nothing substantial or valuable in
the opinion which the Attomey-General has been, and
is, elaborating, unless in the fact that he is gi^'ing a more
liberal or enlarged scope to suffrage than the Radicals
intended. More whites will be aUowed to exercise their
rights than was designed by the Radicals. All blacks, of
course, are to vote, though they have no such right, nor
has the Central Government authority to confer it. Hear
ing Stanton controvert positions, dissent from the opinion,
tell what is the proper construction and meaning of an
act which is no law, because unconstitutional, is highly
absurd. Almost as absurd is the leamed attempt of Stan
bery to expound their acts.

1867] THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT ACT 97
I have asked what is the status of the people in the
proscribed States. Are they foreigners? If so, not one of
them can vote until naturalized. There must be a uni
form system of naturalization. Are they citizens? They
cannot be disfranchised nor their States overthrown, nor
jury trials abolished, nor can they be tried and condemned
by mUitary commissions. No one answered my questions.
The Attorney-General says the unconstitutionality of the
law is beyond question. That point he does not touch.
But that is the great essential, the foundation of all argu
ment. If there is no foundation, how can he build? He has
an insoluble problem and undertakes to give a result.
Stanton never touches the question of constitutionality,
neither assenting nor dissenting, nor discussing it.
May 22, Wednesday. The Japanese have concluded to
buy the Stonewall.
Webb wants me to let him have the Dunderberg on his
depositing government securities, delaying payment for
a year. He has produced an opinion from Lowry, indorsed
by Evarts, that this is the intent of the law. When I de
clined considering the proposition, Webb became quite
vexed and excited. He is selfish, jealous, and grasping.
His object is to get the interest on a million and a quarter
of dollars for a year.
May 23, Thursday. A special Cabinet-meeting. Seward
submitted a modified proposition to Denmark for the
purchase of her West India Islands, making $7,500,000 an
ultimatum. McCulloch, Stanbery, and myself thought it
best to guard the Treasury at this time; that we wanted
money more than West Indian people. Seward was very
earnest. It was necessary to get these islands, or a foot
hold in the West Indies, as a preservative measure, — as
a means of security. It would insure peace. He had talked
with the Senators. Grimes and Wade were earnest for it,
and of course others were.
3

98 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 23
Stanton, Randall, and Browning went with him. I
stated we had no need of a station in time of peace. We
could take any of the islands from any power with which
we might be at war.
A further installment from Mr. Stanbery was read on
the Reconstruction or MiUtary Govemment Act. Seward
and the members generally expressed themselves as satis
fied. Stanton dissented.
I thought Stanbery had done as well as one could who
was compelled to try to make sense out of nonsense, law
out of illegality. The act is admitted by everybody to
be unconstitutional; of course, that being the case, it has
no validity. It is a fraud perpetrated by a majority
of a fragmentary Congress. I, therefore, cared not to
comment on the opinion, and attempted practical work
ings of the bill. Why strive to solve an insoluble pro
blem? The Indian troubles were discussed at some length
without coming to a conclusion. General Grant was sent
for and was present. He and Stanton are in sympathy
with the military men on the Plains, and there seems a de
termination to have an Indian war. Were there no troops
there, or only a few at the posts to sustain the agents, we
should probably have no war, but the miUtary claim to
supersede the agents and are sustained by the War De
partment and General Grant.
Letters were read from Colonels Wynkoop and Leaven
worth, stating the destruction of three hundred lodges
with all their contents, — tools, utensils, buffalo robes,
etc., — constituting not only all the wealth of some fifteen
hundred Indians, but the necessary means of shelter and
subsistence for themselves, their women and children.
The only excuse for this destruction which brings misery
to so many is that the women and children fled from the
lodges as the troops approached and could not be per
suaded to return. Fear, it is admitted, influenced them
in running away.

1867] THE INDIAN TROUBLES 99
May 24, Friday. Jere Black, Buchanan's Attorney-
General, called relative to the claim of Rear-Admiral
Goldsborough for four years' additional continuance on the
active list. After a pretty full and frank discussion, I think
he became satisfied there was little law and merit in Golds-
borough's claim.
We then had a long and interesting conversation on the
condition of our public affairs. Our views in the main coin
cided. Some of my positions appeared to be new to him,
or were presented in a way that seemed to impress him,
I thought, with a stronger conviction. He said it would
be weU for the President to prepare a calm and considerate
address to his countrymen, something in the character
and strain of Washington's and Jackson's. I was not pre
pared to urge this or even adopt it. Had the President
been more calm, made no speeches or harangues, it would
be different. But his weak talk has weakened him, and his
silence for the last five months leaves little doubt that he
is aware of it.
May 25, Saturday. The Japanese conclude to buy the
Stonewall. There will be trouble in getting her to them.
The Na"vy Department will have to take the labor, care,
etc., of all this, and the State Department will take credit,
should there be any.
May 27, Monday. The opinion of the Attorney-Gen
eral on Reconstruction is published and seems to stir up
the Radicals, who know not what to say of it.

May 28, Tuesday. The Indian matters occupied over
two hours. It is evident the military intend to control
Indian affairs to the annihilation of the whole race.
Hancock admits the destruction of the three hundred
Indian lodges and all the utensils and household gods and
goods. His excuse is that the women and children fled

100 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 28
when the chief said they should not; that they would not
retum, were afraid of the troops; all of which was in bad
faith. I listened to the numerous dispatches of the Indian
agents to the Interior Department in behalf of the Indians,
and those of the military to the War Department, and the
discussion on both sides, with painful interest.
General Grant was present, and his sympathies and
feelings were naturally with the military, but he was more
reasonable than Stanton.
Seward was querulous and pointless and meaningless in
some sprawUng remarks intended to conciUate Grant and
Stanton. Nothing patriotic, or humane, or just escaped
him. May 31, Friday. The President concludes to go to
Raleigh, North Carolina, and wiU be accompanied by
Seward. At one time it was understood he would be ac
companied by some of the members of his famUy and one
or two of his personal staff, but that none of the Cabinet
would go with him. To-day it is stated that Seward "wUl
be his companion and that none of his famUy "wiU be of the
party. It is unfortunate for the President that he permits
himself to be absorbed by Seward, who is, not "without
some cause, so universaUy distrusted and disliked. He is
delighted with traveling, feasting, notoriety, and both he
and Stanton make the President a convenience and help
to themselves in aU matters where they can.

XLIX
The President goes to North CaroUna, accompanied by Seward and Randall
— Chief Justice Chase to hold Court in North Carolina — The Judiciary
Committee decides against Impeachment but reports a Resolution of
Censure against the President — A Visit to the Naval Academy with
Admiral Farragut — Parting with Farragut — Farragut the Great
Hero of the War — Sheridan's Removal of Governor Wells of Louisiana
— Stanbery's Liberal Interpretation of the Military Government Act —
Talk with Governor Pease of Texas — A Faction in Colombia pro
poses to tax Foreign Residents — Seward's Presidential Ambitions and
Craze for the Acquisition of > Tem tory "=-The Attorney-General's
Opinion on the Reconstruction BUls an Able Document — Mrs. Golds
borough presses the Admiral's Claims to Retention on the Active List —
The President invites Secretary WeUes to accompany him on a Journey
to Boston — Cabinet Discussion of the Attorney-General's Opinion on
the MUitary Govemment Law — Commander Roe's Action in seizing
Santa Anna — The President starts for Boston — The Publication of
Cabinet Proceedings — Sheridan's Insubordination — The President's
Faltering Conduct — His Administration a Failure — General Sickles's
Letter against the Secretary of the Navy — The President courteously
received in New England — Grant's Probable Candidacy — Mont
gomery Blair's Opinion of Grant as a General — Admiral Farragut sails
for Europe with two of the Secretary's Sons accompanying him —
Conversation with the President on his Return from the South.
June 3, Monday. Admiral Farragut came on Friday and
is stopping "with me for a few days. I called with him on
the President on Saturday and dined at Seward's that
evening with him.
The President got off on Saturday. Seward and Randall
went with him. McCulloch expressed his regret that any
of the Cabinet had gone, but, as Seward went, was rather
glad Randall had gone also. I take a different view, but it
confirms my impressions of Randall and his affinity with
Seward. Chief Justice Chase told me Saturday evening that he
intended going to North Carolina on Monday to hold
court. Martial law being established by Congress and
military governments in full sway, he can now, after

102 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 3
evading and avoiding his duties for two years, hold court
there. He is very aspiring and in some respects an un
suitable man for his position.
The municipal election was held to-day in Washington.
It was an abuse and a farce. The negroes, under Radical
training, have controlled the result, and negro votes will
be sought and managed in the future of the South. All
this strife, or usurpation, is in flagrant disregard of the
principles on which our govemment and institutions are
founded, as it is in disregard of and detrimental to in
telUgent citizenship and enlightened freedom. Under the
pretense of elevating the negro, the Radicals are degrading
the whites and debasing the elective franchise, bringing
elections into contempt.
June 4, Tuesday. The Judiciary Committee have, by
a vote of five to four, decided against impeachment, but
by a strict party vote passed a resolution of censure against
the President. A more shameless and disgraceful proceed
ing than this whole impeachment conspiracy has never
been enacted. For many months a committee, composed
mostly of extreme partisans, has been in session "with
extraordinary powers to send for persons and papers, and
with the public treasury and an army of pubUc scavengers
to assist them, to find, if possible, some act or transaction
or expression which would justify or excuse an arraignment
of the Chief Magistrate. His pubhc and his private acts
have been scanned, his household affairs, his domestic
life, his bank accounts, his social intercourse, as weU as
all his speeches, conversations, and doings as a man and
President, have been scrutinized. Failing in their intrigue,
scandal and defamation have been set to work to palliate
these outrageous proceedings. Most of the members of the
Cabinet and, I believe, all but myself, have been sum
moned before this committee, as well as his private sec
retaries and members of his family. Why I was spared,
I know not. I have an impression and intimations in fact

1867] A VISIT TO THE NAVAL ACADEMY 103
that Stanton proposed and ordered I should not be called.
Both he and Seward, in a conversation which took place
as to disclosing proceedings in Cabinet, thought the matter
might be got along with by answering pretty fully all
questions that were put without any allusion to the fact
whether it was or was not a Cabinet subject. I doubted
whether it was right to disclose what had occurred in
Cabinet to such a committee, — perhaps to any one at
present. I went with Admiral Farragut, Commodore Jenkins,
my wife and two eldest sons, and a few other friends to
Annapolis to visit the Academy. The board of visitors now
in session will probably close their labors to-morrow.
The visit was gratifying in all respects. Vice-Admiral
Porter, with some weakness, is in many respects a proper
man for the position. No one appreciates it more highly
than himself. In some respects he is a hard officer for the
Secretary; his demands and requisitions are great and
such as Congress might decline to sanction.
The improvements are very considerable, and the
money spent to repair the waste and injury of the military
and improve the place has been in the main judiciously
expended. The midshipmen are a credit to the country, and will
do honor to it in the future, as they are a credit to it now.
Foreign wars are likely to be in the future almost ex
clusively maritime, yet a large portion of the politicians
and people seem not aware of it. There is, on the part of
the more intense party men, a rigid parsimony and re
luctance to make grants to the Navy, while appropriating
immense sums to the military branch of the service.
I shall always regret that the naval school should not
have been established at Newport News on the beautiful
sheet of water at Hampton Roads. There would have
been more ample accommodations and space, deeper water,
— an abundance of it, — with every facility for such an
institution. But Grimes and others, with a narrowness

104 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 4
of feeling that surprised me, while admitting these ad
vantages, would not consent to transfer the school so far
South as Virginia. Porter first favored the measure, but
was silenced by the Maryland authorities, deserted me,
and helped to influence Grimes.
June 7, Friday. Admiral Farragut went home to-day.
He has been my guest for a week. Gave him yesterday
his orders to the European Squadron, and he expects to
sail within a fortnight. In bidding him good-bye I was
more affected than he was aware, and I perceived that
he was to some extent similarly affected. We have both
reached that period of life when a parting of two years
may be a parting forever on earth. Circumstances have
brought us together, and we are under mutual obUgations.
I selected him for important duties, and he proved him
self worthy of the trust and confidence. In addition to
his great service to the country, unsurpassed, he has given
just fame to my administration of the Na"vy, and I honor
him for his unassuming modesty as well as for possessing
the heroic qualities which I expected. I trust we may
Uve to meet again on earth and enjoy memories of the
past. If not, God's will be done. I esteem the choice of
Farragut to command the Gulf Squadron the most judi
cious and best selection which could have been made in
the entire service. I consider him the great hero of the
War, and am happy in the thought that I was the means
of carrying him to the head of his profession, where he
had an opportunity to develop his power and abUity.
June 8, Saturday. The President and party retumed
to-day from North Carolina. All appears to have passed
off well.
There is much talk and feeling in regard to Sheridan's
movements, which are arbitrary, tyrannical, and despotic.
His removal of Wells, the poor Governor of Louisiana, is
justified by most of the Radicals, although it is an outrage

1867] TALK WITH GOVERNOR PEASE 105
on our laws and institutions. The trimming course of
Wells and his want of honest character paUiates Sheri
dan's conduct, which, however, is wholly indefensible.
June 11, Tuesday. Attomey-General Stanbery read
so much of his opinion on the powers and duties of the
miUtary governors as he has written. It follows out his
former opinion and softens the hard features of the bill
in some respects in its execution. He claims that the
miUtary governor and force are there to support order
and the provisional governments, not to destroy them,
etc. Stanton dissented; claimed the governors were omni
potent, that martial law existed by authority of Congress,
which made the generals supreme
There is no doubt this was the intent of Congress, and
I have so construed the act, taking the same view as the
President in his vetoes. It is, however, a solecism for
the Congress or the legislature to enact martial law, but
the whole law is an absurdity, unconstitutional, abomin
able. If the Attomey-General can modify it and so con
strue it as to make it less odious, very well.
June 12, Wednesday. Governor Pease of Texas called
on me. We had a very earnest talk on the condition of the
country. He attempted to justify or excuse the Recon
struction bills, but, finding he could not, threw himself
back upon the whole subject. He preferred despotism, if
it would give security to persons and property, rather than
a continuance of the condition of things which had ex
isted in Texas for the last six years. The Union people
have undoubtedly suffered greatly. I asked if he could not
peaceably enjoy his property in Texas if he remained pass
ive. He admitted he could, but said that was despotism.
He could not freely express his opinions and have open
discussion. I asked him if he could have that under a
despotism. The condition of the Unionists is undoubtedly

106 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 12
unpleasant in Texas, but time and forbearance wUl bring
relief. June 14, Friday. An extended Cabinet session. Seward
read a long dispatch which he had prepared to the Ameri
can Minister to Colombia in relation to a tax which one
of the parties there propose to le"vy for belligerent pur
poses on foreign residents, as well as their o"wn citizens.
In his dispatch Seward says the citizens (American) must
protest and that the naval authorities will see that our
countrymen are not compelled to submit to exactions by
either faction.
The Attomey-General asked what he meant by either
faction, and which and what is the legitimate govemment.
Seward said he recognized no legitimate govemment; that
the President had usurped power and dissolved Congress,
and that the opposing faction was going to war "with
him. I inquired how naval officers could interfere. They could
not go on shore and undertake to resist forcibly the ci"vil
authorities. Seward said things would never reach that
point. We had only to let them know what we would do
and that would end the difficulty. I expressed my dis
sent to such proceedings, to mere threats, and gasconading
blasts to a weak government and people. The Attorney-
General was very emphatic on two or three points. Stanton
excepted to certain positions taken in regard to civil
war. No one seemed to second Seward, and he took back his
dispatch to modify it. There was mischief under it.
Seward has really the Presidential fever and flatters him
self that he can swim on the current of acquisition of terri
tory. The accession of Russian America, which is really
not his work, although he has been the instrument, or
agent, on our part in that transaction, has made him de
lirious. He is now crazy on the subject of obtaining terri
tory, and his aim is to be a candidate on that specialty.

1867] SEWARD'S_ CRAZE FOR TERRITORY 107
— the enlarging of our territory. The Isthmus of Panama,
he thinks, may be obtained. The revolutionists have pos
session of the government in that State. He therefore
proposes we shaU resist them and at the same time re
fuse to recognize Mosquera, the President, whom he calls
a usurper. In this state of things he himself disclosed his
purpose inadvertently by saying there was a strong party
there desirous of annexation to the United States, which,
of course, will be likely to increase in numbers, if we make
forcible and successful resistance against excessive taxes.
If we reUeve those who are under our flag, all will wish
to come under it. There is no mistaking the design of
Seward, who is not scrupulous where he has power and is
without convictions or principle in such matters.
The Attorney-General read the remainder of his opinion
on the Reconstruction bills. It is a document of ability
and "will cause the Radicals to resist. Not unlikely it may
insure the assemblage of Congress, and an attempt to im
peach the President if he carries into effect the policy
marked out, — and I have little doubt he will. That is, he
will disapprove the removal of the governors and judges,
the prohibition against the assembling of legislators, the
substitution of codes of law prepared by the military
commanders, and ordered to go into effect as substitutes
for the enactments and laws of the States, some of them
in execution for more than two centuries. His efforts to
preserve law and popular govemment will cause him
to be denounced, and his impeachment wUl be demanded.
The conspirators are watching their opportunity.
June 15, Saturday. Mrs. Admiral Goldsborough called
on me to-day in great excitement and under much feel
ing, in regard to the retirement of her husband, which goes
into effect next Tuesday, on which day he will have been
fifty-five years in the service. It was a most unpleasant
interview. She accuses me of cmelty and injustice, threat
ens that her husband wiU go to Congress, accuses me of

108 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 15
prejudice against him for some cause she knows not what,
says I have some favorite whom I wish to promote, etc.
Until withm a few months she admits I have been friendly
and kind, but smce this question has come up, I have been
obstinate and unreasonable. She said she had been to the
President and he told her I had never submitted the case
to him, which she thought very cruel; that I had once or
twice talked over the case "with him, but had not submitted
it for his decision. It was in vain that I tried to explain
to her that there was nothing for the President to decide;
that the law controlled in this matter; that these cases
were never submitted to the President; that when an
officer attained the age of sixty-two he went on to the retired
list, imless he received the vote of thanks, in which case
he was not retired untU he had been fifty-fi"ve years in
service; that Admiral G. would have been fifty-five years
in service next Tuesday. She denied it, and under her
strong appeals I told her I would present the case to the
President, and I did so this p.m. In an interview of more
than one hour I went over the case "with him. He had
evidently been seen.
Mrs. Goldsborough told me that Judge Beach, her at
torney, had seen the President on the subject. Reverdy
Johnson, she said, had faUed her; some officers had in
fluenced him, but she did not teU me who.
While we had the subject under discussion, Seward
came in. He said Mrs. Goldsborough had been to him.
He declined to act. She said it would come up in Cabinet,
and he told her if so he woiUd give it consideration.
The President asked what he had to do "with the matter
anyhow. I replied he was expected to reverse my conclu
sions if "wrong, or if he supposed them wrong ; that I had
brought the subject to his notice by special request of Mrs.
G. and because the Admiral himself was absent; that the
law was to my mind clear and explicit, but that for myself,
while I had no doubts on the subject, I should not feel
aggrieved if overrode and my action set aside, farther than

1867] STANBERY ON RECONSTRUCTION 109
as it might affect the service. PersonaUy I have none but
friendly feelings towards Admiral G., but I do not think he
is entitled to fifty-nine years, as he claims.
The President, as I was about leaving this long inter
view, spoke of his proposed journey to Boston; ^ asked
how long since I had been to Connecticut, and intimated
very strongly a wish that I would accompany him. I
told him I should, of course, obey any order. He said he
could give no order in these cases; he was invited and it
would be pleasant to have me along as companion. Seward
and RandaU had volunteered to go to North Carolina
"with him. I told him I regretted it and would have
preferred he should have gone only "with his family and
personal staff. I thought it would be much better if none
of his Cabinet went with him to Boston. The Masons had
in"vited him, but none of the Cabinet, and I thought we
should be considered intruders. Besides, I believed the
impression would be better if he went without any of us.
I know the Boston Masons don't want Seward.
June 20, Thursday. The week has been one of incess
ant, unremitting labor. Cabinet-meetings of protracted
length have been held daily, requiring constant and earnest
attention in addition to current business. The chief sub
ject of dehberation in Cabinet has been the Attorney-
General's opinions on Reconstruction. The President,
unfortunately I think, yielded to Mr. Stanbery, who
naturaUy believes his professional children remarkable and
worthy of universal nursing, and assented to a proposition
to have a record of Cabinet proceedings kept and the vote
of each member on each point recorded.
No one could object to this course, if the President re
quired it, although I said to one or two that I preferred
the old course, — let the President require in "writing the
opinion of each member. Then if either wishes to state
' President Johnson attended the laying of the comer-stone of a new
Masonic Temple in Boston, June 24, 1867. .,

110 DMRY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 20
his reason for the opinion he entertains and expresses, he
has the opportunity.
But Stanbery had another course. I think the plan was
concocted by both. The President is nervous and ap
prehensive. He has, not without cause, an aversion to the
reassembling of Congress during the regular vacation,
for he knows the object is war upon himself. Striving to
do right, intending to do no wrong, he is assailed and de
nounced for laboring to carry into effect the strange,
wicked, abominable, unconstitutional Reconstruction acts,
as they are called.
In a few conversational remarks on the introduction of
the subject on Monday, I repeated what I have before
said on one or two occasions, — that the Reconstruction
acts were so abominable, so flagrantly imconstitutional,
that I did not feel inclined to have anything to do with
them ; but the President had a duty to perform and it was
a duty on our part to ad"vise and act when he required us.
The Attorney-General had labored to raise an edifice which
has no foundation, had worked out a system which seemed
consistent with itself and the laws, and I was wilUng to
acquiesce in his opinion in the detail or the aggregate.
He had done more for popular rights, under a law which
despotically deprived the people of their undoubted guar
anteed rights, than I had supposed possible, and, while
I was opposed to the Reconstruction laws, I assented to
his expositions if the law was to go into effect.
McCulloch said something similar. Seward said he did
not know about giving the entire credit of the exposition
to Stanbery.
During the discussion and criticisms and agreements
which occupied us for four days, it was ob"vious to my mind
that Stanton was an original adviser if not the originator
of these laws. He may not have drafted them, but he, and
probably Holt in consultation with him, de"vised the plan
of military, despotic government to rule the South. It
was equaUy obvious that the President was most solicit-

1867] DISCUSSION OF STANBERY'S VIEWS 111
ous to conciliate and bring Stanton into harmonious
action with hunself and the rest of the Cabinet. But for
past observation and experience, I should have concluded
that we had reached a crisis and that we should now be
united, or we should part. Such may have been the Pre
sident's thought and intention, as it has been before, but
it will end in nothing.
Stanbery was chief fugleman. Submitted his summary,
pioneered, advocated, controverted, and managed his
case. Stanton was antagonistic. Seward was pliable,
plausible, often querulous, sometimes sensible, seldom
earnest. Randall followed Seward, of course, especially
when he was in harmony with the President. The views of
McCuUoch and myself have been stated. We were, under
the circumstances, for acquiescing in the opinion and pro
positions which Stanbery had elaborated, though they were
not our views. Stanton took direct issue with Stanbery.
Their differences were fundamental. On the second day
Stanton brought in a paper defining his position. He claimed
that the laws established mUitary governments and in
vested the commanders with absolute power. That they
could displace and appoint officers in the civil or pro
visional State Governments, etc. I shall not particularize
the differences in detail. Stanton did not attempt to
justify the laws or to claim they were constitutional, but
was for rigidly enforcing them, and for maintaining the
despotic authority of the military governors; denied that
the President could control them, and claimed that Rebels
were disfranchised without conviction and without a law
condemning them to disfranchisement for treason.
I listened to these differences over laws that were in
direct confiict with the Constitution and without war
rant from it. At the close I stated to the President and
Cabinet that I had listened attentively to the discussion,
but I wished to be distinctly understood as in no way
giving my sanction to the bill; that I considered him as
placed in an extraordinary and embarrassing position;

112 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 20
that he had sworn to support the Constitution and also
to see the laws faithfully executed; that the two were
incompatible; that in appointing miUtary govemors the
President has done all, perhaps, that could be expected
of him. But the govemors disagreed, were not united
in opinion, were embarrassed how to proceed, and had
applied to him for instruction. He had very properly
referred the subject to the law officer of the Govemment,
who had given a very elaborate and able opinion, which I
was willing they should accept and carry out. But I was
quite as "wilUng the President should go no farther than send
it out as the opinion of the law officer of the Govemment,
his construction of the act, and leave the generals to carry
on their respective governments, for I concurred "with the
Secretary of War in the opinion that the majority of the
fragmentary Congress which enacted these laws intended
to strike do"wn popular or ci"vil governments and estab
lish military supremacy, had undertaken to enact martial
law, — an absurdity and a solecism. During the War,
extraordinary power had been necessarily exercised, and
what was a sad necessity then had begotten this mon
strosity now.
The time has come when this defective, arbitrary, un
constitutional, impracticable law is to be put in operation.
The President may attempt it, but he cannot succeed.
The Attorney-General has presented his ideas, and they
are condemned. A reassembling in July of the Congress
which enacted these usurping laws, is demanded. We are
threatened with this, if the "will of these miUtary govern
ors, — viceroys, — who cannot interpret the act alike,
is interfered with. I have little doubt that Congress will
come together, and am wiUing they should. Let them pass
a declaratory or explanatory law of their o"wn act. There
can be no unity among themselves unless opposed. They
disregard or set aside all constitutional limitations or
landmarks, all constricted restraints, and have substituted
their own will as omnipotent and above and beyond the

1867] DISCUSSION OF STANBERY'S VIEWS 113
Constitution. Let them carry out their weak and wicked
enactments. It is as legitimate for them to execute as to
enact such laws.
The President was, I perceived, impressed with my
remarks. Seward looked at me, amazed and thoughtful.
Stanton for the first time seemed troubled.
Stanbery said that matters were pretty much as I
stated, but the President must act, — must see the laws
executed, — there is no evading that. I replied I did not
propose evasion, but the President could send his, the
Attorney-General's, exposition for these generals; that
the Cabinet had assented that the views taken by him
should go out as the view which the law officer of the
Government took.
McCulloch asked if we had not gone too far to stop now.
1 answered no; that my opinions and convictions had
undergone no change in consequence of any action taken
or argument presented. I considered the law unconsti
tutional, and therefore action under it nugatory. It is
defective and impracticable, aside from its unconstitu
tionality. The Attorney-General, to whom the President
properly referred the subject, has worked out a theory
which I assent to, so far at least as to advise the President
to send it to the military governors, in response to their
inquiries, as the opinion of the law officer of the Govem
ment, and that there may be uniformity in their proceed
ings. Not that I cared to give the monster shape; no harm
would follow conflicting action on the part of the govern
ors under the bUls, or difference of interpretation. The
fact that there are differences — that no two of them can
agree as to the meaning and proper construction of these
acts — was a commentary on such legislation. Now let
Congress convene and tell what they really do mean.
I have no doubt they intended to give the governors ar
bitrary and absolute power, to give suffrage to the negro,
to exclude and proscribe most of the white population, to
•.authorize refusal of jury trials for alleged offense, aU of
3

114 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 20
which are unconstitutional, revolutionary, and can have
no sanction or approval from me. This being my position
on the laws, I was "wiUing the opinion and theory of the
Attomey-General should go out as his exposition, but I
did not wish the President to give his sanction to the law,
or be committed to it.
Randall said he did not see why that might not be done;
that it might be said, whereas the generals were embar
rassed in executing these laws, and had asked for instruc
tions, the President had referred the subject to the At
torney-General and taken ad"vice of the Cabinet, and had
come to the foUowing conclusion.
Stanton and Stanbery each wrote a preamble. I objected
to the word "conclusion" in Stanton's, which, after
emendation, I thought preferable to Stanbery's, which
was an executive order adopting his opinion and theory.
Seward, who seemed shocked when I said Congress
would in my opinion assemble on the 3d of July, appeared
relieved after Stanton's preamble was read. It was Ran
dall's, he declared. It was able, just the thing. This matter
would go over, and all come right, he had no doubt of it.
June 21, Friday. The President left this moming for
Boston. Seward accompanied him, and RandaU, who
left last evening, is to join him in New York. The papers
this morning contain a statement of proceedings, or rather
votes, in the Cabinet on the several points embraced in
the summary of the Attorney-General. I did not under
stand that publicity was to be given to our doings in de
tail, though I care nothing about it, personaUy. A record
of Cabinet doings is, itself, a novelty. I cannot say that
I am pleased with the innovation. I should have pre
ferred that the President call upon the members to give
each his opinion in writing, and then that he should decide
for himself. In that way the position and reasons of each
member would be stated by himself. This published
record states correctly my votes, and the votes of others

1867] COMMANDER ROE AND SANTA ANNA 115
also, on Stanbery's exposition and theory. It may be
the true and accepted interpretation of the law; never
theless the men who passed it, intended differently. They
designed to break down the State Governments, to divest
the President of all power except that of designating the
mUitary commanders and passing upon the death penalty,
of which the legislative majority could not deprive him.
I should have been wiUing to leave this bad law to its
0"wn working, without devising a plan or system to carry
it into effect. This was my suggestion, and the President,
perhaps, intends to leave the subject in the form pre
sented in these publications.
It has, however, as the case now stands, an unfortunate
aspect for the President, — indicating timidity, a desire
to have others share the responsibilities which belong to
him. All this impairs his strength before the country.
The President should make himself felt and understood
as a power, should stand out prominent above others.
But Seward and Stanton have dwarfed him, I fear, —
made him hesitate and doubt when his own nature is to
be firm.
I "wrote hastily, and when tired and exhausted, a sketch
of Cabinet proceedings on the matter of the Attorney-
General's opinion.
I took to the Cabinet and read a strange dispatch
from Commander Roe of the Tacony, who, under the ad-
"vice of the American and British Consuls, took upon him
self to seize Santa Anna,' place him on the ship in which
he came to Vera Cruz, escort him twenty miles to sea,
and forbid his retum. It was an extraordinary proceed
ing, and I made it a point to read the whole dispatch in
Cabinet. Seward said, "That was all right," and asked
me to send him the dispatch, or a copy, for he wanted to
keep the record. No one else seemed to trouble himself
about the matter, except the President, who remarked
' The well-known Mexican general and president, at this time a revolu
tionary against the French.

116 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [June 21
that the Mississippi and the levees were givmg us much
trouble by the overflow, and he thought it might be a
blessing if the waters could go on and drench Mexico and
wash out her faithlessness. I regret that Roe should have
permitted himself to be a tool of the consuls, though I
doubt not his intentions were right, but I apprehended
that some exceptions would have been taken to Roe's
conduct, and that I might have to recaU and take action
in the case. As it is, I think the Admiral must give his
attention to Mexican affairs.
June 22, Saturday. The President and party got through
very well to New York, and aU passed off pleasurably
by accounts on board the Franklin, Admiral Farragut's
flagship, which he visited. He passed directly through
or past Philadelphia without stopping, the city author
ities having failed to extend to him an in"vitation. It is
a specimen of the old Whig spite of former days. The
Radicals are the baser materials of that bygone party.
Their Reconstruction acts, their disregard of constitu
tional obligations and limitations, and the general demor
alization and corruption crop out, — are parts and parcels
of the old bank-debauchers of 1834, and the Hard-Cider
poUticians of 1840.
I cannot but regret that President Johnson is so much
under the influence of Seward, who is a man of expedients
and not of sterling, fixed principle. His publication of
Cabinet proceedings amuses me the more I reflect upon
it. McCulloch tells me that he was as much surprised as
myself when he saw that record in print; that he had no
conception the President intended to pubUsh it.
On Thursday evening, as I was riding out, I met Seward
near Columbian College. He called to me, I being on
horseback, and said that he thought the President had
better get out his paper to-morrow (Friday) morning.
It had been understood and agreed that he would issue an
order to the military governors, in answer to their call

1867] SHERIDAN'S INSUBORDINATION 117
for information, communicating the summary of exposi
tions of the Attomey-General. This I had thought would
relieve him of embarrassment in consequence of his ve
toes, in which he had taken different views. Moreover, as
he had pronounced the acts unconstitutional, and was
sworn to support and defend the Constitution, he could
send out the opinion of the Attorney-General, the law
officer, as a guide for the generals and as conducive on
their part to uniformity of action.
But this pubUcation of Cabinet proceedings is a differ
ent phase and, I think, an unfortunate one. I am appre
hensive that Seward, in his interview on Thursday evening,
achieved it, although he made no intimation to me of such
a purpose, farther than to speak of that "paper" instead
of that "order." Stanbery, who is a good la"wyer, lacks
certain qualities as a pohtician. He sometimes wants tact,
and is too sensitive for a pubhc man. It would be in char
acter with him to ad"vise the publication. His opinion
has been "violently assailed, and it soothes him to find that
the Cabinet, with one exception, sustains, or more properly
submits to and acquiesces in, his exposition. He was ad-
"vising to, if not the originator of the proposition of making
a record of the views of each of the heads of the Depart
ments. The results he feels to be a relief, and persuades
himself, perhaps, that the publication will relieve him
before the pubhc.
June 24, Monday. Animpudentanddisrespectful, if not
disobedient, letter of Sheridan's is published on the sub
ject of registration, in which he puts himself in opposition
to the President and his order to keep open registration
till August. I am apprehensive that the President "will not
promptly detach him. How Stanton and Grant will act
and advise, I shall be glad to know.
They cannot, it appears to me, do otherwise than re
commend his removal. Grant thinks much of Sheridan
as a brave, dashing officer, but he is unfit for the dehcate

118 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 24
duties of civil govemor, nor is his judgment in civil
matters worthy of much weight. He, Grant, may, in his
partiality, think reproof and a peremptory order sufficient.
Stanton knows that, were he in the President's position,
a telegram for Sheridan's removal could not get to New
Orleans quick enough, but what he "will do and ad"vise
under the circumstances is a question.
For twenty months the President has submitted to
humiliation from the War Department, has been tame,
passive, and submissive under palpable wrong, has seen
the military officers and the Army gradually alienated from
him by intriguing and cunning manipulation. So far as
delicacy and propriety would permit, he has been warned
and advised, has many times determined that he would
act resolutely, but at the crisis has from some malign influ
ence faltered and failed until his Administration itself is a
failure. The President is no longer regarded as a power,
the head of the Govemment, because he fails to exercise
his undoubted authority in vindication of what he knows
to be right, but defers, delays, and suffers.
The Army and officers generally were "with him in his
Reconstruction policy at the commencement, as they were
with Mr. Lincoln, who initiated it. Stanton was not, and
Howard was not, — though the latter was not contuma
cious, — and Holt was not. Stanton and Holt were in
Buchanan's Cabinet; had been mixed up with the Seces
sionists for a time, and the hostilitj- between them and
the Rebels became implacable. Hate was mutual.
Neither Stanton nor Holt desired immediate reconcilia
tion or an early restoration of the Union, for that would
necessitate their retirement. Their policy, therefore,
never was and could not be the poliej' of the President,
for he desired speedy peace, harmony, and good "will be
tween States and sections. All their efforts, all their influ
ence, has been in another direction. Yet the Secretary of
War, exercising this influence, using and abusing his power
and patronage, aided by Seward, has been able to hold his

1867] THE PRESIDENT'S BOSTON TRIP 119
place and so far to control, not only his Department, but
in a great degree the Administration.
Seward, who has not been, like Stanton and Holt, op
posed to an immediate restoration of the Union, has never
theless been the constant supporter and friend of Stanton,
has constantly impressed upon the President the necessity
of retaining that gentleman in his Cabinet as essential to
his Administration. The two — Seward and Stanton —
have steadily played into each other's hands, Stanton all
the time strengthening and fortifying himself and all the
time weakening the President and bringing the Adminis
tration and its measures into disfavor.
June 25, Tuesday. The papers pubUsh a letter from
General Sickles to Senator Wilson, in which he says the
Secretary of the Na"vy "will do nothing in favor of the Re
construction laws. Congress appropriated $500,000 to
carry into effect Reconstruction; $5,000,000 will be re
quired. Only a smaU appropriation was made to begin
"with, in order to delude and cheat the people into acqui
escence, but miUions will be expended. To make up the
deficiency, money and means are to be stolen from other
sources, other appropriations, and other Departments.
Sickles sent to me for two steamboats to be placed at his
service. I had neither boats, officers, crews, nor money
for him. Congress had placed no appropriation at my
disposal for such purpose.
June 26, Wednesday. The President has been courte
ously and properly received by the people of New England,
— a striking contrast "vnth some portions of the North
west. None of the govemors have run away, — absented
themselves like Morton, Oglesby,* and others. Sumner and
Wilson do not appear to have been present, or mingling
with the authorities. The President has spoken less than
when he went West. It would be better were he and all
1 Governors of Indiana and IlUnois respectively.

120 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 26
Presidents to avoid addressing miscellaneous public as
semblages. And so of the Secretaries. Seward in his
speeches indicates an intention of being a candidate for
President and to mn on the territorial acquisition claim.
The purchase of Russian America has demented him in
this direction, and he reaUy flatters hunself, though doubt-
ingly, that the people wUl raUy around him. He has, how
ever, no party, no popular strength, and his retention in
the Cabinet has greatly injured the President. It is un
fortunate that the President does not reaUze this and that
the constant companionship of Seward is a mistake for
both. A telegraph from Calcutta informs us of the "wreck of
the Sacramento in the Bay of Bengal, CoUins commanding.
This is a misfortune, but no loss of hves, thank Heaven.
Collins is an honest, straightforward, patriotic man. He
has not, I think, particular love or aptitude for the service.
June 27, Thursday. Montgomery Blair has become
quite indifferent in regard to the fate of President John
son. Says he is completely under the dominion of Seward
and Stanton, who have demoralized him; that the Pre
sident has listened to them until he has become nervous
and apprehensive, "without resolute courage to carry out
or maintain his conviction, and that he is in constant
dread of impeachment.
Blair is shrewd and observing, though of strong pre
judices. He thinks it absolutely necessary to re"vive the
Democratic Party and its organization in order to rescue
the government from centraUzing hands. This has been
the policy of himself and some others for some time past.
The policy has its disadvantages as well as advantages.
One cause of the failure of the Union movement a year
since was the attempt to bring forward as leaders and
candidates those Democrats who had made themselves
obnoxious for their extreme partisanship, and especially
their opposition to the measures of the Government for

1867] GRANT'S PROBABLE CANDIDACY 121
the preservation of the Union. The people were not dis
posed to invest Copperheads, Rebel sympathizers, and
Rebels "with power while the soil was yet wet with the iDlood
of patriots, and Blair and others injure themselves at
this time in pressing forward prematurely that class of
persons. In the conversation to-day we spoke of Grant
in connection with the Presidency, and from present in
dications I expressed the opinion that he was disposed
to be a candidate, and if so, he would probably be elected.
Blair said he could not be if he was the Radical candidate.
I said Grant would endeavor to be the Army and Union
candidate; "without much political intelligence or principle,
he had party cunning and would strive to be a candidate
but not strictly a party candidate; that the Radicals did
not want him, but they could not help themselves, nor
perhaps could Grant. They felt that they must nominate
him in order that they might succeed; he felt that he could
not reject their candidacy, if they took him up, but really
prefers the Democrats to the Republicans.
Blair has been and still is friendly to Grant, but per
ceives that G. is becoming alienated from old friends and
getting in "with new ones, and it arouses his opposition.
I asked whom he would have for a candidate in opposi
tion to Grant. He said he cared not who it was. Nor I,
was my reply, but whom can you present? He said Mc-
CleUan. That, said I, insures defeat. The people will not,
and I think ought not to, rally under him.
We then had some talk on the War and the generals.
Grant, he said, was after all the only real general we had.
Not that he had the genius and mental resources of Sher
man, but he had dogged courage, unwavering persistency.
No other general had these qualities. His remarkable
conduct in the campaign, and the slaughter between the
Wilderness and Richmond, Blair admitted were horrible.
Still, Grant never flagged or doubted. Having got in the
neighborhood of Richmond, he smoked his cigars and
waited, until Sherman reached the seaboard and was

122 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 27
coming up through the CaroUnas, when the Te Deum of
the nation, which was singing hosannas to Sherman,
roused Grant to the necessity of doing something lest
there should be another and greater hero who would
eclipse him. This led to Grant 's final blows, for, Wilmington
having been captured. Grant could have remained quiet
and Sherman would have marched steadily up in the rear
of Richmond. In that event, it would have been Sherman's
name, not Grant's, and this, though Sherman's friend, he
would not permit.
Blair says he once inquired of Grant why he moved at
all when there was no necessity, and the final close was
inevitable. Grant was a Uttle puzzled to answer for a
moment, but repUed that he did it, not from mUitary
necessity or any strategic purpose, but to suppress sec
tional animosity. All the hard fighting and successes had
been by Western men; the Army of the Potomac was dis
tinguished for no great success; they had remained cahn
before Richmond, having all in their grip, it was true, but
if the Western army, after marching to the sea, came up
and captured Richmond while the Eastern army was in
camp, there would have been jealousy and sectional feel
ing growing out of it. It was the selfish jealousy of Grant
himself, whose feeUngs towards Sherman exceeded those
of the sections in the West.
June 28, Friday. A committee to inquire into the ord
nance transactions of the War and Na"\'}' Departments,
composed of as unprincipled a set of scoundrels, with
scarcely an exception, as is in Congress, is in session. I have
told Wise, Chief of Ordnance in Naval Bureau, to give
them every faciUty for inquiry; if he, or any one had done
wrong, I desired it should be exposed. This startles Wise,
who is nervously excitable, and not over-profound and
firm, and who, I have sometimes thought, was a little too
intimate with some of the larger contractors, — not that
I have ever believed him corrupt or pecimiarily interested.

1867] FARRAGUT SAILS FOR EUROPE 123
How he "will succeed before the committee, who wiU try
to confuse and bewilder him, is uncertain. He is pretty
sagacious, but mentally timid, though not, I apprehend,
wanting in physical courage. Of the transactions of the
Ordnance Bureau I have kno"wn less than of any others.
Their contracts are excepted from advertisements, their
business a specialty. President Lincoln busied himself
in that branch and Wiard and Ames, two disappointed
contractors whom he favored, are pets of the committee.
June 29, Saturday. Admiral Farragut sailed yesterday
from New York in the Franklin for Europe, to take com
mand of the European Squadron. My two youngest sons
have gone with him. I know no better man to whom to
intrust them. One is his private secretary; the other is
clerk to Pennock, who is Captain of the Franklin.
The President and party are expected home to-day.
They have had, apparently, a pleasant tour. Too much
speaking, but less than in the Chicago jaunt last year.
June 30, Sunday. Called this moming on the President
and congratulated him on his safe retum and in apparently
improved health. He was very cordial, disposed to talk.
Was not fully posted on occurrences and events of the
last ten days. Talked of Sheridan, of Congress, of Stan
bery's opinions, etc. In regard to Stanton, he expressed
himself convinced that he had played a part for himself,
had an understanding with the violent Radicals, had em
barrassed the Administration and thwarted its policy;
and he was surprised that Stanton should persist in hold
ing on to his place, and mixing with us. I remarked it
was now of httle consequence. He had so managed with
the Radicals as to cripple the Administration until it
was powerless, and he might remain on to the close, or
he might leave soon. The President assented; presumed
Stanton intended to be a candidate.

Seward proposes to purchase Two Islands from Denmark for 87,400,000 —
Cabinet Discussion of Sheridan's Letter to Grant — MaximiUan shot in
Mexico — Congress meets in Extra Session — General HaUeck pro
posed as Commissioner to go to Alaska — Seward justifies Commander
Roe in the Capture of Santa Anna — Stanton ignores the President in
addressing a Communication directly to the Speaker of the House —
Reconstruction BiU passed — The Influence of Seward and Stanton on
the Administration — Conversation with a Member of the British Par
liament on Constitutions and Reconstruction — The President vetoes
the Reconstruction Bill without consulting the Cabinet — Congress
passes a Resolution of Sympathy with Cretan Insurrectionists —
General Banks calls to urge a Removal and an Appointment — The
President's Leniency in Matters of Pardon — Troops sent to Tennessee
— Grant's Change of Views — • General Rousseau proposed for Sheri
dan's Place — Proposal to appoint Frederick Douglass to the Head of
the Freedmen's Bureau — The President receives Papers revealing a
Conspiracy to manufacture Evidence against him — Sheridan removes
Governor Throckmorton of Texas and appoints E. M. Pease in his Place
— McCulloch discouraged at the PoUtical Outlook.
July 2, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting to-day Seward
brought forward a proposition to purchase of Denmark
the two smaller islands in the West Indies for $7,400,000.
Stanton and Randall strongly supported him. McCul
loch doubted; was willing the subject should be presented
and submitted to the Senate, though, if himself a Sena
tor, would vote against it.
Stanbery claimed not to be sufficiently posted to act,
but his impressions were against it. I was perhaps strong
est in opposition of any; stated we wanted these islands
for no present purpose; that, St. Thomas being a free
port, we had every facility we could have were these
islands ours; that the population is not American; the
possession would be costly to keep and maintain; that
the country was enormously in debt and needed the mil
Uons more than these islands; that in the event of a for-

1867] PROPOSED WEST INDIAN PURCHASE 125
eign war we could easier and at less expense capture one
or more islands than hold them.
Seward, a little nettled by my "views, said we wanted a
station in the West Indies for naval coaling purposes, and
we could not have Samand, — that was ended. I said I was
glad of it; I had never wanted Samand, and I wished this
Danish matter was ended also. Still, as the others as
sented, and the Secretary of State xrrged its importance
for ulterior purposes which he claims the Senate will
sanction with unanimity, I would not oppose its going to
that body. McCulloch took much the same view.
The truth is, Seward has become almost a monomaniac
on the subject of territorial acquisition, that being the
hobby on which he expects to be a candidate for Pre
sident. It shows itself in everything.
The subject of Sheridan's insulting and impertinent,
disrespectful and disobedient letter to General Grant,
which is in the newspaper, was brought forward by the
President, who said he had received no official notice of
the letter, — knew nothing of it save what he saw in the
newspapers and the remarks of others.
The Attomey-General was emphatic against the letter;
said it was insolent and insubordinate, and could not be
passed without notice.
Stanton said the letter had not been communicated to
him officially; that, if authentic, as he did not question it
was, Sheridan had, perhaps, been rebuked already by
General Grant for his impulsiveness; that the letter might
have been stolen from the telegraph by some of the news
paper correspondents and published without the know
ledge and against the wishes of Sheridan. He would
advise that the matter should pass without producing any
inquiry. Seward said he had very little doubt that the matter
had got into the papers as Stanton suggested, and prob
ably without Sheridan's knowledge. It was published in
the Herald on Sunday, and they had in some way got hold of

126 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 2
it. He never noticed newspaper articles; would not notice
this. I said it was not a newspaper article, but an official
document from Sheridan's headquarters and signed by
Sheridan hunself. While I was not prepared to say what
course had best be taken in regard to it, I by no means
assented to the suggestion that the document had been
surreptitiously obtained or that it was not written expressly
for publication. No man could read it and say he beUeved
it was a private, unofficial communication to General
Grant. It was intentionally disrespectful to the President,
and had been so received and considered by friends and
opponents. Stanton said it was an improper letter, and if it had
been addressed to him, he should have rebuked Sheridan,
not only for what he said of the President but for the al
lusion to the Attorney-General, the head of a Department.
McCulloch thought we had better get along vrithout
taking much notice of the letter, as the President had never
received it officially. To move in it would stir up excite
ment without doing any good. I was aware from pre"vious
conversation with McCuUoch that he "wished to avoid col
lision "vsdth Congress, and that he had very Uttle confidence
that the President would take a stand against Sheridan
and persist in it, backed as he would be by Stanton and
Grant. He said to me that Stanton would control the
President on this or any subject that had a miUtary
bearing or connection, sooner than the true men in his
Cabinet. I was therefore more grieved than surprised at
McCuUoch's remark.
Randall said very little, but did not know what could
be done, though the letter was very improper.
Stanbery and Stanton differed essentially and discussed
some points. The President produced a dispatch from
Sheridan of the 29th ult. , stating he should continue regis
tration until August as ordered. As the Secretary of War
had not the correspondence between Grant and Sheridan,
the President thought it best to defer the farther discus-

1867] SHERIDAN'S LETTER DISCUSSED 127
sion of the subject until it was procured, and he would
probably call a special Cabinet-meeting for its considera
tion. Delay, of course, destroys the effect, if it does not pre
vent any action. I remained with the President to dispose
of some Department business after the others had left,
and said to him that promptness and decision were im
portant in matters of this kind; that in postponing action
he was suffering before the country, and in a few days
nothing could be done. He agreed with me, and said he
would have sent for Grant when Stanton made kno"wn
that he had not the correspondence, but the session had
been so long that he could not have got him to the council
in season. Then, as regards Stanton's remark that he had
no copy of the letter, — that it had not been commun
icated to him, — "Do you suppose," asked the President,
"that there has been communication between Grant and
Stanton about that letter?" I replied that it could hardly
be otherwise than that they should have conversed and
interchanged views on such a paper which was before the
public, and probably there was an understanding between
them that it should be kept back and officially commun
icated. And that was the foundation of Stanton's pro
position that the subject should pass without pressing any
inquiry. The President's hesitating and irresolute disposition
and the influence of Seward and Stanton will be very likely
to prevent any special Cabinet-meeting, and perhaps any
¦farther steps in this matter. McCulloch is hopeless.
RandaU "will fall in "with Seward. Stanbery feels wounded
personally, as well as being indignant that the President
should be treated with such disrespect. He may rouse the
President to vindicate himself and his office. I have said
in the Cabinet and in private all that is proper I should
say, "without much effect.
July 3. On Sunday evening I received a dispatch from

128 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 3
Commander Roe that Maximilian, the quasi Emperor of
Mexico, was shot on the 19th of June. It is one of the
mistakes of that unhappy and distracted coimtry. Ap
prehensions are entertained that the European powers
will attempt to avenge his death, but I do not participate in
those apprehensions. Europe has learned a lesson on the
impolicy of interference in the fate of MaximiUan and
the results of French intrigues in that country.
Vera Cruz still holds out. No exceptions have as yet
been taken to Roe's course in seizing Santa Anna. As he
has been since taken from the Virginia at Sisal by the
Mexicans, they may sum mar Uy dispose of him, though
for a generation he has, Uke a cat, alighted on his feet
when thrown, seemingly, do"wn a precipice.
Congress met to-day. A quorum was present, though
I am sorry to see many, perhaps most, of the Democrats
are absent. There is, it is true, not only no pubhc neces
sity for the meeting of Congress, but a public injury from
its coming together. Still, as the majority had desired it,
with them be the responsibiUty. Members indi"viduaUy
should do their duty.
There is a malignant and revolutionary spirit among
the leading Radicals, who continue to be reckless and ut
terly regardless of the Constitution. These men "will de
sire to push measures to extremes, in the behef that they
can thereby retain their party ascendancy. But it "will
not surprise me if the means to which they must resort
shall react and overthrow them. Indeed, I expect it. They
cannot go on "with these "violent and prescriptive measures
without rousing indignation, and if any regard for the
Constitution remains, the people, though strangely in
different, will rally to its defense.
July 5, Friday. Yesterday, the 4th, was a quiet day,
more quiet than Sunday. It was to me a day of rest, and
I enjoyed it.
No matter of special importance was to-day before the

1867] RECONSTRUCTING RECONSTRUCTION 129
Cabinet. Seward and McCulloch arranged for a revenue
cutter to Sitka. Stanton proposed that Halleck should be
the Commissioner, and Seward concurred. I did not like
it, for I do not lUie Halleck, but I said nothing. Neither did
the President nor any other member of the Cabinet.
The President made no allusion to Sheridan's order and
his correspondence with General Grant.
In Congress but little was done except to determine
to reconstruct Reconstruction. Sumner and some of the
extreme Radicals were not satisfied with this conclusion, and
there is really so little sense and "wisdom in Congress that
there is no certainty they will adhere to their determina
tion. They evidently know not what they want, nor how
to do it.
On the 2d of March they passed their Reconstruction
BUl, — their first step since the fall of Richmond. Two
years were wasted in intrigues how not to reestablish the
Union. The succeeding Congress, which met two days
after promulgating the Reconstruction Act, passed a sup
plemental bill to correct deficiencies and weaknesses, and
another bill, limiting expenses to five hundred thousand
dollars. Three bills in less than one month, and now Con
gress is again assembled to further legislate on the subject,
and declare they will take up no other subject. They have
no confidence in themselves.
Generals Schenck and Logan have undertaken to exclude
all the Kentucky Representatives from the House because
they are not Radicals. These two la"wyer generals are Rad
ical electioneerers. Schenck opposes Bamum of Con
necticut, whose election is disputed because he used money.
I have no idea that he used more if as much as his Radical
opponent, and Schenck knows that Indiana and some
other States have been secured to the Radicals by fraud
and corruption. This move is to tum attention from their
own "villainies to another quarter, and to throw discredit on
their opponents. The use of money is destroying confidence
in our elections.

130 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 9
July 9, Tuesday. The dispatch of Sheridan was not
alluded to. As Congress is in session, and calls for corre
spondence are made, the omission is not singular, but I
apprehend the whole will be shuffled over.
The House of Representatives made haste, by a strict
party vote, to pass a resolution of thanks to Sheridan for
insolence and insubordination. No official communication,
no report of any committee called for thanks, but his dis
courteous and highly improper letter had been published,
— the publication being itself an act of insubordination,
— and a vote of thanks is given him by the Radical legis
lators in the House of Representatives. The Senate has
not sunk quite to the level of the House, and the resolution
has been checked in that body.
Some differences are manifested among the Radicals
in both houses. Some of the more inteUigent and saga
cious have mustered sufficient courage to oppose the
extremists. July 10, Wednesday. The loose, reckless violence and
inconsiderate action of Congress make it irksome and pain
ful for me to read their proceedings. How Uttle regard
have the members for their oaths and their country's wel
fare! The worst principles of tyranny and outrage they
avow and encourage. The President is coarsely, falsely,
and vindictively assailed by leaders as well as by foUowers,
who are secretly prompted. The Constitution and its
limitations are ridiculed and condemned.
Senator Wade equivocates and backs down from his
recent aggressive speech. Instead of a step in advance, as
he boasted, he takes a step to the rear.
A curious letter in the New York Herald, reciting a con
versation and certain avowals of Thad Stevens, is attract
ing attention, and he to-day on the floor of the House
made remarks on the letter. Almost all which this "vicious
old man does is premeditated, dramatic, and for effect.
The letter was evidently carefully prepared by himself.

1867] SEWARD JUSTIFIES ROE 131
Not that he wrote it, but the correspondent had the
catechism and answers furnished him. Stevens is perhaps
a worthy leader for such a party, — the "Great Com
moner." July 11, Thursday. Some discourse in the House to
day, followed by votes, indicates a division in the House
on the subject of impeachment. There is no cause, excuse,
or justification for the long, labored, and shameful pro
ceeding on this subject. The President differs with the
Radicals, and justly and properly views their course with
abhorrence. He sometimes expresses his burning indigna
tion against measures and men that are bringing untold
calamities upon the country.
July 12, Friday. Seward read a long document on the
subject of the capture of Santa Anna, fully justifying
Commander Roe, and appro"ving his course and that of
our consul at Vera Cruz.
Stanton presented two communications, which he pro
posed to send to Speaker Colfax, asking an appropriation of
$5,000,000 for Indian wars and an additional $1,600,000
for Reconstruction. This latter was so worded as to create
a false impression, leaving it to be supposed that this is
the whole sum, whereas there was already half a million
appropriated for the latter purpose, making over two
millions. Much of this, a considerable percentage, will be
expended in Radical electioneering.
I objected to the head of a Department addressing
communications of this character to the Speaker and
claimed that application for such appropriation should
properly go through the President. No one differed from
me but Stanton, who said very little. Seward saw that
Stanton was vexed, and he put in a garrulous mess of
pottage, about his always sending to Congress through
the President, and believed it was proper for the heads
of Departments generally to do this. But sometimes, he

132 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 12
said, the Secretary of War had occasion to go direct to
Congress, and on the whole, he thought it was weU enough,
— perhaps best; he approved of it. I insisted that it was
neither respectful nor right to ignore the President at any
time, and especially now, when Congress was trying to
degrade and belittle the office. I thought no head of a
Department should encourage the schemers by passmg by
the President.
The President, I saw, felt hurt, and made a remark or
two, but concluded by telling Stanton that the Secretary
of War would do as he thought best. "Then," said Stan
ton, " I wiU send both communications to the Speaker."
"Very weU," said the President. Pshaw!
This is the way things go on. Congress has got another
edition of Reconstmction law about completed, which
robs the President of his constitutional rights, transfers
his powers to the General of the Army, the miUtary gov
ernors, and the Secretary of War. Seward, who is chief
counselor and Stanton's supporter, "wiU not dissent from
this, but, if he says anything, will ad"vise acquiescence.
Stanton is in concert with the Radicals in these aggressive
matters, as the President knows, and has himself said to
me. I do not expect, therefore, that any becoming stand
will be taken to "vindicate the executive prerogative, and it
is perhaps too late, if there were energy and decision, to
attempt it. Steady, constant aggression, and tame, passive
yielding under the assuming and calculating Stanton and
the pliant, flexible Seward have effectually broken down
the Administration. I shaU be thankful if it does not break
down the government.
July 13, Saturday. Seward overtook me this evening
as I was riding out on 14th Street, and says he has sent
me a copy of his long statement in regard to the capture of
Santa Anna. He evidently thinks it a great paper, and
prides himself on its properties.
I understand the two houses have passed their Recon-

1867] RECONSTRUCTION BILL PASSED 133
etruction BUl. Thad Stevens took occasion to sneer at
those who still clung to the remnants of the shattered Con
stitution, which he ridiculed as a thing of the past. He is
one of those who never regarded it as more obUgatory than
the resolutions of a last year's party convention. Its over
throw and destruction he would consider a party triumph.
This is the spirit and feeling of the "Great Commoner,"
the Radical leader.
July 15. There is among the Congressional majority
who caU themselves Republicans or Radicals a wide dif
ference, but there is want of patriotism with some, and of
tact and talent with all. They are incompetent and "vicious.
The "violent leaders are coarse and "vulgar; the more con
servative are weak and cowardly. The former defy, ridi
cule, and disregard the Constitution; the latter dare not
defend it. Both can unite against the Administration,
which adheres to the great principles of the fundamental
law and maintains the rights of the States and the union
of the States.
Unfortunately for the President, his chief ad"viser has
no faith in the principles which the President most regards.
Seward has no faith, nor has he any strength. To the Presi
dent the Secretary of State is an element of weakness. The
people have no confidence in him and they doubt and dis
trust the President, who has. His association with Lincoln
weakened the power of the Administration. Still Seward
does not oppose, resist, or attempt to coerce the President,
but the latter knows he is from the great State and erro
neously beUeves him the chief of a great party.
Stanton is more positive; but would often fail were he
not aided by the sinuous, pliable, flexible Seward. The two
hunt in couples, and, though of different temperaments,
are both of them subtle and have a full understanding to
stand by each other. Both are playing a game, and the
cunning, wUy Mephistophelesis outwitted by Mars. Stan
ton is treacherous. Seward is not, though a dissembler.

134 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 15
Stanton, while a part of the Administration, acts vrith the
Radicals, and in a great measure directs their movements.
They trust him ; they hate and despise Seward.
To the President, Seward is always pliant and yielding,
yet he contrives to do much towards shaping the Pre
sident's course and often sadly misleads him.
Stanton sometimes plants himself in opposition to the
President, and, when honest and sincere, not infrequently
carries his point, though its rectitude may be question
able. When, however, he perceives that the President is
resolute and determined, Stanton becomes as humble and
obsequious as Uriah Heep. The President, who is courte
ous and attentive to all, is extra so to Stanton, — is more
particular, I think, to salute him than any one else.
This is more formal than earnest, and the poUteness is
reciprocal. Stanton is sometimes more presuming because he knows
he has a supporter or friend in Seward who wiU apologize
for and excuse him. Between them the President has been
prostrated and his Administration made powerless. From
this, Stanton may, in certain contingencies, profit; but
Seward cannot.
Both these men played a double part during the closing
months of Buchanan's Administration. WhUe ostensibly
opposed, they had a secret understanding and were in con
stant communication. Stanton betrayed the South, and
they know it. He knows that they know it, and hence he is
not anxious that they should have power or influence in
the Govemment whilst he is here. Whatever the President
does, or proposes, to reestabUsh the South is secretly, some
times openly, counteracted and defeated; the measure is
resisted, and he is denounced as a traitor to the party that
elected him, — not to the country, — as sympathizing
with traitors, because he strives to ameliorate the condition
of the people of the South, to promote general harmony,
and to reestablish the people and the States that have
rebelled in the Union.

1867] CONVERSATION WITH MR. CAVE, M.P. 135
July 16. The President is disinclined to appoint Otter
bourg, the German, or German Jew, Minister to Mexico,
although Seward is very persistent for him. Randall orig
inaUy proposed Otterbourg and would be pleased to have
him promoted, but, seeing the President's hesitancy, does
not press it. Seward, however, holds on vigorously.
Judge Chase has had it published that he has gone to
Albany to attend a wedding. It was a moming wedding
in the family of Judge Harris. This pretext of Chase is
to cover an electioneering tour. He still at times has the
Presidential mania.
Wade, who is also diseased with the Presidential fever,
has lost his "vivacity and form, — is tame and passive; —
his "jump forward" in anticipation [?] has apparently
broken his knee-joints or backbone.
The Japanese indemnity was again up. They request
delay in last installment. Seward is not disposed to grant
it, and was anxious to push the matter by, without much
talk or explanation. Although unpleasant to always op
pose, or to express dissenting opinion, I again spoke of my
regret that we were mixed up with England and France
in that matter, and thought we should suffer no wrong by
extending to them this favor which they asked.
I read my letter to the Speaker in answer to a resolution
introduced by Schenck, calling for information touching
the retention of Rear-Admiral Goldsborough on the active
Ust beyond fifty-five years. Schenck's brother. Commo
dore S., is, like other officers, affected, and dissatisfied that
my decisions and the usage of the Department are over
ruled. Seward, I saw, was disturbed; thought Stanton
should examine the letter and suggest alterations. S. and
I both declined.
In a conversation with Mr. Cave, a member of the Brit
ish Parliament, who called on me with Chevalier Wykoff,
some conversation took place in regard to what is called
the British Constitution and our own, the two governments
and that of Mexico, France, etc. I remarked that the great

136 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 16
difference between the Teutonic and the Latin race consisted
in the fact that the former had faith and the latter had not,
— that Anglo-Saxons trusted each other, adhered to their
traditions, observed and preserved the great principles of
freedom; if there were abuses and departures from the great
landmarks, a speedy retum to first principles was required
and exacted by the people; that these underlying princi
ples were what was called the Enghsh Constitution, un
written but understood, adhered to and loved by the Eng
Ush people, who had made them the basis on which their
governmental superstmcture was built. We Americans
had embodied the great principles of freedom in a written
constitution which all could read and understand, and
from which those who were intrusted "with legislative, ex
ecutive, or judicial authority could not ignorantly wander.
But, unhappUy for us, our written Constitution is at
this time no check or barrier against legislative abuse.
The organic law is violated. A fragment of Congress has
usurped the powers of government, trampled on the Con
stitution, and is exercising undelegated authority. This
fragment had overthrown the constitutions of ten States
and estabUshed miUtary governments in their stead, had
broken down the rights and power of the Executive and
virtuaUy declared themselves onmipotent and supreme.
In due time I tmsted and beUeved these abuses would be
remedied and the Constitution restored. A reaction usuaUy
foUows excessive action, and our countrymen would before
long correct Congressional errors and usurpations.
The Latm race, unlUie the Teutonic, had not fixed, stead
fast principles. Theu* changes are impulsive and revolu
tionary, and their governments are estabUshed and main
tained by force. The popular element had no abiding faith,
no well-recognized prmciples around which the people
could rally. In other and plain words, they had no fixed
principles embodied m a written constitution like the
American, or unwritten but well-grounded and known law
like that of England.

1867] RECONSTRUCTION BILL VETOED 137
What is most to be apprehended among us, perhaps, is
a change in the habits, thoughts, and character of our peo
ple, brought about by a mixture of races, resulting from
emigration and from the present attempt to bring the negro
race into the government. Neither the emigrants nor the
negroes understand or can comprehend the foundation
principles of American and British freedom.
The Radical Party in their humanitarianism were striv
ing to establish universal equality and individual liberty,
without conventional rules, and regardless of constitu
tional freedom and constitutional restraints and limita
tions. In order to promote, and with a view of exalting,
the negro, the Radicals did not scruple to trample on the
rights of the white men, rights inherent and secured by
all that was sacred and inviolate in the organic law.
July 22. Congress adjoumed on Saturday. The Pre
sident sent in his veto on the supplemental bill on Friday.
It is stated that all the Cabinet except Stanton gave
the veto their approval. For my 0"wn part, I neither saw
it, heard it read, nor knew its contents until I saw it in
the newspapers. McCulloch says the same, and I have
reason to suppose this of others. My opinion is that no
one but Stanbery was cognizant of it. He probably had
the principal preparation of it, though the President
himself does more in the preparation of these documents
than is generally supposed.
Stanbery is a good la"wyer and takes a professional or
la"wyer's "view of questions rather than a statesman's or
politician's. Sometimes he is a little too technical, and too
much inclined to exhibit the attomey's knowledge and
capacity. Seward always defers to him. I do not remember
when he has dissented, though he may have been embar
rassed and compelled to trim if Stanton arrayed himself
in opposition, as he often does.
The veto is, in its general features, essentially as I sup
posed it would be. Had I leave to advise, I would have

138 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 22
counseled brevity. There was no necessity of extended
argument to such a Congress. No reasoning or truths,
however cogently presented, would influence a single
Member. The leading Radicals were predetermined, and
their followers had not the moral courage to act out an
honest, independent opinion. The bUl, like its prede
cessors, is flagrantly unconstitutional, anti-repubUcan and
despotic, but there is the essence and spirit of Radical
ism. There is extreme bitterness among the Radicals, which
manifested itself in the Senate and the House. Chandler,
coarse, vulgar, and violent, assaUed Fessenden, who was
indignantly cowardly and apologetic to his furious anta
gonist. July 23, Tuesday. Seward had a proclamation prepared
against Mexican filibustering. The House had passed a
resolution calling for it. I excepted to the paper, and es
pecially to that part of it which said, "Now, therefore, I,
A. J., being satisfied, etc., etc.," unless the President or
Secretary of State had such information and was satis
fied. If they had, or there was any necessity for a pro
clamation, I regretted that there should have been delay.
, . . The President said he was aware of no reason for
the step. Seward said there was nothing serious, nor did
he suppose there would be, but he thought it prudent,
under the circumstances, to send out the paper.
A more embarrassing subject was a resolution which
had passed the two houses expressing sjTnpathy with the
insurrectionists in Crete, and requiring the Administra
tion to communicate this fact to the Turkish Govemment.
It was one of those loose, indiscreet measures which an
inconsiderate Congress fooUshly enacts. Seward had put
his letter to the Minister in as unexceptionable a form as
he could, but it can hardly be otherwise than offensive.
The President regretted his attention had not been called
to the subject, for he would not have signed the resolu-

1867] THE CRETAN INSURRECTION 139
tion. Seward said he knew not how the resolution origin
ated. I told him that it originated "with Morris, the Min
ister to Constantinople, and if it resulted in his recall or
a request for him to leave, good might come of it. For
months he had made himself busy in trying to induce our
naval officers to break through neutraUty and interfere in
this insurrection.
July 24, Wednesday. General Banks called on me to
day with S. P. Hanscom in order to procure the removal
of Mr. Hart, Naval Constructor, and the appointment of
Isaiah Hanscom to the Charlestown Navy Yard. I told
him I knew of no reason for a change; that Mr. Hart was
discharging his duties faithfully and well, so far as I was
ad"vised. He said the people there were opposed to Mr.
Hart, who was no naval constructor, but a mere boat
swain, — that he govemed the yard. I asked what he
meant by saying Hart was not a constructor, but a boat
swain. He had passed his examination first as an assistant
constructor, and then as a constructor, — was educated
a constructor. Hanscom was not. Well, he was unaccept
able to the people. I asked wherein, — he was not a
partisan as I had once heard. Banks said he busied him
self in matters and things, and the people of the yard
were against him. I said no such information had ever come
to me; that Commodore Rodgers would have been likely to
advise me if such were the case. He said Rodgers was
under the influence of Hart.
"Am I to understand that you decline to remove hun? "
said B. in a loud voice.
"Certainly I do, as at present ad"vised," I replied; "but
I will inquire more particularly into this matter, and if
you have any facts, — anything specific, — I should be
glad to have you communicate them."
He said that was unnecessary; if I would not remove
Hart, he must take other measures.
"Very well," said I, "a good officer cannot be removed

140 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 24
without cause. I regret the ilhiess of Mr. LenthaU, Chief
of the Construction Bureau, but I "wiU myself look into
this case farther. At present I shaU not dismiss Hart."
July 25, Thursday. The President sent for me. He
wished to dispose of the case of Major Field of the Ma
rines, who was court-martialed last April and con-victed,
and was again subsequently court-martialed and again
convicted. As the case is, in every "view of it, bad, and the
President has long hesitated, delaying from time to time
acting, I had left the whole subject "with him to dispose
of when 'ready, expressing myself decidedly against Field.
. . . Sam RandaU has once or twice approached me, but
I told him neither party nor personal feeling should be
permitted to intrude; they would not "with me; they
ought not with the President.
One of the greatest defects of the President, as Chief
Magistrate, is a reluctance — an apparent incapacity —
to discriminate in matters of pardon, or rather a faUure to
act on general principles. His sympathies for the criminal
are easily enlisted in behalf of any man whom he has
power to relieve. He lets off the drunkard, breaker of
regulations, slanderer of the court, etc., etc., without
reflecting on the demoralizing effect of his mistaken len
iency on the service and the country.
July 26. The President showed me a telegram from
Grant at Long Branch to Stanton. Grant says General
Thomas has been ordered to Memphis; thinks it un
necessary for him (Grant) to go to Nash"ville; teUs of troops
that will be gathered at Memphis. The President said he
was glad that regulars were mo"ving into Tennessee, for it
would have the effect of checking the movements of
Bro"wnlow's militia, who were striving to control the elec
tions ; but he compared the conduct of Stanton and Grant
in the Tennessee election with that pursued by them in

1867] TROOPS SENT TO TENNESSEE 141
regard to Maryland. Last faU neither of them could get
any armed force to Baltimore.
I recollect that Stanton was extremely sensitive at that
time about overawing elections with troops. Grant, I
think, had the impression that he, personally, could do
better than soldiers, and deemed it more important that
he should remain here and take charge of local elections
than that he should go with Campbell to Mexico.
I remarked to the President that Grant had, uncon
sciously perhaps, very much changed his views within a
year; that it was perceptible; that I had frequently al
luded to this change; that Stanton, and Holt, and perhaps
others had succeeded in twisting or modifying Grant's
opinion and action. It had been with them a study, and
he, the President, had permitted it to go on until they
more than he were, in some respects, the Executive. The
President recognized the truth of my remarks, and said,
yes. Congress had conferred more power on the military
govemor than the President had ever exercised. "That,"
said I, "is but a part of the system. I know not that
General Grant has been in the intrigue to cripple the Pre
sident, though he has been, and is, used by the intriguers,
— in my opinion, willingly used. You are advised to send
General Halleck to Sitka. Seward has several times urged
it. I do not think highly of Halleck, or his management,
and do not wish the Administration to indorse him, or to
give him additional reputation. He has got himself fast
ened on the Govemment for life, at high pay, without
ha"ving rendered any valuable service."
In answer to the President as to who there had best be
selected, I told him it was difficult to say, for most of the
military officers had been gradually dra"wn into the Rad-"
ical or Congressional policy through the manipulation of
the War Department. But General Rousseau had been
recently appointed, had borne himself weU as a civilian,
was, I imderstood, to go to Washington or Oregon. Why
not let the transfer of Russian America be made to him?

142 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 26
The President hesitated a moment and said: "Rous
seau is now at New Orleans. Here is a telegram from
him, saying affairs are in a terrible condition there, and
advising immediate correction. What would you, then,
think of substituting hun for Sheridan?"
"If Sheridan is to leave, my impression is that you
cannot do better than select Rousseau, as things are. It
is a pity, however, that this could not have been done
earlier. The Radicals have been at great pains to enhst
public opinion for Sheridan, in the full beUef that he
would, and conscious that he ought to, be removed. They
have encouraged his insolence and insubordination in
order to compel his removal, or to show that the Admin
istration was too weak to "vindicate itself. The managing
Radicals know Sheridan's unfitness for administrative
duties, but he is a brave and distinguished officer whom
they are using, — availing themselves of his military re
putation before the country. Had he been summarily
disposed of when his insolent letter was written, or when
he removed that trimming Govemor Wells and the judge,'
the people would have justified the act, and the Admin
istration would have been strengthened for a righteous
exhibition of energy. But the time has gone by for that
display. There may be other causes."
The President again asked me what I thought of put
ting Fred Douglass at the head of the Freedmen's Bu
reau, instead of Howard. I said if he proposed to appoint
negroes to any office, that perhaps would be as appropriate
as any. Howard is a very good sort of man, but loose in
taking and appropriating pubUc property, and so intensely
Radical that I wished him removed, and an overturn in
the management of the Bureau.
But I was not prepared to appoint or recommend to be
appointed to so responsible a position a person because
he is a negro or a mulatto. Mr. Sumner and others have
¦ Judge Abell, who had declared the Louisiana convention of 1866 an
illegal body.

1867] THE CONOVER ALLEGATIONS 143
expressed a hope that negroes would fill public and tmsted
positions, but I cannot. They may succeed, under their
despotic and oppressive laws, in getting a few negroes
into Congress, but there would, in all probability, be a
sequence to this partisan negro philanthropy which would
be calamitous to the poor negroes themselves.
July 30, Tuesday. But little of importance at the Cab
inet-meeting. After we were through, the President re
quested me to remain for a few moments. Seward and
Stanbery were not at the meeting, and are absent from
the city. Mr. Hunter, who represented the State Depart
ment, was present for a short time, but had left, and Stan
ton was allowed to depart. McCulloch, Randall, Browning,
and myself remained. The President said he had invited
us to stop for a few moments, for some papers had just
been placed in his hands of a character which seemed to
him to deserve consideration.
It was, he said, proper for him to state that a woman
representing herself as the wife of Conover, ' now in prison,
had called upon him, on, I think, the preceding Saturday
evening, in behalf of her husband. She said promises and
assurances of pardon had been held out to him by certain
parties on condition he would do certain things, but he
had been put off and tantalized until they (C. and his
wife) knew not what to make of it. They had, however,
' Sanford Conover, alias Charles A. Dunham, convicted of perjury in
connection with the trial of Jefferson Da"vis for complicity in Lincoln's assas
sination. The first communication referred to here, dated July 26, 1867,
and received on Saturday, the 27th, was a petition for pardon accom
panied by recommendations to clemency from Congressman Ashley, Judge-
Advocate-General Holt, and A. G. Riddle, on the ground that while in jail
Conover had disinterestedly aided in the prosecution of John H. Surratt.
The communication of July 29, received on the 30th, was an extraordinary
letter purporting to reveal a conspiracy into which Conover had entered
with Ashley, Riddle, Holt, and B. F. Butler, to suborn testimony to show
that President Johnson had been a member of the conspiracy to assassin
ate Lincoln. These papers were published on August 10, but they were
regarded with some suspicion and Conover did not receive his pardon till
February 9, 1869.

144 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 30
got a paper from Riddle,^ indorsed by Judge-Advocate-
General Holt, commending him to clemency. With this
paper, there was, inadvertently, mixed up a note from
Ashley, the impeaching Representative from the Toledo
district, caUing for the document. "Perhaps," said the
President, "the best way will be to read the whole papers,
but it will be proper to say that this note of Ashley led to
further inquiry, which resulted in her bringing me this
morning a petition from her husband and simdry papers,
which I have detained for you to examine, and to give me
your ad"vice as to what had best be done "with them."
He then called on Colonel Moore from the Ubrary "with
the papers, and directed him to read them. As they wiU
doubtless be printed, I need say no farther here than that
they furnish conclusive e"vidence of an atrocious conspiracy
to impeach the President by manufactured testimony,
which was to be furnished by this man Conover, alias
Dunham, who was to be released from prison on condi
tion he procured persons to testify as the parties de
sired. When these papers had been read, and the surprise
of all expressed, — not so much at the conspiracy, for
none of us had any doubt of the "vUlainy of the impeach
ment conspiracy (it is nothing else), but at the folly of
Ashley and others in lea"ving traces of their intrigue and
wickedness, — the President asked what should be done.
I advised that authenticated copies of the papers should
be taken and lodged "with different parties, and that the
original should be carefully preserved. In this aU con
curred. The question then was as to disclosing the papers,
— when and where. McCulloch and myself advised
prompt publication. RandaU ad"vdsed delay to get other
facts and testimony, — certain names and documents
referred to. Browning hesitated, but was inclined to an
early publication, and the President incUned to as Uttle
' Albert Gallatin Riddle, an ex-Congressman, one of the counsel for the
prosecution of Surratt.

1867] THE CONOVER ALLEGATIONS 145
delay as possible. Randall walked the room a few times
and then came into that view also.
Conover, alias Dunham, after ha"ving been kept here
by the court for months, had been suddenly hurried off
to the penitentiary at Albany, so that he could not be
seen. I told the President that was in consequence of
Conover's wife having called on him, — that it satisfied
me of what I had long beUeved, there were spies upon him
and in his household. The fact that she had called on the
President had been communicated to the conspirators,
and C. was immediately hurried off to prevent him from
having communication with any friend of the President
to whom he might make disclosures.
It was concluded that we should meet again to-morrow,
and in the mean time, each was to revolve the matter in
his mind and bring the results of his reflections to the
meeting. The President expected Mrs. Conover to call
upon him to-morrow, and would ascertain if she had other
papers or facts, but she would make no promises to pro
cure them.
July 30. At the meeting to-day the President and the
four members of his Cabinet who were together yester
day again took up the subject of the conspiracy and Cono
ver's disclosures. Randall was again very earnest for
postponing any publication until the names of the two
witnesses referred to in Conover's petition could be ascer
tained and also the memoranda of the testimony which
was wanted, and which they were to swear to, were pro
cured. Ashley alluded to those papers in one of his notes,
and is e"vidently anxious to get them. Randall says that as
soon as it is known that C. has betrayed them, they will
hasten to get these papers and to bribe these men. Mc
Culloch gave in to these suggestions and was for delay, in
order to make a perfect and complete thing of it. Brown
ing was disposed to take the same view.
I suggested that a delay and failure to procure the
3

146 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 30
papers and names would weaken the case, and it would be
well to look at all sides of the question. Would not the pub
lication be likely to draw out other testimony and lead to
these very disclosures which we wanted? A frank and
prompt pubUcation carried weight in itself. Delay and
hesitancy, in the hope of something more, would be losing
an opportunity. If Randall could be perfectly successful
in his scheme, and get the names and papers, it might
justify delay. Was it advisable to run this risk on such an
uncertainty? RandaU proposed to go himself to-night to Kinderhook
and there meet Reynolds, a lawyer friend of his in Albany,
to whom he would immediately telegraph. Mrs. Conover
should go on to-night also in order to see her husband,
and get from him the names. R. would be his lawyer and
perhaps see C. "with his wife.
The plan appeared to meet with favor, and R. was so
confident of success, and so ready to go and get his lawyer
and detectives at work that one could not weU object. I
thought there seemed a Uttle overanxiety on the part of
Randall to figure and operate, but sometimes such men
accomplish more than is expected.
General Sheridan has removed Govemor Throckmorton
of Texas and appointed my old friend E. M. Pease to be
Govemor of Texas in his place. This is a good selection,
provided the change could be legally made; but I deny the
authority of General Sheridan to do this, — deny that Con
gress can give him authority to do it. Pease was here two
or three weeks since on his way to Texas, and I have Uttle
doubt that he was called thither for the purpose of receiv
ing that office. It is a step in a conspiracy of which he is
not cognizant.
In a contest between Throckmorton and Pease for the
office of Governor some twenty months since, the people of
Texas elected T. by a vote of six or seven to one over P.
This was then the voice of Texas. This is probably about
the present position of affairs with the legal voters.

1867] McCULLOCH DISCOURAGED 147
In my opinion Pease is the best, wisest, and safest
man, but the public whom he is to govern are of a different
opinion. He has, from the Rebellion and the policy pur
sued, become warped in mind, and his principles are unset
tled, but he will, I think, commit no imprudent or oppress
ive act. I regretted he was not elected, and regret the
President did not originally appoint him pro"visional gov
emor instead of Hamilton. He was presented by me at
that time, but the President listened to bad men here, ap
pointed one of them, who was the tool of the "vicious gang
who then were commencing an intrigue against him, and
this appointee Hamilton became a traitor to the President
and an ingrate. Stanton, who did not know Pease, I have
no doubt took him up on my old recommendation, — a
twofold object.
July 31. Had a short evening walk and talk with Mc
Culloch, who is, not without reason, a good deal discour
aged. A crowd of sharpers, mercenary party plunderers
from Pennsylvania, — Flannigan, Sawyer, and others, —
are crowding around the President, declaring their in
tention to so organize the Republican Party that it will
not unite with Democrats. They all want offices for them
selves or want to sell offices to their friends. The President
has, McC. says, listened to these sharpers and thereby in
jured himself and his Administration in the estimation of
good men. The revenues have been and are being defrauded
by miserable partisan appointments, and the President
sadly imposed upon. McCulloch proceeded to tell me how
arrangements have from time to time been made by him
self with the Radicals for dividing the offices, — a pernicious
arrangement, — that sometimes they have in the Senate
come up and confirmed appointments thus arranged, and
the President has then failed to carry out the agreement.
I told him I should be sorry if the President ever broke
faith, but I must frankly say to him I disliked the bargain
ing, — dividing with the trafficking, greedy, unprincipled

148 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 31
Radicals. McC. said it was necessary, we could not get
along without it. The offices would not be filled.
I told him that a firm, steady hand from the beginning
would have avoided this; there had been temporizing, con
ceding to factions, surrendering executive rights to the
enemies of the President, mistaken arrangements, aU of
which had weakened the Administration and encouraged
and stimulated the Radicals; that we could never make a
stand, — have a poUcy, — nor could the Executive be the
head, or a power in the Govemment, whUe we pursued such
a course. This has gone so long and so far, however, that
I know not that much can be done to retrieve the error
and strengthen the Administration, but I would not di"vide
nor surrender the executive power, patronage, authority,
prerogative, rights, and duties to them.

LI
The President consults with his Cabinet as to the Advisability of removing
Sheridan — The Conover Allegations — McCuUoch's Compromises —
His Great AbUity as a Financier — Grant deprecates the Removal of
Sheridan — Grant going over to the Radicals — Conversation with the
President as to the Possibility of Stanton's Retirement — Postmaster-
General Randall asks for Leave of Absence — The President requests
Stanton to resign — Stanton refuses — The Tenure-of-Office Act in
Relation to the Question of Stanton's Removal — Randall's Shakiness
— Thurlow Weed's Attack on Chase — Secretary Welles advises the
President to remove Judge-Advocate-General Holt with Stanton and to
appoint one of the Blairs Secretary of War — The President discusses
the Matter with Montgomery Blair — The Jury in the John H. Surratt
Case disagrees — The President suspends Stanton and appoints Gen
eral Grant ad interim — General Sickles prohibits CivU Process in his
MUitary Department — Alleged Conspiracy against Judge-Advocate-
General Holt — Stanton's Dismissal makes Little Commotion — Cor
respondence between the President and General Grant relative to the
Removal of Sheridan — Conversation with Grant on the Subject of
Reconstruction — A Political Ignoramus — General Sickles announces
his Intention of obstructing the United States Court — Passage be
tween Grant and Assistant Attomey-General Binckley in Cabinet —
Suspicions in regard to RandaU — A Reorganization of the Cabinet
talked of in the Papers — Conversation with Montgomery Blair about
Grant — Grant, insubordinate in Cabinet, is rebuked by the President
— The President's Strength and Weaknesses.
August 2. After the adjournment of the Cabinet and
Stanton had left, inquiry was made of Randall if he had
been to Albany, or whether any steps had been taken in
relation to further developments of the conspiracy for
impeachment. He said no, that Conover's wife declined
to go, and wanted his pardon on the documents already
produced. The President here remarked that as those of us who
were present could each freely speak his views, he wished
to know our several opinions in regard to the removal of
Sheridan. McCulloch at once declared he thought it would be

150 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 2
injudicious, — would strengthen the extreme Radicals, who
really wanted the President to take this step in order that
they might make successful war against him. It would
discourage the conservative portion, who were becoming
much disquieted with the leaders, and who would, if not
shocked by any rash step, defeat the impeachment move
ment. The Radicals were becoming di"vided among them
selves, and if we abstained from any movement, they would
hush up.
Browning eamestly pressed the last idea. Let them go
on "with their violent and obnoxious measures, — their
usurpation and tyranny, — and it would break them do"wn.
The better portion of them were already sick of their
measures. I asked, pro"vided such were the fact, — which
I did not believe, for the conservatives are cowards, — if it
were proper administration to stand quietly by and per
mit such outrages upon the States and people to go on, or
whether the Executive had not some duties to perform be
sides temporizing "with corruption? We must not suppose
we could escape responsibUity. The idea of our doing
nothing when great "wrongs were being committed by the
military govemors would not answer. What have we done
to prevent it? I think Sheridan ought never to have been
put in such a position ; I never ad"vised it, nor that of Sickles,
a different man. Being, then, in a responsible position for
which he had no proper qualifications, I think he should
have been promptly removed when he took upon himself
to oust State officers and to appoint others in their places.
I so stated on the day of their occurrence and had always
regretted that he had not been at once displaced and sent
the other side of the Mississippi after his insolent letter.
I have no animosity towards Sheridan, who is a brave
soldier, and whose gallantry and services I honor, but he
is unjust and made vain by his miUtary successes, and
absolutely spoiled by partisan flattery and the encourage
ment of the conspirators. The more he defied the President,
and the greater the outrages on the people of Louisiana and

1867] REMOVAL OF SHERIDAN DISCUSSED 151
Texas, the more would he be praised by bad men who were
imposing on his weaknesses.
From the tame, passive course which has been pursued,
the Administration had lost confidence and strength. It
has to-day no positive, established, successful policy; dis
plays no executive power and energy; submits to insults;
and we are now discussing no measure of the Administra
tion, and it is assumed that we ought to have none, — that
we must suppress our convictions, abdicate our duty, and
in our helplessness tmst to division among the Radicals, who
have a policy, and who by their presumption and our sub
mission have crippled the Executive, encroached upon his
prerogative, and deprived him of his constitutional rights.
Randall became excited and advocated turning "the
Uttle fellow" out. The President warmed up under my
remarks; his eyes flashed. "What have we to expect from
long keeping quiet? Will the Republicans, the conserv
ative portion of them, come into our views? They are
always promising, but they never perform. It may be said
this "will enrage them and that they will then go forward
and impeach me. If they would impeach me for ordering
away an officer who I believe is doing wrong, — afflicting
and oppressing the people instead of protecting and sus
taining them, — if I am to be impeached for this, I am
prepared." I asked the President if he had any information from
those States as to the sentiments and feelings of the people,
— whether anything but the removal of the Governor of
Texas and the overthrow of the municipal government in
New Orleans had come to his knowledge. It would not be
ad"visable to move in so important a matter without cause.
These were sufficient. But weeks ago the same acts had
been committed as regards the Govemor of Louisiana,
Attomey-General, judge, etc. The President said there
was nothing additional now, but there was universal
complaint of disorganization, confusion, insincerity, and
oppression.

152 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 2
McCulloch said he should deprecate the removal of
Sheridan, because he was exceedingly popular, and it would
bring down violence on the Administration. He had a
talk with WUson of Iowa before he left for home, who
said if the President did nothing rash, and — alluding to
this very movement — would not disturb Sheridan, all
would go along well, and the extreme Radicals would be
defeated; a division would certainly take place.
"What," said I, "if Sheridan should proceed to hang
some of the prominent and best men in Louisiana who
differ from him? Would WUson expect, or you advise,
that he should still be continued?"
The President was called into the adjoining room, and
McCuUoch, turning to me, said he was afraid my remarks
would produce great harm. "To do our duty wiU produce
harm! How," I exclaimed, "are we subdued and hum
bled!" On the subject of Conover's disclosures some further
discussion took place. The President was incUned to
pardon him on the application of Holt and Riddle, and let
the reasons and documents follow wliich led to the par
don. But the rest of us were united in the opinion that
the pubUcation of the documents should precede pardon,
and to postpone the pardon for a short time at aU events.
It was also understood that Sheridan's case would be
delayed for the present.
August 3, Saturday. McCulloch called on me early
this moming. He was very much exercised in regard to
the removal of Sheridan. It had disturbed him through the
night, and as he was intending to be absent for a day or
two, he besought me to see the President and prevent
hasty action. The conservative and timid Republicans
and some Radicals have been intimate with McCuUoch
and impressed him with their cowardly, shrinking "views.
He has been persuaded by them to compromise, and to
bargain in regard to office. In all this he has been actu-

1867] MCCULLOCH'S COMPROMISES 153
ated by good, though I think mistaken, motives. The bad
features of the Radicals may have been softened at times,
but their "violence and strength have not been impaired
thereby. On the contrary, they have been fortified and
made more powerful by their success in invading the Ex
ecutive, while the Administration has been weakened. It
has for the time being made matters more easy for the
Secretary of the Treasury, who has, indeed, a difficult task
to perform, but eventually these concessions to timid
men who sustain wrong acts of their leaders "will be dis
astrous to the Administration, which has been putting
its opponents in place, — establishing, as it were, little
Radical fortifications in almost every Congressional dis
trict, to batter us down. They retain and exercise all the
powers granted them, usurp the powers of the Executive,
and we yield to them in fear.
I ad"vised McCulloch to call himself on the President
and freely communicate his views. But he seemed to
think it would be of little avail. I sometimes am inclined
to beUeve the President does not so fully appreciate the
value of McC.'s services as he should, for I think him
the best financier we have had for years in the Treasury,
with a difficiUt part to perform were he supported instead
of opposed by Congress. If he possessed the firmness and
poUtical experience of Guthrie, he would be his equal in
every respect. But he is politically timid and is wanting
in political tact, persistency, and force.
In this matter of Sheridan, I told him I could not answer
the President otherwise than I did when he put the in
quiry to us whether Sheridan ought to be detached. There
is no question in my mind that it would be right to relieve
the people of Louisiana and Texas of an officer who has so
little discretion, such infirm judgment in civil matters,
and who knows so little how to exercise power. The law
itself is an outrage, a "violation of the Constitution, and
Sheridan outrageously administers it, removing and mak
ing appointments at will. It cannot be otherwise than he is

154 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 3
secretly backed up and supported by some power, for he
is accustomed to obey, not to disobey.
I called on the President, as McC. requested, and had a
free conversation with him. Said to him that whUe Sheri
dan deserved rebuke and removal, I would not be obstin
ate but defer to him. It might, as things were now, be
impolitic or inexpedient to make the removal; it would
undoubtedly lead to a violent assault upon him; the con
spirators — extreme Radicals — would avaU themselves
of the act to be more "vindictive and ferocious, and the
timid would be more cowed and submissive to them; whUe
I had an inherent confidence in the great principles of
right as the rule of action, there was no doubt it often
tried the most resolute and required moral courage and
steady persistency to make the right prevaU.
"What," said the President, "have I to fear, what to
gain or lose by keeping this man who delights in opposing
and counteracting my "views in this position? It is said
that the weak Radicals — the conservative ones — wiU join
the ultras to impeach me. If Congress can bring them
selves to impeach me, because in my judgment a turbulent
and unfit man should be removed and because I, in
the honest discharge of my duty to my country and the
Constitution, exercise my judgment and remove him, let
them do it. I shall not shun the trial, and if the people can
sanction such a proceeding, I shaU not lament the loss of
a position held by such a tenure."
I remarked that Sheridan was reaUy but a secondary
personage after aU in the business. He would never have
pursued the course he has if not prompted and encouraged
by others to whom he looked, — from whom he received
advice, if not orders. Little woiUd be attained if only he
were taken in hand.
The President said there was no doubt of that, and he
was giving the subject attention. He said he had had a
long interview with General Grant, ... in which inter
view they had gone over these subjects, but Grant was

1867] GRANT GOING OVER 155
hesitating. He then went to his desk and brought me a
letter of Grant's, elicited by the conversation which had
passed between them. Grant deprecated the removal of
Sheridan, who, he says, possesses immense popularity;
thinks it is not in the power of the President to remove
the Secretary of War since the passage of the Tenure-of-
Office Bill, and that it would be unwise as well as inex
pedient to make these movements just when Congress has
adjoumed. The letter was not such as I should have at one time
expected from Grant, — was not discreet, judicious, nor
excusable even from his standpoint. If not disingenuous,
he has, "without perhaps being aware of it, had his opinions
warped and modified within a year. I remarked as I
finished reading the letter, "Grant is going over."
"Yes," said the President, "I am aware of it. I have
no doubt that most of these offensive measures have
emanated from the War Department."
"Not only that," said I, "but almost aU the officers of
the Army have been insidiously alienated from your sup
port by the same influences. If you had been favored with
an earnest and sincere supporter of your measures in the
War Department, the condition of affairs in this country-
would this day have been quite different. It is unfortun
ate, perhaps, that you did not remove all of the Cabinet
soon after your Administration commenced; certainly
some who have made it a business to thwart and defeat
your measures ought to have been changed."
He assented, with some emotion, to the last remark,
but expressed a doubt whether he could have got rid of
Stanton. It would, he said, be unpleasant to make the
attempt and not succeed. He presumed Grant had com
municated the conversation which had taken place, and
that the suggestion came from Stanton himself.
I doubted if Stanton would persist in holding on as an
ad"viser when he understood the President wished him
away, or he was requested to relinquish his office, although

156 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 3
it was obvious he was very tenacious of his place, and
clung to it from personal considerations. Yet I was not
sure but things had about reached the point when he was
prepared to leave. He was in close friendship with the
Radicals who had the control of Congress ; through that fac
tion was as much a favorite of the conservatives as of the
extreme Radicals. Congress ha"ving taken the whole gov
emment into its keeping, and he being a favorite, he might
think it would conduce to his benefit to be dismissed, com
pelled to leave. They would be dissatisfied to have him
retire; Seward and Holt would oppose it, and probably
Grant also now, though he had at one time favored it.
The conversation on this point closed with his repeating
the remark he had twice before made, — that he intended
to bring this matter to a conclusion in a few days.
The President said he was annoyed by RandaU's course.
He seemed imsettled, anxious to be running about the
country, lea"ving his duties to McCleUan,^ who was filling
aU the post-offices with Radicals, perhaps "with R.'s con
sent, certainly "without his opposition. Now he comes
"with a request to be absent and to leave the country for
six weeks. "I told him," said the President, "it appeared
to me no time to be absent, that he was wanted at his
post now, if ever." But R. thought he could be absent;
his wife was abroad; he could, ha"ving a free pass, go for
her without expense; to send for her would cost him six
hundred dollars. The President repeated to him that
he thought his duties were here, but he should leave the
subject with him after what had been said.
In the matter of Sheridan, I do not get any sufficient
cause for mo"ving now that has not existed for weeks and
months. The removal of Throckmorton is follo"wing out
the first step, the removal of Wells. The insulting letter
has got cold. Still I have not a word for Sheridan.
August 5, Monday. 1 called on the President this a.m.,
* George W. McCleUan, Second Assistant Postmaster-General.

1867] STANTON REQUESTED TO RESIGN 157
and, after my errand, mentioned that no publication of
Conover's case had yet been made. He said he had, after
consideration, given that matter a different tum. It was
an appUcation for pardon, and he had passed over the
papers to the Attomey-General, and given it the same
direction as other applications for pardon. I inquired if
Stanbery had returned. He said no, but the assistants
were quite as competent for this case.
I asked about the Sheridan case, remarking that I was
glad, as things are, that he was giving the subject de
Uberate thought. He said he had dropped Sheridan for
the present and gone to the fountain-head of mischief, —
that he had this morning sent a note to Stanton requesting
him to resign. "It is impossible," said he, "to get along
with such a man in such a position, and I can stand it
no longer. Whether he "will send in his resignation is un
certain. What do you think he vrill do? "
"I think he will resign," I repUed, "and not intrude
himself upon you, and longer embarrass you; yet his
friends are the ones who have tried to tie your hands."
"Yes, and he instigated it. He has, I am satisfied, been
the proUfic source of difficulties. You have alluded to
this, but I was unwilling to consider it, — to think that
the man whom I trusted was plotting and intriguing
against me."
"Well," said I, "it is better, if you are to act, that this
course should be taken. Sheridan is only a secondary
man in these matters, and to smite him would only aggra
vate and excite, without accompUshing any good beyond
punishing insolence to you, and wrong to the people over
whom he has been placed. He has been sustained and
encouraged by other minds."
I do not see how Stanton can do otherwise than resign,
and yet it wiU not surprise me if he refuses. Should he
refuse, the President may be embarrassed, for Stanton
has contrived, I suspect, to get a controUing influence
over General Grant. Judge Cartter is a creature of Stanton,

158 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 5
and his court is under subjection to the same influence.
The President has, against aU admonitions and warnings,
been passive and impenetrable, untU he is powerless. I do
not perceive any benefit to himself by remo"ving Stanton
at this time. One year ago it would have been effective,
and he would have retained Grant and the Army; he would
have had a different Congress; the country was then with
him, and would have continued so. But the conspirators
and intriguers have boimd him hand and foot; he has
permitted his prerogative to be despoiled, the executive
authority and rights to be circumscribed, untU he is weak
and powerless.
Stanton may defy him, and shelter himself under the
Tenure-of-Office Bill, which contains a clause in relation
to Cabinet-offlcers, introduced by his friends and for the
special purpose of retaining him in place. When this sub
ject was before the Cabinet, no one more strongly repro
bated this flagrant abuse or more strongly declared that
the law was unconstitutional than Stanton. He protested
with ostentatious vehemence that any man who would
retain his seat in the Cabinet as an adviser when his ad"vice
was not wanted was unfit for the place. He would not,
he said, remain a moment. I remember his protestations,
for I recollected at the time he had been treacherous and
faithless to Buchanan. I knew, moreover, he had since
as well as then betrayed Cabinet secrets.
August 6. Before the session of the Cabinet commenced
this moming, the President in"vited me into the library and
informed me that he had a note from Stanton refusing to
resign. I was a good deal astonished, though since yester
day my doubts in regard to his course have increased. His
profuse expressions of readiness to resign, declarations
that any gentleman would decline to remain an intruder,
etc., etc., when the Tenure-of-Office Bill was under con
sideration were mere pretenses to cover his intrigues.
The President had requested Seward, Stanton, and myself

EDWIN M. STANTON

1867] STANTON'S TENURE 159
to prepare a veto on that bill. Neither of them consulted
me farther than to send to me for information concerning
the debates.
The President asked if he had better communicate the
correspondence to the Cabinet at this time. I advised it
by aU means.
All the Cabinet except Stanbery were present. When the
correspondence was read a good deal of surprise was mani
fested, and felt, not only with the invitation but the re
fusal. Stanton did not attend, and considers himself, it
would seem, not of the Cabinet.
Seward immediately inquired when Stanbery would be
back. The Tenure-of-Office Bill was examined and com
mented upon. Doubts were expressed whether the Pre
sident could remove a Cabinet-officer. Seward thought
it indispensable that Stanbery should be here. It was a
question of law, and the law officer was the proper person
to expound it.
The President seemed embarrassed how to act. As the
law is, in the opinion of the whole Cabinet, including
the Attomey-General, unconstitutional, I said this was a
poUtical as well as a legal question; that the Chief Magis
trate could select and remove his ad"visers; that the legis
lative department could not take away the constitutional
rights of the Executive; that the power of removal belonged
to the President of right; that there has been too much
concession to legislative usurpations. I do not consider
that the President is imder obligations to be an instru
ment in these "violations of the Constitution, — to cripple
the executive department by a fragment of Congress.
After an hour and more of discussion, the subject was
postponed, and the Conover subject taken up. "The Act
ing Attomey-General had embodied into a report, or
opinion, the petitions of Conover, alias Dunham, the
notes, etc. This it was thought ought to be printed at
once. McCuUoch came to see me this evening. He is a good

160 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 6
deal disturbed. Laments that the President had not taken
this step in regard to Stanton at least a year ago. Thinks
it now too late to do any good, and fears Stanton, aided
by the Radicals, wiU make successful war and overcome
the President. Much vrill depend on the President him
self, and he would come to right conclusions and carry
them out but for Seward, who is bevrildered and has not
Weed here to advise him. If he listens to Seward, who has
been taken by surprise, all "will be frittered away, no de
cisive stand will be taken and held, but the honest purpose
of the President "will be defeated. Stanton, assisted by the
Radicals in Congress, has been active in preparing himself
for this event by crippling the President on every hand
and in every way and by fortifying himself. He has got
Grant and other army officers. He has got the court in
this District. Judge Cartter, I am told, spent an hour or
two with Stanton after he received the President's note,
in the War Department. He is a coarse, "vulgar Radical
in the hands of Stanton; has complete control of his
associate Fisher. OUn and WUey are different men, but
I know not how they would act at this time.
August 7. Nothing new has developed to-day. The
Conover matter is not pubUshed, nor has anything been
done with the Secretary of War. The present idea of the
President is to suspend Stanton and order General Grant
to take charge ad interim, but though Grant was willing
and earnest when proposed a year ago, he would, I think,
be reluctant now. I know not how he would disobey. Not
unlikely Seward "will try to patch up some sort of arrange
ment to gratify and soothe Stanton.
Herein is the President's danger. His strength, power,
energy, and force are destroyed by Seward. He can do
nothing to extricate himself while Seward has a directing
influence. Stanbery, influenced by Seward, takes also a
narrow view of things.
My own advice would have been, had the President

1867] A LOST OPPORTUNITY 161
asked it, not to have executed the unconstitutional Re
construction law, — to have assigned no military com
manders to govern States in time of peace. If for this
they attempted an impeachment, or sought by party drill
to carry the unconstitutional law into effect, I would have
gone to the people, appealed to them to uphold the Govern
ment and the Constitution, to stand by the Executive.
It would hardly do for me, unasked, to suggest these
things, to advise the President to offer himself a sacri
fice, yet I wished it, — wished I could have been in his
place in that emergency. It would have been a glorious
privilege to have seized the horns of the altar, planted
one's self on the Constitution, rallied the patriotism of the
nation, immolated himself, if necessary, in defending
the Govemment of his country and the integrity of the
Union. But before asking the several opinions of his Cab
inet, he announced that he should execute the law, and
I saw it was under the advice of Seward, Stanbery, and
Stanton, — for Stanton was then a busy counselor, di
rectly and indirectly, through Seward, in all measures,
insidiously working to destroy the power and influence
of the President while professing friendship.
The President informs me that the Conover matter
wiU be published and appear on Saturday. I saw Gobright,
the general correspondent of the Associated Press, in the
Secretary of State's rooms, and presume Seward has suc
ceeded in procuring the document, which is quite long, to
be sent forward to New York to appear simultaneously
with its publication here. This was unnecessary, for these
papers would readily have copied it. Now the whole thing
"will have something of the appearance of having been
gotten up for effect, which is not true. Things may be
overdone. I met RandaU at the council room. While waiting for
the President, I spoke to him concerning certain changes,
loudly called for, and which he had promised should be
made, in a few post-offices. He said Dixon was urging
3

162 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 7
him to tum out some good men, friends of the President.
I asked if he knew this to be so, — if he were acquainted
with the facts and men personally. He said he knew
they gave money freely for the organization. I inquired
when and what organization. Did they assist in electing
Govemor English, and Hotchkiss Member of Congress, or
did they oppose both? He confessed he did not know about
that, which I told him was important, if support of the
Administration was to be considered. I had no doubt that
some changes should be made, as Dixon recommended, for
other than party reasons. I saw that he did not like my
comments, and he soon went out. Before lea"ving, he told
me his wife was sick, and he thought he should have to
cross the Atlantic for her, and it would be best for the
President to fill his place. This was said haU-slyly, half-
eamestly, and satisfies me that he is shaky. I have been
for some time convinced there is foundation in the rumor
that his confirmation was received by pledges to Radical
Senators, who do not like Dixon and would not strengthen
him by appointments at home.
August 9. Stanton's course and what is to be done with
him were discussed. Seward is extremely anxious to get
the opinion of the Attorney-General, who is absent,
before coming to any conclusion. Some one remarked that
it was reported one of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, and who is
now of Mr. Johnson's, sympathized with Stanton, and
might resign if he did. I told them I had not heard the
rumor, but they were at liberty to say to any one and to
all that I was not the man to leave the Cabinet for that
reason, but if the President ever invited me, I should not
decline his invitation to leave.
The debates in the Senate on the Tenure-of-Office Bill
and Senator Sherman's strong declarations were quoted.
I remarked that they were not stronger than the declara
tions of Stanton himself to us at this board, as they would
all remember. He had, with Mr. Seward, prepared the veto

1867] THURLOW WEED'S ATTACK ON CHASE 163
on the Tenure-of-Office BUl, but that was much milder
than his declarations of the unconstitutionality as well as
impolicy of that biU.
Seward said but little, and Randall was reserved.
Perhaps there was no reason to sharpen my suspicion;
but it is evident they are not forward in the measure or in
efforts to encourage the President. The removal of Stan
ton was undoubtedly a surprise and disappointment to
Seward, who has sustained him.
Weed has been making some more assaults on Chief
Justice Chase, accusing him of getting rich whUe Secrer-V
tary of the Treasury. I have heard these charges before;"
There were some strange proceedings in granting permits^
and Chase had in Harrington and some others strange
associates; but this charge, at this time, is, I have little
doubt, in concert with Seward, who has been to^ Auburn
and met Weed there. I am aware of no reason to suspect
Chase of adding to his fortune after entering the Treasury.
Weed has, I know, become wealthy since 1861.
Things have taken a turn which disappoints both
Seward and Weed. Seward has thought of fishing for the
Presidency and supposes Chase one of the obstacles.
Neither of them stands any more chance of reaching the
Presidency than of being created Sultan of Turkey. After
the others had gone out, I had half an hour with the Pre
sident, who requested me to stay. Advised him to remove
Holt with Stanton. It would be more effective and proper
to remove the two together. I looked upon both as con
spirators, as having contributed more than any others
to the embarrassments of the Administration. They had
each a personal interest in preventing a restoration of the
Union, for, ha"ving been associated in Buchanan's Cabinet,
where one played, to say the least, an equivocal, and the
other a treacherous, game towards the South, they dread
a reconciled Union.
I suggested that the time was not inauspicious to strike
an effective blow against Radical usurpations. The delay

164 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 9
had, it was true, matured the plots, schemes, and intrigues
of the conspirators, by which the South was prostrated
and the whole country had become demoraUzed. But he
could now in a measure rouse the South and the better
portion of the country, and to some extent retrieve past
error, by sweeping out the whole batch of generals who were
goveming the States of the South in "violation of the Con
stitution and had made themselves part of the usurping
conspiracy. There is a deUberate conspiracy to subject
the executive department to the legislative. Congress
has, in defiance of the Constitution, passed a law which
is subversive of the States and the Federal Govemment,
and they have designated the President as the instrument
to destroy the Constitution which he has sworn to defend.
Why consent to be that Ulegal instrument? He had en
deavored to carry out the Reconstruction Act under the
theory of the Attomey-General, whose construction of
the law was that the military were a mere poUce force,
subordinate to the civil authorities, or to act cooperat
ively "with them; but since Congress, at its late session,
had placed the military above the ci"vil power, "virtually
assailed the State Governments, and openly trampled on
the Constitution, he would be justified in refusing to be
their instrument or to take part in that outrage.
They might in this Radical House, under their gag rules,
prefer articles of impeachment; possibly the Senate
might, in its partisan violence convict, but I doubted it.
At all events, the great questions, invol"ving the welfare
of the govemment and the preservation of the principles
on which it was founded, would be fully discussed, pubUc
attention would be dra"wn to the subject, and the danger
understood. At present, the people seem dull, passive,
and indifferent to what so nearly concerns them. At the
worst he would be sacrificed for adhering with fideUty
to the Constitution, but his historic record would be worth
more than any office. If his appeal to the country could
not be responded to until there was an election, he need

1867] F. BLAIR FOR SECRETARY OF WAR 165
have no fear of the verdict which his countrymen would
ultimately render.
The President listened to me attentively, earnestly,
occasionaUy interrupting me with afiirming exclamations,
and with expressions of contempt at impeachment threats.
I suggested the appointment of one of the Blairs to be
Secretary of War. Seward, Thurlow Weed, and his tribe
hated and had abused the Blairs and tried to get up a
prejudice against them, but they were bold, fearless,
honest men whom Stanton feared. Were Frank Blair
appointed, Stanton, who, though a blusterer, is a coward,
would fiy out of one door as Frank entered at the other.
The President laughed and cordially assented.
August 10, Saturday. Gave the President some papers
left with me by Doctor Duhamel ^ and Captain Chandler
concerning Conover, alias Dunham. The Intelligencer
this A.M. contains the report of Assistant Attomey-
General Binckley and documents referred to him in that
case. Talked with the President about the case, and also
the course of Stanton. Again repeated my "wish that he
would not permit himself to be made an instrument to
break down ^^^ Constitution and destroy the character
of the govemment. If for this Congress would impeach,
let them. But in order to meet this question he would
need a new Secretary of War, one who is reUable and true.
"Who," asked the President, "is the man?" He read to
me a telegram from Senator Dixon, ad"vising the removal
of Stanton forthwith, and the appointment of Steedman.
I asked if Steedman was better than Frank Blair. He
answered no, but hesitated, and looked inquiringly at me.
I comprehended his meaning and admitted there is a pre
judice against the Blairs, created in a great degree by
Seward's man Weed, in which others of that school had
' Doctor WUUam Duhamel, chief physician in the United States prison
in the District of Columbia.

166 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. lo
joined and prejudiced the country. "But is it for you or
me, to Usten to, or be influenced by, this prejudice and
injustice? Have you better, more reliable, and, in the
main, more intelUgent and trasty friends than the Blairs?
True, they are party poUticians, but they are poUticians
in the higher sense also." He said they were among the
best and most sensible men in the country. "Then," said
I, "they should not be dropped to gratify their enemies,
who are not your sincere friends. I do not mean to press
any one for tiie Cabinet, — no one should. The selection
should be yours entirely, — men in whom you have con
fidence, — and the dismissal of any one should also be
the President's own act."
"Where is Frank at this time?" he inquired. But I
could not teU him, though I informed him it could be
ascertained with little difficulty, for Montgomery had
retumed from Virginia for a few days.
The President said he would seiid for Montgomery, and
began "writing a note, when I told him I would do the er
rand. He might not be at his house, and it would be neces
sary in that event to look him up. He thanked me and
wished me to find Montgomery and in"vite him to caU at
the White House. I went immediately to Blair's house;
he was, fortunately, in and his father also. I told M.
the President wanted to see him, and ad"vised him to go
directly, but did not disclose his purpose.
Later in the day, I saw M., who told me he had the
inter"view but nothing definite had taken place. The con
versation had been prolonged, and he, M., had been
frank and free in his remarks. He says the President is
intensely ambitious and all his thoughts are bent on a
nomination and election; that Seward, ha"ving the same
object in "view for himself, was using the President, and
creating enmity between him (the President) and General
Grant. The trial of Surratt terminated to-day, having been
in hand about two months. The jury did not agree. This

1867] THE JOHN H. SURRATT CASE 167
was expected. I have not read aU the evidence. That
Surratt was in the conspiracy to kidnap I have always
beUeved, but I have had the impression that when the con
clusion was to kUl, he flinched, and his mother favored his
absence, in order that he should not be under the influence
of Booth. But this may be all a mistake on my part.
The judge was disgracefully partial and unjust, I thought,
and his charge highly improper. The senior Bradley ^
was irascible, "violent, and indiscreet, — some difficulty
brought him and the judge in colUsion almost, — and the
judge, at the conclusion of the trial, ordered his name
stricken from the roU of attorneys, an arbitrary act.
August 11, Sunday. Saw the President this p.m. He
teUs me he has seen General Grant and had a pleasant,
social, and friendly inter"view. They had come to a mutual
understanding. "The President wished to know if there
was any aUenation, or substantial difference, between
them. Grant repUed there was not, except that he had
not last faU concurred in the President's opposition to the
Constitutional Amendment.
The President assured him that Stanton must leave
the War Department, and he desired him, ad interim, to
discharge the duties. Grant said if Stanton's removal was
decided upon he had nothing further to say on that point.
As regarded himself, he always obeyed orders. He seemed
pleased "with the proposed arrangement and withdrew.
The President thinks he had better suspend Stanton
without reference to the Tenure-of-Offlce Bill, and he
perhaps is right under the existing embarrassments. He
seemed anxious to have me satisfied on that point, and
we talked over the whole subject in detail. I expressed
a beUef that it would strengthen the Executive were both
Stanton and Holt to retire, for they have been wiUful,
intriguing mischief-makers, and sectional exclusionists —
* Joseph H. Bradley, senior counsel for Surratt. His associates were R. T.
Merrick and Joseph H. Bradley, Jr.

168 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. ii
reaUy disunionists — from the time the Rebels surrendered.
Their study has been to produce hate and alienation,
and beyond others they have prompted the "violent Rad
icals, — conspired "with them.
In talking of Stanton's course, the President expressed
a desire that the fact that Stanton with Seward prepared
the veto of the Tenure-of-Office BiU should be made pub
lic, and also Stanton's emphatic remarks against that biU,
its principles, and its unconstitutionaUty. This desire he
has before expressed.
McCulloch tells me he weU remembers Stanton's op
position to the bill and that he quoted Buchanan.
August 12, Monday. Montgomery Blair caUed on me
this moming and desired me to procure an interview with
the President for his father. I assented, though just at this
time, and with the President's peculiar temperament, it is
a Uttle embarrassing and will Ukely cause comment.
The President consented to receive Mr. B. at any time.
He showed me the letters which he had prepared to Stan
ton, and also to Grant. They were decisive and proper.
He said the question should be closed to-day. In our
inter"view yesterday, he told me that Bingham ^ had caUed
on him, very pleasant and friendly. Said he had, however,
some of the facts of Conover's disclosures six weeks ago;
that Matchett ^ was a suspicious feUow; doubted if much
could be made of him. The whole of Bingham's talk was
singular, and the President said he beUeved in his heart
the fellow was sent by Seward to soften away the disclos
ures made. He expressed himseU emphaticaUy against
S. as a weak, unsafe man, etc., etc.
Before leaving him this moming, Mr. Seward and Gen
eral Rousseau came in with the instructions in regard to
• John A. Bingham, Member of Congress from Ohio, previously a special
judge-advocate in the trial of the Lincoln conspirators.
' Rev. D. F. Matchett, who, according to Conover, was Ashley's "man
Friday" in the negotiations.

1867] GRANT ACTING SECRETARY OF WAR 169
the duties of General Rousseau as Commissioner in effect
ing the transfer of the Russian territory. They wished me
to remain, but after a Uttle talk it was concluded best that
the Secretary of the Treasury and General Grant should
also be present, and we left, agreeing to come together
at 1 P.M.
After the consultation "with those gentlemen, and
Seward and General Grant had withdrawn, the President
handed me Stanton's letter. He is furious, blustering,
denying the President's authority to act without the
consent of the Senate, but as General Grant had accepted,
he had "withdrawn "with a protest.
August 13, Tuesday. General Grant attended the Cab
inet-meeting, also Assistant Attomey-General Binckley.
I can perceive that Grant is not at all displeased with his
new position; on the contrary there is self-satisfaction
very obvious. Stanton is disappointed in him; I doubt
his sincerity to the President. He is braced up, I per
ceive, and committed to the imconstitutional law of Re
construction, has been persuaded it is his duty, and feels
that he must stand by the miUtary governors. All this
does not disappoint me. He will be likely, however, though
not very inteUigent on civU matters, to exercise some
common sense, which "will modify action; at all events,
being a soldier, he will not foment Radical intrigues.
I am at a loss as to the policy of the President, and have
some doubts if he has finally determined in his own mind
what it shaU be. On some minor questions that came up
to-day. Grant was very prompt to express an opinion that
the law must be executed. If, said I, the law is palpably
unconstitutional and destructive of the govemment
and of the Constitution itseU, and if a part of that law
makes the President the instrument to destroy the Con
stitution, which he has swom to protect, how is he to act?
"Who," said Grant, "is to decide whether the law is
unconstitutional?" I replied that I had said "palpably

170 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 13
unconstitutional," and I answered by saying the Execu
tive is as distinct and independent a department of the
government as Congress, and if compelled to act, he must
decide for himself on so grave a matter whether he wiU
permit himself to be coerced into a conspiracy against
the Constitution.
Here the subject dropped. An order of General Sickles,
prohibiting civU process in his mUitary department has
been construed by some of his subordinates to authorize
them to interpose and prevent the United States Marshal
from discharging his duty. Sickles has been "written to,
to explain his order, but faUs to answer. Grant said, clearly
he had no authority to do this, and he would immediately
instruct hun on the subject. He accordingly wrote the
substance of a dispatch, which he read, but, it being a
little rough, said he would complete it at the Depart
ment. Sickles has no more power to prevent ci"vil processes
in the State Courts than in the United States Courts.
Mr. Seward handed a communication from Mr. Riddle,
implicated in the Conover matter, to the Assistant Attor
ney-General for him to file or dispose of as he thought
best. He said Mr. R. wished to have it published or to
publish it himself, and the Attomey-General could do
what he pleased. I inquired why such a paper should be
brought here? Mr. R. could, if he pleased, pubUsh any docu
ment, without asking permission of the Administration.
Seward was disconcerted, — told how he did with papers
and acted queerly. The President and most of the Cabinet
thought the paper out of place. Seward was persistent,
and the President ordered the paper read. This, I saw,
annoyed S. still more. It was a curious document in some
respects, and disclosed the fact that R. had been employed
by Seward to hunt up, or manufacture, testimony against
Surratt. Why the State Department should busy itself
in that prosecution is not clear. Riddle, in this letter,
says he never saw Conover but twice, that Conover never
gave him the name of a single witness, never furnished him

1867] HOLT'S REMOVAL CONSIDERED 171
a solitary fact. Why, then, did Riddle apply to the Pre
sident for a pardon for C, and base his application on the
ground of service rendered in the Surratt trial?
The President expressed to me a wish that the state
ment of a correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, who
proposes to give details of a Cabinet-meeting when Stan
bery's exposition was under consideration, might be cor
rected. I and others were misrepresented and misstated.
He also repeated a wish, often made, that the fact that
Stanton prepared, with Seward, the veto message on the
Ci"vU Tenure-of-Offlce Bill might be made public. I ad
vised that he had only to indicate his wish, or direct
pubUcation, and it would be made.
August 14. The President called my attention to the
different laws creating the office of Judge-Advocate-
Greneral and the Bureau of Military Justice, with a view
to the removal of Holt. I remarked that both Holt and
Stanton had early anticipated their probable removal, and
each had endeavored to fortify himself in place by special
legislation. That, in my view. Congress had not the
constitutional power to make public officers independent
of the Executive. The Constitution had specified what
officers should be independent, viz., the judges, but all
other officers held their places at the will of the President.
To make them otherwise would be to make a multiplicity
of executives, each independent of the other. But the
President was, by the organic law which controlled the
different departments of the Govemment, made respons
ible for the due execution of the laws, and he could not
be held to that responsibility if his subordinates and agents
were independent of him.
The President apparently acquiesced in this, but I per
ceive he hesitates about acting on that principle, which
will bring him in confiict with the Radicals in Congress,
and seeks, therefore, some other method of getting rid of
an obnoxious officer, who, he is satisfied, is conspiring.

172 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 14
intriguing, and using his official position to injure the Ex
ecutive and weaken his influence and authority. This
reluctance to act in defense of a high and undoubted con
stitutional right is weakness and impairs his strength.
If Congress were disposed to impeach him for maintaining
the prerogative of the Executive, let them do so, or try to
do so. These Congressional usurpations must be stopped,
or the government will undergo a radical and fatal change.
August 16, Friday. At the close of the Cabinet session
to-day, Mr. Binckley, the Acting Attomey-General, sub
mitted a copy of the New York Times of yesterday, con
taining a statement and sundry affidavits of parties who
swear they have been bribed or suborned by Roger Pryor,
Ben Wood, and others, to destroy the character of Holt.
These affidavits, it is said, are filed in the office of the At
tomey-General or War Department and office of Military
Justice. General Grant hastened at once to oppose any call on
Judge Holt for either an avowal or disclaimer of any such
files as Mr. B. requested. He said no head of a Department
could know all the papers which were filed in his. He knew
of no such files in the War Department. B. explained that
this was not the point, — he had furnished a statement
in which he declared that all the papers in the Attorney-
General's office relating to that subject were produced.
Here was an attempt to impugn him and his veracity.
Seward attempted to enlighten the subject, but oiUy
confused it. He saw, as all did, that Grant was unusually
earnest, without fuUy understanding B.'s object of tracing
these documents to the Bureau of MiUtary Justice.
I proposed that an inquiry should be first made to
ascertain whether the papers were in Judge Holt's office
before proceeding farther. This did not suit B., who
said Holt would abstract papers were he not instantly
removed. " Suppose," said I, " that on inquiry it is ascer
tained there are reaUy no such papers in any office or

1867] STANTON'S DISMISSAL 173
bureau, — that the whole is a fiction, got up by the news
paper correspondents or other mischievous persons."
This suggestion seemed to strike Grant favorably, and
all fell in "with it except B., who said he had no doubt
where the originals were, and as little doubt that others
could be manufactured or abstracted, as Holt felt would
be for his interest.
Browning read a letter from Stanbery, received this
a.m., expressing gratification with what had been done
with Stanton, which should, however, he says, be soon
followed by removal. This is sensible and positive. I like
it. • August 17, Saturday. The dismissal, or suspension, of
Stanton creates no commotion. None but certain Radical
politicians regret his expulsion. The President seemed sur
prised that so few cared about him. One would have sup
posed from the Radical press that an earthquake would
follow Stanton's retirement, and he undoubtedly expected
a sensation. The truth is that Stanton, whose manner is
brusque and ways subtle, is generally disliked by the best
men of the Army, — is hated and detested by many of
them. The people have little regard for him anywhere.
Certain conspiring politicians, in Congress and out of it,
with Forney and a few others connected with the press,
have puffed and extolled their coadjutor in the Cabinet
to giye him power and influence. With his accustomed
duplicity he has managed to deceive both the extreme and
conservative Radicals, the latter especially. Fessenden,
in particular, has been his dupe. Horace Greeley, so
often misled, for a wonder has for some time past appeared
to have a little insight into Stanton's true character, but
whether it was from sagacity as regards the man, or from
opposition to Weed, who, as well as Seward, is devoted
to Stanton, I am not able to' say. Probably the latter.
The President has been made to believe that the removal
of Stanton would break down his Administration.

174 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 19
August 19, Monday. A long letter from Viceroy Gen
eral Pope to Grant shows the progress of despotism.
If men will neither talk, write, nor think different from
Pope and the Radicals, he is sure all will go on well in
Reconstruction as Congress wishes. But there are certain
"pestilent fellows" who will not hold their tongues, and
"banishment" seems to be Pope's remedy in their case.
Get all who differ from him out of the way, and aU will
go well enough.
The affidavits which have been published impUcating
Pryor and Ben Wood are undoubtedly false and fraud
ulent. Whether gotten up by Holt himself, or by some
one in his interest, is not yet ascertained. Holt publishes
an adroitly worded letter, which, in its cunning, discloses
the rogue, and leaves little doubt who is the real originator
of these fraudulent affidavits.
August 20, Tuesday. The President showed me the
correspondence between himself and Grant relative to the
removal of Sheridan. Grant objects to the removal, —
thinks it contrary to the wishes of the American people.
The President responds, compliments the soldierly quali
ties of Sheridan, but thinks he has not the cahn judgment,
civil qualities, and ability of General Thomas for such a
position, and as to the vrishes of the people, he is not
aware that they have been expressed.
There is no doubt but that the Radical poUticians wiU
bellow loud over the removal of Sheridan, whose fighting
qualities and services are great. Their editors and speakers
have undertaken to control the course of the Government
as regards Sheridan, and Grant, if not a participant with,
has been led away by, them. Undoubtedly many people
have read the papers and come to the conclusion that the
President could not — dared not — remove Sheridan, and
his insubordinate and rash conduct has been commended
for its ability.
General Grant has, not without reason, personal regard

1867] THE REMOVAL OF SHERIDAN 175
for Sheridan, though the judgment and administrative
qualities of this cavalry officer. Grant does not, or did
not, think of a high order. But the successes of Sheridan's
government, the hurrahs and applause with which his
arbitrary and violent conduct have been received by the
boisterous Radical press, have made Grant doubt whether,
after aU, Sheridan has not greater capacity and executive
ability than he supposed.'
The decision and promptitude of Sheridan, even though
wrong, have made him strong with the people, who love
bold and resolute action. Were the President to display
more of these qualities, he would be more popular, but
he is accused of rashness when he delays. On the whole,
I think the President appears to advantage in this cor-
' At a later period I became satisfied that Sheridan had been secretly
prompted and influenced by Grant in his reprehensible course in New
Orleans and Texas. Most of the viceroys, or military governors, had secret
telegrams, or oral instructions from the General-in-Chief, who was in coUu-
sion with Stanton (whom, however, he disliked) and the chief Radical con
spirators. In all this period. Grant with great duplicity and vulgar cunning
succeeded in deceiving not only the President but the rest of us. Sheridan
was flattered by the confidential communications, and encouraged in his
insolence and insubordination towards the President by his superior ofiicer,
who had become enlisted in the conspiracy against the Chief Magistrate.
Grant untU the faU of 1866 was a decided and avowed supporter of the
Administration and of the Lincoln-Johnson policy of reestablishing the
Union, but, flattered by attention, he began to have aspirations for political
promotion, with very little political inteUigence and no political experience.
Some men of both parties, though aware of his incapacity and imfitness for
the performance of ci"vil duties, thought his military 6clat might make him
available as a candidate for President. Sensible men who came in contact
with him were aware that he was destitute of all aptitude and experience
to quaUfy him for the position, and declined committing themselves to the
intrigue for his elevation. But the Radical conspirators were desperate, and
in the belief that they could mould him to their wishes and views, his ignor
ance of and indifference to political and civil affairs made him more accept
able. Grant, however, hesitated for some time before he openly deserted the
Administration, and contrived, even after he was secretly acting in concert
with the Radicals to deceive and beguile the President, to receive his
confidence and office at his hands. It was at this period, and whUe the Pre
sident was in daily communication with him, advising with him as freely as
any of the Cabinet, that Grant was writing secretly to Sheridan and to the
viceroy generals, counteracting the measures of Administration. — G. W.

176 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 20
respondence, because it displays energy as well as correct
intentions. The removal of Sheridan will break no bones;
had it been earlier done it would have been more popular.
He ought never to have been detailed to command that
department and govem those States in the first place,
but, having been detailed, should have been removed on
the first exhibition of his unfitness. Sickles should also
have been cleared out some time since. The President
showed me after the Cabinet adjoumed an impertinent
and presuming letter from King Sickles, who insists on
obstmcting the Federal Courts and setting them at defi
ance, because if he and the other four viceroys, or little
monarchs, cannot set the courts aside, the courts will set
the little monarchs aside. I advised the President to
make short work with King Sickles.
August 22, Thursday. Had this a.m. an hour's conver
sation or more with General Grant. It was the first time
I had met him in the War Department since he entered
upon the duties of Secretary, and I congratulated him on
his new position. He thought he ought to decline recei"ving
congratulations on that account, but they were ob"viously
acceptable. I begged to differ from him and inquired why
he should decUne congratulations on a change which had
been so well and favorably received by the whole country.
' ' Well, ' ' he said, " I do not know about that ; these changes
that are going on, striking do"wn men who have been faith
ful through the War, I do not like." "So far as the War
Department is concerned," said I, "the country on all
hands believe that as good and faithful a War man is in
the place as we have had at any time." He disclaimed
aUuding to that change. "If," said I, "you have Sheridan
and Thomas in your mind, there is no denying that Thomas
is in every respect as good a War man, with better ad
ministrative powers than Sheridan, whom I would by no
means disparage."
With this opening, we went into a general discussion

1867] CONVERSATION WITH GRANT 177
of the condition of the country and the affairs of the
Government. It pained me to see how little he understood
of the fundamental principles and structure of our Govem
ment, and of the Constitution itself. On the subject of
differences between the President and Congress, and the
attempt to subject the people to military rule, there were,
he said, in Congress, fifty at least of the first lawyers of
the country who had voted for the Reconstruction law,
and were not, he asked, the combined wisdom and talent
of those fifty to have more weight than Mr. Johnson,
who was only one to fifty? Congress had enacted this
law, and was not the President compelled to carry it into
execution ? Was not Congress superior to the President?
If the law was unconstitutional, the judges alone could
decide the question. The President must submit and obey
Congress untU the Supreme Court set the law aside.
I asked him if Congress could exercise powers not grant
ed, powers that the States, which made the Constitution,
had expressly reserved. He thought Congress might pass
any law, and the President and all others must obey and
support it untu the Supreme Court declared it unconsti
tutional. "You do not mean to say. General, that Congress may
set aside and disregard aU limitations, all barriers that are
erected to guide and control their action?" He did not
know who could question their acts and laws until they
came before the Court.
"The Constitution," said I, "prescribed that the Pre
sident and Senate shall appoint ministers, consuls, etc.,
but Congress may, by law, confer inferior appointments
on judges, heads of Departments, or on the President
alone; but it nowhere authorizes Congress to confer on
generals the appointing power."
"It authorizes Congress to confer appointments, you
say, on the heads of Departments. Are not those districts
under General Sickles and other generals Departments?"
said Grant. 3

178 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 22
"Not in the meaning of the Constitution," said I,
"and you can hardly be serious in supposing the provision
of the Constitution alluded to, had reference to military
districts, or any particular territory parceled out and called
Departments." He did not know, he said, he was not prepared to say
about that. The wiU of the people is the law in this
country, and the representatives of the people made the
laws. "The Constitution gives the pardoning power to the
Executive. Do you suppose that Congress can usurp that
power, and take it from the President, where the Constitu
tion placed it?"
To this he repUed that President Johnson once re
marked in the Senate, in regard to talk about the Consti
tution, that it was well to spot the men who talked about
it. It was, he said, just before the War, when the Seces
sionists talked about the Constitution.
"The remark," said I, "was opportune, and well put
at the men and the times. The Secessionists claimed, and
many of them honestly believed, that their States had the
right to secede, — that there was no constitutional power to
prevent them. So feeling and so belie"ving, they searched
the Constitution and appealed to it for any prohibition
against secession. The appeal was absurd, according to
your and my views, because the Constitution would not
and could not have a clause empowering a fragment, a
single State, to destroy it. Secession was a delusion which
had its run, yet the men were generaUy scrupulous to
observe in other respects the organic law, and, while
meditating and preparing for the overthrow of the Govern
ment, their persistent appeals to the Constitution pro
voked the remark of Mr. Johnson to which you allude.
While, however, the Secessionists professed to, and gen
erally did, regard the Constitution, the Radicals openly
trample upon it, and many express their contempt for it.
The Secessionists claimed that they violated no principle

1867] CONVERSATION WITH GRANT 179
or power or limitation in their act of secession. The Rad
icals do not claim, or pretend, to regard any principle
or power or limitation of the Constitution when they
estabUsh military governments^over States of the South
and exclude them from their rights. When President John
son made his remark, it was to contrast their appeals to the
Constitution in all other respects, while Secession itself
was destructive of the Constitution which they held in
reverent regard."
"Would you," said he, "allow the Rebels to vote and
take the government of their States into their own hands? "
I replied that I knew not who were to take the govem
ment of those States in hand but the inteUigent people of
the States respectively to whom it rightfully belonged.
The majority must govem in each and every State in all
their local and reserved rights; other sections are not to
govem them. A majority of the voters — and they de
cide for themselves who shall be voters — is the basis of
free government. This is our system. Georgia must make
her own laws, her own constitution, subject to the Con
stitution of the United States, not to the whim or will
of Congress. Massachusetts has no power to prescribe
the form of govemment of Georgia, or to govem the people
of that State as a State. Nor is Georgia to give govem
ment to Massachusetts.
Grant said he was not prepared to admit this doctrine; it
was something of the old State-Rights doctrine, and he did
not go to the full extent of that doctrine. He looked upon
Georgia and the other States South as Territories, like
Montana and other Territories. They had rebelled, been
conquered, and were to be reconstructed and admitted
into the Union when we felt that we could trust them. It
was for Congress to say who should vote, and who should
not vote in the seceding States as weU as in a Territory,
and to direct when and how these States should again be
admitted. That I told him was not only a virtual dissolution of

180 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 22
the Union, but an abandonment of our repubUcan federal
system. It was establishing a central power, which could
control and destroy the States, — a power above and
beyond the Constitution, and I trusted he was not pre
pared to go that length, but if he was, I hoped he would
avow it. For my part I clung to the old system, the Con
stitution and the Union, and favored no Radical theories
of central power.
"Well," he said, he did not believe we could either con-
"vince the other, and we had better dispose of our business.
I remarked that one of us was right and one "vsTong, and
that it should be the object of each to put himself right,
regardless of all partisanship, commitments, or precon
ceived opinions. This he admitted most fully.
There were other points which in this hasty memoran
dum, "written immediately after its occurrence, I have not
penned, but the essential points I have sketched, and have,
as far as I could, used the very words. On the whole, I did
not think so highly of General Grant after as before this
conversation. He is a political ignoramus.
General Grant has become severely afflicted "with the
Presidential disease, and it warps his judgment, which is
not very intelligent or enUghtened at best. He is less
sound on great and fundamental principles, vastly less
informed, than I had supposed possible for a man of his
opportunities. Obviously he has been tampered with
and flattered by the Radicals, who are using him and his
name for their selfish and partisan purposes.
In our conversation, when I asked if our Govemment
and Union were to be maintained by force, his only answer
was the Rebels must be put down and kept under. "Will
that," I asked, "make friendship and unity? Must we
not, in the different States, be equal in political rights?
Is not our govemmental system voluntary and not com
pulsory? Can we have a reestablished Union, and be one
people by enforcing, under the bayonet, upon certain
sections and an unwilling people (who are our countrymen,

1867] CONVERSATION WITH GRANT 181
our equals, and who have their own laws and institu
tions), governments and laws not of their ovra choice
and which are repulsive? Proscription, alienation, exile
will not promote reconciUation and harmony. The Rad
ical pohcy is to proscribe the intelligent, the wealthy, the
moral portion of the South, and to place over them
the ignorant and degraded and vicious." He said he did
not think Jeff Davis and Benjamin ought to be put on the
same footing and have the same voice and influence as
those of us who had maintained the Union. I replied they
had not so good a record, and their influence and success
in future would depend on their o"wn acts. We might lessen
ours; they might improve theirs. As we now stood, I
thought we had nothing to apprehend.
It appears to me he was somewhat excited and stirred
up by appeals of the Radicals and fears that he might lose
their good will. None but Radicals, and the most mis
chievous of them, are hounding and stimulating and cau
tioning him. Anxious, as I am satisfied he is becoming, for
the Presidency, he fears to fall out with them. Hence, be-
he"ving, as he does, that a majority of the country which
is represented is with Congress, he is rather vexed, dissat
isfied, and somewhat confused, has listened to Radical
faUacies and is strangely ignorant of the true character
of men as well as the real principles in issue.
I went over and saw the President, and stated my inter-
"view, and my apprehensions that Grant was weaker and
a Uttle farther astray than I had apprehended. [I said] that
I thought our conversation would perhaps do some good,
— enforce some ideas which he had not previously enter
tained, and perhaps correct some that were in a measure
erroneous. He is, however, a man of little reading or
reflection. I also called on Judge Blair, and requested him to see
Grant, talk with him, get others who are right-minded to
talk with him also, and write him, — enlighten him. He
needs instruction.

182 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 23
August 23, Friday. Have dispatches to-day from Ad
miral Bell of the Asiatic Squadron, detailing the attack
on the natives of Formosa. Also a long statement from
Carter, reporting affairs at Borneo, and the burning of
the house of the consulate, which I think was set on fire
by the consul himself.
At the Cabinet quite a discussion grew out of a dispatch
of an extraordinary character from General Sickles, insist
ing he would obstruct the power of the United States
Court, and, alleging, as a reason, that if he did not, the
Court would soon pass on the Reconstruction acts and
pronounce them unconstitutional.
Mr. Binckley, the Assistant Attomey-General, said that
it had been his intention to present a written opinion on
this subject, and he should not have attended the meeting
to-day had not the President sent for him. He expressed
his surprise that General Sickles, who is a lawyer, and
could not be ignorant of the consequences that must foUow
an attempt to make the civil power subordinate to the
military, should put himself in opposition to the Chief
Justice and resist the processes of the Court.
General Grant said he had sent an order to General
Sickles not to obstruct the United States Court, as he
promised he would, but, after thinking of it, he had come
to the conclusion that General Sickles might have his
reasons for what he was doing, and as there are always two
sides to a question, he had countermanded his order, that
Sickles might have an opportunity to be heard. Congress
had put in his (Grant's) hands the execution of this law,
and he intended to see it was executed, but he was wiUing
to hear, or see, Mr. B.'s written opinion, when it was
Inade out.
There were some rather flippant, overbearing, and un
generous remarks of Grant towards Binckley, which were
unworthy of him, when the positions of the two men were
considered. Binckley, though a little excited, was more
than a match for the General in such a discussion, and

1867] RANDALL'S SOUNDNESS SUSPECTED 183
did not allow himself to be put dovm by what was really
arrogance and intentional insult.
I am glad that I made no remark on the subject of
Grant's declaration that he should see the law executed, for
Congress had put it into his hands. He e"vidently supposed
that it was his province, exclusively, to decide in regard to
this whole subject, but B. coolly said he supposed the
General expected to execute it in subordination to law and
authority. August 24, Saturday. 1 inquired by way of suggestion,
or I, more properly, suggested by way of inquiry, of the
President the subject or expediency of general amnesty.
There might be individual exceptions, but it seemed to
me it would be well, before voting commenced in the
proscribed States, that the people should have amnesty.
He said he had thought much on the subject and should
before long have something definite to say in regard to it.
AUuding to the discussions yesterday, he coinplimented
Binckley, but he inquired what I thought of Randall, and
if his conduct was not somewhat singular of late, on some of
these important questions. I had noticed that Randall said
but Uttle, and that little was evasive, but the President
saw and noted more in that quarter than I did.
In submitting a certain document, Seward said he had
desired to bring it before the Cabinet, in order that it
might be borne in mind, should he not be here to explain.
There was, I thought, something significant in the remark
imder the circumstances. I also observed that he very
much wished Randall to take an excursion of a few days
with him on the river and coast. R. could not go, however,
but no other one was invited to supply his place. Seward
e"vidently feels the absence of Stanton.
The papers speak of a reorganization of the Cabinet. This
has not been unusual but is periodical. Just at this time it
has more than ordinary significance, and the Intelligencer,
which I know speaks not unadvisedly, had one or two

184 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 24
emphatic articles on the subject of an entire change. The
fire has been more particularly directed to Seward, though
McCulloch has been attacked by harpies. The rest have
come in for sUght attacks, but all except Mr. Stanbery are
named to go. It may be best.
August 26, Monday. Montgomery Blair called to sug
gest the name of D. D. Field for Secretary of State, should
Seward resign, which he seems to suppose a fixed fact.
I gave him to understand that it did not strike me with
particular favor. But Blair knows Field to be very right on
present questions, — is from New York, was a Barnburner
in 1848, something of a favorite, etc., etc., and he is recom
mended by WUliam B. Reed. This last information did not
strengthen the matter in my estimation. Reed is a man of
talents but impracticable, and of erratic principles and
politics. Blair tells me he has sent Reed's letter to the
President. In all my conversation with Blair he has been persistent
in pressing General Grant as a man of shrewdness and of
unusual popularity. He urged, I know, G.'s appointment
to the War Department, and told me last week he was pre
paring an article for the New York World in favor of Grant
for President. I have not been hasty to commit myseU to
this suggestion, for, whatever may be Grant's popularity,
growing out of military successes and services, I see no
evidence of ci"vil capacity, administrative abiUty, or general
intelligence. He is stolid and stubborn, but has been tam
pered with, and I believe seduced, by the Radical conspira
tors, who have the start of Blair in this idea of availability
and mean to use him as their candidate. He has been will
ing to be courted, but is not quite prepared to have it
published that the parties are engaged and to be married.
The President is still reluctant to believe that Grant is
unfaithful. I have uniformly stated that Grant, while
apparently simple-minded and perhaps honestly disposed,
— though I have misgivings on that point, — has fallen into

1867] TALK WITH MR. BLAIR ON GRANT 185
the hands of Radical rogues, who are imposing upon him,
not unwillingly. They have him in their keeping, I fear.
I spoke of these matters to Blair; asked what could be said
or thought of Grant's course in regard to Sickles' Order
No. 10, proclaiming a stay-law in the Carolinas, and ob
structing, by military force, the judgments and processes
of the courts. Grant himself has said he thought this
wrong as regarded the United States Courts, and has
issued an order annulling so much of the Order No. 10
as applied to the United States Courts. Within two days,
however, he countermanded his own order and permitted
Sickles to go on in his lawlessness. Of course Radical advice
and intimacy had overcome his own better judgment.
Grant is an insincere man, I fear, very ambitious, has low
cunning, and is unreliable, perhaps untruthful.
I gave Blair to understand that my confidence in Grant,
in his intelligence and even honesty, was less than his, —
that it was, indeed, very much shaken. I am not prepared
to condemn him as a bad man, but I consider him an in
sincere one. He has no political experience, has not
studied, nor made himself familiar with, our Constitution
or the elementary principles of ci"vil government even, but
has permitted himself to be flattered, seduced, and led
astray by men who are bad. Unless he can be extricated
and that soon, he will, because he has a War record, be
made an instrument of evil. The people admire military
men, and are grateful for military services. Grant has
power and position without the knowledge to use them
properly. I instanced several matters. Blair heard me and
frankly admitted that with these facts he gave Grant up,
— that he had gone over to the Radicals, and we could
hope nothing from him. I am unwilling to give him wholly
up if there is any good in him. Let him have a chance to
retrieve himself if he wiU, — not that I would make him
President. August 27, Tuesday. The correspondence between the

186 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 27
President and Grant in relation to the removal of Sheridan
has been published. There has not yet been time to get
response. Of course the Radical press will indorse and extol
Grant, but he certainly does not in this matter appear to
advantage. His letter is weak, his logic is weak, the thing
is feeble. The letter was written plainly for publication,
but the President's reply is dignified and conclusive.
At the Cabinet to-day, a question came up respecting
the Govemor of Idaho, who is represented as a cheat and
swindler. Another was nominated and confirmed as his
successor at the last session, but the Senate reconsidered
the vote, and the subject remained unacted on. Over two
hundred thousand dollars of Indian amnesties are due, but
the Secretary of the Interior decUnes putting the money
in the swindler's hands.
The question was raised whether a successor could be
appointed under the Tenure-of-Offlce Bill. If G. is ap
pointed, and B., the incumbent, refuses to give up the
offlce, what is to be done? Should B. resist by force,
McCulloch said, call on the mUitary. General Grant said
in that case the military would not respond. They would
sustain the Tenure-of-Offlce Bill, which Congress has
enacted, until the judges said it was unconstitutional.
General Grant addressed the President, remarking that
he had received his order directing General Sheridan to
proceed forthwith to Kansas and relieve General Hancock.
In the mean time the duties of the offlce would devolve on
the next in command. But that officer was sick. No word
had yet been received from General Thomas. It was
kno"wn, however, he had gone to the Springs for his health.
But he thought it would be injudicious to take General
Hancock from the Plains, where he had varied duties. It
would be better to carry out the original order. Let Sheri
dan remain, therefore, until General Thomas can relieve
him. When Sheridan is relieved from his present com
mand. Grant "wished him to have leave and visit Washing
ton. He had hardly been home since he graduated, and it

1867] GRANT REBUKED BY PRESIDENT 187
would be well to have him come here. Furthermore, the
law placed the execution of the Reconstmction acts in his.
Grant's, hands. He had not been consulted when he re
ceived orders, and those orders counteracted, in their
terms, some of his orders. While he had no wish to come in
conflict "with any one, he had a duty to perform. He must
see the Reconstruction law executed.
The President was very cool, calm, and deliberate in
his reply to this studied and premeditated speech. He
reminded General Grant that he himself had brought the
surgeon's certificate in regard to General Thomas' health,
had stated it was such that he thought it imprudent for
General T. to go at this time to New Orleans, and had
asked to have the order suspended. That, as regarded
a leave to Sheridan, that could as well be granted after
he reported on the frontier as before. Let him repair to
Leavenworth or Denver and relieve General Hancock,
then, if he can be spared for a "visit, he can take his time
and the several orders would be carried into effect. "Gen
eral Grant will understand it is my duty to see the laws are
executed, and also that when I assign officers to their duty
my orders must be obeyed. I have made this arrangement
and performed this work deliberately, and it will go "with
as little delay as possible."
Grant was humbled by this great rebuke and changed
the subject. He said if General Sickles was to be detached,
no better man than General Canby could succeed him.
Canby could not, however, be very well spared from here,
where he was familiar with details, and above all his serv
ices were important on the Board of Claims. As regarded
General Sickles, two of his orders, the one intended as a
stay-law and one establishing a code, were unauthorized.
Both were good in themselves, but General Sickles had no
authority to issue such orders. There might also be other
objectionable orders.
The President said he was glad there was concurrence of
views m regard to the future of General Canby, and as for

188 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 27
the matter of his being one of the Board of Claims, it would
not weigh a feather. The board itself was of Uttle import
ance, — had no final action.
General Grant also remarked, in a subdued manner,
that he wished to say that while it was proper he should
discharge the duties ad interim of Secretary of War, he was
no poUtician and preferred not to be mixed up in poUtical
questions. He would, therefore, prefer not to sit at the
Cabinet consultations and pass opinions on the subjects
which came up for consideration and decision. The Pre
sident told him that was at his own option.
The General said he would wish, then, to be excused, for
he had much to attend to at the Department; and he
accordingly withdrew.
August 29, Thursday. The President narrated the par
ticulars of proceedings and consultations between himself
and General Grant. He says that G., after stating on Tues
day that he wished to discharge his duties as an officer, but
wished to be excused from taking any part in, or expressing
any views or opinions on, political subjects, proceeded to
write a long and very weak letter to him, most of it on
matters purely political. It was such a letter as he would
wish him to write, if he was disposed to pursue a course
that would embarrass the Administration, for he could be
annihilated by a reply.
Under the circumstances, however, he thought it best to
send for Grant. The President was frank and blunt with
him, — told Grant he should speak without reserve, but
intended no offense. He then took up each position in the
letter, pointed out his errors and faUacies, and so satisfied
was Grant himself of his untenable positions, and the
mistakes of his letter, that he asked to "withdraw it. The
President told him he might do as he pleased about it, but
continued the conversation, during which Grant reached
over, and, folding down the letter, took it and said he
would send a note withdrawing it, but desired to take it

1867] GRANT'S LETTER AND BACK-DOWN 189
personaUy. Grant had persisted in his old error that
Congress had superseded the President and conferred on
him (Grant) executive authority over the ten Southern
States. He had, therefore, in this letter taken exception
to the President's order detaching Sheridan and ordering
Hancock to the Fifth District; supposed he could origin
ate measures and rules for those States, make appoint
ments, etc., instead of the President. The Constitution,
as well as the President, was suspended by Congress. But
he was soon satisfied, after having seen the President,
that he had mistaken his duties, — that he was not the
officer he supposed himself to be, and that he must back
down. The President caUed my attention to an article in this
morning's Chronicle, showing that the writer of the edi
torial was aware of the contents of Grant's letter, — that
there had been consultations in its preparation and that
the commencement of the awkward "withdrawal was also
corrected. I am glad that Grant has permitted himself to
be con"vinced to the extent mentioned, for he is, to use
a "VTilgar phrase, somewhat pig-headed, having in his
ignorance been inspired with certain strange notions
by the Radicals, without resources of his own to correct
them, or the intelligence necessary to carry him through.
He would not have allowed himself to be con"vinced by
any other person of the Cabinet, — probably by no sup
porter of the Administration, — but respect, deference,
discipline made him Usten to the President, his superior,
and, listening, his faculties were stimulated and he com
prehended the fact that he was making a sorry exhibition
of himseU.
In the course of their conversation, the President in
formed Grant that he (Mr. Johnson) was not a candidate
for the Presidency. Grant replied that he was not. I
bowed acquiescence and neither expressed regret nor a
"wish, that he, the President, should be a candidate. Per
haps he was disappointed that I did not.

190 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 30
August 30, Friday. There was a pleasant Cabinet-
meeting to-day. Stanbery and Browning were absent.
Grant was present and communicative, with a mind much
softened, and more disposed to feUowship than at some
recent meetings, particularly at the last. He has wholly
revised his stand in regard to Sickles, and is decided
against his Order No. 10, and also the order relating to
the code.
August 31, Saturday. Had a pleasant talk "with the
President this evening. He has great capacity, is convers
ant with our public affairs beyond most men, has much
experience, possesses great firmness, sincere patriotism, a
sacred regard for the Constitution, is humane and bene
volent. Extreme men and extreme measures he disUkes;
secession and exclusion are aUke repugnant. The Radicals
accuse him of being irritable and obstinate, but the truth
is he has been patient and forbearing, almost to an infirm
ity, under assaults, intrigues, and abuse. Had he been less
yielding, less hesitating, more prompt and decided, met
Radical error and misrule at the threshold, checked the first
innovations on his prerogative, dismissed at once faithless
public officers, he would have saved himself and the
country many difficulties.
It is one of his greatest weaknesses that he has no con
fidants and seeks none. No man should hold such a posi
tion without tried and trusty friends to whom he can
unbosom himself, and with whom he can consult and ad
vise freely on all questions. To me, perhaps, he has been
as free and as communicative as to any one, and yet there
has been constant reserve. Many of his most important
steps have been taken without the knowledge of any of his
Cabinet, and I think without the knowledge of any person
whatever. He has wonderful self-reliance and immovable
firmness in maintaining what he believes to be right ; is dis
inclined to be familiar with men in prominent positions, or
to be intimate with those who fill the pubhc eye. There are

1867] QUALITIES OF THE PRESIDENT 191
around him too many little busybodies, almost all of whom
are unreUable, and often intentionally deceive him. It is a
misfortune that he permits them to be so famiUar; not that
he means they shall influence him on important questions,
but in appointments they sometimes have influence and
mislead him. He does not make these fellows his confidants
any more than greater men, but they are intrusive, glad to
crowd around him, when men of mind and character will
not intrude uninvited, — and he invites none. Yet he will
ingly Ustens, receives information and suggestions, but
without reciprocating.
Coming into the Presidency under peculiar circum
stances, he has hoped to conciliate Congress and those
who elected him, without making proper discriminations
as regards men and the conflicting views of his supporters
on fundamental questions. Many of the Republican Mem
bers were kindly disposed towards him and believed in the
Lincoln policy, which he adopted. These he could and
should have detached from the extremists. They were not
leaders, — not Radicals at the beginning; like himself, they
were sincere Republicans, but, not having the faculty of
recei"ving and giving confidence, these passive men were
treated coolly, as were the Radicals who constituted the
positive element opposed to him as well as to Mr. Lincoln
before him. Stanton, who conformed to this policy in
Mr. Lincoln's time, has been in constant intrigue with the
Radicals to thwart the President. Seward and Weed under
took, with Raymond and partisans of this school, to make
a division, but Raymond was so fickle, wavering, uncer
tain, and unreliable, that the really honest and worthy
men, while acknowledging his genius, despised his pusiUan-
imity. Like Seward himself, Raymond became a source
of weakness, a positive injury. For a time he assumed,
under Seward's management and givings-out, to be the
organ of the Administration on the fioor of the House, but
under the irony and sarcasm of Thaddeus Stevens, who
ridiculed his conscientious scruples, he soon stood alone.

192 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 31
The President really had no organ or confidential friend in
the House, no confidant who spoke for him and his poUcy
among the Representatives. Seward and Weed, to whom
he listened, alienated the Democrats and almost aU of his
friends.

LII
Grant's Insubordination — Form of a Proclamation of General Pardon —
Newspaper Rumors of Differences between the President and Grant —
Amnesty proclaimed — Newspaper Reports of an Intended Prorogation
of Congress in case of an Attempt at Impeachment — Exercises at the
Antietam Battle-Field — Governor Geary's Followers try to turn the
Affair into a Radical Demonstration — Death of Sir Frederick Bruce —
The President consults with Lewis V. Bogy of St. Louis — Jeremiah S.
Black as an Adviser of the President — The Case of Paymaster Belknap
— The Sale of Ironclads discussed in Cabinet — General Sickles asks for
a Court of Inquiry — The Question of the Power of State and Municipal
Courts to discharge Men enlisted in the United States Service — The
Attorney-General consulted on the Subject — The Matter discussed in
Cabinet — Stanbery's Views as to the Habeas Corpus Writ — Admiral
Godon on the Naval Battle at Port Royal.
September 2, Monday. General Grant has issued an
order forbidding the district commanders from appoint
ing, in other words reinstating, any of the removed civil
officers displaced by themselves or their predecessors. This
order is in bad taste and in a bad spirit, prompted, without
doubt, by Radical advisers. The manifest intention is to
keep Sheridan and Sickles appointees in place, to defy his
superior, to antagonize him, to defeat his intentions, pro-
"vided he (the President) thinks it proper and correct for
the public interest to reappoint one or more of the local
State offlcers who may have been unfairly displaced. It is
the essence of insubordination by the General of the Amer
ican armies, who should be an example of obedience.
General Grant is more intensely partisan than I was aware,
or perhaps than he himself supposes. One of these days,
when he calmly re"views his conduct, he will, if honest, be
ashamed of this order and of the spirit which prompted it.
I read to the President the form of a proclamation of
general pardon to the Rebels. He was pleased with it,
and requested a fair copy to be made, and at the same
3

194 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 2
time showed me the draft of one already prepared. It
takes milder ground than the one I presented, and I am
apprehensive he will not make his work as effective as I
wish. He too often fails to come full up to the occasion.
In our conversation he did not dissent from my "views and
positions in any respect, and persons not acquainted "with
him would have supposed he adopted them aU; but this
is not his way. He listens, but, unless he squarely and em
phatically disapproves, is disinclined to controvert. This
trait has led many to misunderstand and to misrepresent
him. They make statements themselves which he does
not deny or dispute, and he is consequently represented
as entertaining the "views of his auditor or ad"viser.
September 3. Received dispatches to-day from the com
manders of all our squadrons except the South Pacfflc, —
all satisfactory.
General Grant did not attend the Cabinet-meeting
to-day. There was not much of special interest be
fore it.
McCulloch presented the case of a Collector and Assessor
in Virginia, and recommended that they should be sus
pended. They have received repeated bribes to the amount
of over thirty thousand doUars. I inquired why they should
not be removed, and he said the Tenure-of-Office BUl inter
posed. I thought, and so stated, that removal in such
flagrant cases as these was not only justifiable but proper,
and if Congress, or the Senate, took exceptions, let the
facts go before the country. The people "will judge and
decide rightly in such an issue, and better understand the
value of present legislation. The President, I see, con
curs with me, — is pleased with my views, — but I am
not certain how he will do when compelled to act. His
opinions and mine of the Tenure-of-Office Bill are alike.
I hope he wiU not surrender the right but wUl act upon
it. He would but for wrong influences and an attempt
to reconcile contradictions. His faith is sound; I wish his

1867] SEWARD'S PERNICIOUS INFLUENCE 195
works were in accordance with his faith on these constitu
tional questions always.
If Congress "wish to impeach him for opposing unwar
ranted innovations on the Constitution, for firmly and
fearlessly maintaining the constitutional rights of the
Executive, they will injure themselves more than him. It
is not for me to urge him to be a martyr, if he is disinclined
to encounter the warfare that will be waged by Radical
partisans; but had he at the beginning resented these
encroachments and innovations, the war would have been
avoided that he now must encounter if he resists.
September 4. Montgomery Blair called to tell me that
he had a long talk with the President. He was at my house
Monday evening, ha"ving retumed from Virginia that day,
and was disturbed to find no farther changes had been
made, — that things seemed at a standstiU. Said nothing
could be done for the President and Administration if
Seward remained in the Cabinet. Showed me a dispatch
from CaUfornia and his reply. WhUe Seward has very
Uttle personal popularity, and his ad"vice and influence
are often harmful, the President considers him the head
of a powerful party — old-time ViTiigs — whose support
is necessary for the success of his Administration. Seward
has impressed him "with this, but I cannot take part against
him. There is very little sympathy or confidence between
us as politicians or party men, and has never been. We
have different temperaments, different principles, different
associates and Unes of action, but seldom, and never of
late, any controversy. So long as the President yields to
Mr. Seward's views and schemes and chooses to continue
us as colleagues, I cannot personally oppose him. Blair
knows my estimate of Seward; knew it when we were all
associated in the Cabinet of Mr. Lincohi; would be glad
to have me take an active part against Seward now, but
I cannot. To-day he sent his California dispatch to the President

196 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 4
and had quite an interview. He says he talked plain and
blunt to the President; showed him a letter from Cassidy,
of the Albany Argus, denouncing Johnson, declaring the
Democrats could not and would not be identified with
him so long as he retained in his counsels their avowed
opponents. He says the President was equally frank and
blunt. Said too many changes — too much yielding —
would cloy the Democrats. They did not elect him, and
though on principles of govemment and administration
agreeing with him, they were reluctant to support him,
etc., etc.
September 5. There is rumor of sharp differences be
tween the President and Grant in an interview yester
day, and the sensationaUsts have got it in the papers.
I should not be surprised if there were decided differences
between them on some points, but nothing which has a
semblance of altercation. They are not men for such
scenes. Grant has less inteUigence and comprehension on poUt
ical and civil matters than is generally supposed, and is
more in the hands and under the control of active Radical
party managers than he or the country is aware. Hence
he is misled, blunders, misconceives, and takes feeble
positions. I think he is committed to the Radicals and is
prompted by them, but gets his lessons imperfectly. Not
unlikely the President may have exposed his infirmities
to him, told him his errors, and vrith his natural perversity,
and ignorance. Grant may have been pig-headed and re
sisted the attempt to beat or screw intelligence into him.
When he got back to the Department, or to his house, and
was listened to, and schooled and drilled by Schenck,
Cook, Shanks, and others, he recounted to them what
had taken place at the White House, and it was in a few
moments repeated "with exaggerations at the hotels and
in the papers. Grant was willing, probably intended, it
should be understood that he and the President differ.

1867] THE AMNESTY PROCLAMATION 197
It is Grant's cunning; he has sly cunning, if but little
knowledge. September 6. Most of the time of the Cabinet was taken
up with the subject of amnesty and pardon. The two forms
of proclamation were submitted and discussed. Seward's
was approved by all, and no exception taken to the paper
which I presented, but it was more decisive and presented
certain impregnable points, which milder men would
rather avoid. The drafting of a proclamation is more
especiaUy the pro"vince of the Secretary of State. I there
fore presented a paper to the President at his own request,
as I suggested, for him to adopt or reject, in whole or in
part. September 7, Saturday. Was at the President's this p.m.
Seward was about leaving. Colonel Moore, Private
Secretary, was transcribing the Proclamation, which the
President had remodeled, and Seward was criticizing.
Some of my suggestions were incorporated; some which
I think would have given it more character and popu
larity were omitted. The subject of relieving from dis
franchisement was incorporated. It was one of the points
urged by me as important, before the Proclamation was
decided upon. In the document read to me this p.m.,
the subject of personal rights was omitted, while the rights
of property had received special attention. I mentioned
the omission, and the President thanked me, said im
munities were intended. In the discussion yesterday,
I noticed that the lawyers dwelt on the rights of property,
but gave Uttle heed to the rights of persons.
I would in the proclamation have alluded to the report
of General Grant in December, 1865; would have brought
out the fact of Congressional amnesty which was on the
statute-book at the time the Rebels surrendered, and which
they received and we in good faith promised, though Con
gress has since in bad faith repealed; would also have

198 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 7
more pointedly and distinctly brought out the divine
attribute of mercy. But the document is the President's;
I had made my suggestions; he knows my "views; I would
not urge them farther. Seward would not, of course,
favor them, for they had not occurred to him, and he
would not wUUngly admit that I should prompt or cor
rect him in a matter which belongs pecuUarly to the
Secretary of State. Further he prefers what he beUeves
to be expedient to what he knows to be right.
September 9, Monday. The Proclamation is printed in
this morning's papers. Some modifications have been
made since Saturday. There is a httle obscurity, perhaps,
on the subject of amnesty and pardon, of which the Rad
icals will try to take advantage. I endeavored that this
difficulty should be avoided. The President has the power
by the Constitution to grant pardons, but not amnesty.
In Great Britain, to whose laws and usages we look for
precedents, the King grants pardons to indi"viduals, the
Parliament grants amnesty or general pardon to the masses.
Here no such distinction exists. The entire pardoning
power is with the Executive ; none is conferred on Congress.
But that body of lawyers is so imbued with British law
and British precedent that it assumes for Congress the
powers of Parliament.
As regards amnesty, or oblivion, there is no such action
adapted to our govemment. Here we have no attainders,
forfeitures of blood, successions to the crown, requiring
oblivion; hence it does not properly enter into our
system. September 10, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting some
discussion took place in regard to certain removals and
appointments necessary to be made, but any action that
may be taken brings the Executive and all concerned
within the penalties of the unconstitutional Tenure-of-
0|Bce Bill. The Senate having refused to confirm, or to

1867] THE AMNESTY PROCLAMATION 199
act on certain appointments, the functions of the govern
ment seem in those cases to be suspended.
The partisan, reckless, unauthorized legislation of the
last and present Congress is hurr5dng the country on to
anarchy. I was glad General Grant was present at the
discussion. It seemed to impress him in a degree with
the folly and wickedness of Congress.
September 11, Wednesday. The Radicals are full of sen
sation and malignity over the "Amnesty" Proclamation.
They see in it incipient monstrosities, and the 'leaders
declare that the President shall now certainly be im
peached. He has pardoned Rebels, as he had the undoubted
right to do, and this will allow them to vote, which Con
gress has no authority to prevent. General Butler is here.
I saw him at the War Department, but he avoided Gen
eral Grant. General Banks has been here on the invitation
of Seward, who is very apt to get up little by-plays for
his own ends. In this instance he is posting Banks on the
purchase of the Danish islands.
September 12, Thursday. The New York World to-day
has a very ungenerous and in a political view I think
injudicious article, casting off President Johnson, for whose
acts, they claim, the Democrats are not responsible, de
claring he is the Republican President, etc., — all for
party, nothing for country.
Such a course is calculated to and ought to injure any
party. The repelling principle is not a wise one for minor
ities to act upon. The Democrats in New York and every
where else should strive to recruit, and not drive off,
forces. But the New York Democratic leaders of these
days are smaU men with sUght patriotism and have but
little sagacity. The election this fall may be carried in
spite of their folly, the good sense of the people is so shocked
with Radical misrule; but the policy and views of the
Democratic leaders, whose selfish anxiety for power and

200 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 12
place is so perceptible, may continue the Radicals in
power. The President may not have been as discreet, wise, and
decisive in some respects as he should have been. He has
thrown away opportunities, neglected to strike at the
right time, often has omitted — strangely omitted — to
strike at all. Thus he injured himself and strengthened
his opponents.
I met to-day, as I was going to the Treasury, several
Pennsylvanians, — Packer, CampbeU, Judge Patterson,
etc. These men, McCulloch informs me, came to Washing
ton expressly to see the President, had waited two or three
hours in the ante-chambers, had seen a number of little,
busy, partisan letter-"writers admitted, and finaUy left in
disgust, but he, McC, had persuaded them to retum.
McCulloch besought me to stop and see the President and
procure them an inter"view. This I did "without any in
quiry into the object of their mission. They are men who
should be treated with consideration and respect. The
President remarked, when I spoke to him, that he had
sent out for them, but was told they had left; that per
sons must have their time, etc. These are, however, men
entitled to consideration, who should not be postponed
for letter-writers and newspaper correspondents.
September 13, Friday. General Grant was not at the
Cabinet-meeting. Stanbery was present, — the first time
in some six weeks. Very little was done; the session was
brief. September 14, Saturday. The New York Herald and
some other papers have Washington letters stating the
design of the President to prorogue Congress, etc., in case
that body undertakes to proceed with impeachment. I
think from certain indications that the writers of those
letters had some authority for their statements. I there
fore made it a point to call attention to the Herald's

1867] ANNIVERSARY OF ANTIETAM 201
letter, after concluding a little matter of business. The
President said, with a laugh, he had seen the letter and
there were some good points in it. I spoke of the proroga
tion. He remarked it was difficult to tell what might take
place. September 18, Wednesday. Went yesterday, the 17th,
with the President and others to the battle-field of An
tietam, it being the anniversary of that battle, fought five
years ago. It was an interesting time, and we had a
pleasant miscellaneous company, of politicians and mili
tary, — the latter much given to politics, — foreign
legations, etc.
Not having been absent from the District for a year,
excepting the single occasion of going over to Annapolis,
part of a day, on an official visit, and never having passed
over any part of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad west
of the Relay House, and never having visited any battle
ground east of the James River, I very "willingly accepted
the in"vitation to be present. The route up the Potomac
is not interesting. At the Point of Rocks, where the canal
and railroad crowd in under the ledges upon the river,
there is local interest, — the naked stone piers which stand
as monuments of the Rebellion, the wooden superstruc
tures having been burnt, are there.
The Monocacy battle-field, of which we once heard so
much, and other points still have evidence of the ravages
of the War.
We reached Keedysville, where we left the cars, soon
after noon. At the time it began to rain, which continued
untU we nearly reached the place selected for the occasion.
This was on one of the highest Antietam hills, the place
where Lee had his headquarters during the battle.
As the papers contain the proceedings, no record is nec
essary here. There was a large gathering of weU-behaved
and well-appearing people, who listened attentively to
the proceedings. After the close of the oration of Govemor

202 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 18
Bradford,^ a loud and evidently preconcerted and pre
arranged cry went up for "Geary, Geary," from fifty
or a hundred voices. Govemor Swann, the President of
the Day, attempted to be heard so far as to assure them
that when the programme was completed. Governor
Geary ^ and other men should have an opportimity to
address them. But this did not satisfy the mde, ill-
mannered feUows who had accompanied Geary from Penn
sylvania for the purpose of making a Radical demonstra
tion. As Geary sat near me, I saw that he was by no
means dissatisfied with this disgraceful scheme to interrupt
proceedings, but that he well understood and approved
the row. At length he stepped forward, and informed
his boisterous followers that he and others would address
them when the " programmatical" order was completed.
We left as soon as the "programmatical" proceedings
closed, and, being delayed in getting the cars started,
which were detained for those engaged in the party har
angues, we did not get home until nearly two o'clock in the
moming. The Govemors of Maine, Connecticut, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Maryland were
present. With the exception of English^ and Swann, these
are Radicals, and some of them small, very small, party
politicians. Geary was on the ground with party designs
and made a Radical partisan's speech in a national grave
yard. Fenton,* slow, deliberate, affected, and Ught in
mental calibre, was far more decent in his bearing.
He, Fenton, called on me to-day and was quite civU
and patronizingly condescending; wanted to patronize me
by asking an office for one of his staff. Governor EngUsh,
with Ingersoll, Adjutant-General, and one of his staff,
called. He has no confidence in Postmaster-General
' Augustus W. Bradford, the War Governor of Maryland. He was
succeeded by Thomas Swann, 1865-67.
' Of Pennsylvania. He was a brigadier-general of volunteers in the War.
' The Governor of Connecticut.
• Governor Reuben E. Fenton of New York.

1867] DEATH OF SIR FREDERICK BRUCE 203
RandaU, and would be glad to have Seward a permanent
resident in Auburn. Rejoices in Stanton's removal, but
would be particularly pleased if Randall were also removed.
September 19, Thursday. Sir Frederick W. A. Bruce, the
British Minister, died this a.m. in Boston, of diphtheria, or
something else. A fortnight since, I saw him in apparently
full and "vigorous health. He told me he was going to take a
little run for relaxation, and quietly urged it upon me also
as a necessity. It was the last time I saw him. He claims
to be a relative, perhaps a descendant, of the Bruce. Was
a pleasant, fine-appearing man of popular manners. A
much more sprightly and affable man than Lord Lyons, his
predecessor, but of less mental strength.
September 20, Friday. Weather has been excessively
warm the last two days. Many persons in town. The
approaching elections excite much interest. There are
vague and indefinite rumors of changes. Blair informs me
that the President has invited Bogy ^ here from St. Louis
for consultation. I think it singular. Bogy was rejected by
the Senate last winter or spring as Indian Commissioner, —
a position which he fiUed very creditably. He is earnest
and apparently sincere, — not always judicious and dis
criminating, nor does he always read men and movements
correctly. He tells Blair that the President assures him he
intends to remove Seward, McCulloch, and Randall; in
timates that he shall perhaps make Horatio Seymour Secre
tary of State. This is, or would be, a strange movement, —
a specimen of New York partyism which is about played
out. Blair is probably right in imputing the intrigue to
Seward. I trace it to Weed, but the two go together, and
the present great object of the master spirit. Weed, is to
defeat the New York Democrats. The movement would
injure the President, and it would assist the Radicals. I
can hardly beUeve he will commit so grave a mistake.
' Lewis V. Bogy, afterwards a Democratic Senator from Missouri.

204 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 20
In "view of this information, I remained after the others
left the Cabinet-meeting, and in a desultory conversation
cautioned the President against the intrigues of Weed, who
I assured him was laboring to defeat the Democrats in New
York, regardless of any effect it might have on the Admin
istration. He said Weed would get nothing farther here.
Thought Wakeman ought to be removed. I reminded him
that Weed and Seward were one. I reminded him that
Kilpatrick was stiU holding two offices, — Minister to
ChiU and a commission in the regular Army. At all events
I had never heard that he had relinquished either place,
though I had understood it had been ordered. He said that
should be done, — should not pass the next Cabinet-meet
ing. I told Blair that I questioned the expediency of remov
ing McCulloch, which some were urging; that I could not
only advise, but should object, if I was aUowed to know be
fore a movement was made or attempted. Blair says Mc
Culloch has fallen under Seward's influence. I should not
be surprised if that were so, to some extent, yet I cannot
think it very great. He feels it necessary to carry on his
Department, and is glad of help from any quarter. McCul
loch may be imposed upon, — the "victim of Seward's and
Weed's New York superfine party management, — but if
so, it is because he does not understand the intrigues and
their object. Blair says Bogy told him the President did
not express himself satisfied "vrith any of his Cabinet but
me, but that he complimented me.
I yesterday dined at the President's with General
Hancock and General Mitchell, his Chief of Staff, Jere
Black, and Colonel Cooper ^ of Tennessee. General H.
talks very well, and I hope will act sensibly in Louisiana.
The Radicals are a little disconcerted on account of his be
ing here when they wish to make a partisan demonstration
for Sheridan, whom Hancock supersedes. At the theatre
' Edmund Cooper, who represented a Tennessee district in the Thirty-
ninth Congress.

1867] JEREMIAH S. BLACK 205
on Saturday evening the audience cheered Hancock, while
Sickles and Forney were in an adjoining box unbeknown to
H. General Mitchell is a Mifflin County, Pennsylvania,
boy, known to our relations there.
Jere Black is spending much time with the President of
late. He was Buchanan's Attorney-General, and Secretary
of State after Cass resigned. He has legal ability and is a
poUtician of more than ordinary power, but I distrust that
class of politicians who really promoted rebelUon when
they declared themselves paralyzed and unable to coerce
a State. I do not consider him a good and sound adviser
for the President, and am sorry that he is so much con
sulted and deferred to, when there are sound and good men
outside of the Cabinet — if he is driven there — whom he
might consult. I shall not be surprised if there are some
changes of an important character in contemplation and
strong measures taken. The President, I know, has such
intentions, but he hesitates, — delays executing his good
intentions. Whether Black's advice will be judicious if it is
sought, is questionable, yet he has a good deal of sagacity
and shrewdness.
Colonel Cooper was a member of the last Congress, but
was defeated by the negro vote in the recent election.
He thinks Brownlow "will be elected to the Senate, and
both he and Patterson ^ think him, "with all his coarse
roughness, a better and honester man than Maynard and
Stokes.2 Senator Thomas ' of Maryland and ex-Mayor Berrett *
made a formal caU to-day in behalf of ex-Paymaster Bel
knap, who was dismissed, or went out of the service, several
years since as a defaulter. There was a mysterious robbery
1 Da"vid T. Patterson, one of the Senators from Tennessee.
' Horace Maynard and WUliam B. Stokes, Representatives from Ten
nessee. ' Philip Francis Thomas was at the time Senator-elect from Maryland,
but in the following February he was refused a seat on the ground of " hav
ing given aid and comfort to the Rebellion."
* J. G. Berrett, Mayor of Washington, 1858-62.

206 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 20
of some hundred and thirty thousand dollars in the Brook
lyn Navy Yard, when he was Paymaster of the Yard, for
which he could not account, and after some two years or
more . . . he was dismissed, having in the mean time, through
the influence and activity of powerful friends, had oppor
tunity to go before Congress. A few months since. Marshal
Murray and a Treasury detective brought a parcel of
thieves and burglars here, who, they said, confessed them
selves to be the robbers. But as the case was outlawed by
lapse of time, no punishment could be inflicted on the
"wretches if actually guilty, which is questionable, to say
the least, and as they had no characters, their acknow
ledgments I consider unreliable and unworthy of credit.
In bringing up the case to-day, Mr. Berrett said one rea
son for the delay in pressing the subject before Congress
was the difficulty which he experienced in getting the act
of March 2, 1865, through Congress. This act says, if an
officer is dismissed by the President, he may demand a court
martial, and if not granted "within six months, he shaU be
reinstated. I asked if Belknap procured that law to be
passed, and he said he with others did. "Then," said I,
"he expected after lea"ving the ser"vice that a court martial
could reappoint him. The Constitution gives all appoint
ments to the President and Senate, but Congress may by
law give inferior appointments to the President alone,
heads of Departments, or judges. It does not confer this
authority on courts martial, and as Belknap is out, and
has been out for several years, I am not prepared to say
that he is restored because there has been no court martial
in his case." Senator Thomas said this was anew view of
the case, and the two left, Berrett saying the case should
be submitted.
September 24, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting Seward
proposed that it should be understood that we had no
more ironclad or naval vessels to sell. He said the Turks
were making apphcation and it would be annoying. I said

1867] SALE OF IRONCLADS DISCUSSED 207
more annoying to me than any one else, for the Greeks
were also appljdng. The Greek Minister has called on me;
wanted to get the small ironclads for about three hundred
thousand dollars, and wished credit for one half until May
next, perhaps longer. I told him to put his proposition in
writing and I would give a written answer. One thing he
might understand at once, — that we could sell no vessel
elsewhere than in the United States.
McCulloch thought it not advisable to refuse to sell any
of our vessels, particularly ironclads. I said we might sell
and ought to sell if we had an unobjectionable purchaser,
but that we were not in the market. I so said to the Ger
man Minister. The truth is they are expensive to keep and
vrill soon go to waste unemployed on our hands.
General Grant presented the case of General Sickles,
who asked a court of inquiry. Some discussion followed.
Stanbery seems not to understand these matters. Grant
thought an officer could demand a court of inquiry. I
queried whether he could have one unless the President
deemed it advisable. In this instance the court was asked,
not for military, but civil reasons. General Sickles dis
liked the views of a ci"vil officer of the Government, and
disliked the act of the President detaching him. For these
reasons he wanted a court of inquiry, — in other words,
wanted to try the President and Attorney-General for
disappro"ving his conduct.
The President suggested that the elections in the pro
scribed States should be upon the same day. Grant inter
posed difficulties. Some of the States had closed registra
tion, fixed the day of election, and could not well go over
the process. Thought it would cause difficulty. I perceived
that he and the President had conferred on the subject,
and I also perceived that others had had some conference
with him.
I went to a party at General Grant's this evening, given
in honor of the generals now here. There was quite an
attendance of army officers and others, and also of most

208 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 24
of the Cabinet. I went early and left early, — as soon as
I could see Sheridan and Sickles. If Hancock came, it
was after I left.
September 25, Wednesday. Had a long interview vrith
Rear-Admiral Godon, who gave me at great length his
troubles with our Ministers in South America, particu
larly with General Webb.^
Mr. Roselius of New Orleans called on me this evening.
Deplores the condition of affairs in Louisiana and through
the whole South; is ready to submit to any govemment
that wUl give security to person and property. This "will
become the general cry and petition there and elsewhere if
the mad partyism of the Radicals is not checked, as I trust it
will be. There are indications that the sense and reason of
the people are moving in the Northern States, I trust in the
right direction, but partyism is stronger than patriotism.
The extreme Democrats seem to consider their obUgations
to party greater than to their country. In this respect they
are surely better than the Radicals, who are partisan in the
extreme. The Democrats do not, however, in aU their
excitement, ignore or trample on the Constitution, as the
Radicals do, in order to attain party ends.
Received a telegram from Commodore SeUridge, asking
that instructions be sent District Attorney in relation to
refusal to submit to habeas corpus in State court, or to be
arrested for such refusal. There has been a difficulty aris
ing for some time past in relation to enlistments, — vari
ous contrivances to withdraw the enlisted party from the
custody of the United States Government and Courts.
There are, I believe, two or three naval cases and one
army case pending, the latter being first to be tried. Com
modore Smith came to me a few days ago with a telegram
from Selfridge, asking what should be done when the writ
was served, supposing it related to one of the recruits on
' James Watson Webb, New York journalist, Minister to BrazU, from
1861 to 18C9.

1867] A HABEAS CORPUS CASE 209
the receiving ship. There are many whom a ring of petti
foggers are constantly striving to retain after they have
drawn advanced pay. I said he must not let the officer
come on board to serve the writ. Faxon, who was present,
said, "Resist him by armed force." I told the Commodore
to call on the legal officer, who had charge of these matters
and would advise him how to proceed; that we had written
to the District Attorney some months since, anticipating
this trouble, but had received no answer; that he seemed
timid, afraid to meet the case, or did not know how to act.
This telegram shows that the trouble has commenced.
The question whether the State or municipal courts can
interpose and discharge men enlisted in the United States
ser"vice should be settled, and if I had confidence in the
energy and abiUty of the District Attorney at Philadelphia,
I would as soon have it disposed of now as ever. Were the
Attorney-General a firm, decided man, less a technical
lawyer and more of a statesman, so as to instruct and
inspire Gilpin, I should feel more assured.
September 26, Thursday. Presented Admiral and Mrs.
Godon to the President this morning, and took a long ride
vrith them this evening. The Philadelphia papers this
morning have a report of the proceedings before Judge
Pierce^ in the habeas corpus case, George Gormel, all of
which was discreet and proper, save the coarse and "vulgar
speech of Mann, the District Attorney. A dispatch from
SeUridge also asks instruction. My first thought was to
send a letter of instructions to Commodore S., but when
it was prepared, I thought it better to submit it to the
Attomey-General and get his opinion whether it was
proper and correct, and also get from him an opinion con
cerning the case, — whether a body of troops on the march
or a naval vessel getting under weigh could be stopped by
a local municipal judge. I had very little confidence that
I should procure anything definite or satisfactory, and was
therefore not disappointed when he began to express doubts
3

210 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 26
and to hesitate. "It is a great writ, Mr. Secretary," he
repeated half a dozen times at least. I did not controvert
this, but told him this was a great country, that we were
a great people, and the naval ser'vice itself was something;
perhaps all could be checked and thrown out of gear by a
personholding office under a different jurisdiction than that
of the United States. I called his attention to the Booth
case in Wisconsin, where the Supreme Court said the
marshal should not give up a prisoner who was in the cus
tody of the United States. Referred him to Judge Holt's
book. After reading twice the article on habeas corpus, he
looked more "wise and unbent a little, — inquired about the
case. Who sued out the "writ? Was he accused of crime?
He must know the particulars. I told him that it did not
seem to me necessary, — no particular case was the sub
ject of my inquiry. The question is, can the Govemment
— can the United States — be impleaded? Can a State court
require the United States to show cause why it has a per
son in custody, — inquire into the vaUdity of an enlist
ment? In answer to his question, however, I stated I sup
posed the writ was sued out in this instance by the father
of the enlisted man. "Yes, this is a great "writ, Mr. Secre
tary, a great writ. If he were a murderer, or criminal, the
State would demand him." "That," said I, "is not denied
or questioned; he is neither. But if the writ can be sued
out in this way, great pubhc injury may follow. A vessel
on the point of saiUng — going, perhaps, on an important
errand for the Govemment, one affecting peace or war —
may in this way be stopped by factious parties and de
tained for days and weeks. The Govemment is powerless,
if it has not the control of its enlisted men. Such an abuse
is not to be thought of."
After rubbing his face and hands, looking up, and then
at the fire, he said the question was important, required
time. ' I said that was not allowable, for, the judge had
delayed the matter only until the 28th, Saturday, and
I wished to answer Commodore SeUridge to-day, and

1867] COLLISION AT NASHVILLE FEARED 211
I desired the District Attomey, or his assistant, Mr. Valen
tine, who appeared to manage the case, might be advised.
He then asked for the proceedings, — the steps which
have been taken, — and I told him I would send over the
correspondence and some suggestions. He desired I would
do so and said he would give the subject prompt attention.
On getting the correspondence from the Bureau, I find
it pretty taut, — a httle more belUgerent in some respects
than it would have been had it been submitted to me,
— but Commodore Smith says his letter of instruction
was obtained from the War Department. In so important
a matter I should reaUy have been more consulted, as
things tum out. It is unfortunate that he went only to
the SoUcitor or Judge-Advocate of the War Department.
The truth is none of these telegrams and orders have been
submitted to me untU the conflict came on, except in the
single instance when I referred Commodore Smith to the
law office for advice as to the usual form and course of
proceedings in similar cases.
September 27, Friday. The apprehensions of a collision
at Nash"vUle was the principal topic of discussion in the
Cabinet. The municipal authorities claim the right of
conducting the election under their charter, which has not
been altered. Brownlow, the Governor, insists they shall
not, but that negroes and others shall vote and that the polls
shall be opened and conducted by his instruments. He has
caUed out the miUtia to enforce his plan. The city author
ities have organized an armed police to maintain their
rights. The President directed General Grant to order General
Thomas "vrith regulars to Nashville that he might assist
in preserving the peace. General Grant read to-day the
correspondence between himself and Thomas, which will
probably result in giving the whole question to Brownlow.
The regulars are not to interfere, and probably could not,
except upon appUcation of the Govemor, and he wUl not

212 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 27
make that application if he can succeed without. If he can
not succeed, then he will take the necessary steps to call
General Thomas and the United States troops to his aid,
if the President, to whom B. disUkes to appeal, wiU permit.
Thomas inclines to the Radicals; at the beginning of the
Rebellion he inclined to the Secessionists. These people,
the Radicals, will not regard the rights of NashvUle if they
conflict with the negro.
I brought up the subject of a conflict of authorities at
Philadelphia, and remarked that I had placed the subject
in the hands of the Attomey-General, who would, perhaps,
state the case.
With a wave of the hand and a shake of his head he said
yes, I had called on him, but had not fully informed him as
to the particulars, and until he had all the circumstances
he would not undertake to give an opinion. The "writ of
habeas corpus is a great writ, and there was but one course
that he was aware of, when it was sued out, and that was
to produce the body.
"What," said I, "if the judge or court has no jurisdic
tion?" "But," said he, "the court has jurisdiction; the
body must be produced in all cases." I repUed this was
not done, and could not be done vrithout bringing the
Federal authority into contempt, and discouraging and
demoralizing the service.
' ' What , ' ' said he, " if the habeas corpus is for a murderer? ' '
"Then," said I, "the man would be given up to be tried,
and so would any man charged with crime without the
habeas corpus. When, however, there is no crime, but a
question of the validity of an enlistment, I apprehend a
local State judge cannot interfere. The United States are
not servable, and if not servable, how are enlisted men to
be brought before a Pennsylvania judge, for him to decide
whether the contract is proper and acceptable?"
General Grant remarked that this question had given
the Army great trouble, but he believed the question was
pretty well settled, though there was just now a little fuss

1867] THE HABEAS CORPUS QUESTION 213
in Philadelphia with one of their officers. It would not do,
however, to have petty courts setting the soldier free.
"But," said Stanbery, "they must reply to the writ of
habeas corpus and produce the man." Grant said he
thought the Army was not doing this to the State judges.
Seward told Stanbery he did not believe he could get off
from this question without investigating it; that the writ
was a great one, but great questions were involved which
could not be set aside by mere remarks that the body must
be produced. McCulloch, Randall, and Otto,i all main
tained that they thought the Federal authority should be
maintained. Finding himself sustained by none and that the ques
tion was not to be evaded, the Attorney-General said he.
was "wUling to look into it, but he must have time. He'
wanted to know all the facts and circumstances, and
"wished I would let him have them. I told him it had never
appeared to me necessary to travel over the details of any
particular case. We wanted a principle settled. The ques
tion is. Can the United States be sued in the State courts?
WUl the habeas corpus Ue against an officer acting under
orders, who returns that the prisoner or person is in his
custody by authority of the United States? I had given
him the respectful answer of Commodore Selfridge to the
"writ, and had also sent him the correspondence. He said
he had not seen this; his clerk ha"ving lost a chUd, his
papers were behindhand.
I remarked that the case was adjoumed until to-morrow
and Commodore Selfridge was expecting and entitled to in
structions. He wished me to inform the Commodore that he
was investigating the case and would give an answer at the
earliest moment possible. I declined ; told him that would
not be satisfactory ; that, the case having been put in his
hands, it was for him to make that application or request.
He hesitated, — demurred a little. I told him I would,
if he wished, forward it ; that he might address a line to me,
1 William T. Otto, Assistant Secretary of the Interior.

214 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 27
expressing his wish for time, and I would send that. He
assented and wrote the note. "What," said I, "if this is
unavailing, and the judge refuses, as I think likely he will,
to postpone? " He said he could not, in that event, ad"vise.
"But," said I, "I must, — advise and dissent."
September 28, Saturday. I called on the Attomey-Gen
eral tolerably early and found him and his clerk busy hunt
ing up authorities for the habeas corpus case at Philadelphia.
We had pretty earnest talk on two or three points. Like
all lawyers, he is stuffed full of English law and EngUsh
precedents, and most of his books were EngUsh authorities.
He read to me from several volumes regarding the writ.
I told him I was not ignorant of its importance, especiaUy
in England at an earlier period than the present, and that
it was not without value in these days and in our ovra
country, but was now and here perhaps overestimated.
"This case," said I, "could not come up in this form in
England, to which country you are so intently looking for
authorities, for they have not, like us, two sovereignties.
Here there are two jurisdictions, and the lesser assumes to
pass judgment on the superior in a matter affecting the
latter. Commodore Selfridge, under direction from the
Navy Department of the United States, and, for that mat
ter, under the President himself, denies jurisdiction, has
returned a respectful answer to the writ, and his action is
to be approved or disapproved. If his retum is imperfect,
let us perfect it; if in error, let us put him right; but I deny
the jurisdiction of the quarter-session court of Philadelphia
to pass judgment on the United States."
He admitted the correctness of my suggestions; said he
had thought of most of them himself, but we must, just
at this time, move very cautiously. Our opponents were
charging us with taking too much power now. I told him
that he and I knew how false and groundless these charges
were. The error had been in the opposite direction. " I am
a State-Rights man, and I am also for Federal rights. The

1867] STANBERY ON HABEAS CORPUS 215
authority conferred by the Constitution on the Federal
Government I shall assert and maintain as sacredly and
inviolably as the rights of the States which are reserved.
But the error of this Administration has been that it has
dwarfed, belittled itself, — failed to exercise the authority
conferred by the Constitution on the executive depart
ment. We have been passive and shrinking, — have not
maintained the national rights and authority intrusted to
us by the Constitution. It is not for me to say who have
been ad"visers of this poUcy, or who have opposed it. I, as
a Federal officer, support without transcending Federal
authority. In the matter now before us, my Department
is involved, and I have thus far sustained, and so far as
I have a "view I intend to sustain, the authority of the
Department and the Government against encroachment.
I deny the jurisdiction of the State courts. I deny that the
United States are suable in those courts, and the time
must come when the Administration must declare and
maintain its authority. On you, Mr. Attorney-General,
much depends."
He answered me that he should thoroughly look into
this question, and believed he should give an opinion that
would be satisfactory to me. " But the fact is, in this great
writ one thing is always and forever essential, — the
person must be produced in court. He may be at once
discharged by Judge Pierce, and that would end the
controversy." "Suppose he is not discharged," said I, "what then?"
"Ah! weU, that to be sure; then we should have to carry
the case up," said he.
"Has Judge Pierce any business with this case?" I
asked. "Can he try it? Was it not his duty, when applica
tion was made to him, to have said to the parties he had
no jurisdiction, — that they must go to the United States
judge?" Without answering my question, he said, "Supposing
Commodore Selfridge had seized a citizen of Philadelphia

216 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 28
and confined him in the Yard, — a person who had not
enlisted, — could not Judge Pierce grant a writ of habeas
corpus for the production of that citizen? "
"Most certainly he could," said I, "but that is not the
present question."
"Then," said he, "supposing Commodore Selfridge had
retumed that the man was enlisted, when he was not en
listed?" "In that event, Selfridge himself would have been liable.
It would have been a wrong of T. O. Selfridge individually,
— not the Commodore officiaUy, — for which he would have
been personally responsible. He would in such case be no
more acting for the United States than if he had stolen
the man's watch and denied the theft."
These are some of the points which passed between us,
and I think the discussion had a beneficial effect. The
Attorney-General started wrong; he intended to have put
aside the great question; he is a Uttle professionaUy con
ceited, but means to do right, — is a Uttle annoyed when
I raise points, or controvert his positions, as I sometimes
do. Often, without arguing the question, he resorts to
technicalities, subtleties of the law, pleadings, etc., as if
great truths can be hidden or disposed of by such means.
He really injures himself by these de"vices, — I wiU not
say tricks, — the la"V7yer rather than the statesman ap
pears at such times. His habeas corpus ideas are purely
English, not American. But the structure of the two
governments are different, — one central, the other federal.
It will be a little mortifying to him to come over entirely
on to my ground, and I ought not, perhaps, to expect it;
but I think his views on the subject of habeas corpus have
been modified, and as he has a good deal of ability, vrith
his pedantry, I hope he will give us a fair opinion.
September 30, Monday. Admiral Godon and wife dined
with me yesterday. They have been some days in W.,
have driven out with me, etc., etc. Godon tells me some

1867] ADMIRAL GODON ON PORT ROYAL 217
facts in relation to Du Pont of which I had not previously
been informed. They had been intimate and particular
friends, but Du Pont e"vinced the little jealousy which was
one of the banes of his life. At Port Royal, Godon placed
his vessel, the Mohican, in a position where she en
filaded the Rebel batteries and literally drove them from
their guns. Du Pont, instead of thanking, he says, in
sulted him for it. The attack by sailing in a circle was,
Godon says, not part of the original plan but an expedient,
an afterthought, when it was found more convenient to
move from under fire than to remain. This movement was
made by Stringham at Hatteras, and I have no doubt
that steam vessels, which can be always in motion, prompted
the idea. Little credit is due any officer for originating
what would have been a culpable piece of stupidity to have
omitted. I caUed on the President and showed some of the au
thorities and stated some of my reasons in the Philadel
phia habeas corpus cases. He appeared to enter into my
"views, and I am in hopes will encourage Stanbery in the
right way.
The court at Philadelphia postponed the hearing until
next Saturday, in order to give the Attorney-General an
opportunity to investigate the case. Mr. Courteney, Dis
trict Attomey at New York, has written a pretty smart
letter in reply to Mr. Mann, the Philadelphia la"wyer in
this case, a copy of which he sent me.

LIII
Attomey-General Stanbery reads his Opinion on the Habeas Corpus Case
— The President calls General Sherman to Washington — Colonel
Cooper on the Political Situation in New York State — A Sketch of
Party Politics in New York — James A. Seddon's Application for Par
don — Governor Cox of Ohio mentioned for the War Portfolio — Gen
eral Blair's Qualifications for the Position — Sherman's Relations with
Grant — Election Retums from Pennsylvania and Ohio indicate an
Overthrow of the Radicals — The President has a Frank Talk with
Grant, who assures him he should expect to obey Orders — BoutweU
disavows any Intention of attempting to arrest the President.
October 1, Tuesday. Full attendance at Cabinet. Judge
Otto appeared for Browning, who is stiU at the Virginia
Springs. Some appointments being under consideration, there
was little inclination to move in them by reason of the
Tenure-of-Office BiU.
I had a talk with Stanbery on the habeas corpus case.
He is still hesitating and uncertain. Thinks the body
must be produced in court, even if the court has no juris
diction. Is overwhelmed with English law and English
precedents, though our system of general and State gov
ernments is fundamentally different from theirs, and con
sequently a different rule must prevaU. I have reverence
for the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus and am for
the sacred observance of the rights reserved to the States,
but I am also for maintaining Federal rights and Federal
authority unimpaired. There are difficulties in this case,
— an apparent conflict of jurisdiction.
It would have been well to have made a specific con
cession in the Constitution that the habeas corpus should
not be issued by State authorities to persons in the mili
tary or naval service of the United States. But this was
not done, and it is now a question to be met, and I assume

1867] STANBERY ON HABEAS CORPUS 219
that it is incidental and essential to the sovereignty of
the Federal Government that it should have full and ab
solute control over the military and naval forces; that
there would not be that full power, if the local State and
municipal judges can interpose and decide on the validity
of enUstments and set soldiers and sailors at liberty.
DemoraUzation and weakness would follow from such a
state of things. A person in the service who claims that
he is improperly detained is not without remedy. The
courts of the United States are open to him and to his
friends. They have undoubted jurisdiction, and they
alone. These are my conclusions, and I think "without
prejudice. At this time, when the Radicals are breaking down all
constitutional barriers, — confounding and ignoring all
rights. State, Federal, Departmental, and individual, —
it is the duty of those who are in position to be cautious
but courageous, to abstain from assumptions, but to fear
lessly assert the powers vrith which they are invested.
Congress is disposed to usurp all the powers of govern
ment, and take into its o"wn hands not only the making
but the execution of the laws, — to adjudicate and carry
into effect its judgments. The President has passively
submitted to have the executive department step by step
encroached upon and crippled. Concession and submis
sion have been advised, until the Govemment is a mass
of weakness, losing its character. If Stanbery fails me,
I shaU have none to stand by me in the Administration.
Sam Randall and some of the politicians have been here,
fearing a decided course may affect the elections. The
case is a Radical trick.
October 4, Friday. The Attorney-General to-day read
his opinion, prepared with much labor and at great
length, on the habeas corpus case. I was not disappointed,
though somewhat annoyed, with his conclusions, — that
the prisoner or enlisted man must be produced in court

220 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 4
and that the Commodore must not resist the decree if
the prisoner is discharged, that the local court has juris
diction, etc. [He said that] if discharged, he, the Attor
ney-General, should instruct the District Attomey to
carry the case to the Supreme Court.
I inquired why he would carry it there, if the local
courts had jurisdiction; and if their decision was not final.
And I asked how he was to get the case before the Supreme
Court? He replied that he had not much doubt that G.
would be retained and remanded to custody, but if not,
he should have no difficulty in getting the case to the
Supreme Court, though he knew not the precise features
of Pennsylvania law. He went on to say, in answer to my
former inquiries and remarks, that it was time this ques
tion should be settled by the highest judicial tribunal,
because, if the local courts could interfere in military and
naval cases, some immediate legislation would be neces
sary. I asked if Congress could legislate away a constitu
tional power. The local courts either have or they have
not the right to issue this writ calling for the production
of enlisted persons. If they have this right under the
Constitution, Congress cannot deprive them of it; if they
have not this right, I cannot see how they can demand
the production of this person.
Without meeting the points, he went off into a disserta
tion on the distinction between the custody of a prisoner
under judgment of a court and custody under an enlist
ment in the Army and Na"\^.
I asked if an enlistment was not a contract to which
the United States is a party. He admitted such was the
fact. I then inquired whether the United States was
suable. He said no, but a judge in Pennsylvania had,
under the laws of that State and under the habeas corpus
provision, authority to demand the production of the
person enlisted, until Congress passed laws prohibiting
State interferences.

1867] SHERMAN CALLED TO WASHINGTON 221
Seward and Randall each thought there should be im
mediate legislation since hearing this opinion.
The Attomey-General produced a telegram which he had
prepared for me to sign to Commodore Selfridge.
The President remarked, if this, which was the first
business of Cabinet, was disposed of, we would proceed
to other matters.
I was sorry that so important a question should have
passed off without a more full and general discussion,
and expression of opinion by others. Important principles
are involved which should not be thus lightly disposed of.
The liberty of the citizen, and the rights of the Federal
and State Governments are involved, but no disposition
was evinced to defend, discuss, or touch them. There
was no favoring response to the Attorney-General, whose
argument, I thought from his single reading and from
what passed between us, is narrow, without original
thought, power, or grasp, — a skuUdng from the real
question under the precedents of local courts. That Mr.
Stanbery is a la"wyer of acquirements and ability may be
admitted, while denying him the higher and nobler qual
ities of a statesman. He is, moreover, timid and shrinks
responsibiUty. Colonel Cooper informs me that he is to remain in
Washington as a companion and friend to the President.
It is well. The President needs such a friend, and it is to
be regretted, if Cooper is such, he was not invited earlier.
I fear it is now too late, and so told Colonel Cooper.
He says General Sherman has been called to Washing
ton by the President and will be here by Sunday next.
Both the President and he think Sherman may influence
Grant by reason of their intimacy. There is no doubt
that Sherman has more general intelligence and know
ledge of the govemment than Grant, but he is sometimes
erratic and uncertain, whilst Grant is prejudiced, aspiring,
reticent, cunning, and stolidly obstinate in his ignorance.
The two men will work weU and advantageously together

222 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 4
when they agree, but when they differ, the stubborn wiU
and selfishness of Grant vrill overpower the yielding genius
and generous impulses of Sherman. These are my "views of
the two men, and I so told Colonel C. That Sherman
has a mortal antipathy to Stanton and is really in sym
pathy with the President, I can weU suppose, but when
he associates with Grant, I apprehend from what I have
seen and understood he wiU be powerless. Had he been
here for the last fifteen months, his influence upon Grant,
who is subordinated by Stanton, whom he dislikes, might
have been salutary. He can now do but Uttle.
October 7, Monday. The opinion of the Attomey-Gen
eral in the habeas corpus case does not appear to have
been welcomed by any portion of the community thus far.
It has not, however, been much criticized, but has been
received indifferently, without comment or respect. On
reading it, my impressions of Friday are confirmed. It is
a mere lawyer's brief, not a statesman's "views. He and
I have had the misfortune to differ several times on funda
mental questions, and this fact may have had its influence
upon him.
Colonel Cooper called again to-day. He has seen Gen
eral Sherman, and so has the President. Colonel C. says
S. feels and talks well, but the suggestion that I made that,
in any difference between the President and Grant, Sher
man would yield and go with the latter impresses him
strongly, and he so said to the President. Though natur
ally sanguine and hopeful, C. is a good deal despondent.
Says the elections to-morrow will decide the matter.
What he meant by this I could not comprehend, and so
said to him. To me it is uncertain how the Radicals will be
affected, whichever way the elections may terminate.
If the Radicals are defeated, they may feel discouraged
and change their tactics, or they may be more vindictive
and spiteful than ever. If they are successful, they may
be content to let what they deem well enough alone, or

1867] TALK WITH COLONEL COOPER 223
they may recklessly push on their usurpations and assaults
upon the President still farther. What then, I asked C,
could the elections of to-morrow decide? He admitted
it was difficult to tell what would be Radical action in
either event; but there was evidently something which
had been discussed which he did not disclose.
In our conversation on Friday, he expressed his great
disappointment over the condition of things in New York.
He has just been there and mixed in' freely with their lead
ing men. Saw Tilden, who showed him my letter. Tilden
talked well, but the tendency was to maintain a New York
party organization and to cut clear of the Administra
tion. It is a party, not a patriotic, scheme, and will fail.
Tilden's partyism is weakness and does not surprise me
so much as it does Cooper. The President is too much
identified "vrith Seward, has been too much ad"vised by
him, to gain the affections or even the good will of the
New York Democrats. There was intentional rebuke of
the President by the managing New York Democrats —
Seymour, Tilden, etc. — in omitting the President's
name in their late State Convention, or any allusion
to him. In this they were ungenerous and committed a
mistake which they may regret. Their selfish ambition
is overleaping itself.
The political organizations of New York from the foun
dation of the govemment have had an important influence
on pubhc affairs in that State and the country. Hamilton
and Burr, in the early days of the Republic, were antagon
istic and shaped parties. The break-up and dissolution
of old parties, which began in that State in 1812 under the
lead of DeWitt Clinton, who became a candidate for the
Presidency against Mr. Madison, was completed twelve
years later at the close of the Monroe Administration.
Adams, Crawford, Jackson, Clay, and Calhoun were op
posing candidates in that election. Crawford was the can
didate of the large fragment of RepubUcans who adhered
to the Republican organization, but Adams was successful.

224 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocT. 7
A new organization of parties, based on new issues, which
the decadence of old parties and the growth and progress
of the country rendered necessary, was instituted.
There was, at that period, a combination of powerful
minds associated in the govemment of New York, who
were Republicans of the Jeffersonian school, but anti-
Clintonians, although Clinton was of the same school. This
combination was stigmatized as the Regency, and their
party was called Bucktails, from the fact that they for
several years went to the polls wearing in their hats a
buck's tail to distinguish them from the CUnton Repub
licans, who had been their party associates prior to 1812,
but who subsequently coalesced and voted vrith the Feder
alists in support of DeWitt Clinton.
The Regency and the BucktaU Party very generaUy
supported Crawford for President in 1824, but a union of
the friends of the other candidates against them caused
their defeat, and eventuated in the election of J. Q.
Adams, whom they had opposed. Although Mr. Adams
was successful in obtaining a large portion of the electoral
vote of New York, he was not a favorite with a majority
of the people of that State.
The Federalists who supported Clinton were gratified
with Mr. Adams' election, but the Republican CUntonians
and Clinton himself were not satisfied.
In the general chaos of parties that prevailed during
the first two years of the J. Q. Adams Administration, the
Regency was not idle, but in the midst of their operations
a new party organization sprang up which sunk all other
party ties, principles, and distinctions in its opposition
to any candidate for any office who was connected with
the Masonic institution. Govemor Clinton was a promin
ent Mason, and the anti-Masonic movement took from
him a large portion of his supporters.
It was at this juncture that the Regency exercised and
developed its ability, tact, and sagacity in organizing from
fragmentary and opposing elements a party which for

1867] NEW YORK PARTY POLITICS 225
many years controlled and possessed the government of
New York, had deservedly the confidence of the people of
that State, and exercised a powerful influence for more
than twenty years in national affairs. The men comprising
the Regency and who were the leaders of what became
thenceforth the Democratic Party were Van Buren, Marcy,
Flagg, Sam Young, and Wright.-^ At a later day, Dix and
others of less vigor and power succeeded the original Re
gency, but they had not the abiUty to combine and main
tain the organization of their predecessors. New questions
arose which they could not successfully grapple, lax prin
ciples, abuse of power, devotion to party and adherence to
it right or "wrong; a decreasing poUtical morality weakened
pubUc confidence and ultimately caused their defeat. But
the Regency, which organized the party to "victory in 1828
and success for many succeeding years, was an association
of politicians and statesmen of wonderful mental capacity,
whose integrity is unquestioned and who, while main
taining ascendancy, exerted themselves to administer the
govemment for the good of all.
Van Buren was the acknowledged and admitted chief of
that Regency, and his sagacity, shrewdness, judgment, and
forecast probably entitled him to be so considered. He
was cahn, self-possessed, and deUberate in the most trying
emergencies, cautious and prudent almost to timidity, al
ways safe as a projector and counselor, never impulsive,
with admirable self-control on all occasions.
Marcy, "vrith less reserve and with a more mgged intel
lect, had greater courage and daring than Van Buren, but
was always not so politic. He had the excellent, though
rare, quaUty of frankly and boldly expressing his opinions
to his friends when he thought they erred, and telling them
wherever he dissented from them. This made him a valued
and inestimable critic and adviser in that circle of which
Van Buren was chief. Later in life and after considerable
* Martin Van Buren, WUliam L. Marcy, Azariah C. Flagg, Samuel
Young, and SUas Wright.
3

226 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 7
experience, Marcy, in public and as a pubUc man before
his countrymen, was not so bold as he had been vrith the
friends who knew him and could make proper allowance
for his sometimes rude speech. It was Marcy who, in the
Senate of the United States, said, in the matter of appoint
ments and removals, "To the "victor belong the spoils."
No man was more unsparing and unrelenting in his party
action and exactions than Marcy.
Flagg, who was of similar temperament and a rigid party
discipUnarian, permitted no party dissenters, and avowed
as a rule of political action that he would "shoot all
deserters." Both he and Marcy were intolerant in their
party discipline and management. Near the close of their
united action at Albany, Marcy, who, "vri th his father-in-
law, Knower,^ Treasurer of the State and a minor append
age of the Regency, became pecuniarUy embarrassed by
injudicious speculation and wavered in his principles and
party fideUty, — fiinched in his support of the national
administration, Mr. Van Buren being President, — had
failed in rigidly maintaining, if he did not openly oppose,
the " independent Treasury" and financial measures of the
Government. Coolness, if not alienation, foUowed, and
the cordial intimacy which had pre"viously subsisted was
never again fully restored.
Sam Young, more radical and more rash, was less reU
able and had less influence than the others. Wright, the
youngest, had the best qualities of all and the confidence
of all and was most esteemed and regarded by men of all
parties. In the highest sense he was a politician, statesman,
and patriot. Commencing public life at the formation
of the Democratic Party, trained and disciplined by his
seniors in the severe requirements that the period called for,
he may sometimes have yielded too much to the demands
of party, but he was catholic, generous, and tolerant in
his views, and would not permit himself to kno"wingly do
wrong or depart from what he believed to be right.
' Benjamin Knower.

1867] NEW YORK PARTY POLITICS 227
Such were the components of the famous New York
Regency. Before the death of Mr. Wright, who though the
youngest was the first to die, the members of the Regency
no longer concentrated at Albany; the organization insti
tuted in 1828 had become enfeebled, divided, and lost
character. The National Republicans, or Whigs, of New York soon
began to imitate the Democrats and attempted a similar
organization for party ascendancy with little regard for
principle. Thurlow Weed, the master spirit, had been a
conspicuous anti-Mason, and, finding success impracticable
on that narrow and prescriptive basis, he and most of his
anti-Masonic associates coalesced with Masonic Feder
alists and other cliques, and, by the free use of money,
which was obtained in abundance from the merchants,
manufacturers, and others in the city of New York, made
themselves a formidable though not a compact nor, until
the Democrats began to fail, a successful party. But the
central directing power, a Regency composed of several
superior minds combined and united in the government
and possessing the confidence of the people, was wanting.
Weed, whose mental strength and power compared with
Marcy and whose energy and industry were unsurpassed,
removed to Albany and estabUshed the Journal, a paper
in opposition to the Argus, the recognized organ of the
Regency. Both papers were conducted with ability. Weed
was almost alone in his political operations, while the
editor of the Argus, surrounded and guided by others,
became loose in his politics, and, like Marcy, indulged in
pecuniary speculations that were unfortunate, enlisted, as
did his antagonist Weed, in corrupt schemes, was a legis
lative lobbjdst, lost confidence, and by his mismanagement
contributed to the defeat of his party. Weed had no such
backers and associates as the editor of the Argus, but he
found a ready and able coadjutor in Mr. Seward, who just
at the period of his removal to Albany entered upon his
pubhc career. There were men of intellect and abiUty in

228 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 7
other parts of the State associated with them, but they
were not of Albany nor at Albany, and a mistrust and dis
trust of Weed which was general, the odor of comiption
attending his acts, his trickery and deception, made him
suspected and failed to win confidence. But similar infirm
ities in the Argus, the frailties of its editor and the failure
of Marcy on the financial measures which were then the
absorbing and test questions of party, enabled the con
glomerate of anti-Masons and Federalists under the name
of Whigs to triumph.
Mr. Seward was elected Govemor and "with Weed and
some newer personages established a sort of Whig Regency,
where Weed was both corrupt and despotic and govemed
the heterogeneous organization with almost arbitrary
power. Successive defeats and successes foUowed. Dissen
sions and enmities prevailed in each of the parties, which
each constantly labored to reconcile and conceal.
Marcy's defection did not cause immediate and entire
estrangement, but it was instrumental in the defeat and
ultimate prostration of Van Buren and his friends. Wright
was sacrificed, and for a time implacable and violent hos
tilities existed. Marcy, though in a smaU minority of the
Democrats, did not identffy himself "vrith the Whigs and
by an adroit and skillful intrigue was brought into Polk's
Cabinet, where he in a measure regained strength, and by
similar services under Pierce became again a prominent
but not fully trusted leader.
In the mean time Seward, pressed forward by Weed and
his associates as the ostensible chief of the Whigs, became
conspicuous in national poUtics as a Senator and repre
sentative of that party in the great State of New York.
Tilden in these movements was, although a younger man
than Wright, a very active and sincere friend and supporter
of Van Buren in the Regency, went with the Barnburners
or Free-Soilers in the great break-up, and opposed Marcy
and the Hunkers, as that branch of the party was called.
It was a contest of great acrimony, in which both factions

1867] NEW YORK PARTY POLITICS 229
suffered, and the effect on the leading poUticians when they
finally effected a reunion was to make them more intensely
partisan and warmer adherents to organization.
To maintain the ascendancy in national affairs and
regain influence at the South, the Democrats of New York,
who clung to the organization without planting themselves
fimQly on immutable principles, became the apologists of
the Secessionists, vrithout, however, to any considerable
extent adopting that theory. The consequence was the
overthrow of the Democratic Party when Lincoln was
elected, but the extreme men, determined to preserve the
organization, while they did [not] subscribe to Secession,
opposed the Administration, which.struggled to put down
that heresy and maintain the national existence.
When the War was over, and the question [arose] of re
instating the States which had undertaken to secede in the
Federal Union, vrith harmony and fraternal feeling, a Radi
cal faction sprang up among the RepubUcans to prevent it,
who taking "stand outside the Constitution," denied the
equal poUtical rights of the States and put imder the ban
of proscription the whole people of the South. President
Lincoln, and President Johnson, who succeeded him, were
Union men, but the former was assassinated early in that
contest. President Johnson, an original Democrat, enforced
the doctrine and principles which Lincoln had initiated.
They were the "views of the Democrats everywhere and of
aU RepubUcans who were not of the Radical faction; but
the Democratic organization, vrith Seymour and Tilden as
leaders, failed to support and identffy themselves with the
Administration. Party was with them paramount to
country. They did not oppose President Johnson, but they
held off and declined to be recognized as his supporters.
They approved his views and principles, but they had not
voted for him and their opponents had.
October 8, Tuesday. In a dispatch to Van Valkenburg,
which Seward read to-day in Cabinet, he instructed the

230 DL^RY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocT. 8
Minister to remonstrate with the Japanese Govemment
in regard to their treatment of Christians. The sentiment
was well enough as a sentiment, but I asked if there was
any improper treatment of our countrymen or foreign
Christians or whether it referred only to their own people.
He said it was only the Japanese Christians that were
harshly treated, and they not so severely as formerly. I
questioned the propriety of pressing upon that govemment
too far in a matter which belonged exclusively to them
selves, — we as a govemment and people are not reUgious
propagandists. They may have a national reUgion, and if
so, might deem our interference in their domestic affairs
impertinent and offensive. As his letter was a remon
strance, I suggested that it might be weU to cite our non
interference and our tolerance of all reUgious beUefs as an
excuse for presenting our "views. Seward, who dislikes
prompting, perceived the applicability of the suggestion,
said he should have introduced that point but for the fact
that Van Valkenburg had made mention of it.
An application from Mr. Seddon ^ of Richmond for a
pardon was presented by the Attomey-General. Seddon
says he had opposed extreme measures, was in retirement
when invited to the War Department of the Confederacy,
did what he could to mitigate the calamities of war whilst
in that position, made himself unpopular thereby, had
taken the Union oath, etc., etc. Seward thought it best
to postpone the subject until after the election, when it
might be well to grant the pardon, for Seddon was a harm
less old man * and undoubtedly true to the Union.
I said that I had no spirit of persecution in me; that
two and a half years had passed since the Rebellion was
suppressed, and I thought it unwise and unjust to con
tinue this proscription; I was, therefore, ready at any time
to consider favorably such an application as Mr. Seddon's.
' James A. Seddon (1815-80), Confederate Secretary of War.
• Mr. Seddon was only fifty-two at this time, but he had been in feeble
health.

1867] SEDDON APPLIES FOR PARDON 231
General Grant said very curtly and emphatically that
he was opposed to granting any more pardons, for the
present at least. This seemed to check the others, who
expressed no opinion. I remarked, if as a matter of poUcy
it was deemed expedient to delay three or four weeks until
the November elections had passed, I would not object,
but I thought the time had arrived for the display of some
magnanimity and kindly feeling.
A year since. General Grant expressed to me very dif
ferent "views from those he now avows. Said he was ready
to forgive the Rebels and take them by the hand, but
would not forgive the Copperheads. He is pretty strongly
committed to the Radicals, — is courting and being
courted. After the Cabinet adjoumed, Stanbery, Browning, and
myseff remained with the President and had twenty min
utes' talk on the condition of affairs. Browning said that
Govemor Cox ^ was spoken of as a suitable man for Sec
retary of War, provided he would take the place. Stan
bery said he had not before heard Cox's name, but he
thought it would be an excellent selection. Grant being
ad interim, it was important the change should take place
and Stanton be removed. Cox would hold on to the close
of the session. I inquired if he was firm and reliable, and
if he would stand by the President against Congress and
General Grant if they resorted to revolutionary meas
ures, which from certain indications are not improbable.
On that point neither of them was assured. I named Frank
Blair as a man whom Grant respected and Stanton feared,
who, with some infirmities, had courage and energy to
meet any crisis, and who would be a fearless and reliable
friend of the President and of sound constitutional prin
ciples. Brovraing responded favorably; Stanbery said
nothing. The President, after the others left, expressed himself
' Jacob Dolson Cox, Governor of Ohio (1866-67) and afterwards Secre
tary of the Interior under Grant.

232 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 8
favorably to Blair. I urged the point farther. Told him
Seward would be likely to object, but that, I thought,
ought not to infiuence his action. I did not hesitate to
tell him my apprehensions of Sherman, — that if Grant
opposed the Administration, Sherman would be likely not
to support it. Something had been said of Tom Evring,
senior, for a Cabinet officer, but he is too old and clumsy
for such a period as this; but I thought him right on
present questions, and if here, he might have influence
with Sherman, who had been his ward and who married
his daughter. I doubted, however, whether he would de
tach Sherman from Grant. The President spoke of Sher
man's superior intellect to Grant. I acknowledged that
he had more genius and briUiancy, but had not the firm
ness, persistency, and stubborn wUl which are the strong
points of Grant, who is not a very enlightened man. When
ever the two are associated. Grant's obstinacy wiU make
his the master mind, and if there were to be antagonism
vrith Grant, the President might have to depend on some
other man than Sherman.
The President said that Grant had gone entirely over
to the Radicals, and was with Congress. I told him that
was my opinion, and I was fearful he was so far involved
that he could not be withdrawn from mischievous influ
ences. The elections of to-day may have their influence,
however, in this matter.
October 9, Wednesday. The President showed me to
day General Sickles' letter demanding a court of inquiry,
with Grant's favorable indorsement and the draft of a
reply. The latter did not suit me, and I suggested
changes. The returns of the Pennsylvania and Ohio elections show
most extraordinary results, and indicate the overthrow
of the Radicals and the downfaU of that party. The
reports are hardly credible.
Montgomery Blair called this evening and is jubUant

1867] GRANT AND SHERMAN 233
over the election news, but expresses his mortification
and chagrin that the President should have called Sher
man home, whom he denounces as a Radical, — treacher
ous, ambitious, and no friend of the President. Blair's
prejudices are deep and often mar his general good
sense. October 10, Thursday. I wrote the form of an indorse
ment to be put on Sickles' application, or demand, for a
court of inquiry, which I handed to the President. He
was pleased with it, and it was certainly preferable to his
extended document.
I took the occasion to again express my distrust of
Sherman as his reliable friend for such an emergency as
was anticipated; and advised most earnestly that he should,
if he had not already, have a frank and unreserved con
versation vrith Grant. The time, I assured him, had arrived
when this subject should receive prompt and decisive
attention; there could be no impropriety, but it was a
matter of duty on his part, to have a thorough under
standing "with his immediate friends, and especially with
his Secretary of War and General-in-Chief; that I knew
not how freely he had communicated with Grant, but
I thought G. loved office and was pleased with his posi
tion, was gratified with confidence and attention. There
are indications that he is under Radical influence ; if com
mitted to these, we should know it. I reminded him that
on one occasion he had persuaded, or convinced. Grant
that he was "wrong, and caused him to recede and with
draw his letter.
I reminded him also that Grant occupied, after himself,
the most important post in the country; that he was and
would be a tower of strength to any party; that without
him the Radicals and Congress could do nothing. I ad
mitted that he had not as enlarged and intelligent "views
as was desirable on political and govemmental questions,
that he was too much under the influence of little and un-

234 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 10
worthy men, but I trusted, though selfish, he was at heart
honest, patriotic, and desirous of doing right. If so, and
his views were correct without poUtical aspirations, kind
attention, persuasion, argument, and tmth from the Pre
sident would not be lost upon him.
The President Ustened attentively, received my sug
gestions kindly, thanked me for them, and assured me
he would have an interview with Grant, — to-morrow, if
possible, though to-morrow is Cabinet day.
October 19, Saturday. Time has been wanting for some
days to enter occurrences. The President informs me that
he called on General Grant in pursuance of my advice.
He went to the War Department last Saturday, a week
to-day, and consulted in a friendly way with General
Grant; told Grant he could not be ignorant of the schemes
and threats that were made, and must be aware that it
was his (the President's) duty to be prepared to "vindicate
the rights of the Executive and maintain the Constitu
tion, and resist invasions and usurpations. Should an
attempt be made to depose or arrest him before trial or
con"viction, — if impeachment were attempted, — he de
sired to know if he would be sustained and whether officers
in high position would obey his orders.
He says Grant met him frankly, seemed to appreciate
fully the question and the object of his inquiry; said he
should expect to obey orders; that should he (Grant)
change his mind he would ad"vise the President in season,
that he might have time to make arrangements.
Under these declarations the President thought he
might rely on General Grant. He could, after this avowal,
press the point no farther.
In this I think he was correct. Grant vrill make good
his word, and act, I have no doubt, in good faith. I so
said to the President, and expressed my gratification that
the interchange of views had taken place. At the same
time I requested him to continue and increase his intim-

1867] GRANT AND THE RADICALS 235
acy with Grant, who is not intelUgent, — seems to be
patriotic and right-minded, but the Radicals of every
description are laboring to mislead him. Defeated in the
recent elections, and vrith public opinion setting against
the obnoxious measures, the scheming intriguers begin to
rally around Grant, — speak of him as their candidate
for President, — not that they want him, but they are
fearful he will be taken up by the Democrats.
October 23, Wednesday. Randall says that Boutwell
disavows any intention of arresting, or attempting to
arrest, the President before impeachment and convic
tion. Says it cannot be done, and does not favor the
scheme of Stevens to that purpose. If this is so, the con
versation of the President with General Grant is already
ha"ving its effects. Boutwell is a fanatic, a little insin
cere, "violent, and yet has much of the demagogic cun
ning. He has been, and is, for making Grant the Radical
candidate for President. He has the sagacity to see
that vrith Grant opposed to them the Radicals would be
annUulated. Grant had therefore, I infer, admonished
BoutweU that he cannot be party to any movement for
arresting the President before trial and con"viction, and
"vrill not be an instrument in such a work. This accounts
for Boutwell's declarations to Randall. I so stated to the
President this afternoon, and he seemed struck with my
explanation. When the Cabinet adjoumed yesterday, the President
requested me to remain, and submitted to me a letter
of some length addressed to the heads of Departments.
It made mention of the condition of pubhc affairs, the
attempt that was to be made to arrest him, etc., etc., and
concluded vrith requesting of each member his opinion on
the subject, and in what manner each would advise him
to proceed. I told the President the subject was important
and that I thought he would be justified in ascertain
ing the opinions and views of his Cabinet fully and ex-

236 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct.23
pUcitly, especially if the subject was pressed. I suggested
that in this stage of the proceedings, it was perhaps better
to put the subject hypotheticaUy than to make a positive
assertion of what the Radicals intended. Their intrigues
may be checked or modified, or abandoned. He concurred,
and wUl hold the matter under consideration.

LIV
Cabinet Discussion of the Question of Arrest — The President's Message —
The Judiciary Committee of the House reports in favor of Impeachment
— The President's Message to the Senate giving Reasons for suspending
Stanton — The Alabama Claims discussed in Cabinet — A Complaint
from Alabama against General Pope's Oppression — Grant's President
ial Aspirations — Senator Nye introduces a Bill to estabhsh a Board of
Survey to supervise the Naval Bureaus — Admiral Porter thought to be
behind it — Porter's Services and Ambition — Thurlow Weed moving
for Grant — The Retirement of Captain R. W. Meade, U.S.N. , called
up for Revision — Raymond and the PhUadelphia Convention.
November 30, Saturday. A long and serious illness has
prevented me from recording some important events.
Yesterday, though weak and debilitated, I for the first
time in four weeks attended a Cabinet-meeting. When last
at the councU room I was quite ill; came home and went on
to my bed, which I did not leave for twenty-one days,
except once, on the seventh, for a few moments, which
did me no good. Thanks to a good God, my health is
restored, for which I am indebted to the faithful nursing
of the best of vrives and the kind attention of my physician.
Little of interest was done in Cabinet yesterday. The
President and all the Cabinet manifested great pleasure
on seeing me. Each of them has been friendly in calling
during my illness, the President sometimes twice a day.
To-day the President laid before us his Annual Message.
A sound, strong, good document. After its perusal, and
running criticism, he submitted a letter addressed to the
Cabinet, stating the condition of affairs, — the proposed
impeachment and the proposition to suspend the President,
or any officer when impeached, until after his trial, and
judgment by the Senate. There was great uncertainty
of opinion on the subject in the discussion.
That the President should submit tobe tried if the House

238 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 30
preferred articles was the opinion of all. That he should
consent to, or permit himself to, be arrested or suspended
before conviction was in opposition to the opinion of each
and all.
General Grant said it would be clearly ex post facto to
pass a law for suspension in the case of the President, and,
unless the Supreme Court sustained, it ought not to be
submitted to. If Congress should pass a law directing
that offlcers should be suspended whenever the House
impeached the offlcer, that would be a different thing.
Then it would be the law, knovra in advance.
I agreed with General Grant that a law in the Presi
dent's case would be ex post facto and therefore to be re
sisted, if attempted. But I went farther and denied that
Congress had authority to suspend the President, — the
Executive, a coordinate branch of the govemment, — on
the mere party caprice of a majority of the House of
Representatives. Mr. Randall was very emphatic in denouncing such a
movement as destructive to the govemment.
General Grant said he thought a mere law of Congress
would not justify suspension or authorize it, but that there
should be an amendment of the Constitution to effect it.
We all assented that if the Constitution so ordered,
submission was a duty, but not othervrise.
A few days since, the Judiciary Conunittee, who have
been engaged by direction of the House to search the
Union, ransack prisons, investigate the household of the
President, examine his bank accounts, etc., etc., to see if
some colorable ground for impeachment could not be
found, made their several reports. A majority were for
impeachment. Until just before the report was submitted,
a majority were against, but at the last moment, ChurchUl,
a Member from the Oswego, New York, district went over,
without any new fact, to the impeachers. Speculators
and Wall Street operators in gold had expected that a re
solution for impeachment would cause sudden rise in gold.

1867] COMMITTEE REPORTS IMPEACHMENT 239
Unfortunately for them, no rise took place, but there was
a falUng-off . If Churchill was influenced by the speculat
ors, as is generally supposed, his change did not benefit
them, and in every point of view was discreditable to him.
Boutwell, who made the report to the House, is a fan
atic, impulsive, violent; an ardent, narrow-minded parti
san, vrithout much judgment; not devoid of talents, with
more industry than capacity, ambitious of notoriety, with
a mind vrithout comprehension nor well trained; an ex
treme Radical, destitute of fairness where party is involved.
The report was drawn up by Thomas Williams of Pitts
burg, a former partner of Stanton's, a rank disorganizer,
a repudiator, vindictive, remorseless, unscrupulous, re
gardless of constitutional obligations and of truth as
well as fairness, who was put upon the Committee because
he had these qualities. The other three gentlemen of the
majority may be called smoothbores, — men of small
calibre but intense partyism. The report and its conclu
sions condemn themselves, and are likely to fail, even in
this Radical House. Whether such would have been their
fate had the elections gone differently is another question.
The voice of the people has cooled the Radical mania, and
checked their vrild action.
December 3, Tuesday. There was a brief session of the
Cabinet to-day. The Message is generally well received
not"withstanding its decision and firm tone. Some of the ex
treme Radicals are angry and excited by reason of the calm
and unanswerable argument of the Democrats. I have
been surprised that some of the Radical journals have
received the Message so meekly. They try to excuse or
reUeve themselves by declaring that the President is ir
ritable, ill-tempered, and that in opposing the military
governments and schemes to establish negro supremacy
he is putting himself in antagonism to Congress.
December 10, Tuesday. Am slowly recovering strength.

240 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. lo
Little of special interest was done in the Cabinet. We are
receiving shocking accounts of earthquakes and storms in
the West Indies. Two of our naval steamers, the Monon-
gahela and the De Soto, are reported to have been wrecked,
— throvvm ashore and left high and dry by the receding
waves. Over a hundred shocks of earthquakes are said to
have taken place. Our accounts are by telegraph and not
entirely reliable.
December 12, Thursday. The President requested me by
note to call on him at eleven to-day. Stanbery and Brovra
ing were also there by in"vitation. The President sub
mitted a message to the Senate, communicating some of
his reasons for suspending the Secretary of War. (No
removal has yet taken place.) It is an able document.
He first asked my opinion, and I so stated, but in -view of
the traits and pecuUar attitude of Grant, in whom the
President had not lost all confidence, suggested that it
would be well to inform the Senate that the Secretary ad
interim had performed the duties acceptably, and that the
reforms he had made and the economy he had practiced
were of benefit to the coimtry. He says he has dismissed
some forty supernumerary clerks. Both S. and B. con
curred in the suggestion. S. said it was a "wise suggestion.
A brief statement was accordingly added to the close. I
should have made it more fuU and declared that General
Grant had my confidence thus far in administering the
offlce, if such is the fact, and thus have hitched him to
the Administration. It would have made an issue between
him and the Stanton Radicals.
Governor Dennison, who is here, tells me that when
Stanton was suspended, he coaxed and wheedled the com
mendatory letter from Grant, when taking possession of
the Department, but did not make the retum which Grant
expected. December 13, Friday. After disposing of business in the

1867] DISCUSSION OP ALABAMA CLAIMS 241
Cabinet, spoke to the President in regard to the commun
ication to the Senate concerning Stanton's refusal to re
sign. He said he by no means intended it should be with
held from the public. I suggested that the Radicals did
not intend his communication should appear until Stanton
could reply and in some way weaken or stave off the effect
of his statement.
Some days since, Seward submitted his last correspond
ence with Lord Stanley relative to the Alabama claims.
Stanley declines to submit the action of the British Govem
ment to arbitration. Seward insists that everything shall
be included. Mr. Stanbery inquired whether we had not
a case strong enough vrithout insisting on the second point.
Seward said, whether we had or not, he wanted that point
should go vrith the other. Stanbery asked if we were not
weak on the second point. Seward thought not. Some
discussion took place in regard to the Queen's Proclama
tion and the recogmtion of belligerent rights, which Seward
denounced. Stanbery could not recall the facts. I stated
that the declaration of blockade, which was an intema
tional question, instead of a closure of the ports, which was
a domestic question, was claimed in accordance vrith the
views, and a justification of the action, of the British Gov
emment. "That is the distinction," said Stanbery, "the
point that was in my mind."
December 17, Tuesday. The President to-day read a
communication which he proposed to send into Congress,
commending Hancock for the views expressed in his gen
eral order and his deference to the ci"vil law. Should he
send it in, he vrill exasperate the Radicals, but it may have
the effect of inducing a contrast between the action of
Hancock and the other military generals now at the head
of departments.
December 19, Thursday. Having dispatched some busi
ness to-day with the President, I was about leaving, when
3

242 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 19
he requested me to remain. He had, however, nothing
special to commimicate, but e"vidently desired a few mo
ments for conversation. We ran over several subjects.
His communication respecting the suspension of Stanton,
I took occasion to compliment, and [I said I thought] that
its effect on the public mind was good. He spoke of his
message in regard to Hancock, which he e"vidently thinks
is a skillful movement. I spoke of it as less effective than
the other, and [said] that the Radicals, finding themselves
weak with Stanton, would make fierce attack on this; but
that would lead to criticism on the other viceroy generals
to their disadvantage.
Yes, he added, and would bring out before the country
the weakness of General Grant, who, he was sorry to per
ceive, was becoming identified vrith the tyrannical and
oppressive measures of the miUtary commanders. This is
true, and I have no doubt that this consideration had its
effect in producing the Hancock Message. He told me,
what he has before repeatedly said, that Grant had ex
pressed his dislike of Stanton, yet he had been induced to
write him (the President) that improper letter, which has
just been published. I informed him that I was satisfied
that Grant had been seduced by Stanton to write that
letter. Govemor Dennison had told me of the letter and of
Grant's regret that he had been persuaded to write it, —
a fact which had reached him through some of Grant's
staff by way of Garfield. In no other way could D. have
known of such a letter, for he gave me this information
some time before Grant's private letter was published.
December 20, Friday. Whilst in Cabinet-meeting, the
President handed me a letter from Forsyth of Alabama,
imploring him to grant and extend to the people of that
military district relief from the malgovemment, oppres
sion, and outrage of General Pope. He subsequently
handed the letter around to some others. I heard Stanbery
say to Bro"wninghe wasglad to see this; that the tme course

1867] GENERAL POPE IN ALABAMA 243
was to let it go on; that the country would overwhelm Rad
icalism as soon as it could be reached. Seward, Grant, and
Randall left immediately on the completion of the necessary
official business. Stanbery and Browning had put on their
overcoats and taken their hats to leave, when I felt that
there really should be something said respecting the con
dition of things in General Pope's dominions, and asked
the gentlemen if they had read Forsyth's letter. Stanbery
promptly repUed that he had; that everything was working
weU; that the President must not move a finger; let the
Radicals have their own way, they are killing themselves,
etc. To aU this Browning assented. I inquired what in the
mean time was to become of the people of Alabama. We
were not bearing iMir suffering. Is the President dis
charging his duty, and we ours, if we quietly vritness these
wrongs, these palpable "^dolations of constitutional rights,
and the subversion of society and govemment, without
trying to prevent it? Both S. and B. insisted that it was
best and most poUtic to let these enormities go on; the
indignation of the country was rising. I said the indigna
tion of the suffering South, but the non-suffering North
were not indignant.
McCulloch said there were two sides to the question. He
had his doubts whether the President should remain pass
ive, and, aUuding to a remark of mine that the President
should always do right, — that he must not permit or do
evil that good might come, — McC. said he had been
alarmed when the President removed Sheridan, a meas
ure which I advised but which he and others opposed;
that he had apprehended the measure would be disastrous
to the Administration, but it had not injured, it had
strengthened, the President and damaged the Radicals.
In "view of the effect in that case, he was not prepared to
say it was not best to deal in like manner vrith Pope. Stan
bery and B. were vehement and eamest in their protests;
claimed the responsibility and odium was wholly on the
Radicals. I again asked, if the President could relieve

244 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 20
them and did not, if he was released from responsibiUty.
What would be the judgment of the people and the record
of history, if the President, knovring these wrongs and
having it in his power to remove the tyrant, failed to do it?
As a poUtical move, they said, it would be injudicious, and
left, I have no doubt, with the behef that I am a rash
and injudicious adviser. It is, however, the old difference.
They are Whigs; I am a Democrat. They are afraid to
trust the people on a question of right; I hold it our safety
and strength.
December 24, Tuesday. A few Members of Congress re
main in the city, but most have left for Christmas vacation.
The adjournment and an interview vrith their constituents
may do them and the coimtry good. The elections of the
year and the unmistakable e"vidence of condemnation by
the people have annoyed them, but there is not among
them the patriotism, ability, and independence to extricate
themselves from the control of intriguing conspirators,
who by secret caucuses have made it impossible for them
to retrace their steps, and try to do right. Among the
Radicals there is little statesmanship. They are striving
to retain their usurped power by outrageous measures and
violence. Chief Justice Chase still aspires to be the Radical candi
date for President, but few, however, of the Radicals are
disposed to gratify his aspirations. Among bankers,
speculators, and a certain class of capitalists he finds sup
porters, and he has a quasi strength among the Southem
Radicals and negroes. The RepubUcans, or the conserva
tive element of what was the Republican Party, are favor
ing General Grant. Comprising the largest segment, they
vrill be likely to control party action to the disgust of the
earnest Radicals, who, however, dare not oppose the move
ment. Grant himself is not only willing but grows daily
more and more anxious ; his aspirations, although he strives
to conceal them, are equal to and even surpass those of the

1867] GRANT'S ASPIRATIONS 245
Chief Justice. His reticence is all a matter of calculation;
he fears to commit himself on anything lest he should lose
votes. But popular opinion moves him. A year since he
believed that the country was fully committed to Radical
ism, and under that conviction he became identified with
the Radicals, changing his previously expressed opinions
and acting with them until the recent fall elections. Those
results astonished no man more than Grant, and he has
felt uneasy under his hasty committals, while striving to
be reserved. Stanton, whom he dislikes, has managed
to get him committed, which he would not have done had
Grant better understood pubhc sentiment. But in Wash
bume and other Uttle Radicals he has had surroundings
that controlled him.
I am becoming impressed "with the idea that Grant may
prove a dangerous man. He is devoid of patriotism, is
ignorant but cunning, yet greedy for office and power. In
discussion, from time to time in Cabinet, when he has been
necessarUy to some extent drawn out, this shadow of mUi
tary absolutism has crossed my mind. It struck me more
forcibly to-day when the military govemment of the South
was under consideration. General Hancock thinks he shaU
want another regiment or battalion of white troops. Gen
eral Canby writes a doleful account of destitution and
need of help for the poor. General Ord vrishes tobe relieved.
I could see that Grant was not displeased that Hancock
caUed for more troops, and also that the wish of Ord met
his approval. He gave Ord the credit of being very hon
est, but imsteady and fond of change. Thought it best to
send him to the Pacific and recall McDonald to supply his
place. In the mean time. General Gillem would discharge
the duties. The President asked if Gillem could not as well
fill Pope's place as Ord's. Grant, who knew the President's
purpose, grinned and said he did not know how that was.
On the necessity of feeding the freedmen, especially re
ferred to by Canby, and aUuded to by the others, with a
very teUing letter from General Gillem on the condition of

246 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 24
affairs, there was much said, a good deal of which was not
pertinent. Grant remarked he had seen General Howard,
who had some funds which would hold out untU Congress
came together, when, undoubtedly, provision would be
made. Stanbery said the people of the South were in a
deplorable state, and he could see no permanent reUef for
them except from the Treasury, which the people would
not long stand.
Seward said there were always disturbances in times of
scanty pro"vi8ions; that this was always felt most in the
cities and often ran into riots. He told a story of a man
who "wished on a stormy night to send a message and prof
fered a guinea, the usual fee, to the messenger, who wanted
two. This he refused to give, and the two parted in high
anger with each other. After several hours the gentleman
gave in, tendered the two guineas, and the messenger, who
wanted the money, accepted it and did the duty. The
planters and negroes, he guessed, would after a whUe feel
the need of each other and come together.
I expressed dislike of the "views taken, for only temporary
and superficial reUef was talked of, or proposed, for an en
during evil. The whole fabric of ci"vil govemment, indus
trial employment, and social society has been overthro"wn,
upturned, and prostrated by the penurious, partisan legis
lation of Congress, and the talk of reUef by feeding the lazy
and destitute negroes for a few weeks was an absurdity.
There was no probabiUty that the planter and the negro
would come together and act harmoniously whUe the Fed
eral Govemment was exerting its power to make them an
tagonistic. Grant once or tvrice intermpted me, and I could
see did not like my remarks. So also vrith Seward, who is
always a temporizer, but Grant is acting vrith a purpose,
and in concert with Radicals and the mUitary.
I see by the paper that Stanton has retumed. He has
been in Washington but little since his suspension. It is
said he fears personal chastisement from persons whom
while in office he has insulted and wronged. This, I think.

1867] NYE'S BOARD OF SURVEY BILL 247
can hardly be the case, for he knows himself to be still in
offlce. He cannot do otherwise than make some answer to
the President's communication respecting him.
The President informed me a few days since that Stan
ton's bull against Sherman for the treaty vrith Johnston
was "without his authority or knowledge. That being the
fact, it was a piece of arrogance and impudence which at
the time ought to have been rebuked. Supposing it to have
been issued vrith the sanction of the President, I had with
others submitted to it as an administrative measure and
attempted to justify it.
The House of Representatives soon after Congress met
passed a resolution to curtail work at the navy yards. It
came opportunely, for we were about issuing orders to
reduce work, which always creates distress at this season.
I was not unvrilUng that Congress, which is captious
towards the Department, should take its share of respons
ibUity when its resolution was uncalled-for and passed for
seU-glorification. As I expected, the dismissed workmen
are full of complaints and suffering, and to some extent
have annoyed the Members.
Senator Nye introduced while I was sick a bill to estab
Ush a Board of Survey, in other words a Board of Admir
alty, to be composed of the Admiral, or Vice-Admiral, as
president, and two rear-admirals. This Board is to super
vise and control the bureaus, and virtually supersede the
Secretary. It is to perform no labor and to be exempt
from all responsibility. I have no difflculty in tracing the
origin of this bill to Vice-Admiral Porter, who is uneasy,
scheming, ambitious, wasteful in expenditure, partial and
prejudiced as regards officers, a most unfit administrator
of ci"vil affairs, though brave and full of resources as a com
mander. For two or three weeks he had charge of the
Bureau of Detail, and his action was demoralizing and
injurious. As Superintendent of the Naval Academy he has been
efficient, because there has been much to do, and he has

248 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 24
been enabled to make large expenditures. But I have been
compelled to check, Umit, and to some extent regulate
these matters. I am held accountable for expenses; he
derives credit for whatever is done. This is right enough, if
rightly understood. I have aUowed him to have his selec
tion of officers, almost without restraint, and cliquism is
the result. His officers are, in his opinion, the only good
officers in the service, and those who have been associated
with him and under his immediate command he com
mends indiscriminately; and, in "violation of regulations, he
gives them individually, one and aU, indorsement, to the
great embarrassment of the Department.
In war and afloat. Porter is, though always presuming,
one of the best officers in the service and gaUantly won his
position. I have always given him, full credit for his services
and shovra my appreciation of him as an officer. At the
Naval Academy he has done weU because there has been
much to do, but, as the work is being completed and he is
relieved from employment, he grows restless and desires
action in a sphere to which he is not adapted. This crude
bantling of his, which Nye has introduced, is a miserable
contrivance to get place and power for himseU at Wash
ington. During the War, when we were buUding a hundred
vessels yearly, had five hundred vessels in commission, and
fifty thousand seamen in service, no such board was
needed; they would have been a positive drag and hin
drance. Now, when we are building no new vessels, launch
ing but two or three a year of those commenced and on the
stocks, the idea of such a board is absurd. Our Admiral
and Vice-Admiral wUl be wanted on active duty in war,
when such a board, if of any use, would have most to do.
It is bureau, not naval, ser"vice that is sought.
December 27, Friday. Great complaints of distress and
suffering at the South are made, not without cause. Gen
eral demoralization is the result of vicious partisan legisla
tion. There can be little doubt that Greneral Grant, though

1867] WEED MOVING FOR GRANT 249
secretive, is fully, and probably irretrievably, committed to
the Radical policy, and there are unmistakable indications
that he was in the original movement to overthrow the
States and establish martial law by Congressional enact
ments. General Ord asks to be reUeved from his place in
Mississippi and Arkansas. General Grant says he has
asked this repeatedly for four or five months past, and he.
Grant, now advises and urges that he may be relieved.
Why Grant should be so extremely urgent now, whUe he
has never before mentioned it, I cannot tell. The President,
while he seemed not anxious to relieve Ord, who appears to
be conscientious, said he must get rid of Pope. This Grant
did not oppose, but he did not readily concur in or advise.
J. F. Babcock of New Haven gave me some days since an
account of an interview he had vrith Thurlow Weed on the
day preceding the Grant meeting at the Cooper Institute.
Babcock and Weed have been old friends for more than
thirty years, personal and pohtical. The two met in New
York, and W. asked B. to call upon him, which he did, and
found W. busy giving directions to persons in regard to the
meeting, enjoining the necessity of having Stewart to pre
side, — that it must be personally seen to, etc., etc.
After the others had left, the two entered upon political
matters, — the Grant movement, the meeting, etc. Weed
said he had taken up Grant as he did General Taylor; had
told him, as he told Taylor, to make no declarations, to
write no letters, and, if he strictly followed his advice and
directions, he would elect him. B. asked if the country was
not getting tired of the military, — if the miUtary govem-
ments of the South were not sickening the nation. For his
own part, B. said, he was tired of generals for civU service,
— wanted some other material for President. Weed be
came excited, accused him of being misled, etc., etc. I am
reminded of this by seeing a caU for Grant meetings by
Stewart and others of the Cooper Institute meeting. The
caU says they vrish to take the Grant movement out of the
hands of poUticians. Yet the whole proceeding is com-

250 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 27
menced, fed, and carried on by the most scheming, intrigu
ing, and unscrupulous partisan politician in the country,
who has cunningly contrived to persuade Stewart, Vander
bUt, Moses Taylor to be used without their knovring who
used, or is using, them.
December 31, Tuesday. The retirement of R. W. Meade '
was called up to-day for revision. The Attomey-General
had his law-books and documents, was anxious to find
some book or authority to justify the President if he would
order a re"view or reexamination of the case. He made
quite an argument ; went into specialties on certain sections
of the acts of 1862 and 1864; thought the President could
exercise authority, etc., etc. I could perceive from certain
promptings and suggestions of the President that he and
the Attorney-General had been in consultation on the sub
ject, ha^dng been urged thereto, not only by Captain M.
and his family, but by his brother-in-law. Judge Meigs, and
especially by his brother, General Meade.
It was the old question over again of favoritism and
family influence at the expense of good administration
and established usage. I told them that Captain Meade
was retired by law; nevertheless the President could, if he
chose, order a reexamination, but after aU I did not see
how it could affect the case, or how it would if another
board had immediately been ordered. Should we now have
another board, let the result be as it might, whether like
that of the former board or opposed to it, a commodore is
to be appointed, for there is a vacancy. Meade is not at
the head of the list. The President must either nominate
him in opposition to the report of the board or he must
override their report and pass Meade for the next man.
The Senate is to act on the case, and I have little doubt
what would be its action. I should be sorry to see the usage
of the Department set aside in any case, very sorry to see
' Captain Richard Worsam Meade was a brother of General George G.
Meade. He had been retired on December 11.

1867] THE CASE OF CAPTAIN R. W. MEADE 251
it in such a case as this, which has really no merit or claim
whatever. It would be a bad precedent, which the Presi
dent would have cause to regret. These exceptional cases,
whatever naight be the influence of family or friends,
should not be permitted.
But the result, which I foresaw from the first was to be
the case, was a reexamination by order of the President.
The Attorney-General, instead of rightly advising the
President, has been flattered by General Meade's atten
tions and solicitations and those of others. So it was in
Goldsborough's case. The Administration loses respect by
giving way when its duty is plain to stand firm.
After Cabinet-meeting, the President intimated a wish
that I would remain. The subject of the removal of Pope
and the manner in which it has been received was talked
over. I asked the President if he had seen Raymond's letter
in regard to the Philadelphia Convention and his subse
quent action. He said he had. I remarked that it did not,
as he knew, disappoint me to learn that Rasrmond had
helped destroy the good effects of that convention and that
he relapsed into Radicalism.
DooUttle and others were deceived in that matter. I was
satisfied of it when the call was issued. Postmaster-Gen
eral Randall was the tool of Seward, who was himself in
fluenced by Weed, to mislead those who commenced in
good faith. Cowan and Doolittle were with me in their
con"victions. But Randall, with a set of fellows, tools of
Seward and himself, whom I never before or since met
vrith in any consultation, carried their point. Doolittle
thought it a great thing to secure Raymond and the New
York Times, and, to get hun enlisted, the call was softened,
principles were omitted, and in the end Raymond and
the Times directed us, having first duped men who should
not have been deceived.

LV
Senator Grimes wishes to reorganize the Engineer Corps of the Nsivy —
Jealousy between the Line Officers and the Engineers — The Indian
"War" — Stanton's Case in Congress — Charles Francis Adams re
signs the Ministry to England — The President considers appointing
General McCIellan to the Place — John Sherman's Instabihty — Grant
leaves the War Department — His Explanation of his Course, made in
Cabinet — WiU Stanton resign? — The Naval Estimates and the House
Committee on Appropriations — Grant keeps away from the White
I House — Mrs. Welles's Reception — Grant's Interview with Stanton —
The PoUtical Situation in Connecticut — Grant writes the President
denying the Reports of his Action in abandoning his Position as Secre
tary of War ad interim.
January 1, 1868, Wednesday. Mrs. WeUes and myself
paid respects "with the rest of the Cabinet and the Judiciary
to the President at eleven this moming. The arrange
ments for reception at the Executive Mansion not very
well systematized, but better, I think, than last year.
The morning was unpleasant, and after the severe snow
storm of yesterday, the streets were not in good condition.
About noon the weather came off pleasant.
Received company until nearly 4 p.m., commencing at
twelve. Some four hundred calls. Found myself very tired
and exhausted at the close, not having fuUy recovered
my strength after my recent illness.
January 2, Thursday. Some talk vrith Senator Grimes
of a general character concerning naval matters. He is in
tensely hostile tolsherwood and the whole Engineer Corps,
being stimulated by Porter, and has in "view the prepara
tion of a bill for the thorough reorganization of the corps.
I do not find, however, that he has any well-defined plan.
Thinks there are too many engineers. Says there are fewer
in the French service; but the French have an auxiliary

1868] GRIMES AND THE ENGINEER CORPS 253
force called mechanicians who answer the purpose of our
second and third assistants.
Grimes has imbibed aU the prejudices of certain line
officers against the engineers, who are becoming a formid
able power and rivals with the line officers in the ser"rice.
His nephew Walker, now attached to the Naval Academy,
infiuenced by Porter, is the moving spirit vrith Grimes.
The differences which are grovring up between the line
officers and the engmeers, fostered by Porter, who has but
little administrative capacity or sense, can be prevented
in but one way, and that I have suggested in my reports
two and three years since. The officers must themselves
become engineers as well as saUors, — be able to direct the
motor power below as well as above the deck.
This proposition did not meet vrith favor on the part
of most of the line officers. I hardly supposed it would,
for they had become too gld to leam, or had no talent for
mechanism or learning. Still, the necessity of the case
I hoped would lead to sensible conclusions. The engineers
were as averse to being absorbed as the officers to absorb
ing them.
It is, I think, the only true solution of a great difficulty,
but to accompUsh it time, energy, perseverance, and wiU
are requisite, backed and sustained by Congress and by
better counsel than Porter's among naval men. A younger
man than myseff must embark in this conffict, and the
policy, once commenced, must be carried forward by suc
ceeding Secretaries. I should have pressed the subject,
which I had initiated, but, besides encountering the op
position of officers and engineers, Congress became so
constituted and other questions so interwoven, that the
subject could not at this time be successfuUy carried for
ward. I have no idea that Grimes can present a successful plan.
He may reorganize the Engineer Department, sift it of
some of its old and trashy members, but he cannot have
a steam na"vy vrithout engineers, and they are, and will be,

254 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 2
a body to be in constant rivalry and colUsion with the
naval line officers.
January 3, Friday. Little of interest in Cabinet.
Dined vrith Mrs. W. at the President's. The dinner was
complimentary to General Sherman. Only he and his
daughter, his father-in-law Thomas Ewing, Stanbery and
lady, who were old tovraship acquaintances of Sherman's,
were present, except the President and his daughters. It
was a pleasant party. General Sherman says it is the first
time he has ever dined at the Executive Mansion. The
President is desirous of making close friendship vrith Sher
man, and may succeed, but he cannot detach him from
General Grant, even if disposed. Although the two men
are unlike, there is between them close identification.
January 7, Tuesday. After council, at which nothing of
special interest occurred, some conversation took place
relative to the banquet to-morrow evening. The Attomey-
General concludes to go and come out squarely. I had
previously advised it, and told him I made no secret of my
position. He said, "We are aU aware of that."
I have this evening written a brief letter to the banquet.
These letters are always troublesome, but the committee
made special request, and I perceived that the President
wished it.
January 10, Friday. Brovraing submitted and read ex
tracts from the report of the Indian Commission, which
has been in session, composed of Grenerals Sherman, Har
vey, Terry, etc. It shows that the Indian war was no war
at all; that our people, not the Indians, were in fault; that
in the struggle which took place in the Cabinet months
ago between Stanton and Bro"wning, the latter was right,
— that Stanton really desired an Indian war. After
aggressions on the part of the white?, the Indians killed
a number, and our army succeeded in killing six Indians.

1868] STANTON'S CASE IN CONGRESS 255
This war wUl cost the country scarcely less than fifty
milUons. The people wUl in due time learn the value of
"Carnot," the di"vine Stanton. Senator Howard has pre
pared an elaborate reply to the President's communication
stating the reasons for removing Stanton, which he calls
a "Report." This he has given to the public before either
the Senate or his committee has seen it. He now complains
that certain newspaper correspondents have been guilty
of breach of confidence. But he is the first and chief crim
inal in this matter. His argument states a falsehood in re
lation to the New Orleans telegram. He asserts that "at
once" was interpolated. This is not true; I have seen the
telegram which Stanton sent the President, and it contains
these words.
January 11, Saturday. Senator Doolittle called at my
house early this moming and says the Radicals are de
termined to press a vote in Stanton's case to-day. The
Committee, except himself, adopt Howard's argument, and
exhibit an unwUUngness to give him an opportunity to
reply or permit a minority report. He asked me to go with
him to the President and have an immediate interview.
The President promptly received us and heard D.'s state
ment calmly. I thought he did not seem displeased that
the Radicals were hasty and violent. "But," said he,
"does the Senate propose to proceed in this matter with
out submitting the argument and statement of Senator
Howard?" I suggested to D. that he had best present a resolution
that Howard's document, or a copy, should be sent to the
President for any comment he might be pleased to make.
This both considered proper. D. says that they have
stmck out that portion which related to the mutilation of
the New Orleans telegram; but they must not be let off so.
Howard's falsehood has gone abroad to the country, and
should be officially corrected. The President brought for
ward the original telegram given him by Stanton, and also

256 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. ii
a certified copy of what was received at the War Depart
ment, containing the words alleged to be interpolated.
Doolittle had to hurry away to meet his committee.
McCulloch came in just before he left, and while we were
there a telegram was recieved by the President from Gov
emor Jenkins of Georgia to the effect that General Meade
had ordered him to issue a warrant on the Treasurer of the
State for the payment of the bogus Convention, and threat
ening the Governor vrith removal in case he refused. I ex
pressed my astonishment and a hope that Meade would be
asked to show by what authority he issued such order and
by what authority he assumed to depose the Govemor of
a State. McCulloch said nothing. The President was morti
fied and chagrined that he should have been disappointed
in Meade, who follows in the wake of Pope. These generals
show their unfitness for civil position, and their ignorance
and disregard of constitutional obUgations and ci"vU and
individual rights. This is, I am satisfied, current among
these generals and a secret moving power behind them.
As McCulloch and I were lea"ving, the President re
quested me to remain. He said he wished to inform me
that Mr. Adams had sent in his resignation as Minister, to
take effect on the first of April, or May, he was not certain
which, and asked me who I thought would be a proper per
son for the place. He had, he said, an indi"vidual in his
mind, and his object was to see whether my mind took the
same direction. I remarked that the subject took me by
surprise, but his intimation that he had a person in his
mind made me think of Mr. Seward. Not that Mr. Seward
would be my selection were the field open, but, talking
vrith him frankly and vrithout reserve, we both knew that
Mr. S. was a weight upon him, and that the Democrats
would not give their confidence to an Administration
which retained him in the Cabinet. As a political move,
I thought it might be effected, provided S. was willing to
take it, which was, perhaps, uncertain.
Before I had concluded, I saw by the expression of his

1868] C. F. ADAMS'S RESIGNATION 257
face and by his manner, that our minds were not in ac
cord, — that Seward was not the man whom he proposed
to appoint ; and he said S. was not the man whom he had
thought of. Bunning hastily over prominent characters,
no one struck me as particularly fit, whom the President
would be likely to appoint, and I so told him.
He asked me what I thought of General McCIellan.
I told him I had not had time to consider the subject in
all its bearings, but it appeared to me a bold stroke and
perhaps an effective one. [I said that] he had received the
votes of nearly one half of his countrymen for Chief Magis
trate, which was an indorsement not to be treated lightly;
that he had the affection of the Army at one time more
devotedly than Grant or any other officer; that he had
education and ability; that his nomination, whether con
firmed by the Senate or not, would be conciliatory and
particularly acceptable to a large portion of the people who
were now on the Union side. His dilatoriness as a general
would, perhaps, commend him as a diplomat, but it would
be urged against him; and his unfortunate letter from Mal
vern Hill to Mr. Lincoln was not to be excused; but none
are exempt from error. I then told him of a conversation
I had vrith General Sherman at Admiral Dahlgren's
nearly two years ago, which I noted in my journal at the
time, and which was an extenuation of McClellan's tardy
movements. The President said he had mentioned the
subject of Adams' resignation to no one. Mr. Seward
knew it. The resignation came through him, and he had
named two or three for the place, the most prominent of
whom was Hamilton Fish. I told him such an appoint
ment would not be objectionable, but would have no
significance except for Mr. Seward, who was vrilling from
personal considerations to honor Mr. Fish.
The President "wished me to consider the subject of
McClellan's appointment, and communicate with him soon.
In the mean tijne he vrished it a confidential matter be
tween us, for he had not named McC. to Seward even.

258 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. ll
Some farther communication took place in relation to
J. P. Hale, Cassius M. Clay, Burlingame, and others, who
he said had all better come home.
January 13, Monday. The Senate did not get to a vote
on Stanton's case on Saturday, but they doubtless vrill to
day or to-night from what I learn. There is little doubt the
whole subject is concocted and understood by the Radicals.
Some of them may dodge, like Sherman and Williams,*
who are committed by speeches which they made on the
Tenure-of-Office Bill. It would matter Uttle vrith Sher
man, however, who often makes an argument and votes
against it, is not steadfast in principle, lacks stability, and
is unreasonably partisan in his votes.
In the House, under the discipline and stimulation of
the Radical leaders, there is manifested a revolutionary
and violent spirit. Part of the conspiracy is a scheme
to change the character of the Supreme Court, which
Stevens and his fellows find is against them. A new Recon
struction bill, an act to legislate Hancock and Rousseau
out of offlce, is among the topics which were before that
body. Strict party tests were applied and enforced, and
from this I have httle doubt that Stanton vriU have every
party vote of the Radicals in the Senate. I cannot but think,
from what I see and hear, that General Grant is acting
in concert with them, though the President on Saturday
was unwilling to believe that Grant was false and was de
ceiving him. McCulloch expressed his behef on Saturday
that Stanton, if reinstated, would immediately resign. I
took issue with him, for I have no doubt Stanton will strive
by every means in his power to retain the offlce. He may
get up some hollow pretext of wUUngness to resign, but
it will be untrue, a mere pretext. Stanton wants the of
fice, which he will recklessly and unscrupulously use, to
keep himself in power. And the funds of the nation wUl
enter largely into the elections. Had Stanton been in the
' Senators John Sherman of Ohio and George H. Williams of Oregon.

1868] GRANT LEAVES WAR DEPARTMENT 259
War Department last autumn, election results would prob
ably have been materially different. Grant did not, and
would fear to, use money that Stanton would use vrithout
hesitation. January 14, Tuesday. General Grant attended the
Cabinet-meeting to-day, but stated it was by special re
quest of the President. The Senate had notified him last
evening that the reasons for suspending Mr. Stanton were
insufflcient, and he had therefore gone early to the War
Department, locked the doors, and given the keys to the
Adjutant-General. Subsequently he had sent General
Comstock to the President with a letter and a copy of the
resolution of the Senate, and had received a request
through General Comstock when he returned to be pre
sent to-day, and had therefore come over, though he was
now at the Headquarters and considered himself relieved
of the duties of Secretary.
The President asked if this proceeding conformed to
pre"rious understanding, etc. General Grant, without
answering directly, said he had promised sometime ago
that he would give the President notice before relinquish
ing the offlce; but that he had not then examined closely
the second and fifth sections of the Tenure-of-Offlce Bill.
He was not willing to suffer five years' imprisonment and
pay ten thousand dollars fine, but preferred to give up the
offlce. The President asked why, when he had read the sec
tions and come to the conclusion to leave he had not in
formed him as agreed and remarked that he would under
go the whole imprisonment and fine himself, which might
be adjudged against General Grant and said he so told
Grant on Saturday when he spoke of apprehensions.
The General said he was not aware of the penalties
in the Tenure-of-Office Bill, until he saw the discussion in
the papers; did not know when he had his first talk vrith
the President; and he came over on Saturday expressly

260 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 14
to take up this subject. Had spoken of these difficulties
at that time, and expected to see the President again on
Monday, but he was busy vrith General Sherman, and
had a good many little matters to attend to. He did not
suppose the Senate intended to act so soon.
" Was not our understanding — did you not assure me
some time ago, and again on Saturday, that if you did not
hold on to the office yourself, you would place it in my
hands that I might select another ? " said the President.
V" That," said Grant, " was my intention. I thought
some satisfactory arrangement would be made to dispose
of the subject. Mr. Johnson (Reverdy) and General Sher
man spent a great deal of time with me on Sunday. Didn't
Mr. Johnson come to see you? I sent General Sherman
yesterday after talking the matter over. Did n't you see
Sherman?" The President said he saw each of them, but he did not
see what the interview with either had to do vrith gi"ving
back into his hands the place agreeably to the understand
ing. "Why did you give up the keys to Mr. Stanton and
leave the Department?"
General Grant said he gave the key to the Adjutant-
General and sent word to the President by General
Comstock. "Yes," said the President, "but that, you know, was
not our understanding."
Grant attempted some further apologies about being
very busy, stammered, hesitated, said Sherman had taken
up a great deal of his time, but he had intended to call on
the President on Monday; asked to be excused, and left.
This is, as near as I recollect, the substance of the con
versation as it occurred. I do not claim to give the pre
cise words, though in many instances I probably have done
so. My intention and wish is to do injustice to neither,
but fairly present what took place and the remarks of
both. I write this on the evening of Tuesday, the 14th,
while the subject is fresh in my mind.

ULYSSES S. GRANT

1868] GRANT'S DEFENSE OF HIS COURSE 261
^ The President was calm and dignified, though manifestly
disappointed and displeased. General Grant was humble,
hesitating, and he evidently felt that his position was
equivocal and not to his credit. There was, I think, an
impression on the minds of aU present (there certainly
was on mine) that a consciousness that he had acted with
dupUcity — not been faithful and true to the man who
had confided in and trusted him — oppressed General
Grant. His manner, never very commanding, was almost
abject, and he left the room with less respect, I apprehend,
from those present than ever before. The President,
though disturbed and not wholly able to conceal his
chagrin from those familiar with him, used no harsh ex
pression, nor committed anything approaching incivility,
yet Grant felt the few words put to him, and the cold and
surprised disdain of the President in all their force.
After Grant had left, the President remarked that it had
been said no man was to be blamed for having been once
deceived, but if the same person a second time imposed
upon him the fault and folly were his.
He said that Reverdy Johnson and General Sherman
had called on him, after the consultation with Grant
alluded to, and wanted him to nominate Governor Cox
of Ohio, whom they had selected to be his Secretary of
War. They thought the Senate might be induced to
consent that he might have Cox, and in that way dispose
of Stanton.
There is no doubt that Grant has been in secret intrigue
in this business, acting in concert with and under the di
rection of the chief conspirators. He did not put the office
in the President's hands on Saturday, because the Senate
had not acted, but he anticipated, as I and others did,
that they would. If, therefore, the subject was delayed
until Monday it would be too late. But the Senate came
to no conclusion on Saturday, as he expected; he therefore
avoided seeing the President on Monday, as he promised.
On Tuesday he yielded to Stanton.

262 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 14
All the members of the Cabinet present were astonished
and declared themselves unquaUfiedly against both Grant
and Stanton, except Seward, who was very reticent, but
expressed an opinion that no action should betaken hastily.
On grave and important questions he always preferred
to take a night's sleep.
January 15, Wednesday. The President informs me
that Grant and Sherman called on him this morning.
Grant is disturbed with an editorial in the Intelligencer of
this moming, which describes occurrences of yesterday
and the equivocation and bad faith he exhibited. He
attempted to explain, but, the President says, only
reafflrmed the fact that he had not been true to the un
derstanding and his pledged word.
January 17, Friday. No allusion was made to Stanton
or Grant during the session of the Cabinet. After it closed,
some general conversation took place. Seward hastened
away. I had put on my overcoat to leave, when Colonel
Moore brought in a scrap-book and whispered a word
to the President, who requested us to be seated. He de
sired to ascertain if the recollection of the members of the
Cabinet in regard to the inter"view between himself and
General Grant on Tuesday corresponded vrith his own.
His impressions were embodied in an article in the Intel
ligencer of Wednesday, which he requested Colonel Moore
to read from the scrap-book. Each of the gentlemen
present — McCulloch, Randall, Browning, and myself
— concurred in the correctness of the statement, which
was a compend rather than detail. Browning said he had
a more full report, which, however, corresponded with
the statement in the Intelligencer. He farther volunteered
to remark that he was accustomed to make a record of
what occurred in Cabinet-meetings. I stated I had also
a memorandum of what took place on Tuesday, made that
evening.

1868] WILL STANTON RESIGN? 263
January 18, Saturday. The proceedings of the Sen
ate in reinstating Stanton, Stanton's obtrusions, and
Grant's conduct are none of them weU received by the
country, and I think all concerned in the company are
dissatisfied. There appears to be a general beUef and expectation
that Stanton will resign. To this I am not a convert, un
less he becomes con-vinced that the Radical Senators vrill
not sustain him. They wiU come to no such conclusions.
Morgan, Fessenden, the MorriUs, Patterson, and other
limber-backed Senators have not the independence to
demand such a step. Senator Sherman, whose brother.
General Sherman, has been insulted and wronged by Stan
ton, has not seff-reUance, self-respect, and strength of mind
sufflcient to do his duty.
It is reported that Generals Grant and Sherman have
said to Stanton that he must resign. They may have
done this together, but I doubt if Grant has taken such
a stand by himself, for he is cowed and submissive before
Stanton. Sherman, if he has had an interview, would- be
likely to have expressed himself with some freedom and
boldness. The President told me on Wednesday that Seward said
to him: "You observed my reticence yesterday. I was
sUent because I beUeved you would before this [Wednesday
noon] have had Stanton's resignation." This remark of
Seward has, I think, an influence on the President, who
is daily looking for a fulfillment of Seward's prediction.
Seward probably vrishes Stanton would take himself out
of the way. He may say as much to Stanton, but if the
latter bluffs him vrith an oath and rough expression, there
will be no further remark, for Seward droops at once under
rebuff from the "divine Camot." Yet the President re
lies much on Seward; is inflamed by his ad captandum
assertions and ffippant prophecies, which are blundering
guesses and mistakes. It was an error to suppose Stanton
would resign, cowardly to keep silent.

264 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 20
January 20. Doolittle called last evening and read me
the concluding portions of a speech which he proposes to
deliver on Wednesday if he can or soon thereafter. The
speech is very well got up.
Colonel Babcock called a little later and spent two hours
on various matters. Wanted my views on the subject
of Senator. Says Dixon is anxious. I advised that the
subject should not be agitated until after the election.
I said the same to A. E. Burr yesterday. Burr is here,
and speaks confidently of carrying Connecticut for the
Democrats by an increased majority, and of securing a
majority of the legislature. Others are ahke confident,
and I trust their expectations may be verified, for our
country is in an unhappy condition, and I am not vrithout
apprehension of a civU convulsion. There is among the
Radicals neither statesmanship, sagacity, norlsenseT Hate,
revenge, thirst for power govem them. To oppressand"
persecute the white population of the Southem States
is their delight; to place negro governments over them by
the aid of the military is their intention.
January 25, Saturday. The week has been a busy one,
and I have found Uttle time and less inclination to open
this book. A venomous and malignant spirit actuates cer
tain of the Radical leaders, and I and the Navy Depart
ment come in for our share of their spite. The naval esti
mates, made out when I was sick in bed, for the ensuing
year are large, unusually large; but when submitting them
I had no expectation that the appropriation would reach
the amount of these estimates, nor would I have advised
it. But the Bureaus really in that way made their sugges
tions for improvements as well as for current expenses,
and I, erroneously and sick, allowed their presentation to
go forward without curtailment, expecting to review the
whole when well with the Naval Committees. The es
timates for men and supplies were larger than is required,
and I intended should be reduced in the appropriations;

1868] THE NAVAL ESTIMATES 265
but I was sick and confined to my bed and thought best
to submit the whole to Congress. In so doing, however,
I gave the petty demagogues an opportunity to attack and
misrepresent me, and it is right I should be rebuked even
by them for putting myself in a false position.
The House of Representatives in November passed a
resolution to stop work on the vessels which are building.
The Naval Committee informed that the force would be
limited to 8500 men, — a reduction of nearly one half, —
that they are opposed to farther improvements in the
navy yards, etc. Under these circumstances I have re-
"riewed and reduced our estimates nearly one half, and
have sent in this re"vised estimate with a letter to the
Speaker. It seems to have caused E. B. Washburne great
unhappiness. He had been at work, without data or facts,
slashing our original estimates, but had not perfected
his onslaught when our revision went in. A day or two
later he presented his proposition, or report, in the form
of a bUl from the Committee on Appropriations, and in
doing so let off a little pent-up self and party glorification
as to what a Republican Committee of a Republican Con
gress had done when compared with a Democratic Secre
tary of a Democratic Administration. Spaulding of Ohio,
a Republican member of the Appropriation Committee,
corrected and quietly rebuked him for his injustice to the
Department. Went one evening for an hour to Mr. J. A. Griswold's,
there being a gathering by invitation to witness the pre
sentation of a watch which belonged to Roger Sherman to
General W. T. Sherman. It was, in a measure, a Connecti
cut affair, and all passed off very well. General Sherman
was not very near kin to Roger Sherman, who was a third
or fourth cousin of Daniel Sherman, the grandfather of
the General. It was the first time I had gone out of an
evening since my illness, or since October.
January 28, Tuesday. After close of official matters in

266 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 28
Cabinet, and some little conversation of a general character,
Mr. Seward remarked to the President that if there was
nothing further he would leave. I suggested that he had
better remain until we all left, for, having gone a little in
advance of the others a few days ago, he failed to get his
name into a discussion when he as well as the rest of us was
cognizant of the facts. "Ah, yes," said he, "I read in the
papers that there had been consultation here when I was
notinvited." "WeU, then," said I, "remain now. Iwanted
you to bear testimony to the interview which we aU vrit-
nessed, and as you have read the statement, to affirm
whether it is, or is not, substantially correct." He evaded
a direct answer, hoped he should be present when the sub
ject was again discussed. I told him this would not answer,
and unless he controverted, or questioned, the statement
or some part of it, he must be considered as afflrming it.
Without making any reply, he went for his overcoat. The
President remarked with a smile, after Seward left, that
I was not inclined to let Seward go vrithout shovring his
hand with the rest. He said he had not seen Grant since
he returned from Richmond. Whether he felt that he
had not done exactly right, or that he did not want an
interview until he ad"rised Stanton to resign, or from what
cause, he could not say, but he had absented himself. The
President then related the interview between himseff and
Generals Grant and Sherman, also produced a letter from
the latter, apologizing for not having seen Stanton as pro
mised, because he was obliged to go to Annapolis to fulfiU
an engagement and Grant was obliged to go to Richmond,
but the subject should receive attention when they re
tumed.

January 29, Wednesday. The first general reception of
Mrs. Welles took place last evening. There was a large and
pleasant company. All appeared to enjoy themselves. The
President and his daughter, Mrs. Stover, with ladies visit-

1868] GRANT'S INTERVIEW WITH STANTON 267
ing at the Executive Mansion, were present. Foreign Min
isters, Senators, and Representatives, as well as Cabinet
Ministers, were among the crowd vrith ladies, comprising
the ton of Washington society. All seemed and declared
themselves pleased, which made the occasion pleasant
to us, who vrished to entertain them.
January 30, Thursday. Confess is .malignantly Radical.
The party-servers are aU-potent. Not a man of the party
has sufficient independence to act on his own individual
opinions and convictions. Some of them will whisper in
confidence their disgust and dissatisfaction, but yet when
the test is appUed they succumb.
Senator Doolittle's speech has greatly disturbed the
whole Radical nest, who are hissing and snapping like vipers.
Evidently they are not satisfied with themselves. I hear
that some of them are incensed vrith Stanton because he
does not resign. They expected he would at once leave on
being reinstated.
General Grant is disturbed; feels bad; has made a fool of
himself; is afraid of Stanton and overawed by him. He
vrishes Stanton out of the way; dislikes him; has pro
mised to see him and ad"rise him to resign, but there are yet
no evidences that Grant has fulfilled his promises in this
respect. Am told he went to see Stanton; that S. had some
information of his intention, and was in apparent rage
when Grant called. After waiting some time for Stanton
to subside, Grant left without daring to make known the
object of his mission.
The State Convention yesterday in Connecticut re^
nominated the present ticket and passed some pretty good'
resolutions. Govemor English made, or read, a good speech,
which some one has prepared for him. Affairs are looking/
very weU in Connecticut.  j
January 31, Friday. After the close of the Cabinet-
meeting the President submitted some letters from Gen-

268 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 3i
eral Grant which confirm more fully his duplicity and sub
serviency to Stanton and the small politicians. He wanted
a verbal order of the President reduced to writing, but when
he received it, cavilled and said Stanton had not been noti
fied. He also wrote a long letter to the President, denying
his words and acts in abandoning his position as Secretary
ad interim. To this the President had prepared a reply
which was in its rough state a recitation of the facts. Some
suggestions and modifications were made by the members
severally, and Seward indorsed the whole, making the five
Cabinet members who were present at the interview vrith
the President united. There was no mistake as regards the
conversation. Grant was confused and embarrassed, hesi
tated, and was conscious of his bad faith towards the Pre
sident, — which perhaps caused him to disremember. This
is the most charitable view.

LVI
Grant's Treachery — Conversation with the President on the Subject of
Preparation for an Emergency — Proposal to make Washington a
MiUtary Department and order Sherman to it — Excitement over the
Correspondence between the President and Grant — Grant's Account of
his Interview with Stanton — Grant's Dislike for and Subjection to
Stanton — His Indifference to Human Life — Stanton goading the
Radicals to Impeachment — He dreads being out of Place — The
President sends to the House the Account of his Interview with Grant,
with the Statements of the Cabinet Members — Hancock remonstrates
against an Order of Grant's — General Lorenzo Thomas ordered to re
sume his Duties as Adjutant-General at Washington — A New MUitary
Department created at Washiagton and Sherman placed in Command
— Sherman asks to be excused from coming to Washington — The
President removes Stanton — McCIellan nominated as Minister to
England — Excitement in Congress over Stanton's Removal — Ad
jutant-General Thomas arrested — The President nominates Thomas
Ewing Secretary of War — Stanbery an Honest Lawyer and Faithful to
the President, but too Dependent on Precedents in an Emergency —
Jeffries, Register of the Treasury, advises the President to use Strong
Measures — Officers summoned from an Evening Party — General
Thomas's Unfitness for the Place of Secretary of War ad interim — The
Question of the Tenure of the Four Hold-over Members of the Cabinet
— The House votes to impeach the President — Conversation with John
Bigelow on the Situation — Repugnance of the Conservative Senators
to the PossibUity of Wade's becoming President — General Lorenzo
Thomas arrested and then discharged — Suggestions as to the Demo
cratic Candidate for the Presidency — A Nitro-Glycerine Scare in Con
gress — Stanbery considers resigning to devote himself to the President's
Cause.
February 4, Tuesday. A resolution was introduced yes
terday by Hubbard of West Virginia, calling for corre
spondence between the President, Secretary of War, and
General Grant. The resolution was introduced about an
hour before the last letter of Grant reached the President.
The whole shows an intrigue and conspiracy on the part
of Stanton, Grant, and certain Radical leaders. The Presi
dent to-day submitted to the Cabinet the correspondence.
It is throughout highly discreditable to Grant's integrity.

270 DL^RY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 4
honor, ability, and truth. He is in this matter the tool of
Stanton and the victim of his own selfish aspirations. He
has "vxilgar cunning, is deceptive and unreUable. . . .
The correspondence shows that he played a false and
treacherous part vrith the President throughout. From the
first, he has studied to deceive the man who trusted him.
This he "virtually admits; says he was afraid the President,
in selecting his mUitary ad"viser, would choose a man not
acceptable to the Army. Denies that he agreed to see the
President on Monday, the 20th, although he tvrice ad
mitted it on Tuesday in Cabinet-meeting and made his
excuses and apologies for not fulfiUing his promises. Pre
varication and downright falsehood, vrith deception and
treachery towards his chief, mark the conduct of U. S.
Grant. These things and other occurrences fuUy convince me
that there is a conspiracy maturing for the overthrow of
the Administration and the subversion of the govemment
and our federal system. The Radicals are using Grant as
their tool ; he is prepared to use them for his purpose. As
a general he was reckless of human Ufe and vritnessed the
slaughter of his coimtrymen with composure ; he is equally
callous as to all the sympathies and moral and friendly
obligations which endear man to his fellow man, and
make society dear. It will not surprise me, should cir
cumstances favor him, if at no distant day he strives for
military dictatorship and empire.
February 5, Wednesday. The President showed me this
P.M. a reply to Grant's last impudent and insubordinate
letter. It was very well, provided he thinks best to con
tinue the correspondence. I so said to him, reminding him
at the same time of what I had said yesterday, viz., that
I would direct the Private Secretary, Colonel Moore, to
inform General Grant that his last letter was of such extra
ordinary tone and character that no further commun
ication or correspondence could be had with him on that

1868] THE CONTROVERSY WITH GRANT 271
subject. The President said he thought it best on the
whole to reply. He also deemed it advisable that all the
members of the Cabinet who were present at the last Cab
inet inter"view with General Grant should state their own
impressions. Colonel Moore called at my house this evening with a
note from the President to this effect. I asked if he had
called on the other members of the Cabinet. He said he
had; that he had just come from Mr. Seward, who had de
tained him long and dictated an answer while he was there.
I asked to see it, but Colonel Moore said Seward was to
have it copied and sent to the President. McCulloch and
Randall, he said, would make brief replies; Browning would
probably answer at length. I doubt if he has got anything
definite from Seward; shall not be surprised if Seward per
suades the President to give up these answers. In some
way he vriU be likely to evade and get rid of a frank and ex
pUcit statement, or I shall be mistaken; although he is fully
and unequivocally committed, orally, to the President's
statement of the conversation.
Saw the President this evening; told him I would
make my reply to his note brief, or detail my recollection.
He told me to do as I pleased, but a short reply would be
sufficient. I took occasion to express my apprehensions of public
affairs, and of threatening impending calamities which
were to be met. I reminded him that it was a duty for us
all, and particularly for him, to be prepared for approach
ing extraordinary emergencies ; reckless, unprincipled men
in Congress had control of the govemment, were usurping
executive authority, and would exercise these powers to
extreme, and e"ridently beyond constitutional, limits.
They had contrived to get General Grant, not unwiUing,
I apprehend, in their interest. He had entirely changed
his groimd. Having been suddenly elevated to position
vrithout much culture, vrith no experience, knowledge, or
correct information of the principles of government. Grant

272 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [per. 5
was intoxicated with his success and beginning to believe
that with the Army he could make himself permanently
supreme. The Radicals consider him an instrument in their
hands. He thinks they are puppets in his. They are act
ing together, however, at this time, and vrill until the crisis
comes. I asked the President if he was prepared for that crisis.
Should they attempt to seize the govemment, — to arrest
him, — had he determined the course he would pursue?
Such a step is, I know, meditated and discussed by some of
the extreme Radicals. They have intended, by any meas
ure, no matter how unprincipled and "violent, to get pos
session of and to exercise the executive authority. Grant
would help them. Congress, unmindful of the Constitu
tion, will place the Army at his disposal instead of the
President's. Who, I asked the President, had he got in
whom he could confide, if a colUsion took place?
The President became somewhat excited, arose, and
walked the room. I had evidently touched on topics which
had been in his mind. He spoke of Sherman as ha"ving been
more emphatic in his language before he left, and sug
gested that Washington might be made a military depart
ment and Sherman ordered to it. Sherman, he knew,
would take it.
I expressed misgivings as to Sherman if Grant were to be
his antagonist. He is friendly disposed, but would yield,
I feared, and follow Grant rather than the President. I
admitted that he was a man of superior intellect and of a
higher sense of honor than Grant, but their military asso
ciation and the ties and obligations of military fellowship
and long personal intimacy and friendship would attach
him to Grant, though I hoped not to the overthrow of the
government. February 6, Thursday. Gave the President my answer
to his note about eleven this moming. It was brief and
direct. I again told him I would make it more extended if

1868] THE CONTROVERSY WITH GRANT 273
he wished, for I had pretty full notes; but he was satisfied
with this. I asked if any others had sent in their answers.
None had yet been received. Seward had promised, and so
had the others. I shall not be surprised if Seward prevails
on the President to omit signed testimonials from the Cab
inet. If not, he wiU be likely to have a diluted and indirect
reply, vrith many words and inoffensive and guarded com
mittals. Browning will, the President thinks, give a de
tailed statement. Says he made a full record of what took
place at the time.
February 7, Friday. The Cabinet-meeting was brief.
Stanbery and McCulloch were not present. After business
was over I asked the President if he had answers from the
five gentlemen relative to Grant's conversation. He said
he had, from aU, but as he did not continue the conversa
tion or offer to submit them for perusal, I made no further
remark. Browning asked me before I left if I had seen the
letters. I repUed I had not. He said that was the case with
himseK, but he thought we ought to see and compare
them. He remained when I left, and may then have seen
them. February 8, Saturday. There has been, and is, and will
continue to be much excitement over the correspondence
between the President and Grant. In reading it, my appre
hensions and suspicions of Grant's dupUcity and full com
mittal to the conspiracy are confirmed. . . . It is evident
he has been in collusion vrith the Radicals, intriguing with
them, and false to the President who has trusted him.
Stanton he does not like, but yet, in the plot or intrigue
against the President, he is Stanton's instrument and tool.
Stanton's manner — bluffness and arrogance — subordin
ates Grant, who fears him, — dreads him.
RandaU said, a few days since, that Grant went to see
Stanton and try to have him resign, but Stanton, knowing
his object, put on an imperious and angry look, and spoke
3

274 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 8
loud and violently of some matter that offended him, which
completely awed Grant, who sat and smoked his cigar, but
preserved his remarkable quaUty of reticence for half an
hour, when, without saying a word, he quietly left. I did
not give much heed to the story until I saw the corre
spondence, and find that Grant states he "did have an in
terview alone with Mr. Stanton, which led me to the con
clusion that any advice to him of this kind [resigning]
would be useless." He was, as usual, speechless.
While Grant dislikes Stanton, he is subjected to and
controlled by him, — more overawed through others than
directly, perhaps, for Stanton understands his man. The
Radical politicians, some of them very small ones and oth
ers sharp and cunning, if not great, are Grant's ad"risers.
These Stanton uses. Washbume, who is godfather to
Grant and for his own selfish purposes has constantly
pushed him in Congress, has narrow, contracted, and
grovelling ideas and is reached by Stanton through others,
which throws off suspicion on the part of both Grant and
Washbume. Bingham, a shrewd, sinuous, tricky lawyer,
Stanton has extoUed to Grant as an extraordinary legal
mind, and of course, what is said by B. is received as
conclusive by Grant.
The resolution calUng for this correspondence was of
fered by an obscure and dummy member, Hubbard of
West Virginia, an old lawyer acquaintance of Stanton
when he practiced in that section. How comes he to know
anything of a correspondence vrith the President and
Grant? How came Stanton or any one acquainted vrith the
fact? Grant had intrigued vrith the Radical Members and
with Stanton, had tried to entrap the President under their
direction, and wrote his insolent letters at their instigation,
to irritate and provoke, if possible, the President into the
commission of some rash or indiscreet act.
. . . Grant ... is destitute of the feeUng of real
friendship; is wanting in sympathy and the finer sensibil
ities. Tlie slaughter of his soldiers he viewed with indif-

1868] GRANT'S INSENSIBILITY 275
ference, and the suffering of our men in Southem prisons
did not excite his compassion. Mr. Fox, Assistant Sec
retary, reported to me three years ago that Grant made
use, to him, of the inhuman expression that we could not
afford to exchange healthy Rebel prisoners for the skele
tons at Anderson"vUle, etc. His march from this [city] to
Richmond was reaUy a succession of defeats, and has been
characterized, indeed, as a bloody swath. It has been said
he made a macadamized road from Washington to Rich
mond, which he paved vrith the skulls of Union soldiers.
In a conversation among the Cabinet officers one day be
fore the session commenced, on the subject of population,
he asserted that the country had lost no population in con
sequence of the War, — that many were killed, but others
had come forward to supply their places, so that there
were as many Uves to-day in the country as if there had
been no war. Whether the assertion be tme or not, I stop
not at this time to discuss, but the positiveness and indif
ference to life vrith which the remark was made, struck me
at the time most painfuUy. I thought of the charge that
he was a butcher, which had been so freely made. So far
as my observation extends, there was among the soldiers
none of that enthusiasm or warm attachment for Grant
that was shown towards McCIellan, Sherman, Sheridan,
and other generals. The feeling was less marked as regards
the officers.
February 10, Monday. The Radicals continue vindictive
and are beating about vrithout aim or intelligent purpose
to get rid of the President. Their great object is, and has
been, from the time they found that President Johnson
would not give up his con"riction of duty to the demands
of party, to possess themselves of executive power, and
they are not scrupulous as to the means by which to obtain
it. Stanton is goading them on to impeachment, but quite
a number stiU hesitate. They have constituents behind
them; he has none. His past "violent and arbitrary conduct

276 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [peb. 10
has made him enemies everywhere, and he dreads being
out of place. In place he is tolerated, courted, and extoUed
in a measure by many who hate and detest him, while the
extremists applaud and encourage him as "Camot," the
great War Secretary.
February 11, Tuesday. The President this day sent in
his letter with the statement of the members of the Cab
inet, to the House, in answer to a caU. My letter was the
first reply, and appears first of the Ust. It is the most brief
and direct, and on the whole I am most pleased vrith it.
McCuUoch's is almost as brief. RandaU's is direct, but
recapitulates, which I thought unnecessary. Browning's
is full and expUcit. He made memoranda at the time.
Seward has a great many words, is diplomatic and ambi
dextrous, and, on the whole, weakens rather than strength
ens by trying to steer between parties. As we aU had the
letter of the President to Grant read to us tvrice when to
gether, and each and all criticized, suggested, and assented
to the statements, it is ungenerous and almost untruthful
on the part of Seward to now equivocate. He distinctly,
emphatically, and unequivocaUy declared on the 31st ult.
that he recollected the remark of General Grant that he
"did not expect the Senate would act so soon." I know
that remark was made. The others recollect it. But Sew
ard says in his letter that he is not certain whether Grant
made the remark or he (S.) had it in his own mind.
Pshaw! the doubt is put to conciUate Grant, and help
himseU. It is characteristic. He is never reUable in a
crisis, and is not always as direct and truthful as he
should be.
Grant has written a letter which came while we were at
the President's, in reply to that part of the President's let
ter which speaks of his insubordination, disavovring such
intention, etc. I presume he is surprised at his ovm folly
and errors, and vrill, if he does not already, regret them.
But he is now under the management and control of "vicious

1868] HANCOCK AND GRANT 277
and very bad men, who are using him for "ricious purposes,
and he assents vrith bad intent.
February 12, Wednesday. Mrs. Welles has had her last
reception for the season. It was largely attended by the
notables and the fashionables, the old and young. It is
spoken of as the largest and pleasantest party which has
yet been held this season, except perhaps the President's,
which exceeded ours in numbers, and probably General
Grant's, which were publicly advertised, and the whole
pubhc were invited through the papers vrithout cards of
in"ritation. The tone and excitement of the Radicals have moder
ated. They are less boisterous and they evidently find
difficulty in raUying their men to extreme measures.
How far Grant's prospects as a candidate vrill be affected
by recent developments and publications remains to be
seen. With candid and thinking men he has sunk im
measurably, but partisans do not think, and have not can
dor. An acknowledgment on the part of the General of our
armies, who should exhibit all the better qualities of the
soldier and be the soul of honor, that he had deliberately
and purposely deceived his superior, and accepted place,
and imposed himseU on the confidence of the man who
tmsted him, in order to cheat and deceive him, that man
being the President of the United States, is humUiating
and demoralizing.
The President showed me to-day a telegram from Han
cock, who has dismissed some negro aldermen in New
Orleans who were elected under an improper and illegal
order from Sheridan. General Grant has ordered Hancock
to restore these negroes, — which he [Hancock] mildly
remonstrates against, and if the order is persisted in, re
quests to be relieved. I apprehend that Stanton is in this
thing. It is a Radical movement. But Stanton means e"ril,
and, while pushing Grant forward, intends to profit him
seff by the General's weakness and baseness. I can hardly

278 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 12
suppose that Grant can rouse himself and recover from the
delusion under which he now labors and which exhibits
traits as bad almost as Stanton. Both have been treacher
ous. February 13, Thursday. There is an attempt to estab
lish a Radical ton, or condition of society, in Washington.
General Grant, Stanton, Colfax, and others have shown
signs of this. As Stanton is tabooed by the President and
Cabinet, he is excusable in tabooing them in retum. Per
haps Grant has something of the same aUment since the
letters of the President and Cabinet were received, but
his position is really unlike Stanton's, and he lets himseff
down by imitating him. The two attended the last weekly
reception of Colfax; the two were last night at Senator
Chandler's. Neither of them attend receptions at the
President's or members of the Cabinet. Stanton cannot,
for he is not invited. It is different vrith Grant, though I
have attended none of his receptions, and could not with
my lame knee and restrictive orders of my physicians
in regard to evening exposure. I have only been to the
President's this season. But were it othervrise I would not
go to the publicly advertised jams of Grant. As regards
Colfax, he is light timber and would be glad to be sociable.
If I went out to general gatherings, I might and probably
should have called upon him, though I do not subscribe
to Seward's dictum that he is the third officer of the
Govemment. I know no such officer.
I am told Grant looks dejected and dispirited. I have
not seen him for a fortnight. His course with the Pre
sident I cannot reconcile with my pre"rious opinion of him.
I thought him truthful and as unselfish as could be ex
pected, — though somewhat coarse, low-mannered, and
devoid of very refined feelings, — but he confesses him
self to have been false and faithless to the President. He
has not a high appreciation of public intelligence ; has no
deference to, or regard for, the Constitution, which he

1868] ADJUTANT-GENERAL THOMAS 279
considers less obUgatory than legislative enactments; has
fellow-feeling with the factious majority of Congress
because he considers them with him.
I suggested to the President on Tuesday that it would be
well to have a gentleman in the Adjutant-General's of
fice who is true and faithful to him and not in fear of, or
under the control of, Stanton. General Tovrasend, the
Assistant Adjutant-General, is a worthy and estimable
man, but stands in dread and awe of "Camot," who dom
ineers over him. In fact, Stanton has taken all manhood
out of Townsend, and I have often been pained to see with
what humiUty the subordinate stood before the imperious
tyrant. I spoke to the President of the importance of the
office, through which military orders of the Department
passed. He caught promptly and at once to the suggestion,
and said General Thomas^ should be ordered to his old
position. I asked ff he had not better see him before giving
the order. He said he probably should, but he knew Thomas
to be right-minded. That is my impression; he is right,
but not strong, and there are so many who wilt dovra in
these days, or whom we misunderstand, or who are weak
or unreUable. Between Stanton and Thomas there has
been a difference for five years. General Fry ^ is another
under the power of the great intruder.
To-day I leamed that orders were yesterday issued for
General Thomas to resume his position and duties as
Adjutant-General. Orders have also been issued to es
tablish a new department. Sherman has been nominated
Brevet General. The President has two or three times
spoken to me of creating a new department and putting
Sherman in command. I have always asked if Sherman
could be depended upon in opposition to Grant. In other
respects I consider him right. The President thinks he
can rely on him. He can, doubtless, if Sherman enters
upon the subject understandingly, but unless he fully
' General Lorenzo Thomas.
' General James B. Fry.

280 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 13
consents and agrees in advance, he will be likely, from old
military associations, to cling to Grant.
February 14, Friday. Some conversation took place in
Cabinet to-day on the subject of communications to the
Secretary of War. I asked, " Who is Secretary of War? "
The President looked at me significantly and said, "That
matter will be disposed of in one or two days."
He then brought up the subject of removals and of
authority on his part to assign the duties of one Cabinet
officer to another. I asked him if he had seen a biU reported
by Senator Trumbull on this subject, which was before the
Senate yesterday and, from indications, I thought would
be rushed through Congress. Of course, there is an object
in this bill and this haste. None had seen the bill, which
was published in the Republican, and on getting the paper
and scrutinizing its pro"visions and preceding laws, it was
e"vident it was another hedging-in of the President, which
I should hardly have expected of Trumbull, though he is
becoming extremely partisan.
I think the President is prepared to take decided action
with Stanton, and if he vrill do it promptly, all may yet
be well. He should have removed Stanton before this,
since his last intrusion.
February 15, Saturday. Dined with the President yes
terday. The Cabinet were all there with their families,
and several Senators and others. It was a pleasant meet
ing, and the first state dinner-party of the season. AU was
pleasant and passed off cheerfully.
Many calls to-day. Got off an elaborate letter to Pike
and the Naval Committee, on the subject of appropria
tions, and, incidentally, of estimates and the Navy gen
erally. In the hands of a good chairman of the Committee
the paper would be effective, but Pike is lazy and uncer
tain. Tries to be shrewd; is devoted to party more than
to the service or the country; and there is consequently

1868] SHERMAN'S BREVET APPOINTMENT 281
no certainty how much he will do. I intend, however,
if the Navy is broken down, or impaired, that Congress
shall be responsible for its acts.
February 17, Monday. Senator DooUttle called at my
house last evening and read me a prepared speech which
he proposed to deUver on Reconstruction. It is well cal
culated for effect among the people, and wUl be a little
annoying to some of the Senators, who have changed their
votes on this subject and on negro suffrage.
Attended reception at the President's this evening.
A very full and general attendance, except of ultra Rad
icals, a few of whom were there. There is much spiteful-
ness and hate among these men.
February 18, Tuesday. No great matters of interest
were to-day before the Cabinet. I did not know but that
the President might communicate something in regard
to the conferring of a brevet appointment on General
Sherman and assigning him to the command of this depart
ment, but nothing was said. It is rumored that Sherman
refuses the brevet, and that he has written his brother.
Senator Sherman, ff it is insisted upon, he vrill come to
Washington and throw up his commission. I do not
credit this, but he is erratic and uncertain. Not unlikely
he decUnes the brevet, for he expects, if Grant is elected
President, to be made his successor; probably he may also
vrish to have duty elsewhere than here, because, as a
friend of Grant, he vrishes to avoid any conflict; but I shall
be disappointed if General Sherman has, as the Radicals
represent, committed anything approaching inciviUty
towards the President. In any matter personal between
the President and Grant, Sherman wiU endeavor to stand
aloof, for he respects the President, while intimate and
friendly vrith Grant; but, if compelled to take part, his
leanings vriU favor Grant. The President flatters himseff
otherwise, but he is, I think, mistaken.

282 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb 18
In their war upon the Court, the Radicals, under the
lead of TmmbuU, have under consideration an act prohib
iting the Court from passmg judgment on political ques
tions, and they have now a biU declaring what are political
questions. These usurpations and mtrigues strain our
govemment. February 19, Wednesday. The President informs me
this P.M. that he received this moming a letter from
General Sherman which was sent to him through Head
quarters, where it has undoubtedly been read. He says
the letter is friendly and respectful, but he (S.) vrishes
to be excused from Washington, and ff he is detailed to
command this department, asks that he may be permitted
to have his headquarters in New York.
In view of all the circumstances, — the rumors, which
were not without some foundation, of his ha"ring tele
graphed his brother Senator Sherman, his corresponding
with the President, who is Commander-in-Chief, through
General Grant, and his disinclination to come here, — the
President says he telegraphed to him at once, reUe"ring
him of the order and directing him to remain in his present
command. The President thinks that, in communicating
with him through Grant, Sherman aims to keep in vrith
both sides and that he cared more to conciUate Grant than
anything else.
It is well these matters have taken this shape, perhaps,
though it is difficult to come to any satisfactory conclu
sion in regard to the President's movements and inten
tions. Indeed, he does not declare his intentions, and there
in fails, I think, in sometimes coming to the best decision
that is to be attained. Perhaps the impeachment move
ments and threats are over, but he certainly was not weU
prepared for a crisis such as some of us apprehended and
some of the extremists intended. He could not, it is now
evident, have relied on Sherman, had there been a necess
ity to resort to mihtary measures. Yet he has persuaded

1868] ADMIRAL PORTER'S INTRIGUES 283
himseff that Sherman would be his staff and reUance if
Grant failed. How far he could have rehed on General
Emory as miUtary commander of the district, I do not
know; nor does the President, I apprehend. My impression
is that E. is not to be depended on in civil matters, but
he will be found where he thinks the power is.
February 20, Thursday. The reports of the Commander
and the Engineer of theWampanoag are gratifying. Isher-
wood has exerted himseff wonderfully to make his engines
a success and has been sustained by the Department in
that effort. On the other hand, he has been vehemently
and persistently opposed and denounced by a clique under
Porter. There have been doleful predictions of failures of
this vessel, but the predictions have proved false. I am
glad, on Isherwood's account as well as on my own and that
of the service, of this favorable result.
Vice-Admiral Porter is indulging in many intrigues
against Isherwood and the engineers and staff generally,
and is scheming in a way that is not creditable to bring
himseff into position in Washington. With some good
quaUties as a naval officer, he has some great faults and
is whoUy unfitted for administrative duties or place here.
In his restless, suggestive nature, the Department would
experience detriment and the country infinite evil. He
should be kept afloat and in active service, but with a
taut rein.
February 21, Friday. Seward read a letter to-day in
regard to the employment of O'Conor or Brady ^ to go
out to England to defend the Fenians. He and the Pre
sident have had an understanding on the subject, which
has been up once or tvrice before. I question the propriety
of sending out counsel in these cases. Still, there may be
justification. * Charles O'Conor, who had been counsel for Jefferson Davis, and
James T. Brady, who had defended General Sickles in his trial.

284 DURY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 21
After disposing of regular Cabinet business, as we were
about rising, the President informed us he had this mom
ing removed Mr. Stanton. He had, he said, perhaps de
layed the step too long. At all events, it was time the dif
ficulty was settled.
Some one, I believe myself, inquu-ed who was to be his
successor. The President said General Thomas, Adjutant-
General, would officiate ad interim and untU a regular
Secretary was appointed.
I asked if Stanton had surrendered up the place and
General Thomas taken possession. The President said
General Thomas had called on S. and informed him of his
appointment; that Stanton seemed calm and submissive;
that some little conversation had passed between them as
to removing his books and papers, and S. was willing that
Thomas should act his pleasure.
Browning said he had been informed that Stanton
intended sending in his resignation to-day or to-morrow.
A few remarks took place on this subject. I wholly dis
credited it, and expressed the belief he would under no
circumstances resign, except on the single contingency
of an assurance that he would not have Radical support.
I was surprised to hear that he had quietly surrendered
to General Thomas, and should be glad to hear that he
had left and that General T. was in the rooms, in pos
session. McCulloch said he doubted if Stanton had resigned, or
intended to. He and I had once differed. He had thought
Stanton would resign as soon as reinstated. I then said he
would not. The result McCulloch said had proved that
I was right and he was wrong. He now concurred vrith me.
Browning said he gave no credit to the rumor which he
had heard. It came to him through Cox, his Chief Clerk,
who caught everything afloat.
The President said he had also brevet ted Major-General
G. H. Thomas to be Lieutenant-General and General, or
rather that he had sent in these brevets to the Senate.

1868] STANTON'S REMOVAL 285
He had also nominated General McCIellan as Minister to
England, in place of Mr. Adams.
These acts of the President wiU excite the Radicals, and
the violent ones vrill imdoubtedly improve the opportunity
to press on impeachment. Impulse, rather than reason
or common sense, governs them. The President is vigor
ous and active, but too late, and has attempted too much
at once.
February 22, Saturday. There was great excitement and
many rumors last evening in regard to the President
and Congress and others. Stanton, on getting notice of his
removal, immediately sent it to the House of Represent
atives through the Speaker, and fire and wrath were
exhibited. The movement was not unexpected. The com
munication was at once referred to the so-called "Recon
struction Committee," vrith a resolution from cunning but
ilUterate old Covode to "impeach the President."
The Senate were promptly informed by the President
himseff of the removal of Stanton, and the appointment
of Thomas ad interim. That body at once stopped all
business and went into executive session, where a fierce
and protracted debate took place, extending far into the
night. A resolution was finally adopted by a strict party
vote, except Edmunds, who, though a central partisan,
has a legal mind, that the President had no constitutional
or legal power to remove the Secretary of War and appoint
another, thus gi"ring an opinion in advance of impeach
ment on a point for which the President may be presented
to themselves for trial.
A committee of Cameron, Cattell, Conness, and Thayer
was appointed in a Radical caucus, hastily convened while
the Senate was in session, who proceeded to the War
Department, and counseled and conspired with Stanton,
how to resist the Executive, and they afterwards called
on General Grant, who was inclined to be "reticent."
This moming General Thomas was arrested, on a writ

286 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 22
issued by Judge Cartter, a tool of Stanton, on a complaint
by Stanton that General T. had violated the Civil Tenure
law in accepting office against requirements of that law,
which he, Stanton, had himself emphatically declared as
unconstitutional. General Thomas readily submitted to the arrest and
gave bail to appear next Wednesday. Stanton remained
at the Department all night with a parcel of Radical Sena
tors and Representatives, and is there now and has been
all day, most of the time locked up.
It was impolitic for Thomas, who is a subordinate and
not an independent or self-reliant man, to have given
bail. Better to have gone to jail and sued out a writ of
habeas corpus. Better still, it seems to me, ff he had first
got out process against Stanton. The people stUl have
great deference to law and to legal proceedings.
I called about noon on the President. He was in the
library with the Attorney-General. We had a brief con
versation on affairs, when the Attorney-General proposed
to the President to ask my opinion on the subject they were
discussing when I entered. The President said that was
his intention, and I was asked what I thought of Thomas
Ewing, Sr. , for Secretary of War. I asked if a person of his
years was the man for the occasion, — the crisis was im
portant. The President said he was sound and right on the
questions before us, trastworthy, and, he beheved, reUable.
I still hesitated and debated the subject, — his former
standing, his relationship to Sherman, ' his great age, etc.
Stanbery said McCleUan had just been nominated Minis
ter to England from the Democratic side, if we now name
Ewing from the old Whig ranks the two will go well
together. The President smiled assent. I remarked that I
thought it would be weU to get a nomination in early. The
President said if we two approved, he would send in Mr.
* Thomas Ewing was both adopted father and father-in-law to General
Sherman. He was seventy-eight years old at this time and he had been
Secretary of the Interior under Taylor and FiUmore.

1868] STANBERY A MAN OF PRECEDENTS 287
Evring's name at once. I said if that was his view, I should
acquiesce cheerfully; he was unquestionably the man who
should select his own advisers.
The President directed Colonel Moore to immediately
write a nomination, which he at once signed and sent to
the Senate. But the Senate, although it had assigned this
day to a speech from Senator Doolittle, met and adjourned
vrithout doing any business, so that when Colonel Moore
reached the Capitol the Senate was not in session. The
day, I understand, was consumed by the Radical Senators in
secret caucus. The Attomey-General, although a very good
lawyer, is not the best adviser for administrative and exec
utive service in such a time as this. There is a conspiracy
against the Executive by Senators who are to adjudge
him, and he, the Attomey-General, searches for precedents
and authorities, when action, decision, and novel questions
require a stand to be taken and a path to be stricken out
vrith promptness. In the little conversation we had, and so
on some former occasions, he seemed bewildered for pre
cedents and undetermined how to act from the absence of
previous authorities. In the mean time, whilst he is hesi
tating and groping around among the books for precedents,
the Radicals are acting regardless of precedents or law.
The President needs, at this time, resolute and energetic
surroundings, — men of intelligence and courage as well as
of caution and prudence. With them he should counsel
freely and vrithout reserve. I apprehend he has not suf
ficiently fortified himself with such men. In his Cabinet,
he has an honest lavryer in Mr. Stanbery, who wUl be
faithful to him so long as he has law and precedent, but
when new questions arise he is at sea and knows not how
to steer. He is not, lUie Seward, calculating, unreliable, and
selfish, but he vriU take no new step, nor enter into any
untrodden path. In the mean time the Radicals are break
ing over constitutional law and all legal restraints, and
vrill, if they dare, arrest the President and his principal
friends and imprison them. I do not anticipate this, yet

288 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 22
the scheme is agitated by leading conspirators and I shall
not be surprised at any movement they may make.
Returning from an evening ride, I called upon the Presi
dent, hoping to find him alone, but McCulloch and Jeffries '
were with him. Jeffries was advising strong measures.
Thought if the President were to send a communication to
the Senate, or to Congress, saying he vrished the constitu
tionality of the Tenure-of-Office Bill and the Reconstruc
tion acts decided by the courts, — that he would submit
the laws to them, and if they should decide against him, or
that the laws were constitutional, he would resign, — such
a proposition, J. thought, would carry the country vrith
the President. If Congress would not acquiesce in such a
submission or reference, but were to proceed to extrem
ities, then resist, seize the principal conspirators, etc.
Fifty armed men would be all that were necessary. The
President made no reply, nor did he enter into any conver
sation vrith J. on the subject. I merely observed that these
theories would not be carried out, however plausible they
might seem when not commenced. Congress would con
sent to no reference of their laws and proceedings to any
court. That would be a trial of the Legislature as weU as
the Executive by the Judiciary; it was the purpose of the
Legislature to try the Executive themselves. And then, as
to the fifty miUtary men, what could they do? Here was
the General of the armies in the conspiracy, secretly urging
it on. He might be arrested if insubordinate, but who was
to do it? Emory is in command of the District. Can the
President depend on him in an emergency? I have but
little confidence in him, but the President ought to know
him, and I presume does. He should have the best friend
he has got in the Army in that place.
On asking the President in regard to Emory, he gave no
satisfactory answer, but it was evident he did not fully
confide in him. Jeffries, though a Marylander, knew little
of E., but said Colonel Bowie, a true man, has great faith
1 Noah L. Jeffries, Register of the Treasury.

1868] GENERAL THOMAS'S UNFITNESS 289
in him, believes him true, etc., etc. I remembered he was
false to the Union and pursued an equivocal course at the
commencement of the Rebellion, and though there was en
treaty and importunity to reinstate him, with many state
ments and explanations of his error and pledges of his future
fideUty, I had little faith in him then, nor have I much now.
I called on the President this morning in consequence of
an incident which took place at a party given by Mrs. Ray
last evening. After the company assembled, an orderly
appeared, requiring all officers of the Fifth Cavalry to
appear at Headquarters. Shortly after, another orderly,
requiring all officers under General Emory's command to
appear at Headquarters. Both orders came from E. I
asked the President if he had made preparations, — had
issued orders to E. He said he had not. "Some one," said
I, "has. Who is it, and what does it indicate? While
you, Mr. President, are resorting to no extreme measures,
the conspirators have their spies, — have command of the
troops. Either Stanton or Grant or both issued orders
which were proclaimed aloud and peremptorily at this
large social gathering."
The President was disturbed, but said very little. It is
an error vrith him that he does not more freely commun
icate vrith his Cabinet and friends. This whole movement
of changing his Secretary of War has been incautiously
and loosely performed vrithout preparation. The Cabinet
was not consulted. His friends in the Senate and House
were taken by surprise, and were wholly unaware of the
movement. General Thomas proves himself unfit for the place of
Secretary of War ad interim. He is like a boy, ready to
obey orders, but cannot himself act with decision or direct
others, — is a mere child or worse in Stanton's presence.
Instead of taking upon himself the duties of Secretary of
War and commanding Stanton, he submits to Stanton's
orders, and is locked out of the Department, laughed at,
and treated vrith contempt.
3

290 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 22
I am told he was weak and fooUsh enough last evening
to attend a mask ball; was at Willard's Hotel, . . . that he
talked openly and loudly of his being Secretary of War, —
that he should to-day take possession, open the mails, etc.
But he is snuffed out.
February 24, Monday. Senator Doolittle and Attomey-
General Stanbery called on me last evening. Their object
was to ascertain my recollection of what took place in
the Cabinet when the Tenure-of-Office Bill was under con
sideration, especially on the point which related to the
four first secretaries, who were appomted by Mr. Lincohi.
I recollect that they were considered as holding office by
a different tenure than the others, who were appointed
by Mr. Johnson, but the remarks of the several members
I could not recall. There was entire unanimity as regarded
the unconstitutionaUty of the biU itseff, and this absorbed
the minor questions. The distinctive point now aUuded to
was, I remember, discussed. Mr. Seward, I think, alluded
to it, and I well recollect that Mr. Randall made remark
to the effect that the law appeared to carry out the four
members by legislation, or there was a question ff it did
not. The Attorney-General said it could have no such
retroactive effect, even if the law was good for anything,
but he was emphatic and decisive in pronouncing the law
absolutely and beyond all question unconstitutional.
Stanton was quite as emphatic, and I think every member
declared his readiness to surrender his place, whenever the
President should express a wish to that effect.
Each of these gentlemen, as did also McCulloch, who
called on me earUer in the evening, regretted that the
President had not in this and other instances been more
free and communicative vrith his friends, and advised with
them without reserve. While reticent towards those
with whom he should be most intimate, he has been hold
ing free conversation with newspaper correspondents, and
giving them his opinions, and an account of his actions

1868] RADICAL ALARMS 291
on the most important subjects of administration. I have
long lamented this condition of things, but I know of no
remedy. The President has his peculiarities in this respect,
as he had in speechmaking when "swinging round the
circle." I have sometimes been almost tempted to listen to
the accusation of his enemies that he desired and courted
impeachment. Yet such is not the fact. He is courage
ous and firm, vrith great sagacity and wide comprehen
sion, yet is not in many respects wise and practical. It
may be that he is willing the Radicals should make them
selves ridiculous by futile assaults, but he hardly could
have expected this flurry for so peaceful and justifiable
a movement. The Radical leaders have for some time striven to alarm
and agitate the country by whispers and insinuations
that the President was intending to make himseff dictator,
and Senator Thayer ^ pledged his honor as a Senator that
the President was about to assume regal power or some
thing of the sort, in a pubUc speech last summer or autumn
at Cincinnati. Forney, Secretary of the Senate, as deep in
the conspiracy as the chiefs will permit, in his paper the
Chronicle, which is the Radical organ, gave out that
the President, vrith Governor Swann, was organizing the
miUtia of Maryland to secure for himself absolute power.
Others have tried to alarm the popular mind by similar
siUy and absurd falsehoods.
I this moming called on the President. There were
many waiting. Randall and Mr. Ross were vrith him,
but both soon left. Stanbery was in the hbrary, writing
and re"rising a message, which the President sent to Con
gress in a few hours, vindicating his course and removing
Stanton. I had called because Mr. Stanbery and myself
had an understanding to that effect last evening, beUeving
it best the President should see all his Cabinet on the sub
ject of his message or communication. But the President
1 John M. Thayer, of Nebraska.

292 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 24
said he thought it unnecessary to see any others than
Stanbery and myself.
The House this aftemoon decided by a vote of 126 to
47 to impeach the President. The alleged cause of impeach
ment is the removal of a contumacious, treacherous, and
unprincipled officer, who intrudes himself into the War
Department under the authority of a law which he himself
denounced as unconstitutional, a law to fetter the President
and deprive the Executive of his rights.
The impeachment is a deed of extreme partisanship,
a deliberate conspiracy, involving all the moral guUt of
treason, for which the members would, if fairly tried, be
liable to conviction and condemnation. If the President
has committed errors, he has done no act which justifies
this proceeding. The President is innocent of crime; his
accusers and triers are culpably guilty. In this "riolent and
vicious exercise of partyism I see the Uberties and happi
ness of the country and the stabUity of the govemment
imperiled. The President has a reception this evening, and though
neither my vrife nor myself are well, and the night is in
clement, we shall, vrith all the famUy, be present.
February 25, Tuesday. There is, I think, less excitement
to-day. The weather, which is damp and dreary, perhaps
contributes to it. A feeling of doubt and sadness per
vades the minds of sensible men. Some of the less intense
Radicals are dissatisfied with their own doings. A Uttle
routine business was transacted in the Cabinet, princi
pally from the State Department. The President, though
calm, is not vrithout sensibiUty and feels the wrong and
outrage of the conspirators, although he makes no com
plaint. The debate which has taken place on the subject of
impeachment is disgraceful, wicked, and maUcious. E. B.
Washbume, the . . . man of little work for Grant, was
mendacious and "riUainous. . . .

1868] JOHN BIGELOW ON IMPEACHMENT 293
r John Bigelow, late Minister to France, spent an hour
vrith me this p.m. He has been here some ten days, a
looker-on, and is a good and honest observer. The pro
ceedings at the Capitol have greatly interested him. He
complains, and perhaps vrith reason, that the President
was in fault in not communicating to his friends in Con
gress his purpose in removing Stanton, that they might
have been prepared for the contest. The President's mea
sures, he thinks also, should have been taken vrith delibera
tion; he should not have permitted himself to be foUed by
Stanton; Thomas, or the man who was to take the place
of Stanton, should have ejected him at once. All this is
very true. It is easy, now that the matter has passed, to
say, that so great a scoundrel, so treacherous, false, and
deceitful a man should not have been treated Uke a gentle
man. The President has, from the first, extended to Stan
ton a consideration and leniency that has surprised me, for
he knew him to be false, remorseless, treacherous, and
base. I expressed my disbelief in his quiet retirement last
Friday, when the President announced his removal and
T.'s appointment.
Bigelow is confident, or rather has high hopes, that
impeachment will fail in the Senate. Says that the large
conservative force in the Senate, with the Chief Justice,
look vrith repugnance and horror to the accession of Wade,*
and would prefer to continue the President. Unless,
therefore. Wade will resign and allow some good conserv
ative Senator to be made President of the Senate, he
thiiiks impeachment will be defeated.
I encouraged his hopes, while I have very sUght expect
ations. This is a party scheme, a conspiracy on a large
scale, more offensive and reprehensible than that of se
cession, but the conspirators, ha"ring taken the fatal
plunge, caimot recede. There are Representatives who
have qualms, but these very men wUl stimulate hesi-
' ' AsJPresident pro tem. of the Senate, Senator Benjaimin F. Wade of Ohio
was next in Une of succession to the Presidency.

294 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 25
tating Senators to do as they have done, — get into the
same boat vrith themselves. Radicalism vrill not only be
dead, but vrill rot if they fail. They know this as weU as we
know it, and, knowing it, they "give up to party what was
meant for mankind." I fear no moral courage wiU be found
among the Radical Senators, no indi"ridual independence;
but shall wait events, calmly I hope, though it is difficult
to restrain giving utterance to one's indignation at de
Uberate vUlainy.
February 26, Wednesday. General L. Thomas was ar
rested last Saturday moming at the instigation of E. M.
Stanton, on a writ issued by Cartter, Chief Justice of the
District Court. General T. gave baU in S5000, and the
case came up to-day, when he was prepared to submit to
imprisonment, vrith a view of suing out a writ of habeas
corpus and getting a decision from the Supreme Court on
the constitutionality of the Ci"vil-Tenure BiU. This the
Radicals and Stanton dreaded, and after various twistings
and turnings. General T. was discharged.
Cartter, in this whole proceeding, from its inception
to its close, showed himseff a most unfit judge. He has
secretly visited Stanton at the War Department, and his
associate Fisher has spent much of his time since Thomas'
arrest, with Stanton.
A summons was issued for Stanton to appear as a vrit
ness for Thomas to-day, and to produce his commission,
but the quondam Secretary refused to appear.
I, yesterday, and again to-day, suggested, not to say
urged, that Judge Curtis * should be one of the President's
counsel in the impeachment. The President assented to
my suggestions, but whether he will engage C. is another
question. Something vrill depend, vrithout doubt, on the
disposition of the Attomey-General, and perhaps Black
will also have a voice.
The Democratic National Committee has been in
' Benjamin Robbins Curtis.

1868] PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES 295
session here, and, from what I leam, have not been over-
wise, but somewhat conceited and weakly and foolishly
partisan. Bigelow tells me that the intention is to make
Horatio Seymour the Presidential candidate. Tilden thinks
Seymour vriU run stronger than any man in New York,
and that is a great State, — he does not look beyond it.
I said to B. that it was important that Democrats should
have a ticket which would draw recruits and not repel
them; that Seymour was not an acceptable candidate out
of the pale of party and not strongly popular vrithin it.
It might be possible, under the mad conduct of the Rad
icals, to elect a strict party candidate, but not certain. He
asked who there was that could be taken up. Said that
Tilden assured him DooUttle would not be acceptable
in New York. I named Hendricks, Hancock, or, if they
would go in for a man for the country, and relax as re
gards party, there was Charles Francis Adams. He would
be the third of the name and family, and would be at
tacked for that reason, but the fact had also its strong
side. There would be many who would, especially in these
turbulent times, be glad to have peace and stability, such
as the country had forty years ago under his father. He
has not the popular element, would not be acceptable
to the Fenians, and therefore would not be a party can
didate; but the country would have in him a good pre
sident, but "with some family infirmities. There is some
mihtary feehng which might be made available for
Hancock, who is better liked than Grant.
February 27, Thursday. The feverish excitement has
abated. Impeachment as a sensation has had its day.
When the trial comes on in the Senate, it vrill be revived,
perhaps, but vrith less intensity.
Woodbridge of Vermont, one of the Judiciary Commit
tee, who always opposed impeachment, came to see me
to-day. He spoke deprecatingly of the movement; re
gretted that he was compeUed to vote for it under party

296 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 27
demands, but his colleagues from Vermont aU went for
it, they and the party at home were violent, and it would
have been death for him to have resisted. He voted with
reluctance and against his vrishes and convictions, for the
President he knew to be honest and patriotic; and he so
said to me. It is melancholy to witness such things.
Woodbridge is but one of many who are guilty of this wrong.
A moral infirmity or weakness. They dare not act in
accordance with their convictions. A fear of party os
tracism controls them. But their acts forfeit their seff-
respect for the time, and sooner or later wiU lose them the
respect of others.
The whole impeachment scheme is a piece of party
persecution, which, if successful to party, wiU be ruinous
to the country. It is a deliberate and vricked conspiracy
from its inception.
February 28, Friday. Mr. Seward read to-day one of
his strange, unstatesmanlike, and improper dispatches.
It was addressed to Mr. Stillwell, our Minister at Vene
zuela, in relation to certain of the crew of the Hannah
Grant, a whaUng-schooner, who were unlawiuUy detained
in that country. The dispatch was objectionable as a
state paper, and was offensive because wanting in proper
courtesy to the naval officer who might be ordered to
La Guayra. Mr. StillweU was told that a naval vessel would
be sent (without any reference to the Secretary of the
Navy), that the naval office would be directed to commit
no hostile act without his (StiUwell's) direction, etc., etc.
In other, or plain, words, the Minister and naval officer
were authorized at their discretion to declare war, or make
war, on Venezuela.
Mr. Stanbery took exception to this part of the dispatch,
in which I j oined. Seward was annoyed by the criticism and
objection, but finaUy professed to put in some pencil
alteration. He would not presume to send a dispatch of
this nature to Russia in regard to the recent outrages in the

1868] A NITRO-GLYCERINE SCARE 297
Sea of Okhotsk ' nor to England in regard to the Fenians,
nor to France, but he can be arrogant to feeble Venezuela.
I am inclined to think that a claim which his pet
Sanford, our Minister to Belgium, has against Venezuela
may influence him in asking for a man-of-war at Curagao,
as much as the seamen of the Hannah Grant.
Some laughter took place, after Cabinet councU, over
the fortification and intrenchment of the War Depart
ment, and the trepidation of Stanton, who has this mom
ing doubled his guard. Kennedy, Chief of New York
police, sent a letter to Speaker Colfax, that some nitro
glycerine had disappeared from New York, and that
shrewd, sagacious, and patriotic functionary knew not
where it had gone, unless to Washington.
The chivalrous and timid Speaker at once laid this
tremendous missive before the House, and the consterna
tion of the gallant band of Radicals became excessive. A
large additional poUce force had been placed around the
Capitol, but as it was still considered unsafe, an immediate
adjournment was called for. Stanton, unfortunate man,
could not adjourn. There was no refuge for him, save in
the War Department, which is surrounded and filled vrith
soldiers to protect against an inroad from old General
Thomas. As Stanton, Grant, and the Radical Congress
have assumed the entire control of the military, to the
exclusion of the President, who is Commander-in-Chief,
the apprehension seems to be that the Adjutant-General
and his friends have resorted to nitro-glycerine.
Browning inquired whether there should not be more free
communication and interchange of opinion among the
members of the Cabinet in regard to the measures before
Congress. Seward promptly and in a manner that was
intended to put a stop to this said the President would, he
suppose, consult any member he pleased on any subject;
that this matter of impeachment belonged more particu-
' A Russian sloop-of-war fired on an American vessel in the Sea of
Okhotsk in December, 1867.

298 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 28
larly to the Attorney-General, and he proposed they (the
President and the Attorney-General) should do what they
thought best; he might, he continued, be called as vritness,
and it was best to ward off any charge of conspiring, etc.,
etc. I dissented whoUy from this view, as did the Attorney-
General and indeed every other member. I regretted
that we had not been more free in expressing our views
to each other at all times, — though it was felt we could
not, so long as Stanton was with us, be frank and friendly.
McCulloch took the same view. Browning said he had,
perhaps, done wrong in bringing the subject forward;
it was not his intention to intrude on the President, but
the times demanded the united counsel of all. Seward,
after remarking that "too many cooks usually spoiled
the broth," expressed his readiness to meet and consult
at all times.
The subject of counsel in case of a trial was then intro
duced. Every man advised the retention of Judge Curtis.
O'Conor was mentioned. McCulloch objected that he
was counsel for Jeff Davis, and that party antipathy would
counteract his ability. Evarts was mentioned and rather
pressed. I admitted his abUity, but feared his want of
heart in the measure. He had united himseff vrith the
Radicals when their cause seemed strong; it must have
been from no mental and moral workings of such a mind
as his; in that act he was not true to his nature and to
what he knew to be right.
Seward, who has always heretofore been steadfast for
Evarts, gave in to the correctness of my remarks, but said
he knew not how far he had gone with the Radicals. He
was a very cold man. After further talk it was agreed we
would come together on Saturday evening at half-past
seven. Grant has overruled General Hancock, and reestab
lished, or reappointed the negro aldermen in New Orleans.
He is implicated in the conspiracy against the President,
— a willing party to it. ...

1868] STANBERY CONSIDERS RESIGNING 299
February 29, Saturday. The impeachment committee
have printed ten articles. Nine of them contain a mount
ain of words, but not even a mouse of impeachment ma
terial. The tenth is even weaker than the other nine, and
has a long taU from General Emory. I never had faith in
the firmness and honest stability of this man, who was
false in 1861, and whimpered back into the service which
he had deserted. His willing, volunteered testimony has been
evidently procured and manufactured, and yet is nothing.
The President had sent for him on the 22d in conse
quence of information and suggestions from myself, and
questioned him. Emory puts the questions in the form of
averments by the President, and throughout exhibits him
self a Radical partisan for the time being.
Mr. Stanbery says that Judge Curtis vrill be here on
Tuesday evening next. There is, Stanbery thinks, an
intention on the part of the managing Radicals to exclude
him from taking part in defense of the President before
the court of impeachment because he is Attomey-General.
He queries whether he had not better resign forthwith,
and devote his whole time to the case. To this we were
each and all opposed, or to any resignation unless he were
compelled. A writ of quo warranto is to be sued out, but with the Court
in the District whoUy under the influence of the Radical
conspirators, action vrill be delayed as long as possible, for
there is nothing they so much dread as a decision of the
Supreme Court on their unconstitutional laws.
There is no "high crime or misdemeanor" in these ar
ticles that calls for impeachment, and those who may vote
to convict upon these articles would as readily vote to
impeach the President had he been accused of stepping on
a dog's tail. But any pretext vrill serve unprincipled and
unscrupulous partisan vengeance. He would not lend him
self to a series of unconstitutional measures and to get
rid of him is imperative.

LVII
Preparations for the Impeachment Trial — The Notice of Impeachment
served on the President — Selecting the President's Counsel — Stan
bery determines to resign his Cabinet Position before undertaking the
President's Case — Stanton fortified in the War Department — Radical
Victory in the New Hampshire Election — A Sketch of New Hampshire
PoUtics — Stanbery hands in his Resignation — The President's IU-
considered Talks with Newspaper Men — Senator Sherman wishes a
Naval Lieutenant court-martialed for using Disrespectful Language of
Congress — The President's Uncommunicativeness — Judge Black on
Seward's Handling of the Alta Vela Affair — The Impeachment Pro
ceedings open with Little Excitement — Judge Black withdraws from
the President's Case — Probable Reasons for his Course — A Spirit
of Mischief in the HawaUan Islands — Black's Letter to the President
withdrawing from the Case and denouncing Seward's Conduct in the
Alta Vela Matter — WUson and Sumner and the Naval Appropriation
BUl — General Butler's Opening in the Impeachment Trial.
March 3, Tuesday. The journals of the day and pub
lished proceedings will be a record of what occurs in mat
ters of impeachment. I do not, therefore, record details of
official transactions, but such only as seem to me proper
with individual movements. The spirit which has led to the
impeachment movement and its consummation in the House
is strange and various. A considerable portion of those
who voted for it did violence to their own convdctions.
There is another large element which had no convictions,
but are mere shallow, reckless partisans who would as
readily have voted that the President should be hung in
front of the White House as that he should be impeached
in the Capitol, pro"rided their leaders — Stevens, Bout
well, and others — had presented papers in form for that
purpose. Another and different class, hke Boutwell, seek
and expect notoriety and fame. They have read Macau-
lay's interesting history of the trial of Warren Hastings,
and flatter themselves they are to be the Burkes and Sheri-

1868] PREPARATIONS FOR THE TRIAL 301
dans of some future historian. MaUgnant party hate and
unscrupulous party thirst for power stimulate others.
A shameless, brazen effrontery and vUlainy mark certain
Senators. Howard and Chandler of Michigan, Sumner,
Cameron, Conkling, and others have already made them
selves parties against the man whom they are to adjudge,
— have some of them, if not all, connived in secret to urge
on impeachment. They have broken down the barriers
of the Constitution, whUe the President has striven to de
fend them, and for his defense he is to be tried and con
demned by these violators, conspirators, and perjurers.
March 4, Wedn,esday. Chief Justice Chase has sent a
letter to the Senate which disturbed the Radicals. It was
not of great moment, and vrill be swamped by leading im
peachers who are anxious to hurry on their work. Stevens,
vrith his arrogance, insolence, and vicious despotism,
threatens every Senator who shall dare to vote against
his party; tells them they are committed by their votes.
It must shame and mortify some of the intelligent minds
in the Senate to be held in subjection and compelled to
receive the excoriations and threatenings of this vricked
and bad man, but it is questionable whether they have the
moral courage and independence to do right, when the
terrors of this party tyrant are before them.
Seward and I met in the councU room, and, while wait
ing for the President, allusion was made to our meeting
seven years ago yesterday, and of events which have since
transpired. He says it is nineteen years this 4th of March
since he entered the service of the United States, seven
years since he became a Cabinet Minister. "How few of
aU the men," said he, "vrith whom we have been associated,
have proved faithful ! — how many have disappointed us ! "
This was said in connection with present transactions,
and had particular reference to Stanton.
The Cabinet met last evening at half-past seven instead
of at noon. But little official business was done. We had

302 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 4
a two hours' talk of the condition of public affairs, and
especially of the great question now before the country.
Judge Curtis was expected to-day. He is associated with
Mr. Stanbery as one of the counsel of the President. Other
names were talked of, but no conclusion come to.
McCulloch expressed a hope that the President would
go to the Senate on the first day, but not afterwards.
Seward said if he went the whole Cabinet ought to ac
company him. I objected to either. It would give dignity
and imposing form to the proceedmgs, which the conspira
tors wished, but we did not. The managers undoubtedly
desired that the President should exhibit himself there,
and ff surrounded by his advisers it would make the scene
more imposing. Men, and women too, would come from
a distance, and gather at the Capitol to see the victim,
if he should consent to gratify them.
March 5, Thursday. The Cabinet met this evening.
Seward brought forward the removal of Timothy Picker
ing from the office of Secretary of State in May, 1800, by
John Adams, as a case in point. His clerks had hunted up
this precedent, and if Congress was in session, as Seward
says, it is in all respects like the present case, except that
the Tenure-of-Office Law had not then been enacted.
The movement which had been made by the RepubUcan
Senators in 1862 to procure the removal of Seward was
brought under discussion. At that time, these Senators
called on President Lincohi to make his Cabinet a unit
by removing an objectionable minister, as they considered
him. Judge Curtis has arrived. When I went to the Presi
dent's this evening, no others of the Cabinet were there, but
I found Mr. Groesbeck ^ of Cincinnati with him. He was
and is most eamestly opposed to this conspiracy and with
' William Slocomb Groesbeck, a liberal Republican who had been a dele
gate to the Philadelphia Convention. He was retained as counsel for Pre
sident Johnson.

1868] NOTICE OF IMPEACHMENT SERVED 303
the President, and there has been mention of his name as
one of the junior counsel for the President. His being
here, however, at this time was accidental, — was for
other and business reasons.
David D. Field was spoken of compUmentarily by
Browning from the representation of others. Seward did
not concur; said Field was the greatest small man he had
ever knovm. ^ Stanbery thought he spread himself too
largely, had too many points, was a book man, not an
original. March 6, Friday. A brief Cabinet-meeting. Browning
brought his diary, detaUing occurrences and remarks in
the Senatorial Republican Caucus of 1862 for removal of
Seward, he being at that time a Senator from Illinois.
General Thomas was present at the Cabinet-meeting this
evening, but no business was transacted, nor was there
a disposition to have much free discussion while he re
mained. I was sorry the President invited him, unless it
is necessary to carry out explicitly the ad interim ap
pointment. March 7, Saturday. The President was served vrith
notice of impeachment this evening. I was at the White
House a few moments after the copy was left. We had
a Cabinet-meeting this evening. I was the first who ar
rived. The others came in soon.
Mr. Stanbery is sensitive on the subject of retaining the
office of Attomey-General while defending the President.
Thinks exception may be taken to his appearance by ex
treme partisan Senators, and proposed to anticipate their
movement by a resignation. Says that it will involve the
necessity of wholly giving up all attention to official busi
ness during the trial, for that and that alone shall occupy
his mind. But this can be got along vrith by tuming over
' > David Dudley Field, the eldest of four distinguished brothers, was a
very large man physicaUy.

304 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 7
current official matters to his Assistant. He is, however,
sensitive to any imputation from any quarter, and is pretty
much determined to resign. All the members preferred he
should not. I think, and said, if he found it a point to be
met, he could, when challenged or when decision was
had by the Senate, present his resignation. The effect, it
seems to me, would be good, if so presented. Let the Rad
ical Senators sitting as judges hound down the President,
— object, if they please, to his having one of his poUtical
family, his legal selected adviser, to defend him.
In the consultations which have been had by the counsel
thus far, Stanbery, Curtis, and Black have participated.
At the last meeting, Stanbery says. Black suggested that
his (B.'s) appearing might prejudice the case, and whUe
he was extremely soUcitous to participate he would by
no means act if it were supposed his doing so would be
injurious to the President. Both S. and C. had appre
hensions it might be unfortunate, but desired the Cabinet
to express their "riews, and, above all, that the President
himself might decide on this subject.
McCulloch promptly expressed his opinion against the
retention of Black as one of the counsel. Said that Senator
Hendricks had said to him it would be injudicious; that
the Democrats in the Senate would all be right, he had no
doubt, but that the Republicans were hostile to Black.
Seward was inclined to believe that this was the case,
and perhaps some one as capable and not so obnoxious
might be found. Several names were suggested.
I asked if it would be wise or poUtic to exclude from the
managing counsel any pronounced Democrat whatever.
It appeared to me important that there should be one such
lawyer among them, and while I had no great intimacy
with, or partiality for, Black, I knew of no one who was,
under the circumstances, in all respects his equal. We
wanted something more than a mere lawyer for such a
case as this, — a politician and statesman, one who made
the Constitution and public affairs a study. Still, if Black

1868] SELECTING COUNSEL 305
was personaUy or by reason of his party entanglements and
associations so offensive as to aUenate any of these Sena
torial judges, I would not press him. But no man was fit
to be a Senator or a member of the court, whose judgment
would be biased by his personal or party dislike of counsel.
I cautioned them to remember, however, that the friends
and supporters of the President were almost all Demo
crats, and the ground-swell of pubUc opinion would have
its influence on the Senators.
There was a general opinion that the third man should
be a Democrat, and Thurman of Ohio was named. Seward
favored him, and McCulloch also. Stanbery compUmented
him but did not expUcitly commit himself for him. Brown
ing inclined to Black, ff not so objectionable as to injure
the cause before the Senate. I stated my opinion of Thur
man was favorable from what I had heard of him, but he
had no such national reputation as Black.
March 9, Monday. I called on the President this mom
ing and informed him I had reflected much on the subject
of his counsel, and although there was opposition to Black,
it appeared to me he ought not to give way to it, provided
B. had his confidence. He thanked me and said the re
tention of Black was not an open question and he had so
informed Mr. Seward who called last evening and vrished
to dissuade him. The President attributed the hostUity
of Seward to the fact that Black had been opposed to
Seward in the Alta Vela matter.^ I have understood that
Thurlow Weed was interested in that question, and his
interest in that questionable transaction was in conse
quence of his intimacy and well-known influence vrith the
Secretary of State, and I so informed the President. For
' This was the claim of Patterson and Murginendo for damages on ac
count of the seizure by the Dominican Republic of Alta Vela, a guano island
off the coast of the island of Hayti. The island was occupied in 1859 or 1860
by United States citizens and taken possession of in the name of the United
States, and the seizure was regarded by some as a casus belli. The claim was
finaUy dismissed. 3

306 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 9
a little matter, Seward has manffested the deepest anxiety
in the Alta Vela business. I do not think he has any
pecuniary interest in it, but he is solicitous for his friend
Weed, who has. The President asked me if I knew Swett ^
of Illinois. I do slightly, but am not particularly favorably
impressed with the idea of his being one of the counsel.
I thought neither his abihties nor standing in the country
would justify such a selection. The President said he knew
very little of Swett, but Seward urged him because he was
the special friend of Mr. Lincohi, and to retain him would
gratify Mr. L.'s friends. I besought him to be influenced
by no such representations, and expressed my regret
that they had been made.
We had a Cabinet-meeting this evening. In a desultory
conversation at the beginning of the session, some one,
I think Browning, stated some fact in regard to Chief
Justice Chase which indicated his opposition to impeach
ment, and that his influence would be against it. Seward
denied that Chase had any influence; there was not, he said,
a Senator, or a press, or a community where his opinion
weighed a feather, or was of the slightest consequence.
He went on in one of his rambling, dogmatic dissertations,
which seemed to astonish and awe Browning. I took ex
ceptions and insisted that Chase had official, poUtical, and
moral influence, that should not be Ughtly throvrai away.
Seward became excited. "Name a man — name a Sena
tor — whom he can influence." I mentioned Fessenden,
at which S. phewed, — said he had more influence with
F. than Chase had. I congratulated him on his good
opinion of himself vrith F., but assured him that / knew
he was mistaken. The truth is, Fessenden has great
admiration of Chase, but very little respect for Seward.
No one sustained Seward, who went on dogmatizing and
prophesying. He claims to know how both the New York
Senators feel on the subject of impeachment.
' Leonard Swett, an intimate friend of Lincoln's and during his Admin
istration employed on government cases.

1868] SELECTING COUNSEL 307
The question of the counsel of the President was dis
cussed. Stanbery, Black, and Curtis were decided upon
favorably. Seward informed the President that he had
telegraphed for Evarts, who would be here to-morrow
moming. The President looked at me, and saw perhaps
that I did not respond to that selection vrith alacrity, and
said to Mr. Seward, "His coming here does not insure
that Mr. Evarts vriU be retained." "No," said Seward,
hesitating, "but you cannot do better." AU concurred
in that opinion but myseff. I admitted his high standing
as a lawyer, his intellectual capacity, his fidelity, if he
engaged in the cause, but this cold, calculating, selfish
man was destitute of enthusiasm, magnetic power, or
pohtical influence; had abandoned the Administration
vrith which he had been associated without cause and gone
over to the Radicals. Ought such a man, though unsur
passed as a lawyer, technical, legal, but in his politics
a mere calculator, to be selected in such a case as this?
In deserting the Administration when he did, he exhibited
weakness, — vrith aU his legal lore, — want of conscience,
want of fidelity to principle. Seward admitted Evarts had
taken a strange course. I named Samuel Glover, of St.
Louis, as a lawyer and orator, if the President was intend
ing to select another Western man. He said Mr. Seward
had named Swett, and others had spoken of him. I asked
Browning, who knew them both, as to the two men. He
said they were not to be named together, — that Glover
was incomparably superior. I asked Seward what were
the particulars of Swett's CaUfornia transactions, — there
were imputations upon him coincident vrith those matters.
McCulloch said Blair told him that Swett was a tool of
Stanton's. Seward denied this, and said the hundred
thousand dollars which Swett obtained was his (Seward's)
doing; that Swett was such a man as the President wanted;
everybody knew of his intimacy with Lincoln, and it
would bring them into good relations vrith the President
were he to retain Swett. ,

308 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 9
No one seconded Seward in this matter. He evidently
is using the occasion for his own personal benefit more than
the President's. I should almost think he is in Stanton's
interest. Evarts and Swett he has imposed on the Pre
sident in sly interviews.
After an hour and a half's discussion, we went below
to the President's evening general reception, which was
well and fashionably attended.
March 10, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting this noon,
Mr. Stanbery named, as the counsel who would probably
be retained, himself. Black, Curtis, Evarts, Groesbeck, and
Nelson of Tennessee, whom the President has invited
here, and who was introduced to us. Field seems to be
excluded, which is Seward's doings, and vrill be a disap
pointment to many, — as much as the retention of Evarts.
I spoke freely of Evarts, and the objections to him.
It may be, however, that he vrill acquit himseff vrith credit.
I shall be disappointed if he does not, for he has abffities
and the occasion is a great one.
Mr. Stanbery says he must resign his place as Attomey-
General in order to devote his whole time to this case. He
is unvrilUng to be trammeled, or have his mind disturbed
by any official duties, obligations, or embarrassments, and
says it vrill undoubtedly be urged against him that, as the
prosecuting officer of the Govemment, it is his duty to
sustain rather than oppose the articles of impeachment.
I am not impressed with his views. As the constitutional
legal adviser of the President, — one of his ci"ril house
hold and officially andpersonally a part of the Govemment,
— I think he would find no difficulty in sustaining him
self before the Senate, and the very fact of opposition to
him on account of his being a member of the Cabinet,
the legal adviser of the Administration, would have a
good influence before the country. I so expressed myself.
But Mr. Stanbery is sensitive and timid. Herein, I fear,
he will faU before the insolent, reckless, and audacious

WILLIAM M. EVARTS

1868] NEW HAMPSHIRE POLITICS 309
Radical Managers and conspiring Senators who are to sit
in judgment. Stevens and Butler will take pleasure in
bluffing and insulting, and he is too courteous, gentle
manly, and dignified to meet and boldly rebuke them.
Stanton is still making hunself ridiculous by intrench
ing his person in the War Department, surrounded by a
heavy guard. This is for effect. He is, it is true, an arrant
coward, but can have no apprehension of personal danger
requiring a miUtary force to protect him. Some of his
wise Senatorial advisers, doubtless, in their conspiracy
to defeat executive action, counseled and advised the
redoubtable Secretary to hold on to the War Department
buUding, and to fortffy himself in it. Thayer, Conness,
and Cameron would have minds for such work.
March 11, Wednesday. The election in New Hamp
shire yesterday resulted in the success of the Radical ticket
by probably about the same majority as last year, on a
great and unaccountably increased vote of both parties.
The effect of this will be to elate the Radicals, far more than
it vrill discourage the Democrats, for the former have no
faith in their cause while the Democrats are full of con
fidence in the rectitude and ultimate triumph of their
principles. The popular element in New Hampshire is pretty stable
and fixed. People do not easUy change their party relations.
For a long series of years the men of the Isaac Hill class
of politicians had a controlling infiuence in the Granite
State. Their principles were sound, and the management
of the State was judicious. A younger set of men of the
same poUtics came forward and took and were awarded
high official position by the country in consequence of the
firm and persistent political character of the State. But
they have not the qualifications of their predecessors
and seniors. The firm foundation laid by Hill, Harvey,
Woodbury, and others continued to uphold the party for
years; but at length it was undermined and gave way.

310 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march ii
Pierce, Atherton, and Burke were mere politicians, wholly
incapable of building up or maintaining a party. Their
weakness and impracticability led to vigorous antagonism,
and events favored their opponents, who had been schooled
in adversity. Pierce, a vain, showy, and pliant man, was
made President by Jeff Davis, R. J. Walker, Gid PUlow,
and others, and by his errors and weakness broke dovra
his Administration, and his party throughout the country.
How could such a man and his associates impart strength
and vigor to any party anywhere?
In the mean time, a set of younger men of opposite poU
tics came forward and established an efficient and energetic
organization in New Hampshire, which swept the State.
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the svrindUng
"rillainies in Kansas, the flagrant disregard of the principles
of their party, their debasing subserviency to the arrogant
and insolent assumptions of the imperious Southem leaders
— even to countenancing and affiliating vrith the Seces
sionists — demoralized and broke down the Democratic
Party, which for a quarter of a century had held suprem
acy in New Hampshire. The rising young politicians of
the opposite party assimilated with those Democrats who
opposed central aggressions and avaUed themselves of the
advantages which the feeble and weak Democrats who
clung to organization regardless of principle threw into
their hands.
Chandler, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; RoUins,
Revenue Commissioner; RoUins, Member of Congress;
Ordway, Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representa
tives; Fogg, late Minister to Svritzerland, and others have,
for the last dozen years, been as efficient and powerful
as Isaac HUl and his associates in other days. Their or
ganization and the discipUne of party have prevented the
State from securing its rightful position at this time; but
the change is upon them. The Radicals are extremists or
disunionists, and as much in fault as the Secessionists,
and the rising young Democrats will take advantage of

1868] STANBERY RESIGNS 311
their centraUzing and disunion heresies to overthrow the
RepubUcan Party.
March 12, Thursday. At a special Cabinet-meeting the
matter of Stanbery's resignation was considered. The
general vrish was that he should retain the office and act
as counsel; but he prefers to be untrammeled, and has
his heart much set on the trial. The President has re
cently had a conversation with a newspaper correspondent
(the World's) in which he disclosed Pickering's case, who
was removed by John Adams, — a point on which the
counsel were relying and which we all had studiously kept
secret. Stanbery, having presented his resignation and the
matter being adjusted, was about leaving, when he stopped,
addressed the President, and resumed his seat, "You are
now, Mr. President," said he, "in the hands of your
lawyers, who vrill speak and act for you, and I must begin
by requesting that no further disclosures be made to news
paper correspondents. There was in the papers, yester
day or this moming, what purported to be a conversa
tion between the President and a correspondent, in which
the Pickering correspondence was brought out and made
pubhc. This is aU wrong, and I have to request that these
talks, or conversations, be stopped. They injure your case
and embarrass your counsel."
Mr. Browning foUowed in the same vein and more at
length. The President was taken aback. He attempted
some apologetic remark. Said the correspondence was in
the books, accessible to all, etc. But no one justified,
apologized for, or attempted to excuse him. He saw that
there was general disapproval.
Some of these proceedings of the President are unac
countable and inexcusable. He seems to take pleasure
in having these "talks" of the President with this or that
correspondent pubUshed. It is in his position hardly a
pardonable weakness.

312 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 12
Seward has gone to New York and vrill visit Albany
and Auburn before he retums. Why he selects this time to
be absent, I cannot tell. It is not unusual for him when some
crisis, some development, some of his own intrigues are
about ripening to leave Washington for a few days. The
impeachment hearing comes on to-morrow, and, though
a postponement will take place, I know not why he should
be away. He says he will see friends in New York and
can help the President more there than here.
March 13, Friday. Impeachment was the order of the
day. The reports render description and detail unnecessary.
Of course the President was not there, nor were any of his
Cabinet. The hollow farce has no friends, — hardly any
vrith the Radicals, beyond mere pretense. An attempt to
proceed forthwith to trial was made, and the Senate had
a Star-Chamber sitting on the measure, from which aU but
Senators were excluded. Little of interest took place at
the Cabinet-meeting.
Senator John Sherman sends me three affidavits, stating
that Lieutenant Day used very improper and disrespect
ful language against Congress and General Grant, and
demands that he shaU be court-martialed. Day is off duty
— on leave — at home among his friends — and in some
discussion at a gathering, cross-roads, or railroad depot,
expressed himself strongly and unbecomingly. Others
may have done the same. WhUst this was reprehensible,
and perhaps may justify admonition and reproof, since
attention is called to it by a Senator, I do not consider it
a military offense requiring a court martial. If aU officers
are to be court-martialed for expressing their condemna
tion of Congress, or any department of the Government,
we shall have our hands full. It is bad enough to bring them
before a court for too free utterance against their su
periors when on duty, but to attack them for free, though
erroneous and improper, speech at home, when off duty,
in regard to the Government or any department, is hardly

1868] THE OUTLOOK AS TO THE TRIAL 313
to be thought of. Senator Sherman would revise the
sedition law and put a gag in the mouths of his countrymen
— especially its naval and mUitary men — who should
venture to give free utterance to their opinions of the bad
acts of himseff and associates. But neither Congress nor
General Grant are above or beyond criticism.
March 14, Saturday. I was confined to my house by order
of Doctor H[orvritz] in consequence of a severe cold which
threatened congestion of the lungs, but went a short time
this evening in a close carriage to the President. Browning
and RandaU were there; no others. The President indi
cated more uncomfortable and uncertain feeling than I had
before vritnessed. He has great calmness, great fortitude,
great seff-reUance, but it is evident these qualities are
put to a severe test by late proceedings. Brovsming is also
disquieted, though not prepared to confess it. Randall,
who mixes more vrith all classes and has better opportun
ities of feeUng the pulse of the pubhc here in Washington
than others of us, expresses the strongest conviction that
the President vrill be sustained and that the impeachment
vriU fail. I should have no doubt myself of such a result
in an ordinary case in ordinary times, or were the Senators
above fanatical partisan prejudice and influence, — were
they statesmen and independent patriots. But, I am sorry
to say, I have so little confidence in a majority of the
Senators that I make no reliance upon an acquittal.
Should a sufficient number evince moral principle and
independence to discharge their duty honestly, he may
not only be acquitted but have a majority in his favor.
I have seen none of the counsel since the session of
yesterday. They asked for forty days to prepare. The Sen
ate went into secret session and gave them nine. This has
a bad look. Only nine days for so great a cause, affecting
the Chief Magistrate and the Nation itself! Men who
would so limit time in so grave a matter, even under secret
caucus stimulant, can scarcely be considered worthy to

314 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 14
sit in judgment in such a case. The charges are indeed
frivolous, contemptible, but, the House of Representatives
having preferred them, the President should have been
allowed ample time for his defense. But a majority of the
Senators have prejudged the case, and are ready to pro
nounce judgment without testimony.
It is evident that the Radicals in Congress are in a con
spiracy to overthrow not only the President but the govern
ment. The impeachment is but a single act in the drama.
Alabama is to be admitted by a breach of faith and by
violence to honest, fair legislation. By trick, imposition,
and breach of courtesy an act was slipped through both
houses repealing the laws of 1867 and 1789, the effect of
which is to take from the Supreme Court certain powers,
and which is designed to prevent a decision in the McCardle
case.^ Should the Court in that case, as it is supposed they
wiU, pronounce the Reconstruction laws unconstitutional,
the military governments vriU fall and the whole Radical
fabric wUl tumble vrith it. Only one course can prolong
the miserable contrivance, and that is a President like
Wade, who vrill maintain the miUtary governments re
gardless of courts, or law, or right. Hence I have very
Uttle expectation that the President vrill escape conviction.
His deposition is a party necessity, and the Senators have
not individually the strength, ability, nor honesty to resist
the Radical caucus decisions which Stevens, Ben Butler,
and other chief conspirators sent out.
March 17, Tuesday. The Cabinet met in the Ubrary, the
council room being occupied by the President's lawyers
' This was a habeas corpus case alleging unla'wful restraint by military
force, appealed by WUliam H. McCardle from the Circuit Court for the
Soutliern District of Mississippi. The act referred to repealed so much of the
Act of 1867 amending that of 1789 " as authorized an appeal from the judg
ment of the Circuit Court to the Supreme Court of the United States, or the
exercise of any such jurisdiction by said Supreme Court on appeals which
have been or may hereafter be taken ' ' ; and the Court accordingly dismissed
the case for want of jurisdiction.

1868] THE PRESIDENT'S RESERVE 315
preparing for the impeachment trial. There was little of
interest. General Thomas was present as the ad interim
Secretary of War. The President is anxious and more than
usually abstracted. I trust he communicates freely with
his counsel, though always inclined to be reserved. It has
been, and is, his misfortune that he has tried, and still
does, to carry on this great govemment vrithout confidants,
— vrithout consulting or advising, except to a very limited
extent, with any. It wears upon him, and his measures are
not always taken vrith the caution and care that wisdom
dictates. In his movements the President is irregular. Sometimes
he is inexcusably dilatory; sometimes he appears to act
from impulse. His best friends expected the removal of
Stanton two years earlier than it was made. So far as he
communicated anything on the subject, I supposed on
several occasions that change would take place. But he
delayed until Congress passed a law to prevent Stanton's
removal and the President from acting.
The conduct of Stanton was not gratifying to the Rad
icals, or to one vring of the Republican Party, the more
moderate. Theywere becoming tired of him. A little skill
ful management would have made a permanent break in
that party. But the President had no tact himself to
effect it, he consulted vrith no others, the opportunity
passed away, and by a final hasty move, vrithout prepara
tion, vrithout ad"rising with anybody, he took a step which
consoUdated the Radicals of every stripe, strengthened
Stanton, while it weakened his supporters, and brought
down a mountain of trouble on himself. Had he unbos
omed himself to his Cabinet, received their suggestions,
and canvassed fully and deUberately the subject, results
would have been different.
March 18, Wednesday. There is a strange, duU apathy
in the pubhc mind, when measures of great moment are
so imminent. The proposed impeachment of the President

316 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 18
creates but Uttle excitement, nor does the vrild, heedless,
partisan legislation of Congress appear to disturb even
the commercial interests. The Radical press is vociferous
for impeachment, not because the President has committed
any crime, but for party considerations. The Democratic
press is cool and comparatively indifferent, because they
apprehend that impeachment vrill ruin RadicaUsm. The
welfare of the country, the true interests of the govemment,
the salvation of the Union, the stability of our institutions,
do not affect seriously the discipline of the two great parties.
Neither party means to abandon its organization, but
neither of them reaUzes the terrible consequences that must
result from the extreme and revolutionary proceedings of
the conspirators.
At a brief Cabinet-meeting this evening, nothing was
done. The President was calm and uncommunicative as
usual, — perhaps with more than usual reason.
Judge Jere Black called on me this moming and had a
strange talk about Alta Vela. Represents Seward as be
having badly and to the discredit of the country in that
matter. Told him I knew little of it, that I had been the
confidant of neither party. Black inquired in regard to
the naval vessels, — whether there was not one or more
at St. Thomas which could be ordered to protect American
interests, which Seward was abandoning. I did not like
the direction which Black seemed disposed to give the
affair, — the half threat of making the President ac
countable and responsible for Seward's errors or mis
management just at this time. It would be deplorable.
Black said, and I would undoubtedly have an interview
with the President in the course of the day on the subject.
I remarked that nothing would be done, of course, until
Seward returned, as it was a subject vrithin his Depart
ment, and he had studied it thoroughly, whatever might
be his views. This, I saw, did not suit Black.
March 19, Thursday. The President is making some

1868] THE ALTA VELA AFFAIR 317
movements, but the scope and object he keeps to himself.
Perhaps it is best, if he intends extreme measures with the
conspirators. General Hancock is expected this evening.
He has not been treated as he should have been by Grant.
There is a mmor that Hancock wiU be assigned to this
military department and that Gordon Granger vriU take
the place of General Emory here in Washington. If such
be the fact, I know nothing of it, nor, I apprehend, do
other members of the Cabinet. The changes, if made,
wUl be likely to stir up the conspirators, and are made too
late to be effectual. These precautions should have been
taken long ago, if taken at aU. I do not believe that the
President, unless personally assaUed, intends seriously
to resort to military assistance to maintain his position;
and miUtary officers who are his friends can now do little
for him, if he even wishes it. The President has a policy
known only to himself. Honest, patriotic, devoted to his
duties, he has failed to attach to himself a party. He would
not lend himself to the Radicals to exclude the States,
nor to the Democrats to secede from the Union, but has
stood as it were alone on the constitutional policy of
Lincoln and himseff. I hope he is frank and confiding vrith
hislavsyers; he has not been sufficiently so with his Cabinet.
Black caUed on me again this moming and inquired
ff the President had given me any orders in relation to
Alta Vela. I told him no order had been received. He in
quired if I had seen the President since his and my inter
view yesterday. I replied that I had, but nothing had been
said to me concerning Alta Vela. Black expressed astonish
ment, appeared vexed, said the President could not go on
in this way, yet he was sorry to leave him just at this
time. I remarked that he would not. But he turned short
and left. His son was vrith him. An hour or two after,
S[imeon] Johnson, who writes for the Intelligencer, but
who is a special friend and admirer of Black's, called on
me in alarm on account of a disagreement between the
President and Black. Says the President has not kept his

318 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 19
word with Black, and the latter has told him so. He says
Black will not go on vrith the trial ff the Alta Vela matter
is not arranged. I discredited this and so told Johnson.
The thing looks to me very suspicious. If Black is inter
ested, as I suppose he is, largely, in the Alta Vela affair
and thinks to take advantage of the President's necessities
to effect an object, he is mistaken in his man. The Pre
sident is about the last man who would be moved under
compulsion of such circumstances. That Black is deeply
interested and has a large pecuniary stake in the results of
the Alta Vela affair I am compeUed to believe, and there
is something that indicates a like deep interest on the part
of Seward. I have supposed it was Weed who was inter
ested and who influenced Seward.
March 20. No matters of great moment before the Cab
inet. Seward is stiU absent, but Fred represented him.
This is always persistently and particularly done. Fred
is the first on the ground at Cabinet-meetings and the last
to leave. He hears, sees, watches, and catches aU. Bring
ing his assistant did much to impair the efficiency and con
fidence of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, and so of Mr. Johnson's.
Stanton told me he would never bring forward an important
matter when an assistant was present.
The President has a severe cold and is, I see, affected
by the impeachment. How could it be otherwise? I had
a little talk with him, which gratified him. He asked me
if Black had been to see me. I told him he had, tvrice.
"Yes," said the President, "he seems to be absorbed with
Alta Vela. Seward has also been devoting a good deal of
time to it." I remarked I had never investigated it
or been asked to. When the subject was up some time
ago, Seward had politely informed us that he required
the attention of no one but the President and Attorney-
General, and I had therefore made it a point to avoid the
question. Here the subject was dropped by the President,
and I left.

1868] JUDGE BLACK'S WITHDRAWAL 319
March 23, Monday. There was some effort for dramatic
effect and crowded galleries to-day to witness the impeach
ment trial. But there was no great excitement nor intense
or absorbing interest in the subject. It is one of the re
markable and sad events of the times that a subject of such
magnitude, an outrage so flagrantly and vindictively par
tisan, a deliberate conspiracy against the Chief Magistrate
of the nation, should be treated with such indifference here
and elsewhere. There is idle curiosity with many, some
of the busy actors fancying they will be the Burkes and
Sheridans at this trial. The Radicals are so demoralized
and depraved, are so regardless of their constitutional
obUgations and of their oaths and their duty, that nothing
good can be expected of them. But there are unmistakable
indications that the Democratic leaders — a set who think
more of party than of country — secretly desire the con
viction and deposition of the President. Not that they
are inimical to him, not that they beUeve him guUty of
any crime deserving of impeachment, not that they will
vote against him, but they look upon the act as perfectly
suicidal to the Radicals. They seem not aware that their
own unvrise conduct is scarcely less suicidal and may save
the Radicals from annihilation.
The President's defense is a studied and well-prepared
paper, wanting, perhaps, in power and force in some re
spects. There was, I am told and from what I read, a great
contrast between the attomey for the President and the
Managers. Black, I perceive, did not appear, and I judge
has abandoned the case. If so, there is something more
than is apparent in his course. Alta Vela is the pretext,
but there is perhaps a deeper cause, a selfish or a party one.
Black has been named as a Democratic candidate for Pre
sident, and this may have influenced him. Blair said to
me early that Black was strong and ought to be one of
the President's counsel, but that he was in collusion with
Stanton, and could not be relied upon to bring out Stan
ton's viUainies, for he fears Stanton.

320 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 20
The Judges of the Supreme Court have caved in, faUen
through, failed, in the McCardle case. Only Grier and
Field have held out like men, patriots, judges of nerve and
honest independence.
These things look ominous, and sadden me. I fear for
my country when I see such abasement. Fear of the usurp
ing Radicals in Congress has intimidated some of these
Judges, or, like reckless Democratic leaders, they are vrill
ing their party should triumph through Radical foUy and
vrickedness. These are indeed evil times! Seward has on more than
one occasion declared that he controlled Judge Nelson.
Whether he is, or has been, intriguing in this matter, or
taken any part, is a problem.
The New York World of to-day has not a word in its
editorial coliunns on impeachment, — a question of mo
mentous importance to the country. It has a variety of
articles on hght and insignificant subjects. But the World
has more than once proclaimed that it was in no way iden
tified with the President nor responsible for his election.
They approve his principles, but he is not their man nor of
their organization. Its editors fear that, if they were to
become the vigorous champions of Johnson against his
persecutors, the people would compel his nomination.
Hence they are putting their cause and professed principles
in jeopardy by failing to do right.
But the most deplorable, or one of the most deplorable
features in all these proceedings is to vritness party as
semblages, conventions, and legislatures in distant States
passing resolutions approving of the unpeachment of the
President and urging his conviction, vrithout any fact, or
specification, or alleged crime, or any knowledge whatever
on the subject. Some of these proceedings are sent to Con
gress and received by the Senate, which sits in judgment.
It is not difficult to see the near downfall of a govemment
which shall long pursue a course such as the Radicals are
initiating for mere party purposes.

1868] THE IMPEACHMENT TRIAL 321
March 24, Tuesday. The impeachment movement was
again before Congress and the Court. The Managers on
the part of the House were ready with their replication,
and there is reason to suppose it was prepared before the
President's reply was received.
On the part of Butler and some others there is an inclin
ation to play the part of buffoons, and display levity in a
matter of the gravest importance to the nation. Sumner
and certain Senators do not conceal their readiness to pro
ceed at once to judgment and condemnation without proof
or testimony. In their unfitness and vindictive partisan
ship and hate, they would not award the President rights
or privileges granted criminals for the court of errors or
give him time for preparation. They are really unwilling
to allow him to make defense.
These usurpers and conspirators — for they are such,
truly and emphatically, having arrogated power without
authority, excluded States and people from their constitu
tional rights of representation — are now deUberately at
tempting the destmction of another department of the
govemment by the unlawful exercise of these usurped
powers. Were all the States represented, as they should be,
and would be, if not vrickedly and wrongfully excluded
by an arbitrary, usurping faction, there could be no con
viction, and would have been no impeachment. But the
President is arraigned for doing his duty and striving
to defend the Constitution in conformity with his oath.
The Constitution-breakers are trying the Constitution-
defender ; the law-breakers are passing condenmation on the
law-supporter; the conspirators are sitting in judgment on
the man who would not enter into their conspiracy, who
was, and is, faithful to his oath, his country, the Union, and
the Constitution. What a spectacle! And if successful,
what a blow to free govemment! What a commentary on
popular intelligence and public virtue!
Mr. Seward, having retumed after a strange absence at
this critical period, was present at Cabinet-meeting, as were
3

322 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 24
all the members, including General Thomas, ad interim of
the War. Among the matters submitted by Seward was
a long dispatch in relation to Captain Rejmolds and the
Lackawanna, addressed to the Hawaiian Minister. The
positions taken were, I thought from the reading, very
well. There is a spirit of mischief among those Islands,
aggravated, I have little doubt, by Reynolds, and they
have sent here a thick-headed, garrulous Minister who has
no clear and distinct opinions, and who is obviously the
tool and instrument of the EngUsh and French intrigues
at the Sandwich Islands.
After the Cabinet-meeting, had some conversation vrith
the President on the impeachment. Suggested the ad
interim appointments of Mr. Lincoln when Chase resigned,
and also when Fessenden resigned. Congress being in ses
sion on both occasions; but an ad interim appointment be
came necessary until a permanent appointment was made,
in order that the current business of the Department and
Govemment might go on.
I then remarked that Black did not appear among the
managers and asked if he was beha"ving badly. The Presi
dent said he had vrithdrawn from the case, and he thought
was behaving very badly indeed. [He said] that he had a
letter from B. which he vrished me to read. It announced
his withdrawal in justice to his clients in the Alta Vela
case; regretted if it should injure the President, whose
course he justified and approved in these persecutions; de
nounced Seward's conduct in the Alta Vela matter, whose
little finger was more potent vrith the President than the
loins of the law, etc., etc. I said that from the letter and
Black's career I judged he had undertaken to compel him
(the President) to make himself a party in a private suit,
and because he would not, he had lost the service of Mr.
Black, and was also so far damaged as the vrithdrawal of
one of his leading counsel at a critical moment might in
jure him in public estimation. The President said that was
true, but if Mr. Black had for a moment deceived himself

1868] BLACK'S LETTER OF WITHDRAWAL 323
by supposing that he would deviate a hair's breadth from
his duty in order to retain his services or prevent convic
tion even, he was a sadly deceived man. As regarded the
Alta Vela, he had not decided against Black's clients; he
had thought there might be merit, or the color of merit, in
the claim. The Secretary of State, whose special duty it
was to look into the question, had investigated it and was
against Black, whether rightfuUy or wrongfully he could
not say. The whole subject, however, had been called for
by Congress, and at this time and under present circum
stances he could not take any step, nor was he inclined to
make himself a party in the matter.
I doubted if Black's withdrawal and non-appearance
would operate injuriously to the President before Congress
or the country, — certainly not if the facts were known.
We both thought that Black's political aspirations might
have influenced him in this step. He is very ambitious,
and, as is often the fact, not the best judge in his own case,
though undoubtedly a man of great legal abUity and of
strong mind and power. I think Stanton controls him.
March 25, Wednesday. The Cincinnati Gazette, an ex
treme Radical paper, has a letter from its correspondent,
Reid, from Washington, imputing to General Howard the
scares and alarms which have terrified Stanton and led
Emory to extra "rigilance in his commands. He has been
filled vrith suspicions and frights, which he has commun
icated to Stanton, who is easily alarmed. Howard, at the
beginning of the War, was a religious man of smaU calibre,
but has become a pious fraud.
March 26, Thursday. The action of Congress and par
ticularly the Senate in taking from the Supreme Court
certain powers to prevent a decision in the McCardle case
is shameful, and forebodes an unhappy future to the coun
try. There is no exercise of reason, judgment, intelligence,
or patriotism by the Radical majority on any subject "

324 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 26
whereby their party is liable to be affected. Truth, justice,
right, law, and Constitution are broken down and trampled
under foot by Senators. I say this in sorrow.
March 27, Friday. Very little of importance at the Cab
inet. Every member, I think, considers con"riction a fore
gone conclusion in the impeachment case. The Senate
seems debauched, debased, demoraUzed, vrithout inde
pendence, sense of right, or moral courage. It is, to aU
intents and purposes, a revolutionary body, subject to the
dictation of Sumner, who is imperious, and Chandler, who
is unprincipled, — both are disliked and hated by a con
siderable portion of the Repubhcans, who nevertheless
bow submissive to the violent extremists.
I cannot come to the conclusion that the Senate, feeble
and timid as it is, will convict the President of high crimes
and misdemeanors and depose him, yet I have no con
fidence whatever in the fairness or justice of that body.
There is a party necessity to obtain possession of the execu
tive, in order to put a Radical in the office of President next
year. Fraud and force will be resorted to, ff necessary,
to accomplish this end. Hence impeachment is a necessity.
Johnson must be removed, for he vriU countenance no fraud
or wrongdoing. And men vrill surrender their consciences,
violate their oaths, be recreant to every honest principle
and instinct, and make a victim of an honest man for doing
his duty. It is like slaughtering, shooting down, the faithful
sentinel because of his fideUty in standing to his post.
We are, in fact, in the midst of a revolution, bloodless as
yet, a revolution not of arms but of ideas and govemment,
more effectual and complete than that of the armies of the
Rebellion. It is a question whether the Union and the
Constitution can be retrieved and restored, though I do not
yet permit myself to despair of the Repubhc. I have not
faith in the Senate, j'et ff the President should be con
victed and deposed, the names of those Senators who shall
declare him guilty will go dovra in infamy, and be recorded

1868] THE NAVAL APPROPRIATION BILL 325
in history as the betrayers of truth and traitors to justice
and freedom.
March 28, Saturday. The Senate yesterday had under
consideration the Naval Appropriation Bill. Unfortunate
ly, Grimes, the Chairman of the Committee, and Anthony,
the only two men famUiar with the subject, were absent.
Wilson and Sumner betrayed gross ignorance as well as
maUgnity in the debate. The latter I expected, but there
is no excuse for the former. Both of them and the New
Hampshire Senators professed to be actuated by disinter
ested and proper motives and were profuse in their denunci
ations of party appointments, yet those Senators have done
and said more, and importuned me harder, than any and
all other Senators to make party removals and appoint
ments. Wilson represented that the masters whom I ap
pointed were all from the Navy, — old salts, who knew
nothing of the trade of mason, blacksmith, etc., placed
over civiUans who were unfit for the duty. Notwithstand
ing this assertion, no such appointments have ever been
made; the statement is false. In order to prevent any
abuse of that kind, which I have understood sometimes
has existed, I established a regulation that no person
should be appointed until after he had passed an examina-'
tion before a competent board.
In giving expression to his party malignity, Wilson said
the administration of the Na"vy Department for the last
two or three years had been wasteful and extravagant
beyond any other Department of the Government. This
from the Chairman of the Military Committee, where mill
ions upon millions have been profligately wasted, while I
have been accused of miserly economy in expenditures.
But this is only a specimen of Radical truth and fairness.
WUson and Sumner are put up to this by General Banks
and his creatures, the chief manager being Simon P. Hans
com, an office-broker, who professes to, and I believe does,
act vrith the Democrats, and who whispered in my ear a

326 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 28
few months ago, while cooperating vrith Banks, that the
scheme was Democratic, but that Banks did not know it.
The Natick cobbler is a dupe as well as an ignoramus and
falsifier on naval matters.
Blundering, plundering Nye,^ vrithout honesty or integ
rity, but who has some pretensions to coarse humor, got in
a fog and bellowed about the engineers and their rivalry
with the officers. The poor fellow knew not the difference
between the civil engineers of the yard and the steam
engineers. March 30, Monday. The opening speech of General
Butler in the impeachment trial is variously spoken of.
As he has talents of a certain kind and has prided himseff
in getting to be one of the Managers, where there is rivalry,
and as he wants notoriety, he cares but Uttle of what kind,
and as he has impudence and audacity and the employ
ment is familiar, I presume he made a speech vrith some
strong and forcible language. As to his facts, his history,
his law, and correct application of principles, there is room
for criticism and doubt. Though a Radical favorite, he is
an unscrupulous and, in every respect, a bad man. The
intelligent Radicals do not seem to be satisfied vrith his
performance, while the Democrats do not feel that Butler
has made much headway against the President.
March 31, Tuesday. Nothmg but current busmess at
the Cabinet. The President requested us to meet him and
his counsel this evening at eight. Just before leaving I was
subpoenaed as a witness to appear to-morrow at twelve
before the court of impeachment. Seward, after getting at
the President's, said that it was Mr. Stanbery's summons
for myself and others of the Cabinet.
Mr. Stanbery, Evarts, and Groesbeck met us at the Pre
sident's. Talked over certain circumstances and incidents
in the past. Seward said he knew nothing of Stanton's
' James W. Nye, Senator from Nevada.

1868] MUTTERINGS AGAINST CHASE 327
suspension, was absent at the time. Had early seen dis
agreement between the President and Stanton, and had
exerted himself to prevent a rupture. This had been his
course, he said, with each and every member of the Cab
inet from the time he became connected with the Adminis
tration in 1861. He supposed the President had avoided
consulting him, because of his earnest efforts to retain
Stanton. Had never asked the President before, but did
now. The President did not give a direct and expUcit
answer, but yet it was essentially affirmative.
A difference occurred in the Senate to-day, involving
the power of the Chief Justice and his right to decide on
questions subject to the decision of the Senate, in which
he was sustained by ten majority. The extreme Radicals
are greatly incensed, and have mutterings against Chase.
There are growing differences between the Radical and
Conservative Senators. The latter lack courage; the former
lack sense.

LVIII
Gloomy Political Outlook in Connecticut — English reelected, however,
by an Increased Majority — Curtis opens for the President in the Im
peachment Trial — Consultation as to the Introduction of General
Sherman's Testimony — The Need of a Lawyer who can meet Butler
and Bingham on their own Ground — Sherman's Testimony admitted
— Secretary WeUes on the Stand — Manager Wilson's Elaborate Speech
interjected into the Proceedings — The President nominates General
Schofield as Secretary of War — Senator Grimes on the Impeachment
Trial — Surmises as to the President's Reasons for nominating Schofield
— Vice-Admiral Porter said to be fishing for the Secretaryship of the
Navy — The Speeches of Thaddeus Stevens and Thomas Williams —
Stanbery, though ill, is confident of Success — Evarts's Speech.
April 1, Wednesday. The aspect of the campaign in
j Connecticut does not suit me. Burr writes that_we^wUl
I carry the State ticket, but probably lose the legi^ature.
This is a let-dovsm from all previous statements, and I am
apprehensive there may be a further let-dovpn in the re
sult. The New York World, the Democratic organ in that
city, has hurt the Democratic Party and cause in Connec
ticut. When it declared Johnson was not elected by the
Democratic votes, that the impeachment was a contro
versy between the President and those who elected him,
etc., etc., it damaged the cause and may hav-e lost us the
State. It is easy to perceive that they would not grieve
to have the President convicted, because they beUeve it
will ruin the Radicals and dispose of Johnson. WhUe if
they made fierce and just war against this Radical out
rage and persecution, it would, in their apprehension,
enlist public sympathy for the President, who, they fear,
may be a candidate.
Sumner attempted to get a rule estabUshed that the
Chief Justice should not vote or give an opinion, but was
voted down by six majority.

1868] THE CONNECTICUT ELECTION 329
April 2, Thursday. Impeachment progresses, but I do
not see that the impeachers have yet made an impeachable
case. Still it is a question whether there is sufficient
courage in the Senate to do right, under the threats of the
Radical papers, party meetings, etc.
April 3, Friday. My brother, ColoneL Babcock, and
John Cotton Smith write me with confidence in regard to
the election, yet each speaks of the closeness of the contest,
and the efforts being made by each party. ( The Radical
papers speak with much more confidence tnairlast year,
and the editors have, I think, persuaded themselves they
wUl win. This confidence is in itself strength.", . .
April 7, Tuesday. Am pressed for time. Jhe Connec
ticut election has resulted in the reelection of English by
an increased majority, but the Radicals have both branches
of the legislature, which will give them a Senator in Con
gress in place of DixonT^It will be a great political battle,
and has cost the Radicals a great amount of money for
speakers, to say nothing of corruption expenditure. The
result is a great disappointment to the Radipal leaders
here, who^Jiad persuaded themselves they should carry
Connecticut. On the whole, the battle has been hardly
and~skUTfully fought on both sides. Michigan has gone,
unexpectedly, against negro suffrage by an overwhelming
majbrity7~ " ~~  ~~ "
'Mr. "Stanbery came upon us while in Cabinet-meeting,
and questioned us on many points, and brought his own
recollection and ours to bear on matters relating to im
peachment. April 10, Friday. Many occurrences pass which I have
not time to note down. Am busy till late at night.
Seward gave me, in Cabinet-meeting, papers from
Honolulu, forwarded from that Govemment, exposing a
spy on board Reynolds' vessel, the Lackawanna. The spy
is his own private secretary.

330 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april io
Mr. Curtis opened the case yesterday for the President
and finished to-day. A very finished legal argument, but
I doubt if as effective as might have been made by some
others. Perhaps it is because I am more eamest and in
dignant over this infamous and infemal "rillainy, which is
treated so gingerly by the professional friends of the Presi
dent, and so infamously and audaciously by his opponents.
April 13, Monday. Mr, Stanbery sent me word to meet
him last evening at the President's at eight. Was punctu
ally there and found the President's counselors in impeach
ment matters there except Mr. Stanbery. His wife had
been taken suddenly ill, and he was thereby detained.
Having no occasion to remain, I was about leaving, when
the President invited me to wait. The lavi^ers were ex
amining documents most of the time. Judge Curtis and
Evarts read over the letters of General Sherman vrith
great care. Groesbeck examined certain Department
documents. Nelson sat quietly by, saying little and doing
nothing. The conversation was chiefly on the point of pressing
the further introduction of Sherman's testimony, and es
pecially the letters which they had just examined. These
letters contained some expressions which they, Curtis and
Evarts, thought would do as much harm as the letters
themselves would do good. Both these gentlemen thought
the President had a perfectly good case as it stands,
without farther testimony. Judge Curtis said he feared
every new witness; that the other side were fishing for
evidence. Evarts concurred.
I was not altogether satisfied vrith their reasoning or
conclusion, but I am not, of course, as capable of framing
an opinion as these legal gentlemen who are in the case.
It is not, however, a legal but a political question, and
the conspirators are the triers. The Managers have a feeble
case or no case at all. There are no grounds for impeach
ment; there were none from the beginning, yet every Rad-

1868] JUDGE CURTIS'S OPENING 331
ical in the town voted for impeachment, and a large portion
of the Senators are ready to-day to vote to convict. They
were as ready to give the same vote when the trial, as it
is caUed, commenced. They had caucused on the subject
they were to adjudicate and are still caucusing. The Sen
ators are many of them incapable of candid judgment, or
intelUgent judgment. Judge C. makes a mistake, I think,
in resting where he is. Were they, the Senators, as good
lawyers as the Judges of the Supreme Court or govemed
by any rules, the case might be considered safe. But
Butler gives rules to the Senatorial judges, and tells them
how to vote, and they obey. Unfortunately they are not
legaUy vrise, nor honest, nor candid. They are less safe as
triers than an ordinary intelligent jury. The latter would
give heed to the clear mind of an intelligent and impartial
judge. These Senators are judge and jury in a case of their
own, prejudiced, self-consequential, and incompetent.
Such a tribunal, it appears to me, is to be treated pecul
iarly, and not upon trust. They must have it made to
appear to them that they are in the wrong. Eamest,
vigorous, unwearied efforts are wanted. Scholarly, re
fined, legal abihty are not alone sufficient vrith men who
were tested before trial was ordered and who meet in
secret caucus daily.
I made a few suggestions to this effect after the others
left, and stated a few points that appear not to have been
touched upon. One was that Stanton, for whom the con
spirators were contending, never had called on the Pre
sident, met at his council-board, or consulted vrith him or
others of the Cabinet, since last August, — had been use
less as an advdser, head of a Department, or executive
officer. On the suggestion of Judge Curtis, I called this moming
on Mr. Stanbery at his rooms in the Metropolitan, and
Judge Curtis was there. He, with Mr. S., went over the
same ground as last evening in regard to General Sherman ;
but Mr. Stanbery dissented from his associates and thought

332 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 13
with me they should, at all events, try to get the General's
testimony. If refused, let the consequences be vrith them,
and the refusal go out to the country.
Mr. Stanbery questioned me on one or two points;
thought he should not want me for some two or three days,
and said Edgar could go to New York.
I feel the want of a man of different metal from either
of these lawyers on the part of the defense, — one who has
audacity, can meet Butler and Bingham ^ on their own
ground and with their ovra weapons. Still the courteous
and accomplished attorneys may fight the battle, but before
this tribunal different metal is also wanted.
April 14, Tuesday. There was an interesting time yes
terday in the Senate, and that body, after vacillating,
finally admitted General Sherman to testify in answer
to Senator Reverdy Johnson, as to the object of the
President in tendering him the appointment of Secretary
ad interim. The remark of the President that he. General
S., need have no apprehension of or from Stanton, who is
cowardly, came out. Mr. Stanbery is sick to-day, and the
Court adjoumed over until to-morrow in consequence.
Seward and Randall spent last evening vrith him, when, as
they report, he appeared to be well, but his brain was
active and excited. Browning caUed at my house this
evening and says Stanbery is better.
It appears to me impeachment has lost ground in pubhc
estimation during the last few days; stiU I have no con
fidence in the partisan Senate. There are men there of
ability sufficient to know what is right, to act independently,
and who should have enough honesty and moral courage
to do right. I trust they will, yet I do not rely on them
in this excitement. As for the crowd of little creatures who
are out of place in the Senate, and who ought never to
have been there, — like Chandler, Thayer, Morgan, Nye,
' Congressman John A. Bingham of Ohio was one of the Managers of the
trial on the part of the House.

1868] ON THE STAND 333
Conness, Cameron, and others, who are neither statesmen,
enlightened legislators, nor possessed of judicial minds, —
no one expects from them justice or any approach to it.
But the question is whether the abler minds will be whoUy
carried away by chief conspirators who hold in their hands
the great amount of partisan small trash.
April 16, Thursday. Was subpoenaed to-day as a vrit
ness before the high court of impeachment, and attended
about 1 P.M. I was not, however, placed upon the stand.
Cox and Merrick ^ were examined, and cross-examined
by Butler. More time was consumed by the Managers in
objections to exclude the truth than by witnesses in testi
fying to facts. At a late hour Butler made a violent, in
decent party harangue, which disgraced the Senators who
faUed to caU him to order and listened to his tirade with
satisfaction. April 17, Friday. At the court of impeachment most
the day and for two or three hours on the stand. Nearly
every question put was objected to and discussed. The
Chief Justice presided with fairness, and the Senators, in
most cases by a majority, voted against the Managers.
About twenty are "riolent partisans, as much interested in
the prosecution as the Managers, and some of them taking
an active part vrith them. Cameron, Conness, Howard,
and others manifest this. There is another set of stupid,
stolid creatures, Uke Morgan, Chandler, etc., — the latter
violent, the former time-serving, — who vote uniformly
and always to exclude all testimony for the President, and
are, and have been, ready from the first to vote to convict.
In point of morality, I put these fellows on a par with
the thief and the murderer. The fear of punishment and
1 Walter S. Cox, a lawyer of Georgeto"WTi, District of Columbia, who
had been consulted by the President in connection with General Lorenzo
Thomas's appointment, and Richard T. Merrick, a Washington lawyer,
who had been employed by General Thomas.

334 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april i7
the opinion and judgment of others vrill restrain them from
committing those crimes, not any sense of moral justice
or obligation. Morgan has become debased, and, after first
taking a manly stand, has become dragooned by leaders,
fears his associates, whom he now follows like a whipped
spaniel. Chandler is more coarse and free-spoken than
Morgan, but quite as contemptible. . . .
As my testimony vrill appear in the proceedings, I
shall not attempt to here recapitulate it. Should have
been glad to have been permitted to state my knowledge
on the points, vrithout being restricted to narrow questions
and answers.
I perceived that the Radical leaders, as well as Managers,
were becoming disturbed and discontented by the course
things were taking, and, under apprehension that a pend
ing question might go against them, there was a concerted
movement to adjourn. A caucus and discipline were neces
sary. The Managers directed it. I saw it whispered and
passed from one to another. Judges! O what judges!!
April 18, Saturday. The court of impeachment opened
this morning with an elaborate speech from Manager Wil
son,^ crowded in on an interlocutory question, which con
sumed over an hour and was read from a carefully pre
pared manuscript. This, I soon perceived, was the speech
which he had been weeks preparing and hoped to deUver
at the close of the trial, but, being denied the opportunity
by the secret caucus arrangement and decree last ev^ening,
it was here injected into the Senate, or court, proceedings.
My suspicions were at once aroused that there had been
caucusing, or both caucusing and drilling, overnight, to
exclude, after listening to aU hearsay evidence and scandal
against him, the President's testimony refuting the lies
and manufactured evidence. The suspicion was fully con
firmed by the day's action.
Nothing from any member of the Cabinet was permit-
' Representative James F. WUson of Ohio.

1868] TESTIMONY EXCLUDED 335
ted, from a conviction e"ridently that it would exculpate
and exonerate the President. Sumner, therefore, who has
to this time voted to admit all testimony, because he was
predetermined to convict, absented himself now when
votes intended to cut off evidence were to be taken. Mor
ton was not present at all. Sherman, FreUnghuysen, and
the equivocal men had been last night whipped in.
I was put forward by the counsel for the President to
receive and answer the test questions, or to be opposed and
rejected. This relieved Seward and yet annoyed him. It
did not displease him that the testimony of Cabinet officers
was prevented. He had, he said, been on friendly terms
vrith Stanton, and for that reason President Johnson had
not consulted him so freely as others. He claims he was
the confidant of President Lincoln, and advised with him
in certain removals. For these reasons, he declares, he did
not vrish to be placed on the stand, though Judge Curtis
and Evarts apparently wished it. When the Cabinet was
in consultation with the counsel a few mornings since,
I mentioned the particulars under which the President
announced the removal of Stanton and appointment of
Thomas. Seward undertook to say he was informed before
we met, but T. went to the War Department just as we
met, and retumed while we were in session. It was not
a judicious appointment, whether advised by him or not.
April 20, Monday. I did not attend the Senate. The
session of the court of impeachment was brief. The fac
tious Radical majority, regardless of law, justice, and right,
having decided on Saturday to exclude aU testimony for
the President, there was little to be said or done. I re
marked to the President to-day that I thought it would
have been well to place Seward on the stand, that he might
at least testify in regard to the preparation, by him and
Stanton, of the veto message on the Tenure-of-Office Bill,
and that he counseled the selection of General Lorenzo
Thomas to take the War Department, if such was the fact.

336 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 20
He said he regretted that evidence had not been introduced
respecting that message and that there were several things
which he wished were different. Strange that he should
permit himself to be misled and deluded!
April 21, Tuesday. Little of interest in Cabinet. There
is no disposition to press forward matters just at this time.
Congress neglects and abandons all public business in mere
party tricks and intrigues. No case has been made against
the President ; therefore it would seem the greater necessity
for the conspirators to disregard decency and resort to false
and infamous means and statements.
It is easy to perceive that the constitutional plan of
impeachment vriU be a failure in revolutionary times or
in periods of high factious and party excitement Uke these.
Perhaps any plan would be, when a corrupt faction, led
and managed by such men as Stevens and Butler, etc.,
gets in power and conspires to overthrow the Constitution.
It is melancholy and ridiculous to see such men as Mor
gan, Chandler, and other small Ughts sit in their seats
and overrule the Chief Justice on law points and questions
essential to develop truth.
Seward says Morgan got off soundings when he left him
and Weed; that he has been floating about ever since
without chart or compass, in a very uncomfortable condi
tion. He (Seward) represents that he made Morgan. No
doubt Weed contributed much to his election, and Morgan
has broken away from his creators when they were right.
April 22, Wednesday. When I was coming up H Street
this evening, between 4 and 5, 1 came upon Conkling and
Benjamin F. Butler, who were in close conversation on
the comer of 15th Street. It was an ominous and discredit
able conjunction, — the principal Manager, an unscrup
ulous, corrupt, and villainous character, holding concourse
vrith one of the Senatorial triers, a conceited coxcomb of
some talents and individual party aspirations. They both

1868] DEPARTMENT MATTERS 337
were, as Jack Downing says, stumped, and showed in then-
countenances what they were talking about and their wish
that I had been on some other street, — or somewhere else.
I am, among other matters, getting up an answer to a
resolution of inquiry presented by Starkweather ^ in rela
tion to the alleged detention of the apprentice-ship Sabine
at New London. Such little things are often annoying and
require considerable labor to answer. To recall trivial and
almost forgotten incidents and to analyze the subject cor
rectly makes a demand on one's time, and taxes his recol
lections. I think Mr. Starkweather, who is a petty parti
san, may wish he had not offered this resolution. He has
got on a false scent and discovered a mare's nest. Things
are blended in his mind, and have been mixed up and
become confused and foggy in the party excitement, local
interest, orders to the Sabine, detailing her commander,
and the elections.
April 23, Thursday. Made a selection of seven or eight
youths for midshipmen vrith the President, and afterwards
had a long talk on public affairs. Suggested to him the
propriety of an address from someone or more of his coun
sel or from some other, setting forth the facts he and they
were prepared to present, which the Chief Justice has de
cided were relevant and competent, but which the Senate
refused to hear or receive.
April 24, Friday. No Department business in Cabinet.
General conversation on current topics. Seward professes
to have knowledge that the President will not be convicted.
I place Uttle dependence upon it, for his judgment is good
for nothing in such matters. Nevertheless, it is his nature
to pry and set machinery to work to get at the designs and
purposes of men and tribunals.
After the others, except McCulloch, had left, we had
twenty minutes vrith the President. He showed us an
1 Henry H. Starkweather, Member of Congress from Connecticut.
3

338 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april24
order from Grant to Emory, issued by request of Stanton,
for a guard at the War Department to preserve documents,
etc., issued on the 22d of February. These conspirators
will have their works uncovered sooner or later. The Pre
sident yesterday, and again to-day, said this man Emory
ought to be removed from the command of this district.
I said that he ought some time since to have left, but it
might not be judicious at this moment. McCulloch to-day
took the same view.
April 25, Saturday. The argument before the court to
day by Mr. Groesbeck is highly spoken of by aU. The
President yesterday sent in the nomination of General
Schofield for Secretary of War in place of Stanton. I knew
nothing of it until I saw it in the papers, nor do I think more
than one, and perhaps none, of his Cabinet knew of it.
This movement is a concession, and I apprehend has been
prompted from a friendly quarter, but I am not sanguine
that it will be successful.
When Fox was here ten days or a fortnight since, he in
formed me of a conversation vrith Grimes, who was to him
outspoken in his disgust at the impeachment. There are
several Senators who revolt at the intrigue, but, from party
faction at home. Grimes said that there was, however,
much embarrassment on the part of conservative men
what to do. Their political friends expected they would
vote to convict, regardless of the merits or demerits of the
question, but if any should not, and were to give an honest,
judicial vote to acquit, they might be overwhelmed by the
President's subsequent acts. Could they be assured that
the President would be guilty of no indiscretion, that he
would commit no rash act, would consult with and Usten
to the advice of his Cabinet or a portion of it, he thought
there would be little doubt he would be acquitted.
Whilst I am convinced the President would have saved
himself much trouble, and the country also, had he more
freely consulted with reliable friends, — communicated

1868] GENERAL SCHOFIELD'S NOMINATION 339
and received opinions, — I nevertheless think his impetu
osity or rashness is much exaggerated. He has good judg
ment and honest intentions, although subjected to great
misrepresentation. His indiscretions and errors I do not
conceal, but they are venial.
This movement for Schofield, or the movement which
has resulted in his nomination, has its origin, I conclude,
in some such prompting as that suggested to me through
Fox. Seward, or RandaU, probably the former, were more
ready than myself to make an effort, and the President has
yielded. His doing so may bring a friendly retum, and it
may not. It is going far on his part, for it is not a week
since he spoke to me of the Radicalism of Schofield, which,
if not as offensive as that of Sickles or Sheridan, was bad
enough. April 27, Monday. As I was about getting on my horse
yesterday p.m. for my daily evening ride. Senator Doolittle
caUed, and, after a brief conversation, proposed we should
go to the President. We found him alone and had about
an hour vrith him. Had either of us been alone, he would
doubtless have been more communicative. Certainly
he would have been vrith me. On the subject of General
Schofield's nomination he talked pretty freely vrithout
communicating particulars or motives beyond a desire to
reUeve himself of Stanton. Schofield would not have been
his choice if he could have made a free selection, but Scho
field, besides being a military man, occupied that peculiar
position which would be likely to .secure a confirmation.
I cannot suppose, however, nor can he. that the Senate vrill
act whilst impeachment is pending.
I inquired if he was satisfied Schofield would stand and
not decline the nomination. The President said he appre
hended no difficulty in that respect, — that he felt assured
there was, on Schofield's part, no partiality for Stanton.
General Grant vrishes Stanton out of the way, and will so
differ from his associates as to acquiesce in, if he is not

340 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 27
gratified with, Schofield, although the latter is not specially
devoted to Grant.
For my own part, I have little confidence in any of the
military governors. This movement is one of that singular
class that has sometimes astonished me, as exhibiting a
want of administrative ability when I should expect en
tirely different qualities. It is Sewardism in all its aspects,
whether Seward is in it or not.
Doolittle and myself visited Govemor Randall after
leaving the President. If R. has had any knowledge of
Schofield's nomination he did not disclose it. I judge he is
as ignorant as myself, but his conclusions are like mine.
He is confident the President vrill be acquitted, and says
the Radicals are becoming afraid of that result. I have not
that confidence, for a majority of the Senate is composed
of very indifferent men, who will, under caucus dictation,
vote as partisans, not as judges. He thinks the Senate vrill
not come to judgment until after the Chicago Convention,
but this, I take it, is mere conjecture. There may be some
talk among party men to that effect, but no such conclu
sion. Washington is great for rumors at aU times, and the
credulous and interested listen.
Vice-Admiral Porter has been here several days, the
guest of General Grant. Rumor says he is fishing for
the place of Secretary of the Navy. This is likely to
be the case, for he is ambitious, restless, and intriguing.
He is a very unfit man for Secretary, and would soon turn
things upside down and destroy all unity and disregard
systematic and practical economy.
April 28, Tuesday. The speech of Thad Stevens yester
day was characteristically abusive, but displayed less abil
ity than I expected. I do not think he has injured the Pre
sident so much as he desired, though he has spent great
labor and time on his speech, which has been three times
rewritten and revised. His nephew, who boards at Will
ard's with Faxon, told the latter that he was assisting his

1868] STANBERY CONFIDENT OF SUCCESS 341
uncle in reading his third printed proof of what he intended
to say.
Thomas WUUams,* who followed, is prolix, a poor
reader, and wiU not make a favorable impression. . . .
He was, I have understood, a quasi partner of Stanton in
Pittsburg, and has been much devoted to and much used
by him in Congress.
Only necessary current business done in the Cabinet.
Seward, Randall, and Browning expressed great confidence
of the acquittal of the President, but gave no particulars.
McCulloch is more hopeful than I have seen him since the
impeachment movement commenced. I called last evening
on Mr. Stanbery. He is very feeble. Says he has com
pleted his argument, but I advised him not to undertake
to deliver it, and I think he will not. He expresses great
confidence of acquittal, and so, he says, does Evart^.
There could be no doubt of it, were the triers uncommitted,
— honest, candid, and capable men. All depends on the
fact whether there are a sufficient number of such inde
pendent Senators.
Poor E. B. Washbume cannot sufficiently vent his spite
and venom against the Navy Department. My reply to
Starkweather's resolution disappointed him. He found
a mare's nest and set Starkweather cackling, but the eggs
were addled. To-day he introduced a resolution of inquiry
into the corrupt sale of ironclads. He will find his head in
a bag, or against a stone wall in that matter. I presume
Washbume has heard of my contempt for him and his
mock economy, — his proverbial meanness and the way
in which he lives off Grant, to whom, and for whom, he
toadies. He partakes of Grant's dinners, swallows his whis
key, smokes his cigars, rides his horses, travels as a dead
head, and eats and drinks every day of his life at the pub
lic expense. I have seen and sneered at his penuriousness
and meanness, his little regard for truth, and his many
infirmities. Some Radical go-between has informed him^
» Of Pennsylvania.

342 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 28
I have no doubt, of my expressed and real contempt and
disgust of him, and of his shallow pretensions, and he
means to show proper resentment by lying statements in
resolutions concerning Navy management. If the reply
shows its falsity, his misstatements have nevertheless gone
out ahead. The lie will travel some distance, and get in
some corner where it will not be exposed.
April 30. There is but little doing by Congress. Im
peachment is the question. Mr. Evarts' speech is interest
ing and able, and men and women of all parties are greatly
interested in it. There is an impression that the Radical
cause is grovring weaker, and indication that the Radical
leaders have apprehensions. The arguments of the Pre
sident's lavpyers have alarmed them, have shown them
they have no case, that though they have deceived them
selves into the belief that they can deceive the country,
there are truths which cannot be covered up and "wiU en
danger their future. The conspiracy — for it is nothing
else — is an excess of party zeal and hate, vrithout any
foundation whatever. It will overwhelm them vrith in
famy. In their present state of party discipline, party
power, and party terror, votes may not be changed, but
conviction has struck some of them. Grimes says there
will be no conviction, and he is one of the best judges and
most sensible men in the Senate. But Fox, who is here
for a few days, says that in circulating around among
Senators and others of all parties, he finds the prevaiUng
opinion seems to be that the President vrill be condemned.

LIX
A Visit to Mount Vernon — The President's Disappointment at Black's
Desertion — The Outcome of the Impeachment hanging in the Balance
— The Doubtful Senators — The Carpet-Bag Constitutions of Arkansas
and South Carolina transmitted to Congress — Bingham's Closing
Speech for the Prosecution — Congressional Inquiry into the Sale of the
Ironclads Oneota and Catawba — The Case of the Hannah Grant —
An Exciting Afternoon and Evening in the Senate — Speeches of Sher
man, Grimes, Trumbull, and Fessenden — Hopeful Outlook — The
Vote on Impeachment postponed — Illness of Senator Grimes — Public
Opinion manufactured in Washington by the Radicals — The Vote on
the Eleventh Article fails to convict the President — A Call on Senator
Grimes — Attack on Ross of Kansas for his Vote in favor of the Pre
sident — The Candidates before the Republican Convention at Chicago
— Grant and the Radicals — Rumors of Cabinet Changes — Japanese
Affairs — Grant and Colfax nominated at Chicago — The Acquittal of
the President — The News comes to the Cabinet in Session — Charges
of Corruption ¦ — Stanton leaves the War Department — His Character
and AbUities and his Administration of the Department — Schofield's
Appointment as Secretary of War sticks in the Senate — A Seminole
Chief on the Written Constitution.
May 1, Friday. I went vrith my family, a few visitors,
and a small party of friends to Mount Vernon. It is the first
time I have ever landed there, though I have often passed
the place, and have always intended to perform a pilgrim
age to the tomb of the Great American Patriot.
We had a pleasant company, and the day was pleasant.
I enjoyed the excursion as an excursion, but it was not the
way and manner that would have suited me to discharge
a duty. Alone, or with my wife and children, or perhaps
three or four chosen friends, not more, I should have felt
a melancholy pleasure in such a pilgrimage.
May 2, Saturday. A short interview with the President.
Completed selections to Naval Academy, — always an un
pleasant and unwelcome duty. After this was disposed of.

344 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 2
had a little talk on general subjects. He says the Alta Vela
letters of Black were not obtained from him or any one
at the White House. They must have been furnished by
Black himself, perhaps through his son or partner. The
conduct of Black has surprised and affected him more than
that of almost any other person. It was unexpected, un
generous, and a betrayal or desertion at a critical period,
and when the President was relying more on Black than
any one else as a counselor, confidant, and friend.
The President is by no means desponding. I think his
faith is in an honest and sincere consciousness that he has
been, to the best of his ability, faithful, that he has done
his duty, and that a good Providence vriU not permit him
to be sacrificed under these circumstances.
While I am reluctant to believe in the total depravity of
the Senate, I place but little dependence on the honesty
and truthfulness of a large portion of the Senators. A
majority of them are small lights, mentaUy weak, and
wholly unfit to be Senators. They are neither inteUigent
legislators, wise statesmen, capable judges, nor good patri
ots. Some are vulgar demagogues . . . some are men
of wealth who have purchased their positions . . . men of
narrow intellect, limited comprehension, and low partisan
prejudice. . . .
With the party appeals and party demands from the
Radical press and Radical leaders throughout the country,
the narrow views and inexcusable ignorance of Radicals
generally in regard to our govemment, its structure and
scope, their readiness to sacrifice the govemment and coun
try for mere party ends, I have but shght expectation of an
acquittal. May 4, Monday. On Friday and Saturday there was
a disgraceful but characteristic exhibition of Radical not
ables in the House, — Butler and Logan on Friday, and
Donnelly of Wisconsin and Washbume of Illinois on
Saturday.

1868] THE DOUBTFUL SENATORS 345
Butler was exposed and flogged by Brooks severely.
Washburne was more coarsely and frankly punished by
Donnelly, a brother Radical. Had he been less loose and
vulgar, his speech would have been more effective. Wash
burne, though the oldest member, is more universally de
tested for his supercilious pretensions, manners, insolence,
disregard of truth, and malignity than any man in the
House, and all enjoyed the inffiction he received. Bingham
commenced the closing argument in the impeachment case
to-day. It does not appear to have excited much admira
tion, although there is reported to have been a large
attendance. May 5, Tuesday. In general conversation before busi
ness commenced at the Cabinet, Seward taunted Bro"wning
for being shaky on the question of impeachment. Brown
ing confessed his doubts, said he had expressed them to con
fidential friends and thought it best to do so. Seward did
not agree with him as to his policy, but said he had no
doubts as to an acquittal, and wished to wager a basket of
champagne, which B. declined, and S. then offered two
to one. McCulloch, who came in just at the close of the
banter but did not hear it, was as decided in his opinion
of an acquittal as Seward, and offered to bet a bottle of
wine vrith B. I could, however, get no facts to justify the
confidence of the State and Treasury, farther than that
they have talked pretty freely vrith Members.
It seems to be generally conceded that Fessenden will
oppose impeachment. McCulloch has hopes that Morton
will do the same. I have little expectation in that quarter,
though the hypocrite has sagacity enough to see that a
mistake is made.
Seward quotes Banks for authority, who says Fessen
den and Morrill of Maine have each written arguments,
have had one interview and are to have another with their
written documents. Much of this Banks gets from the
Maine Members who have tried to influence F. but with-

346 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mats
out success. There may be something to base this upon, but
I do not give it the credence which Seward does. UntU the
argument is closed and the whole case committed, F.
would not be likely to declare his opinion. I have sup
posed he would vote against conviction, although a de
cided Radical, for he has intelligence and a character
which he wishes to preserve. I have had the same opinion
of Trumbull for the same reasons. Both are crotchety and
uncertain, and I therefore do not consider it sure by any
means that they vrill go for acquittal. Other Senators,
like FreUnghuysen, the MorriUs, and others, should vote
for acquittal, but it is most likely, from aU I hear and
see, that they will abase themselves.
I therefore am less sanguine than either Seward or
McCulloch. The last has, until recently, beheved that
conviction was probable. What facts have changed him I
fail to learn. Seward is not to be relied on for accuracy in
such matters; he catches at shadows. Grimes is chairman
of the Naval Committee and strong in his political views
and prejudices, but he has a legal and discriminating mind,
and sincere respect for the President's honesty, though
very little confidence in his tact and judgment. He will
not commit so unjust an act as to vote to impeach, and
Fessenden usually goes with him. Neither of them has
much love for Sumner or regard for Thad Stevens, which
will strengthen them to act right when others fail. I should
have no doubt of Trumbull if he had not done himself and
his principles injustice on certain test questions. The
Radical Senators continue to hold their secret meetings
at Pomeroy's to discipline and strengthen each other to
do an illegal and wicked act, while sitting as judges in the
high court.
Seward says Morgan will go for acquittal, provided it is
clearly ascertained in advance that there can be no con
viction. In this I think S. is more correct than in many
of his oracular assertions. The President was not present
during the greater part of this conversation, which, how-

1868] BINGHAM'S CLOSING SPEECH 347
ever, was continued after he came in, canvassing many of
the Senators. Some of them, through friends, had made
known their doubts and perplexities ; the friends of some
were confident that this or that Senator was personally
kindly and senatoriaUy rightly disposed, and would op
pose the outrage, if certain appointments were made.
The President said he was tired of these things and wished
they were over.
Some conversation took place between McCulloch,
Browning, and myself in regard to sending in immediately
the nrew carpet-bag constitutions of Arkansas and South
Carolina. They urged that it should be done immediately.
I asked what of the actual, existing constitutions of those
States, which Congress assumed to annul. Both took alarm,
hoped the President would not oppose Congress, oppose
the Reconstruction law, etc. I expressed the hope that he
would do his duty faithfully.
The President had come in from the library during the
discussion and seated himself at the desk, my back being
towards him. He sent in a brief message which he had
prepared for Congress, merely informing that body he
transmitted such papers as he had received. This avoided
difficulty, for it expressed no opinion. Under the circum
stances this, perhaps, is the best he can do, and is not
Uable to attack.
May 6, Wednesday. General Rousseau called on me.
His visit to Alaska has not impaired his health, and his
quick joumey from Oregon has given him a rough and
hardy appearance. He has been here three or four days
and mingled freely with Congressmen and others, and ex
presses the fullest confidence in the acquittal of the Pre
sident. StUl I get no facts; no names are given.
May 7, Thursday. Bingham has closed the final argu
ment of the Managers, and at its close there was a scene
in the gaUeries got up especiaUy for the occasion and a part

348 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 7
of this Radical drama. I have not read all of B.'s speech,
but, from the examination given it, I do not think it great,
and his friends seem disappointed. The subject is post
poned untU Monday, and the Court has agreed to come to
a vote on Tuesday. If the Senators regard their oaths,
and act as judicial officers and statesmen, there vrill be an
acquittal; if partisan action controls all the Radical Sena
tors, or most of them, conviction is likely. The movement
has been a partisan one from its inception.
Judge Harris, late New York Senator, called on me, and,
discussing the great topic, tells me he had a long conver
sation vrith a prominent Radical Senator, a reUgious, con
scientious man, who said to him there was nothing against
the President which could be called a crime or misdemeanor,
but the President was a troublesome man, was an impedi
ment, and he thought the majority would be justffled in
availing themselves of a technical advantage in getting
rid of him. Although Judge Harris caUed no names, I
inferred from his remarks that Frelinghuysen was the
Senator who made these discreditable remarks.
May 8, Friday.' The Retrenchment Committee, of which
Senator Edmunds is chairman, held a session at the De
partment this morning to inquire into the sale of the iron
clads Oneota and Catawba, under a resolution of E. B.
Washburne, directing inquiry into the "alleged fraudulent
sale." I had directed copies of all the papers to be prepared
so that there need be no delay. The Committee chose to
examine me orally, also Faxon and LenthaU. Not ex
pecting to be called, I had not given the subject any close
attention, but was willing the Committee should know
every item of the transaction, satisfied there had been no
fraud, but that Congress by its injudicious management had
hurt this sale and probably prevented others. There was
supercilious arrogance and great ignorance displayed by
eome of the gentlemen of the Committee, as well as the
general disposition of this Congress to usurp executive and.

1868] THE CASE OF THE HANNAH GRANT 349
indeed, aU power. They wished me to stop the sale, to
prevent the boats from sailing, etc. Simpletons ! I wish we
could sell all.
At the Cabinet-meeting Seward read a dispatch re
quiring the Venezuelan Government to make indemnity for
the Hannah Grant, a whaling-schooner, whose voyage had
been broken and some of her crew detained. I said that I
had doubts whether the subject should be pteued; that
the captain and men of the H. G. were perhaps as culp
able as the Venezuelan coast-guard. Our men could not
speak Spanish nor the guard Enghsh, and before they
could come to an understanding the H. G. sailed off and
left her men. Seward was taken aback; said the Venezue
lans would be let off lightly, but some notice must be taken
of the difficulty.
Great confidence was expressed by all the Cabinet that
the President would be acquitted; and such also seemed
his impression, but I could get no fact, — perhaps ought
to expect none. It was said Fessenden was in great distress,
— had offered to resign, but the Maine delegation would
not listen to it. The vote of Henderson of Missouri is re
lied upon through the influence of Miss Foote,^ to whom
he expects to be married. Sprague is counted upon through
Mrs. S. and her father, etc. These are frail staffs to lean
upon, yet they are taken in the absence of better. There
may be other circumstances, or facts, which are confiden
tial, but they are not communicated, if there are such.
Colonel Halpine (MUes O'Reilley) and Mr. Roosevelt
called on me. They are feeling for information, while pro
fessing to communicate. I am satisfied they know notliing
certain. Halpine and R. also speak most contemptuously
of Morgan, who seems to have sunk in every man's esti
mation. May 9, Saturday. There is a good deal of deep feeling;
yet no boisterous excitement. The impeachers are less con-
1 Daughter of Judge Elisha Foote, Commissioner of Patents.

350 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 9
fident than they were, yet express full belief in conviction.
Their reliance is on the force, discipline, and necessities of
party, not on crime or misdemeanor on the part of the
President. How far the Radical Senators who have pre
tensions to statesmanship wiU debase themselves to party
dictation is the only question. If they are really legis
lators, judges, and statesmen, men of independence and
moral courage, the President vrill be acquitted; not other
wise. More than one half of the Senators are demagogues
and blockheads, party tools, who regard not theu- oaths
nor the welfare of the country.
Numbers influence party men, so that iifferior intellects
often control superior minds. Fessenden and Morton and
TrumbuU are fearful of consequences ff they boldly and
considerately do their duty. I have no faith whatever in
Morton, though McCulloch has hopes of him, but McCul
loch is deceived. His speech at the beginning of the
session exhibited a mind whose moral stamina was
gone. . . .
The President tells me this aftemoon that he has no
doubt that Fessenden will vote for acquittal. I did not ask
his newest evidence. Riding out this evening, I met Mc
Culloch, who assures me, emphatically, of an acquittal.
Says Grimes, Fessenden, Trumbull, and Van Winkle vrill
vote to acquit, and others also. I conclude he has sources
of information which are reliable. I get no facts. Of Grimes',
Fessenden's, and Trumbull's honest opinions I have no
doubt, but there is a terrible pressure upon them. Of Van
Winkle I know nothing.
May 11, Monday. Dixon came in yesterday. Has heard
the President intends to resign, if it shall be clearly as
certained that he will be convicted. Told him I gave the
rumor no credit, and he said he would not, but that the
President once made a remark which the rumor had brought
strongly to his mind. In an interview with the President
on Saturday, he told D. he wished to know with certainty

WILLIAM PITT FESSENDEN

1868] AN EXCITING DAY IN THE SENATE 351
the result on Monday. "Why on Monday," says D. to me,
"unless he has an object in view?"
Doolittle called this morning, feeUng, as aU do, interested,
not to say excited, but craving information. I had none
to give. Neither he nor Dixon has confidence. They have
no facts. Both, like me, believe that several of the leading
minds on the Radical side are against conviction, but
whether they have the courage and moral firmness to do
their duty is a question. Dixon tells me of two conver
sations he had with Fessenden, who gave him no assur
ance, but yet talked in a way that left but little doubt on
his mind, — said he did not wish to do an act which would
disturb him the rest of his life, wanted always to wake in
the moming with a clear conscience.
The afternoon and evening have been exciting. The
Senatorial Court sat to-day with closed doors, the mem
bers expressing and discussing their views on the articles
of impeachment. As they made their speeches, respectively,
their opinions got outside the doors. Sherman declared
himself opposed to the first article, but would vote for the
second. In other words the President had the right to re
move Stanton, but no right to order another to discharge
the duties. Poor Sherman! He thiiiks the people fools;
they know him better than he does them. Grimes boldly
denounced all the articles, and the whole proceeding. Of
course he received the indignant censure of all Radicals;
but Trumbull and Fessenden, who followed later, came in
for even more violent denunciation, and more wrathful
abuse. This evening the Radicals are greatly crestfallen, and
have hardly a hope, whUe their opponents can scarcely
restrain their elated feelings over the probable defeat of an
infamous and dastardly conspiracy. A marvelous change
has come over both parties.
McCulloch came in overjoyed, and vrished me to go with
him to the President's. We found he had all the news, but
was cahn, though gratified. He showed us the notes he

352 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [math
had from time to time received through the p.m. and
evening. Groesbeck soon came in; said the work was accomplished,
but there must be no exulting outbreak. Both he and Mc
Culloch declare there is no question of acquittal. Randall
soon joined us, and is even more sanguine. Says the vote
will stand at least 22 to 32, likely better than that. I would
rather see the votes, though I have no cause to question
his accuracy, except he is not an accurate man.
The Senate is in session this evening; and will be, prob
ably, most of the night. A motion was made to recon
sider the vote ordering the vote to be taken to-morrow, but
failed. Still I am apprehensive. The Radicals have a
majority and are alarmed, for there are some who refuse
to be disciplined into doing a viTong act.
May 12, Tuesday. The Radicals, fearful of the result
of the vote which they had ordered should this day be
taken on impeachment, have postponed the question
until next Saturday. The excuse for this is the illness of
Howard,^ one of their members, who is said to be delir
ious, — the brain fever, — some say delirium tremens.
I suppose he is really ill, though many think not. Had it
been one of the Senators friendly to the President, there
would have been no four days' postponement, — nor even
with Howard's sickness, had they [not] been limited to a
two-thirds vote. When Attorney-General Stanbery was
taken ill, the leading Radicals would not consent to delay a
day, although he was the principal counsel of the President.
The postponement did not greatly surprise me. It re
quired only a majority vote, and very Ukely a still further
postponement will take place, if the Senatorial conspir
ators have not sufficient force to convict. There is little
honor, justice, or truth with the impeaching judges. If
by any trick or subterfuge they can succeed, the Radicals
will resort to it, however unprincipled. The President was,
' Jacob M. Howard of Michigan.

1868] ILLNESS OF SENATOR GRIMES 353
I think, more disturbed by the postponement than I have
ever seen him, but he soon ralUed.
Great consternation prevaUs among the Radical impeach
ers, who have never permitted themselves to doubt for
a moment the conviction of the President, whether guilty
or not. It was a foregone conclusion, a party decree; any
one who disobeyed was to be denounced. Such men as the
late Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, Chandler, are
almost frantic. I have long assured McCulloch that Chand
ler was playing a double game and deceiving him; but McC.
was incredulous, and retained him long in office. . . .
Doctor Horwitz tells me Chandler called on him some
days since, and said he had made caUs on all the members
of the Cabinet, which he designed as farewell visits, for he
would feel unpleasant to call on them after the President's
con"riction. I recoUect that he called with his wife some ten
days since, and other members of the Cabinet also inform
me that they remember a similar visitation, but they had
no thought of the purpose of his visit. It is an evidence
of the confidence of Radicalism.
May 13, Wednesday. There is great rage among the
conspirators and leading Radicals. The Tribune, Chron
icle, and other organs, howl over their defeat, and are
very abusive of four Senators whom they denounce as
recreants, apostates, Judases, etc., etc. Their greatest
violence is against Grimes, a man of strong feelings and
acute sensibUities, who was this afternoon struck with
paralysis. I trust it may not prove fatal or even serious,
but he has for some weeks undergone great mental excite
ment in consequence of the estrangement of old associates,
and maUgnant assaults from his political friends, for a firm,
honest, and conscientious discharge of his duty. This
abuse has been trying to his system. While he has a right
appreciation of these attacks, he is nevertheless sensitive,
and feels it to be a vricked and ungrateful retum for many
years of faithful party and pubUc service.
3

354 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 13
The flippant remarks of a class of superficial writers,
who have Uttle knowledge of the govemment or the proper
working of our political system, is disgraceful, and it is
lamentable that so many should be infiuenced and misled
by them. Veteran legislators and statesmen who have
grown old in the public service, and who have given
thought and mind, and time and labor, to great questions
are libeled and defamed by the slanders.
May 14, Thursday. One of the tricks of the whippers-in
to influence the doubtful Senators is to send abroad for
letters and telegrams favoring and cra"ring impeachment
in order to sustain the party; to get Members of the House
to call on the Senators and urge them to vote to convict,
right or wrong, and in every possible way, by extra means,
to extort a decision adverse to the President. This mon
strous prostitution of the conspirators is acquiesced in by
the Radicals, who seem to think it proper, so utterly are
they demoralized; and men making pretensions to char
acter participate in the abuse. Butler, Stevens, and men
Uke them, taking advantage of prejudices and as yet unfor
giving hate grovring out of the War, do not attempt to
cover up intended villainy. One of the schemes now on
foot is to admit the bogus Senators, elected under the
bogus constitutions which the carpet-baggers, aided by
negroes under military dictation, have imposed on the
Southern States. Strengthened in numbers by these inter
lopers, they hope to carry conviction. How long can a
government stand which is in the hands of such profligate
and unprincipled wretches?
Grimes is no better. I fear the worst. StUl I hope he
may recover and that soon. But he is of a famUy subject,
I am told, to sudden death, and has himseff been appre
hensive that such might be his fate. It was this, I am in
formed, which led him to decline a reelection. Howard is
reported better. Conflicting rumors and opinions prevail
in regard to the final result of impeachment. I appre-

1868] IMPEACHMENT IN THE BALANCE 355
hend but Uttle is known, and nothing with certainty. The
doubtful men do not avow themselves, which, I think, is
favorable to the President, and the impeachers display
distmst and weakness. StiU then: efforts are unceasing and
almost superhuman. But some of the more considerate
journals, such as the New York Evening Post, Chicago Tri
bune, etc., rebuke the violent. The thinking and reflecting
portion of the country, even RepubUcans, show symptoms
of revolt against the conspiracy.
May 15, Friday. Only pressing and necessary public
business is being done in these days by the Government.
Suggestions or recommendations by the Departments are
received vrith distrust by the Radical Congress, and useful
and necessary measures are opposed and often rejected
without consideration, so that it is better to be quiescent
than active. The Radical leaders are revolutionary, and
many of their associates of better mind and temper have
become tainted, corrupted, and distempered. They have
called the President so many vile names, applied to him
such "rile epithets, that they persuade themselves he must
be in fault, yet they designate nothing, except that he does
not lend himseff and the Govemment to their party
schemes and usurpations. They denounce him as a traitor
because he adheres to the Constitution, holds firmly to his
own belief, and refuses to surrender his own judgment to
their dictation.
The Managers of the impeachment on the part of the
House have summoned witnesses before them to testify in
regard to the views and opinions of the Senators and the
President. This wholly illegal and unauthorized inquisi
tion, even by this presuming and usurping House, shows
the spirit wliich prevails, and how personal rights are dis
regarded. In a very short time these men, ff not checked,
would break up the foundations of the govemment and of
the whole social system. Strange that such men should get
the ascendancy over their associates, but it is by party

356 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 15
organization and discipline, through secret caucuses, and
the tyranny imposed by the majority rule, sharpened by
the angry remnants of the Rebellion which stiU linger and
compel the timid, passive, and obedient to violate law.
Constitution, equity, justice, morality, right, and any
and all the fundamental principles of government. Abject
subserviency! A few matters of current interest were disposed of in
Cabinet. Some conversation on the topic which comes up
in every meeting of two or more, viz., impeachment. The
same general confidence was expressed by Seward, Mc
Culloch, and Randall of acquittal whenever a vote shaU be
taken, but there is doubt whether another postponement
wiU not take place to-morrow. It is a question whether
the sick men will be then in attendance. Doctor H., his
physician, tells me that Grimes wiU ride up, though at
some risk, if the vote is to be taken.
I do not yet get from my associates, who express them
selves so confidently, any positive assurance of seven
Senators from the Republicans. We can count up pretty
suirely five, perhaps six, but where and who is the seventh
or eighth? Is Anthony, or Sprague, certain for acquittal?
Pretty certain, at least on most of the articles. How stands
Frelinghuysen? How Van Winkle, and WUley? How is
Ross, and how are Corbett and Cole ? Not one is vouched
for when pinned down, though there seems a general im
pression that Van Winkle and Fowler may be depended
upon.^ To me the result looks exceedingly doubtful, although I
have an inward faith that Providence vrill not permit so
great a wrong or outrage as conviction to be committed.
There is some good sense, some seff-respect, some integrity
' In the final vote Henry B. Anthony and WUliam Sprague of Rhode
Island, Frederick T. FreUnghuysen of New Jersey, Waitman T. WUley of
West Virginia, Henry W. Corbett of Oregon, and Cornelius Cole of Cali
fornia went for conviction, but Peter G. Van Winkle of West Virginia,
Edmund G. Ross of Kansas, and Joseph S. Fowler of Tennessee for acquit
tal.

1868] MANUFACTURING PUBLIC OPINION 357
and patriotism remaining among a few of the Radicals even,
as we see by the course pursued by Grimes and others.
These Senators are being vilified and denounced with un
sparing maUgnity by leading Radical presses and politi
cians, who assume to dictate to them what the party de
mands should be their vote or judgment in this case. For
a conscientious discharge of their official duty and a regard
for their oaths, the ablest Senators of long experience are
assaUed with bitterness as apostates and renegades by the
Secretary of the Senate, Forney, through his two papers,
and by others.
May 16, Saturday. The day has been one of excitement.
Such was the outside pressure and such the confidence of
the Radical majority, after many secret meetings and
much caucus discipline, that the Senate was brought to
vote on impeachment. There has been constant caucusing
daily and tvrice a day by these triers — these judges —
since Tuesday. Letters and telegrams have been pouring
in, especially to the doubtful, and so-called recreant, Sena
tors, aU prompted from here. Schenck, chairman of Ways
and Means in the House and also of the Congressional
Radical Committee, has sent off telegrams, — it is re
ported a hundred, — calling for instructions from Loyal
Leagues to influence the Senatorial judges. Governor
Burnside, the weak and feeble general whose silly and in
competent orders at Fredericksburg caused the slaughter
of 50,000 men, responded to Schenck, whose telegram was
pubhshed in Rhode Island and another, verbatim, in West
Virginia. They show beyond doubt that public opinion is
manufactured here in Washington by the conspirators.
Two caucuses of Radical Senators were held yesterday at
Senator Pomeroy's, called by Theodore Tilton, a whipper-
in on impeachment, — the first at noon, the other in the
evening. At this last, the members became satisfied under
the sanguine representations of Tilton they would succeed
on the eleventh article, provided that would be put first.

358 DURY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 16
Judge Harris of Albany, who called on me this morning
on business, said he met Van Horn, Representative from
New York, who informed him the vote on impeachment
would be taken to-day. They could not afford to delay
longer. The necessities of the country and the caU of the
Party required immediate action.
At twelve-thirty I went to the President's. McCulloch
was there, and a messenger with a telegram entered as I
did. The telegram stated a vote on the eleventh article had
been taken, and the President was acquitted. Soon after,
Edgar came in with the particulars on that vote, which had
been made the test, and on which the Radicals considered
themselves strongest. It was the sheet anchor of Stevens.
The Senate was full, so far as the usurpers have permit
ted, and the vote was 35 to 19. Seven Repubhcans voted
with the Democrats. Ross, who had been less strongly
relied upon than some others, voted for acquittal, while
Willey voted guilty. This last was quite a disappointment
to the President. He had also hoped for Anthony and
Sprague and was not without hopes for Corbett and Cole.
Willey, after being badgered and disciplined to decide
against his judgment at a late hour last night, agreed to
vote for the eleventh article, which was one reason for re
versing the order and making it the first. Ross, it is said,
had promised he would go for unpeachment, basing his
action on the first article, which was the basis for the
movement. This, however, he did not communicate, but
what he said reUeved him from farther importunity, and
the great effort was made upon Willey. Bishop Simpson,
the high-priest of the Methodists and a sectarian pohtician
of great shrewdness and abiUty, had brought his clerical
and church influence to bear upon W. through Harlan, the
Methodist elder and organ in the Senate. While Willey's
vote disappointed the Democrats, the vote of Ross disap
pointed the Radicals.
When the result was knovim, Williams of Oregon, a
third-rate lawyer who got into the Senate from that re-

1868] VOTE ON THE ELEVENTH ARTICLE 359
mote State, moved a postponement of farther proceedings
until the 26th inst. The Chief Justice declared this not in
order, but his decision was overruled by the majority, on
an appeal taken on motion of Conness, a man of about the
capacity, and as weak and corrupt, as Williams. Rules,
orders, regulations are wholly discarded and disregarded
by the Radical revolutionists. Their getting together in
caucus, on a judicial question, is a specimen of Radical
policy, character, integrity, and sense of duty.
May 18, Monday. The wrath of the conspirators and
their creatures the Radicals continues with little abate
ment, but it has, so far as Senators are concerned, turned
most "rindictively on Ross, who is their latest disappoint
ment. There is, however, a determination on the part of
the leaders to formally expel the recreants from their party,
and to do this at their Chicago Convention. But for the
great folly here, I should hardly beUeve such folly there.
In excited times like these, it is to be remembered that
the violent, the impulsive, the inconsiderate, the positive
element prevails over the passive and the considerate.
Whether there will be cool and reflective men in their
convention of sufficient influence to check the madness of
party is a question.
As regards the seven Senators themselves, I have
doubts. They are intelUgent, and, I think, conscientious,
but it remains to be seen whether they will have the firm
ness and moral courage to maintain their position inde
pendently through the fiery conflict in the near future.
Whatever may be the doings at Chicago, these Senators
are marked and spotted men so far as the Radicals are
concerned. Yet I am incUned to think that some of them
flatter themselves they have not lost caste, — that they
vriU regain their party standing by being more radical than
their party. A shallow delusion, which other men, their
equals, have fallen into before them.
Senator TmmbuU has made haste to report the bogus

360 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 18
constitution of Arkansas with all its enormities, in order
to demonstrate his Radical fidelity. Doctor Horwitz tells
me that in an interview at Grimes' room with Trumbull,
Grimes expressed some concern or made some inquiry in
regard to this movement, when T. said it was for effect,
that the President would let it slide, with a protest, per
haps, and they [who are] now called the apostates would
get the inside track on Reconstruction, and thus prove
themselves the most skillful managers. I asked Doctor
H. if they deceived themselves by believing the President
could in any way assent to such a scheme. He says Trumbull
seemed to so consider it. These men do not know the Pre
sident. There are rumors, asserted with great positiveness
and apparent sincerity, that when impeachment is dis
posed of, there is to be a renovation or a reorganization of
the Cabinet. It is too late to be productive of any good ff
attempted, and there is no probability that it vriU be at
tempted. Whether the rumor is set afloat by the Radicals
to take off the sharp edge of their disappointment, or by
zealous friends of the President to conciUate the Radicals
and help over the trial next week, the 26th, I know not,
nor is it of any consequence.
I called this evening on Senator Grimes, and felt sad to
see him so afflicted, yet gratified to find him so cheerful
and his mind so clear and vigorous. It is a great pubhc
calamity that he should have been stricken down at this
time, when his services are so much wanted. A number
came in while we were there, — too many I thought, —
among them Fessenden, whom I was glad to meet. There
is great friendship between him and Grimes. Both of them
smart under the attacks which are made upon them, and
each tells me he is in daily receipt of atrocious letters.
These they wisely cast aside and destroy without reading
more than what is sufficient to know their contents. They
have, however, many cheering and encouraging letters.
Fessenden says he reads no newspapers. Pike,' who came
' Frederick A. Pike, a Representative from Maine.

1868] A CALL ON SENATOR GRIMES 361
in later, had some talk in defense of impeachment. Said
he took a different view from Grimes and others. He was
for removing the President without regard to the charge,
and for mere poUtical party reasons.
Grimes took from his table a piece of paper and read
aloud the oath he had taken as one of the court, said it was
not the first time such appeals had been made to him, and
asked Pike how he would dispose of that oath. This was
a stumper, but Pike undertook to say that he could get
along with that. I said that such getting along showed the
demoralization which was going on, and which actually
pervaded Congress; that if he and his party could succeed
in removing the President for mere party considerations,
regardless of oaths and the Constitution, one of two re
sults must follow, the overthrow of his party, or the gov
ernment; that the govemment could not survive such
shocks ten years, probably not five.
Grimes concurred vrith me. Pike attempted to whistle
away the remarks, but I saw they affected him.
May 19, Tuesday. The Senate adjourned over to Thurs
day, and vrill then do nothing until their friends get
through at Chicago and return, in other words not till the
26th inst., when impeachment will be again taken up, for
I do not believe the reckless men, the real conspirators,
intend to give up the question, though the sensible men of
their party wish it. Threats and vengeance are abundant
against the seven "recreants," and thunders are threat
ened from Chicago, but better counsels will be likely to
prevail, — not better feeling, for there is intense and, for
the present at least, unforgiving hate by the conspirators
towards them.
Our friends in the Cabinet pronounce impeachment
dead. I prefer to see the vote. One man would have
turned the scale on Saturday. How he will vote on the
26th remains to be seen. It is a thread on which the result
hangs.

362 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 19
Ross is abused most. He is to be investigated by the
House, or his acts are, and the Senate wiU submit to the
indignity. I have no idea that there has been any corrup
tion, as is insinuated and asserted. It is claimed he was
pledged, that he has broken his promise, etc. Who tam
pered with him? Who got his pledge? Who received his
promise in advance to give judgment? The enemies of the
President who are going to investigate Ross' conduct. The
Managers are sitting as a committee to investigate the
Senators under authority of the House, and Butler, vile and
unscrupulous, is calling men before him and compelling
them to disclose their private affairs. Last night he spent
several hours at Jay Cooke's bank, overhauling private
accounts. These outrages are tamely submitted to, and
are justified and upheld by Radical legislators, patriots, and
statesmen. Heaven save the mark!
May 20, Wednesday. Senator Henderson went before
one of the House committees and submitted to impertin
ent interrogatories, but refused to go before Butler and the
impeachment Managers. Private individuals do not get
off so easily. There is a perfect inquisition by Butler and
the chief conspirators, where individual rights are stricken
down, and the outrage is sanctioned and enforced by this
Radical Congress. The mass of telegrams sent by the
public in confidence has been seized by these inquisitors.
Men are required to teU how they expended their money,
what were their pecuniary transactions, and also explain
their correspondence. Nothing is private, nothing sacred.
May 21, Thursday. The Chicago Convention is the sen
sation of the day. As Grant is to be nominated President,
the scuffle is over the Vice-Presidency. Wade, Colfax,
Wilson, Fenton, and Hamlin are the candidates, with little
disposition on the part of either to give way to the other.
There is not much to be said in favor of either. Wade has
become demoralized, and is not the plain, single-minded,

1868] THE CANDIDATES AT CHICAGO 363
honest, unambitious man he was a few years since. His
employment as one of the Committee on the Conduct of the
War, his association vrith Stanton, who was indifferent and
regardless of individual rights, and vrith Chandler, coarse,
vulgar, . . . have blunted the better feeUngs, affected the
habits, and tainted the principles of bluff old Ben Wade.
The others are very common men, with no decent pre
tensions to the second position in the Government, though
either for ci"ril service is superior to Grant. The office of
Vice-President is vrithout responsibility, patronage, or any
duty worthy of honorable aspiration. The Connecticut
delegation are reported as bartering the vote of that State
to Fenton, if New York wUl make Hawley president of the
Convention. Judd and Logan of Illinois assert that Grant
urged impeachment. This has been said of him by others,
and accords vrith what I have understood. He is a man of
low instincts, not of a nice sense of honor nor of proper
seff-respect, is wanting in truthfulness and sincerity, and
is grossly, shamefully ignorant of the Constitution and of
the structure of the govemment. Yet he is the designated
candidate, ff not the choice, of the Radicals for the office of
Chief Magistrate. A feeUng of gratitude for military serv
ices, vrithout one thought of his capacity, intelligence, or
experience in civU affairs, has enUsted popular favor for
him, and the conspirators have availed themselves of it,
though the knovring ones are aware of his unfitness for
administrative duties. They expect to use him; he intends
to use them. They can intrigue, but he is, with low in
stincts, a man of cunning and is destitute of affection out
of the family circle. . . . The War brought him again into
the Army, and E. B. Washbume, his Representative
in Congress, made it his study and business to indorse,
extol, and advance Grant. . . . Circumstances favored,
and he was promoted to be General, — Major-General,
Lieutenant-General were not sufficient. There was an
attempt to make him Commander-in-Chief over the Pre
sident, to which Grant was nothing loath, and finally.

364 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 20
uniting with the Radicals, he entered into the conspiracy
to impeach the President and was slyly active in that
intrigue. I have Uttle doubt that the Radicals intend to make him
President the next four years by fraud and force if neces
sary. Their moral sense is blunted, and poUticaUy they are
unprincipled. ; They have Congress, which opens and de
clares the vote; they have the General of the Army, who is
their candidate; and if they can by any means secure the
President before the vote is counted next February, they
will not hesitate to override the popular verdict, should
it be against them. The bogus Senators and Represent
atives, from the States which have bogus constitutions,
will, in the mean time, be admitted to seats, and how is the
country to rid itseff of the imposition? Bold, honest, firm,
and resolute minds are wanted for the work, — some one
master-spirit, vrith tact, courage, and energy, capable and
willing to take the lead in rescuing the govemment from
the usurpers. Who is he?
There are some rumors of change of Cabinet and change
of policy on the part of the Administration. I do not give
them credit, and yet there are some singular and ominous
movements which give colorable indication that the ru
mors are not wholly groundless. I should sooner beUeve
a change might be made in the Cabinet than there would
be a change of poUcy on Reconstmction, were the Pre
sident to act out his own convictions. But' at this day
nothing honorable to himseff or beneficent to the coimtry
is to be obtained by these rumored changes, and I there
fore cannot believe they vrill be made. To give in to the
Radical doctrine of destroying the States and infiicting on
them new constitutions, repugnant in some respects to the
people on whom they are imposed, would be an abasement
and abandonment of all principle.
I shall not be surprised, however, ff some of his friends
advise these measures, and are preparing for them. It is
said that Evarts is to take Seward's place. He would be

1868] JAPANESE AFFAIRS 365
the man whom Seward would select for a successor, and
the announcement may be a feeler. Some of the RepubU
can Senators who voted against impeachment are opposed
to Seward; they brought in Schofield. It is said Seward
some days or weeks since tendered his resignation. Not
unUkely. He scents trouble and danger in the distance.
No man of sagacity or reflection can be unmindful of it.
The scheme of depriving the ten Southern States of their
rightful governments and imposing sham substitutes will
not be permanent, and ff not quietly disposed of by an
overwhelming vote in the Northern States next fall, may,
if the Southern States are not too exhausted, be followed in
the vrinter and spring by violence and bloodshed. In the
latter event, Seward would be less unpleasantly situated
in Auburn, or abroad, than in Washington. Perhaps the
same could be said of and for each and aU of us who are
stri"ring to do our duty.
May 22, Friday. Seward brought forward Japan dif
ficulties, — the detention of the Stonewall by Commander
Brown under our flag until the civil war in Japan is ended,
the payment of a draft on the Barings for some $25,000
to pay expenses of the vessel, etc. I made some queries
in relation to the management of our affairs in Japan for
the last seven years, and as to the regularity and legitim
acy of present proceedings. In his dispatch to our Minis
ter, Van Valkenburg, written in answer to a telegram, via
San Francisco, giving a brief and not very clear state
ment of affairs, Seward wrote that his proceedings, and
his draft were "approved." I preferred "acquiesced,"
"assented to," or some different word, because until we
knew the facts we could not well approve, and might, when
the whole circumstances were known, actually disapprove;
but, confiding in our representative, we could with pro
priety, on such information as we had, acquiesce in what
he had done. Seward at no time likes criticism, and is a
correct, though verbose, writer; and he is sensitive on Japan

366 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 22
matters, and to some of his acts I have heretofore taken
exceptions. McCulloch saw he was annoyed and thought
to relieve him by saying he did not see much difference in
the words, and if he preferred "approved" would retain it.
I merely remarked that it carried a responsibiUty vrith it
which might be unpleasant in certain contingencies, from
which the Administration might wish itseff relieved. I
asked about the money which the Japanese had paid the
Western Powers, and in which we had participated, I
thought unfortunately, for the Japanese were willing to
give us commercial advantage over others.
In the scuffle at Chicago, little man Coffax beat his com
petitors and on the fifth baUot was put on the ticket vrith
Grant. There was some manufactured enthusiasm in
the convention, but very Uttle earnest feeling; none for
country, but calculations for party. Grant's name is not
magnetic, while Colfax has a feeble and superficial hold on
sound and enduring public opinion. The candidates were
serenaded this evening, but the attendance was slight.
Colfax is near my house and I could at my window hear
his speech.
The impeachment Managers are prosecuting their in
quisitorial inquiries in the basement of the Capitol, and
the public are submitting to the outrage with a tameness
that is surprising. Outrages are so frequent and enormous,
however, that the people look vrith indifference and even
composure on new vUlainies. Reckless and lawless men
like Stevens and Butler, clothed with authority, are ready
to abuse it and trample down the Constitution, and law,
and individual rights. Their party associates do not ob
ject, but lend themselves to the proceeding, provided the
outrages and abuses are directed toward their pohtical
opponents. These things cannot be long continued, but
may be submitted to until the grievance becomes intol
erable. Strange how a few bad men in position, sustained
by party, can damage society, pervert government, and
inflict disorder and evil upon a country! .

1868] THE OUTLOOK FOR ACQUITTAL 367
May 25, Monday. There is deep feeUng but no noisy
excitement on the subject of impeachment. There is cau
cusing and canvassing among the Radical Senators for
conviction, but it is not allowable for any two men to con
verse on the subject of acquittal. Butler, violent, cunning,
unscrupulous, devilish, has control of the Managers and
of the House and is carrjdng on an extraordinary game of
inquisitorial prosecution and persecution. In view of the
action of the Court to-morrow, he made a partial report
to-day of broken testimony from several witnesses that
the inquisitors had before them in secret. It made, as
intended, something of a sensation, and may, as intended,
lead to a further postponement. This seems the present
object; but there are some Radicals, in the Court and out
of it, who vrish this matter brought to a conclusion, and
they may, united with the anti-impeachers, be able to
bring on a decision, when the facts and truth, now with
held, may to some extent appear. It is, however, hardly
probable, for the party discipline is strong and severely
hostile to tmth.
The impression among all parties is that there will be an
acquittal; but, with the evident determination to convict
for the good of the party, I by no means consider acquittal
certain. Intrigues pervade the whole atmosphere. I hear
of no one but the seven "recreants" who can be relied upon,
and it is not certain that Ross will vote for acquittal on
every article. He is not expected, I believe, to go for ac
quittal on the first, which relates to Stanton's removal,
and it is claimed he is committed for the second and eighth.
Should he faU on these two, the probabilities are strong for
conviction. There is some talk of Anthony, Corbett, and
WUley, or at least one of them, on these, but I doubt if
there is any foundation. Sherman and Howe, it is sup
posed, will vote against the first article, and if this is
strongly defeated it may affect the final result on all.
May 26, Tuesday. The Radical Senators held a caucus

368 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 26
this morning and resolved to postpone further voting on
impeachment for four weeks. But all their number did not
attend, and no one of the seven "recreants" was invited.
The result was that the extreme Radicals could not carry
all their friends with them, and after several votes the
conclusion was to come to a decision. But here again the
indecency and partisanship of the Senatorial impeachers
appeared. WiUiams of Oregon moved to take the vote on
the second article instead of the first, and the motion was,
of course, carried. Ross had, on matters of postponement,
voted with his party through the moming, but when the
test came on the second article, and excitement was high,
the attention of Senators, spectators, and all concen
trated on him, and he in the hush and stUlness that pre
vailed said, "Not guilty." A sense of relief to some and of
wrath to others was perceptible.
It was Cabinet day, and a telegram brought us word
promptly of every motion made, and every vote that was
taken. We had considered matters pretty secure, when
word reached us that Ross was voting vrith the Radicals.
This was for a few minutes a damper, but the next tele
gram announced the vote on the second article to be the
same as it was on the eleventh, an acquittal. This was
followed by a like vote on the third article, and this by an
abandonment of the case, and an adjournment of the
Court, sine die.
The Cabinet were aU present vrith the President when
the various votes were announced. His countenance
Ughtened up and showed a pleasant and satisfied smUe,
but the same cahn, quiet composure remained. He had
never believed otherwise than in acquittal.
Butler's report yesterday is printed. It is artful and
malicious. Only such testimony or parts of testimony as
he and his Radical associates choose to disclose is brought
out. There is no Member not of Radical politics or
views on the Committee, and the Managers can there
fore distort, pervert, and falsify to any extent, and But-

1868] AFTER THE ACQUITTAL 369
ler and most of the Managers are not nice in their
means. \
By seizing the telegraphic dispatches, these unscrupul
ous men have obtained a clue to the transactions of every
person who trusted to that means of communication on
any subject in those days, and, finding many things to
them inexplicable, they have formed their own conclu
sions, often erroneous and mere fallacies. All the dispatches
which are private and have to them a suspicious appear
ance and they cannot understand or explain, they charge
to impeachment. The lobby men, claim-agents, gold-
gamblers, and the whiskey ring who gather about Con
gress, hke buzzards around carrion, use the telegraph
extensively, and the Managers have, I doubt not, thrust
their noses into the nests of these unclean birds. Not
unlikely there were large bets and stock-gambling on the
result of the trial, and this flock, like others, entered into
speculation and wagers, and had their feelings and purses
enUsted. Some of them may have tried to seduce moneyed
fools to make them advances for improper purposes, and
some may have used impeachment as a blind to cover
other operations. But neither the President nor I believe
any one of the seven Senators who refused to go with their
party for convriction gave or received one cent for their
vote. No intelligent, honest, candid man who regarded
his oath would have voted otherwise than these seven
Senators. Those Senators who voted for conviction are
either partisan knaves, or weak, timid blockheads, the
tools of knaves. There is not a man among them who is
not conscious that he is guilty of wrong in the vote he has
given. That Thurlow Weed should have been sought by the
gamblers and tricksters would be expected; but he was
too cunning and sagacious to have his name mixed up in
the proceeding. I do not think him too honest, provided
the matter was feasible and necessary for his purpose.
But the Managers give only a part of his testimony, and
3

370 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 26
Butler is as great a rogue as Weed and more criminal.
I therefore, without any confidence in either, think full
justice may not be done W. in this instance.
Stung and angry over their failure in the court of im
peachment, the Managers and Radicals returned to the
House filled with venom, which they expended on the
witness, Woolley,' whom they have under arrest, and after
partisan ruling by the Speaker and spiteful voting by the
majority he was destined to confinement.
May 27, Wednesday. The Chicago nominations create
no enthusiasm. Neither Grant nor Colfax has the abihty
or power to magnetize the people. Grant has lost moral
strength by his untruthfulness, and Colfax is very weak
and superficial. Stanton has cleared out of the War Depart
ment mad, and "relinquished" all to Assistant Adjutant-
General Townsend. Last August he defied the President
and refused, for the public good, to resign when requested,
and five months since he crawled back into the Department
and has held on to the place under Senatorial sanction
vrithout discharging its duties, or advising or communi
cating vrith the President or any member of the Adminis
tration. He was told to "stick," and the public business
has in consequence been obstructed, the Govemment and
country been subjected to great inconvenience and loss,
and lo! the result. He goes out without respect, except
on the part of ignorant and knavish partisans. His ad
ministration of the War Department has been wastefuUy
extravagant and a great affliction to the country.
Stanton has executive abUity, energy, and bluster. He
is imperious to inferiors and abject to superiors. Wanting
in sincerity, given to dupUcity, and with a taste for in
trigue, he has been deep in the conspiracy and one of the
• Charles W. Woolley of Cincinnati, a lawyer engaged in Washington on
whiskey cases, who had been arrested as a recusant witness, having refused
to testify before a committee of the House. He was suspected of bribery or
attempted bribery in connection with the impeachment trial.

1868] NO SECRETARY OF WAR YET 371
chief instigators of the outrageous proceedings of Congress,
a secret opponent of the President's from the commence
ment of his administration. A host of puffers and toadies
have ministered to his vanity by giving him undue praise,
and Seward made himself ridiculous by lauding him as
"Stanton the Divine," the "Carnot of the War." His
administration of the War Department cost the country
unnecessarily untold miffions of money and the loss of
thousands of lives. There was some efficiency, but it was
not always well directed.
May 28, Thursday. There are strange but almost posi
tive rumors of resignations by Randall, Seward, and others.
I am incredulous, not prepared to believe them. The
nomination of General Schofield to be Secretary of War
in place of Stanton removed, which the President sent in
sometime since, does not get through the Senate. The
extremists do not like to say, by their votes, "Stanton
removed " ; he was, when Schofield was nominated, holding
the place vrith their sanction. He has since "relinquished"
the office. I asked the President if he thought Schofield
reliable. He said it depended on the turn things might
take. If we were likely to be successful, he would be with
us ; ff the Radicals succeeded, he would be with them. In
other words, Schofield is for Schofield. I regret that the
President was compelled to select and appoint such a man,
nor do I know under what influences the appointment
was made. Schofield wiU likely be under the influence
of Grant and the Radicals, and as one of the military
govemors has done things that cannot be justified.
May 29, Friday. Some talk but little done in Cabinet.
No Secretary of War yet. General Thomas attends Cabinet-
meetings, and is in the way, — doing no good, perhaps not
much harm. Is sometimes a little obfuscated and gar-
mlously intrusive, and prevents free, social interchange
of views, for he talks too much abroad. McCulloch says

372 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 29
Fogg and Chandler of New Hampshire are in a quarrel.
I told him I was glad of it and was sorry it had not opened
sooner; that there was a New Hampshire clique that was
very mischievous, and which he had never rightly ap
preciated. Of this clique his Assistant Chandler was
one of the worst. McCulloch was a Uttle nettled, for
I have for two years warned him of these feUows. He
said there were some troublesome men in Connecticut.
I replied a good many; that I had nothing to say in their
justification. Some discussion of candidates for the Court of Claims
took place. Browning and McCuUoch pressed Otto, As
sistant Secretary of the Interior. I spoke weU of Otto,
but remarked that ex-Senator Foster was a candidate and
was well quaUfied for that position. While this had to be
admitted, they objected that New England had already
its representative on the bench of the Court of Claims.
This I did not controvert, but thought if section or locality
was to govem, we should select from the South, and for
myself I preferred, if the right man could be found, he
should be appointed from that quarter.
Seward did not attend until all the members but myseff
had left. My business was soon concluded, and I vrithdrew
without waiting for him to open his portfoUo, — for I was
satisfied he wished a Mephistopheles interview. There
has been money raised in New York, I have no doubt, to
assist the President in defraying his expenses in the im
peachment trial, and Seward has been the channel of
communicating, etc.
I was struck with the observation of a Seminole chief
at a late conference (1868), when told that for wampum
paper was substituted, on which was vsrritten the promises
we mutually pledge ourselves to perform. "I," said the
Seminole, "would trust the inviolable faith of wampum
sooner than the written promises of your Constitution.
Wampum has the faith and devotion of the Indian, while
your written Constitution is a mere matter of calculation

1868] A SEMINOLE CHIEF 373
and bargain, no longer regarded than your interest and
conscience dictate."
He was opposed to equality of representation on the
part of the tribes. He wanted tribal distinction. Would
consent to federation, but not to consolidation. The Chero-
kees. Creeks, and Choctaws numbered 45,000, while the
Seminoles, Ghickasaws, Sacs and Foxes, and the smaller
tribes had scarcely half the number. What security had
the smaller tribes against absorption and destmction by
their greater brethren, ff numbers were to control? It would
make the great tribes greater; it would extinguish the
smaller. He loved his people and would preserve them.

LX
Whites and Blacks in the Washington Election — Death of ex-President
Buchanan — His Character — Oregon goes Democratic — Stanbery,
renominated as Attomey-General, is rejected by the Senate — The
Senate compliments Stanton — The Powers of the Comptrollers and
Auditors in the Treasury Department — Chase talked of for the Pre
sidency — Burlingame and the Chinese Ambassadors — City Election
in Washington — • Chase's Candidacy for the Democratic Nomination to
the Presidency — Hopelessness of President Johnson's Desire for the
Nomination — Admiral Porter and the Controversy between the Line
and Staff Officers of the Navy — The Intelligencer attacks McCulloch —
Congressional Inquiry into the Sale of the Ironclads Oneota and Ca
tawba — The House accepts the Arkansas Constitution over the Pre
sident's Veto — The Attack on McCulloch instigated by Seward —
Evarts nominated Attomey-General — Intimations of Another Im
peachment Movement.
June 1, Monday. The election in Washington, D. C,
took place to-day. There has been considerable excite
ment, tending to conflict between the whites and blacks.
Although this is but the beginning, the separation has
taken place. Those who did not vote vrith their own color
were exceptions. A very few, generaUy of the more modest
and well-behaved, blacks voted with the whites, but they
were very few in number. Those whites who consorted
with the blacks were to a great extent office-hunting
demagogues. Ex-President Buchanan died this aftemoon at Lancas
ter. He belonged to a past generation of statesmen and
was himself of no mean ability. Without warm attach
ments himself, he failed to strongly attach others, yet he
was courtly, dignified, and studiously correct in his deport
ment and social intercourse. He was not a man of im
pulse but of calculation, and relied on intellect to manage
and shape his actions rather than on rightful instincts or
established principles. What in his estunation was best
for Mr. Buchanan he adopted and pursued, regardless of

1868] OREGON GOES DEMOCRATIC 375
others or of his country, — not that he would do wrong
or intentionaUy injure the country when no benefit was
to inure to himseff.
June 2, Tuesday. The anti-Radicals made yesterday a
pretty successful contest in this city and carried a majority
of the wards. It is uncertain who is elected mayor, but
doubtless Bowen, the Radical, will be declared elected.
This is perhaps best, for otherwise this Radical Congress
would pass some outrageous law striking down popular
rights still farther, and install ignorance and the blacks in
power. The election in Oregon has gone Democratic by a de
cided majority, electing a Democratic Representative to
Congress in place of the present Radical, and decisive
majorities in both branches of the legislature. This is the
first response to Chicago nominations, — the first Repre
sentative to the next Congress.
General Schofield, Secretary of War, was at the Cab
inet-meeting. Little of interest was discussed.
June 3, Wednesday. The Senate, in its spite, has re
jected the nomination of Mr. Stanbery as Attorney-Gen
eral. There is in this rejection a factious and partisan
exhibition by Senators which all good men must regret to
vritness. I know not the vote, but am unwilling to believe
that some of the better class of Radical Senators could have
been guUty of so unworthy an act. Yet after the result of
the impeachment and the proceedings which took place at
the trial I can believe almost anything of that body. It
will not surprise me greatly if Trumbull opposed the con
firmation, and perhaps others who voted to acquit the
President, but I hope not. Some of them, and I think Trum
bull in particular, are extremely desirous to reinstate
themselves in their party, and therefore in matters of
party go with the extremists. It is a mistake, as they wUl
learn.

376 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 3
The President sent for me this evening. The House of
Representatives has appointed a committee to attend the
funeral of Mr. Buchanan to-morrow at Wheatland, and he
raised the question whether some of the members of the
Administration should not also pay respect to the departed
statesman. The suggestion did not strike me vrith favor,
and I expect I showed my feelings in my looks. I asked
him if he proposed going. He said that was one of the
questions. He had thought that Mr. Seward and myself
might do well, perhaps, to consider the subject. [He said]
that Mr. Kennedy had spoken to him respecting it and
gone to my house and also to Mr. Seward's, but that we
were both out, taking our evening rides. I remarked that
ff Mr. K. called again I would be able to give him an
answer. He has not, at this time, past 10 p.m., caUed, so I trust
the subject has been dropped. I should, under the circum
stances, have been compelled to decline and to advise him
also to decline. There has been nothing personal or poUt
ical in the course of Mr. Buchanan which requires extraor
dinary services from either of us on this occasion. All
proper honors to a Chief Magistrate, Uving or dead, should
be rendered, and these have been ordered. There have
been Presidents whose obsequies I would have gone far
ther than Lancaster to have attended, but there is, on my
part, no heartfelt grief nor reverence for James Buchanan
which calls for this effort; his feeble and erring Adminis
tration was calamitous to the country.
June 4, Thursday. The House manffested little feeling
and intended slight and disparagement in regard to Mr.
Buchanan, but finally appointed a committee to attend
his funeral at 2 p.m. this day; but the House refused to
adjourn over, as is done for every worthless fellow of their
own body who dies here or far away. The Senate ad
journed, but, I beUeve, appointed no committee. The de
ceased had no strong hold on the affections of his country-

1868] THE SENATE THANKS STANTON 377
men of any party, and manifestations of sorrow, like his
politics, are artificial.
The Senate passed a complimentary resolution to Stan
ton. It was an unusual proceeding, and done in the spirit
of factious partyism. His administration of the War De
partment was energetic, but not always well directed. By
nature he was impulsive, wayward, cruel, unjust, and in
his administration was often wasteful and extravagant.
To his chiefs, one and all, he was faithless. His intrigues
against Buchanan and Johnson are known, but those
against Lincoln were less palpable. Had Lincoln's life
been spared, some of his duplicity would have been
developed. Though long associated with him, I have had
no very profound respect for him as the "War Minister."
He has considerable legal abihty, but when he has a pur
pose to accomplish very Uttle rectitude of mind. With
a different Secretary of War, the War would have termin
ated sooner, and, I think, with a great saving of life and
treasure. For the present he escapes censure because he
has identified himself with the extreme men of the domin
ant party. A vote of thanks would have been given him
by those men, had his atrocities been ten times greater.
Fessenden took occasion to show that he was in principle
and feeling as Radical as any.
At this time the "Reconstruction" acts are under con
sideration, — all in violation of the Constitution. Con
gress is trampling on State and personal rights and usurp
ing power in all these proceedings. Trumbull justifies and
excuses himself for voting for and supporting these male
volent and vricked enactments on the ground that, being
unconstitutional, they are good for nothing, — no law.
Others of the little statesmen, who are great factionists,
arrogate to themselves authority to make and unmake
States, to confer power upon them and to deprive them
of inherent and constitutional rights, as if States were
mere corporations, subject to the whims and caprices of
Congress.

378 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jhne 5
June 5, Friday. At the Cabinet-meeting to-day McCul
loch submitted some papers relating to a claim of a road
in Kentucky which had been aUowed $170,000 toll for
army transportation by the War Department. This sum
they had received under protest and claimed much more,
and the Kentucky delegation had waited on him, the Secre
tary of the Treasury, and requested that the claim should
be referred to the Attorney-General.
I asked what business he had with the subject under any
circumstances, the matter belonging to and having been
adjusted by the War Department, — whether he and the
Attorney-General were to revise the other Departments
and overrule their decisions.
McCuUoch said he preferred to send it back to the War
Department for it to refer the matter to the Attorney-
General, if it thought proper, and would so inform the
Kentucky delegation. Browning said it was not a legal
question, but an administrative one which belonged to the
War Department alone. After some discussion the papers
went to the Secretary of War.
Subsequently General Schofield presented an act passed
in February last, conferring very extraordinary powers on
the Comptroller and Auditors. The law, he said, would
cause embarrassment in the War Department, for whom,
it seems, the law is to operate. McCulloch undertook to
go into some explanation, which showed a lamentable
want of correct information of his own duties and of the
rights of other Departments of the Govemment. He as
sumes that an Auditor or Comptroller can set aside the
decisions of any Department, if they think proper, or can
alter these decisions; in other words, administer the
government or supervise those who do administer it. The
truth is, the First Comptroller, who is probably an honest
man, is manifestly ignorant of the structure of the govern
ment, and consequently and measurably of his own posi
tion and duties. He does not learn them and will not, be
cause the Secretary of the Treasury is afraid of him and is

1868] CHASE TALKED OF FOR PRESIDENT 379
to a great extent in certain important particulars gov
erned by him. This man Taylor, First Comptroller, was
for some time Treasurer of the State of Ohio, where his
word and ruling on financial matters was supreme. There
were no checks on his action, no departments, as in the
Federal Govemment, exercising executive powers, and,
having the control of the finances as well as the custody
of the Treasury, he was a little autocrat. He has the same
conception of his duties here, but they are very unlike.
"Why," says McCulloch, "you would make the Comp
troller and Auditor clerks." I told him they were clerks,
and I did not intend myself to be a clerk to them. I re
marked that his labors had been so absorbing that he had
not looked into the making of his Department, but had
submitted to his subordinates, and I advised him to in
form himself on a subject so essential to the Government;
told him that from the beginning of his administration of
the Department he had failed, I thought, in not thor
oughly examining this question and keeping his subordin
ates in their places, instead of taking their assumptions;
requested him to read Crittenden's opinion when At
tomey-General, etc.
June 6, Saturday. An apparently strong demonstration
is being made for Chase for President, particularly in New
York. It is not sincere, nor is it a move in the right direc
tion, and the strength which the movement has acquired
is itself evidence of poUtical demoralization among Demo
crats. It is New York party management and means Sey
mour. Not unlikely Chase has modified his creed since the
Radicals have adopted another and different commander,
but he was one of the originators of RadicaUsm, and the
promoter of its vagaries, heresies, and wrongs. Whatever
may be the popular sentiment, the New York leaders
won't have Chase.
June 8, Monday. Made a retum caU on Mr. Burlingame,

380 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 8
who, vrith the Chinese ambassadors, visited me a few days
since at my house. He thinks we might learn some things
useful of the Chinese, as weU as they of us, in matters social
and civil. Their practice of extinguishing annually all in
debtedness he thinks would be weU and have a good effect
if adopted here. A man who does not extinguish his debts
at the close of the year, so as to commence the new year
with a clean record, loses caste and drops io a lower grade.
Their civil war of thirteen years, in which over ten millions
lost their lives and which was desolating in its effects,
closed up vrithout any national debt.
June 9, Tuesday. The arbitrary and outrageous con
duct of Butler and the impeachment Managers begins to
tell upon a portion of the Radicals. They cannot justffy
the imprisonment of Woolley, who seems, however, to be
a profligate fellow, and was by his own confession on a de
bauch when a large portion of the $20,000 for which he fails
to account disappeared. He and his associates were prob
ably conniving in intrigues and briberies with Members
of Congress, and, not unlikely, they may have attempted
to svrindle and dupe some persons into advances under
the pretense of influencing Senators. ... It is a corrupt
Congress, and the most corrupt put on the loftiest pre
tensions. The President dined the Chinese, members of the Cabi
net, some of the principal foreign ministers, and a few
friends of note. Neither Grant nor Sumner was present,
though I am confident Grant was invited. The President
is studiously regardful of official courtesies.
June 10, Wednesday. At the late city election the Rad
icals claim to have elected the mayor, but their opponents,
the Democrats and conservatives, carried five wards,
which gives them a majority against the mayor. This
result has disconcerted the Radicals in Congress, who have
been modifying and changing the charter of the city.

1868] CHASE'S CANDIDACY 381
Nearly every black man in the city voted for Bowen, the
Radical candidate, while probably four fifths of the whites
voted for Given, the Democratic candidate. Since the
election there have been strange doings to get the posses
sion of the city government, and Congress is very much
disposed to interfere and give the government into the
hands of the Radicals. They are educating themselves in
fraud and villainy, and their leaders intend by such means
to disregard and set aside the Presidential election, should
they not be successful at the polls.
There are some strange indications in regard to the
selection of a Democratic candidate for President. In New
York a busy and noisy demonstration is made for Chief
Justice Chase, who, with Sumner, is really the father of
Radicalism, not of Republicanism. Reconstruction and ne
gro suffrage in the States have been pet measures of Chase,
yet the opponents of these measures in New York profess
a vrish to make him their candidate. The New York Herald
is really casting aside its principles, or the principles of the
Democratic Party, and teaches acquiescence in the usurpa
tions and outrages which have imposed negro suffrage and
bogus constitutions on the Southern States. All this is
designed to pave the way ostensibly for Chase, but there
is a deeper intrigue behind, perhaps the nomination of
Seymour, — New York partyism.
June 11, Thursday. The States are preparing for the
July nominating convention in New York. Connecticut,
New Jersey, and Maryland have just chosen their delegates
and left them free to act. Many of the States have im
properly tied the hands of their delegates. Such a course
is in conflict vrith the very object and purpose of a con
vention. Woolley is finally released. Congress has disgraced it
self in permitting Butler to imprison this man; but Con
gress itself is at this time a body without character or
ability or any value.

382 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 12
June 12, Friday. Seward has gone to Auburn. Hunter ^
appeared for him in Cabinet-meeting, vrithout anything
to present.
I am getting embarrassed by the course of the Academic
Board at Annapolis. Some of their decisions are repre
hensible. The Examining Board, which attended recently,
have permitted themselves to be made instruments to read
me a lecture on certain subjects.
Unfortunately we have no man in Congress who is at all
conversant with naval affairs, and all legislation and aU
Congressional action is in a wrong direction. Men having
selfish schemes and purposes adapt themselves to party
ends, and find ready supporters, regardless of the service.
June 13, Saturday. Was last night at a review at the
marine barracks. Had a call to-day from Govemor Eng
lish. He apologizes in regard to his message. Says Inger
soll and Osborn desired to tone down my strong points
and make it more local and less national, etc., etc. Al
though possessed of pretty good common sense, I perceive
he has a touch of the fever which gets among aspiring
politicians, and is timid and weak in consequence.
June 15, Monday. The papers pubUsh the proceedings
of a Chase meeting in Philadelphia.^ It is represented that
Doolittle, Dixon, Jeffries,^ and others were of the meeting,
but none of them were present. Doolittle has been to New
York and says the talk for Chase is strong, yet he cannot
suppose the leading men can be eamest. Blair says Bel
mont and the bankers are the instigators, — that it is a
money scheme.
I look upon it as an intrigue for Seymour, who months
ago announced himself not a candidate. Since then we have
been told he was friendly to Pendleton, and latterly that
' William Hunter, Second Assistant Secretary of State.
' On June 10. It was a private conference.
' General N. L. Jeffries, Register of the Treasury.

1868] AN INTRIGUE FOR SEYMOUR 383
he thinks well of Chase, but all this means Seymour, who
is subtle, artful, and not always sincere, and has a ring
of special admirers, or cronies, who think much of manage
ment. The aspect of things when the Convention meets
may be such that Seymour will absolutely decUne, but if
so, it will be because the prospect is hopelessly adverse.
He means to be, and his friends mean that he shall be,
nominated, and their side moves are false and deceptive.
His brother-in-law is a Senator and resides in the same
town vrith him, which operates against his Senatorial
aspirations. Still, if the Presidency is not attainable or is
doubtful, and his friends can make the Senatorship cer
tain, he may acquiesce in that arrangement.
I called with Doolittle on the President this evening,
and we had half an hour's talk on Presidential matters.
I expressed freely my views in regard to Chase and Sey
mour, to which they both assented. Doolittle concurred
most fully. The President was more cautious and re
served; said it was strange and curious to witness popular
movements. During the last two years and more a great
political contest has been going on for the Government
and the Union, involving their existence, but neither Sey
mour nor Chase had done anything to sustain those who
were battling for the country. They were antagonistic:
Sejrmour, a Democrat, had given no support to the Ad
ministration; Chase had thrown his influence with the
Radicals, yet there were Democrats who were seriously
advocating his claims. Probably Seymour was not.
The tenor of his remarks leaves Uttle doubt on my mind
that the President's aspirations have been, or are, in that
direction. It has always been so with his predecessors.
But, if indulged, it is an idle dream on his part. I do not
think he cares so much about the office as an approval of
his acts. The retention of Seward in his Cabinet has alien
ated the Democrats, particularly those of New York, from
him. He could not expect to gain their confidence and sup
port when his chief minister is their lifelong opponent.

384 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 15
In keeping Seward and refusing for two years to commit
himself to the Democrats, or to give them countenance, he
wilted down his influence, weakened his position and his
Administration. For a year he has bestowed some favors
on Democrats, but Seward was still vrith him. It is im
possible that he should be nominated at New York.
June 16, Tuesday. This is the thirty-third anniversary
of my marriage. Not much done in Cabinet. McCulloch
had a letter about the ironclads at New Orleans which have
been sold, and which demagogues and speculators have
represented as striving to escape surreptitiously. Wanted
the President to issue an order on the subject, for fear the
Collector could not detain them. I told him there was no
necessity for calling on the President; he could apply to
the War and Navy Departments, or the Secretary of State
could institute action for their detention ff there is any
violation of neutrality.
June 17. Am told of intrigues and combinations and
cliquism among certain naval men who should be in better
business. Vice-Admiral Porter is restless by nature; has
his favorites, and uses and presses any and all who vrill
yield into his schemes. He has some good professional
qualities, but little administrative talent. Raymond
Rodgers has abilities and culture, but not individuaUty or
independence, and makes himself a voluntary dependent.
Porter uses him, and he likes to be used.
Junior officers at the Academy are drawn into the schemes
of Porter, who has been injured by too rapid promotion,
and desires to control the Navy. Members of Congress
are imposed upon, and Porter, who is fond of politics
without understanding them, and thinks himseff shrewd,
has covertly, as he supposed, allied himself with the Rad
icals. There has been a gathering here of some of these
spirits, and the Naval Committee has given them a hear
ing. The principal topic was, I understand, the contro-

1868] NEWSPAPER ATTACK ON McCULLOCH 385
versy between line and staff officers. There has been folly
and unvrise management on both sides in that matter, but
this sly intrigue is sovring the seeds of mischief which the
authors themselves vriU repent.
June 18, Thursday. The Intelligencer is making strange
and unjustifiable attacks on Secretary McCulloch. There
is something mercenary and vicious in this. While McC.
has made mistakes and been imposed upon by Radical
intriguers in his appointments, his integrity and intentions
are correct, and as a financier he has had no equal since
Guthrie. In politics and poUtical training he was unfortu
nate, but his instincts were right, and experience has con
tributed to correct, in a measure, the errors resulting from
early association. He told me some days since that he had
been threatened by Coyle of the Intelligencer, a mischiev
ous fellow who makes himself too intimate with the Pre
sident, with an assault, because he would not prostitute
himself to do wrong for Coyle's benefit. This he had re
sisted, and Coyle's extravagance — for he lives in princely
style — was undoubtedly giving him (C.) trouble which
the Treasury could not stand.
June 19, Friday. Statements, which seem authentic,
are made in regard to the political opinions and views of
Chief Justice Chase which indicate quite a change. These
statements come from those who claim to have had inter
views and free intercourse vrith him. I am glad to see these
improved opinions; hope they are true, and that he will
vigorously maintain them. But I cannot believe he will
obtain the Democratic nomination, however sincere and
thorough his conversion. Yet he is very much talked of,
and very eamestly pressed, in some quarters where I
should not have expected it. I should be sorry to see him
nominated, and yet more sorry to see Pendleton, who is
prorninent, but whom the New York managers no more
intend than Chase. Neither is the man for this emergency,
3

386 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 19
provided he could be elected, but either would be likely to
put the election in jeopardy, and thus elevate a worse
man. The intrigues for Seymour will be apt to elect Grant.
In looking over some bills which were on the President's
table for his signature, I took up an act relieving Butler of
Tennessee from liabilities and disabiUties for having par
ticipated in the Rebellion, restoring to him his civil rights,
and modifying the ironclad oath so as to permit him to
take his seat in the House. I asked what that act was but
a pardon, and whether the President ought, by signing it,
to sanction the legislative interference with his prerog
ative. The President, while expressing no opinion, indi
cated by his manner and words that he was pleased by my
suggestions and inquiry. No one of the members, however,
squarely came up to the mark. Browning said the act was
undoubtedly a pardon, and the President alone had the
constitutional pardoning power. All but myseff seemed to
think it was not best for the President to interpose and
assert the rights of the Executive. I cited a case which I
knew of in General Jackson, who declared Congress should
never intrude on the executive prerogative whUe he was
President. Randall said General Jackson had a power in
Congress which enabled him to do this. I replied he had
the power because he firmly maintained the rights of the
Executive and would not permit them to be trespassed
upon, and I had no doubt that if the same course had been
pursued by this Administration we should have had
strength in Congress. Here the subject dropped; it was
getting serious.
The President, who is accused of obstinacy, has often
been too yielding, has tried to conciliate, and the greater
his effort the more intrusive and the greater the resistance.
A usurping and domineering Congress has absorbed the
rightful constitutional power of the President in many
respects, and crippled his authority in others. Some have
advised and encouraged this yielding to wrong; I have
never been guilty of it.

WILLIAM FAXON

1868] A CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY 387
J«ne 20, Saturday. The Reconstruction [= Retrench
ment?] Committee to which was referred a scandalous
resolution of E. B. Washburne, relative to an alleged
fraudulent sale of the Oneota and Catawba, two ironclad
vessels which have passed into the hands of the Peruvian
Government, made report yesterday, about as scandalous
as Washburne's resolution. The Assistant Secretary is
directly charged with fraud, and "perhaps" the Secretary
of the Navy. No honest, fair-minded man, with fair in
tentions, would make this base insinuation, or charge fraud
on Faxon. ^ By misrepresentation and one-sided and dis
colored testimony, the committee may cast an imputation
on F., but it is without foundation.
Congress ordered, or authorized, the ironclad vessels
of a particular class or classes to be sold, at not less than
the affixed value to be made by five naval officers, after
public advertising. The Board, consisting of Winslow and
others, examined the vessels, affixed a price, the vessels
were advertised, six or seven bids were made for the Oneota
and Catawba. Every bidder failed; some were bogus.
Eventually Svrift & Co., the original builders, bought them
at their affixed value. There were six other vessels of the
same class and model, — five of which cost the Government
more than these two, — for which mere nominal prices
were offered, not one tenth their value.
Swift & Co. and their associates have sold these vessels
to the Pem-rians — had undoubtedly contracted for them
or for two of that class previously — at a much higher
price than they gave. Of this, however, the Department
knew nothing. No one supposed that any man or firm
would invest half a million in an ironclad, as a matter of
private speculation. But, because the parties purchasing
received a large advance from Peru, the Retrenchment
Committee insinuate fraud.
The Govemment got the price at which these vessels
' William Faxon, formerly Chief Clerk of the Department, had been
made Assistant Secretary on Captain Fox's going to Russia, in 1866.

388 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 20
were valued by a board of its own ordering, a board whose
integrity and capacity no one questions; any person or
persons might have had them at that, or a higher price.
There are six more of this class of vessels, the same
model, equally good, which any one can have, but nobody
wants at the same price. Yet this Retrenchment Commit
tee insinuate wrong. This is debased partisanship. It
so happens that Faxon and the parties are all Republi
cans, or there would have been stronger assertions in all
probability. The wretched committee of partisans were
distressed because they could find no vulnerable point
to assail me, and, while unjustly assailing Faxon, they
say "perhaps the Secretary" had an understanding,
— "willing to wound but yet afraid to strike." These
dirty, scandalizing patriots, who devote their time to
scandal and party electioneering instead of legitimate
legislation, do not hesitate to insinuate falsehoods or
traduce character.
The President put a veto on the Arkansas bogus con
stitution, and the House, unable to controvert his position,
hastened to accept it by a two-thirds vote. One cannot
but be ashamed at the debased and subservient partisan
ship which could not exhibit a single independent mind in
behalf of the Federal Constitution and of the great prin
ciples on which our poUtical system is founded, among
the Radical majority.
June 22, Monday. Mr. Merritt came to see me yester
day. Was in a good deal of distress in consequence of the
attempts to belie and misrepresent me for his transaction.
Knowing, as he did, my entire ignorance of the whole trans
action attending his purchase and sale, — that I was not
even aware of his connection with Swift & Co., or that
the vessels were for Peru, — ignorant himseff, as I verily
believe, of any wrong, he seems shocked at the malignity
and defamatory exhibition of his poUtical party friends.
I assured him that the slanders and insulting assaults

1868] THE ATTACK ON McCULLOCH 389
would not seriously disturb me, although I claimed no
exemption from sensitive feeUngs under such calumnies.
Letters were received to-day from the European, North
and South Atlantic, and North Pacific Squadrons. All in
pretty good condition and doing well.
The midshipmen had a merry week at West Point. Miss
Loyal, who was there, writes Mrs. Welles that she was
mortified to hear Mrs. General Grant speak with confidence
of her occupying the White House next season. But she is
an ambitious and outspoken woman; her husband has
more cunning and more reticence.
Vice-Admiral Porter exhibits a good deal of duplicity.
He and the Board reported strongly against a young or
phan boy who has no relatives. I ordered him to join the
practice ships. Porter, who had resisted this, writes to
B  's friend Mrs. Ann Stephens, that it was his act,
etc., etc. His double-dealing in De Camp's case I do not
forget, and there are repeated instances of his insincerity
and untruthfulness.
June 23, Tuesday. Seward was at Cabinet-meeting.
He returned Sunday morning from Auburn. Has been
absent about a fortnight. The attacks of the Intelligencer
on McCulloch commenced while S. was absent. He gener
ally contrives to get away when one of his explosions is to
take place. McCulloch is friendly to Chase and wants him
nominated and elected. Seward does not, and would be
willing to see any active friend of Chase's stricken down.
I am inclined to think that McCulloch is more earnest for
Chase than he would care to have known, — more than
he, perhaps, is aware of. But Seward and Weed are im
placable in their hostility to the Chief Justice, and McC.'s
adroitness in his behalf is more than counteracted by the
two old stagers. But I question if McCulloch knows,
or even suspects, the source of the intrigue against him.
The President, I apprehend, has an idea prompted by the
same set that it would benefit him were McCulloch to

390 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 23
leave the Cabinet; but in this he is mistaken. That Mc
Culloch has erred, greatly erred, in appointing to and re
taining in office a herd of violent, vindictive, and offensive
Radicals there is no doubt. I have repeatedly cautioned
him on this head; but I don't think Seward has done so,
and McCulloch has always beUeved, and still does per
haps, that Thurlow Weed was his special friend. He has
also believed that Seward was friendly, and has had no
suspicion that his support of Chase could cause any aUen
ation. Govemor Buckingham of Connecticut has been quite
sick in Illinois. Under the impression that he might die,
the Radicals made haste to legislate so as to secure the
office ^ to a partisan. A large portion of the legislation of
this, and also the last. Congress, was mere party scheming,
while great public interests have been neglected. In the
case of Govemor Buckingham, he is likely to save them
trouble by recovering from his illness. The papers report
that he is much better, and about going to Chicago, where
he can be better served.
June 24, Wednesday. The President has nominated Mr.
Evarts to be Attorney-General. It is doubtful whether he
will be confirmed, and yet there is no reason why he should
not be. I am surprised that the President should nominate
him, and surprised that he should accept the office. But
the finger of Seward is in this. As a lawyer Mr. E. is at
the head of the bar; as a politician he is the opposite of the
President. He can, however, accommodate himself pretty
readily to any party and any set of principles, — views
them much as he does his cUents. The Senate might con
firm him without question, for he has avowed himself a
Radical and opposed to the President's policy, although
he was one of his counsel in the impeachment case.
Mr. Pruyn tells me that Seymour or Chase will be nom-
' William A. Buckingham, the War Govemor of Connecticut, had been
elected Senator to succeed Dixon. He took his seat March 4, 1869.

1868] THREAT OF ANOTHER IMPEACHMENT 391
inated at New York. "But, "said I, "Seymour has per
emptorily and repeatedly signified his refusal." "Well,"
said he, "that is so, but if the Convention should nominate
him, I have no doubt he would yield." Pruyn is of Albany,
one of the leading Democratic minds of New York, and he
speaks, I have no doubt, the purpose and intention of the
leaders of that party in that State, which does not mean
Chase. I am sorry there is not more sincerity, frankness,
and straightforward conduct among New York party
leaders. A good and righteous man, such as we now have,
should not be injured by such duplicity.
June 25, Thursday. The President has nominated Col
lector Smythe of New York Minister to Austria, — an
appointment that should not have been made, and I cannot
suppose vrill be confirmed. In this, as well as Evarts'
nomination, I see the finger of Weed and Seward. Perry
Fuller, an improper selection for such a place, is nominated
Commissioner of Internal Revenue. These nominations
and some other movements leave little doubt on my mind
that the President has hopes of a renomination, and there
are those around him who encourage the delusion. I look
upon it as beyond the bounds of probabiUty, almost of
possibUity. He desires to be victor over the conspirators,
more than the office.
June 26, Friday. Seward opened his budget to-day with
statements in regard to three or four unimportant consuls.
Grave matters for the Cabinet, while important appoint
ments are slipped through in a different manner! But the
President himself is not without fault in this respect. Some
strange and singular appointments have been made from
time to time without consulting any one, — certainly none
of his Cabinet.
Intimations of another movement for impeachment by
Thad Stevens are thrown out, — it is said, however, not with
any expectation that the House will adopt the charges, but

392 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [june 26
that Stevens may make a speech, and that the charges
may be suspended over the President. I doubt ff the maUg
nant and vicious old man vrill make this demonstration,
but he likes notoriety and power, and his threat exhibits
both to his satisfaction.

LXI
A Proclamation of General Amnesty read in Cabinet — Jefferson Davis the
only Person excepted — The President draws up another making no
Exception — The New York Convention nominates Horatio Seymour
and Francis P. Blair — An Unfortunate Nomination — The Result
brought about by the Tammany Managers — Disappointment of the
President — Seward Close-mouthed on the Nominations — Conver
sation with the President in regard to Seward, Stanton, and McCuUoch
— DooUttle invited to become an Independent Candidate — The Pre
sident prepares a Message recommending Certain Changes in the Con
stitution — Cabinet Discussion of it — A Talk with Montgomery Blair
— The Blairs and the President — Evarts takes his Seat in the Cabinet
— The Two New Cabinet Members, Schofield and Evarts — John A.
Griswold claiming Credit for the Monitor to the Exclusion of the Navy
Department — Congress, instead of adjourning, takes a Recess till
September 21 — Seward reads in Cabinet a Proclamation relating to
the Fourteenth Amendment — General Banks and the Na'vy Yard
Appointments — Conditions in Georgia.
July 1. Much confusion prevails among Democrats re
lative to a candidate for President. Delegates to the Con
vention which meets at New York on the 4th, and many
who are not delegates, have passed through Washington;
others are now here. The aspect of things does not please
me. There has been mismanagement and weakness in New
York, and little vigor or right intention anywhere. A per
sonal demonstration, and extremely partisan too, has been
made for Pendleton, who vriU probably have the largest vote
of any candidate at the commencement, but who will not
be allowed to be nominated. He may, in the excess of
party feeling, demonstration, and excitement, be nomin
ated, though it seems hardly possible for sensible men to
make such a blunder. Chase, who is conspicuous as an
opponent of the Democrats, as a negro suffragist, and, untU
recently, as a Reconstructionist, is strongly pressed. The
New-Yorkers appear to have surrendered all principle in
a feeble, sprawling anxiety to triumph, and wUl thereby

394 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult i
endanger success. Possibly they have overmanaged in re
gard to Pendleton, who has been fostered as an auxiliary,
merely, to New York.
The President, I perceive, has strong hopes of a nomina
tion. But what he might have made a certainty is, by him
self and his course, placed beyond the confines of possibil
ity. He has said nothing to me direct, and I am glad of it,
for it would be a subject of extreme embarrassment to me.
Hancock seems a fair man. I know not his mental
strength, but have a favorable opinion of it. In many
respects he would make a good candidate; he has a good
military record, and the military feeling is prevailing at
this time. His indorsement of Stanton two or three years
ago in New York is to his discredit. I have no doubt it was
procured by Stanton himself through Jere Black, — a
political manoeuvre in which H. was used. Hendricks would
unite as many as any one, perhaps, and is a poUtician as
good, perhaps, as any suggested of the anti- War Demo
crats. He and Hancock have appeared to me most likely
to strike the Convention favorably, provided it is com
posed of sagacious, fair-minded men, unshackled by per
sonal favoritism, and if the majority can swing clear of the
great tidal wave of New York which moves for party and
not for country.
Doolittle is a fair and good man, whom I should name,
if by so doing he would be made President. But he is young
and less prominent than others, and the party Democrats
are making too much haste to get power for such a man.
The President has read to us a form of proclamation
prepared by Seward for general amnesty. As usual, the
paper is a little verbose and less direct than I like. Excep
tion was made of such persons as are under indictment.
The President, I saw, was not pleased with that part of the
document ; asked how many there were under indictment,
why prolong this unhappy controversy by such a clause.
Seward thought that was as restricted as we could make

1868] PROCLAMATION OF AMNESTY 395
it. There were but two men, — Davis and Surratt. I
asked if exceptions were to be made, and there were but
two, why not name them. I thought, however, Surratt
was arraigned for a criminal, personal matter, rather than
treason. The President said that was so, and there is
really but one man, — Davis.
After the others left. Browning and myself remained
and went over the papers again. I suggested that the pre
amble did not bring out as distinctly as I wished the fact
that since the proclamation of May, 1865, — his first pro
clamation for amnesty, — there had been no armed or
organized resistance to the Federal authorities. Browning
agreed with me, and the President took the idea. He said
he should re"rise the document and wished us to reflect
upon it and make suggestions. He particularly desired we
should consider the subject of an unqualified amnesty to
aU, without any exception.
July 2, Thursday. The New York Convention absorbs
more attention than Congress, which, in fact, is little
else than a party convention. I give little heed to the many
strange rumors that prevail; but, looking on, I am con
strained to beUeve there is not much candid, enlightened
inteUigence as yet displayed. The New-Yorkers have over-
refined. Have held up, restrained, and not concentrated
sentiment. In the anticipation that there would not be
unity they have designedly left matters loose, and they
continue so. If they supposed they should thereby
eventually control the result and have their own man,
they may have failed. Chase or Pendleton may have be
come too strong to be controUed. Our New York friends
purposely scattered, and may not be able to rule, the ele
ments. The President to-day laid before Browning and myself
his proposed proclamation. It is essentially different from
Seward's paper, and is vrithout "exception." Browning
thought this a mistake, said they would try again to im-

396 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 2
peach, etc. The President wished to know if they would
frame an article based on his amnesty. I saw he was de
cided, and remarked he must, for himself, judge of the
expediency. There was this fact: if Jeff Davis were tried
and not convicted, we should have a strange and unsatis
factory result. Could he be convicted by any jury where
he can be legally tried?
July 6, Monday. Went to Hampton Roads, the Capes,
and Norfolk on the evening of the 3d and returned this
morning. A pleasant ' respite on the 4th and Sunday.
Fox, Faxon, Commodore Jenkins, etc., etc., were of the
party. Commodore Kilty, Rodgers, ^ and others were glad
to see us at the Norfolk Yard, and came vrith us to Fortress
Monroe on the evening of the 4th to vritness the mihtary
display of fireworks. A great crowd were assembled in
and about the fort. General Barry, who is now in com
mand, and his friends received us most hospitably and
kindly. July 7, Tuesday. While at the President's, two tele
grams were received from the Convention in New York,
stating the result of the ballots to nominate candidate
for President. Pendleton leads, as was expected, and the
President was next, which was not expected. Most of his
votes must have been from the South. The vote of New
York was given for Sanford E. Church. This, I told those
present, was a blind and meant Seymour, that the New-
Yorkers intended Seymour should be the candidate, and
Seymour also intended it, provided he became satisfied
he would secure the nomination; but, unless certain, he
would persist in declining. New York, I said, had been
playing an insincere game; had, though the headquarters
and management of the party was in New York, de
signated no one; had not tried to concentrate, but had
endeavored to scatter, and, for effect, have several names
» Captain C. R. P. Rodgers.

1868] THE NEW YORK CONVENTION 397
presented. Puny efforts for local candidates hke English
of Connecticut, Parker of New Jersey, Packer of Penn
sylvania, as well as Church of New York, were encouraged,
but all this frittering away strength meant Seymour.
New York vriU control the Convention. McCulloch and
Browning thought that the Pendleton men would control,
— that they probably would not get two thirds for him,
but that they could say who should or should not be the
man. "If they move in a body," said I, "but that they
will not do. When they break from Pendleton, they wiU
scatter, and ultimately be gathered for Seymour."
Seward during the conversation said nothing, and he
made a point to leave early. The President was evidently
gratified vrith the vote he received, and the cheers when
it was announced.
July 8, Wednesday. The platform of the Convention is
not so good as I expected. The Pendleton policy controls,
but it is pretty certain he wUl not get the nomination. If
the New-Yorkers cannot carry Seymour they will Ukely
go for Chase, though he gets no nomination or support
at present. At the close of the day's session the run was
for Hancock and Hendricks. The fear that Hancock
might succeed prompted an adjournment, and there will
be intrigue to-night, — perhaps a union on Chase, though
I can hardly believe it. Seymour, if nominated, will be
defeated. Hancock, if the candidate, will be elected. Some
speculations are thrown out for English, but it is mere
flummery, though the Connecticut delegates do not under
stand it. They have done better than New Jersey, which
stiU holds out for Parker. The President's vote is falling
off. There has never been any intention to nominate
him, except by a few earnest friends in Tennessee and
perhaps a few in some of the Southem States. Seward is
a stumbling-block for him.
July 9, Thursday. Horatio Seymour and F. P. Blair, Jr.,

398 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 9
were nominated President and Vice-President at New
York. Ohio dropped Pendleton and went unanimously
for Seymour. This was followed by other States success
ively, ending in a unanimous vote. "A spontaneous move
ment," say Seymour's friends, "Unexpected," "A general
recognition of the first statesman in the country," etc.,
with much similar nonsense. The threatened demonstra
tion for Chase appears to have alarmed the Pendletonians,
who dislike him. All worked as New York intended. The
friends of Pendleton were unwilhng, I judge, that Chase,
Hendricks, or any Western man should be selected, lest
it might interfere vrith P.'s future prospects. We shall
know more in a day or two.
I do not consider the nomination a fortunate one for
success or for results. Seymour has intellect, but not
courage. His partyism predominates over patriotism. His
nomination has been effected by duphcity, deceit, cunning
management, and sharp scheming. He is a favorite leader
of the Marcy school of Democrats in New York, if not of
the Van Buren and Silas Wright school. A general feeling
of disappointment vrill prevail on the first reception of
the nomination, discouraging to Union men, but this vriU
be likely to give way in the exciting election contest to the
great questions involved. The Radicals will take courage
for a moment from the mistakes of the Democrats.
I was at the President's when the telegram announcing
Seymour's nomination was received. The President was
calm and exhibited very little emotion, but I could see he
was disturbed and disappointed. He evidently had con
siderable expectation.
The nomination of Blair with Seymour gives a ticket
which is not homogeneous. Blair is bold, resolute, and de
termined; has sagacity as well as wUl. His recent letter
enunciates his policy and the underlying principles of the
present contest. Seymour, more timid and calculating,
does not take the ground openly; but the Radicals will
force the Democrats to accept or reject the doctrines. In

1868] THE NOMINATIONS 399
nominating Blair after the publication of his letter, the
Democrats are committed to his views, if there be anything
in partyism. Throughout the whole proceedings prelim
inary to and attending this convention to its close, there
has been, on the part of the New York politicians, a selfish
ness that has narrowed their vision and a want of sagacity
and enlarged and comprehensive views that is surprising.
The end has not yet been reached. They have put in
jeopardy an election which they might have made certain.
When President Johnson refused to adopt the plans and
schemes of the Radicals to exclude the Southern States
from Congress and to impose upon them constitutions,
laws, and governments by Federal authority, he caused
a rupture of the Republican Party which, had he been
cordially seconded by the Democrats, would have insured
the defeat of the Radicals, for the better portion of the
Republicans concurred with hun and the Democrats.
His course was so correct on the subject of Reconstruction,
the rights of the States, and kindred measures that the
Democrats were generally disposed to sustain him and
identify themselves with his Administration, but the man
aging Tammany men of New York, apprehensive that
this might affect the organization and discipline of Tam
many, while they encouraged and supported the Presid
ent's policy, were careful not to identify themselves with
and indorse the President himself, to whom they and the
country were so much indebted. Confident that the senti
ment of the country was against the Radical usurpations,
and glad to avail themselves of that sentiment, they feared
that the President, who boldly fought those intrigues, a
man whom they did not elect, might become popular;
they were distant, cold, reserved towards him.
Most of the Democratic managers had been opposed
to the War and War measures, had opposed the election
and reelection of Lincoln and Johnson, had sympathized
vrith the Secessionists, and, in their national convention,
declared the War a faUure. Their unpatriotic and dis-

400 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 9
union course had kept them in minority for years, from
which they now, by the folly and extreme measures of
the Radicals, who had become disunionists not by seces
sion but by exclusion, expected to be relieved, and they
were impatient to be in power.
But while a large majority of the people were opposed
to the vicious, usurping, and centralizing schemes of the
Radicals, they were not ready to place a Copperhead or
anti- War Democrat at the head of the Republic. The great
mistake of the New York Democratic managers was in
supposing that the Radical measures were so atrocious that
the people would accept and vote for almost any man, even
those who were on the opposite extreme. The memories
of the War were not, however, forgotten; there was dis
like and distrust of the men who opposed it, and there was
still a strong miUtary feeling prevailing. Neither of these
elements could give a cordial support to Seymour or any
one like him.
But the New-Yorkers had neither the tolerance, tact,
nor judgment to wait events, give resentment time to cool,
and permit a War Democrat to be chosen. They would not
allow Hancock or even Hendricks to be nominated. They
feared Johnson might be. There was an excuse for the
New-Yorkers' not supporting Johnson, because he had
retained Seward, whom they abominated, and to whom
they could not be reconciled. But why oppose and exclude
Hancock, a much more popular man with the mUitary
than Grant, a man of more intelUgence, and greater ca
pacity, and who, if nominated, would be elected? The
reason was that the Tammany politicians were deter
mined to have Seymour, who was neither a mUitary man,
nor a friend to the War for the Union.
What, therefore, might have been a certainty, the New
York managers have made an uncertainty. They have
professed to have no candidate, — were wilUng to unite
on whoever was nominated, — but have intrigued through
out to prevent any man from beipg nominated but Sey-

1868] THE TAMMANY MANAGERS' MISTAKE 401
mour. As capable poUticians, New York being the great
State and New York City the headquarters of the party,
to have designated and united on one or two men who would
have been acceptable to the country would have brought
success. Instead of this they professed indifference, en
couraged Chase, fostered Pendleton, mentioned Hendricks,
and, having the matter in their own hands, voted for
Sanford E. Church, whom they intended should not be
nominated, and who had not been mentioned.
Had the Tammany managers who make party a trade
been sufficiently disinterested and patriotic to have stood
back and let a War Democrat opposed to Radical usurpa
tions be nominated, Seymour might, four years hence, be
brought forward with success, for he has intellect, but it is
given more to party than to country. If he fails now, he
faUs forever, and I fear our Federal Union will fail also
and consoUdation obtain an enduring ascendancy.
July 10, Friday. The President was, I thought, more
affected to-day than yesterday, but was quite reticent on
the nominations. McCulloch and Browning expressed,
and e"ridently felt, great dissatisfaction, — said Seymour
was, next to Pendleton, the worst selection which could
have been made. I said it was not, save in financial mat
ters, preferable to Pendleton; that P., though a demagogue,
had played no double game, or cheated and bamboozled
his friends, but Seymour and the New York managers had.
McCulloch lamented the failure of Chase, who, he
says would have certainly succeeded had not Seymour
been taken up, but it was foreordained that Chase should
not, and Seymour should be, nominated. I told him I had
no regrets for Chase, though I greatly preferred him to
Seymour. Browning united with McCulloch in the belief
that Chase would have got more popular votes than any
other man.
There is a strange desire to make these matters personal.
Leading politicians are almost invariably in fault in that
3

402 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult lO
respect. They fancy the people are led away by a promin
ent orator or poUtician, regardless of principles. A great
mistake. They vrill abandon a favorite who is in error.
But when a favorite agrees with them in principles, there
is a feeling of enthusiasm around that is irresistible. Sey
mour can arouse no such enthusiasm, because, though in
feeling and conviction he may now be with the people,
he is timid and insincere. "There is a tide in the affairs
of men," but just at this time the tide, I fear, is not with
Seymour, though he has got the nomination.
Seward was very close-mouthed, and got away as soon
as he could. I shall not be surprised ff he goes for Grant.
Yet his friend and crony Thurlow Weed has left the coun
try, as I have sometimes thought to avoid taking part in
this campaign, when Seward cannot perhaps go vrith him.
They were both accused of favoring Seymour, covertly,
against Wadsworth for Governor in 1862.
July 11, Saturday. Senator DooUttle caUed this mom
ing to breakfast, having just arrived from New York.
He is sore, and dissatisfied with New York trickery and
management. We went together to the President, vrith
whom I had an appointment at ten. They both mani
fested feelings almost of resentment. I felt as much disgust
towards the proceedings and towards Seymour's nomina
tion as either of them, but said: "Here is Grant, ignorant,
untruthful, and unreliable, as we all know, and behind
him is the important question of State rights as against
central despotism. Much as we may dislike Seymour and
the disingenuousness of our New York friends, our course
is plain. Sejmaour, though a heartless pohtician, timid,
selfish, and the devotee of party discipline and party
management, will be compelled to go with his friends,
whom he has the sagacity to know to be right. Grant we
know to be wholly incompetent." To this both assented.
The President spoke with some bitterness, I thought, of
Blair's letter, as overturning things, etc. I inquired if

J.4MES R. DOOLITTLE

1868] TALK WITH THE PRESIDENT 403
they were not to be overturned, — whether these fraud
ulent governments imposed on the States by a usurping
Congress were to be sanctioned and legaUzed, or whether
the legitimate governments were to be permitted in time
to regain their place. The President went into the library
vrithout a word. Doolittle conversed vrith me.
On other occasions, when I have brought forward these
points, the President has been disinclined to discuss them.
They have never been matters of Cabinet discussion, —
that is, the future of these Reconstruction questions. I
have no doubt that Seward is for submission, acquiescence,
although he has never said so in words, but that is the bent
of his mind; and he easily influences the President.
After Doolittle left and we had finished business, the
President seemed inclined to talk. Said Seymour had not
Ufted a finger to sustain us through our three years' strug
gle, that those of us who had maintained the government
and its true principles were whoUy ignored, that the Demo
cratic Party had for twelve years acted as ff demented,
and seemed determined to continue in error.
I assented to the fact of their erroneous and factious
course, and to their present mistakes; but remarked, in
justice to the mass of the New York Democrats and those
of some other States, that they could not and would not
give their confidence to Mr. Seward and were unwilling
to identify themselves with an administration where he
was a ruling spirit. Neither he nor Seymour could win the
confidence of party opponents. The nominations being
over, we might look at this subject truthfully and philo
sophically. The President was a little annoyed, I observed, that he
had introduced the matter, and that Doolittle, before
he left, had said the great error was in retaining Stanton,
when over two years ago we knew he was intriguing against
us. The President did not controvert my remark, but, as if
by way of defense, said there had been more complaint

404 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult ll
against McCulloch and the Treasury than against all
others. He did not mean to say there was cause for it, or
that it was justifiable, but he mentioned the fact and the
difficulties he had to encounter. I repUed that McCulloch
was himself a capable financier and an honest man, but
he had committed a great error in retaining Rollins,^
Chandler, and other Radicals here, and permitting them
to crowd in swarms of Radicals all over the country. I
believed him, however, a true friend of [the President]
personally, and of the Administration.
I again remarked that I spoke freely, as he had intro
duced the subject; that, the issues and the tickets of the
two great parties being made up and before the country,
it could not be supposed I had any motive to influence
those questions, and I supposed that the two men (Seward
and McCulloch) would continue vrith him to the close.
Without expressing either assent or dissent in words, he
left the impression that such was the case.
July 14, Tuesday. The Democrats and conservatives do
not yet get reconciled to the New York nominations. It
was undoubtedly a mistake, but they must support it as
preferable to Grant in his ignorance and RadicaUsm in its
wickedness. It will not do to sacrifice the country from
mere prejudice against, or partiality for, men. I judge
from what I hear that Chase and his friends felt a degree
of confidence that he would be the nominee. He had, I
have no doubt, the money interest in his favor.
When I went to Cabinet to-day, only Seward was in the
council room. He said, jocosely, that he understood I was
for the New York nominations and he opposed to them.
Said the papers so stated. I observed that I had not
seen the statement, but I had no hesitation in saying I was
opposed to Grant and the Radicals, and, consequently, I
had, under the circumstances no alternative but to go for
' E. A. Rollins, Commissioner of Internal Revenue and, Uke Chandler,
a New Hampshire man.

1868] DOOLITTLE DECLINES TO RUN 405
Seymour. I tried to draw from him some expression but
without success. Others came in, and he turned the con
versation. The President submitted the Edmunds law excluding
the electoral vote of certain States. Seward declared him
self very explicitly opposed to this, and so did every mem
ber present. Browning wanted a short message of not more
than ten Unes. The President said he was willing any of us
should prepare a veto. No one volunteered. From Sew
ard's remarks I supposed he would do it, if requested, and
he so said before we left, and though his reasons and mine
would not be in all respects alike, I could not compete with
him. The President would, in any event, make Seward's
the groundwork of his message, if S. prepared one.
July 17, Friday. The weather has been so intensely
warm that I have tried to keep cool, and, in those dark
evenings vrithout a light, have been disinclined to write,
although I feel guilty in not noting occurrences as they
take place. Some are of interest and may be adverted to
hereafter. There is, apparently, unappeasable discontent
with the New York nominations. Perhaps I hear more of
the complaints than others. Senator Doolittle a day or
two since stated he had a letter from a number of persons
in Pennsylvania, expressing dissatisfaction with the candi
dates — they could not vote for Seymour — and inviting
Doolittle to be a candidate. He wished to consult me as to
his answer. I said there was but one course and that was to
decline. I was more and more satisfied the nomination of
Seymour was not judicious, but there is now no alternative
but to support and try to elect the ticket. That would
save the government, reconcile sections, and give us peace.
He said he concurred with me, and had a letter partly pre
pared which he intended to have brought with him.
The President read a veto which he had prepared on the
Edmunds Bill excluding certain States from casting elect
oral votes, or, if cast, to prevent them from being counted.

406 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 17
The veto is very well done and, I think, is the President's
own work.
He afterwards laid before us a message suggesting
sundry alterations of the Constitution. I was uncomfort
able while it was being read, for I could perceive it was
a favored bantling which he had prepared vrith some care.
Seward, at once, and on its conclusion, met the subject
frankly and candidly. Said he made no objection to the
document as an exhibit of the President's own personal
views, but he did object to its giving-out as an Admin
istration or Cabinet paper. He could readily assent to
some of the propositions, to others he could not, and, as a
general thing, did not admire changes of the fundamental
law. He did not wish the Presidential term lengthened,
nor did he vrish there should be a prohibition to reelect.
McCuUoch said as a general thing he was against consti
tutional changes, but thought it well for the President to
present his views. He rather hked extending the term.
Browning had never given the subject much thought, but
was favorably impressed with the suggestions that were
made. Schofield and Randall said very Uttle. I concurred gen
erally in the remarks of Seward, but excepted, which he did
not, to the encroachments proposed to be made on the fed
eration features of our system. I was not for taking away
from the States the single sovereign vote in case there was
no election on the first trial. It was not, I think, the ex
pectation, when the Constitution was framed, that the elect
ors would be chosen by the people, but that they would
be appointed by the legislatures of the States respectively.
That feature had proved a failure, however. The legisla
tures had surrendered the choice of electors to the people,
and I should prefer that the people should vote direct for
the candidates than through the making of an electoral
ticket. If there was no election and the choice went back
to the people, I should, in that event, wish each State to
give one vote and but one vote, whether the State was

1868] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE 407
great or small, thus avoiding aggregation or consoUda
tion in the election and preserving the distinctive charac
ter and equahty of the States. So, as regards the Senators,
I preferred they should be chosen by the legislatures in
stead of being elected by the people, as the President now
suggested. The Senators were representatives of the States
in their sovereign capacity. Members of the House were
the direct representatives of the people. I would sacredly
preserve the federation features of our system and did not
care to popularize the Senators. And I long since had
come to the conclusion that changes in the Constitution
should be made with great care and caution.
Perhaps I was not as full and emphatic on all these
points as I vrished to be, for I was subject to constant in
terruption. The President wished, evidently, no dissent to
his suggestions. He has, I think, prepared this document
under an impression that it will strike the popular pulse
and possibly make him a candidate.
Mistaken man, ff such are his thoughts ! This is no time
to bring forward and encourage constitutional changes.
There are other great and impending questions which su
persede theories and speculations Uke these, — questions
affecting the character and stability of the government
that must be met and disposed of. The President is, no
doubt, sincere in his propositions, but he evidently has not
thoroughly examined and considered the subject in all its
bearings. He has not reflected on the compromises which
were made by the States when surrendering power and
framing the Constitution, nor has he that deference and
regard for the States and their dedicated rights, which are
essential to union, that I should have expected. His pro
positions, vrithout his intending it, are tending to a great
consoUdated central govemment instead of a federal
union. Some one — Randall, I believe — asked which of the
parties would adopt these recommendations, or if he ex
pected Seymour would adopt them. I did not fully catch

408 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 17
the inquiry, but the President, with some vim, said we did
not go to them, they must come to us. He did not know
that they supported our measures, and it would be well to
understand how they stood on matters of principle, be
fore troubling ourselves about supporting their ticket. This
seemed very like Seward, and I think comes from him.
He looked much pleased when the remark was made. I am
apprehensive that in his disappointment the President will
permit himself to be persuaded to take a course which may
give him much after regret.
Montgomery Blair came to see me last evening, and re
ports matters at the New York nominating convention.
He says Seymour was for Chase and so was a majority of
the New York delegation. The final move for Seymour by
the Ohio delegation prevented, he says, the nomination of
Frank Blair, who was, he declares, the choice of the Con
vention. They were tricked out of it, etc. I make all allow
ance for Mongtomery Blair, for he is a very affectionate and
devoted brother, and really thinks Frank the greatest man
in the country. Frank has undoubtedly more courage than
Seymour and greater sagacity and power than is generally
supposed, but I cannot think he has any such hold on the
popular mind as Montgomery supposes. A great many
eminent men are favorable to him, — some that surprise
me; but on the other hand there is a terrible prejudice
against him by others. Thurlow Weed and Seward have
done much to create this prejudice, and so have Chase and
the Treasury agents, but Frank has unfortunately his own
infirmities. The elder Blair is a remarkable man and has,
in a long and political life, by his talents, power, and influ
ence, incurred enmities; and the whole famUy, by their
bold denunciations, have raised an extensive feeling against
them. I have found them honest, positive, egotistical, but
remarkably sagacious, early to detect and prompt to ex
pose intrigue and fraud.
The President is under great obligations to the Blairs, but
Seward has succeeded in prejudicing him against them, —

1868] EVARTS IN THE CABINET 409
much to his own injury, I apprehend. Montgomery Blair
does not conceal his defection from the President, who has
treated his advice and warnings with but little respect,
and in some instances has availed himself of information
derived from Blair without giving credit and confidence
in return. Blair says he thinks and hopes the President
will oppose the Democratic ticket, and finally go for Grant.
I do not, and I so told him. The President has been un
generously treated by leading Democrats, but the people
respect him.
July 21, Tuesday. Mr. Evarts appeared in Cabinet
councU to-day for the first time. He arrived in Washington
on Sunday. This appointment makes Seward potent be
yond what he has hitherto been with the President, but
that fact vriU not strengthen the Administration. Neither
of the political parties like Seward. He is disliked by both,
has not public confidence, and there is no affection for him
in any quarter. The President does not see this, nor will
he; but from this time forward he will probably be too
much under the combined influence of his Secretary of
State and Attomey-General.
Evarts is, naturally enough, much devoted to Seward,
who has patronized, trained, and taught him, though
Evarts is possessed of the superior intellect. The pupil is
more of a man than his tutor, and it is no disparagement
to Seward, who himself is not a common man, to say so.
But Evarts, though a remarkably clear-minded man, a
stiff, sharp logician, a lawyer of extraordinary ability, is
not a sagacious politician, has not got hold of the popular
heart, nor can he do so. He is foremost in his profession,
but a centraUst in policy, with no political convictions.
The important movement has brought Schofield, the war
rior, and Evarts, the lawyer, into the Cabinet. Both stand
deservedly weU in their professions, but, I apprehend,
neither will prove serviceable administrative officers. Fes
senden and Grimes, without personal partiaUty but from

410 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 21
abundant precaution, desired, after the unfortunate selec
tion of Lorenzo Thomas to discharge the duties of the War
Department, that a discreet and judicious man should suc
ceed Stanton, which led to the appointment of Schofield;
Evarts was brought in by Seward and his friends; the
President quietly yielding but not selecting in either case.
To Grimes and Fessenden and to Seward also he justly
feels under obligations, and has yielded to them in these
appointments. I hope the President wiU not be induced to favor, in
the least, the usurping Radical faction and their unconsti
tutional Reconstmction schemes. He cannot any more
than myself be a personal admirer of Seymour, and, were
the approaching election merely personal, neither of us
could be interested in the result. Among prominent pubhc
men there are few in whom I have not greater confidence
than Seymour. He is not a sincere man, and I cannot
forget his persistent, wholesale, and disgraceful slanders of
New England, his assaults on her population and institu
tions, so unjust and so unworthy a statesman of his pre
tensions, so uncalled-for and unmerited. His speech some
years since at St. Paul, intended as a bid for the Presidency,
had the ingredients of a low-class poUtician. It was the
more inexcusable for the reason of his ha"ring intellectual
qualities, and also because he is of New England stock.
But although he is personally the most objectionable to me
of all the proposed Democratic candidates, nevertheless
he is the selected opponent of RadicaUsm. I therefore
support him in preference to Grant.
The President will, I am confident, take the same view
and do nothing to help Grant, unless persuaded by others,
and only two men can do that. They are in position, and
Evarts has openly taken ground for Grant months since,
but the President, who detests Grant, knowing him to be
untruthful and false-hearted, has appointed E.
I have been anxious that the President should hasten his
action on biUs and send in his vetoes promptly, in order

1868] CARPET-BAGGERS IN CONGRESS 411
that Congress might adjourn early, but he seems disin
clined to facilitate their departure. Says they have wasted
time, that we are compeUed to wait here through the sum
mer, and that they can endure the heat as well as we. Sim
ilar remarks were made by Randall and Seward. I think
it a mistake.
July 24, Friday. The recklessness and disregard of the
organic law and of the great principles of morality and
right by the Radicals become daily more and more appar
ent. Their own vrill, schemes, and intrigues they consider
paramount to the Constitution. Tests and test oaths are
manufactured with facility to exclude by legislative enact
ments their opponents, and laws and usage are set aside
vrith equal facility to favor their own partisans.
A very large number of "carpet-baggers" are now ad
mitted into each house of Congress, and the more consider
ate of the Radicals begin to manifest apprehensions that
these, vrith the extremists, will control all legislation.
Seward declares that this has been his reliance, and that
therefore he has advised to let them have their own way,
fully satisfied they would not long harmonize. That he has
abstained from opposition, and yielded, and urged the
President to yield, until the Administration is powerless,
and the govemment has become changed, are palpable
facts. How the govemment is to right itself and the true
principles of the Constitution be reinstated are matters
beyond his grasp. His advice and influence in this regard
have been neither profound, vrise, nor fortunate.
The public do not get reconciled to the nomination of
Seymour and Blair. The indifference, not to say aversion,
is deeper, more extreme, and less easily reconciled than I
anticipated. I trust it may not continue and thus lose the
election. It was vrithout doubt an unfortunate selection,
made under bad leadership, by a body which did not, and
does not, realize the true condition of affairs. The occa
sion demanded the sacrifice of aU personal considerations

412 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 24
for the good of the country, but New York intrigue and
personal spite and disappointment of the Pendletonians
defeated Hendricks and Hancock. The country was sacri
ficed for personal considerations. I stUl have hope the
people will rally to save the Constitution, — to rescue and
restore it and to vindicate the cause of free government
and self-government, — but it is not to be denied that our
federal republic system is in danger. The election of Grant
will ratify and confirm the usurpations which have been
made, yet there are some, I fear many, good men who are
not entirely divested of the War feeUng, and who, in con
sequence of their dislike and distrust of Seymour, threaten
to go for Grant or not vote at all.
Little of special interest to-day in Cabinet, and the Pre
sident was not communicative in relation to appointments,
of which he is making many in which it is supposed we
more or less participate. I am importuned on these mat
ters outside, but, unless requested, I am not disposed to
intermeddle out of my own Department, though one or
two others do.
July 25, Saturday. Received yesterday p.m. a resolution
calling for the contract, payment, facts in relation to con
struction, etc., of the original Monitor, and repUed at some
length to-day. I participated in getting this resolution
passed, in order to give the public the tme history of the
case, now gravely misrepresented. John A. Griswold, a
wealthy iron-master and Member of Congress, has been
nominated a candidate for Govemor of New York by the
Radicals, and there has been, and is, a persistent attempt
to give him false credit in regard to the Monitor, and this
by systematic and deliberate falsehood and injustice to
the Department. Mr. Griswold is deserving of some credit.
He was one of Ericsson's sureties and assisted in his finan
cial necessities. As such he is deserving of praise, even if
he went into the concern as a business operation, which I
suppose he did. He and his associates, I have understood.

1868] GRISWOLD AND THE MONITOR 413
were willing to hazard each $10,000 in the confident ex
pectation it would, as it did, prove a good investment.
After the services of the Monitor at Hampton Roads,
Winslow, one of the associates with Griswold, was very
importunate and persistent in the claim that he and those
associated vrith him should have the exclusive privUege of
building all that class of vessels for the Government.
Whilst treating hun poUtely, I assured him his demand
could not be compUed with; that, if allowable, they could
not of themselves furnish all the vessels that were wanted.
He said they would sublet, and insisted they were en
titled to this privilege as much as if they had procured
a patent. The claim was preposterous, and I refused to
recognize it, but they were given contracts for several
vessels. General Benjamin F. Butler declared a few days since
on the fioor of the House, and Mr. Griswold's biographers
assert, that he advanced the money for building the Mon
itor, that he had no remuneration until after the fight with
the Merrimac, all of which is false. The work of building
the Monitor was paid for as it progressed. Six payments
were made between the middle of November and 3d of
March, before the vessel was completed and delivered.
The last and final payment, save the reservation which by
contract was to be retained until after a satisfactory test,
was made before she left New York on her trial trip. Yet
the Hon. Mr. Griswold, knowing the facts, himself a party,
sat quietly in his seat and took to himself this false credit
without one word of explanation or any justice to the Navy
Department. His biographers have, I am persuaded by his
connivance, not only made the same statement as Butler,
but have gone farther and tried to ignore the Navy De
partment, or have slandered and belied it by declaring the
Secretary was opposed, or only gave a negative support,
to Mr. Griswold and his associates.
Not only this; Chaplain Boynton, the historian of the
Navy during the RebeUion, was subsidized — I have no

414 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 25
doubt — and induced to give a distorted and unjust state
ment, in which praise and glory are given to Griswold to
which he was not entitled. In this way a fictitious charac
ter is manufactured for a party candidate by injustice to
others. July 27, Monday. In conversation with Senator Doo
little yesterday, he informed me that the President in
tended to nominate Alexander Cummings for Commis
sioner of Internal Revenue. He vrished to know if I was
acquainted with Cummings, wished me to see the Pre
sident, and suggested the name of Judge Bradley of Rhode
Island. I called at the President's an hour or two later and
among other matters brought up the subject of the
Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Jeffries, who had
earnestly sought the place and had the support of McCul
loch, was rejected by the Senate on Saturday night by an
overwhelming vote. At one time it was thought he would
be confirmed, and there are various rumors in regard to him.
He is accused of double-dealing, — of making promises to
both parties, — there is scandal, etc., etc. I thought the
President did not seem grieved greatly at Jeffries' rejec
tion, and he said to me he proposed sending in the name of
Cummings. I remarked that Cummings was a very par
ticular friend of Cameron, and expressed a doubt as to his
reliabihty, — particularly where Cameron was interested.
There had, I added, also been rumors and charges hereto
fore against him, but as he has since passed the ordeal of
nomination and confirmation to a responsible office, I sup
pose those charges must have been explained and dis
proved. The President said he had heard something of those
mmors, but he thought he could depend upon Cummings,
even against Cameron.
This morning, when at the Capitol with the President
and Cabinet, I found Seward very busy about appoint-

1868] CONGRESS TAKES A RECESS 415
ments, and among others, about Cummings, whom he
indorsed as a capital man for the place, — no better could
be found. Witnessing his movements and hearing his re
marks, I remembered old intimacies between Seward and
Cameron. In this connecting link I can see how move
ments are going on for Grant and the Radicals in quarters
which the President does not suspect. Not that it is cer
tain Cummings will support Grant. He likely will not, but,
in the position of Commissioner, he might, if circumstances
required, have been influenced by Seward and Cameron
to have taken that course, the President not being a can
didate. But few Members of either house called in at the Pre
sident's room during the two hours we were there. In this
respect, there was a strong contrast with similar occasions
in former years. The Members who voted for impeach
ment were generally shy and appeared ashamed to show
themselves. There was, I thought, conscious meanness and
abasement in their very looks.
There was little to interest during the closing hours of
the session, — less excitement than usual, and none of the
great absorbing constitutional struggle, such as I have
sometimes seen in other days. Statesmanship was wanting.
The Members talked and acted as if in a village caucus.
Petty intrigues, tricks, and contrivances to help the party
were the great end and aim. Instead of the usual adjourn
ment sine die to meet at the regular session in December,
Congress took what they call a recess until the 21st of
September. This was a scheme to cheat the Constitution
and innovate on the executive prerogative, for it is the
Pre^dent's duty to convene Congress, if public necessity
requires. But it was not pretended there was any public
necessity. The recess was to prolong the session, and watch
and circumscribe the President in the discharge of his
executive duties. There being no cause for assembling,
the Radical Members, before lea"ring, knovring that an extra
session was unnecessary, signed a paper to the purport

416 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 27
that they would not convene in September unless called
together by E. D. Morgan, Senator, and Schenck, Repre
sentative. These two men are chairmen of the Radical
party committees of their respective houses, and on them
was conferred the executive authority of caUing an extra
session for party purposes. Such is Radical legislation —
and Radical government.
July 28, Tuesday. Judge Kelley and Stevens of New
Hampshire, two of a committee who had visited the PhU
adelphia Navy Yard in relation to the purchase of tools by
the Engineering Bureau, called on me to make statements
and exhibit portions of testimony which they had taken.
Stevens made a few brief remarks and left. Ferry, the
other committeeman, did not attend. Their investigation
had of course been ex parte, and their showing against
Teller certainly requires explanation. But the committee
had come to no result, — made no specific charges, — had
a rambling talk of matters in which Judge K. manffested
a degree of warm partisanship. After listening to him over
two hours, I requested him to let me have the report when
made, or, if he could present the points, charges, specifica
tions, in a form so that I could caU for an explanation from
Engineer Teller and others, I would demand it.
When I went to the Cabinet-meeting this noon, I found
Seward and General Banks vrith the President. I seemed to
have interrupted them, not unexpectedly to the President,
who said, "Well, here is the Secretary of the Navy, and
you [General B.] and the Secretary of State can come to
an understanding with him." I inquired the subject-
matter. General Banks said his object was to get me to
conform to the law in na"vy yard appointments; that I did
not obey the present law, nor the law of last year. I asked
in what particular. He said I appointed master mechanics
from the Navy, — that Navy officers filled the places, and
not civilians who understood the trades. I repUed that
he in the House and General Wilson in the Senate had each

1868] A PROCLAMATION OF SEWARD'S 417
of them publicly made that statement, but it was not true;
that no officers except sail-makers were master mechanics
in any of the yards. He said boatswains were employed as
masters. "But," I added, "boatswains are not mechanics,
sail-makers are, and the last year's law, enacted for party
ends, not the public service, did not embrace master la
borers." He insisted that no civilians were masters, but
that naval officers were. I defied him to name one. He
said he had no details, but he understood there was not
a single civilian in place. I told him there were no others
except sail-makers and boatswains; that since the War
we had, to a considerable extent, dismissed masters in
order to save expense and retained only foremen, the gangs
being so much reduced. It was a matter of economy.
Driven from this point, he asked if there could not be
a change of Naval Constructor at Charlestown. I told him
it might be done if there was sufficient reason, but Mr.
Hart had commenced work which was unfinished, and it
would be hardly fair to take him away and substitute
another vrithout cause. With this we parted.
Mr. Seward read a proclamation which he had prepared
pursuant to act and directions of Congress in relation to
what they call the Fourteenth Constitutional Amendment.
I passed some criticism, or rather took some exceptions.
Thought he was too compliant, identified himseff too
much vrith the proceeding, and did not make his work
appear as ff the act of Congress. The President fell in vrith
my suggestions, and Mr. Evarts proposed one or two verbal
changes to carry out my views. They did not come up to
my ideas. Seward, however, was annoyed even with them.
Said it was hard business for him at best, and he thought
he ought to be satisfied with what he had got to sign. I re
marked that was true, and was glad it did not devolve on
me to put my name to such a paper; that I would not do
it in that form.
July 29, Wednesday. General Banks again called, with
3

418 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 29
Mr. Stewart of New York, a member of the Naval Com
mittee. Banks had quoted him yesterday at the Presid
ent's. Said Stewart told him, when he (B.) introduced the
amendment concerning navy yards, that I would pay it no
attention. Stewart said it was a mistake, — he had not
stated the case so strong. Banks changed his ground
somewhat. He had found himself at fault; admitted that
the masters were civilians, but under naval officers. I told
him that was true. The commandant of the yard, who had
general supervision and the administration of the yard,
was by law a naval officer. So were the constructor and
the chief engineer. He said the commodore who commanded
the Charlestown Yard was of no account; that he merely
opened and closed the gates, and ht the gas, — nothing
else; that he was afraid of Hart, etc., etc. I told him
John Rodgers had been esteemed a man of courage, phys
ical and moral. He claimed that the law required me to
appoint masters of the several trades. I asked him to show
me the law, and he pointed to the provision in the appropri
ation bill just passed. I denied that the provision estab
lished masters, — it merely required that masters should
be civilians and not naval officers. I admitted I had not
much regard for such legislation. Congress has no author
ity to say what class of persons shall be appointed, and what
class excluded from office. The Executive, not Congress,
makes and is responsible for appointments.
"Then," said he, "you do not mean to obey the law."
I claimed he had no authority for that remark; that it was
my intention to detach both the boatswains and sail-
makers; that under the reorganization of the yards we
needed no master laborers, nor was a master sail-maker
necessary under the reductions.
"Then," said he, "you mean to evade the law by ap
pointing no masters." "That," said I, "is not correct.
We have, and probably shaU continue to have, some
masters of large gangs; but masters are not required for
most of the trades; foremen and quarter-men will be suf-

1868] BANKS AND THE NAVY YARD 419
ficient." "That," said he, "is not the law." I asked what
was the law. He pointed to the provision already mentioned.
"That," said I, "merely requires me when masters are
appointed to select civiUans, not naval officers. Some of
the trades have but five, or six, or eight, or ten men. No
masters are required in those cases. It would be a useless
expense to have masters when not wanted." This he
admitted, and wanted to know how many men required
a master. I said none were really necessary at this time,
but some may be convenient. He still insisted that I was
obliged to appoint masters for each of the several trades
and wished me to give him a line to the Attorney-General
for an opinion. This I declined. Told him I understood the
law without making an inquiry in any quarter. He still
pressed me for a letter, and I still declined, but told him he
could, ff he wished, converse with the Attorney-General.
He said he had seen that gentleman already, but he de
cUned to give an opinion without a written request from
me, and he (Banks) now asked it of me. The request was
almost in the nature of a demand. I, however, continued
to refuse, but told him I had no objection to conversing
vrith the Attorney-General when I saw him.
He left in ill temper. Said he should remain in Washing
ton until he accomphshed his object.
July 30, Thursday. General Banks called again to-day.
Said in reply to the usual complimentary inquiry as to his
health that he was weary. Wanted to get away, but could
not until there was some understanding in regard to navy
yard appointments, but he now wished specially to know
whether there was to be a change of Naval Constructor.
He wanted Hart to be sent to some other yard, and
Hanscom ordered to Charlestown. I required some cause
for detaching Hart, who is discharging duties faithfuUy
and satisfactorily, without complaint from any one but
him, and he did not pretend that Hart was delinquent as
a constructor. [I said] that, as regards Hanscom, he had

420 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult 30
been recently sent to Portsmouth and I did not propose to
disturb him. "Then send some other man," said he, "for
Hart is a coarse, vulgar fellow, a tyrant, controls the
yard, is insolent and incompetent." I questioned the cor
rectness of his analysis; admitted that I thought Hart was
sometimes arbitrary and positive, but told him I intended
in a few days to visit the Charlestown Yard and would
then make personal inquuy.
July 31, Friday. Seward and Evarts are absent from
Cabinet-meeting. Hunter, who was there for Seward,
said the Spanish Minister was very uneasy about the
Oneota and Catawba, fearing they would be permitted to
leave New Orleans.
Attention was called to a statement from nine Georgi
ans who claim to have been illegally arrested, imprisoned,
and cruelly treated. Schofield said the statement was un-
tme, a pack of lies; that his brother had been sent down
there to examine the subject, and he reported that the
whole story was untrue.
Browning said he hoped it was untrue, for, as de
scribed, it was one of the greatest outrages he had ever
heard of, and the credit of the Govemment, he thought,
required it should be clearly and distinctly disproved, ff
it was really untrue.
I questioned whether it was an entire fabrication. There
might be some exaggeration, — probably was, — but that
these Georgians had been arrested illegally, carried to a
distant prison, were closely confined, etc., could hardly be
questioned. Schofield admitted he had not seen the statement, but
there had been so many false reports, and his brother was
so convinced of it, that he gave no credit to anything he
heard. Besides, the state of society was such there that
strong measures were necessary.
The President produced the Intelligencer, and the state
ment was read. It seemed to stagger Schofield, who, how-

1868] CONDITIONS IN GEORGIA 421
ever, stiff quoted his brother and cited the condition of the
South. All, however, were emphatic against the extraor
dinary proceedings, and thought there should be a thorough
investigation, — except Randall, who said nothing.
Schofield produced a correspondence between Meade
and Grant. Georgia having been reconstructed, Meade
finds himseff powerless, and wants instructions. Schofield
thought the President should delegate authority to Meade
to respond vrith his command to the Governor of Georgia.
I objected and hoped the President would not interfere
untU the power of the local authorities was exhausted
and appUcation was duly and properly made.

LXII
A Tour of Inspection of the Navy Yards — Talk of an Extra Session of
Congress — The Railroads and Congress — Sanford E. Church and
Dean Richmond (the younger) on a PoUtical Mission from New York —
The Power of State Sheriffs to caU on Army Officers for Assistance —
Death of Thomas H . Seymour — His Career and the Part played in it by
Mr. Welles — Radical Gains in the Maine Election — The "Alexan
drine Chain "— Senator Morgan and Representative Schenck issue a
Call for Congress to reassemble — Congress meets and adjourns —
General John A. Dix's Anti-Seymour Letter — His Character and Polit
ical Views — Marriage of Robert T. Lincoln — The Pacific RaUroad.
August 27. I have been absent a few weeks inspecting
the several navy yards and stations. Our yard boat, the
Tallapoosa, having freight to interchange vrith the different
navy yards, I improved the opportunity of going in her.
Doctor H. and others advised it, and the rest, change,
etc., I was satisfied would be of benefit. Commodore Jen
kins, Chief of Bureau of Na"rigation, Admiral Radford,
and others went with me. I had expected Admiral Smith
to be of the party, but his health was so impaired that he
was compelled to leave earlier. Doctor Horwitz and Mr.
Bridge, of the Medical and of the Provision and Clothing
Bureaus, were expected to join us. Mr. Bridge met us at
Portsmouth and retumed with us.
The trip was, throughout, pleasant. Senator Grimes
came on board at Rye Beach, and we made an excursion
on the coast of Maine as far as Mount Desert. The weather
was cool and bracing. Much of the time we wore over
coats. The passage among the islands was delightful. Off
Rockland and its vicinity we fell in with the mackerel-
fishing fleet of some three or four hundred vessels. At
Portsmouth we witnessed the launching of the new sloop
Alaska. The Kenosha was launched at Brooklyn, but an
accident to our boiler detained us from it.
The several navy yards were in good condition. But

1868] INSPECTING THE NAVY YARDS 423
little work is being done at any of the yards. There was,
however, something to be looked after. I have not visited
the yards since 1863, and as I shall soon yield up the ad
ministration of the Department, I felt it a duty to give them
this last inspection before making my final report.
We returned safe and well on Monday last. Little of
striking interest has occurred during our absence. I find
on my retum some of the members of the Cabinet are
absent, and there will be, for a month or more, some ab
sentees. I am anxious to visit Connecticut for a day or
two in September, but Mr. Faxon left to-day and will be
gone probably for a month.
There is a contrariety of opinion in regard to an extra
session of Congress. The decision is not with the legally
constituted Executive, who is responsible, but with an
irresponsible partisan committee. The impression among
the members of the Cabinet is that there will be no extra
session. None is necessary. My opinion has been that, as
the question is one of party expediency. Congress would
probably be convened.
I do not like the aspect of affairs. There are ominous
prospects connected vrith the election. It is evident that
the Radicals intend to secure the next President by fraud
ulent means if others cannot prevail. In fact, all their
Reconstruction schemes have had that end in view. The
Democrats seem determined not to be defrauded, nor to
submit to outrages.
If Congress convenes in extra session, it will be vrith a
design to resort to extreme and illegal measures to over
power a legitimate expression of public opinion. An un
checked partisan body like the present fragmentary Con
gress, composed in part of usurping carpet-baggers, wUl, in
the heat and fury of an excited national party contest, be
a vrild, unscrupulous set, restrained by no constitutional
barriers, or any principle of legal or moral right. There
is no statesmanship or poUtical vrisdom in either branch,
but there is much that is vicious and wicked.

424 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 27
At the Cabinet-meeting to-day, Seward read a letter
from the late Mexican Minister, Romero, stating he would
meet Seward at Vera Cruz and escort him to Mexico, etc.,
etc. Seward is alarmed for the future, and intends to
escape from any participation in the approaching election.
He read a letter from a Mr. Sherman of Utica, stating
that Roscoe Conkling had recommended him, Sherman,
for Collector. Seward indorsed the nomination and
wanted Sherman appointed. It would gratify Conkling.
I doubted its expediency without farther advice, but Sew
ard was persistent. McCulloch is inclined to make the
appointment on Seward's assurance. I have no faith in it.
On the subject of alleged disturbances South, Schofield
said they seem altogether exaggerated; that in Virginia
there was now less crime than in Massachusetts.
September 1, Tuesday. The subject of selling a gunboat
to an agent of the Haytian Govemment was brought for
ward. In a recent sale of vessels at Portsmouth, the Mara-
tanza was bid off by a person who avers that he bought it
for Hayti. I assumed that my duty was ended when the
vessel was sold and we had the pay. Whether the State
or Treasury Departments would object to granting him or
others a clearance were matters not for me to determine.
My views were approved in Cabinet, and Seward said no
one could object, or would be heard in opposition, to a sale
to the Haytian Government ; a sale to the rebels would be
another thing and might raise a question.
Seward expressed great desire to go to the Rocky
Mountains. Urges the President to make the trip with
him. I judge there has been previous conversation on the
subject. The President gave no definite answer. Said he
was embarrassed as to any movement by the proposed
session of Congress which Morgan and Schenck might
convene. He could go nowhere till that was decided.
Seward said if they went to the Rocky Mountains that
would be decisive. The Radicals would not come here

1868] THE RAILROADS AND CONGRESS 425
while he was away. When about breaking up, Seward
again asked the President if he should make arrangements
for the trip West. The President said he would give no
final answer to-day.
The subject of sympathy and aid for the Greek rebels
in Crete was mentioned, and some other matters were in
troduced relating to the Turks. The conduct of Mr. E. J.
Morris, our Minister to Constantinople, was discussed.
I expressed doubts of the wisdom and judgment of Morris.
Seward says he has improved, and has modified and
changed his opinions. Seward said every man, woman, and
chUd in the United States were against the Turks. I told
him he would please except the Navy and Navy Depart
ment. The President said no nation had been more
friendly and true to us during our difficulties than the Turks,
and instead of interfering against them in their trials, we
had better tum our attention to our own affairs and get
our own people reconciled. Schofield fully assented to this;
thought we had better attend to the affairs of our own
household. Seward concurred, but said our consul at
Candia was a troublesome man and was in the interest or
feeling of the missionaries, who, as usual, were mischievous
in the matter. The opinion seemed to be general that the
consul had better give way.
The Indian troubles and the plundering schemes of the
Pacific and other Western railroads were considered.
There has been wild and wicked legislation by Congress.
Members are corrupt and dissolute. McCulloch says the
ring of railroad men had monopoUzed that great interest
and is controlling Congress.
I mentioned a fact concerning Oakes Ames, Represent
ative from Massachusetts, communicated to me by Pay
master Bridge, who says the half-yearly dividend of Ames,
paid a short time ago, was $81,000 on the Sioux City &
Omaha road. This was just sixty per cent on his stock.
I asked Bridge how he knew the fact. He tells me he got it
from his nephew, who is president of the road. McCulloch

426 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 1
says he doubts whether Ames ever paid a dollar for his
Omaha stock, but that his interest in that road is a trifle
compared with his interest in the Pacific. This man, worth
miUions, takes the position of Representative — seeks and
gets it — for the purpose of promoting his private inter
est. September 2, Wednesday. I asked the President to-day
if he had really any intention of going to the Rocky Moun
tains. He said he had not. I said that he would, in my
opinion, do well to take a respite, if only for ten days; that
I would recommend him to visit Tennessee, and, in doing
so, go unaccompanied by any of his Cabinet, especially
not by Mr. Seward; that Mr. S. was desirous of taking
him somewhere, but it would be well for both that he should
make one trip alone. The President smiled ; said he
thought so, too; that he certainly should not go to the
Rocky Mountains, never had thought of it for a moment
seriously. Congress would probably prevent his going any
where. Morgan and Schenck, under Radical usurpation,
were in this respect the Executive and directed the actions
of the Govemment.
September 3, Thursday. The President in"rited me to go
with him to the German Schiitzenfest this p.m. Although
wholly unprepared and the weather unpromising, I went.
It is the first of these festivals I ever attended. We were
received with great good will and respect by the managers,
escorted to various points, and taken through the grounds
when the rain did not prevent. The President tried a shot,
and was made a member of the association. We were
invited to dine with the managing directors and hospitably
entertained throughout. There was much good feeling and
fellowship and everything was orderly.
These associations are becoming numerous and popular
over the country. They are of German origin, and the
associations are composed chiefly of Germans or those of

1868] THE PARAGUAYAN MISSION 427
German descent, but others largely participate. I did not,
however, observe any of our Irish brethren on the ground.
September 4, Friday. Sanford E. Church of New York
called on me and desired, after a little conversation on
political matters, that I should go with him to the Presid
ent, with whom he wished an interview. He is of the Silas
Wright school of politics and has, personally, something
of the manner of Governor Wright. Our views and opin
ions corresponded on men and affairs generally.
The President received him kindly, and after a brief
conversation appointed to-morrow at 10 a.m. for a meeting.
This being Cabinet day, and an hour having been assigned
for the reception of the Austrian Minister, he would be
occupied with these and other matters.
S[eward] read a multitude of dispatches to Van Valken
burg at Japan and one or two from him. They were not
very edifying, although S. seemed to consider them so.
His oral efforts to enlighten us were not very successful,
although he had some of the strange names of the daimios,
etc., by heart.
He also read a long dispatch to Webb at Rio in relation
to his course and that of Washburn in demanding as a right
that the steamer Wasp might run the blockade. I respect
fuUy differed from some of his positions; told him I was
glad Washburn was coming home, although we now had
too many of the family on hand, and I wished Webb was
returning also. Told him and the Cabinet that I saw no
necessity for sending a Minister to Paraguay, where there
is not a single American resident, nor had they a Minister
here. Seward repeated a remark heretofore made, that
the mission disposed of one of the troublesome family of
Washburn, who are now all provided for.
McCulloch made some inquiries in relation to payments
in coin to the Na"vy and others. He also asked for informa
tion about moneys which, to a considerable amount, had
been placed in the hands of Senator Pomeroy several years

428 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 4
since for the deportation of negroes. Seward said he re
membered all about it, and went into something of a narra
tive of a black colony sent to Cow Island,^ most of whom
died and the remainder retumed in disgust. I told him he
had only related the latter part of the movement; that the
first was a scheme to send off the negroes to Chiriqui, in
which Thompson first and Pomeroy subsequently figured.
The subject was new to most, or all, of the others. Seward,
in expatiating upon it, magnified his own doings. I do not
remember that he took an active, or very active, part for
it, but I am confident he took no part against it. In the
early stages, when there was a speculating scheme to mine
coal by negroes, I had to resist, but good old Mr. Bates was
heartily with me, though an advocate for deportation of
the negro. Then they were going to mine coal for the
Nav^, and buy Thompson's grant from Central America,
etc., which was finally checked when on the point of con
summation by a protest from the Minister, who denied
the legality of the Thompson title. ^
I observed that Seward cared to say Uttle or nothing of
those transactions, and was sorry to see that he attempted
to belittle Mr. Lincoln, who, he said, knew nothing or next
to nothing of pubhc affairs except what related to army
movements. In this he does injustice to Mr. Lincoln, who
better understood things generaUy than Mr. Seward.
Seward himself was constantly dipping into questions
which he did not understand, — would get a sUght super
ficial idea and nothing beyond. Much of this he obtained
by hanging on to Mr. Lincoln and pressing him to make
inquiries. Seward's blunders as regards the blockade, his ignorance
of admiralty law and of some of the most essential duties
of a first minister, were unfortunate for the Administra
tion and the country. Yet his readiness, his suppleness,
• He k Vache, Hayti. Mr. Charles K. Tuckerman gives an account of this
unfortunate venture in the Magazine of American History for October 1886
2 See Volume i, pages 123, 150-52. '

1868] TALK WITH SANFORD E. CHURCH 429
and his superficial knowledge answered a purpose. I see
his object in these derogatory remarks of Mr. Lincoln,
which he has made in my presence on one or two occasions
that I remember, and how often on other occasions I know
not. His purpose is to cast off his blunders and mistakes
on the dead President, to whom he meant to impute all the
faults of the State Department.
I spoke of releasing the Oneota and Catawba, also the
relief of the Glasgow, both of which were to have been at
tended to some weeks since. He was unprepared and had
evidently forgotten them for the time, but said he would
be ready in a few days.
September 5, Saturday. Mr. Church informed me this p.m.
that he had had a very agreeable and satisfactory inter
view vrith the President, and is to see him again to-morrow
at 1 P.M., and wiU call after that at my house vrith young
Mr. Richmond.
September 7, Monday. Mr. Church came to see me yes
terday. Spent over an hour vrith me. Young Dean Rich
mond was vrith him. There is a strong desire to bring the
Administration into the support of Seymour and Blair.
Hitherto but little has been done in this direction. The
leading Democrats of New York have not been cordial or
really friendly to the President, but, while accepting his
principles, they for selfish schemes preferred to be separ
ated from him.
I said to Mr. Church I could make reasonable allowance
for this distmst, because the President had continued their
old opponent Mr. Seward in his confidence. He at once
eagerly and eamestly responded; asked how they could
be in harmony with one who had no sympathy or principle
vrith them. Church is, however, very cautious in what he
says. He is here on a mission, somewhat diplomatic, and
an observer and a vritness more than a communicative
speaker. He has again called; has seen McCulloch and is

430 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 7
confident all wiU go well. I am not sanguine, nor does he
express himself confidently, but has stronger hopes than
I can yet command. The New-Yorkers have over-man
aged, — a mistake of their party leaders for years. They
have talked and still talk of and make the financial question
prominent, but Reconstruction, as it is caUed, involving
the structure and character of the govemment, is more
important than even that. The New-Yorkers have tried to
make this secondary, but that question should strengthen
Mr. Johnson, who is at issue vrith the Radicals on Recon
struction. This was before the nomination, and, ha"ving
got the financial issue prominent, they continue it. So with
Pendleton, who takes anti-Democratic ground. They are
talking of the two currencies and in which of them the
bonds shall be paid; but they should all go to work and let
us have but one currency. There should be no unredeem
able paper.
The course and speeches of Pendleton make it clear that
he is a disappointed and intriguing man, and that he does
not take his disappointment kindly. His speeches, except
in ability, are hke Webster's when he and Clay were
competitors and Clay became the candidate.
September 8, Tuesday. Seward had more of the Japanese
matters. No one said a word but myseff. As usual, I ex
pressed my doubts of the wisdom of combining with the
Western Powers, though perhaps we had now become so
much committed and involved that there was no ready
way of extricating ourselves. In relation to the religious
question, I trusted we were not to become propagandists.
Schofield read a general order of General Buchanan,
telling the officers under him that they must obey the
order of the sheriff when he calls out the posse comitaius
and they cannot quiet disturbances. I excepted most
decidedly to such a doctrine, and so did Randall. Schofield
said Attorney-General Evarts had so laid dovm the law.
Seward defended the principle, or rather the order^ and

1868] DEATH OF THOMAS H. SEYMOUR 431
said Randall and myself ought to inform ourselves of
Evarts' opinion, that the subject had been elaborately
discussed when we were absent. I replied that I had
opinions of my own on the subject, long since formed,
principles in regard to the powers and duties of the Fed
eral and State Governments differing from him and Mr.
Evarts. I asked if a miUtary officer of the United States
[became] a State officer when the President had, on the ap
pUcation of a State, by its legislature, or by the Governor
when the legislature was not in session, issued his proclam
ation. Seward repUed yes. Both he and Schofield cited
the Fugitive Slave Law. I said that law was not high au
thority vrith me, but in that matter a U. S. Commissioner,
ff I remembered rightly, was the officer, not the State
sheriff. They both said that law and the principle were
coming back to torment the inventors. I replied I had no
vrish to torment any one, — certainly no one for his folly.
In this instance, the order and action under it vrill be
Ukely to have a good effect, for the very presence of troops
vrill, perhaps, prevent disturbance. Nevertheless, the
doctrine of Seward and Evarts is erroneous, and the order
wrong. September 9, Wednesday. Colonel Thomas H. Seymour ^
died last week and was buried on Monday, the 7th, with
great parade. He was sixty years old and had great pop
ularity; was genial, affectionate, of pleasant manners and
kindly nature. The papers eulogize him highly, and the
crowd which attended his funeral attest the estimation or
love for him that prevailed. The expectation that dis
tinguished men, and particularly Horatio Seymour, would
be present swelled the crowd to some extent.
The eulogies contain some, errors . of, Jact,.- and ^"Kard
him"qualities which he never possessed. He is represented
as a distinguished lawyer, as having acquired a competence
' Governor of Connecticut, 1850-53, then for four years Minister to
Russia. He was a Peace Democrat during the War.

432 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 9
in his profession, whereas, though admitted to the bar,
it was by courtesy, not that he had legal knowledge or
acquirements ; he never had a case or managed one, or made
a plea in any court, save perhaps that of a justice of the
peace. As to earning a competence, he never earned five
dollars in any court. He is spoken of as a distinguished
and successful editor. He undertook to edit a paper under
very favorable circumstances, and utterly faUed, and^was
dismissed by his publishers and friends in a few months.
His miUtary zeal and efforts are highly lauded, and not
without some desert. Instead of seeking service in the
Mexican War, as stated, I procured his commission for
him, unsolicited by himself, and he accepted it vrith some
reluctance. I knew he was poor and desponding, and that
he had a fondness for military parade and show. He was
educated at Captain Partridge's Mihtary School, and we
encouraged hun to drill, for a compensation, several miU
tary volunteer companies, — as much to help him as the
companies. When the New England regiment was raised
for the Mexican War, I, then being in Washington, and
the only man from our State of any position or infiuence,
saw Govemor Marcy, then Secretary of War, and insisted
that one of the field offices of that regiment should be
given to Connecticut. He admitted the propriety of the
demand, but he had committed himself in some degree to
a gentleman in Maine, and no candidate had come for
ward or been presented from Connecticut. He asked if
I was prepared to name a man. It was before the days
of telegraphs, and communication by maU was slow. The
regiment was being made up. I gave him the name of
T. H. Seymour on my own responsibility and wrote A. E.
Burr and General J. T. Pratt that they must compel him
to accept. It was a responsibility by no means pleasant to
me, for, had he never returned, his death would have been
charged upon me.
Seymour did not, at the time, thank me, or make any
acknowledgment, and I had no word or line from him until

1868] CAREER OF THOMAS H. SEYMOUR 433
after his arrival at Vera Cruz. Some years later, in 1852
I believe, he, in a public speech in Hartford, when he had
been praised for his military services, declared his indebt
edness to me for his military position. The Hartford Times
published, on the day of it, a notice of this acknowledg
ment. In 1833 I was nominated for Congress. Seymour was
then editor of the Jeffersonian and had expected his father
would be nominated Secretary of the State, for which he
had been many years an unsuccessful candidate. But it
was thought best by the nominating convention to have
an entire new ticket. N. A. Phelps^ was the active man in
effecting this change. Seymour, in his anger bepausejus
father was not noniinaiedi immediately and violently op
posed my election, and in connection witBTotliers," the chief
of whom was N. A. Phelps, defeated, the ticketi
When aU was over, SejTuour became aware of his error,
— saw that he had been made a dupe by Phelps, and that
he had done me injustice. This he ever after, tried. to re-
trieve_j|ni..stQod-fiMQly~by-ia[ie td; subsequent party and
personal conflicts. In 1835 I procured him to be appointed
liidge of "probate. I had a controlling voice in the legis
lature, of which I was a member, and the legislature then
elected those judges. I was the same year elected Comp
troller over Elisha Phelps, the uncle of N. A. Phelps. The
candidate for judge of probate was Isaac Perkins. Both
he and E. Phelps had two years previously been incumbents
of the two offices ; both had been in the combination against
me in 1833 and instigated and misled Seymour.
I was glad of an opportunity to punish them and to heap
coals of fire on Seymour's head, and succeeded. He felt
and appreciated my kindness, and though we havelsince
¦dx^r^widely, I am not aware that he ever did aught
against mepersonally. I have seen little of him, though
always 'i^ndly, for the last fifteen years. When he re-
* Noah Amherst Phelps, who was himself Secretary of the State of
Connecticut in 1843-44. 3

434 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Sept. 9
turned from Russia we vrere vridely estranged in politics,
and I do not remember to have met him since niy residence
in Washington.
Amiable and kind-hearted, generous without means,
indolent by nature, a lawyer who never had a case, retiring
but proud, with an imaginative mind, a refined taste, sin
cere in his convictions and tenacious to obstinacy in his
opinions, he retained friends and acquired official distinc
tion. Probably no man in Connecticut was more opposed to
the War or more eamestly sympathized vrith the^Seces-
sionists than T. H. Seymour, yet he did not mean to be
unpatriotic or opposed to the Union.
September 10, Thursday. Binckley, SoUcitor of Internal
Revenue,^ has been to New York to ferret out frauds,
of which there are untold amounts which seem to go un
punished and undetected. There must be great remiss
ness somewhere. Whether B. is the right man to unearth
these villainies and bring the rascals to justice is another
question. He and Courtney, District Attomey, have had
a disagreement, and the whole world is dovm on Binckley.
I think he may have been indiscreet, but beUeve him
honest and zealous.
September 11, Friday. A thin Cabinet-meeting. Only
McCulloch, Schofield, and myseff present. A delegation
from Tennessee was there on the subject of getting troops
into the State.
The report of Binckley was read. It seems he went on to
New York by direction of the President, who had received
advices from certain parties that viUainies could be uncov
ered, provided a reliable person was sent there. B. thinks
he has discovered great frauds and that the District Attor
ney is implicated. This seems hardly credible. I should be
sorry if such be the fact. There are circumstances against
• John M. Binckley, formerly Assistant Attorney-General.

1868] REVENUE FRAUDS IN NEW YORK 435
Courtney, who claims to have been sUghted in the mili
tary proceedings. Binckley says it was because he was
mixed up in the frauds. The fact that he has done so httle
is adverse to Courtney. The efforts, for two years, to
ridicule and disparage B., vrith his not always well regu
lated zeal, have got the current of prejudice against him,
which is of course improved by all the rogues and cheats
who are defrauding the revenue. They are with C. in this
matter and shout loud against B.
The differences between the two led B. to telegraph the
Secretary of the Treasury for instructions. McCulloch,
vrithout knowing the differences, replied that the law gave
these matters to the District Attorney, but failed to re
quest that B. should be associated with him on behaff of
the Treasury.
Courtney telegraphed Ashton, Assistant Attomey-
General, who utterly ignored B. The result is that B. left
New York, and came highly incensed to Washington and
made report. The commission at his suggestion postponed
the case for a week against the vrishes of C. and of the
Whiskey Ring. McCuUoch feels unpleasant, and the
President directs that C. be ordered to Washington, and
ff he will not faithfully prosecute, he intends another shall.
September 14, Monday. Intelligence received of a ter
rible earthquake extending along the western coast of
South America from Cape San Francisco, destroying cities,
many thousand Uves, and hundreds of millions of property.
Two U. S. naval vessels, the Wateree and the Fredonia,
were wrecked, and every soul on board the latter but two
was lost. Three of the officers were on shore and escaped.
There are no'remains of the wreck. The Wateree was thrown
one third of a mile on shore and must be removed. Re
ceived dispatches from Rear-Admiral Turner on the sub
ject and also from other officers.^
• This was the earthquake of August 13, 1868. The Wateree and the
Fredonia were at Arica, ChiU.

436 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 15
September 15, Tuesday. The election in Maine took
place yesterday. The Radicals elect their tickets by in
creased majorities. Both parties put forth aU their efforts,
and the vote is the largest, probably, ever given in the
State. The relative increase is about the same of the two
parties. The result confirms my impression that Seymour's
nomination is unfortunate and likely to prove disastrous.
There was too much dexterity on the part of the managers
in securing the nomination, to inspire confidence and
make the election certain. It is not a selection to draw
recruits, when recruits are essential to success, and yet
such has been the policy in making a ticket at this time.
There is no enthusiasm for Seymour on the part of those
who vote for him; tens of thousands do it reluctantly,
but it is the only alternative to defeat RadicaUsm. The
Democrats in their party zeal and inconsiderate haste
have thrown away, I fear, a glorious opportunity, and
postponed their triumph for at least four years.
In 1864, when Stanton and Halleck were filled vrith
terror and apprehension, they procured an appropriation
of three hundred thousand dollars to place obstructions
in the Potomac. Stanton was in constant terror, thought
I was negligent, knew not how soon a Rebel steamer would
come up the river and carry him and others off. As he got
from Congress almost anything he wished, he found no
difficulty in procuring this grant. He then appointed
Colonel Alexander, an engineer, ... to invent or devise
some plan of obstruction. He proposed a chain, and had
one prepared four hundred feet long vrith twenty-three
anchors, and a large number of floats. This crude and
worthless contrivance now lies just below Alexandria, at
Fort Foote. General Humphreys has written a letter to
the Secretary of War inviting cooperation of the Navy
to test the Alexandrine Chain; says that enough of the
appropriation is, he thinks, unexpended to defray naval
expenditures. General Schofield forwards the paper to
me with his approval and invitation. !

1868] THE ALEXANDRINE CHAIN 437
I brought the subject up in Cabinet-meeting. Stated
my objection to re"riew and prosecute this matter now that
the War was over and four years have elapsed, even if the
scheme commended itself, but I thought it worthless, and
to go on vrith it, a waste. Schofield thought we should pre
pare for war, and not be taken at disadvantage as was the
case in 1861, and as this device had been commenced, it
had better be completed. I advised that we should stop
where we were, save our money to pay our debts, and wait
for better days, trusting to our ironclads and torpedoes
rather than to Alexander's contrivance. His traps could
remain where they were till our needs were less pressing.
He admitted the times were not propitious and finally
admitted that the subject had perhaps better be postponed.
September 16, Wednesday. Some months since, Mr.
Seward said Kilpatrick, Minister to Chili, had applied for
leave to come home for three months. I remarked that he
wanted to be here to electioneer in the coming election.
Seward replied not, that he vouched for that, would guar
antee he would not. We were both earnest. I told him
I should remember his guaranty. I see by the papers
Kilpatrick arrived on Monday and made an electioneering
speech last evening in New York.
Senator Morgan and Representative Schenck, both
chairmen of Radical Congressional Committees, have is
sued a call for Congress to convene — meet in extra ses
sion — and do nothing. These gentlemen were designated
by the Radicals in Congress as an authority to assemble
Congress on the 21st inst., if they judged proper, or, in
plain words, if the interest of the Radical Party in their
opinion required it. The Committee say, virtually, in their
call, that the public interest does not require it, for they
advise an immediate adjournment, after the members
shall have assembled, vrithout transacting any business.
This is a specimen of Radical statesmanship and Radical
regard for the Constitution. That instrument devolves

438 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 16
on the President the"duty of caUing extra sessions when
the public exigencies require it. This is a device to defeat
that provision and executive authority altogether, and
to have an extra session if the party desires it.
September 17, Thursday. The retums from Maine give
a very decided victory to the Radicals. The Democrats
have, it is true, greatly increased their vote, but so have
the Radicals also, AU their Members of Congress are
elected. The Democrats failed to get one, and in the legis
lature they have a less number than last year. This does
not surprise me so much as it grieves me. I am not so
familiar with the public pulse as formerly, but in my view
the prospect of success for the Democratic ticket in No
vember is very remote. Great stress is laid on the cen
tral belt of States, from the Delaware to the Mississippi.
I confess to very little confidence in either of them. I
hope, however, I am mistaken.
September 18, Friday. Seward read a long document
to-day on the transfer of the Oneota and Catawba, in
which he is careful to embody the report of a partisan
Congressional Committee, calumniating the Na"vy De
partment and misrepresenting the facts in relation to the
sale of these vessels. It was wholly erroneous, as I told
him, but nevertheless characteristic. He concludes with
permission for the owners to have a clearance, provided
they will give a bond that the vesssls shall never be used
against a govemment with which the United States are
at peace. This I suggested was absurd.
Mr. Evarts was at the Cabinet to-day. I have not seen
him since July. He was here, however, a week or more in
August when I was absent. All were present but Brown
ing. The subject of the adjourned and party-called extra
session of Congress was discussed and some of the em
barrassments likely to result therefrom. These the Rad
icals have not thought of. Should there be a quorum

1868] DEMOCRATIC MISTAKES 439
present and an immediate adjournment, it may be neces
sary for the President to caU an extra session at once.
The Pacific Railroad swindle was again on the tapis.
Villainy and plunder are the great purpose of some of the
Radical legislators. Members of Congress are very cor
rupt. September 19, Saturday. I am apprehensive that the
Democrats and conservatives are not managing in all
respects wisely. They began wrong in selecting their can
didate. He will, however, get the strict Democratic Party
vote, but he will not draw one single recruit from the other
side, and the War Democrats are indifferent or have very
httle zeal. Many calm, considerate, conservative men will
vote for Seymour, but with no earnest enthusiasm, while
many who would cheerfully and earnestly have supported
a War Democrat, or a Republican of Democratic ante
cedents, wUl not vote for him. Most of this class will, I fear,
vote on the other side.
In caucuses and conventions, the noisy, violent, un
thinking enthusiasts — the positive men — usually carry
the day over the really wise, moderate, and sagacious.
The New York Convention was composed of materials
that would not tolerate a fair man like Hancock, or Doo
little, or even Hendricks. Pendleton, cunningly led on
by Tammany for a diversion, not a nomination, was the
strongest in the convention, but the weakest of all before
the country.
One of the serious errors in Maine was that of calling
Pendleton there to open the campaign. He made not a
single convert, cooled good men by his false financial
theories, and his going into that field at the beginning of
the contest roused the whole Radical element, and all their
energies were expended to make their victory decisive and
complete. September 21, Monday. Govemor Swann came over

440 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 21
to-day from Annapolis at the instigation of Vice-Admiral
Porter to get a change of orders for two more officers. By
regulation, one third of the officers go out annually. On
Porter's personal application, and assignment of reasons
which might perhaps suffice to make their cases excep
tional, two officers, Phythian and Matthews, vriU remain.
He now urges that Luce and Sicard may also have their
orders changed.
It is wrong in Porter to give me this embarrassment.
Not to grant his farther appUcation vriU be assumed by him
offensive in all probability; to grant it vrill be "riolating a
sound rule which should be rigidly adhered to. The officers
themselves are in league with Porter in this matter. A
clique has been growing up at Annapolis under his auspices
which should be broken up. Besides, the best interest of the
Academy and the service require triennial changes.
Governor Swann, sent here by Porter, went first to the
President on this subject and was referred to me. He was
very persistent and has a good deal of address and man
agement. Made the appUcation a personal favor to him
self, as well as to Porter, and of great moment to the
Academy. But I must do my duty.
Montgomery Blair, who now devotes his time to elec
tioneering almost exclusively, and who has honesty and
good sense, assures me that the Democrats wiU carry In
diana and Ohio at the October election, and he is also very
confident of Pennsylvania. I hope he may not be mistaken,
yet I candidly confess I have no confidence of such a result
in either State. That should be the case, but the people
yield passively to party discipline and to a surprising
extent seem indifferent to the welfare of the govemment,
and, stranger stUl, they submit with almost abject subserv
iency to onerous taxation. What but the madness and
blunders of party could have produced such a result as the
late election in Maine? May we not expect like obtuseness
in the Middle States? There is no love for Grant; there is
positive dislike of Seymour.

1868] CONGRESS M^ETS AND ADJOURNS 441
There was a session of Congress pursuant to the sum
mons of the chairmen of two Radical Party Committees,
who stated in their call that nothing must be done, and
that, therefore, the Members must convene and do it.
I have seen but brief report, but the programme seems
to have been carried out. What a burlesque on govern
ment! The two or three Democratic Representatives who
were present appear to have been bewildered or stupefied,
and before recovering themselves a motion to adjourn was
made and carried without a test vote or roll call to show
that a quomm was or was not present.
September 22, Tuesday. Judge Mason of AnnapoUs, one
of the most sensible and best minds in Maryland, caUed on
me and stated some facts in relation to the intrigues of Vice-
Admiral Porter and his partisan conduct. Among other
things he mentioned that when General Grant went to
Annapolis, a few days after he was nominated at Chicago,
Porter fired salutes and made great demonstrations. For
two days there was polishing and great exultation. Until
about the time of the impeachment movement. Porter had
been an open friend, and frank but not partisan supporter
of the Administration. But when impeachment was de
cided upon, Porter became suddenly an intense partisan,
scandalizing and abusing the President. About that time
impeachment was considered certain, and the arrangement,
as understood, was that Wade, if President, should make
Porter Secretary of the Navy. Then, if Grant was elected.
Porter was to be continued. Before Grant was nominated,
he had never been received with salutes at Annapolis,
though he frequently visited the Academy.
All but Browning were present at the Cabinet-meeting.
The Attomey-General mentioned the difficulties in rela
tion to the appointment of District Attomey for the east-
em district of Pennsylvania. Judge Cadwalader refuses to
swear in or recognize O'Neal. Mr. Evarts says no other
man can officiate.

442 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 22
McCulloch says he has been called upon bythe Retrench
ment Committee in relation to the appointment of super
visors. Told them Rollins named none but intense Radical
partisans, while he wanted business men of integrity.
I inquired if he asked by what authority Congress passed
a law giving the appointments virtually to one of his sub
ordinates, — whether it was competent for Congress to
say that the Assistant Secretary of State should nominate
to the President for appointment ministers and consuls.
He said he did not question them on those points, they are
so reckless of the Constitution and its restraints and re
quirements. Evarts said that was one of the points in this
question, whenever it comes up. I vrish McCuUoch had
a little more nerve and push in those matters.
September 23, Wednesday. General John A. Dix, Min
ister to France, has written a rancorous and disreputable
letter against Seymour and favoring the Radicals. WhUe
I might not differ vrith him essentiaUy as to the quaUties of
Seymour, I cannot commend the sense or principles of Dix,
as disclosed by this ebullition of spleen and disappoint
ment. There were some who spoke of Dix as a candidate
for President. He evidently thought more of it than others
did, and yet not to secure a vote, or be named even, in the
Convention had given him great vexation. This letter is
represented as private, but no one is so simple as to believe
the statement. Every line is intended for pubUcation.
But the letter destroys confidence in the sincerity of
General Dix's political professions. As a Democratic
State-Rights man he could not, if honest, vrish success to
the Radical Party, which wholly and entirely discards
every principle of the Democracy and strikes down the
rights of States, yet he commits himself unequivocally to
the Radical candidate.
I long since distrusted General Dix's disinterestedness
and sincerity. He has been an inveterate place-seeker.
Silas Wright had regard for him, but he knew not Dix, who

1868] DIX'S ANTI-SEYMOUR LETTER 443
was obsequious and deferential to Wright. There were cir
cumstances which occurred while Dix was in the Senate
which caused me to hesitate and question his reliability.
But he, like myseff, was then a thorough party man and
had the indorsement of Wright. The people would not
elect Dix. He strove hard to be Governor of New York.
He tried under Pierce to go to France, and if his own state
ments are to be relied on, — and I beUeve they are, — was
cheated and deceived.
During the RebelUon he was a major-general, vrithout
ever entering the field, and while at Fortress Monroe, he
cuddled and favored intercourse with the Rebels, not, I
think, for his own personal pecuniary benefit, but under
the influence of Ludlow, his aide, and an unscrupulous in
timate. I do not think Dix pecuniarily dishonest, though
he has appeared to me to be somewhat avaricious. But he
fears and conforms to the opinions of men in power. His
estimate of Seymour's character is pretty correct, but he
was not called upon by any consideration for the display of
petty spite and maUgnity which shows out in this letter,
and which was intended to assist that party or combina
tion of men who have been his political opponents and are
now pursuing a policy inconsistent with all those cherished
principles which he and I have supported in the past. I
have always considered him intensely selfish.
In reading this uncaUed-f or and discreditable letter, —
discreditable from the position and former course of the
writer, — I am painfully impressed vrith the fact of the in
judicious and unwise nomination of Seymour.
September 24, Thursday. The papers yesterday and to
day are filled with reports of a discussion and altercation
in the Cabinet on the occasion of Seward's avowing his
intention to support Grant and Colfax. McCulloch and
myself are represented as declaring ourselves for Seymour,
etc., etc. There is no word of truth in the statement from
beginning to end. The names of neither Grant nor Seymour

444 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 24
were mentioned, nor was there any allusion to parties.
I have little doubt that Seward originated the report. It is
one of those little manoeuvres which I disUke.
September 25, Friday. Robert T. Lincoln, son of the late
President, was married last evening to Mary Harlan,
daughter of Senator Harlan of Iowa. There were but few
present. Bishop Simpson of the Methodist Church offici
ated. Young Lincoln has made my house his home when
in Washington during the days of courtship. He and Ed
gar are intimate. Regard for his father made him always
a welcome guest, and I also highly esteem and respect
Robert himself and have done so from our first acquaint
ance in 1861, when he was here vrith his father at the
inauguration. His deportment and character, then and
always, impressed me favorably.
The Pacific Railroad was the chief topic to-day in the
Cabinet, and changes in the direction, and a board of
engineers as commissioners, were ordered. A few men.
Members of Congress and others, are sadly plundering
the country, I apprehend.
I do not admire the policy which Seward is pursuing in
regard to our foreign relations, but it is useless to attempt
to change it, or obtrude my opinions. He is aUowed to run
his course, but certainly he has strange notions, and, it
appears, little idea of the effect of his proceedings.

LXIII
Dahlgren's Management of the Ordnance Bureau — The Political Outlook
— Getting the Election Returns — Proposal to withdraw Seymour and
substitute another Democratic Candidate for the Presidency — The
Democratic Mistake and how it came about — The Governor of Ar
kansas asks for Arms — Troops to be sent to Memphis — Seward's
Table of Treaties — Dinner of the New York Bar to Attorney-General
Evarts — Grant's Spite against Members of the Cabinet — Minister
Washburn in Paraguay — Minister Reverdy Johnson submits a Protocol
on the Alabama Claims — Discussion of the Subject.
October 3, Saturday. The country is absorbed with poli
tics and parties. More of the latter than the former.
Speakers are overrunning the country with their hateful
harangues and excitable trash. I read but few of the
speeches. Those of the Radicals are manufactured, so far
as I have seen them, of the same material. Hatred of the
Rebels, revenge, the evils of reconciliation, the dangers to
be apprehended if the whites of the South are not kept
under, the certainty that they will, if permitted to enjoy
their legitimate constitutional rights, control the govern
ment, — the Radicals vrill be deprived of power, — this is
the stuff of which every Radical oration is made,'interlarded
sometimes with anecdotes. No allusion to the really great
questions before the country, — the rights of man, the
rights of the States, the grants and limitations of the Con
stitution. Had the Democrats made a judicious nomination they
would have enlisted the good sense and patriotism of the
people and had an easy "rictory. As it is, they have given
the Radicals every advantage and, of course, are likely to
suffer a terrible defeat. At all events, things appear so to
me. Yet cool and sagacious men, who are abroad among
the people and have better opportunities than I can have,
express the fullest confidence in a Democratic triumph.

446 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [OCT. 3
Such ought to be the result. I hope they are right and my
apprehensions groundless.
Since Seymour was nominated, the Radicals have suc
ceeded in getting up some feeling for Grant. There was
none before, for he is not a man to evoke enthusiasm or win
respect. The Democrats have yet much to leam. Advers
ity has not softened, chastened, and corrected their arro
gance and thirst for power, and they have endangered and
probably sacrificed a good cause by not being more gener
ous and forbearing. They have not leamed to humble
themselves in order to be exalted. Why they should, so
many of them, have been wilUng to accept Chase, as to
almost lose control, can be accounted for only in one way.
The money interest was for him in New York, and prin
ciples gave way in that quarter to wealth. The Tammany
leaders proposed to have no candidate in that State, —
no choice, — and were taken at their word.
Blair tells me that Samuel Tilden wanted to be the can
didate of the Democrats for President. It is hardly credi
ble, and yet in that way, better than any other, can his con
duct and that of the New York Democratic politicians be
accounted for. He and they had professedly no candidate,
— could name none, — were, while holding the reins, as
meek in their professions as Uriah Heep, waiting for
others to move, and similar sUly pretensions were made
when the country was in agony.
Evarts is absent, attending courts in New York, while
great legal questions are pending and the opinion of the
Attorney-General is required. We must wait his retum
and be held accountable for the delay.
Charles L. Woodbury, Peter Harvey, and others of
Boston and its vicinity send me a long hst of names of per
sons whom they wish to have appointed to places in the
Boston Navy Yard. No disposition is made of the in
cumbents who are faithfully discharging their duties, — at
least no complaint is made and these gentlemen prefer
no charges against the men they, or I, would dismiss. They

1868] DAHLGREN AND THE ORDNANCE 447
would have me incur the odium and they have no respons
ibiUty. If appointed, the men would thank them, not
me; the men removed would blame me, not them. Both
will be against me if I do my duty, which I will endeavor
to discharge faithfully.
Kilpatrick is making a fool of hunseff, running all over
the country making partisan speeches, to the great annoy
ance of Seward, who guaranteed he should take no part in
the political contests. Yesterday he read a letter from K.
that was as supercilious as egotistical, flippantly snapping
his finger at the Secretary of State and defying him. I
thought Seward desired that some of us should press a
revocation of his leave of absence, but I was not disposed
to gratify him after I had cautioned him of K.'s proper
orders before leave was given.
Dahlgren is trjdng to manage the Ordnance Bureau
vrithout responsibiUty. In his selfish nature he would
evade all responsibiUty whatever. He wants, however,
undue credit. In everything he does he has Dahlgren and
Dahlgren's interest in "riew. He is not a favorite with the
officers of the Navy, who think, and not without reason,
that he has been favored. He covets more favor, however,
and that accounts for his anxiety to please all and to offend
none. The pubhc money flows freely where he is, — not
that he would appropriate it to himself; he is too proud to
be dishonest in that way, though he loves money exceed
ingly. But after great kindness to him in many ways, he
would not hesitate to skulk from responsibility which
honestly belongs to him and throw it upon me.
Horatio Ames has a large claim for guns which have been
rejected, and has besieged the Department for years in
regard to them, — first belying and misrepresenting it,
hounding Members of Congress and others for two years to
get a contract, and at length getting an order from Mr.
Lincoln; second, the guns not passing inspection, he has for
three years been importuning for pay. Five years have
been given to the lobby, — two to get an order, three to get

448 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 3
pay. I have no doubt he has expended a large amount of
money in making the guns, and he doubtless thought he was
doing good service to the country and himself. Under
these circumstances, he has an equitable claim, perhaps,
on the Government. But Congress is the branch of gov
ernment which can grant relief. I have so told him for two
years, and he finally went to that body. In the mean
time a change has taken place in the Ordnance Bureau.
Dahlgren has been placed at the head, and Ames appeals
to him to reopen the case. Oakes Ames, his brother, is very
rich and a Member of Congress, vrith a large circle of in
fluential Members in his interest. Dahlgren brings aU of
Ames' papers to me. I have stated to him, and he knows,
that the case has been passed upon, — decided, — and
unless he is satisfied or thinks his predecessor's decision is
wrong, or that there is testimony not previously submitted,
it should not be reopened. But he equivocates, and I at
length indorsed on one of the documents, returning it, that
the Department had disposed of it unless he recommended
opening it or there was new evidence. He takes advantage
of this and "recommends" a board to examine all the
papers, etc., etc. I replied that I could not in that way
relieve him of his legitimate duties, etc., etc.
October 10, Saturday. Dahlgren sends me another letter,
changing his position, — wants six guns examined and
tested, etc., etc. Was compelled to write him a pretty
pointed letter. I am not disposed to be used, or made an
instrument, to relieve him of responsibility or to gratify
his resentments. He is hostile to Wise, whom he succeeds
in the Bureau, — not without reason, perhaps, for Wise
has secretly reflected on Dahlgren's services. There is no
love lost between them. But I am not to be made a parti
san of either.
It has been clearly Dahlgren's wish to have a board
criticize and review Wise's acts in order to detect some
error or mistake. This would humble Wise without Dahl-

1868] LOSS OF WATEREE AND FREDONIA 449
gren's implicating himself, though it would be his work.
But while I have no exalted opinion of Wise, I shall not
intentionally be an instrument in the hands of any man
to treat him unfairly.
Mr. Solicitor Bolles has been making pert decisions
in regard to punishments under court-martial law; says
they may sentence to death for any offense. Sent the case
to the Attorney-General, who gives an opinion sustaining
the Solicitor; but Evarts evidently did not prepare the
opinion nor examine the case. He cites the opinion of At
torney-Generals Black and Bates to sustain him, both of
whom gave opinions before the law of 1862 was enacted.
Secretary Browning attended- Cabinet-meeting last
Tuesday for the first time in several weeks. The Pacific
Railroad matters were brought forward by him on Tues
day and yesterday. It is, I apprehend, a giant swindle.
There is much gossip in relation to a projected marriage
between Secretary Seward and a Miss Risley. He is in his
sixty-eighth year and she in her twenty-eighth. I give
the rumor no credit. Yet his conduct is calculated to make
gossip. For the last six weeks he has passed my house daily
to visit her, is taking her out to ride, etc., etc. Says he is
an old friend of the family.^
Had last Friday a frost, and for two or three days quite
cool weather. Mrs. Welles and Edgar left on Thursday for
a week's visit to Irvington.
Received results of court of inquiry relative to the loss
of Wateree and Fredonia by the great earthquake at
Arica. The conduct of the two commanders, Gillis ^ in leav
ing, and Doty ^ in remaining absent from, his ship, is re
prehensible. No motives of courtesy or of humanity
should have caused either to neglect the men and vessel
intrusted to him. It was neither humane nor right to be
absent at such a time from the post of duty.
' Mr. Seward afterwards adopted Miss Olive Risley as his daughter, and
she and her sister accompanied him on his journey round the world in 1870
and 1871.
» Commander James H. GilUs. » T. W. Doty.
3

450 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocT.io
A letter from General Schofield to General Grant, con
gratulating him on his nomination and hoping for his elec
tion, is published. It was written last May and confirms
my impression that Grant was consulted by Fessenden
and Grimes and participated in making S. a Cabinet
officer. Schofield, like Grant, is shrewd and in the civil
service acts with a view to his own interest in all he does.
This is the fact as regards both. They each have astute
ness, a certain kind of ability. Schofield is much the best-
informed of the two, but Grant has more obstinacy and
self-will. It was natural enough for Schofield to ally him
self to his superior in command. Most of the army officers
would be apt to do it. There is not, however, much en
thusiasm for Grant. He has not many warm personal
friends. Sherman is quite devoted to him, — sincerely,
I think, — others because he is the lucky man, in place,
and the Democratic nomination renders Grant's election
almost certain.
Both parties continue to speak vrith confidence of suc
cess, and have generally persuaded themselves into the
belief that their opponents will be defeated. As for the
candidates on the ticket, I have little love or regard for
either. Blair is the most of a man on either ticket. . . .
Seymour, though temperate, is insincere and weakly and
selfishly ambitious; was opposed to the Govemment and
sentiment of the country, was at heart with the Rebels.
His nomination has given the Rebels a grand opportunity
to ring and prolong the War changes, and wiU be likely to
insure Democratic defeat, when victory was, by a fair,
discreet, and judicious course, within their reach. It was
not a time to nominate a Copperhead. Concession should
have been made. Colfax is a small man of narrow views
and Umited capacity, superficial and light.
The election next Tuesday will probably be decisive of
the Presidential election, provided all the States go for
either party. If the Radicals succeed in this they will be
apt to carry their point in November. I am inclined to

1868] THE POLITICAL OUTLOOK 451
think they will take all three, although the Democrats
express strong faith in a triumph in all; but they are over-
sanguine and too grasping. They might with Hancock
have succeeded. I vrill not discourage any with my un
belief; but, really, I may to myself confess I have had no
heart in this campaign since the nominations were made.
This Saturday night, alone by myself, I make this jotting,
not to prophesy, but to write down frankly my opinions.
The elections wUl, I think, be adverse to the Democrats
next Tuesday, and also in November. If so, a sad fate, I
fear, awaits our country. Sectional hate wUl be established.
October 12, Monday. Admiral Dahlgren called this
moming. Says he thought I desired him to take up and
take action in Ames case. I asked him how he could sup
pose so when I had expressly told him I should not again
take up the case if there were no new facts, or unless he
should recommend it in consequence of some mistake,
and even then I should take time to consider it. The tmth
is he wanted to rap Wise with other men's knuckles.
There is great excitement in Philadelphia in regard to
the election and a threatened conflict of authority be
tween the sheriff and mayor. The judges have been
beha"ving scandalously. I shall not be surprised if there
is riot and bloodshed.
Each party continues to express undoubted confidence,
and as nothing can be gained by round assertion to-day
which the result to-morrow will contradict, the sincerity
of their opinion is not to be doubted. But while the Demo
crats have the best cause, they have sacrfficed an oppor
tunity, — mismanaged, — and they have not, I fear,
just now, in consequence of mismanagement and too
grasping a course, the largest numbers. The Democratic
leaders have very skillfully knocked out their own brains,
or my impressions are wrong.
October 13, Tuesday. Attomey-General Evarts was not

452 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 13
at the Cabinet. He has too much private professional
business to do justice to his office. I vrished much to see
him on some matters.
John P. Hale, Seward's Minister to Spain, has acknow
ledged the new govemment. I asked if Hale was author
ized to do this ; Seward said he was. The Cabinet was not
advised or consulted. We had some talk about Hale, when
I expressed my opinion of him freely, — his unfitness for
the place, and that he had Uttle moral principle. Seward
assented; said Hale had threatened him.
Edwards Pierrepont, one of Stanton's jockey lawyers,
writes A. T. Stewart, inclosing, or tendering, $20,000 to
assist in the election of General Grant, and Stewart duly
acknowledges it. Such a donation is, of course, not dis
interested or for an honest purpose. Pierrepont has been
paid enormous fees by Stanton and Seward. He is a cun
ning and adroit lawyer, but not a tme and trusty man.
The Democrats of New York let themselves down when
they made him one of the Sachems of Tammany. They
are getting justly paid.
Pollard ^ applies for permission to have access to the
Rebel archives in writing the Ufe of Jeff Da"vis, whom he
does not like. Schofield was disposed to deny him, and
Seward also. I advised that he might, in company vrith a
clerk, take or have taken copies under the supervision and
with consent of the Secretary of War. Schofield said he
was a prejudiced enemy of Jeff Davis and of the Union
cause. I did not deny that, but was vriUing the Rebels
should tell their own story. Thought Doctor Lieber an
enthusiast and as much prejudiced as Pollard.
Went this evening to the White House to get early
election retums, as usual, on the eve of the election in
the three great central States.^ Found McCulloch there.
Only a single dispatch, and that of not much account, from
' Edward A. Pollard, author of Life of Jefferson Davis, vnth the Secret
HistoT-y of ihe Southem Confederacy! and other books on the War.
' Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana.

1868] GETTING THE ELECTION RETURNS 453
Philadelphia, had been received. McCulloch was quite
confident and hopeful. The President cheerful, but gave
no opinion. He had asked me after Cabinet-meeting how
things were going. I told him I would come over this
evening and see.
Remained about an hour, but no dispatches came. Un
like former years. The coming men are the recipients of
the news, — Seymour and Grant. I did not say this, but
thought it, vrith something of sadness that human nature
should show such qualities. About half-past nine Randall
came in with a budget of confused returns, and some very
good rumors. After a little time the President's Private
Secretary came with retums less favorable but quite as
much coiffused. McCuUoch's whole look and tone changed
and he soon left.
October 14, Wednesday. The election news is far from
full and far from cheering. In Philadelphia the Demo
crats have been successful, and generally, in all the States,
should judge they had given a larger vote than ever be
fore. The probabilities are that Hendricks ^ has succeeded
in Indiana, though it is not yet certain. General Dunn *
tells me the counting of the votes is a slow process and
cannot be completed in many places until this evening.
It is admitted the Democrats have made gains of Re
presentatives to Congress in all three States. It could
hardly be othervrise, for the Radicals have almost all in
the present Congress.
The President says this p.m. that he had no definite
news, — nothing more than is in the papers. No one sends
to him. Heretofore he has always had friendly telegrams
giving results. He says Randall called just before I did and
was feeling very blue, and when he left said he would tele-
' Thomas A. Hendricks, the Democratic candidate for Govemor of
Indiana. He was defeated by the RepubUcan Govemor, Conrad Baker, by
a very small majority.
' General William McKee Dunn of Indiana, afterwards Judge-Advocate-
General.

454 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 14
graph TUden to get Seymour out of the way. It was pretty
evident, the President said, that the present ticket could
have little hope.
Although guarded in his remarks, I could perceive the
President was not greatly displeased with the tum things
were taking, and I think begins to have hopes that at
tention may yet be turned to himseff. But his intimacy
with and support of Seward forecloses, ff nothing else
would, any such movement. On that rock he split. It was
Seward who contributed to the retention of Stanton; it
was Seward who counseled him to submit and yield to
Radical usurpation; and it was Seward who broke down
his Administration; it was Seward who drove from him the
people. The President is bold and firm when he has come
to a decision, but is not always prompt in reaching it. The
people would have stood by him against the usurping
Congress, had he squarely met them at first and asserted
the rights of the Executive and the Constitution.
October 15, Thursday. Colonel Johnson, formerly one of
the editors or writers of the Union, called and had a long
conversation. He was the friend and editor of Buchanan.
Tells me some incidents in relation to the Kansas matters.
He is now pretty intimate vrith President Johnson, as are
now many of that class. In the main [Colonel] Johnson's
influence is not bad on abstract poUtical questions, for
he has studied the Constitution and understands the situ
ation of the govemment; is sounder and abler on these
subjects than some men of higher reputation and distinction,
but has been too long a lobbyist to have rigid ideas in pe
cuniary transactions. His object was, I think, to sound me
on the subject of withdrawing Sejrmour and Blair and sub
stituting other names. I gave him no light, — no encour
agement or discouragement. In fact, as things are, I can
say little about it. Seymour is doomed to defeat, and at
this late day a raUy for another can hardly be made, if
attempted.

1868] THE DEMOCRATIC MISTAKE 455
I did not conceal from [Colonel] Johnson my views, —
my regret that Seymour was a candidate, that I had never
yet seen a man who approved it, that he had been a weight
and drag on a good cause. The country required at this
time a different candidate to conciUate and reunite differ
ences. He spoke of the popularity of the President and
of the zeal which some felt for Chase, especially the bank
ing interest. I avoided saying much as regarded the former,
but, whatever might be the banking views, expressed sur
prise that Democrats should urge Chase. Why not take
Sumner or Wade, whose position on Uving political ques
tions — Reconstruction, negro suffrage, etc. — was much
the same as his. There has been a good deal of talk through
the day of throwing aside the ticket and taking Chase.
The New York World and the Intelligencer favor it. Wall
Street prompts the former, and the President does not
dissuade the latter. But this talk is idle. It may not be
difficult, since the late elections, to persuade Seymour to
vrithdraw, but the substitution of Chase will not now make
the ticket stronger. The talk about the President means
nothing. There is no intention to make him the candidate,
though there is a strong feeling in his favor among the
masses who do not control organization. His name is used
by a set as a bank-note for Chase and nothing else. I am
sorry he Ustens to it.
October 16, Friday. It is pretty generally conceded that
the Radicals have a majority — not large — in the three
great central States. This may be considered decisive of
the Presidential contest in November. We have not gained
so many Members of Congress as I expected, and on the
whole I am prepared for a signal Democratic defeat. I
have had Uttle hope that the Radicals would be defeated
since Sejrmour was nominated, and am therefore not so
much disappointed as others.
The Democratic managers have thought more of party
than of country and are reaping their reward. In June

456 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 16
there was every probability that the Radicals would be
defeated. The country was against them, and there was
no feeling or enthusiasm for Grant, who, whatever may be
his military talents, has no civil capacity on political ques
tions. There should have been great care to avoid making
a War issue, unless a War candidate like Hancock was se
lected, for therein is Grant's strength. Without a military
opponent Grant is formidable. The only hope of the Radi
cals was in an appeal to the prejudices on bygone questions
of war, and the hatred which still lingers and is stimulated
by them. With unaccountable stupidity, the Democrats
took precisely the course which the Radicals vrished them
to. They stifled the military and patriotic sentiment for
Hancock, and brought forward a Peace Democrat, a man
whom the soldiers throughout the land disliked, whose
sympathies were notoriously vrith the Secessionists, and
who said and did some foolish things which the Radicals
would, of course, seize, exaggerate, and amplffy.
Pendleton, an equally pronounced Peace Democrat, was
an early and persistent candidate for the office and thought
to avoid the great absorbing and real issue — that of pre
serving the Constitution and the integrity of the Union
— by bringing forward a weak and superficial financial
scheme which captivated speculators and ignorant per
sons and men of a low moral standard. He did not maintain
the true Democratic doctrine on the currency and money
issue, but based his movements on two currencies, — one
of paper and one of specie. True Democrats are hard-
money men, and can favor no paper which is not convert
ible into money — coin — at the will of the holder. Paper
is not money, but a promise to pay money. A broken pro
mise by the Government is a breach of faith and disturber
of confidence.
Seymour, possessed of no nerve, of no courage, a parti
san politician of culture and talent, occupying a prominent
position in New York, a whilom candidate of his party,
seemed to hesitate, shrank from the contest, played fast

1868] THE DEMOCRATIC MISTAKE 457
and loose, but finally, under the influence of Wall Street,
assented to and apparently became an advocate for the
nomination of Chase, the antagonist of the Democratic
party and Democratic principles on the great issues of
Reconstruction and strict construction now before the
country. Chase was, and still is, the champion of negro
equaUty and favors the Radical laws of Reconstruction.
He was, with his committee, the author of the legal-tender
system and the father of national treasury banks. In no
sense could he honestly be the candidate of the Demo
crats. Yet Seymour professedly, as did Belmont and com
pany, earnestly favored his nomination.
Pendleton, however, opposed him and opposed Hendricks
because, were they elected, it might interfere with his
aspirations in the future. No conservative War Democrat
would they permit to be the candidate, and when it be
came obvious to the Pendleton delegates in the New York
Convention, and to the wild and turbulent crowd of out
siders who had been sent on from Cincinnati to control the
convention, that Pendleton could not be nominated, they
selected and nominated Seymour for the clearly manifest
purpose of excluding any conservative Democrat, like
Hancock, Doolittle, or even Hendricks.
It never entered the minds of these men that it was im
portant to have a candidate who would draw and not repel
recruits. They believed the Radical measures were so
atrocious that they could elect whoever was nominated,
and therefore, having the organization, passed by all War
Democrats and nominated a Secession sympathizer. Thou
sands and tens of thousands who would have gone in for
a fair. Union, conservative War Democrat would not, and
vrill not, identify themselves with Seymour, whose course
during the War for the Union was as offensive as that of the
Radicals now.
A great opportunity has been thrown away, to the irre
parable injury of the country. It does not seem possible
that Seymour can be elected. The movement for Chase

458 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 16
appears to be earnest; but the first step for his supporters
is to get Seymour to decline. There are rumors that he
has put his resignation in the hands of the National Demo
cratic Committee. If this be so, which I doubt, the Pre
sident and his friends vrill be promptly thrust aside and
Chase pressed vrith energy. I am not in the secret of
these operations, but hear much of them. If Seymour has
resigned or should resign, Hancock or DooUttle should be
substituted. Were either of these men at once eamestly
and most decisively pressed, possibly something might be
accomplished, but a change of front at this late day would
be a pretty certain precursor of defeat. I have Uttle faith
in anything good being effected.
It would gratify me to see the national nominating con
vention system overthrown, as it would be were a candidate
spontaneously taken up and elected.
I asked Randall, who was uneasy during the whole
Cabinet session, what was being done. He said nothing
decisive; that the Blairs would rather have Frank on the
ticket and be defeated than have any other man elected.
This is Seward all over, and I noticed that Seward seemed
in excellent spirits.
He does not like Seymour or any Democrat, unless some
one Uke Randall, an active, superficial, and super-service
able schemer whom he can use. As Schofield had to
remain after Cabinet session, Randall went round and
said to the President he would come up this evening.
I think Randall would, if he had the opportunity, go for
the President. I asked who would be named, if Seymour
decUned. He said Chase, or the President. I asked him
what was to be gained by electing Chase, or making him
the standard-bearer. It staggered him. "Nothing," said
he, "but I want to beat Grant." So do I.
October 17, Saturday. Under the circumstances the
Democrats and conservatives have done weU in the late
elections. They have been cheated and wronged to some

1868] THE ALABAMA CLAIMS 459
extent, I have no doubt. I am disappointed that the Dem
ocrats did not elect more Representatives. Had Hancock
been on the ticket instead of Seymour, we should have
carried Pennsylvania and Indiana and, I think, Ohio.
As it is, I am satisfied the popular majority for the Radicals
is not great in either State.
I think Seymour wiU not decline. The scheme did not
take so easily as the Chase men anticipated, and the whole
affair wUl blow over.
October 19, Monday. The Democratic committees and
Seymour hold out against any change of ticket. There
is some attempt to denounce Belmont, but it is feeble.
There are conflicting rumors as regards Chase. I have no
doubt he would vrillingly have lent his name, but since the
scheme has faUed he quite Ukely disapproves the attempt.
The President, I am constrained to beUeve, has not been
entirely indifferent in this matter. Second-rate men have
been wUUng to please him by flattering assurances that the
people wanted him and demanded the change in the ticket.
He hstened with pleasure to their assurances, if he did not
encourage them.
October 20, Tuesday. Seward, RandaU, and Evarts were
absent from the Cabinet session. I know not ff there is
any pohtical significance in this. Hunter says Seward
has gone up the Hudson to see about some real estate of his
son's. The papers say he is to meet Peter Cooper and
others about the canal across the Isthmus. Randall pro
fesses to be engaged on some arrangement for the over
land mail. Evarts has some important law-suits in New
York. They are all of the same kidney.
Hunter submitted a telegram in cipher from Reverdy
Johnson,^ asking if the Alabama claims should be submit
ted to the arbitrament of the King of Prussia. McCulloch
'¦ Appointed by President Johnson to succeed Charles Francis Adams as
Minister to England.

460 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 20
would not trust him because of his family relations with
the Queen. I asked what was meant by the Alabama
claims, — whether it embraced all similar claims and the
other incidental questions. The President thought we
should have the whole proposition in all its parts before
us before deciding.
Pacific RaUroad again occupied much attention. Con
gressional fraud and corruption are, I am satisfied, in this
immense swindle.
There were extensive frauds in the late election, — per
haps on both sides. The Radicals are steeped in them,
and, not yet content, there are villainous plans to cheat
Representatives clearly and fairly elected by the Democrats
out of their seats. Dawes and company vriU be ready to
help the fraud, as they have lent themselves to great
rascalities in the present Congress. They are destroying
public confidence in popular govemment.
October 23, Friday. At the Cabinet-meeting General
Schofield read a letter from the Govemor of Arkansas,
expressing great apprehension of trouble from the people,
who are armed, and requesting that he might have United
States arms that are in the arsenal to put in the hands of
the militia. The militia are understood to be Radical par
tisans. General Schofield was very earnest in this matter;
said the opponents to the Govemor were Rebels who re
tained their arms when Kirby Smith surrendered; that
they are orgamzed, and unless something was done, the
loyal men would be overpowered and kiUed by the Ku-
Klux. After hearing him for some time and a few com
monplace expressions of concern from others, I asked if the
Govemor of Arkansas was afraid of the people of Arkansas,
— if General S. advised the arming of the Governor's
partisans against their opponents, the people of that State.
In other words, is popular government a faUure in Arkansas ?
General S. said that he and the military gentlemen gener
ally had believed there was but one way to establish the

1868] TROOPS TO BE SENT TO MEMPHIS 461
Reconstruction of the States South, and that was by mar
tial law. I asked how long martial law should be contin
ued. He said until those governments were able to sustain
themselves. "Do you mean by that," I inquired, "until
the black and the ignorant element controls the intelligent
white population?" The General said he was not a politi
cian nor intending to discuss the subject pohticaUy; he was
speaking practically, how these governments were to be
maintained. "And you come to the conclusion that force
is requisite," said I. "There is," said he, "no other way
to keep down the Rebels."
"Then," said McCulloch, "if I understand you. Gen
eral S., the Reconstruction laws are a faUure. The people
in those States are incapable of self-government."
Browning said it was plain there must be a standing
army to carry out the Radical policy, and it would have
to be kept up through all time. All agreed that it was not
best to let the Govemor have the arms for his party.
Seward proposed sending United States troops to Ar
kansas. This Schofield thought would perhaps answer if we
had the troops, but we had not got them. He urged that
General Smith, commanding, might be authorized to issue
arms if he thought it necessary.
After a long and earnest but not satisfactory discus
sion, the compromise of Seward was adopted by Schofield,
who proposed to order the Twelfth Regiment, stationed
here in Washington, to proceed to Memphis, and by the
time they reached that point, it could be determined what
disposition should be made of them.
I objected to any giving-out of arms, or moving mUitary
troops on the eve of an excited election. Claimed that
from the showing there was no insurrection, nothing but the
unreasonable apprehensions of a party leader who feared
the people he professed to govem. He, with one of the
bogus Senators, had undertaken a speculation in arms
which had been destroyed, and he was in consequence very
angry. We ought to keep clear of this party contest.

462 DL\.RY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 23
I could perceive that Schofield was dissatisfied with my
views, that Seward plumed himself on havmg suggested
a course that was to be adoplted. The President did not
concur with Schofield nor fully with Seward, who, however,
had his way.
Our whole govemmental system is being overturned by
the military and the Radicals. One after another of the
scalawag and carpet-bag govemors is calling for arms and
troops to help hun in the elections, and this Administra
tion yields against its honest convictions on the sugges
tions of a trimmer. Of course the people of Arkansas are
to be borne down under the impression that the Federal
Govemment is against them. God knows when aU this is
to end!
The President asked Browning, Randall, and myseff to
stay after the Cabinet adjoumed, and Submitted a paper,
carefully and elaborately prepared, on govemment ex
penditures. It was a faithful exposition and, sent out at
the proper time, would have a good influence. I could
perceive that the President flattered himself it would be
effective and perhaps redound to his credit, perhaps bring
him forward as a candidate. He stUl has dreams, idle
dreams, that he may be elected. The people may be
with him, but party discipUne and party management and
intrigue are aU-powerful.
October 27, Tuesday. Horatio Sejrmour has gone West,
making speeches. He talks very weU, but his speeches are
likely to be unavailing. Nevertheless the spirit of the
people who are opposed to RadicaUsm seems unbroken.
Defeat in the great States has not disheartened or whoUy
discouraged them. A few men, anxious for office, have
fallen away, but not one honest man has wavered, so far
as I have heard, yet many wUl not vote for S.
General Schofield read a telegram from Colonel Camp
bell of his staff, who had been to Arkansas, stating that
it was not expedient to listen to or be governed by the

1868] SEWARD'S TABLE OF TREATIES 463
representations of the Govemor. The tone of Schofield is
much moderated.
There is disturbance in Louisiana, and the reconstructed
Governor finds himseff incompetent to discharge the duties
of the executive. RadicaUsm is there an uneducated, un
regulated, and disorganized faction. The negroes are
whoUy incapable of discharging police duties, and the
Governor calls on General Rousseau to help him.
Seward exhibits a table of the number of treaties which
have been negotiated, under each administration, and
promises the President that he shall have brought forward
more than any of his predecessors. I do not think so
highly of the doings in this respect as others. There is
more or less comphcation and entanglement in these treat
ies. Few and simple regulations are best; but Seward, not
the most intelUgent and discreet diplomatist, will continue
by help of Weed and his colleagues to make a good flourish
and be extolled for his marvelous labors.
October 30, Friday. Seward and Evarts are again absent.
Likely both have gone home to vote. That is said and pub
lished. Evarts would be glad of such an excuse to be ab
sent and attend to his immense private business. He has
been at but one Cabinet-meeting for five weeks; important
opinions are consequently postponed and action delayed.
November 17, Tuesday. Exhausted and fatigued with
office labor during the day and with preparing my Annual
Report and receiving company evenings, I have been un
able to make note in this book for some time.
But events of interest have transpired, and I regret that
I did not from day to day make at least a brief memoran
dum. There was excitement over the election, but acqui
escence in the declared result. In New York and Phila
delphia there was a great outcry of fraud by the Radicals,
who as a party, now as in other days and under other
names, were given to frauds. They denounce the vote of

464 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 17
intelligent whites of foreign birth, while they iUegally and
by fraud polled hundreds of thousands of ignorant negro
votes. The defeat of Seymour did not surprise me. There has
been mismanagement and weakness on the part of the
Democratic leaders, if nothing worse. The Democratic
capitalists in New York were, under New York manage
ment, committed for Chase, but with no sincerity on the
part of the leaders, and when he was thrown out, the cap
italists were indifferent or willing Grant should be elected.
Pendleton and his friends have acted like disappointed
partisans, very stupidly for themselves, very badly for
the country, and as if they were afraid something might
happen to hereafter defeat him.
In nominating Seymour the War issue was unavoidably
raised and the Democrats have been busy in trying to
make people believe Seymour to have been a good War
man. They did not convince the voters nor believe their
own assertions. Of course, amid shuffling issues and in
sincerity, all has been uphill work. There was no zeal for
Grant until Seymour was nominated, — then men would
have been busy had Hancock been his opponent. The Dem
ocrats have not only thrown away a great opportunity and
injured their party, but done the country irreparable
wrong. Grant has retumed to Washington after loitering away
several months in Galena and the region roundabout since
he was nominated. Colfax has been back here also. He
and Wade have again adjourned Congress, — a mockery
upon the Constitution and honest govemment.
A dinner is given by the New York Bar to Attomey-
General Evarts this evening, to which aU the Cabinet
men were invited. I omitted writing the committee until
Saturday evening. McCulloch and Randall did not write
imtil yesterday. The others wrote a week ago, declining.
The papers state that Grant, who is in New York, declines
to attend if Secretaries McCuUoch and Welles and Post-

1868] GRANT AND THE CABINET-MEMBERS 465
master-General Randall are to be present. This announce
ment, publicly made, is from his factotum Adam Badeau,
but by Grant's authority.
When Seward came into the councU room this noon he
spoke, before being seated, of his not attending the At
torney-General's dinner because if he went he should have
kept away another man. I remarked that writing an
equivocal letter answered every purpose and propitiated
offended dignity that disliked truth. Seward gave me a sin
gular look and satisfied me he felt the remark.
He said he went to New York last Thursday; that a very
good friend who is usually at the depot told him that Gen
eral Grant was occupying the Presidential car. He, S.,
said, "Very well, ff he wants to see me, he can come here."
Soon after his friend came to him with General Grant's
compliments, inviting him into his car. "Another tribute,"
said I, "to the equivocal manner of answering a plain and
simple question."
He proceeded to state the incidents, etc., of the joumey.
I judge that his presence was not particularly acceptable
to Grant and that the intercourse was formal. This, how
ever, did not greatly disturb Seward, who ostensibly went
to New York to attend the funeral of Mrs. Blatchford and
was glad of the opportunity to get into Grant's company.
He says he never has exchanged a word with Grant since
the interriew at the President's last February. This, I
find, is the fact as regards all who were then present. In
trying a refined and subtle game the General was exposed,
and, in an issue between himself and the President, those
of us who were present were called upon to state the facts,
and General Grant, it seems, in the exercise of his new
social and official position, undertakes to proscribe those
who cannot sacrffice the truth for him.
The subject does not trouble me othervrise than, as a
citizen, I regret the degradation of the highest office in the
country. McCulloch said that had he been aware of any
such revengeful feeling on the part of Grant, he would
3

466 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 17
certainly have gone to New York to have shut him off from
the dinner. I said I would not have gone across the room
to have either prevented or aided him in the matter. The
General of our armies and the President-elect might make
this exhibition of malignant spite against truth vrithout
disturbing me in the least.
Mr. Seward had a large budget of letters and newspaper
slips relative to affairs in Paraguay and our late Minister
Washburn, who has been extremely troublesome ever since
he has been there or in that neighborhood. For some years
he has been the persistent friend of Lopez, and the Secre
tary of State aided him in his absurd claims of insisting on
having a national vessel to mn the blockade of the alUes,
in order to carry him back and forth.
I have remonstrated against maintaining a mission in
the interior of South America, among a half -savage people,
where there are no citizens of the United States, no com
merce, no intercourse of any kind, where no other govem
ment sends a minister, and where we should have none.
Washburn sometime since resigned, and General Mc-
Mahon was appointed his successor. Mr. Seward said he
had but a single dispatch from Washburn, but the papers
are filled with his letters, — some of them very discredit
able, — and his conduct appears to be reprehensible
throughout. Seward said he had a letter from Webb at
Rio, very well written, but Seward was careful not to read
it. He had prepared a singular letter to me, however,
which he did read, in which he proposed that the whole
affair shall be communicated to Admiral Davis, who is to
proceed with an adequate force to Paraguay and demand
redress. I asked where McMahon, the representative of the
Government, was, that he was not intrusted with this duty;
why this responsibility was put on Davis, a naval officer.
I was willing he should be directed to consult, cooperate
with, and aid General McMahon, but the Admiral had no
"adequate force" to send up the river and make the de-

1868] MINISTER WASHBURN IN PARAGUAY 467
mand, even were it proper. Seward said he had great
confidence in Davis as a discreet man who would act pru
dently, etc., etc. In aU this I see Mephistopheles, and do
not mean to be bamboozled by him. The President and
Randall expressed great regard for McMahon.
November 18, Wednesday. In a brief interview with the
President I told him I thought it the proper duty of the
Minister we had sent to Paraguay to investigate and make
demands, ff demands were to be made; that he might, and
perhaps should, consult with Admiral Davis, but I thought
it improper to impose the Minister's duties on the Admiral
and make him responsible. The President concurred and
wished me to advise vrith Seward. I remarked that we
differed; that I had for several years thought we needed no
minister at Paraguay, where we had no citizens, no com
merce, etc.
I received late this p.m. from Secretary Seward the
letter which he read yesterday to the President and Cabi
net relative to intrusting Admiral Davis to proceed vrith
an "adequate force" to Paraguay, demand redress, etc. I
drafted a rough letter but had not time to copy or complete.
November 19, Thursday. Sent my instructions to Ad
miral Davis, taking care to copy that part of Seward's
letter which advised the President that the Admiral should
proceed with an adequate force, etc., wishing he had such
force. I also wrote Seward that I thought it proper General
McMahon should be associated with the Admiral and
share the responsibility.
Every one seems disgusted vrith Grant's conditional
acceptance of an invitation to the Evarts dinner. None
of his friends attempt to defend him. The little man is
exhibiting his tme traits. Very malignant, revengeful,
because exposed in his equivocation and falsehood. An
enemy of truth and of those who assert it, provided he is
thereby discomfited.

468 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 20
November 20, Friday. Told Evarts I was glad I had not
kept him or any invited guest from his dinner. He says
there was a great strife among the Radicals whether Grant
should be allowed to attend; that some extreme Radicals
got up a counter-dinner uptown to draw Grant off; that
the conditional acceptance was intended to relieve Grant
if any of us attended, a cunning device that failed. As
none of us attended, there was no escape but for him to give
his presence to the Evarts banquet.
Seward said he had received my letter in the Paraguay
matter and would attend to my suggestions. Would in
struct McMahon and request him to consult vrith Admiral
Davis. Thought it very proper, etc. I asked htm to send
me a copy of his instructions. Said he would. Gave him
again my opinion of Washburn and of his mission.
November 24, Tuesday. Seward came to Cabinet coun
cil this moming vrith a queer expression on his countenance.
We two were the first arrivals. On exchanging salutations,
he said he was sick, quite sick. I asked his malady. He
said he had got the damnedest strange thing from Reverdy
Johnson for a protocol. Others came in to whom he made
similar communication. He submitted the document to
the President and Cabinet vrith a lugubrious look which
cannot be described. Intended to be sad and grieved, but
with a lurking laugh. The Alabama claims are to be sub
mitted to arbitration; four commissioners, two by each
party; if not unanimous, some sovereign to be selected by
the two governments as umpire, etc. The whole thing,
he said, was wrong, contrary to instructions, must be
sent back. The members were surprised and made in
quiries into the points of difference. He did not make
himself clear, but said he would prepare and submit a
dispatch at the next Cabinet-meeting. I was more inter
ested with the distressed looks of McCulloch and Brown
ing than with the muddy exposition. They had evidently
expected the Alabama claims were about adjusted. I re-

1868] PROTOCOL ON ALABAMA CLAIMS 469
marked that I had not expected the English Govemment
would ever consent to a reference of those claims to a com
mission, that I had now little expectation the claims would
be paid, that the commission was closely locked up. Sew
ard said he would have better terms. I asked if all claims
of either party since 1853 were submitted, including prizes
and captured property. Seward did not give me a direct
answer, and some incidental question from McCulloch
furnished him an opportunity to drop it.
When we left, McCulloch and myself came down to
gether. He expressed his regret that there should be de
lay in this matter, for the country would be disappointed.
I told him I expected no settlement of those claims during
this administration, — certainly not in our favor.
November 25, Wednesday. Admiral Farragut and wife
arrived late last night and are stopping at our house.
They are both well and enjoy these excursions and their
friends. He is guileless, simple-hearted, and as sincere as
he is brave. Mrs. F. is devoted to him, proud of him, and
very social.
Received a note this moming early from the President,
who vrished me to call on him. Found he was anxious about
the treaty. Wished my views. Said he desired to accept
and send in the treaty without fail, and he knew not why
this was not in good shape. I said that I thought Mr.
Seward had no disposition to hasten decision, that I had
never supposed him much in eamest in this matter, and
that as things are with us, he probably wished to prolong
the negotiation. The English had never admitted they
were responsible, and were so confident they would not be
held responsible that they sometime ago had consented
to arbitrament, but Mr. Seward had requested they
should also submit their govemmental action. This they
had refused, and I had expected they always would; but
theyhad surrendered the point, though in a way that hedged
them in against any advantage to us. I told him I was not

470 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 25
sanguine we should get anything, whoever might be the
negotiator. The President requested me to read the three
articles aloud, and we commented on each. I remarked it
was difficult to come to a conclusion, for Mr. Seward care
fully abstained from presenting his points, and we knew
enough of the EngUsh to be aware they did not intend to
be overreached. I asked if Seward had been with him on
this subject and frankly stated the case. He said he had,
and would be in again vrith a rough draft, and have his
dispatch fully prepared by Friday. "Then," said I, "we
shall have the case in full. Let us wait."
November 26, Thursday. Spent the day at home socially
with Admiral and Mrs. Farragut. The President and Mrs.
Patterson dined vrith us, in company vrith the Admiral
and Mrs. F. and Admiral and Mrs. Radford.
November 27, Friday. Mr. Seward read his letter of
instructions to Reverdy Johnson. They were not ap
proved by the President nor any one of the Cabinet. I had
expected he would have the support of Mr. Evarts and
thought probably he had consulted that gentleman, but
from the discussion I infer neither was the fact.
I again inquired how much was covered, — whether
claims for captures, destruction of property, prizes, etc.,
were to be permitted; if so a commission was not desirable.
Mr. Evarts thought so too, and said our Alabama claims
amounted to only about eight milUons, while the English
would probably demand a hundred millions from us. I
thought the latter not improbable if naval prizes were
included, but should be surprised if our claims were not
largest. McCulloch asked Seward whether, ff he could not
get better terms, he would accept the protocol presented,
but Seward avoided an explicit answer; was confident it
would not reach that ultimatum ; the English would give in.
The President thought it would be best to postpone a
final decision on Seward's dispatch until Tuesday. This

1868] DISCUSSION OF THE PROTOCOL 471
disturbed Seward, who said he vrished to send off a cable
dispatch this afternoon, and he should receive an answer
in a week which he doubted not would be favorable.
Before the meeting closed, the President requested me
to go with him into the library, when he asked me what
had best be done. Said he wished the subject disposed of
during his Administration or that the Senate should be
responsible for the delay. I again expressed my doubts
whether Mr. Seward was anxious for an immediate dis
position; asked what we were to gain by this treaty, —
what were the advantages. Told him I had no idea that
Mr. Seward or Mr. Reverdy Johnson would overreach the
English negotiators. As the subject is in the hands of Sew
ard, he would be dissatisfied if overruled by others and
his views set aside, and that, if prepared to conform to him,
it would be as well to let him have an opportunity to try
Reverdy Johnson farther. This seemed to relieve him, as
I supposed it would. On our return to the council room
he told Seward to send his telegram and get his answer
ff he could in a week.
November 28, Saturday. When at the President's to
day, relative to some Marine appointments, he reverted
to the discussion yesterday. I asked him if he really under
stood Seward's object; why he did not press the matter
of the Alabama claims upon the British Government him
self, and compel it to admit the rightfulness of the claim;
why refer the principle to a commission. The English
never, in my opinion, would have submitted to arbitra
tion the attack on Copenhagen. Our claim should not be
classed with theirs.
November 30, Monday. The Attomey-General has given
an opinion on the eight-hour law, and the payments under
it, which is a specimen of attorneyship unsurpassed. If he
is wiser after investigating the subject, he has imparted
none of his wisdom to others.

LXIV
Report on the Pacific RaUroad — The New York Evening Post on Vander
bUt and the Merrimac — The Alabama Claims — Congress assembles
— Senator Trumbull makes an Unreasonable Request — The President's
Annual Message and its Reception in Congress — Proposal to annex
San Domingo — Attomey-General Evarts and the Law relating to
Courts Martial — Grant's Probable Course as President — Discussion
of the Finances of the Country — Fox's Conversation with Admiral
Porter — Formal Acquisition of League Island for the New Navy Yard
— Bowles of the Springfield Republican arrested at the Suit of Fisk —
Relations of Grant with President Johnson and Members of the Cabinet
— Cabinet Discussion of the Currency Question — The End of an
Eventful Year.
December 1, Tuesday. Most of the session of the Cabi
net was consumed with reading a long report of the com
mittee to examine and report on the Pacific Railroad. They
report the road well built in the main, but that it vriU re
quire six and a half millions to put it in proper order so far
as built, — Muddy Creek. ^
December 2, Wednesday. Read final proof of my eighth
and last Annual Report as Secretary of the Navy. It has
been an irksome task. The composition of a report is more
laborious than five times that quantity of ordinary writ
ings, — so much detail, examination, comparison, etc.,
etc., with such a multitude of documents and statistics.
But the work is done. Have had great assistance from
Faxon. The newspapers are in quite a ferment over the case of
Dick Meade, ^ who is in the lunatic asylum. Great sym
pathy is expressed for him, none for his family. They,
more than he, have suffered from his malady. I have for
* In the southwestern comer of Wyoming.
' Richard W. Meade, U.S.N. , retired in 1867 as commodore, brother
of General Meade.

1868] VANDERBILT AND THE MERRIMAC 473
some time been aware he had an unbalanced and erratic
mind. It is painful that his suffering wife and chUdren
should be dragged before the pubhc and misrepresented.
December 3, Thursday. Had a letter from G. V. Fox in
closing a slip cut from the New York Evening Post, giving
credit to Stanton and VanderbUt and ignoring the Navy
Department in relation to the Merrimac when she came
out of Norfolk. The falsehoods are so palpable that it
would seem no one could be deceived by them. Neverthe
less false impressions are made on the pubhc mind. It
is represented that Stanton's scouts had brought him word
that the M. was coming down; that he sent for VanderbUt,
who came on, went to Hampton Roads, asked the naval
commander if the M. was coming, etc., etc.
Stanton was not informed by any scouts, but I was; and
expected the Monitor would be on hand. Fox went to
Hampton Roads to meet her. Stanton was the most
frightened man that I ever saw. He telegraphed to North
ern Govemors and the Mayors of the principal cities his
alarm, imparted his fears to Mr. Lincoln and all who saw
and hstened to him, created a panic, was vexed at my cool
ness. But aU this was on the day after the Merrimac had
come down and sunk the Cumberland and Congress. He
had not sent for VanderbUt, nor had he done anything
before, for he knew nothing, expected nothing. It was an
uncomfortable day for me, but I had no panic, and when
I heard, as I did by telegraph (which was in operation
from Fortress Monroe on that dark Sunday for the first
time), that the Monitor was there, I felt relieved and was
at comparative ease, while Stanton was flying about,
really very much scared, and mad because I was not.
He did telegraph, that night, I think, or the foUowing
day, to VanderbUt, for he had no faith in the Navy officers
nor me, nor any one else, but he knew VanderbUt had big
steamers. VanderbUt came here and was closeted with
Stanton in regard to naval and military defenses and the

474 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 3
security of Washington. They called on Mr. Lincoln, as
he informed me. The bluster and management of Stanton
made the panic seriously ridiculous. The steamer Vander-
bilt and VanderbUt himself went to Hampton Roads; the
steamer remained there two months or more, out of abund
ant precaution, and so did the Baltic, and two or three
other large and expensive steamers, but Mr. Vanderbilt's
military services were earUer dispensed vrith. Stanton's
scare cost the country more than half a milUon dollars.
All his work and expenditure were after the Monitor had
its fight, and had driven the Merrimac up Elizabeth River.
But the lies and falsehoods sent out like this article in the
Post make up history in these days.
December 4, Friday. Seward expressed great confidence
to-day in the success of Reverdy Johnson vrith his plan.
I asked what the plan was. "Does it," said I, "embrace
claims of Englishmen for cotton and other property cap
tured or destroyed during the War?" He repUed emphat
ically, "No, it does not." "And, of course, this shuts off
any claim for prizes condemned in our courts," said I.
"Shuts off all," said he; "they do not come vrithin the
treaty." I was in this matter explicit, and have given, I beUeve,
the words which each of us used. He went on vrith some
other remarks, — that nothing which could come vrithin
our admiralty or local jurisdiction was to be considered,
and that they suffered like other belUgerents when vrithin
enemy's limits. I hope his representations and under
standings are all correct. It is a relief.
The Pacific Railroad folks are here in force. Do not like
any checking-up on their subsidies. Browning submitted
a statement from Mr. Williams, showing that the man
agers have received seventeen milUons more than they
have expended. Still they are distressed for more money.
Mr. Evarts thinks they might be accommodated by the
Government. Talks like an attorney for them.

1868] CONGRESS ASSEMBLES 475
December 5, Saturday. The combination of newspaper
correspondents centred here in Washington is an unscru
pulous and corrupt combination. There may be and there
are a few exceptions. For some days past these feUows
have been busy vrith schemes to beg, bluff, steal, bribe,
cheat, and in anyway get copies of public documents which
are to accompany the President's Message. They almost
Ued McCulloch out of his senses. Schofield caved in without
a struggle and surrendered. Says General Grant advised
it, who unfortunately knows no better. I would have
nothing to say or do with them in a matter so improper
and disrespectful to the President, who by the Constitu
tion communicates information to Congress. Of course
extra pains have been taken to get hold of my Report.
In to-day's Tribune there is published what is caUed a
sjmopsis. It is, undoubtedly, made up from one sheet and
no more, stolen from the printer's. This probably was pro
cured by a bribe to some poor printer, who perjured him
self, broke his faith, and if found out, would forfeit his
place. Such is the morality of the New York Tribune and
of newspaper correspondents.
The President informed me this p.m. that his Message
was not fully completed. He is, he says, bothered with the
Treasury statement of the public debt. The point which
bothered him does not seem obscure to me, but I could not
satisfy him.
December 7, Monday. Congress assembled. Both houses
pretty full. The President informed them he would trans
mit his Message on Wednesday. I took to the President my
Report and documents in duplicate for transmission.
Randall was therewith copies of his Report just completed,
but had not the appendix. I was glad the President de
layed his Message until Wednesday and so told him.
Randall says the Members are very uneasy and intend to
do but little.

476 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 8
December 8, Tuesday. Senator Trumbull called this
moming. We had about ten minutes' pleasant conversa
tion, when he said he called principally in regard to an
extension of leave to Midshipman Webster. He had writ
ten me yesterday and received a reply that it could not be
granted. I explained the case. Twelve midshipmen came
home on the Franklin. Immediately after the vessel ar
rived I directed that the midshipmen should have leave,
and as the vessel did not go out of commission and was to
be in port two months or over, six midshipmen should have
one month's leave, and then they should relieve the other
six, who should have like leave. Of course I could not give
an extension of two weeks to one and deny it to the other
eleven, unless there were special reasons which would
make it an exceptional case. Mr. T. said there were no
special reasons, but he had inquired and understood that
I had sometimes extended leave. I told him not one of
them had such extension. He said he did not mean these
midshipmen, but extension was sometimes granted to offi
cers. I said that was true in isolated and exceptional cases
when the extension could be granted vrithout injury or
marked favoritism, and there was reasonable ground for
gratifying it. "Why, then," inquired he, "cannot Ihave
an extension for this boy?" "Because," I replied, "there
are twelve on the same footing, and aU must be treated
alike; a leave to one would be unjust to eleven others,
would cause discontent and work harm. The young men
must have even-handed justice and be treated alike, and
if so treated they would be satisfied, but special favor to
any one would have a bad moral influence and impair the
authority of the Department."
He manifested at once great ill-temper. Said he asked
no favors of this Administration; he had, however, humil-
ated himself to request that a midshipman should have
two weeks' leave of absence, as his vessel would not
sail for a month or more, and it was refused. He would
not have humiliated himself to ask it but for the fact

1868] AN UNREASONABLE REQUEST 477
that the boy's mother had attended Mrs. T. in her last
sickness. I said that was considerate and kind on his part towards
the lad, but surely he would not on that account wish me
to break in on the rule and govemment of the service
under the circumstances.
He grew more excited, said he did not want to break
regulations; he asked a favor for only one person; perhaps
the Department would want a favor one of these days.
He asked no odds. It was in his power to embarrass or
annoy the Navy Department as much as the Department
could annoy him. I told him he could hardly mean all that
he intimated; that we were not here to annoy but to assist
each other, and he ought not to exhibit the feeling he had;
that I, perhaps, had not been fortunate enough to make
the case fairly understood, and I would call Commodore
Jenkins, Chief of Bureau of Navigation, who would state
the facts and my course and principle of action.
I sent for Commodore J., who has immediate charge of
midshipmen, to whom Mr. T. presented the case a little
strong, and was informed almost in my words of the cir
cumstances, and told in his (J.'s) opinion no one of the
boys ought to have an extension; that others were making
similar applications and were denied. Trumbull still con
tinued unreasonable, and I saw expected to carry his point
by covert intimations and boisterous dissatisfaction. I
therefore with some emphasis assured him that I must do
my duty without favor, and if he did not, or would not,
see the impropriety of giving to one of twelve six weeks
and restrict the other eleven to four, I could not help it.
I must do right, and maintain regulations, without par
tiality or prejudice. He lowered his tone, but went off in
a dudgeon. The President read, or rather Colonel Moore, his Secre
tary, read his Message to the Cabinet this p.m. It was in
print and I concluded had been seen by no one of the heads
of the Departments. The document will be distasteful to

478 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 8
the Radicals and some portions of it not acceptable to the
Democrats. His views on Reconstruction are sound. On
the subject of finance he is not successful, but inexcusably
weak and erroneous. This scheme to remodel the Consti
tution is neither nice nor wise, striking down, as it does,
some important features of the federal system. The lan
guage and tone of the document are good, but the deter
mined stand which he continues to maintain on matters
when he differs from Congress will be assailed.
Each head of a Department furnishes a synopsis of his
Report which the President usually embodies or furnishes
with sometimes a complimentary expression of his own.
This has been the case with both Presidents Lincohi and
Johnson on every occasion of an Annual Message. Seward
has taken more than usual space this time. But little was
said by any one when the reading was concluded. I think
there was on the matter of finance and the Constitutional
Amendments a feeling of disappointment and regret with
all. When that portion which relates to the Navy was
read, the President, referring to the exception taken to
the reduction of interest from six to three per cent on the
naval pension fund, said, "Congress has set the example,
declared what the interest ought to be on the public debt. "
McCuUoch said three per cent would pay the Navy pen
sions. I remarked it was bad faith and unjustffiable.
Mr. Browning, after a little time, got up and came round
to the President, congratulating him on the ability of the
Message; said he heartily approved every word of the first
part of the paper, but that he did not indorse the proposi
tions to amend the Constitution. No other member gave
expression to his opinion. We could hardly do it unin
vited, and the President asked no criticism, could make
no change, for the document is in print, and is to be pre
sented to Congress to-morrow. I would not say to the
President that I approved all the first part of the Message,
though there is much that I do approve and commend.
But I am opposed to repudiation in any form, or any

1868] THE PRESIDENT'S ANNUAL MESSAGE 479
tendency to bad faith towards public creditors or others.
I unite with Browning in disapproving the proposed Con
stitutional Amendments.
The President is not a financier, does not consider his
project a breach of faith, but a suggestion or plan to dispose
of the debt. It is the plan essentially of Butler and others.
But the President will be violently attacked on that part
of his Message, which is assailable, because in that way his
opponents can vent their spite for the wholesome lecture
administered on Reconstruction.
December 9, Wednesday. As I anticipated, Congress
ventUated its rage against the President. His Message, in
its soundest portions, annoyed them. They felt his rebuke
and knew they deserved it. Conness, who is innately
"vulgar; Cameron, who is an imconscionable party trickster;
and Howe, cunning and shrewd but not profound or
wise, had their sensibiUties aroused. The President had
no business to insult Congress by communicating his opin
ions. It was indecorous to the Senate, and they would not
permit it to be read. So they adjourned in a huff.
The House permitted the Message to be read, and then
denounced it as infamous, abominable, wicked. Schenck,
the leader, was against printing, and others of about the
same calibre ranted. They attacked most violently that
part which suggests payment of the bonds not in conform
ity vrith the original understanding. It is the most weak
and indefensible.
December 10, Thursday. The Senators have recovered
their senses, and quietly submitted to the reading of the
Message, after an exhibition of folly and weakness that
would discredit a party caucus. All seemed ashamed. The
House, however, prints only the legal number of the Mes
sage and documents, — no extras.
These displays of puerile anger by the legislative body
are ridiculous. Men assuming to be statesmen, who are

480 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. lo
Senators if not legislators, are led away by such fellows
as Conness and Cameron. They must all hang together.
It is really pitiful. Their inconsiderate spite will have the
effect of insuring for the Message a pretty general reading.
December 11, Friday. There was little done by the Cab
inet. Seward read a proposition to the effect that San
Domingo wished to come under the protection of the United
States. In the present condition of the country there can
be Uttle done. Radical partyism must have its insane, shal
low run. The real interests of the country are neglected,
and it would be unvrise to attempt to consider the subject
now, if ever. Neither San Domingo nor Africa, if an
nexed or admitted, would strengthen the Union.
' Mr. Attomey-General Evarts has been engaged through
the week in endeavoring to demonstrate the constitution
ality of legal tenders, — that paper which is irredeemable
in money, the equivalent of coin. When McCulloch ex
pressed a wish that the Court would decide that only gold
and silver were legal currency, — that irredeemable paper
is not money, — Evarts said we had just got rid of civil
disturbances, but we should be thrown into something
worse if we did not sanction the right of the Govemment
to issue paper money.
He evidently thinks that he and the Court can patch up
a system better than the Constitution. A rigid adherence
to the fundamental law would be temporarily an incon
venience and hardship, and therefore the wise lawyers
must contrive to get round it. This man, like Seward and
that class of politicians, has no political convictions, no
fixed political principles. It is unfortunate for the country
that there is such a preponderance of lawyers in our pubhc
councils. Their technical training and extensive, absorb
ing practice unfit them to be statesmen. They are ready
to take either side of a case for a fee, and will labor as
earnestly for the side which they know to be wrong as for
the right. Their influence is often bad. They will, for party

1868] EVARTS AND COURT-MARTIAL LAW 481
ends, warp and pervert the plainest provisions of the
Constitution. I have had for several weeks a perplexing case. A cap
tain's clerk betrayed his principal, — treacherously ex
posed his correspondence to the King and authorities at
Honolulu. The Solicitor charged him with unofficial-like
conduct, of which he was convicted and sentenced to ten
years' confinement at hard labor in the penitentiary. No
man can be sent to the penitentiary by a naval court
martial, except for a capital [sic] offense under the statute.
No one ever has been. Of course it became necessary to
set the sentence aside. The Solicitor had his professional
pride touched, claimed the court had the right to sentence
to the penitentiary, and requested that the opinion of the
Attomey-General might be obtained. Although the case
was clear, I acceded to his request. The opinion of the
Attomey-General was asked; considerable time elapsed
before the opinion was received, when, to my astonish
ment, it sustained the sentence. I called his attention to
certain inconsistencies and fundamental points with which
he was in conflict. He seemed embarrassed, said he would
examine the subject thoroughly. I requested he should do
it himself, for I told him the opinion which he gave me
came from the SoUcitor of the Navy Department through
Assistant Attomey-General Ashton. He admitted Ashton
prepared the opinion. I told him I had heard it before
Ashton ever saw it.
I then added that the law was prepared under my own
eye in the Navy Department; it was intended that none
but for capital offenses should be sent to the penitentiary.
After meditating for weeks, and pondering over the stat
utes, he writes me he is confirmed in his opinion, it is
strengthened by my adverse suggestions, etc. All of which
means that Ashton, Bolles, and himself have studied to
make a plain case obscure or to pervert it.
To-day I put before him the military and naval laws,
passed contemporaneously, one on the 16th, the other on
3

482 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. li
the 17th, of July, '62. He seemed, and was indeed, sur
prised. Said he was aware of no such law; that it was ex
plicit ; that his attention had never been called to it. Said
I could dispose of the case by disapproving the sentence;
that I had better do it. Now it is no plainer to me, nor to
any fair-minded man, under the military law than under
the naval law. The military were in the habit of sending
soldiers to the penitentiary. The Navy never did. Con
gress, to put an end to the military practice, prohibited the
sending any person to the penitentiary except for capital
offenses, by any court martial. The law officers of the Gov
ernment, it seems, knew not of the law, and put their heads
together to make law, and to defeat the statutes. To do
this they had no regard for personal rights, — were ready
to make me instrumental in throvring a poor fellow into
the penitentiary against law and usage. As a class, lawyers
do not respect personal rights, are not statesmen or good
administrative officers.
December 12, Saturday. The President is disappointed
vrith the manner in which his Message is received. He did
not expect Congress or the Radicals to be pleased with his
reiteration of his views on the question of Reconstmction,
but he had an idea that his financial suggestions would take
with some of the Radicals. Not one, however, has yet
stepped forward to defend him, and his friends strive to
apologize and explain away his singular views.
Colonel Moore asked me my opinion of the Message.
I told him it was, like all the President's documents, calm,
deliberate, statesmanlike, but his friends would not unite
on his financial propositions, nor his proposed Constitu
tional Amendments. The clamor of the stupid and ill-
mannered dunderheads in Congress, and newspaper cor
respondents and partisans out of it, who denounced the
Message as infamous, and denied his right to lecture Con
gress, or in plain words give an opinion against their
party schemes, was absurd.

1868] GRANT'S PROBABLE COURSE 483
There are many, and some very whimsical, rumors and
speculations concerning Grant's policy and Cabinet. As
regards poUcy and measures, he has none. He can no more
foreshadow, or anticipate, or design a course of political
action than he can make a speech to a popular audience, or
a plea of abatement, or a sermon on total depravity. Yet
he has shrewdness and a certain amount of common sense,
with avarice, selfishness, and ambition. Of the structure
of the government, and a proper administration of its
affairs, he is singularly and wonderfully ignorant.
For personal rights he has as little regard as for the
Constitution, — cares nothing for either. He has sustained
all the wicked and vicious legislation, so violative of the
Constitution, of the rights of the States, and of individual
rights, which disgraced the last and present Congress, and
has really no idea that the Constitution is any more re
straint upon him as President than as General. He may
be taught better by his friends, may learn the civil duties
of Chief Magistrate, may apprehend and comprehend the
powers and limitations of the fundamental law; but he
does not now understand them so well as the generality of
his countrymen and is stupidly indifferent to them. Nev
ertheless, he is not destitute of judgment which, with a low
order of common sense, enables him to get along by riding
on the opinions of others and making them his own. Be
cause he does not know the fundamental law or the stat
utes, it must not be supposed that he disregards them,
unless they are troublesome.
. . . Horse-flesh has more charms for him than brains
or intellect. He likes Bonner for his fast horses, not for his
sharp transactions and business qualities. The race-course
has more attractions for him than the Senate or the council
room. He loves money, admires wealth, is fond of power
and ready to use it remorselessly. . . . He does not in
tend to labor like a drudge in office, does not propose to
study public affairs, has no taste for books or intellectual
employment. If I mistake not, he designs to let his Cabinet

484 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 12
perform each his own work, like department military
commanders. He will approve or disapprove, Usten when
convenient, but leave investigation and almost entirely the
decision to them. Appointment of his friends to office is
the extent of his ideas of administrative duties. . . .
December 14. Had a Uttle talk with Senator Hendricks
this morning on naval matters and political affairs. He is
sensible and judicious, one of the best and most useful
Members of Congress-
Commodore Meade has been turned loose from the
lunatic hospital by Judge Sutherland of New York. The
press has been used to set him at Uberty, and the court
yielded. Meade is certainly crazy at times and ought long
since to have been cared for. When arrested, he had five or
six loaded pistols, and threatened the lives of several of his
own family and others; among the latter, I understand
was myself. He is, with all his bluster, a great coward,
and therefore will scarcely harm any one, yet, should he
kill, no punishment can be inflicted, for it would be proved
that he is a lunatic.
The Radicals are not inclined to do much business this
session. There is a disagreement among themselves, a want
of confidence in each other, and they fear a spUt on almost
any important measure that may be considered.
December 15, Tuesday. Seward says that vrithin six
weeks — probably less — after the 4th of March he in
tends to be in the City of Mexico; that he will not remain
one day in office after the expiration of Mr. Johnson's
term. He has, probably, an understanding with Romero,
late Mexican Minister.

December 16, Wednesday. Admiral Dahlgren is too timid
and selfish for his position. He will not, ff he can help
it, give an opinion on any subject involving the slight-

1868] CONGRESS AND THE RAILROADS 485
est responsibiUty, for fear he shall in some way compro
mise himseff, yet he is covetous of all honors. He wishes
the navy yard here. I should be wilUng to put him al
most anjrwhere, were I to remain. As it is, will make no
change. Rear-Admiral BaUey called last evening. He also
wants the navy yard; has been intriguing for it through
McCulloch, who is a family connection. Not being suc
cessful, now asks me to introduce him to the President.
I understand his object. Told him there were others de
sirous of the place who never yet had a na"vy yard. But
he is regardless of the rights of others when they conflict
with his objects and vrishes. He has been much favored and
has little gratitude.
December 17, Thursday.

December 18, Friday. Browningread parts of reports
on different railroads. The Government and people have
been terribly swindled and plundered by schemers. Con
gress has been lavish in subsidies, grants, corporations
to favorites, and all sorts of favors for party ends. These
are some of the means by which the prerogatives and rightsi
of the Executive-have been crippled and the character of
the govemment changed./
Seward read part of a memorandum concerning troubles
in Corea and the project of a treaty vrith that country,
which cannot at this time be effected. I said we were better
vrithout a treaty than with one; that the case of the General
Sherman, which had been destroyed in the Ping- Yang
River, called for no action by the Govemment. This whole
subject has been investigated by the naval authorities
on that station and reported upon. The object of Seward
is, I perceive, the future. He avails himself of naval in
formation to place on record a statement of the facts, as if
the results of reports to him and of his investigation.
December 19, Saturday. There has been some discus-

486 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 19
sion on the finances in Congress, and also in the news
papers. Almost the whole that I see is crude absurdity.
Morton of Indiana has submitted propositions, and made
a speech which exhibits some ingenuity and talent, but,
if sincere, they evince little financial knowledge or abil
ity. There are some clever things, of course.
I do not, I confess, read much of the shallow, siUy trash
that appears in the debates. There is not, so far as I can
perceive, a single financial mind in Congress. Most of the
editors are perfect blockheads -on the subject. The more
ignorant give us the most words.
Senator Doolittle is beginning to bestow attention on
financial matters. He made some inquiries of me this even
ing. I told him I had given the subject very Uttle thought
for years. It has been painful for me to do so, from the
time Chase commenced issuing irredeemable paper and
making it a legal tender for debt. Where the crude, unwise,
and stupid management of party schemers and speculators
is to lead the country, God only knows. We have no fixed
standard of value. Everything is uncertain. There is a
redundant currency, all of irredeemable paper, and though
Radical leaders may at any time increase it and make what
is bad worse, there is no coin in circulation. In this, as
in almost everything else, the country is drifting, and
the government and all sound principles are Ukely to be
v^Tecked. Morton is said to be fishing for the Treasury,
but it would be a source of regret to see him appointed
Secretary, yet I know not who Grant can select. There
is talk of E. B. Washburne, who has no capacity for the
place. He can — and so could any thick-headed numbskull
— oppose appropriations without judgment or discrimina
tion, but this affectation of economy from a notoriously
mean man is no qualification for a financier.
The whole pack of Radicals are, as I expected they would
be, fierce in their denunciations of the President for his
suggestions, yet many of their leaders have made quite
as exceptional propositions.

1868] THE FINANCES OF THE COUNTRY 487
The President did not intend repudiation, although his
financial scheme renders him hable to be so represented.
I was sorry he made it. His scheme is virtually a plan to
extinguish the public debt by paying the interest for six
teen years and a fraction. But the creditors are entitled
to the principal.
If our financiers will bring around specie payments
the debt can be reduced; loans at reduced rates could be
negotiated to advantage. But there is no proposition yet
made to effect the first, and until that is done we cannot
expect to accomplish the other.
So long as the Govemment discredits its own paper, there
will be no resumption of specie payments. The first step
to be taken is to stop the issuing of any more fractional
currency. Call it in ; burn it up. The vacuum will be sup
pUed by specie, which will come when invited, treated
respectfully and according to its worth. Let the second
step be a prohibition against all paper money below five
doUars. This might be gradual. Coin would take its place.
Specie vrill come when demanded. Supply and demand in^
this, as in other matters, will regulate themselves.
These steps cannot be taken without an effort. Values are
to be estabUshed and prices brought to a proper standard.
They are now inflated. We are not to get a retum to specie .
payments vrithout some embarrassment. But the move
ment can be made, and carried much sooner and easier
than is supposed. Senator Morton's plan of hoarding-
specie until 1871 is ridiculously absurd. Instead of hoard
ing in the vaults of the Treasury and the banks, let it go
into the pockets of the people when demanded for ordin
ary business transactions. Then there will be a basis for
resumption. The gold and silver would be retained in the
country, for here the demand would be greatest, until
there was a supply.
To discredit its own paper, compel it to be received
as money and in payment of debt, and sell the specie which
it collects is bad govemment. While the practice is pur-

488 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 19
sued we cannot expect resumption. Our wise Congress
men think they can order resumption by law without any
strain or pressure on the public, but they are careful to
fix a distant day, and before it arrives they know and in
tend it shall be further postponed and abandoned. If they
would forbear persecution, hate, and oppression of the
South, let war cease when none but themselves make war,
give us real peace instead of constant strife, develop the
resources of the country, they will contribute to the restora
tion of confidence and a stable currency.
December 21, Monday. Fox, who was at my house last
evening, says he had a long conversation with Admiral
Porter yesterday. He says Porter is a seriously sick man;
that, in regard to a place in the Cabinet, he has never
had an intimation or word from Grant. It is his wish to
have a board of admiralty on which he may have a place.
Probably he is fishing for both positions, and wUl be satis
fied, for a time at least, with either. Fox says he asked
P. if he understood the object of Edmunds' proposition
to exclude Army and Navy officers from civil positions. P.
said it was aimed at Schofield. F. told him it was more
direct at him (P.). It is as much at Grant as either. Porter
tells Fox that C. F. Adams will be Secretary of State.
This may be so, but P. knows nothing about it. Simmer is
much disturbed with this rumor. The truth is Grant him
self does not know; he has little knowledge of men, of public
affairs, or of his approaching duties.
Reverdy Johnson is doing neither himseff nor the country
credit in England. By last accounts he was corresponding
and dining with Laird. There is, in much of his conduct, and
especially in this, a degree of serviUty that is disgusting.
Laird ten years ago was professedly an intensffied aboli
tionist, — could not use sugar or anything else that was
the product of slave labor. But when the slaveholders
attempted to break up the Union to serve slavery. Laird
hastened to help them. To injure the Union he was re-

1868] ACQUISITION OF LEAGUE ISLAND 489
conciled to slavery, and to fill his pockets was ready to serve
slave-owners. December 22, Tuesday. The Mayor of Philadelphia, Mor
ton McMichael, with a committee of the Council, made a
formal call to present a title-deed of League Island. Some
complimentary remarks were made by the Mayor, and a gen
eral conversation took place. There was an obvious desire
on the part of the committee that the proceeding should be
more formal than I cared for. It was an opportunity for re
viewing and reciprocating compliments, for we had each
earnestly and persistently labored to consummate the trans
fer and acceptance of this location for naval purposes. But
while the Mayor was pleased to bestow upon me high com
mendation for my action, and I was willing to award to the
PhUadelphians proper acknowledgments for their munificent
donation, I cared not to spend time or words on the sub
ject. The place is eligible for naval purposes beyond any
other locality that I know of, and in advising its acceptance
I have been actuated only by a sense of duty, and yet for
years I have been denounced and have received the most
ungenerous abuse for faithfully discharging an honest duty.
Professor Bache of the Coast Survey first called my atten
tion to League Island. Congress, on my recommendation,
voted to accept it, provided a board of officers deemed the
situation available, but Senator Foster inserted a proviso
that New London should be examined by the committee
which the Secretary of the Navy might appoint. I se
lected a board of such officers as were available without
prejudice or partiaUty, for the duty was plain and re
quired no mental effort. But a majority of them were naval
officers who felt disposed to oblige me, and, knowing I was
from Connecticut and partial to New London, they made
choice of that place, which was destitute of some of the
required advantages that were sought, in preference to
Philadelphia, which possessed them. They were, more
over, old-time men, with old notions that a naval station

490 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 22
should be near the sea. The result has been a long and
angry effort on the part df a few speculators in New London
to substitute that place for League Island, or the Phila
delphia Yard. I was slandered and defamed because, a
citizen of Connecticut, I would not give in to their schemes,
and in consequence of their opposition the acceptance of
League Island was postponed for years.
Subsidies to Pacific Railroad were discussed in the Cab
inet. Evarts was in their favor; Browning yields. The
President, while doubting, has been seen, and the result is
this monstrous concern controls all. I thrust in a doubt
or two, but they were of no avail.
December 23, Wednesday. Sam Bowles, editor of the
Springfield Republican, was arrested and confined a night
in Ludlow Street Jail, New York, at the suit of Fisk,^ one
of the Wall Street adventurers, who is largely concerned
in the Erie Railroad. The arrest and confinement was a
sorry exhibition of petty spite on the part of Fisk that will
injure him more than B. in the end, though the latter had
been severe and cutting in his remarks. His paper is, how
ever, more correct and more enlarged in its general scope
and management than almost any of the party to which it
belongs. A great outcry has been made by the whole press
over his ill-treatment, which was scandalous enough, but
most of those who are so indignant had no mercy or com
passion for the hundreds who were seized and thrown into
prison by Stanton and Baker,^ or later by the satraps of
the South.
December 24. A general clearing-out has taken place in
anticipation of Merry Christmas. But few Members of
Congress remain in the city, and many in the Departments
have left.
A dispatch from Rear-Admiral Davis of the South
' James Fisk, Jr., better known as Jim Fisk.
* General Lafayette C. Baker, Chief of the Secret Service.

1868] GRANT AND THE PRESIDENT 491
Atlantic Squadron gives but little additional information
concerning Paraguay, but from what he says I infer he
has no great apprehensions as regards Bliss and Master-
man.^ The papers announce the arrival of Webb and
Washburn at New York, and we shall soon have fulmina-
tions and declarations from these worthies.
Seward has gone to Auburn with the British and French
Ministers to spend Christmas. All his movements in these
days are for political party effect. But his lifelong and de
voted friend is reported a confirmed invalid, and he there
fore cannot count on the assistance of Weed, which has been
for him always potent and effective.
December 28, Monday. The papers announce that Gen
eral Grant leaves Washington with his wife to spend the
New Year's Day in Philadelphia; that he does this to
avoid calling on the President on that day according to
custom. He has never called on the President, nor ex
changed a word with him since the deception which he
practiced in the Stanton matter and his detection and ex
posure. I apprehend he has neither called on nor spoken
to any of those who witnessed that occurrence; he has
not with me. The President-elect proposes to fight truth;
is mad that he was exposed. The correspondence be
tween the President and General Grant ought never to
have taken place. Certainly the President should not have
permitted himself to be drawn into such an altercation,
but having done it, we who were witnesses could not do
otherwise than state the truth. I should not say that Grant
had not spoken with any of the witnesses; Seward, who
equivocated after having explicitly and unequivocally
confirmed the President's statement, has debased and be
littled himself to get in communication with Grant. The
papers in Seward's interest speak of his being continued as
' Porter C. Bliss and George F. Masterman, United States citizens con
nected with the Legation at Asuncion, arrested and confined on the charge
of being Brazilian spies.

492 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 28
Secretary of State under Grant. Ido not believe it, or that
any influence can be brought to make G. sincerely consider
it. He never liked Seward and must despise his twistings
and hesitancy to affirm what he had asserted and knew
to be true. Seward and Weed may have flattered them
selves with the idea that Grant could be persuaded to
continue him.
Grant is malignant and revengeful, is wanting in gener
osity and magnanimity, for President Johnson showed him
great favors and consideration. But for Seward, I question
whether the two would have had their disagreement;
Seward's temporizing policy and advice brought about
misunderstanding, though unintentionally.
It has been surprising to me that Seward, whose views
are so unhke President Johnson's, should nevertheless
have been so potent and influential in many essential
matters. Seward procured the retention of Stanton for
more than a year after the President had determined to
dismiss him, and he succeeded in bringing Evarts into
the Cabinet, and thereby strengthened his position. The
two combined are powerful, and, when acting together,
they usually carry their points. Yet neither of these men
has eamest convictions, — honest, fixed pohtical opinions.
They believe in expedients and believe they can best
frame expedients. They trust to their own cunning rather
than to right principle to effect a purpose. Both have
ability. E. has the best legal mind and knowledge, yet
he follows Seward, who has official standing and exper
ience, — is a precedent and authority for E.
Stanbery called on me last Thursday. He is looking
very well and expressed himself hopeful, though unable to
see how the country is to be extricated from the evils and
mismanagement in which we are involved.
December 29, Tuesday. Quite a discussion took place
on the subject of the currency at the Cabinet-meeting.
The President insisted, positively and with sincerity.

1868] THE CURRENCY QUESTION 493
that specie payment might be resumed to-morrow without
difficulty or derangement, although believing that gold
and silver, like other commodity, is regulated by demand
and supply, provided there were no paper substitute. I
could not assent to the feasibility of an immediate re
sumption vrithout causing some embarrassment. It might be
less, perhaps, than was generally believed, but whenever
we did return to a specie standard there would be suffering
and hardship. Fasting is essential to the restoration of
health after a plethora. McCulloch came in while we were
discussing the subject, and he and the President soon be
came engaged, the President laying down certain propo
sitions which I did not perhaps fully comprehend, to the
effect, if I imderstood him, that if twenty-five per cent
of the greenbacks were redeemed at once, their place
would be immediately supplied by gold. McCulloch con
troverted this, said the customs barely yielded sufficient
coin to pay accruing interest and the requisitions of the
State and Navy Departments. To resume at once, there
fore, he declared an impossibility. The greenbacks and
paper must be gradually retired, and had not Congress
improperly interfered and prevented the withdrawal of the
greenbacks, we should at this time have been near the
point of resumption. The President insisted resumption
could just as well take place now as if the withdrawal had
gone on. Schofield protested it would be most unjust to
the whole debtor class to resume without previous notice.
I asked if injustice had not been already done the whole
creditor class by cheapening the currency, by which they
received really but seventy cents on the dollar. This view
completely stumped Schofield, who evidently had thought
and talked on only one side of the question.
This subject is one of absorbing interest, and its right
ful solution is of the utmost importance. It must nec
essarily be attended with some hardships, but less, I ap
prehend, than is generally believed. The great body of
the supporters of Grant are not hard-money men. They

494 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 29
belong mostly to the old Whig Party, and, while full of
expedients, have no sound or fixed principles on currency,
finance, or any other subject. If Grant has any views in
regard to currency or finance, they are not avowed or de
clared. I doubt if he has any, and should feel quite as well
satisfied to know that he had none as that he had, for he
may, provided he is well advised, faU into a correct train,
if not already committed to some one or more of the many
wild and vague theories that are pressed. If he has any
opinions on these subjects, my apprehensions are that his
notions are crude, and that from ignorant obstinacy he
will be likely to aggravate existing evils.
The country needs at this time a firm, inteUigent, and
able Executive, and he should be sustained in wholesome
efforts by a decisive Congressional majority. A wise pol
icy persistently adhered to is wanted. Our Members of Con
gress are so weak and uninformed themselves — such dema
gogues — that they will give way on the least pressure
of hard times, and fluctuate and surrender to any demand
for a change of policy, to obtain relief. If the Executive
and Congress yield to the cry of more paper money, give
up and sell the gold, and try a new path, it wUl be a "ricious
one and there will be no hope. The standard, or measure
of value, must be maintained to insure stabUity and con
fidence. December 30, Wednesday. There was, last (Tuesday)
evening, an interesting party of two or three hundred
young folks at the Presidential Mansion, called thither to
meet the grandchildren of the President in a social dance.
It was the President's birthday, he being sixty years old
this day. The gathering was irrespective of parties, and
all were joyous and festive. General Grant, the President
elect, would not permit his children to attend this party
of innocent youths, manifesting therein his rancorous and
bitter personal and party animosity. Not much that is
good can be expected for the country from such a character.

1868] THE END OF AN EVENTFUL YEAR 495
December 31, Thursday. The closing hours of the year
are stormy, with the prospect of an unpleasant day to
morrow. The year has been eventful, and there is much
that is painful in the recollection. I speak of political and
public affairs. There has been much to impair confidence
in the intelligence and integrity of the mass of the people
to govem themselves. Under the influence of passion and
led on by bad men, they hastily plunge into war. Our Con
stitution, or frame of government, is wise and beneficent,
ff adhered to and respected. But it is notorious and in
controvertible that the Radical Congress, in the excess of
party, have trampled the organic law under foot when
party ends were to be subserved, have disregarded the
fundamental law vrithout hesitation or scruple, assaulted
and broken down the distinctive departments of the gov
emment, and violated the reserved and indisputable rights
of the States. In all this reckless wickedness they have
been under party discipline, sustained by the people, and
a majority of the next Congress is elected to support their
vicious revolutionary proceedings. An amiable, forbear
ing, and honest President, striving to uphold the govem
ment, has been impeached in party hate, and barely es
caped conviction. Representatives and Senators readily
forswore themselves, became persecutors of the Chief
Magistrate, conspired against him, and committed per
jury in obedience to the dictates of party leaders who found
him an obstruction to their revolutionary schemes. The
President made errors, but they are venial, and he had
done nothing to draw dovm upon him these assaults, except
that he at first yielded too much to Radical demands, —
hesitated and lost.

LXV
The President's New Year's Reception — Grant's Failure to call on the
President — The President decides not to attend Grant's Inauguration
— The Naval Surgeons seeking to be made Commodores — Death of
General Rousseau — The Tenure-of-Office Repeal Bill passes the House
— Seward concludes his Fifty-sixth Treaty — Evarts favors abandon
ing Confiscation Proceedings — Senatorial Elections — The Alabama
Claims Treaty discussed in Cabinet — Fenton defeats Morgan for the
Republican Senatorial Nomination — Seward's Subserviency to Grant
— Senator Grimes introduces a BUl to reorganize the Na"vy.
January 1, 1869, Friday. A disagreeable, rainy day.
The ground covered with snow, save where the heavy
rain has melted and washed it away.
At a little before eleven went to the President's with
Mrs. Welles, my sons, and nieces. Found the house al
ready filled with a miscellaneous crowd. The President
and famUy had not yet made their appearance. Secretary
Seward and Marshal Gooding had, as usual, got every
thing confused and without order or system. The Presi
dent had said on Tuesday that the Cabinet should be there
a quarter before eleven, previous to the admission of any
others. Seward, fond of notoriety, of precedence and show,
secretly and without authority or consent in"rited the
foreign legations there in advance of us, thus, vrith a crowd
to look on, throwing everything into confusion. As soon
as the President returned to the Blue Room, Seward,
who had placed himself at the door to take precedence,
called aloud for Baron Gerolt, the Senior Minister. The
Baron, who better than Seward knew the proprieties of
the day, was not ready, and Seward continued to call aloud,
like a crier, for his appearance. His object was to lead in
his crowd of some fifty ministers and attendants in advance
of his Cabinet associates. I, with some others, passed him
still calling for the Baron. The room was already pretty

1869] THE PRESIDENT'S RECEPTION 497
full, and in a few minutes was a jam of Cabinet Minis
ters, judges, foreign representatives, and a multitude who
had smuggled themselves in under Seward's disarrange
ment. After exchanging compliments with the President and
his family and other officials and friends, we left and, from
meridian until past 4 p.m., received calls. It is a tedious,
wearisome time to remain so long standing, interchanging
civiUties, and yet is submitted to with pleasure, I believe,
by most persons. Except as a matter of duty, I should pre
fer to be excused. But few ladies called, the weather was
so inclement. Men of all parties and stations in life came,
were courteous, and seemed gratified. It is our last official
New Year's reception, and I so spoke of it freely.
January 2, Saturday. The weather is still unpleasant.
Made a short business call on the President. He says
General B. F. Butler called on him yesterday; Butler also
called on me and I believe most of the Cabinet. It was
impudent and vmlgar to intrude himseff on the President,
the man whom he had vilified, slandered, and abused,
for the President could not, if so disposed, treat him as he
deserved. Butler undertakes to discriminate between the
man and the President ; says he has no controversy or differ
ence with Andrew Johnson, and the Senate, wiser than
himseff, have acquitted the President of official misconduct
vrith which Butler and his co-conspirators deliberately and
maliciously charged him. The President, while conversing
freely on Butler's call, was careful to express no opinion
as to its propriety or otherwise. He says the visit was
entirely unexpected, and was prompted as much by the
absence of Grant as a desire to be courteous to him.
In running away to Philadelphia at this time in order
to avoid the interchange of civilities customary among of-
ficialsat this season, in restraining his children from the juv
enile gathering on Tuesday evening, and in shunning and
shrinking from the President, his famUy, and others. Grant
3

498 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 2
was only bringing out in bolder relief his infirmities and
vulgar characteristics. His own letters and correspondence
developed his want of sincerity and truth, though he af
fected to be offended that he had even been doubted m
those qualities. If he had any cause to be offended with
either the President or the gentlemen of the Cabinet, it
was because they had not remained silent and suppressed
the truth when he had equivocated and falsffied what had
taken place. It is the consciousness of unsuccessful guilt
and detected error, as much, perhaps, as weak and unhappy
traits of character, which excites his animosity. He is
deficient in some of the nobler qualities of mind. . . .
Ten years ago he was a porter ... in a leather store; but
for the War he would be there still.
We concurred as to his attributes and weakness. I sug
gested that with his narrow mind and intense maUgnity
he might not consent to a pubhc inauguration in our pre
sence. The President said he had given that subject a
thought or two, and it might be well for us all to go to the
Capitol together and leave it together. I asked why we
should be present at all. If the President-elect was so dis
respectful and wanting in courtesy as not to comply with
common customary civilities and call, as was his duty, on
the Chief Magistrate whom he was to succeed, I did not
feel disposed, and hoped he did not, to be a part of the
train on the 4th of March. General Jackson declined to
call on Mr. J. Q. Adams when he came to Washington
in 1829, and Mr. Adams and his Cabinet very properly
declined to attend the inauguration. The President said
he was not aware of that fact. It was a precedent for us
which he was glad to leam.
January 4, Monday. Mr. HubbelP and Judge B  of
Ohio called on me with an application from young B  ,
formerly a lieutenant in the Navy, backed by a number of
prominent citizens of that State, asking to be reinstated
' Probably James R. Ilubbell, Member of Congress from Ohio, 1865-67.

1869] A NAVAL REINSTATEMENT CASE 499
in the Navy. He had been dismissed nearly three years
since for drunkenness and worthlessness, or rather had been
retired. On a previous occasion he had been court-martialed,
convicted, and sentenced to be placed at the foot of the
list of lieutenants. Senator Sherman had called earUer in
his behaff. The Judge appears to be a sensible man, is re
presented as standing high, and I was assured that the ex-
Ueutenant had reformed, that the whole Ohio delegation,
of all parties, stood ready to sign papers in his behalf, that
the President had been seen and was willing to nominate
him, and all that was necessary to complete the business
was for me to come into the arrangement.
It is painful to have these cases presented. There was,
however, but one course for me to pursue, and I therefore
informed the father and Hubbell that I could not support
their views, — that there were no vacancies of lieutenant-
commanders, etc. They asked if there were not in lieu
tenants, and, learning there was, he was willing to go to
the foot of that grade. This I told them was derogatory and
would be so considered by every right-minded officer.
After a pretty free conversation, they withdrew, but
retumed in haff an hour with an indorsement on the ap
pUcation by the President, to the effect that he recom
mended the case favorably, and, if consistent vrith usage,
would, if I sent over the name, forward the nomination
to the Senate. I informed the gentlemen that this was
embarrassing, but I could not make out a nomination
without an explicit order; that I would see the President
on the subject to-morrow, but I would frankly inform them
I would not recommend it.
They were very eamest, again said the whole Ohio
delegation would unite vrith them. I asked if the delega
tion, vrith perhaps one or two exceptions, knew any more
of the young man than I did. Told them where there was
no responsibility it was easy to give names. The dele
gation were friendly to the father and vrilling to oblige him
vrithout regard to the weffare of the service. That duty

500 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 4
devolved on me, and, with feelings as kind and friendly
as theirs, perhaps, there was on my part a duty to the
service which I could not disregard, and I could not
advise the appointment.
January 5, Tuesday.
I had some talk with the President, as I promised, on
B  's case. He said he knew nothing of it, but had
turned the parties over to me to dispose of.
We had some conversation respecting Grant and others.
The President said he had turned over in his mind the sub
ject of attending the inauguration since our talk the other
day, and he thought we owed it to ourselves to take the
ground that we could not, vrith proper seff-respect, vritness
the inauguration of a man whom we knew to be untruthful,
faithless, and false, — a dissembler, a deUberate deceiver,
— who, in order to extricate himseff from the difficulties in
which he was involved by his equivocation and intrigues,
had attempted to impugn the veracity of all of us. What
ever may be said by him, and whatever prejudices and mis
conceptions he may, for the time being, spread abroad,
we, said the President, know him to be a liar, guUty of
duplicity, false to his duty and his trust. Knowing these
things, shall we debase ourselves by going near him, and
thus assist in giving him a false character?
In connection vrith this he brought forward the pub
lished correspondence in relation to Reconstruction. Grant
had sent in what appeared to be the whole correspondence,
but last Saturday the President said he had obtained a
letter written by Grant to Sheridan on the 4th of June,
1867, but which Grant had suppressed, in which he told
Sheridan to do as he pleased in Louisiana and Texas vrith
out regard to the letter of the Attorney-General. That
letter, the President said, relieved Sheridan of much of
the odium of his action, justffied him in his remark at St.
Louis that he acted on the suggestions of Grant, and, had

1869] SURGEONS SEEKING NAVAL RANK 501
he carried out Grant's wishes, he should have gone much
further than he did. This letter of the 24th of June Grant
had withheld to conceal his treachery and guilt; this
suppression itseff was equivalent to a falsehood.
January 6, Wednesday. Mr. Hubbell called on me again
to-day with a communication headed by Senator Wade and
signed by all the Ohio delegation in behalf of B  , whom
they vrished to be reinstated. This is all done without
knovring him. These men would, in sympathy, lend their
names to demoraUze the whole service. I shall be glad when
reheved from such miserable legislative infiuences.
January 7, Thursday. The naval surgeons have for a
long period been laboring to be made commodores and to
have naval rank. It was known that, while I would give
the whole staff personal recognition, I have not favored the
schemes of the staff to take rank and title with the line.
I therefore have not been consulted in their late move
ments by either hne or staff. As there was much contro
versy, I was glad to be excused by all of them. The line
officers have, many of them, exhibited a want of manly
frankness in the matter. They had not the moral cour
age to resist what they knew to be wrong. Admiral Far
ragut himself, in kindness of heart, has given them an
approving letter that conveyed more than he really in
tended, which was read on the floor of the House. Vice-
Admiral Porter, who is opposed to extending recognition
or even justice to the staff, I am told, gave them a favor
able letter, but refused to have it made pubhc. O the du
plicity and moral cowardice of some of our heroes ! He was
here yesterday, and I doubt not his object. It was not to
back up his letter, but the reverse.
The doctors were in high glee this moming and confid
ent of success in the House, but after a short debate the
scheme was killed by a vote of two to one, and the whole
was laid on the table. The end is not yet.

502 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 8
January 8, Friday. A full Cabinet. Among matters
presented, Seward had a long document in regard to St.
Thomas which he proposed to send to the Senate. He said
it was a statement of the facts. The President did not re
quire it to be read. This I regretted, for there vrill be likely
to be some misunderstanding. I think that in the present
condition of affairs we want the money more than St.
Thomas, and the purchase has been inconsiderately pushed
by Seward, certainly for no present pubhc necessity or
purpose. We received to-day inteUigence of the death of General
Rousseau at New Orleans. The Radicals, who forget all
merit and all service in any man, however patriotic and de
serving, and who have made war on R. and threatened to
annihilate his office in order to get rid of him, because he
was opposed to their wild notions, wUl now, perhaps, cease
their opposition to him. He was brave and patriotic . In the
early days of the War, had great and deserved influence in
Kentucky, and rendered valuable service there and in the
field. He was of the Presidential party in 1866 when we
"swung round the circle," and the contrast between his
presence and that of Grant — his lofty person and cheerful,
joyous countenance beside the diminutive form and stoUd
face of Grant — was marked. The crowds, when the two
were seen together, were disposed to give homage to Rous
seau rather than to Grant, which sometimes mortffied and
annoyed the latter.
January 9, Saturday. The President to-day spoke of
comparing our Reconstruction plans, which were printed
on slips and were before the Cabinet in 1865, in April, —
Stanton's programme, first ordered by President Lincoln,
with my amendments. I had informed the President I still
retained my copy.
In the aftemoon, an hour or two later than this conver
sation, Garrett Davis^ and myself, among other matters,
' Senator from Kentucky.

1869] TENURE-OF-OFFICE REPEAL BILL 503
fell into conversation on the subject of the Reconstruction
acts, — the version given by Stanton, etc., — when Davis,
to whom I had related certain circumstances, expressed
a strong desire that I would give the facts pubUcity. I
doubted its expediency at this time, but he finally pro
posed with the President's consent to introduce a resolution
calUng for information in relation to the early Reconstruc
tion proceedings.
January 11, Monday. Had another long interview with
Hubbell and B  relative to the reappointment of the
latter to the Na"vy. They dwelt chiefly on the fact that
they had got in their behalf aU the Ohio delegation, of all
parties. I told them I cared no more about the Ohio dele
gation than any other equal number of respectable gentle
men, unless they personally knew B  and his case.
They did not claim that more than two knew him, but
Hubbell said B.'s father was a reputable man of great influ
ence and it would benefit the President and his friends
hereafter. Told him such considerations should have no
influence. Colvocoressis ^ also called. His case is hard, I think,
but there is no remedy. Wanted to examine the record.
Congress, or the House, by a vote of 119 to 47 repealed
the CivU-Tenure Bill to-day. This is a comment on Radical
legislation, — the honesty, consistency, and regard for the j
Constitution of the Radical majority. To embarrass Pre
sident Johnson and break down the Executive while being
honestly administered by a man to whom they were op
posed was the moving cause of their partisan, superficial
legislation in that enactment. I shall be glad to see Con
gress retum to its duty and the govemment reestablished
on right principles, but alas! I fear the latter can never
again be restored.
January 12, Tuesday. Butler, who yesterday carried the
1 George Musalas Colvocoressis, U.S.N., retired as captain in 1867. ,

504 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 12
repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Bill through the House, made
his long-promised speech to-day in favor of paper money
and against specie. In plain words a preference of false
promises over truth. Irredeemable paper is a lie: gold is
truth. He is a controUing spirit in this Congress and vrith
the Radical party. He is strong-willed when clothed with
power; energetic, cunning, unscrupulous, and consequently
dangerous; potent for good sometimes, for evil often. There
is very little tme vrisdom or good sense in the House on
matters of currency or finance.
Seward had three or four treaties to send up to the Sen
ate. He said, with a self-complacent air of triumph, that
they completed the fifty-sixth which he had concluded, —
about as many as had been made during the whole previ
ous existence of the govemment. I could not resist re
marking, "Entangling aUiances ! Our predecessors deemed
it wise and prudent to have no more than were absolutely
necessary." The remark vexed him.
Evarts brought forward the subject of confiscation,
which certain robbers. Radical disunionists, are pressing.
He thought the subject had been pursued far enough.
Seward wished he would make out a schedule of the amount
which would probably accrue to the Govemment. Scho
field thought this would be prudent in view of assaults that
might come from those who stood ready to attack such
a movement. I said there had been enough of persecution,
— let us now have peace. I vrished the whole confiscating
proceedings to cease, — to be abandoned. Browning and
Randall concurred. So did McCulloch, but thought it
well to guard against attacks. Schofield said ff the whole
matter of confiscation had been dropped two years ago
all would have been well, and much irritation and animos
ity prevented, but as things were now situated, it would be
best to let Congress take action on the subject, and decide
what should be done. Evarts asked ff that view had not
gone far enough. Why was Congress to absorb and take
to itself the executive branch of the govemment entirely?

1869] SENATORIAL ELECTIONS 505
Were we doing our duty in yielding everything? This
was a rebuke from the right quarter to a "ricious pohcy.
I could not forbear giving my voice in approval. Seward
seemed puzzled. He abandoned his wish for a schedule.
Said it was a mere suggestion. The final unanunous con
clusion was that the Attorney-General should abandon
his pohcy, and end the suits which had been commenced,
so far as it could be done in good faith. This stand by
Evarts has surprised and delighted me.
January 13, Wednesday. A great struggle is going on in
some of the States for Senator, — Maine, New York,
Pennsylvania, Indiana, Missouri, Wisconsin, and Minne
sota. The Radicals have majorities in the legislatures of
aU the States, but are divided among themselves, — not
on any principle, but desire for office. In Maine, Hamlin
and Morrill are contestants. The Springfield Republican
styles the former a dirty-shirt demagogue. Morrill, a man
of usually honest interests and intentions, debased himself,
— first in the matter of unseating Stockton, and after
wards in the impeachment vUlainy. In the Radical nom
inating caucus, Hamlin got 75 votes, Morrill 74, and there
was one blank. H., having one half the votes, claimed the
nomination; Morrill's friends resisted. Good men will be
glad to have both defeated. Fessenden, who for years has
been aU-powerful in Maine and whose potential view would
have decided for either in past years, is said not to have
a friend in the legislature whom he can influence, and the
suspicion that he favors MorriU hurts that gentleman vrith
the Radicals.
In New York and Pennsylvania money enters largely into
the election, and the longest purse, if freely used, vrill prob
ably win in the former. Cameron and the railroad interest
have already secured the nomination of John Scott, the at
torney for the great central road, a man unknown beyond
the limits of his State. The raUroad controls Pennsyl
vania, and Cameron has had the adroitness to secure it.

506 DL\.RY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 13
Here in Washington, as elsewhere, money, special priv
ileges, luxury, and kindred "rices bear sway, and in the
current events of the times we have reexhibited the decad
ence of the Republic of Rome and the degeneracy of her
people. The press is terribly in fault, — is weak and
wicked, often corrupt and ignorant. Flippant and ready
writers who read novels and magazines, but who are desti
tute of reflection or profound thought, who have never
studied the science of govemment, and who are deplorably
ignorant of the structure of our own, are the editors and
stipend correspondents who lead, or mislead, the people.
January 14, Thursday. General Butler's financial speech
does not meet the approval of his own party so far as I can
perceive. In making the speech he must have had an
object, but not a good one. No one but a knave or a fool
would take the position he does, and Butler is not a fool.
There is, however, very little good sound sense on financial
matters in Congress. Indeed, want of statesmanship,
want of ability, want of enlightened legislation are daUy
more perceptible.
January 15, Friday. Seward and myseff were a little in
advance of others at the Cabinet-meeting. He told me he
had got three treaties signed with Great Britain, and the
press was not aware of the fact. One is relative to San
Juan, one relates to naturalization or expatriation, one re
lates to the Alabama Claims and all claims on either side.
I asked if the English were to present claims for loss of
property by their people during our Civil War. He said
yes. I said such a treaty, including prize captures and
cotton, is in every point of view adverse to us. The
balance of account will be against us ; but why should we
consent to submit to arbitrament at all the destruction of
British property sent to assist the Rebels, or which was
destroyed within Rebel lines? He said we could not have a
treaty unless it included all claims on both sides. But why

1869] THE ALABAMA CLAIMS TREATY 507
permit, or admit, that such property captured on Rebel
vessels or in Rebel territory can be recognized as a claim,
— a matter of controversy? He asked if we did not claim
for the Alabama captures. I answered yes, but that was
a very different question. They had improperly interfered
against our Govemment, with which they had treaties and
were at peace, without cause, to our injury. We had done
no such wrong towards them. While, therefore, we had a
just and equitable claim, they had none. If they have con
sented to arbitrament on the question of British muni
cipal law in permitting the Alabama to be built, fitted
out, and manned in England, they have done it to get an
advantage of us in the matter of sovereignty and other
particulars also.
When Seward a short time after stated in full Cabinet
he had made this arrangement, McCuUoch said the English
would make a balance against us. He doubted, however,
if these matters would be adjusted in our day, — they
would pass down to another generation. Seward was an
noyed, but said nothing. He looked at me as if he thought
McCulloch and I had had consultation on the subject,
which we had not, although we both took the same view.
Browning expressed himself gratified that the Alabama
claims were specifically mentioned, — a remark which
soothed Seward. No other member of Cabinet gave any
opinion; but the President said that, right or wrong, we
would try it. He and Seward have evidently had previous
consultations, and it may be that I have not right impres
sions of the terms and conditions.
Before we broke up, the President said to me he was so
importuned and pressed in B  's case that he wished I
would send over a nomination and he would let the Senate
dispose of the matter. I told him it would be a singular
proceeding, and without precedent; besides the Senate had
the subject before it, the Naval Committee had sent to me
for the facts. He said he understood it had not got to the
Senate, and B  's friends were very importunate. When

508 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 15
leaving, I inquired ff I should send in B  's name for
a lieutenancy, or for his position among his former asso
ciates who were lieutenant-commanders. He said for Ueu-
tenant. Browning, who stood by, remarked that it was
against law and usage. It is unpleasant and bad in every
point of view that the President should be persuaded into
such a proceeding. I ordered the nomination made out and
sent when I reached the Department, and wrote a letter
to the President that it was by special direction, but
Faxon advised against sending it.
January 16, Saturday. Wrote a letter to Grimes and
Naval Committee and sent documents and charts con
cerning Midway Islands m the Pacffic Ocean.^
Stanton has written letters to Michigan for Chandler,
and to New York for Morgan, to aid their elections. I can
hardly suppose he can influence a vote in either State, —
certainly not in New York. Chandler has been nominated,
and wiU, of course, be elected. The Radicals at Albany
hold their caucus to-night. The contest is narrowed down
to Morgan and Fenton, with a general impression that M.
will succeed. He has the most money, though F. is aided
by M. O. Roberts, A. T. Stewart, and other capitahsts.
January 18, Monday. Seward gave a party (dinner) on
Saturday to which Grant was in"rited, and which he ac
cepted. Thus ends the assumption that he would cut all
those who convicted him of falsehood, and Seward has
crawled abjectly to the man who for two months has not
spoken to him. It is a pitiful exhibition of each. Grant
' Two small islands belonging to the Hawaiian group, but some fourteen
hundred miles to the west-northwest of Honolulu. Secretary WeUes in his
Annual Report of July 1, 1868, had recommended the acquisition of the
islands by the United States on account of a good harbor inclosed between
them. They had recently been surveyed by order of the Department, and
the harbor was named Welles Harbor. The Midway Islands now belong to
the United States, ha-ving been acquired with the Hawaiian Islands in 1898.
They are a station of the Philippine cable.

1869] FENTON DEFEATS MORGAN 509
was convicted of an untruth; Seward was identified by
letter, word, and thought with all who witnessed the in
terview, but equivocated, shuffled, and was false to his
coUeagues when put to the test. Grant, who professes to
be, and doubtless is, offended because his veracity is im
peached, shows his real regard for truth by associating and
taking to himself this equivocal and faithless shuffler.
Fudge on such pretenders!
At the caucus of the Radical members of the New York
Legislature at Albany on Saturday evening, Fenton beat
Morgan by ten majority, to the surprise of every one.
This is the fruit of Morgan's intrigues and labors since he
commenced his deceit two or three years since. I am not
surprised at this inglorious termination, though disap
pointed at the result of Saturday night's caucus. Yet,
reviewing the subject, now it is over, it is not marvelous.
The papers state that Morgan, who was waiting the
result in a private house in Albany near by, on learning
the fact that he was beaten, proceeded with all haste to
the Delavan House and extended his congratulations to his
successful opponent Fenton. This insincere exhibition
of magnanimity is despicable. It is well to extinguish ani
mosity, not to retain resentments, to honor the success of
an honorable competitor, but there is none of this in this
case. Morgan has said to me in past years that Fenton was
treacherous, a liar, an intriguer, in whom no confidence
could be placed. What sincerity was there in his congratu
lations to such a man, — one of whom he had such opin
ions? Fenton is what Morgan said of him. He is cunning,
false, seffish, is no statesman, but a shrewd politician of a
bad school, a trimmer, industrious and pressing.
Morgan is a preferable man, or was, but he has become
sadly debased. No man ever had a better opportunity
to obtain a high and honorable name, to have pursued a
more quiet and useful career, to have in these days ren
dered a greater service, but he has labored to forfeit all, and
has succeeded. He knew what was right, but did what was

510 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 18
wrong, and he has got his reward. I am sorry that Fenton
is elected, as he is, virtually, but am not sorry that Morgan
is defeated.Morgan's course on the Reconstruction measures, be
ginning with the Civil-Rights BiU, was unpatriotic, un
wise, mistakenly seffish, partisan, and against his con"ric-
tions of right. He knew better, for we then consiUted. But
his most disgraceful and reprehensible conduct was in the
matter of impeachment. When I remember how wickedly
he voted to admit improper testimony against the Pre
sident, who had always treated him kindly and who had
committed no public impeachable offense, and how he
servilely, stolidly, and doggedly voted against admittmg
truth to be given in evidence which exculpated the Pre
sident from false charges, I cannot regret that Morgan is
defeated. No one who participated in the infamous con
spiracy to impeach President Johnson ought ever to be
trusted. January 19, Tuesday. Mr. Seward read his letter to
the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate relative
to the proposed consolidation of several missions in South
America into one, opposing the movement. I inquired
whether it would not be advisable to abolish the Paraguay
Mission, or embody it with some other. That country or
people has no minister or representative here; we have
no residents there, except persons attached to the legation,
nor have we any commercial intercourse with Paraguay.
Seward thought it important, in order to prevent Brazil
from becoming too formidable, that we should continue
the mission, though we had no special interest there.
I excepted to any such ulterior purpose or supervisorship,
which tended to entangle and embroil us and aheady
caused difficulty. No one made any remarks on either side
of the question, for the reason, I presume, that they had
given it but little attention and knew little or nothing on
the subject. The matter was dropped.

1869] SEWARD'S SUBSERVIENCY TO GRANT 511
A very sharp and ill-tempered letter from Bancroft to
General Dix was read. Napoleon was annoyed by some
remark said to have been made at a dinner in Berlin, when
B. said that, in the event of a war between France and
the North-German States, the United States would
favor the Germans, for they had not forgotten the course
of France towards us during the RebeUion. The French
Minister complained to Dix, who thought B. had been
misunderstood, or that, if not, the remarks were his per
sonal opinions. But he communicated the complaint to
Bancroft, and also wrote Secretary Seward. B. took fire
and wrote a sharp letter to Dix, so personally offensive
that the latter wUl scarcely have further intercourse with
him. McCulloch feels sore and disquieted with Seward for
his sneaking subser"riency to Grant. The latter had
avoided all interviews with him, as well as with the Pre
sident and the rest of us who had witnessed the last inter
view between the President and the General, until Seward
humbled himself in order to get on speaking terms with
the man whom he had declared, as he was, guilty of false
hood. Through the instrumentality of Evarts, Blatch
ford, Grinnell,^ and others, Seward succeeded in procur
ing a recognition, and a consent, on the part of Grant, to
dine vrith him. McCulloch considered it not only de
grading in Seward, but discourteous and a breach of
faith towards his colleagues, and wrong and insulting to
the President in whose Cabinet he sat. I agreed with him
fully. Randall, who joined us, was full of disparaging remarks
of Grant, whom he met at Seward's after dinner on Satur
day, but who was churlish, reserved, and vrith whom he
exchanged not a word. R. tried to palliate Seward's
course; said S. told him he had always kept on speaking
terms vrith Grant. This is not true, and I am not to be
deceived by the pretense.
• Moses H. GrinneU, " merchant prince " of New York.

512 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Jan. 20
January 20, Wednesday. The President's first season's
reception last evening was one of the pleasantest of these
gatherings I have ever been at, and was generally attended
by the officials of the Army, Navy, and Civil Service.
Grant was not there, not was any one of his staff. Only
a few of the opposition Members came. Some sense of
shame restrains them.
January 21, Thursday. Attomey-General Evarts gave
last evening a reception. It was extremely crowded. A
multitude of Members of Congress were there who were
not at the President's the preceding evening. I was pre
sent for a short time, but it was so uncomfortably close
and crowded that I left early.
January 22, Friday. Our reception last evening was
very pleasant, and the guests professed and seemed to be
highly pleased. We have never permitted party differ
ences to influence us in the invitations which we send out,
but some of the carpet-baggers and scalawags we did not
ask. Van Wyck, a New York Representative, was not
invited, because, whatever his position, he is a base and
untruthful man with whom I want no association, yet
the fellow had the impudence to intrude himseff. General
Grant, having through his aide, Badeau, given public notice
through the press that he would not attend a dinner given
to Mr. Evarts in New York if I and certain others who vrit
nessed his equivocation and humiliation when [he was]
questioned by the President and he attempted to justify
and apologize for his treachery, duplicity, and falsehood
[were present], I would not permit myself to invite him,
although he is President-elect, and although I am always
disposed to treat with attention honorable and truthful
public men in official stations, whatever may be their
opinions. I should, as a matter of duty, extend to him the
courtesies and civilities due to the President-elect, what
ever might be my own opinions and convictions of him

1869] THE PAY FOR THE STONEWALL 513
as a man and officer, but he has rendered it impossible.
Conscious guilt and abased feeling have influenced him,
and self-respect governs me. We are strangers henceforth.
Seward handed me to-day a memorandum in relation
to the ironclad steamer Stonewall, sold to the Japanese
for $400,000, of which they paid $300,000 at the time of
transfer, and the State Department undertook to pay [sic]
the remaining $100,000 through Van Valkenburg, the
Minister. But a ci"vil war prevailed in Japan when the
vessel reached that country, and our Minister, sanctioned
by the Secretary of State, forbade her delivery, and as
sumed to pay the expense of her detention. Seward now
wished me to divert over $50,000 from the back pay which
is due, to defray the expense which he and Van V. have
incurred. I told him I had no authority to make such diversion;
that it was due and should be paid; the non-delivery of
the steamer was not a naval act; we were in no way re
sponsible for it, etc., etc. He wished me to take the memo
randum and consider it. It is a specimen of a certain kind
of management and maladministration of which I cannot
be the willing vdctim. I doubt if the money will ever be
paid to the Navy or covered into the Treasury.
January 23, Saturday. Had letters to-day from Rear-
Admiral Davis of the South Atlantic Squadron relative to
the difficulties with Paraguay, which he appears to have
adjusted, and Bliss and Masterman, who were reported
to have been tortured and murdered, have been delivered
safe and sound on the deck of the Wasp. There has been
a vast amount of empty indignation and ignorance ex
hibited by the press and the public men in this matter,
and our Ministers, Webb and Washburn, have demon
strated unfitness for their position in regard to it, now as
well as previously.
Called with my brother on the President this evening
and had an hour's conversation on various matters. He

514 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 23
has sound and correct views, is honest and patriotic, but
has not the tact, skill, and talent to wield the admin
istrative power of the government to advantage in times
like these, with a factious maj ority in Congress against him.
The opposition, managed by wicked and unscrupulous
conspirators, aided by fanatics, has grown up on sectional
hate and become powerful, while the Administration, de
voted to reconciliation and peace, has fallen away and
become feeble.
January 26, Tuesday. I sent yesterday a letter to Seward
returning a dispatch from Mr. Harvey, Minister to Lisbon.
In the dispatch the Minister denounces naval officers for
making purchases of Messrs. Abecassis, whom he vihfies
as Jews, adventurers, tavern-keepers, etc. The monopoly
of trade has been long previously enjoyed by certain Amer
ican officials, who gave the trade to favored parties and
received therefor a high commission. The brothers Abe-
cassis made sales at less rates than those fumished by
the officials, and hence their offense. It was first said the
Abecassis could not sell coal at the rates charged vrithout
cheating or unless it was a stock owned by Rebels. Now,
since we had so supplied ourselves from Abecassis, it is
said that coal can be bought cheaper. The Minister has,
patriotically or for some cause, taken upon himself the
supervision of the naval officers, and is violent against the
Jew interlopers who have disturbed old arrangements.
Admiral Farragut, Fleet Paymaster Bradford, Com
modore Smith, and others speak highly of Abecassis; so
do the Portuguese Minister and others.
I have little confidence in Harvey, who was a mer
cenary correspondent here prior to, and at the commence
ment of, the RebeUion, a tool of Seward's who gave notice
to the Rebels of the expedition to Sumter, and had his
reward in the mission to Lisbon. His animosity and per
sonal feeling betray themselves in his letter, and show
unusual interest in contracts for a Minister.

1869] BILL TO REORGANIZE THE NAVY 515
The President gave his first State dinner for the season.
There were present the Cabinet Ministers and their fam
ilies, vrith those Senators who voted against impeachment.
Fessenden and Grimes were not present. The former
attends no parties, and Grimes is not well. Nevertheless,
it is probable other reasons may have influenced them.
Although these two men voted against impeachment, they
are both strong Radicals and unvrilUng to be identffied in
any manner with the President. It may injure them with
their party. They seem not aware that they are aheady
marked and for the time doomed men, or that the Radical
organization, while it continues, will not recognize them
or admit them to fellowship. These two Senators usually
act in concert. Whether they would have declined a State
dinner by the President-elect is a problem. Mr. Trumbull,
who attended, left the table early, — long before the din
ner was over. He had time to see who were his associate
guests, and who were absent. After leaving the Presid
ent's, Mrs. W., her sister, and M. C. went with me to the
weekly reception of Sir Edward Thornton; his parties are
pleasant and not overcrowded. Most of the foreign minis
ters were therewith their famiUes, Chief Justice Chase, etc.
January 27, Wednesday. Senator Grimes yesterday
introduced a bill to reorganize the Navy. He did not con
sult me in regard to it, nor show me the bill before intro
ducing it, as usage and courtesy would seem to require,
especiaUy if the bill comes from the Naval Committee.
There are many things in this bill which I approve, and
I am, on the whole, glad I was not consulted and have none
of the responsibilities, and consequently ought to receive
the blame of no one. StiU I shall be censured by many who
will feel aggrieved ff the bill becomes a law, because they
wUl very naturally conclude that, coming from the Naval
Committee, I was consulted, — probably thmk I advised
and prepared the bUl. I had, when we were together at
Portsmouth last summer, one or two conversations with

516 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 27
Grimes, and some of my views are, I perceive, embodied
in the act he has introduced. But I had no explanation
of it then, and some of his propositions I do not indorse.
January 28, Thursday. The correspondence in relation
to Paraguay is published, or so much of it as Mr. Seward
deemed proper. Some of Webb's rant is omitted. A few
weeks since, our impetuous, heedless, almost senseless
press was boisterous for war and fight. The Navy was de
clared to be too slow and indifferent because it did not
bombard their cities and take possession of their harbors,
nine hundred mUes in the interior of South America.
January 29, Friday. Had last night our last public
reception. It was largely attended by a pleasant company,
irrespective of parties. The company, male and female,
was select; civil, naval, and military officers "with their
families, and Members of Congress were present.
McCulloch wants us to send a naval vessel to Alaska
to protect the seals from extermination. Our appropria
tions are so reduced by Congress that we have no super
numerary force to aid the revenue department in that
quarter. Seward said to-day that the Senate had confirmed a
treaty with Mexico for adjusting claims vrith that country,
which was the same, in words, vrith the Alabama Treaty.
I asked if it involved the same principles, — whether we
had a sunilar difficulty with Mexico as vrith England. S.
did not thank me, I saw by his looks, for the inquiry. He
said we had unrequited claims upon Mexico, which were
left to commissions. But there were no national wrongs and
a grievous injury inflicted or winked at by that Govem
ment, said I, no controversies involving questions of
public law analogous to that we had against England. He
said all disputed points involved questions of public law.
I perceived he did not wish points raised, but he invited
them. He says there is an authorized agent here from San

1869] HAMLIN DEFEATS MORRILL 517
Domingo who vrishes that country to be annexed to the
United States, on whatever terms we please. One of the
Japanese princes wishes to sell out his territory to any one
who wiU buy it.
January 30, Saturday. Sent a letter to Senator Grimes
in relation to defects in the appropriation bUl. My inten
tion has been not to urge corrections after the full and
explicit statements in my reports and other documents,
especially as the Committee on Appropriations have not,
in their partisan spite, the courtesy to consult me. But
Faxon thinks we had best keep ourselves right on the re
cord, and there is regard for the service and my successor,
whoever he may be, that ought not to suffer from the faults
and follies of his hasty friends. It is a misfortune that
a man so ignorant, so wanting in civility as well as intel
ligence as E. B. Washburne should be in the position he
occupies. Stockton has been elected to the Senate, whUe Morrill
of Maine, whose vote unjustly displaced him, is defeated
by Hamlin. While I am sorry that Hamlin is elected, I am
not sorry that Morrill, for whom I have had special re
gard, is defeated. He and Morgan have, I am constrained
to believe, voted against their convictions in the impeach
ment conspiracy and usurping measures of the Radicals,
and they have each got their reward.

LXVI
Students of Georgetown CoUege visit the President — John P. Hale as
Minister to Spain — General Schofield advocates consoUdating the War
and Navy Departments — President Lincoln's Clemency towards the
Defeated South — Did Grant and Sherman act under Instructions from
him in making the Terms of the Surrender? — Senator MorriU of Ver
mont compliments the Administration of the Navy Department —
Insurrection in Cuba — The Butler and Bingham Factions among the
Radicals — General Dix resigns as Minister to France — Hawley urged
for Grant's Cabinet — The Panama Canal Treaty — Grant's Nepotism
— Simeon Johnson and Coombs's Claim — Johnson's Ignorance of the
Duties of the Departments — Grant's Cabmet stiU in Doubt — The
Question of goveming Alaska — The Course to be foUowed by President
Johnson and his Cabinet on Inauguration Day.
February 1, Monday. The students at the Roman Cath
olic college in Georgetown visited the President this mom
ing with their instructors. By arrangement of Father
McGuire on Saturday, the Secretary of War and myseff
were to be present. The President notffied us a Uttle before
eleven, and I went over, but the Secretary of War did not
come. The young men appeared very well, and their speakers,
in a few brief remarks, well expressed, addressed the Pre
sident, who replied at great length. Had his speech been but
one third the length, he would have acquitted himseff with
credit. He dwelt on the Constitution, the importance of
limiting men in office, and of observing vrith scrupulous
fidelity the fundamental law. General Grant, President
elect, I am told, declined to receive the young men.
February 2, Tuesday. The papers publish a letter of
John P. Hale, Minister to Spain, complaining of the Sec
retary of Legation, Perry, and attacking Seward, who, he
represents, is concerned in improper speculation with P.
He probably does S. injustice, but I could not forbear tell-

1869] J. P. HALE AS MINISTER TO SPAIN 519
ing Seward that he deserved all the good things Hale might
say of him. Seward said he was unfortunate in some of his
appointments, — alluding to Hale and Nicolay,^ Consul
at Paris, whom the President inclines to displace. I, with
out alluding to Nicolay, told him Hale was unfit for the
position of Minister, was undeserving of it; that during
the whole War, most of which time he was chairman of
the Naval Committee of the Senate, he had, as Seward well
knew, thwarted and opposed the Na"vy Department and
tried to cripple and embarrass my efforts; that this was so
palpable and so offensive that the Senate, without any re
quest or motion from me, felt compelled to displace him;
that his State refused to reelect him, although the legisla
ture was overwhelmingly of the same party. In the face of
all this, he (S.) had appointed Hale to a first-class mission
abroad. I did not regret that he was manffesting his true
character towards the Secretary of State. Seward did not
deny, but admitted, that Hale was his selection. When the
appointment was made, he put it on Mr. Lincoln, but I
never doubted who was the author of that appointment.
February 3, Wednesday. The marriage of General Com
stock to Bettie Blair, which had been on the tapis for some
time, took place to-day. Comstock is on the staff of Gen
eral Grant; Bettie is the daughter of Montgomery, and
niece of General Frank Blair, Democratic candidate for
Vice-President. This brings the Blairs into court influ
ence. Grant attended the wedding at church, and by some
blunder got into the same seat as Mrs. Patterson, the
President's daughter, and her husband Senator Patterson.
Mrs. Grant was at Commodore Lee's party, the uncle of
the bride. We met, but without recognition.
Boyer of Pennsylvania, who is on the Military Com
mittee, teUs me that General Schofield, Secretary of War,
was before the committee to-day and advised the consol
idation of the War and Navy Departments under one head.
' John G. Nicolay, Lincoln's Private Secretary.

520 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 3
This is a natural sequence of late measures, — a repetition
of history long since told. A simple govemment is a mil
itary department with one head; a republic is clumsy and
troublesome. The Radical Congress, by usurpation, has
undertaken to destroy the executive, one of the three
constitutional departments of the government, by de
priving the President of his rightful powers and to confer
them by legislative enactment on the General of the armies.
A Radical general was made Secretary of War. It is not
strange that he should come to the conclusion that power
should be consolidated, and that it should be vested in the
military head, instead of the Constitutional Executive.
My only surprise in this is that Schofield, who is shrewd
and not frank when he is likely to be affected, should have
expressed himself so far on the subject. I apprehend he
did not expect it would get abroad, but was a supposed
quiet effort to plant the seeds of central, despotic mihtary
feeling. They are undoubtedly his convictions, and to those
who have little faith in public intelligence and virtue, who
believe in a government of form and not of opinion, who
dislike the turbulence of elections, and who prefer the cahn,
quiet regularity of despotism, the views of Schofield wiU
be acceptable. Much can be said on that side of the ques
tion, but men have not the courage to express their con
victions if they are supposed to conflict with the directors
of popular sentiment. It appears to me that, were I a
centralist, I would openly avow it. I have no hesitation
in saying I am opposed to the whole modem scheme of
Congressional aggression, and that I have less faith in the
exercise of general executive power by the legislative body
than by one responsible head.
February 4, Thursday. A telegram brings tidings of the
death of my brother-in-law, John Mulholland Hale, who
died this morning of typhoid pneumonia at Reading, Penn
sylvania. His death is a great loss to his family and friends,
and to them his loss is irreparable. He was endowed with

1869] LINCOLN'S TERMS TO THE SOUTH 521
great business capacity, and his life and principles were
exemplary. Mrs. Welles, Mrs. Morgan, and Edgar left
this evening for Reading to attend his obsequies and pay
the last earthly duties to the departed.
There was to have been this evening a large but select
party at our house, which the death of Mr. Hale prevented.
Forty-one and a half years ago, in the month of July,
1827, I alighted from the stage-coach in Lewistown, and
among a crowd of men and boys I selected a black-eyed lad
vrith a large black mole on his cheek, as my cousin John.
He was a sturdy boy of twelve. After twoscore of years
eventful to both of us, he has closed life's journey, and
I must soon follow.
February 5, Friday. Seward read the last of the tart and
not very creditable correspondence between Bancroft and
Dis. I have some time since ceased to be an admirer of
these men, and this correspondence fails to restore my for
mer high opinion of either. The weakness of a driveler and
the impertinence of a pedagogue are the characteristics.
Montgomery Blair tells me of an article which ap
peared some four or five weeks ago in Wilkes' paper, ^
which he says was prompted by Grant. It relates to the
terms of capitulation at Appomattox Court-House, and of
Johnston to Sherman, which the article avers were pre
sented by Mr. Lincoln to the two generals at Bermuda
Hundred, when he was there in March, 1865.
Blair called my attention to this article in Wilkes' paper
in consequence of some remarks of mine, stating the sub
stance of an interview which I had with Mr. Lincohi, soon
after his retum from Richmond and only a day or two be
fore his death, in relation to the authority he had given
to General Weitzel to caU together the legislature of Vir
ginia in order that they might repeal their secession ordin
ance and enactments. I may have in my notes mentioned
this matter. Lest I have not, — for I find many most
> George Wilkes's Spirii of the Times.

522 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 5
important events are omitted, while some of little con
sequence are mentioned, — I now state it.
The proclamation, or order, of General Weitzel for re
assembling the legislature of Virginia in the early part of
April was received with great indignation, and was de
nounced by Stanton, Speed, and others. Although it was
authorized by the President, he was, on his retum to Wash
ington, greatly annoyed by their opposition, and he either
sent for me or in a business interview brought up the sub
ject, and asked my view of it. In reply, I questioned the
policy of his movement. He said his object and intentions
were to bring about harmony and reconciliation at the
earliest moment, and he should not stickle about forms;
that it seemed to him best to meet the Rebels as men and
countrymen who were to be trusted; the legislature was
composed of leading men from the several counties, who
must have a local influence, and he believed ff theywere to
come together and undo their ovsoi work, it would hasten
amicable feelings and better satisfy them and ourselves
also. I suggested that they might not when assembled
counsel submission but combine to resist. Besides, in
recognizing them as a legislature, was he not giving them
character and power never yet conceded them? There was,
moreover, a skeleton organization under Pierpont, which
we had tried to vitalize and maintain. How could we
recognize another?
The President said he had no fears of any further at
tempts at resistance, — they were too thoroughly whipped
and exhausted, — but there might be something in the
other suggestion that we were countenancing the Rebel
organization. He did not think much of it, however, but
public prejudice must be considered, and the maimer in
which the movement had been received by Stanton and
others had caused him to hesitate and he had wanted my
views, — complimenting me for calm consideration when
others were impulsive.
I related this interview to Blair, and remarked that I

1869] CENTRALIZATION SCHEMES 523
had long ago come to the conclusion that Sherman in his
terms to Johnston had acted under instructions received
from President Lincoln at City Point, and that the clem
ency of President Lincoln was probably the cause of the
mUd conditions extended by Grant to Lee and for which
Grant takes credit. Blair tells me that the article in WiUces
takes the same view.
February 6, Saturday. The schemes for centralization
are becoming stronger and increased in number in Con
gress. Suffrage is to be wrested from the States and made
national. Corporations are being multiplied and by the
legislative branch of the government special privileges are
granted to all the favored who ask. The government is
being perverted, and its character destroyed. There is a
strange conglomerate in the Senate, where arrogance,
assumption, corruption, littleness — everything but states
manship and vrisdom — are to be found. Lawyers of some
smartness, like Edmunds of Vermont, and Howe of Wis
consin, but who have not cahn, fair, deliberate minds, —
necessary qualifications as legislators and statesmen, —
profiigate fellows, like Nye and Pomeroy and Stewart; and
expediency men, like Morrill of Maine, Ferry, Cattell, and
Sherman; cunning, unscrupulous managers hke Butler
and Cameron, preyail. It is useless to enumerate further.
February 8, Monday. Senator Morrill of Vermont in a
conversation to-day complimented my administration of
the Na"vy Department in terms that were as unexpected
as agreeable. The economy as well as efficiency was com
mended, and the country, he said, would in time do me
justice, notwithstanding the abuse that had been so abund
antly and persistently inflicted for years.
February 9, Tuesday. Seward read a long dispatch to
the Vice-Consul at Havana, who is clearly with the revolu
tionists in Cuba and wants our whole squadron there to

524 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 9
give them encouragement and perhaps aid. The accounts
which we receive from Cuba are very contradictory.
Under the censorship which the Governor-General has
established, and the extraordinary efforts to suppress
inteUigence in regard to the rebels, with whom there is
but little outside communication, we cannot expect much
reliable information.
February 10, Wednesday. Congress to-day counted and
declared the Presidential votes. There was nothing novel
or interesting in the proceeding, save that certain States
were excluded. The tmth is. Grant is elected by illegal
votes and fraudulent and unconstitutional practices. He
would not have had a vote south of Washington but for the
usurping and inexcusable acts of Congress.
The folly of the Democrats North in nominating Sey
mour insured Grant's election and gave encouragement to
the outrageous legislation to help them.
Further schemes to tinker the Constitution are before
Congress, and the Senate sat the whole night of Monday
to force through the measure then before it, giving suffrage
to negroes and fools by the Central Govemment in total
disregard of the rights of the States, and of the funda
mental principles of our system. How far these schemes
are to be pressed, and whether they can be averted in
season to save our system of govemment, is yet to be seen.
February 11, Thursday. It seems there were some not
very creditable proceedings in Congress yesterday when
the two houses were in joint session, followed up by the
House after the joint convention was dissolved. The sub
ject has been continued and discussed to-day, though vrith
less heat and rancor. Still there has been sufficient to show
the antagonisms in the Radical Party which must break
out before Grant shaU have been long in office. The hate
between Butler and Bingham is intense. Both are un
scrupulous and unprincipled; both are cunning and adroit.

1869] BUTLER AND BINGHAM 525
Butler has most talent, most will, most daring and per
sistency; Bingham is more subtle and deceptive, has more
suavity, is more snaky and timid with less audacity. Most
of the members are with Bingham at present. He has also
Stanton and Grant — who are afraid of Butler — to support
him. The difficulties yesterday grew out of the Radical
intrigue and viUainy to exclude the vote of Georgia, and
treat her as out of the Union. These revolutionary and
wicked proceedings are having their effect in more ways
than one on their authors. I do not see how Grant, if he
has the comprehension, which is doubtful, can reconcile
these differences, and before his Administration will be
haff served out, serious calamities are likely to befall the
country. February 12, Friday. Seward sends me a letter from
Harvey at Lisbon, showing a disposition to be impertin
ently offensive and intrusive in the matter of purchases for
the European Squadron. I directed Admiral Radford and
the officers of the squadron to exercise their own judgment
in obtaining supplies, regardless of Mr. Harvey.
General Dix notifies of his resignation of his place as
Minister to France, to take place in about two weeks. It
will be well if others will imitate his example. We have
a very feeble set of representatives abroad. Not unlikely
Dix expects or hopes for a Cabinet appointment. He is an
old political soldier.
February 13, Saturday. The Congressional Committee
officially waited on General Grant and informed him of his
election. In reply he made the commonplace response
which any ordinary person would make for a smaller office,
of doing his duty, collecting the revenue, and practicing
economy. This will, of course, be taken up and paraded as
wonderful and most satisfactory by toadies of party, but
when General Grant comes to act, he wUl, like others, do
and fail to do. He wiU not be likely to enslave himself like

526 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 13
President Johnson, who has crowded the White House
with clerks, and has rooms filled with records and files, but,
while laboring on details and little matters of a clerical
nature, and which belong more appropriately to the De
partments, the weightier and more important concerns
must suffer. Grant will generalize, if he does anything,
and therein will do better than President Johnson, but
most likely will tum over his duties to others, for he is
inexcusably ignorant of the structure and workings of the
Government. Marshall JeweU, the Radical candidate for Govemor in
Connecticut, has been here for a few days in behalf of
General Hawley. The effort is to put Hawley in Grant's
Cabinet. Jewell got an interview vrith Grant through
General Terry. In this interview JeweU took occasion to
speak of the favorable influence on the Radical cause
which would follow the selection of a Cabinet officer from
Connecticut. He wished to insure his own election, and he
wished to carry the First Congressional District. Grant
said he perceived Dixon was to be a candidate in that dis
trict, and hoped he would be defeated; said he had read
the resolutions of the Radical State Convention and liked
them. The Radicals are not satisfied with Grant. The Demo
crats, in their folly, are trying to persuade themselves that
he is as much their man as he is of those who elected him.
Butler's demonstration on Wednesday was not successful.
The Democrats could, perhaps, have made it so. The re
sult is hard and distrustful feelings among the Radicals,
but Butler is audacious and Bingham wiU yield.
February 15, Monday. Caleb Cushing has retumed with
a successful treaty, it is said, for a ship canal across the
Isthmus. We shall have particulars, I suppose, by to
morrow. There have been, and probably still are, some
extensive private speculations in this movement, and
some political and personal intrigues connected with it.

1869] GRANT'S NEPOTISM 527
Seward expects great glorffication and perpetual fame
from it, — smoke, not substance.
February 16, Tuesday. The President sent the nomina
tion of one of the Dents ^ to the Senate for the Chilian Mis
sion in place of Kilpatrick, one of Seward's and Weed's
pets, who has been here for six months lecturing and speech-
making through the country. The appointment of K. to
that mission ought never to have been made. I so said in
the day and time of it, but the President yielded to Seward
and has been sorry ever since. I know not who prompted
the nomination of Dent, but it is injudicious. It is rumored
that Butler instigated it. Not unlUiely, but the President
should not lend himself and office to seffish schemes of
Butler nor any one else. Grant has been active in getting
all of his relatives as well as those of his wife in place.
His father is postmaster, his son a cadet, and how many
brothers, brothers-in-law, etc., etc., in office I know not.
Why the President should volunteer to send one of the
tribe to Chili I am not advised. I regret such movements.
No good can come of such temporizing. I would neither
court Grant nor embarrass him, and some petty sugges
tions in relation to appointments have found no favor
vrith me.
The Senate refuse to confirm necessary appointments.
Two pension agencies, one at St. Louis and one at Brook
lyn, are vacant, and great trouble and difficulty will ensue
if there is no agent to make those payments which come
due in March. But the Senate is recklessly partisan, and
regardless of the necessities of pensioners when party ends
are to be served.
February 18, Thursday. Simeon Johnson, who is one of
the board to revise the laws, appointed in place of Caleb
Cushing, has been once or twice to see me in relation to a
1 Judge Louis Dent, one of Grant's brothers-in-law. He was not confirmed
by the Senate, and Judson Kilpatrick continued in the office.

528 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 18
claim of Coombs for the steamer Louisville. Early in the
War, Coombs, by some contrivance, got a permit from
President Lincoln to go within the Rebel lines to trade.
The Rebels seized the steamer, sent her on one or more
trips to New Orleans. In the mean time, our Navy having
captured that place and the river squadron coming down
from the North, she could not be used, and the Rebels took
her into Red River and laid her up. Then the force under
Porter a year later captured her, had her appraised under
the law, and took her into service. The case was sent to
the Southem District in Illinois for adjudication, and was,
I think, first condenmed as good prize, which was the fact.
By some legerdemain she was subsequently condemned as
captured or confiscated property, and the captors were
awarded salvage, receiving about $12,000; the appraisal of
the vessel was about $68,000. At a later period the court,
without notifying the Department or the captors, reopened
the case, had a new appraisal by parties in Springfield
without their ever seeing the steamer, and had her valued
at $150,000. For three years. Coombs, himself first and
since by numerous agents, including Guthrie when Sen
ator, Montgomery Blair, Eames, and various parties less
worthy, male and female, has prosecuted this claim.
Doubtless mention has been made in prevdous data of this
diary of the proceedings. Johnson, who now comes, is a
special friend and supporter of the President, and for that
reason has the job. He was an editor of the Union under
Buchanan and is an old claim agent. The call to-day was
the second or third he has made on me with a request that
I would send the case to the Fourth Auditor or Second
Comptroller, or both, for adjudication or decision. I asked
him what he meant by such a request. He said his object
was to get a final disposition of the case; that he had had
one or two interviews with the Second Comptroller, who
thought it a clear case, and was ready to take it up and act
whenever the Navy Department would submit it to him.
If Johnson is sincere, it was an extraordinary application.

1869] DUTIES OF DEPARTMENTS 529
I expressed my astonishment at this gross ignorance of
this intelUgent man on most subjects on mere routine
duty, and his manifest want of knowledge ©f the powers
and duties of the Departments and of the organization and
principles of the govemment. He was abashed and em
barrassed by my remarks, but at first made a stand and
cited the course of the War Department and Third Auditor
as his justffication. I asked him if his ideas of administra
tion placed the Executive and the Departments under
the control and direction of the accounting officers of the
Treasury, — if he supposed that cases arising under the
Departments and which it was the duty of the Secre
taries to decide were subject to appeal and finally to be
adjudged and disposed of by an auditor or comptroller
or any other subordinate. He said no, but the duties of
a head of Department were executive, not judicial. I
said they were administrative, ministerial, executive, and
if we erred, the remedy was with the courts, or Congress,
not vrith the accounting officers of the Treasury.
The strange, inexcusable ignorance which prevails
among intelUgent men in regard to the working and organ
ization of the govemment is amazing. I do not believe
it to be ignorance on Johnson's part, whatever may be
his protestations. Johnson says Attomey-General Evarts
is no better informed than he is; probably not, and Mc
CuUoch, I know, submits to the ignorant assumption of
the First ComptroUer, who claims a supervision over the
Departments. February 19, Friday. Seward says he intends to leave
Washington on the 8th of March and go to Aubum. The
President appears to think that the Cabinet should aU go
out at noon on the 4th of March. This is my wish, and I
beUeve that of most of the members of the Cabinet, and yet
there is an apparent impropriety, if not a positive wrong,
in abandoning our posts until there has been a reasonable
time for our successors to quaUfy and take upon themselves
3

530 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 19
the duties. There is some embarrassment in the case, re
sulting from Grant's conduct towards those of us who wit
nessed the inlterview between him and President Johnson
a year since, when his insincerity, deceit, double-dealing,
duplicity, and want of truth were apparent, when, in plain
words, he was detected in a deUberate falsehood. He
affects to be in a miff because we stated the truth in regard
to that interview, and has had intercourse with none of us,
except Seward, who has demeaned himself and played an
equivocal part to conciliate the little high official.
For one I want not his favor and shun not his wrath.
I do not wish to come under his orders, nor would I be dere
lict of duty or propriety because he is vulgar. It would
be unpleasant to remain one day in office under his ad
ministration; it may be wrong, however, to leave imtil
a successor appear.
No intimation is yet made as to any one of the next
Cabinet. There is nothing remarkable in this, though
many think it strange. I doubt if Grant has fuUy deter
mined in his own mind. It is not usual with him to make
up his mind definitely until the last moment. He is com
monly considered, or has the name of being, a judge of men,
or that he knows those whom he can use. RawUns, Sher
man, Sheridan, and others, all men of ability, he favors and
encourages because they defer to him, have really made
him what he is, and do not permit themselves to obstruct
him or be in his way. George Thomas, Rosecrans, Han
cock, and others are not favorites, though tolerated, and
the latter he feels to be in his power. Mixed with jealousies
and aspirations, he has constant suspicion and inveterate
enmities. He is fond of power, never refuses or declines it,
loves wealth, accepts and encourages gifts, is sly, shrewd,
cunning, secretive, ambitious, and selfish, with some exec
utive, but little administrative, ability ; knows how to ap
propriate and avail himself of the talent and labor of others.
At present he is cajoling the Democrats by letting them
hope he may favor them and not the extreme Radicals.

1869] THE GOVERNMENT OF ALASKA 631
The Radicals distrust him and have apprehensions that he
may go over to the Democrats. By these manoeuvres he
strengthens his position; he weakens the Democrats and
brings the Radicals into subjection.
McCulloch brought up, as he has once or twice previ
ously, the question of goveming Alaska. No govemment
has yet been established there by Congress, — the Mem
bers are busy in efforts to confer power and privileges on
the negroes. Some conversation took place. I suggested
that there need be no difficulty, — General Sickles, or one
of the Reconstruction mihtary govemors, might be sent
there, who embodied in himself all govemmental author
ity, legislative, executive, or judicial. This touched Scho
field shghtly, who again sneered at jury trials, asked if
they had not better be established in Alaska, contrasted
the ready nuhtary method of administering justice in the
Southem States, vrith the slow, unending process of jury
trial, when a verdict was matter of chance.
February 20, Saturday. The President spoke to me sev
eral days since in relation to the "Copper Bill" which
had been presented to him for approval. I expressed very
fully my disapproval of it and of the system of corpora
tions and special privileges which Congress is estabUshing.
He said he coincided with me, and I find the bill wUl be
vetoed. Mr. Grimes, Chairman, has addressed me a letter from
the Naval Committee concerning the transfer of a govern
ment vessel for a school ship, to a charitable association in
New York. Sent him a pretty full reply to-day. « Took
occasion to express my repugnance to such donations, or
uses, of pubhc property, while I am eamestly friendly to
having and training young seamen. Regretted that Con
gress at its last session had discouraged the apprentice
system. Am importuned, as my exit is near, by retired officers for
promotion. The old commodores are, many of them, ex-

532 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 20
ceedingly anxious to obtain the advanced grade. I am not
surprised at it, although I cannot assist them. Congress
has embarrassed the Department and excited these move
ments by heedless legislation. I am also sadly troubled on
the other hand by the President, who kindly yields to the
appeals made to him and would, I verily believe, promote
all, and pardon all.
Had some talk vrith the President in relation to inaugur
ation day. Something was said a few days ago about his
going to the Capitol and remaining to the close of the ses
sion to sign bills, etc. I advised him to do no such thing,
but to remain at the White House and discharge his duties
there. Unlike preceding inaugurals, the next Congress
would assemble on the 4th, — there would be no interrup
tion of business. He should, therefore, put himself to no
special inconvenience, and was not requested to do so.
February 22. I inquired how he was to dispose of him
self, if at the Capitol at 12 meridian on the 4th prox.
Would he go on the platform with the man who had de
ceived him, been false to his trust, and who had insulted
him (the President) because he had detected and exposed
his falsehoods? Would he leave the Capitol and go down
the steps in view of the throng of partisan spectators,
who would be there assembled to witness the triumph of
this ignorant, "vulgar man ? Would he think of leaving the
Capitol by any other door than the one by which he en
tered? To me it was plain he could not go near the Capitol
on that day and preserve conscious seff-respect.
He assured me he would not ; that he would close up his
Administration in the room where we were. I do not think
he can be persuaded to a different course, though Seward
and others, fond of show and parade, vriU urge him to form
part of the pageant.
February 23, Tuesday. I asked Seward, whom I found
in the council room alone this noon, when he proposed to

1869] PLANS FOR LEAVING OFFICE 533
leave the Cabinet and Washington. He said his resigna
tion would take effect at noon on the 4th of March, and
that he should leave Washington that day. This would be
personally agreeable to me, but I queried as to the pro
priety of abandoning our posts before our successors
appeared, and were qualified. Later in the day, and in the
evening at General Schofield's, where we all dined, the sub
ject was renewed. McCulloch and Browning were very
decidedly in favor of continuing at their posts until their
successor appeared. Browning said he wished to be very
civil and courteous, and proposed, if his successor was a man
vrith whom he could associate on any terms, to go in his
carriage and invite htm to the Department, introduce him
to the clerical force, and initiate him as to his duties. I
said, while I would omit no proper courtesy, I was not
prepared to make, unasked, any such unseemly concession;
that it would, in my view, be demeaning myself, and while
I would receive my successor affably and kindly, I would
not run after him. Mr. Evarts inclined to the opinion that
we should wait and induct our successors. Seward and
RandaU were very emphatic that they would not remain
one moment after the termination of President Johnson's
term, — that ff the third of March expired legaUy at
meridian on the 4th, they then would leave.
After this discussion, my impression is that, under the
circumstances and with a man like Grant, we had best all
go out vrith our chief. The Government and the country
need suffer no detriment from our resignation and retire
ment vrith the President. All is under the control of the
President, who can, by dispensing with forms and parade,
take the oath at twelve and at once appoint his Cabinet.
He can retum proffered civility with churlish discourtesy,
and would be likely to do it. I perceived there are move
ments for a session at 3 p.m., and I also noted, in our
discussion to-day, Schofield remarked that the President
elect could, under the prescribed laws, be as well prepared
and make his appointment of cabinet officers on the day

534 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 23
of inauguration as at any time. The subject has obviously
been under consideration.
February 24, Wednesday.
Attomey-General Evarts called in behalf of a friend.
Chaplain F  , who wanted waiting-orders pay instead
of furlough pay. Read to him the laws and told him I had
no doubt he was receiving the legal pay. He said the Comp
troller and Auditor thought differently, but did not like
to pay extra vrithout the sanction of the Department, and
were expecting I would get an opinion or write them. I
remarked that, being satisfied, I cared not to pursue the
subject; that I saw no cause to change the practice, or
usage, or law; that ff the accounting officers were clearly
satisfied I was wrong, they perhaps might, inthe days when
the Treasury was being plundered, feel justffied in gi'ving
extra pay to this man, who was already a pensioner vrith
out having rendered service.
This matter has been some time in embryo. Claim agents,
and loose notions, and practices at the Treasury vriU likely
accompUsh the svrindle. I so remarked to E., who took it
very calmly; said F  was poor; the amount would not
be great on the Treasury. I said it was right or it was vsTong;
his was not the only case pending, and his had no merit.
He had rendered but small service, for which he has been
amply paid, and was now a pensioner on the Govemment,
doing nothing. Had he been wholly retired vrith one year's
full pay, his case would have been finally disposed of.
February 25, Thursday.

February 26, Friday. An hour or two was spent in
Cabinet over the Pacific Railroad. The two companies, one
from the East (the Pacific) , one from the West (the Central) ,
are approaching each other in the vicinity of Salt Lake,

1869] PLANS FOR LEAVING OFFICE 535
and each is claiming subsidy over the same line. There
are statements not wholly reliable, I apprehend, by each.
In anticipation of these difficulties, and, if possible, to
avoid them, the subject was considered last fall, and as
there was then a dispute whether the road should cross
Bear Bay or go around it, maps and reports were submitted,
and it was decided the route should go round. It is now
said that not only the route but the line of the road was
decided. This was not my understanding.
In conversing as to the course to be pursued on the
termination of the Administration, it was understood that
all would resign and leave with the President except Scho
field, who said he had been invited and should remain for
a brief period. Seward says he has had the files looked up,
and finds the practice has not been uniform, that in some
instances, and generally, the members of the Cabinet have
tendered their resignation to the outgoing President, but
some have remained and tendered them to the newly in
augurated. This last, I apprehend, has been in those cases
where there has been a mere change of President, but not
a change of policy or of party.
A good deal of speculation, some of it absurd, is going
forward in regard to the new Cabinet. Not more, perhaps,
than in preceding cases. A. K. McClure, an active Re
pubUcan politician of Pennsylvania and a great friend of
Governor Curtin, having leamed the fact that Grant had
said he should select one member of the Cabinet from that
State, hurried on here and [had an interview, in which by
report Grant appears to better advantage than the Penn
sylvania poUtician.

LXVII
Discussion of the Inauguration Ceremonies — The President's Last Recep
tion — Good-byes at the Department — How President Johnson and
his Cabinet spent the Last Moments of the Administration — The
Inaugural Ceremonies and Procession — Grant's Cabinet — A. T.
Stewart Ulegally nominated Secretary of the Treasury — Sumner's
Wrath at Grant's Course in regard to his Cabinet — Stewart, after
offering to trustee his Business, finally decUnes the Secretaryship —
Pressure for BoutweU as Secretary of the Tresisury — Mr. Faxon and
Mr. E. T. Welles leave the Navy Department — HamUton Fish suc
ceeds Washburne as Secretary of State and the Latter is appointed
Minister to France — General Rawlins made Secretary of War —
Admiral Porter, in charge of the Na'vy Department, appoints Chief
Engineer King in Isherwood's Place — Porter's Management of the
Department — Debate on the Repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act —
Grant's Scheme of reorganizing the Navy — Moses H. Grinnell made
Collector at New York — Porter's Intrusion in the Na-vy Department —
The Story of his Appointment as Vice-Admiral — Butler expresses
Contempt for Grant — Ex-President Johnson in Tennessee — Mont
gomery Blair on Colonel Moore and other Associates of Johnson in
Washington — Butler outgeneraled and the Tenure-of-Office Repeal
Bill compromised.
March 1, Monday. A special Cabinet-meeting was held
in regard to the controversy between the Union Pacffic
and the Central Railroad. An hour was spent, before taking
up the subject, on matters relating to inauguration. Gen
eral Grant, who eight years ago was employed to tend and
sweep his brother's leather store in Galena, as a porter
and sub-clerk, has given the Committee on Ceremonies, on
the 4th of March, to understand he would not ride in the
same carriage with the President nor speak to him. The
Committee have, of course, been embarrassed how to pro
ceed, and have finally a programme studiously arranged,
which is for the President and President-elect to proceed
in separate carriages. The President will pass through
Pennsylvania Avenue, on the right, the President-elect,
on the left, etc., etc. Seward and Evarts opened thesubject

1869] THE COMING INAUGURATION 537
of the procession and our attendance, and had evidently
had some understanding with each other and with the
Committee in regard to it. Seward said he did not know
but they had intended to shut us off entirely, but since
they have been polite enough to provide us a place, he
beUeved he would remain over another day to perform his
part. Evarts thought it best we should go in the procession,
and he made inquiry about carriages. The President
brought out a letter he had from the marshal, inquiring
about carriages irfformally.
I expressed a hope the President would perform no
part in the parade, and advised he should remain at the
Mansion until meridian, ready to discharge any and all
duties. At that time his functions would cease, and ours
would cease with his.
A remark or two was made by Browning and McCul
loch, each indicating a disposition to go in the procession.
Seward offered Browning a seat in his carriage. The Pre
sident said nothing. I stood alone. Randall expressed no
opinion. Seward and Evarts became zealous. Seward was
garrulous; told over several egotistical and stale stories,
claimed the President and his suite had the post of honor,
being on the right; appealed to usage, etc.
I asked when, ever before, there had been such a pro
gramme, — two processions, one on each side of the street.
What did it indicate but division, and what would be the
effect but to irritate and promote hostility? I disclaimed
any neglect or want of courtesy, but, on the other hand,
I would submit to none. There was a decency and proper
self-respect to be observed.
March 2, Tuesday. There are many strangers here to
attend the inauguration, and a number called from curi
osity to see the heads of Departments. This makes a con
stant interruption, when time is wanted to clear up affairs.
At the Cabinet much time was consumed as to the
course to be pursued on the 4th. Seward and Evarts were

538 DIARY OF GIDEON^ WELLES [march 2
determined that the President and Cabinet should go to
the Capitol and take part in the proceedings. I com
bated this course, but no one sustained me except Randall,
who, near the close, expressed a hope that the President
would do nothing derogatory to himseff and his position.
McCulloch, who has an itching to go, but feels its im
propriety, said but little, yet what he did say evinced his
feelings. Addressing himself to me, he said he thought it
decidedly best that we should go to the Capitol and take
part in the ceremonies. It would look small and be con
sidered small if we did not. I remarked that on a somewhat
similar occasion, J. Q. Adams and Henry Clay had decUned
to attend the inauguration of General Jackson, and were
not considered small men, nor was their refusal to attend
considered a small affair. Those men were less exemplars
[sic] to me than others who were unwilling to foUow their
example. Mr. Evarts had the matter much at heart, and he and
Seward proceeded to dispose of it as a matter of course
and as if nothing further was to be said. They assumed
for granted that things must be as they vrished and directed.
The President hesitated, yielded in a measure apparently,
and it was assumed that the question was decided. The
President, however, did not wholly surrender, but said
we would meet at nine on Thursday moming at the
council room, and then determine. Evarts said we must
bring our carriages, and with an understanding that we
would go in a body to the Capitol. I claimed that was
going further than the President had proposed or than I
was willing to go. "We vrill meet here," said I, "on
Thursday." "But," said Evarts and Schofield, "the Com
mittee and managers should know in advance." "By all
means," said Evarts, and he sat down and wrote a notice,
which he read out to Schofield and then to the President,
and the latter did not controvert it. So we are likely to
form part of the pageant, — be a tail to the Grant kite.
I have my doubts if I participate in that pageant.

1869] THE PRESIDENT'S LAST RECEPTION 539
It was concluded that we would consider the 3d as
terminating at meridian on the 4th, if Congress did not
order otherwise.
General Dix's resignation as Minister to France is re
ceived, and the indications are that he may go to the State
Department. March 3, Wednesday. There was an immense gathering
last evening at the Presidential reception. These "jams,"
as they are rightly called, are becoming severely oppressive,
and ff Grant has the courage to effect a reformation he will
deserve the thanks of the country. To permit the Ex
ecutive Mansion and all its approaches to be crowded by
the whole population who may choose to push themselves
forward vrithout order or system, is preposterous. Hun
dreds of friends and officials who desired to pay their
respects, and whom the President and his family wished
to see at this last reception, were driven aWay, unable to
obtain entrance. The evU should be corrected. Some of
the crowd came in with their overcoats, hats, and bon
nets, and for mere idle curiosity. Not a few were the wUd,
fanatical partisans who have busied themselves in slander
ing, defaming, and misrepresenting the President. They,
male and female, thronged the Mansion and its parlors,
to the exclusion of social friends and poUtical associates of
the retiring President.
Went vrith the Chiefs of Bureaus and officers to the Ex
ecutive Mansion to introduce each and give all an oppor
tunity to bid the Chief Magistrate farewell. Rear-Admiral
Joe Smith, the senior officer, who eight years ago, as now,
walked by my side, then addressed President Lincoln
with a few remarks, saying there were evidences of ap
proaching convulsion, that "we (Navy officers) will per
form our duty, and expect you to do yours." I now intro
duced the officer to President Johnson with the remark
that these are the men who, in war and peace, have
stood fast by the Govemment and the Union. He received

540 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 3
them cordially, took each by the hand and bade them
farewell. On returning to the Department, the Chiefs of Bureaus,
the clerks, messengers, and employees came successively
to take their leave, and express their regard and kind
wishes for me and my future welfare. It was something
beside mere formality. Some, more sensitive perhaps than
others, or possessed of deeper . feelings, were unable to
give utterance to their thoughts; others with tears ex
pressed their regrets and spoke of lasting obligations. I,
not less than they, was moved. Ties of friendship formed
and many of them continued through eight active and
eventful years cannot be easUy and Ughtly severed or
forgotten. It was past four when, probably for the last time and
forever, I left the room and the building where I had
labored eamestly and zealously, taken upon myseff and
carried forward great responsibffities, endured no smaU
degree of abuse, much of it unmerited and undeserved;
where also I have had many pleasant and happy hours
in the enjojrment of the fruits of my works and of those
associated with me.
March 4, Thursday. I went at nine this moming to the
Executive Mansion, agreeably to appointment at the last
Cabinet-meeting. There was quite a crowd on the por
tico and walks as I drove up and entered. Schofield was
already in the council room, having preceded my arrival
a few moments. The President was busy examining and
signing bills. As I shook hands with him, he said quietly,
"I think we will finish our work here vrithout going to
the Capitol." I expressed my gratffication. Yesterday I
had said to him that Congress had not been so courteous
and kind and civil to him as to place him under ob
ligations to dance attendance upon them. They, and
General Grant also, had thought it expedient to have the
incoming Congress convene on the 4th of March instead

1869] THE END OF AN ADMINISTRATION 541
of the first Monday of December, in order that the legis
lative department of the govemment might be a check on
the executive. If any legislation was omitted, the new
Congress could remedy it.
The President now said he thought it but right that the
Congress should forward the biUs to hun here. This I
knew would be a disappointment to my colleagues, and
I had no doubt that a strong effort would be made to
bring around a different result. Randall, who came next
after me, was very well satisfied. Schofield discreetly said
nothing, but I could perceive he was not pleased with the
new phase of affairs. McCulloch was disappointed and
disturbed. Browning said not a word. Evarts, who did
not come in until about ten, was determined to change the
programme; said the understanding was that we should go
to the Capitol, that we were expected there. When the
President occasionally left the room, McCulloch twice told
E. that the President would not go to the Capitol unless
he put in strong for him to do so. Evarts would not take
off his overcoat. Seward came in last, smoking his cigar.
Asked ff all were ready; meant to have come sooner; seemed
to suppose we were waiting for him. The President con
tinued busy at his desk, while Seward, Evarts, and others
talked. At length Seward, who sat on the opposite side of
the room from the President, asked aloud ff we would not
be late, — "Ought we not to start immediately?" The
President said he was inclined to think we would finish
up our work here by ourselves.
There was discomfiture, of course, and it was easy to
perceive they thought me the author of their disappoint
ment. McCuUoch came to me about twelve, and said,
"WeU, you have carried your point." I disclaimed this,
othervrise than in frankly giving my opinion whenever the
subject was broached, but [said] that I had, at no time,
introduced the topic.
In this whole matter, I have felt that the President,
after the offensive, sUly, arrogantj and insolent declarations

542 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 4
of Grant to the committees and others that he would
not speak to his official superior and predecessor, nor ride,
nor associate with him, could not compose a part in the
pageant to glorify Grant without a feeling of abasement.
These airs are put on by Grant to relieve himseff from
conscious degradation which he must have felt for his
treachery to the President and the odium of falsehood
which he knows others heard, saw, and witnessed. But
his insulting impudence to the President and others who
witnessed that humiliating spectacle wiU never eradicate
the knowledge of the dupUcity and falsehood of which he
was guUty, — as well as of the ingratitude to the man
who had trusted him.
A few minutes past twelve the President said we would
part. As he was to leave, it was proposed that we should
wait his departure. He then shook hands vrith each of us,
and we with each other and, descending to the portico,
where our respective carriages were waiting, the President
entered his, mine followed, and we drove away.
At my house were the President's daughter, Mrs.
Patterson, and her children, who had come over in the
moming. They propose to remain with us a few days
before going to Tennessee.
The proceedings at the Capitol are represented to have
been without order or system, and the immense crowd
swayed and pushed aside the dignitaries. I am more than
ever gratified that we did not attend. General Grant rode
up in a dogcart with Rawlins. There was a long pro
cession, mostly of negroes, — at least two thirds, I should
judge. But few of them had muskets. Congress had passed
a resolution authorizing and requesting that four thousand
muskets should be placed in the hands of these vagabonds,
and quite a crowd came from Baltimore and the country
around, expecting each to obtain a musket. But President
Johnson refused to approve the bill, which was to place
over eighty thousand dollars' worth of arms in the hands of
Bowen, the demagogue mayor, to distribute. Of course

1869] GRANT'S CABINET 543
great dissatisfaction is expressed by the colored crowd
towards President Johnson for his meanness in withholding
the guns.
March 5, Friday. The city was fuU of strangers this
moming. It was difficult for them to get off in the crowded
trains last night and this morning, and there is an immense
throng of party expectants, waiting the Cabinet nomina
tions. These nominations were sent in about 2 p.m.,
and produced a rapid dispersion. The excitement had
been great for some days and had reached fever heat, but
there was a cold shower-bath on the announcement of the
names. It is obviously a Grant Cabinet. The members belong to
the Radical-Republican Party, but neither one, unless it
be Creswell, would have been selected by that party.
They are not the men the Radicals wanted, but they are
such men as Grant wants. Washburne is coarse, compar
atively ilUterate, a demagogue without statesmanship or
enlarged views, with none of the accomplishments or at
tributes that should belong to a Secretary of State. Jef
ferson is the first; Washburne is the last. Hamilton, a
man of talents and genius, was the first Secretary of the
Treasury. He had financial skill and ability to develop
the resources of the nation. Stewart, the last Secretary
of the Treasury, has made a princely fortune in the trade
of silks, calicoes, laces, and stockings. So of the others.
From first to last there is not an experienced politician
or statesman among them. Most of them are party men.
All are Grant men. Creswell was a Secessionist in 1861,
and, Uke Logan, raised a company to resist the Unionists.
There is now not a more bitter and intolerant Radical
in the country, but his Radicalism is obsequious and
subservient to Grant.
It is the plan of Grant to cheat both parties, and he is
measurably successful. The Democrats rejoice because
none of the Radical leaders have been selected. Sumner,

544 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 5
Wade, Schenck, Curtin, Griswold, Boutwell, and all of
that class are ignored. None of the men in whom the Rad
icals had confidence are chosen. Their minds did not
concentrate on the jewels which have been dug up. Grant
was the man to unearth and bring forth the brilliant lights
which are to govem and illuminate the country, ff he acted
intelligently and deliberately. He has been reticent; kept
his secret well. The great men of the country were hid
under a Radical bushel until he brought them forth.
The Radicals are astounded, thunderstruck, mad, but,
after taking breath, try to reconcile themselves and be
composed that things are no worse, — that Grant has not,
besides kicking them one side, selected Democrats. In
this is consolation. They therefore try to praise the Cabi
net and like it. The Administration is to be Grant's, based
on Radical usurpations. Both parties are to be bam
boozled, and ff he really has any policy, — which I doubt,
— it is that the animosity of each is to be played off against
the other.
The inaugural address, a mess of trite, flat, newspaper
partyism, in a day and time when noble utterances ought
to be expected, is praised and extoUed by the Radicals.
His support of the public credit of a specie standard, —
of the payment of the debt, — ff such be honestly and
squarely his purpose, is weU. His idea of digging the pre
cious metals, — his strong-box figure, — to discharge the
debt, indicates his narrow, barren thoughts, whUe some
arrogant expressions weaken and do not strengthen it.
Still, it is lauded as a remarkable state paper.
It is not to be expected, however, that partisan editors,
correspondents, and place-hunters would have — cer
tainly they would not express — opinions against the in
augural address, or the new Cabinet. They are here and
everywhere to express approval, although the address is
indifferent and the Cabinet distasteful.
As regards the Cabinet, no statesman and patriot with
right intentions would have selected it, or any other of

1869] STEWART'S APPOINTMENT ILLEGAL 545
untried men for such positions. If General Grant thinks
he can take up five or six men, personal adherents, syco
phants Uke Washburne, money-givers like Stewart and
Borie, to discharge the highest and most responsible po
sitions, and believes that such persons can successfully
administer the government, he is himself unfit for the
place of Chief Magistrate. But if General Grant has as
pirations above and beyond the Constitution, he might
well put in his Cabinet men without knowledge of, or ex
perience in, public affairs, men who themselves mean well
and have no unhallowed ambition, but who are ignorant
of the structure and workings of our peculiar system. I
impute no wrong motives to these men, with the exception
of Creswell and Washbume. But, with the Umited ideas
which most of them possess, they can be easily led into
error by a cunning and ambitious man of ability and at the
head of the govemment.
Grant has both avarice and ambition. Two of the men
have been liberal in their donations, and he appreciates
their gffts. Washbume is servile and obsequious. Of Hoar
I know little, and nothing to his personal disparagement.
He belongs to the school of centralists, and is, I doubt not,
committed to what are called the "Reconstruction"
measures, by which States and people, in violation of
the Constitution, are despoiled of their rights. Cox is
patriotic, but with less ability, perhaps, than Hoar.
March 6, Saturday. There is disturbance and trouble
in the Radical camp. Mr. Stewart is not ready to give up
his extensive business for the office of Secretary of the
Treasury. Grant did not know that it was illegal for an
extensive importer to be Secretary of the Treasury. A
sagacious and honest-minded man would have seen the
incompatibility of such a conjunction, even were there no
legal objections. Had Grant been less secretive, he would
have been wiser. His friends, had he consulted them,
would have advised him properly. Stewart, of course,
3

546 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 6
knew no better. The Senate confirmed Stewart unan
imously, supposing, probably, that it was arranged that he
should give up his business to take the place. This was the
general supposition. But to-day Grant sends in a special
message addressed to the Senate only, asking Congress to
permit the newly appointed Secretary of the Treasury to
be exempted from the law; that the most conspicuous case
of the propriety and necessity of the law in the whole
United States shall be relieved from the disabiUties which
the law imposes; that Mr. Stewart, the largest importer,
shall have a privilege which the law was enacted to prevent
and which is denied every other importer. This message
is a more conclusive evidence of imfitness than the ignor
ance of appointing. The first was from a want of know
ledge; the second from a want of honest principle. It is
said, however, he had Congressional advices in the last
movement, and Patterson of New Hampshire and Sher
man, two partisan Senators, showed an obsequious want
of moral principle in their movements to relieve Grant
from his dilemma.
It is not strange that unscrupulous party papers should
advise and urge an abandonment of the laws and regula
tions which were enacted as safeguards to the country
and which have existed from the foundation of the govem
ment, to please the King, and there are Senators no better.
Admiral Farragut teUs me that Grant told him that
he gave the office of Secretary of State to Washbume as
a compliment, — not that he is to continue in the place.
Here is another evidence of the traits of character of our
new Chief Magistrate. High places of the Govemment he
considers his perquisites and he bestows them on personal
favorites as a matter of compliment, without regard to
fitness or the true interest of the country.
March 8, Monday. Uneasiness, discontent, doubt pre
vail in regard to the Administration. The Cabinet is
weak. Whether the President is also weak wUl soon be

1869] STEWART'S PROPOSAL 547
more generally known. He is not gaining confidence and
strength in the pubUc estimation, but, though ignorant of
the structure of the govemment and of govemmental
duties, he is not destitute of cunning and is intrenching
himseff in position by the bestowment of govemmental
favors. The Cabinet is his, and will be devoted to his use
and purpose, whatever that purpose may be, or they will
be compelled to give way to others.
Stewart proposes, in order to retain the office of Secre
tary of the Treasury, to put his immense business in the
hands of trustees, and to dedicate all the profits to poor
soldiers and their families. This extraordinary bid for the
place leaves no doubt of his great anxiety to obtain and
hold it. It can hardly be supposed he will be able to pur
chase this high office under the affectation of benevolence.
Mr. S. has never heretofore been renovsmed for his char
ities. I have suggested that instead of putting his business
in commission it might be better to put the Treasury in
commission, and let the trustees manage the finances
instead of Stewart's affairs.
Faxon informs me he was summoned to the White House
by the President, where he found Washbume, the other
Assistant Secretaries, army officers, and a miscellaneous
crowd. Grant was sitting in one comer of the fireplace,
smoking his cigar. Washbume was at the table, writing
orders apparently, and every few moments rising and run
ning from one room to another. There was trouble and
anxiety about some pardons which had been granted by
President Johnson, which Grant desired to revoke. He
ordered the Assistant Secretaries to send out no commis
sions, and to do only necessary routine work; said his
regular Cabinet days would be Tuesdays and Fridays,
and directed the Assistants to attend untU the Secretaries
entered upon their duties. Faxon informed him that no
commission would go out which had not the President's
signature. This seems not to have been known by him
or his Secretary of State, Washbume.

548 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 8
No action was taken to-day in Congress on the Act of
1789, or Grant's message asking exemption for Stewart.
Faxon tells me that Sunmer does not, when with friends,
conceal his wrath and indignation at Grant's course; says
that he (Sumner), the father of the Senate, chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, was offered- nothing,
was not even consulted in regard to the Cabinet, appoint
ments abroad, or the policy which the Administration
should pursue.
March 9, Tuesday. The Intelligencer of this moming
contained a very extraordinary leader, first under its
head, double-leaded, laudatory of Stewart and Grant,
because the former offers to give his income, some two
millions a year, to the poor of New York, provided he can
thereby be permitted to hold the office of Secretary of the
Treasury and manage the finances. Every one on reading
the article pronounced the paper purchased. I have no
doubt of it, or of its readiness to be purchased for any pur
pose. When the previous course of the paper is considered,
there can be no question that it has been influenced by
a consideration. Newspapers, as well as the poor for whom
it affects great interest, are soothed by money. It is plain
that Stewart wants position. Wealth does not introduce
him into the first circles. He thinks official distinction wiU
elevate him. The censorious insist that he will make more
money than he gives, ff made Secretary of the Treasury.
March 10, Wednesday. The papers published Stewart's
deed of trust, and also his letter declining the office of
Secretary of the Treasury. It was found, after inquiry
and consultation, that the arrangements would not work,
and that the rich man could not openly buy the place.
To Grant and Mrs. Grant the misgo is a great disappoint
ment. Stewart's silks and laces, scandal says, were potent
in the appointment, and in other ways he had also given
largely to Grant. Who shaU be substituted is now the

1869] PORTER IN THE NAVY DEPARTMENT 549
question. The friends of John A. Griswold are pressing
him, but the gossiping rumor alleges he did not contribute
so largely as others in proportion to his means, and there
fore cannot succeed. He is, however, a better man and
better qualified than Stewart. Boutwell is pushed most
eamestly, but it seems, though the Radicals urge him, he
has not been a free giver and consequently does not suit
Grant. Boutwell was tendered the Interior Department,
but Grant would not give him the Treasury. Still the
demands and clamors of the Radicals are so loud and
persistent, he may feel it necessary to yield. He has,
moreover, been taken down and tamed by his blunders
for Stewart. We shall see how matters operate. It is said
he will not give way and the Radical pressure for Boutwell
will only make hun more determined against that gentle
man. It is also claimed that Hoar is from Massachu
setts, and there cannot be two Cabinet officers from the
same State. Grant has laid this down as a fixed fact, a
cardinal principle, from which he will not swerve. But, it
is said, this can be arranged by getting through a biU
enlarging the number of judges, and putting Hoar on the
bench. All of this trafficking and shuffling seems to be considered
right and weU enough by the Radical leaders. There is no
thought or even a conception that the public are entitled
to consideration, — that they are to have a voice or wish
worth a moment's attention, or that the public interest
and welfare are to be consulted. Places for Grant to give
and for Radicals to receive are their ideas of administra
tion. Vice-Admiral Porter was telegraphed by Grant to come
to Washington and take charge of the Navy Department
yesterday, and he at once came over from Annapolis by
a special train. Borie, the Secretary, who is here, waited
his coming, and the two went to the Department arm in
arm; Porter told Faxon and others that he had come to
"nm the Department," that Borie wouldn't do much,

550 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march lo
that Borie yielded to him. Faxon commenced to inform
B. of the general routine, but Porter stopped him, and said
Faxon could inform him (P.) and he would communicate
to B., and B. submitted meekly.
The War Department is put in the keeping of the
General and the Navy Department is under the control of
the Vice-Admiral. All things are tending to centraUzation
and military supremacy.
Faxon and E. T. WeUes took leave of the Department
to-day. Their resignations were tendered on the 8th and
accepted when a successor could relieve them. Faxon took
the noon train to-day for Connecticut. He has been asso
ciated with me the last eight years, and our intercourse has
been always pleasant. I have found him ever faithful and
useful, and cannot but feel regret at our parting. He tells
me that Schofield is not pleased with the recent order
placing the General over the War Department, and has
asked to be speedily relieved. The ex-President, Johnson,
goes to Baltimore to-morrow to attend a banquet tendered
him by the city authorities, and has urged me to go vrith
him, but I decluied; wish he had also, and hope he will
attend no others.
March 11. Grant has finally surrendered and nominated
Boutwell for the Treasury. He would not at the beginning
give him the place, but has been humbled and subdued in
a measure by the exposure of his ignorance in the first in
stance; by his readiness to cheat the law in the second;
third, by his inability to procure a repeal of the enactment
and being finally compelled to withdraw his grossly im
proper proposition. The Radicals have been very clamor
ous and violent for distinctive recognition as a power,
which Grant has tried to evade, but he at last yields. He
yields in another respect from his repeated declarations and
immovable principles that he would not have two members
of his Cabinet from one State. But it is reported that this
difficulty will soon be corrected. The Supreme Court is to

DAVID D. porter

1869] CABINET CHANGES 551
be enlarged, and Hoar is to be got rid of by being trans
ferred to the bench. Bargains, intrigues, and arrangements
are the order of the day; the country's welfare is of little
consideration. There is an inaccuracy and readiness in
these vicious proceedings which is startling. But the ' ' party
of moral ideas" seem to consider the whole thing proper.
Hamilton Fish of New York is appointed Secretary of
State. Washburne held the office four days. He could not
fill it. Grant told Farragut that he gave Washburne the
place as a compliment. That was in character. Grant con
siders the govemment offices his, not the country's. They
are bestowed on favorites for their personal service and
devotion to him, not for qualification of the recipient nor
for the public weffare. Fish is a New-Yorker of medium
talents, a man of wealth, of some experience and fair ac
compUshments, a moderate RepubUcan, an old Whig, not
an extreme man, will be rightly disposed, and be likely
to do tolerably well, if things move rightly, but without
energy or force to correct Presidential errors or to resent
wrongs. He is a great improvement on the coarse, un
cultured Washbume. This "fellow," as I once heard Mr.
Lincoln call Washbume, is appointed Minister to France.
He may represent correctly the man who appoints hun,
but is no credit to the country.
General Rawlins succeeds Schofield as Secretary of War.
Of the three persons who figured not very largely eight
years ago in the village of Galena, but who are now in the
most prominent places in the Republic, I have always con
sidered Rawlins as possessing the superior, though not
great, mind. His health is not good, but I think his influence
wUl be in the right direction, beneficial for Grant and the
Administration. Porter has begun his career by an onslaught on Isher
wood, who is superseded by Chief Engineer King. Isher
wood has his peculiarities, but is mentally superior to any
one of the chief engineers with whom I have come in con
tact. He has not great business talents, but is devoted to

552 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march il
his profession. His engines, which have been assailed and
denounced by rivals and opponents, have rendered good
service and given better satisfaction than any others. He,
as well as the Engineer Corps generally, and all the staff
have erred in their clamor for rank. Isherwood has not
ihesuaviter in modo in his intercourse with others whom he
believes wrong, he is no double-dealer, but speaks his mind,
roughly and offensively at times. He holds a ready pen.
There were rumors of his connection with the Martin boiler
and Lowell's condenser that were never fully cleared up,
and which his opponents have used vrith some effect
against him. King, who succeeds him, is his antagonist; is
smooth and never uses harsh language. Those who differ
with him charge him with plausibility, insincerity, and
not very great ability. He was at my house this evening,
and says he knew nothing of and had no intimation of his
selection until he saw it in the paper. . . .
I hear of some new and strange orders issued, or about to
be issued, by the Navy Department. Likely there is some
foundation and some exaggeration. Porter wUl, from his
nature, strive to do something di^ereni from what has been
done, more likely to be evil than good; vriU issue some
counter orders, adopt a contrary poUcy, effect something
novel without much regard to its good or bad qualities.
I have so detailed officers as to avoid cUques, and clannish
aggregations, and therein have dissatisfied Porter, who is
given to favorites and has dislikes and prejudices vrithout
cause. In breaking up cliques, incipiently forming, and
dispensing with those who were indulging in those per
sonal factions, I know I have performed a benefit to the
parties themselves, as well as to the service. But Porter
is resentful because he had not his own way.
March 12, Friday. Commodore Glisson called on me this
evening. Is here in relation to League Island and the Iron
sides, but says there is such confusion and bewUderment
at the Navy Department that he can accompUsh nothing.

1869] ADMIRAL PORTER'S MANAGEMENT 553
It is time to make arrangements for letting the unoccupied
lands. Had offers of ten thousand dollars for them for pas
turing, to which the lands have been put for the last three
years. But they prohibit him from pasturing them; say
it is not proper that lands which are to be used for a navy
yard, though not occupied, should be pastured. GUsson
told them the crops would not be gathered as hay. They
did not want it should be. He said to let the grass and
weeds grow and perish on the ground would breed disease.
But his views were disregarded. Porter, he says, is the man
who answered him and gave the orders.
Commodore Melancthon Smith called later in the even
ing. He says Porter is trying to flourish and make a noise
in order to be noticed in the papers. Has appointed a large
number of boards to examine ships, engines, etc. Over
looks the Bureaus, which can furnish all the information,
but he wants officers to move about and report. Has Golds
borough chairman of one board; has detached Stringham
from a court martial and ordered him on another board;
and has other boards in embryo. Tells Commodore Smith
and other Chiefs, ff they want anything, to apply to him,
not to the Secretary.
The officers of the Navy and Army were presented to
day to the President. He said there were so many Navy
officers that he supposed Congress would be for reducing
the Navy. There were about sixty of them, and over two
hundred of the Army officers, but the Navy men say the
President made no remarks to the Navy [sic] branch of the
service indicating reduction.
March 13, Saturday. John P. Hale, the worthless and
worse than worthless Minister to Spain, is continued,
and Perry, the efficient Secretary of Legation, is dismissed,
provided the Senate consents.
The papers contain ten or more general naval orders,
most of them frivolous and captious, manifesting great zeal
to differ with, or cast reflection on, the late Administration

654 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 13
of the Department. It is not difficult to trace them to
Vice-Admiral Porter, who received many favors from that
administration, to which he was always superciliously ob
sequious until about the period of the Presidential election.
Among the orders revoked is one suspending and repri
manding Sawyer, a second assistant engineer who de
nounced President Johnson as a traitor that ought to
be impeached. Grant indorses the revocation, because
Guyon, the principal witness, spoke disrespectfully of
Congress. Neither the Vice-Admiral nor the President
discriminates between denunciation of a superior, which is
destructive of discipline, and denunciations of a legislature
or other body. Both are improper, but one is criminal
and mutinous, insubordinate, and a high military offense.
Had Sawyer said that Admiral Bailey, his immediate com
mander and commandant of the yard, was a traitor and
deserved to be court-martialed, he would have been tried
and punished, or had one of the Army subordinates said
the same of Grant, he would have been tried and punished;
but, according to this order, he might berate and assail
the superior of Bailey and Grant, the Commander-in-
Chief of Army and Navy, with impunity.
Had charges been preferred against Guyon for disre
spectful language towards Congress, he might or might
not have been court-martialed, although it would not, in
that case, have been a military offense, and he might not
have been found guilty, as Sawyer was, of insubordinate
and disrespectful language towards his superior. Party
feeling has moved the President and his Vice-Admiral in
the wrong direction.
Two general orders are issued in the name of the Secre
tary of the Navy, revoking the sentence of a court martial
in the case of Collins and Bache, the former commander
and the latter navigating officer of the Sacramento, which
was wrecked in the Bay of Bengal, — a loss to the Govern
ment of six or eight hundred thousand dollars. Collins was
playing chess, and Bache smoking, forward, when she

1869] CIVIL-TENURE REPEAL IN SENATE 555
stranded. But the revocation says nothing appeared
against the latter. He belongs to a distinguished famUy
and is the nephew of Vice-Admiral Porter; why should
not his sentence, and suspension, which has expired, be
revoked ?
March 17, Wednesday. This is St. Patrick's Day, and the
Irish do not forget it. An interesting debate is going on in
the Senate on the repeal of the civil-tenure law. Trumbull,
who was an active partisan for its enactment, and who has
forgotten or surrendered most of his old Democratic, strict-
construction principles, is unwilling to repeal an unconsti
tutional act which gives undue power to the Senate; but
several of the Radical Senators are disposed to retrace their
steps, admit the law was personal, passed to cripple the
constitutional authority of the late President, etc. The
confession is more candid and more creditable than the
persistent wrong of TmmbuU and others, who, having by
party usurpation and fraud got unauthorized power, are
unwilling to relinquish it. Edmunds of Vermont, more of
a lawyer than legislator or statesman, takes ground with
Trumbull. Carpenter, the new Senator from Wisconsin,
made his debut in a speech claiming that the power of re
moval is with the Senate, but is wilUng to suspend the
power. He is another lawyer who is regardless of the fun
damental law and not a statesman or wise legislator. On
the whole, the Radicals do not appear to advantage in this
discussion, and the wickedness and injustice by which a
usurping majority embarrassed and thwarted the late
administration is apparent.
A smart debate took place between Butler and Schenck,
neither very scrupulous men. Schenck has, perhaps, more
influence in the House, but Butler knows the most.
The papers say that Attomey-General Hoar has given
an opinion that Grant has no authority to revoke the
pardons granted by President Johnson, which he had
attempted. I know nothing of the merits of any of these

556 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 1 7
cases, and should not be surprised if they were not de
serving of pardon, but that Grant should interpose and
try, by straining and violating the law, to defeat an act
of clemency on the part of his predecessor, displays male
volence as well as ignorance, and is characteristic.
I this evening parted with ex-President Johnson and his
family, who leave in the moming for Tennessee. No better
persons have occupied the Executive Mansion, and I part
from them, socially and personally, with sincere regret.
Of the President, pohtically and officially, I need not here
speak further than to say he has been faithful to the Con
stitution, although his administrative capabilities and
management may not equal some of his predecessors. Of
measures he was a good judge, but not always of men.
March 18, Thursday. The Senate is still debating the
Tenure-of-Office Law. There is great reluctance to yield
power on the part of mankind generally, especiaUy ff im
properly obtained, and the Radical majority of the Senate
is no exception. Although the most stupid of them must
be aware that the power and energy of the Executive are
crippled, and that the public business, and especially the
collection of the revenue, is thereby greatly impaired, still
they cling to power. Office is really the great impelling
motive of the Radicals, the alpha and omega of their acts.
No regard for the Constitution or principle governs them.
March 19, Friday. Honest John LenthaU, Chief Naval
Constructor, called on me last evening. He feels unhappy
over the condition of affairs at the Navy Department.
Thinks Mr. Borie well disposed, but that he is feeble,
timid, and inefficient. Porter, on the other hand, is offi
cious, presuming, and meddlesome. Borie is dwarfed and
overborne by the self-assuming and arrogant Vice-Ad
miral. L. says P. displays a great amount of ignorance and
puerility in his orders and assumptions; talks of economy
but spends recklessly. Bridge (Paymaster) came in later

1869] CIVIL-TENURE REPEAL IN SENATE 557
in the evening. Listened attentively; hates Porter, but is
afraid to say so. I was amused at his tunidity, and also
disgusted with it.
Grant sends in no nominations; holds up to compel the
Senators to surrender their usurped power. Tells appli
cants that he wishes the law repealed and holds himself
under no obligation to remove incumbents whilst it re
mains. He does not send in a message to Congress, boldly
and explicitly stating these things, but does it, as he aided
in the passage of the law, in whispers and behind-the-door
conversations. March 22, Monday. The city is filled with a hungry
crowd, wanting offices which they can't get. Grant uses
them to compel the Senate to repeal the Tenure-of-Office
Bill. But the Senators are reluctant to give up power; dis
like to back down; are also mad. While Grant has now
the right of this question, it is to his discredit that he was
guUty of exerting himself to impose and continue that
viUainy as an embarrassment to the Administration of
President Johnson. The Radical Senators are getting
much divided among themselves; have never had much
confidence in each other, but still adhere together for power
and plunder.
March 23, Tuesday. There is some satisfaction in look
ing on the movements, and feeling that one has no respons-
ibffity for what is done or omitted. The strife here is great
and the disappointments will be many. Some remedy
should be devised for the great evil of office-seeking and the
greater evil of Congressional intermeddling with appoint
ments. The best men in the community for places of trust
and responsibility are not those who rush here to get
them. But where is the remedy? Congress itself is made
up of vagabond adventurers to a great extent, fellows who
seU their votes for money, and who intrigue for the worth
less on receiving a consideration. There is but little moral

558 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 23
or political principle in Congress. The few who are not
vicious and debased are destitute of independence, and
yield to the discipline and tyranny of party.
The supporters of the Tenure-of-Office BiU, finding that
they were in a minority of the Senate but in a majority of
the party, resorted to the device which they have prac
ticed extensively for the last three years of calUng a caucus,
to which they endeavored to transfer legislation, and then
by party machinery enable the actual minority to decide
the fate of the bill. Edmunds and Conkling, two fierce
partisans, projected this scheme. The former is a mere
lawyer legislator, vrith no conception of his duties, al
though an attorney of some sharpness and abiUty. Conk
ling has more legislative capacity, but is an egotistical
coxcomb, with less political honesty than Edmunds, who
would, at any time, sacrffice the right to benefit his party.
The friends of repeal were not insensible to the trick which
was sought to be practiced, would not be caught, and de
clared in caucus they would not be bound by its proceed
ings. This is a good indication. Party machinery and
party tyranny may yet be broken. Morton and Conkling
are reputed to have had a sharp passage in caucus.
March 24, Wednesday. The bill to reorganize the Navy,
which Grimes introduced into the Senate a few days
since and hurried through that body without discussion,
has been checked up by the Representatives. There was an
intention of running it through the House without refer
ence to a committee or any examination, but this did not
succeed, and a reference took place. In the committee
there was soon a conviction that so important a bill, and
one involving such radical changes and such marked dis
criminations, should be well matured. Porter and Borie
went twice to the Capitol and presented themselves before
the Naval Committee to urge immediate action, and Isher
wood tells me they had a letter from Grant expressing a

1869] NAVY REORGANIZATION SCHEME 559
wish that there might be no delay in its passage, which
they read to some of the members of the committee. It
was the absorbing subject with the head, or heads, of the
Navy Department, but the House Naval Committee came
unanimously to the conclusion, after patiently listening
to Porter, hearing Grimes, and understanding the wishes
of Grant, that it was best to move slowly, and they there
fore deferred the further consideration of the bill until next
December. This is a sockdologer to Porter, who had made
his arrangements, based on this bill. Without it he is
UteraUy an intruder in the Department. The bill, among
other provisions, establishes a Board of Survey to consist
of three admirals, of which it is well understood Porter
was to be the President. This would have placed him in
the Department as superior or superintendent.
It is obvious that the scheme of bringing Porter here to
take charge of the Navy Department and the new Secretary
also has been long since planned, and is a part of Grant's
miUtary poUcy. When Porter, last autumn, in the midst
of the election campaign, volunteered his testimony to
the effect that Grant was a total abstinence man, it was
a bid which was well understood, and which no man of
position, unless a Porter, would make. Those who know
Porter Well are aware he can certify to almost anything.
It was easy for Grant to place the War Department
under the military, but the Navy Department is dif
ferently organized and some management was necessary.
The selection of a man like Borie, without knowledge of,
or experience in, public affairs, was made on personal
grounds, vrith reference to the end to be accomplished.
Weak, as regards the duties, but willing to oblige Grant,
he became an instrument. Porter was summoned here
by Grant, before Borie was permitted to enter the Navy
Department, and B. was at once put in Porter's keeping.
Porter came duly prepared, his pockets filled with general
orders which he had been weeks preparing, — some of
them on the most trivial subjects, others mere repetitions

560 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 24
or verbal alterations of existing orders. The Book of Regu
lations — the uniform regulations, which would require
a tailor some days to prepare — was at once established,
a winter's work was at once introduced, and in all this
poor Borie was a passive tool. He is now a mere clerk to
Vice-Admiral Porter, not the Secretary of the Navy. This
is Grant's work and purpose. The govemment is to be
conducted on a military plan and system. Law, usage, and
civil service are set aside.
The Judiciary Committee in the Senate reported a biU
on the Tenure-of-Office Law which is a perfect cheat and
swindle. Grant is said to have been consulted by the
committee and a compromise was effected. The lawyers
duped and cowed him. The poor devil has neither the sa
gacity and obstinacy for which he has credit, ff he assents
to this compromise, where the Executive surrenders every
thing and gets nothing.
I shall not be surprised, however, if TrumbuU has in
duced and seduced Grant. In heart and sentiment Trum
bull has become a perfect Senatorial oligarch, and aims to
concentrate all power in the Senate. His original Demo
cratic principles — State-Rights and strict construction
— he has almost totally abandoned, and seems to sup
pose the powers of the govemment are lodged vrith the
Senate; at all events, he wishes the Senate whUst he is
a member to exercise them.
March 25, Thursday. There was a rumor prevalent
to-day that ex-President Johnson died last night from a
sudden attack of paralysis. It was founded on the fact
that he had a severe attack of disease of the kidneys, and
that his physician. Doctor Norris, had been sent for. The
President and his family arrived home at Green"viUe
safely on Saturday, where they were received with greet
ings cordial and sincere from their old neighbors and
friends after their long absence.
Moses H. Grinnell has been nominated Collector of

1869] GRINNELL NOMINATED COLLECTOR 561
the Port of New York. I am not surprised at it. He is
proud, a man trained in the corrupt and corruptible
school of New York poUtics, an old admirer of Daniel
Webster. At one period he was one of the merchant
princes; he still has a commercial standing and occupies
a prominent social position, which wiU make him careful
about prostituting himself or his office. His restraints wUl
be due as much to his commercial standing as to his moral
instincts and he will have a studied desire to guard his re
putation. Like Hamilton Fish he was formerly devoted to
Seward, and Uke Fish he has become estranged in a meas
ure from his former leader. Both keep up the formahties
of friendly intercourse, but there is no heart-feeling on
their part, or Seward's.
Commodore Jenkins tells me that Vice-Admiral Porter
devotes his time apparently to criticism, — complains of,
and picks flaws in, my administration. He has got his
boards organized — by appointment of Borie, who is a
mere puppet — to examine the hulls and engines that are
building, or that were commenced during the War and
have since been completed or suspended. Jenkins says
he went into the Secretary's room, where Porter had the
ledger and books, and Stribling, who is to be president of
one of these boards, was examining them with Porter.
Stribling manifested any other emotion than that of pride
in his work, and, subsequently, in an apologetic way, made
inquiries of Jenkins about the employment of workmen,
the form of intercourse at the navy yards, the assumption
of the Bureaus and their subordinates, and the want of
proper deference to commandants of the yards. Jenkins
advised him to examine the method of proceedings at the
yards, — to make proper inquiries for himself before com
ing to a conclusion, — and he would find he was on a false
scent, and that he had been imposed upon. Stribling
seemed mortified, expressed the greatest respect for me,
but supposed that old usage had been sacrificed, that com
mandants had not their rights, and that a worse practice
3

562 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 25
had been introduced. Jenkins said such was not the fact so
far as his Bureau was concerned, nor did he beUeve such
practice existed with any other; certain he was that I was
vigilant and that, had any deviation been brought to my
notice, it would have been properly corrected.
This is a specimen of the low schemes and intrigues
that are being practiced. I have done too much for Por
ter, who is incapable of gratitude, and is eaten up with
selfish ambition. The creation of the office of Admiral,
which became necessary in order to have naval rank
corresponding with that of the mihtary commander of the
armies, necessitated the promotion of some one to the office
of Vice-Admiral, made vacant by the appointment of
Farragut to the highest grade. There was no Rear-Ad
miral entitled to such promotion. Goldsborough, who was
senior, had not a single qualification but size, belly, and
lungs. Davis was literary and a scholar vrithout a strong
naval fighting record. Dahlgren was cold, and so calcu
latingly selfish that he feared to do anything lest he might
injure his past reputation, which was on the "gun line,"
— not in their use but the manufacture or make of them.
Porter, who had a mixture of good and bad qualities, was
preferable, I thought, to either of them, but yet vrithout
just claims for the distinction. He had acquitted himself
very well at Fort Fisher by persevering in his efforts to
carry into effect the wishes and "riews of the Na"vy Depart
ment. I had placed him in command of the squadron
after Farragut declined, because he had energy, ambition,
and I knew he would feel that his future success would
depend on accompUshing the work prescribed. When it
was over, although there were many things which I dis'
approved, I could not, when the vacancy occurred, do
otherwise than give him the place over the heads of others,
and after the War was ended, I placed hun in the eligible
position of Superintendent of the Naval Academy. He
had, I thought, some excellent qualities for the position
at that particular time, and for two years he discharged the

1869] ADMIRAL PORTER'S INTRIGUES 563
duties well. The third year his restless nature began to
develop itseff. Change, novelty, new schemes were intro
duced. He first wanted the European Squadron when it
was given to Farragut. Later the party intrigues and
Presidential movements enUsted him. He had fostered a
factious clique at Annapolis, and began to use the officers
for himself and purposes. I did not accord to hun full
sway, for I perceived his error. Among others he had
Walker, a nephew of Senator Grimes, in the academic
staff. I regretted the necessity of ordering Walker to the
Academy, for I knew the use that would be made of him.
Secret movements soon commenced against the De
partment, and Grimes began to change his views. Walker
came to Washington every few days, and Grimes became
distant, changed his views, had new schemes such as he
once disapproved. His broken health subjected him more
entirely to the malign influence that was brought to bear
upon him. Walker was the unconscious dupe and tool of
Porter, and Grimes, in his feeble health, was subject to
that influence.
When Farragut retumed, and the time had arrived for
Porter to have the European Squadron, as hehad requested,
he asked to be excused; said his health was so impaired he
could not discharge the duties; the routine at the Academy
was pleasant and beneficial to an invalid who could not
perform other duties. All of which I understood and was in
no sense deceived. Though still obsequious to me, he was
paying his court in another quarter. Grant was likely to
be elected President and he had volunteered to testify
to Grant's total abstinence, which by his published stand
ard deserves reward. He had been accustomed to say to
me that Grant was nothing unless associated vrith Sher
man, whom of the two Porter admired most; that together
they made a great general. Latterly nothing is said of
Sherman. Gradually his calls on me have faUen off. His
visits to Washington have been frequent during the fall
and winter, but I have seen him only two or three times.

564 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 25
Grimes introduced a bill for a Board of Survey, — a
scheme of Porter to get position in Washington. UntU
Walker became the messenger of Porter, Grimes steadily
opposed this Board. The refusal of the Naval Committee
in the House to consider Grimes' biU until next Decem
ber disconcerts Porter, who is at present a mere intruder
in the Navy Department vrithout any legal status.
March 26, Friday. The House by a majority of over
twenty refuses concurrence with the Senate in its modffica-
tion of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and insists on uncondi
tional repeal. Grant is quoted as having surrendered to
the lawyer intriguers, but the House, more sensible, more
sagacious, and more firm, holds out. StiU Bingham,
Schenck, and the scheming ultra-Radicals are in concert
with the Senate intriguers, and, having made a dupe of
Grant, . . . they will labor to have the Senate recognized
as a part of the executive power, clothed with authority
to check and control the President for party purposes.
Trumbull and Edmunds, two Radical lawyers, are active
in this scheme.
Borie has sent a letter to the Naval Committee for the
repeal of the eight-hour law. Though right in this, it was
not wise or politic at this time. The demagogues in Con
gress enacted the law regardless of the public interest,
and dare not repeal it, whatever may be their convictions.
March 27, Saturday. The President has rescinded that
part of his order which placed the War Department un
der the General of the armies. It was a part of a scheme
for a military government that Grant has had in view,
which neither Congress nor the country was yet prepared
to sanction. The Navy Department was in like manner to
have been organized, and may be yet. Porter is ready to
take on himself any authority which others wUl permit,
with law or without law.
Doolittle tells me he has had a talk with General Butler,

1869] BUTLER'S CONTEMPT FOR GRANT 565
who says the House wUl to the end insist on repeal of the
CivU-Tenure BiU. He, B., has seen Grant and tried to have
a conversation with him and make him comprehend the
features of this amendment. "But," said Butier, "he is
stupidly dull and ignorant and no more comprehends his
duty or his power under the Constitution than that dog,"
pointing to a small dog near them. Butler's expression of
ineffable contempt, DooUttle says, cannot be described,
when he alluded to Grant.
I am also told by Doolittle that Stewart, when he found
he could not be Secretary of the Treasury, requested as
a special favor that Ethan Allen might be appointed Dis
trict Attomey in New York. But Grant regretted to inform
Stewart that he had promised that place to a Mr. Ford,
the brother of one of Grant's cronies. This promise he had
made last summer. Ford is an obscure lawyer, without
standing or position. Poor Stewart is mortified and cha
grined that he has made himself an ass and expended his
money for nothing.
Sprague, though not an orator, has been telling the
Senators some truths. At first they were disposed to treat
his attacks on, or exposure of, the lawyers with levity,
and Nye . . . attacked him with severity, but though this
amused the galleries for the moment, Sprague's remarks
remain. March 29, Monday. Ex-President Johnson has re
covered from the painful attack which prostrated him,
and is announced to speak at Greenville, Nashville, and
Memphis. He has been an effective speaker in Tennessee
in former years, and may succeed again, but ten years have
changed the character of the people, and the people them
selves, nor is it likely that he remains unchanged. I shall
not be surprised, therefore, if he is not as successful as
in former years, and, under the sweeping proscription by
which Brownlow and his faction have aimed to disfran
chise all who are opposed to them, the ex-President may

566 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 29
find it more difficult than he apprehends to serve the
State. March 30, Tuesday. Montgomery Blair came to see
me. His brother Frank has sued the authorities in St.
Louis, who refused his vote unless he would take the iron
clad oath of Missouri, which required htm to swear that
he had not opposed the administration of the general
govemment nor the govemment of the State of Missouri,
whereas he had opposed and defeated the Rebel govemor
and Rebel organization of that State in 1861, and vrith
General Lyon extricated the State from Rebel control. His
vote being rejected, he brought suit, which was last week
argued before the Supreme Court. Montgomery B. thinks
the case was well presented, and they vrill gain their case.
He is, however, a sanguine man, and never doubts that
his brother Frank is always right. I think he is in this in
stance, and is oftener right and has much greater sagacity
than his opponents beUeve.
Montgomery Blair regretted that President Johnson
should have gone to Coyle's after leaving the Executive
Mansion. The habits, practices, and character of C. should
have prevented it. He says he found it difficult to get to
the President, but he asked Rives, one of his aides, what
he intended doing and where going when he left the White
House, and R. told him where he was to go. As he did so,
R. shrugged his shoulders. B. expressed his regret, and R.
also. He said to Blair — what he declared he had said to
no one else — that Coyle and too many like him had sur
rounded the President during his whole term. Blair says
they flattered and deceived him, . . . and Blair thinks the
President could not have been entirely ignorant of facts
that were so notorious. But Blair is censorious. He said,
however, he imputed nothing corrupt or venal to Presi
dent Johnson. The difficulty was he tolerated scoundrels
around him, and permitted them to do what he would
scorn to do himself. I remarked that I had inquired of him

1869] BUTLER OUTGENERALED 567
heretofore concerning Moore, who is a Washingtonian.
Blair said that was some time ago and he had given no
attention to the subject then, but since, and recently,
damaging information had come to him, and that he now
knew personally that Moore had played a false part and
deceived Johnson. I had no reason, I said, to suppose he
was unfaithful to the President, except the fact that
Stanton had placed him there and that he had pre
viously been in Stanton's employ. I never heard an ex
pression from him against Stanton, even when Stanton's
treachery was detected and exposed, and on one or two
occasions some facts appear to have reached Stanton
which I could account for in no other way than through
Moore. In everything, aside from Stanton, it always ap
peared to me he was true to the President and serviceable
to him — and I could not say [sic].
March 31, Wednesday. The Tenure-of-Office Bill went
to a committee of conference, on which was Trumbull,
Edmunds, and Grimes for the Senate, Butler, Washburn
of Wisconsin, and Bingham for the House. The opponents
of repeal had the advantage, except that Butler was relied
upon as equal to all opponents. But he was flattered by
the association, cajoled, and failed his friends. Like other
too cunning men, and men under the shade, he was too
compUant and shrewd. He gained his points as regards
ultimate removal, but yielded a principle. His sly, tricky
management was outwitted and his fierce energy molUfied.
Butler vanquished himself. He has congratulated him
self that, if the public denounced him as a knave, no one
asserted he was a fool, but this self-laudation is his no
longer. He has been befooled, flattered, and made an ass
of. I hear that the compromise passed both houses. Very
likely, and each congratulated itself that it has beaten the
other. Butler has been outgeneraled, has lost reputation
for shrewdness.

LXVIII
The Compromise on the Tenure-of-Office BiU passes Both Houses — Porter
as " Lord of the Admiralty" — Connecticut goes Radical in the State
Election — PossibiUty of War with Spain — Congress adjourns after
placing the Matter of Reconstruction in the President's Hands —
Morton's Amendment requiring the Adoption of the Fifteenth Amend
ment to the Constitution before a State is given Representation —
Corruption not confined to one Party — A General Sweep of Official
Incumbents — Diplomatic Appointments — Motley goes to England,
Washbume to France — The Senate rejects the Alabama Treaty after
a Speech against it by Sumner — Regrets at leaving Washington — A
Courtesy from Vice-Admiral Porter — Reflections on relinquishing
Office — The Retum to Hartford — CaU on Admiral Farragut in New
York — The Admiral suffering from Official Neglect — Changes in
Hartford in Eight Years — Getting settled — Grant's Unfitness for the
Presidency — Secretary Borie a Nonentity — Admiral Porter's Order to
Change the Names of Men-of-War — The Alabama Question and the
British Public.
April 1, Thursday. Secretary Borie has rescinded one of
his illegal general orders, issued by direction of Porter.
Some one has informed the [indecipherable] that it was not
only without authority of law but in violation of law. It
is not the only general order Uable to the same charge.
But Porter never paid much regard to law or regulations at
a time when either conflicted vrith his convenience, and, as
for Borie, he seems to know nothing either of his duties or
of law, nor cares to know.
The compromise on the Tenure-of-Office Bill has passed
both houses. All the Democrats and some of the most
sensible and reputable Republicans voted against it. On
looking at the subject more deliberately to-day, my last
evening's impressions are confirmed. The only question is.
Was Butler a treacherous knave or a silly, egotistical dupe?
He has betrayed those who trusted him through either
design or ignorance, and he is not a fool, though in this
instance foolish. But Grimes and Washburne are equally

1869] PORTER LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY 569
implicated, though Butler was considered the leader. They
each trusted the other, doubtless, and thought to patch
up and heal a disagreement in the party.
Commodore Jenkins has resigned his position as Chief
of the Bureau of Navigation and is assigned to duty as
Secretary of the Lighthouse Board. Rear-Admiral Har
wood, who was secretary of that board, has been detached
and is to be placed as one of the Retiring Board, which is
hereafter to hold permanent session in Washington. It is
easy to perceive that one object in this movement is to
control the action of the retiring, or "ex," board in certain
cases. Favorites wiU be treated lightly; those who are under
the displeasure of the "Lord of the Admiralty," as Porter
is now caUed, will be likely to fare hard. A factious clique
aims to govem the Na"vy.
Jenkins is one of the most faithful, industrious, labori
ous, and best-informed officers in the service; better fitted
for the position he occupied than any man of his grade.
There were prejudices against him, deeply and cunningly
introduced and magnffied by the man who has compelled
his resignation.
April 2, Friday. President Grant sent in quite a batch
of nominations to-day. From this I infer that he acquiesces
in the passage of the mongrel, bungling, exceptional piece
of legislation on the Tenure-of-Office Bill which was rushed
through the two houses. There was some expectation of a
veto among his best friends, but it is not in him, and his
Cabinet advisers have hardly the stamina for such a step.
Besides, the matter is in such a shape that the whole thing
is embarrassing.Butler and the extreme Radicals were defeated yester
day on the Mississippi question by a union of the more
considerate Radicals with the Democrats. It was a very
handsome rebuke to the despotic demagogue.
An order has gone out from the Navy Department re
ducing the wages of workmen one fifth below outsiders in

570 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 2
consequence of the eight-hour law. The order is correct in
principle, but will be fiercely resisted in Congress by the
demagogues who passed it.
Borie has sent a letter to the Naval Committee urging
the establishment of a Board of Survey; says he shall be
compelled to reduce the staff if it is not done, etc. The
handiwork of Porter is perceptible in all this, and the
threat may accomphsh the work. It is disgraceful that
there should be such an intrigue in the Navy Department.
Borie would not himself have attempted it, but Porter
would not hesitate to instigate and pass it. Under men
ace, the staff officers may yield, though I should be sorry
to see it.
April 3, Saturday. An opinion has been obtained from
Attomey-General Hoar reversing the opinion given by
Attomey-General Bates on which the action of the Depart
ment was founded in March, 1863, vrith the approbation of
President Lincoln, increasing the relative rank of staff
officers. I have always doubted whether the regula
tions could be maintained, if dissented to or opposed and
brought to a legal test, and therefore advised the staff
to have the regulations confirmed by Congress and then
legalized. But they were not satisfied with the rank given
them and therefore would not move, — not unlikely would
have opposed legislation, had it been attempted. But the
regulations have been in force six years, have been re
cognized by the Executive and Congress, have become a
usage, are equitable and right in themselves, provided there
is to be assimilated rank, and no person avows hunself op
posed to them. But the staff do not favor a Board of Sur
vey, and without such a board, Vice-Admiral Porter has
no legal status in the Department. The Naval Committee
have decided they would not consider the subject of such
a board until December, and this opinion has been ex
torted from the Attorney-General, when overwhelmed with
more pressing and important business, in order to gratify

1869] CONNECTICUT GOES RADICAL 571
the grasping aspirations of the Vice-Admiral. Having got
Attomey-General Hoar's opinion, reversing that of
Attomey-General Bates, Mr. Borie signs an order which
had been prepared for him, reducing the rank of the staff.
Not unlikely this Congress will be wheedled and dra
gooned into Porter's schemes of a Board of Survey, by
coercing the staff into an assent to that measure, provided
they can secure the rank which was given them by me.
April 5, Monday. Great excitement in Congress and
New York on the subject of the Pacffic Railroad. I have
looked upon the transactions connected with that road as
in some particulars outrageously fraudulent. Durant,
the manager, has the reputation of being a knave, and
there are Members of Congress involved in the swindle.
Fisk, an adventurer and operator in New York, had a fight
vrith the concern, and, the board refusing to produce their
books, the court has authorized the safe to be broken open,
which has been finally done, after a day's labor, with
sledge-hammers, crowbars, etc., etc.
April 6, Tuesday. Grant yesterday signed the new
Tenure-of-Office Bill. He has been defeated and over
reached in this matter. This is not surprising. Thus far he
does not promise a very wise or successful administration.
The folly of making a Chief Magistrate of a man who is
totally ignorant of civU affairs and destitute of statesman
ship vrill perhaps be demonstrated to the satisfaction of
all by the present Executive. "~
Retums from the Connecticut election, which took
place yesterday, indicate the success of the Radical ticket.
Party, not principle, has controlled. How soon the people
vrill come out from Radical delusion and take care of
themselves and their rights, God only knows. The people
of Connecticut are as capable as those of any State to
govem themselves and take care of their liberties, yet, in
the madness and delusion of party, they vote away the

572 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 6
foundation principles of free govemment. They are bUnd,
stupidly and inexcusably blind^ to their owa bestrnterests,
when they strip their State of its sovereignty and transfer
it to the Central Govemment.
' There has been less interest, apparently, in the election
than usual, though great questions were involved, and
there was some not very judicious management. The
nomination of Dixon in the First Congressional District as
the Democratic candidate was a mistake. He was the
candidate of a party which, for a quarter of a century, had
opposed him and he it. Although he has placed himseff
squarely on the Democratic platform, and of late has pur
sued a course which Democrats approve, stUl old antagon
isms were not forgotten, and with them there was distrust,
disgust, and lack of zeal. Dixon flattered himseff, and
many Democrats deceived themselves, vrith the belief that
he would secure votes from his old party friends and asso
ciates, — a not uncommon mistake. Personal influence,
under such circumstances, is of httle account. It is doubt
ful whether he got ten such, whUe he lost hundreds which
a different candidate would have secured.
April 7, Wednesday. I hear of quite a number of vessels
being ordered to be fitted for immediate service. Other
vessels are ordered to join the North Atlantic Squadron.
Their movements indicate trouble in the AntiUes, and
especially in Cuba. It may be proper that the squadron
may be reinforced since the disturbances in that island
have assumed such magnitude, but great prudence and cir
cumspection, as well as vigilance, are necessary. From the
large force which is being fitted out, and the characteristics
of Porter, who evidently has entire control of the Navy
Department, is reckless of expenditure and ambitious to
make a display, and from certain manffestations which I
have heretofore observed in Grant, I am somewhat appre
hensive that we may become involved in difficulties vrith
Spain. In that case the whole of the maritime countries

1869] POSSIBILITY OF WAR WITH SPAIN 573
of southern Europe will sympathize with her. General
Banks, who is chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re
lations in the House, is not a suitable man for the position
at any time, and especially not now. He is voluble and
shallow, aspiring and pretentious.
A war with so weak a govemment as Spain in the present
unfortunate condition of our exhausted country would be
lamentable. The Administration is in feeble and incom
petent hands, — men who are partisans or nothings; the
Union is disrupted by exclusion; States are plundered of
their property and rights, and are govemed by force; an
immense debt and unreliable measures make the prospect
sad. But the people have brought these things upon them
selves. They have not yet aroused to their true condition.
In devotion to party they have to a great extent forgotten,
or been inattentive to, their obligations to the country.
WhUe the Administration is sending a large number of
armed ships into Cuban waters, and we have rumors of
Ulegal expeditions fitting out in our country to aid the
insurgents there, and our countrymen are sympathizing
with them, no proclamation enjoining neutrality is issued
by the President.
April 8, Thursday, and 9, Friday. Chief Engineer King
caUed upon me this evening. Says he has had some dif
ficulty vrith Vice-Admiral Porter. The late order reducing
the rank of the staff he thought unjust, and he addressed
a letter to Secretary Borie on the subject. This Porter did
not like, — he tolerates no differences. I had been told by
others of this disagreement, which was represented to be
much sharper than K. mentions, and I am also told that
P. said he was much disappointed in K. and cared not how
soon he resigned.
Commodore LenthalP also called. He laments the change
that has been made; thinks the men at the head of the
1 Naval Constructor John LenthaU, as Chief of the Bureau of Construc
tion and Repair, had the rank of Commodore.

574 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aprils
govemment scarcely know what Porter and Borie are
about. Orders upon orders are received of a most singular
character. Commodore Selfridge, chairman of one of
the boards, sent to the different navy yards to examine the
vessels, has made reports recommending changes in the ves
sels which exhibit his own incapacity, and at the same time
his desire to please those who sent him on this examination.
As a constructor, L. says he finds it necessary that he should
take lessons of Selfridge to unlearn the lessons, teachings,
and experience of a Ufetime. Porter was anxious that L.
should adopt Selfridge' s recommendations, but L. said he
could not adopt and make them his; if, however, explicit
orders were given him, he should execute these orders. P.
asked if he would not adopt some. L. said he could not.
"Well, then," said P., "let them go." L. says, however,
he has compUed with a request of P. that more saU should
be placed upon vessels of the Algoma class.
Each of these bureau officers is, I see, exceedingly dis
satisfied, and my sympathies are with them and the staff,
who are each subjected to improper treatment, and I
freely, too freely perhaps, to them and others expressed
my opinions and feelings.
April 10, Saturday. Congress adjoumed to-day at noon,
as agreed by resolution. Sumner, Butler, and some of the
extreme Radicals were opposed and would be glad to have
a continuous session. They desire to govem.
The President sent a message to Congress on the sub
ject of Reconstruction. Congress passed a resolution, or
law, putting the subject in his hands. Morton^ put on
an amendment that the States should not be admitted, or
represented, until they adopted the Fifteenth Amendment
to the Constitution, which is now pending. As if Congress
could override the Constitution, dictate terms to a State,
and prescribe conditions on which it should have repre
sentation ! But this is all in character with the disunion
' Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana.

1869] THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT 575
proceedings of the Radicals. An amendment of the Con
stitution, thus forced by a usurping Congress upon the
country, is a nullity, and should be so treated whenever
the govemment is rescued from Radical hands.
The Senate is to continue in session to act upon appoint
ments and treaties. But little good can be expected from
that body with such a President and Senate as we now have.
Office and power are the great end and aim of each. In
vain do we look to them for relief and statesmanship.
Overwhelmed in debt, no financial scheme is matured;
none has been broached, even, which has received or is
entitled to decent respect. The Union wrenched asunder
by the Radicals, who professed regard for its maintenance.
States denied their inherent, reserved, and guaranteed
rights, the Constitution and its obhgations disregarded and
trampled down by those who were elected to carry out its
provisions and swore to support them, the country is in
deed in a lamentable condition. The tyranny of party is
vastly stronger than any ties of patriotism or the obliga
tions of an oath.
Some of the Radical Senators revolted at this new and
villainous proposition of Morton and voted against it, but
the carpet-baggers came opportunely to his support. A
reaction must take place against these atrocious measures,
which are a mockery of free govemment and enlightened
public opinion.
April 12, Monday. The Senate convened to-day at
noon, and the President sent in quite a list of nominations,
—many of them renominations, I suppose, that were not
acted upon at the regular session which expired on Satur
day. Ashley, the impeacher, was confirmed as Governor
of Montana, after a long and severe stmggle in the Senate,
by one majority. The nomination and confirmation of this
corrupt wretch after the exposure of his profligacy and
baseness in the appointment of Case to be Surveyor-
General of Colorado, which he procured from President

576 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 12
Lincoln, and the wrong that he exacted in retum, — a
share in the profits and plunder which the position gave,
etc., etc., — is further evidence of the total debasement of
the Radical Party. Some Republican Senators, it seems,
opposed him, but. Grant having selected him, the ap
pointment was confirmed. Had one or two more votes
been wanting, they would have been forthcoming.
The country is becoming, though very slowly, aware
of the corruptions and abuses which are being practiced,
but does not yet assume resolution to correct them. The
people, carried away by party, try to justify or excuse
their palpable enormities by declaring that degeneracy is
general, and their opponents are as vricked and venal as
their friends. I am sorry to be compeUed to beUeve that
corruption is not confined to one party. It is the disgrace
and wickedness of the times, imputable in part to the evils
of war in the first instance and not checked, but encour
aged, by the Radicals, who have made corruption common,
and from which some of their opponents have not had the
firmness and virtue to abstain.
April 15, Thursday. The Administration appears to
be making an unusual change or general sweep of aU of
ficial incumbents, irrespective of party. Friends and sup
porters, men who are faithful and efficient, many of whom
have been for years, some of them a quarter of a century,
in public employment, are summarUy ejected from office.
One cannot but feel sympathy for these suffering individuals,
who are unfitted for other employment after having spent
a large portion of their lives in the faithful discharge of
their duties, from which they have been unexpectedly and
without premonition dismissed. But the country is a suf
ferer as well as the dismissed officials. No new appointee
can make good the place of many of these faithful servants
in the Departments, who have the traditions of the serv
ice and a familiarity with the law, usages, and routines.

1869] DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS 577
which are only acquired by experience. There are many
worthless fellows in bureaus and at clerical desks who should
be displaced, but such are quite as likely to be retained as
any in these party, ill-considered, and imprudent changes.
The foreign appointments which are being made of
ministers and consuls are, in many instances, discredit
able. Scarcely one can be called a first-class selection.
Mr. Motley, who has the first mission, that of London, is
a literary man, a book-maker, a man of some reputation
in that respect, but he has not the proper talent and abil
ity for so important a mission as that of England, at so
interesting a period as this. While at Vienna he displayed
no diplomatic abihty, nor had he, perhaps, an opportun
ity. He goes, therefore, to the first and most important
mission abroad without experience, or any manifestation
of diplomatic capacity, and is undoubtedly indebted to
the "McCracken letter," and his petulant, querulous, in
solent response, and to the controversy and notoriety
which followed, for his present appointment. He is selected
to spite Seward, — these are the lofty considerations which
influence this Administration.
Washbume, the vulgar and mean, represents the Ad
ministration, not his country, to France. Then there is
a Jones, whom no one knows but Grant and Washburne,
... is nominated to Belgium. His only recommendation
is that he has been an active party electioneerer for
Washbume, the contemptible. Pile, ^ an ignorant, prejudiced
partisan, formerly a frontier Methodist ranter, is nom
inated to Brazil. So of others. Small men with limited
comprehension and limited capacity, but who are Radical
Grant men, are hastily pressed forward by scores. Of their
adaptabihty Grant himself is not competent to judge,
nor could a man more famiUar with the necessary require
ments for these positions have informed himself in so brief
a period.
' William A. Pile. He was rejected by the Senate, but afterwards was
made^ Govemor of New Mexico.
3

578 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 15
The consular appointments are most of them deplorable.
The selections made by Seward, I thought, were many of
them objectionable, but these now made are worse.
Sickles and his friends aver that he was promised the
Spanish Mission by Grant himself, yet the promise was
broken and the place was given to Sanford,^ to the great
disgust, as well as disappointment, of Sickles. It does not
surprise me that Grant broke his promise, — not that he
is an habitual liar, but he can prevaricate and violate the
truth when his necessities are great with as much readiness
as any man I ever knew. Nor ought I, perhaps, to be sur
prised, when I see what is going on, that he should have
promised a man of the character and reputation of Sickles,
so high, and honorable, and responsible a place as the
mission to Spain.
Kingly, son-in-law of J. P. Hale, was nominated Secre
tary of the Spanish Legation in place of Perry, between
whom and Hale there has been a controversy.^ Hale
requested his friend Washbume to oust Perry, and Grant
ousted him, but has since revoked his action. Hale is
charged with having prostituted his office as Minister to
smuggling. The subject is undergoing investigation by the
Spanish Govemment. Hale is a canting hypocrite, corrupt
and base. He opposed me, and the Navy and Na"vy De
partment, throughout the War and as long as he remained
in the Senate, because I would not allow him to job the
Department. ViUainy and baseness ultimately gets its
reward. April 16, Friday. Sumner has made an able speech in the
Senate on the Alabama Treaty, which received but one
vote, that of McCreery of Kentucky. Thus end the labors
of Seward and Reverdy Johnson on that important sub-
' Henry S. Sanford, the Minister to Belgium. He was rejected by the
Senate, and General Sickles received the appointment.
' If this nomination ever actually reached the Senate, it failed of con
firmation. John Hay was eventually appointed to the position.

1869] THE ALABAMA TREATY REJECTED 579
ject. I never thought that this was the time, or that they
rightly appreciated the question, or that they were the
proper men to adjust or to attempt the settlement of it.
Better would it have been had they not made the attempt.
President Johnson had wrought himself into a desire
to arrange a treaty to close that controversy, and identi
fied himself with his Secretary and Minister in the matter.
The treaty was such, when first submitted, that I am in
credulous as to the sincerity of Seward, and at no time have
I believed the Senate would sanction it, — though Sumner
would deprecate difficulty vrith England. This emphatic
rejection is not peaceful, yet I do not in the least appre
hend hostilities.
I did not admire Mr. Seward's treatment of the subject
of those depredations and the part taken by England during
the War nor since. He exhibited, I thought, but feeble
statesmanship and little knowledge of intemational law,
and, although his present admirers and others award him
great diplomatic skill and ability in his management of
affairs vrith both England and France, I think he displayed
very little. Sumner, then and now, showed more know
ledge and talent and a more correct appreciation of the
matter than Mr. Seward. There is more manly vigor and
true statesmanship in this speech than in all of Seward's
diplomacy with England. Sumner is better informed and
better grounded on our foreign relations than on the tme
principles of our govemment.
April 17, Saturday. The Senate did not adjourn to-day,
as many anticipated it would. It is now understood they
vrill adjourn on Tuesday. There seems a strong disposi
tion with some extreme Radicals to get away. Treaties and
nominations are before them unacted upon; the Adminis
tration is beginning to be understood and is gaining
neither strength nor respect.
Grant drove past my house in a dogcart this p.m. His
wffe and two children were with him. I was sitting at the

580 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 17
window, and Mrs. Grant turned to me and made a low
bow. I mention the fact because, though we have two or
three times met, it is the first sign of recognition since the
day her husband left the Cabinet.
McCulloch called on me last evening, and regretted that
I leave Washington. Thinks I would be better satisfied
here than in Hartford, for eight years' separation from old
friends at the latter place have weakened and severed most
of the ties which once endeared the place, while here I
have formed new friendly associations, and am generally
known and properly regarded. There is much truth in
these remarks, and I feel that I have an ordeal and trial
to pass through for a few weeks to come which I would
be glad to avoid. Blair was here this evening and expressed
hunself even warmer and more feelingly on the subject
of our approaching separation. I confess to the reluctance
with which I part from the people and society of Washing
ton, where I have experienced unremitting kindness, and
especially from the circle of intimate personal and poUtical
friends and associates vrith whom, through storm and sun
shine, through trials and vicissitudes, in war and peace,
under two administrations, I have had many pleasant and
happy, as well as some sad and trying, hours. But it is
best that the brief span of Iffe that remains to me should
be passed in the land of my nativity.
I have employed the week in preparation for my de
parture, gathering up, vrith my wife and sons, our house
hold effects and making ready to leave.
Vice-Admiral Porter, who has charge and control of the
Navy and Navy Department, has, with great courtesy,
placed the Tallapoosa, dispatch boat, at my service, to
convey my effects to Hartford, when on her way to Boston,
which wUl save me much trouble and the necessity of
transshipment. This act of the Vice-Admiral is, on his
part, a recognition of friendly official benefits conferred,
and for which he cannot otherwise than feel grateful.
How far his liberality may be justffied and approved, is a

1869] LEAVING WASHINGTON 581
question which I shaU not scan, but the tender he has made
I have been glad to accept.
Not a feeling, or one single moment, of regret has crossed
my mind on relinquishing office; in leaving the cares, re
sponsibiUties, and labors which I have borne and tried
faithfully to execute, I feel satisfying relief. I miss, it is
true, the daily routine which has become habitual, but
the reUef from many perplexities more than counter
balances it. My duties were honestly and fearlessly dis
charged. These facts are known by all who have any
knowledge on the subject. They have passed into history.
I look back upon the past eight years of my Washington
official hfe with satisfaction and a feeling that I have served
my country usefully and well. My ambition has been
gratified, and with it a consciousness that the labors I
have performed, the anxieties I have experienced, the
achievements I have been instrumental in originating and
bringing to glorious results, and the great events connected
with them vrill soon pass in a degree from remembrance
or be only sUghtly recollected. Transient are the deeds of
men, and often sadly perverted and misunderstood.
May 2, Sunday. Hartford, Allyn House. Two weeks
have passed since I have opened this book. The days have
been occupied in breaking up our establishment in Wash
ington, closing our affairs, preparing to return, and in re
turning to Connecticut. Friends called to express regret,
many to urge and advise us to remain. Generally, I believe
these friendly manifestations were sincere; and I confess
to occasional misgivings in leaving W., where I have had
many enjoyments, not unmixed with cares and anxieties,
it is true. The climate is to me more genial than that of
New England, — the springs and autumns in genial mild
ness surpass ours, — and the society, in many respects is
more agreeable and social. But regard for our children,
the counsel of my wife, and many circumstances admon
ished me to again retum to the State of my birth, the friends

582 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 2
of early years, and to pass my few remaining days in the
land of my ancestors. Here I expect to, and shaU in all
probability, end my earthly pilgrunage, here close the
record of my Iffe, and here lie down beside my children
who have gone before me.
We left Washington on the moming of Tuesday, the
27th of April. Edgar remained to close up our affairs. Most
of our effects were sent on board the Tallapoosa, which
had been tendered me to transport my effects to Hartford;
the remainder were sold on the day we left, at auction.
Mrs. Welles and our sons were faithful and industrious in
packing and preparing to leave.
We have had a pleasant home in Washington. The house
we occupied became our position, and in every respect
matters were made to correspond. The depreciation of
the currency and the great advance in prices have con
sumed the salary paid me, and in a pecuniary point of
view, I am probably poorer to-day than ff I had not been
in office. My business affairs have been neglected, so that
I have made no gains. AU my time has been faithfully
given to the public service.
We had a pleasant time from Washington to New York,
and stopped with Mr. Morgan on Washington Square
until the aftemoon of the 28th. I called on Admiral Far
ragut, whom I found quite ill but sUghtly recovering.
The impression at first was that I had better not see him,
but he soon sent for me, and the interview, I think, bene
fited him. His ailment is mostly nervous, the result, in a
great measure, of official neglect and the condition of things
at Washington. He feels acutely the slight that is shown
him, and the orders and movements which were calculated
to, and I am constrained to believe were intended to, annoy
him. He and myseff have been subjected to similar sUghts
by Porter, whom we both have favored.
I would not permit the Admiral to dwell on these mat
ters which so keenly and sorely affected him, but told him
we must for the time being patiently bear with any injus-

1869] CHANGES IN HARTFORD 583
tice; that, in considering the subject, I phUosophized, and
he better than myself could do so; that I had said to one
or two friends who sought to cheer and comfort me that,
in reviewing the past eight years, I was conscious I had
done well, that I should be gratified if those who succeeded
me would do better, satisfied if they did as well, and if they
failed, the failure would be theirs, the credit would be mine.
In a much stronger degree could he take this view. He
need not fear that his countrymen and posterity would
faU to do hun justice. My remarks soothed, comforted,
and consoled him.
We left New York at 3 p.m. and reached Hartford at
seven, stopping at the Allyn House. Nearly four years
have passed since I have been here, more than eight since
I left and took up my residence in Washington. In that
period I have only three times come back to Connecticut
for two or three days on each occasion. Changes in that
time have taken place. Hartford itself has greatly al
tered, — I might say improved, for it has been beautffied
and adorned by many magnfficent buildings, and the pop
ulation has increased. These I see and appreciate; but I
feel, more sensibly than these, other changes which come
home to my heart. A new and different people seem to
move in the streets. Few, comparatively, are known to me.
A new generation which knows not Joseph is here. Of those
that remain scarcely one responds to my warm greeting
with equal warmth. Some that were most intimate are
gone, to find homes elsewhere, or have left the scenes we
loved, forever. In looking around in the few days I have
been here, I leam that hearts which I valued have passed
away. They are cold in the grave; others colder are out
of it.
May 3, Monday. The papers announce my retum and
that vrith my friends I am at the Allyn House. No cordial
welcome or word of approval appears. I came quietly,
without previous announcement and without show or

584 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mays
ostentation; the moving busy throng have left me alone.
I wished no herald to announce my retum nor any parade
to give it 6clat. I should have been glad to have seen and
taken by the hand some of the friends of other years, but
only A. E. Burr and J. G. Bolles have yet called and wel
comed me. I have met many in the street who greeted me
kindly, expressed themselves glad to see me, and I doubt
not were so; but it was commonplace gladness, for neither
they nor their friends have caUed to see me or mine. This
seems a cold retum for eight years' devoted service as un
sparing and faithful as man ever gave to his country. But,
while I cannot be insensible or indifferent to it, I do not
impute the slight entirely to estrangement or indifference.
The temperament and habit of the people have much to
do with it. Nevertheless, it is unpleasant. I come almost
as a stranger after years of absence, and vrish to rent or
purchase a home, but among all my old friends not one
extends any friendly aid or assistance, though some of
them know my wants.
Property is extremely high in price, and no purchase
can be made except at a sacrifice. A Uttle friendly advice
and assistance from old friends who are residents and who
know values would be acceptable, but I do not get it.
May 9, Sunday. The past week has been a busy one.
With my sons I have roamed the city looking at houses,
but find none for sale which are in all respects satisfactory.
Prices are ruinously high to purchase, and yet I do not
wish to rent, become familiar, and be again compeUed to
move. Age is telling upon me.
After considerable cogitation and search we have pretty
much concluded to purchase the house ... on Charter
Oak Place. It is a more expensive place than I can well
afford, and in several respects not to my mind, but nev
ertheless is perhaps the best which is immediately obtain
able.

1869] GETTING SETTLED IN HARTFORD 585
I was the more easily persuaded into this large invest
ment in real estate -in consequence of the unsettled and
uncertain condition of the currency, owing to vicious legis
lation and bad management of the finances. There is wUd
ness in Congress; we are without stabUity or system; all is
afloat concerning values.
During the week old friends have called and welcomed
me back, and I am not aware that any were turned away
from me. The prompt cordiaUty of Washington is not
a characteristic of Hartford, and my quiet, unannounced
retum had doubtless some influence in restraining ad
vances. My old friend Calvin Day was absent from the
city when I arrived, and did not get home until midnight
on Saturday. As soon as he knew I was here, on Monday
moming, he called. H. A. Perkins, Mrs. Colt, Beach, Sey
mour, etc., etc., called. Mark Howard is absent. Governor
Hawley saw me at breakfast on Wednesday last and im
mediately came and greeted me. He declared he knew no
thing of my being in the city untU he saw me, although it
was a week after my arrival had been announced in his
paper. The government steamer Tallapoosa, which had my
effects on board, drew so much water that the pilot feared
to cross the bar at Saybrook, and they therefore were
landed at New London on Saturday, the 1st, and brought
by steamer thence to Hartford on the 3d. This misfor
tune to me was the occasion of special exultation by party
scavengers. The New York Tribune had two or three
malicious articles on the subject. The Courant of this city
imitated the Tribune in an article by its local contributor,
which, however, Govemor Hawley, the editor, promptly
corrected the following day. The love of scandal and
malice is great with many, and the New York Tribune is
not excelled in this regard. It has little followers.
The General Assembly convened on Wednesday, and
the Govemor, Jewell, was inaugurated. The day was pleas
ant and the crowd in attendance great . In days long gone by

586 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 9
I enjoyed and participated in these ceremonies. It is many
days since the mere ceremony and forms have given me
interest, and to-day, when I see that by mere party force
a majority gathered to debase the State and surrender the
high attribute of sovereignty to central power, I not only
have no interest in, but a positive disinclination to vritness,
the pageant.
The Governor (Jewell) is a pleasant business man, of
light calibre, with no fitness or proper aptitude for the
place. He has been pecuniarily successful, and wealth
alone, without other qualffications, has given him the
office. His intentions are probably well; but of the laws,
institutions, wants, and necessities of the State and people
he knows but little. His message was written chiefly by
others, and its most important declaration of principles
was from my teachings, and views, against corporations
and special privileges.
May 16, Sunday. A letter from McRitchie on the
Tallapoosa, received last Sunday evening, informed us that
our furniture and things were at New London. Edgar and
John went there and retumed vrith them on the steamer
Sunshine on Monday. We placed them in our recently
purchased house on Tuesday. . . .
May 30, Sunday. Two days of incessant employment
and care, with family unsettled, effects, books, papers, etc.,
in confusion, with no servants, or with discontented ones,
Mrs. W. disabled and confined to her room from injury by
a fall, have made me, unused as I am to these matters, ex
ceedingly uncomfortable. Two hundred and twenty-four
boxes were received from Washington, four loads from
Glastonbury, besides a considerable amount of furniture
which had been left eight years ago with friends in Hart
ford, have been brought to the house to arrange. To assist
in this, with other cares, has left me neither time nor in
clination to write.

1869] GRANT'S UNFITNESS 587
We came into possession of the house on the 19th inst.,
Wednesday. Our three sons at once commenced vigorously
and earnestly to put the household in order, and have de
voted themselves faithfully to that object since.
Edgar left on Thursday for Saratoga via New York, to
be present at the wedding of one of his classmates. Tom
went yesterday to Granville with a fishing party. I have
not been fifty rods from the house for a week until yester
day, when I had to go to the bank on business. Met Mr.
Hamersley on my way, who invited me to his store, where
we had an hour, on political subjects chiefly. It is some
where about fifteen years since we have had such and so
long a conversation.
So far as I have met and seen old friends, I have had
every reason to be satisfied. Though not very demonstra
tive, or forward in calling, they have without exception
been cordial and apparently sincere.
The little that I see and hear of public affairs confirms
me in the opinion which I formed in daily personal inter
views of the unfitness of Grant. He has no proper ideas of
govemment, makes his Administration personal, does not
comprehend nor care for great principles. Measures are
to him of minor importance, and his views of government
consist in displacing and appointing men to office, regard
less of their qualffications and of the public interest. Grant
has no sympathies, very little patriotism, but intense self
ishness. His career previous to the Rebellion was not such
as would be likely to elevate and ennoble his character,
and his rapid and great advancement has intoxicated and
intensified a naturally sordid mind. In his Cabinet ap
pointments he has not been fortunate. One of his limited
capacity and mental power should be aided by competent
advisers. The Navy Department is strangely administered, but
is much as Grant would have it. Borie seems to be a
nonentity, and Porter a light-headed factotum, spoiled by
favors too freely granted. To make a change from the acts

588 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 30
and poUcy of the last Administration, to do things differ
ently and pursue a different course, though worse, seems
to be the great end and purpose of those who now control
the Navy Department. It is necessary to say those, for,
though done in the name of Borie, these things emanate
from Porter, and he desires to have it so understood.
Many of the changes are frivolous and puerile; some may
be well enough; some are not creditable but objectionable.
The last order is to change the names of some of the men-
of-war and give them tame, flat, and insipid English names
instead of American or Indian. To ape, imitate, and copy
the English is the object and pitiful course of too many
Americans, and the present managers of the Navy De
partment are of the number. To extinguish the native
names as well as to exterminate the native race has been
the narrow purpose of the bigots and fools of our country
from the first. In making these changes vessels in actual
commission are not exempted, and vessels which have
been unfortunate or lost at sea have their names revived.
It is obvious that Porter had intrigued and had an un
derstanding with Grant (who does not know the man who
uses him) long before the change of administration, and
that through the winter he was preparing to take charge
of the Department. Borie is evidently a convenient tool,
who was substituted, as the nominal head, after the Sena
torial intimation that miUtary and nav^al men should not
be placed in charge of the civU administration of the De
partments. June 6, Sunday. Another toilsome, troubled week has
passed. Difficulty in obtaining good and willing servants
is annoying and vexatious. To serve is no part of the in
tention of a large portion of the hired help or assistants, —
or only to serve according to their own pleasure, and on
their own terms. The great object is to render the least
possible service and to obtain the highest amount of wages
attainable, with those who perform domestic labor. This,

1869] THE ALABAMA QUESTION 589
especially the shirking part, is particularly the case with
the Irish, — more so than with American or other nation-
ahties, — and the difficulties are on the increase. . . .
There has been a class of demagogue politicians who have
contributed largely to this state of things by which our
domestic affairs are disturbed without benefit to the em
ployers and the employed. The teachings and influence
of the New York Tribune have been pernicious. General
Banks and a class of demagogues in Congress have enacted
what is called the "eight-hour law"; that is, workmen
shall be paid wages for ten hours, though laboring but
eight, when in the employ of the Govemment.
The Alabama question has stirred up the British public
since the rejection of the treaty and the publication of
Sumner's speech. There is no doubt the English Govem
ment and people feel and are fully conscious of the great
wrong they have done us, and the attitude of affairs is to
them anything but agreeable. They are more apprehensive
of war than they are willing to confess, and hostilities may
be nearer than our ovm people suppose.
[Here ends the diary that my father had kept for seven
years. He continued his habit of writing until the end of
his hfe, but his later writings were chiefly in the form
of contributions to periodicals upon subjects connected
vrith the War and Reconstmction. — Edgar T. Welles.]

THE END

INDEX

PHEPARED BY
DAVID M. MATTESON

Abandoned plantations. Cabinet
discussion on control by Treas
ury agents, 2, 148-150; bureau
for, suggested, 150.
Abecassis, Isaac, Portuguese mer
chant, naval trade with, 3, 514.
Abell, Edmund, removed by Sheri
dan, 3, 142.
Adams, C. F., Zerman letter, i, 300;
as Minister, 301; protest against
Laird rams, 406; ignorant of Brit
ish intention to seize rams, 437;
resigns, 3, 256; suggested as Presi
dential candidate, 295; and State
portfolio, 488.
Adams, H. A., at Pensacola (1861),
and Porter, i, 28-31; and Preble,
163.
Adams, J. Q., diary, i, xxUi.
Adirondack, wrecked, i, 109.
Admiral, Farragut's commission, 2,
662, 563. See also Rear-admirals,
Vice-admiral.
Admiralty, Board of. See Board.
Advertisement, official, 2, 490.
Advisory Board, action on subord
inate active appointments, i, 77.
Agassiz, Louis, at Seward's, i, 506.
Aiken, William, and Reconstruction,
2, 397.
Alabama, rejects Fourteenth Amend
ment, 2, 636.
Alabama lS90), at Nassau, i, 109;
depredations and pursuit, 165,
175, 179, 191, 207, 216, 224, 304,
316, 327; and Federal letters of
marque, 253; WeUes and pursuit.

497; at Cherbourg, 2, 62; sunk,
65, 67, 138; rejoicing over sinking,
67, 70. See also Semmes.
Alabama claims. Cabinet discussion
of points. (1867), 3, 241; question
of arbitration by King of Prussia,
459; Cabinet and Johnson's pro
tocol, 468-471, 474; Johnson's
treaty, 506, 507, 516, 579; Sum
ner's speech, 578, 579; Senate
rejects treaty, 578; English and
rejection, 589.
Alaska, purchase, 3, 66, 68, 75, 83,
84; commissioner, 129, 141, 169;
protection of seals, 516; govem
ment, 531.
Alaska, launched, 3, 422.
Albany Regency, career, 3, 224-227.
Alden, James, at Norfolk Navy
Yard, 1, 43-45; and Bureau of
Navigation, 2, 357, 362.
Aldie, engagement, i, 336, 338.
Alexander, B. S., obstruction of the
Potomac, 3, 436.
Allen,  , Editor of the Intelli
gencer, and Connecticut election
(1866), 2, 456, 460.
AUen, C. M., and Georgia peace
commissioner, 2, 125.
Allen, Ethan, and district-attorney-
ship, 3, 565.
Allyn, J. P., and Arizona oflSces, 1,
409.
Almaden mines, Halleck's interest,
I, 397.
Alta Vela affair, 3, 305, 316-318,
322, 344.

592

INDEX

Altoona Conference, i, 153, 156.
Amendments, Johnson's sugges
tions, 3, 406, 407. See also amend
ments by number.
Ames, Horatio, claim for guns, 3,
447-449, 451.
Ames, Oakes, graft in Pacific rail
roads, 3, 425.
Amnesty, Welles favors punishment
of leaders, 2, 43; Cabinet discussion
(1865), 294, 306; Johnson on par
dons (1865), 358; reciprocal, 3, 94;
question of general (1867), 183, 193,
197-199; Seddon's application,
230; Congressional acts of indi
vidual, 386; proclamation of gen
eral (1868), 394-396.
Anderson, Robert. See Sumter.
Anderson, Fort, capture, 2, 245.
Andrew, J. A., on conduct of the
War, I, 162; and coast defense of
Massachusetts, 288; and pur
suit of Tacony, 375; and Weld,
405; on Seward and Johnson, 2,
529.
Andrews, R. F., removal, 2, 155.
Ann Hamilton, trade permit, i, 637,
543, 544.
Annexations, Seward's project for
French West Indies, 2, 393; at
tempted, of Danish West Indies,
466, 473, 3, 40, 95-98, 124, 125,
502; attempted, of Bay of Samand,
2, 631, 643, 3, 7, 40; Alaska, 66,
68, 76, 83, 84; question of Culebra
Island, 94; basis of Seward's pol
icy, 106, 125; Seward's desire for
Panama, 107; desired by San
Domingo, 480, 517; suggested, of
Midway Islands, 508.
Anthon, W. H., on conviction of
Scofield, 2, 201.
Anthony, H. B., impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358, 367.
Antietam campaign, McCIellan com
mands at Washington, i, 104,
109, 113; Confederates invade
Maryland, 110, III; McCIellan in
field, 114-117, 122, 124; Burnside

declines command, 124; delays,
124, 129; South Mountain, 130;
battle, 139, 140; Harper's Ferry,
140; Confederates escape, 140,
142, 145, 146, 156; Halleck's in
decision, 153; inaction after, 176;
fifth anniversary of battle cele
brated, 201-203.
Appomattox campaign, Sailor's
Creek, 2, 276; surrender, 278.
Arago, captures Emma, i, 445.
Arbitrary arrests, Vallandigham
case, I, 306, 321, 344, 347; sup
pression of Chicago Times, 321;
forged proclamation incident, 2,
36, 38, 67; ArgueUis incident, 36,
45; decision against, in Treasury
case, 206, 207 ; Milligan decision,
242, 245, 471, 474, 476. See also
Habeas corpits.
Archibald,E. M.,and Peterhoff ma,ih,
I, 266.
ArgueUis,  , arrest as slave-
trader, 2, 36, 45.
Argyle, Duke of, on Wilkes in West
Indies, i, 299.
Arid, captured, i, 207.
Arizona, oflBcers for, 1, 409.
Arkansas, delegation to Washington
(1867), 3, 6; Reconstruction con
stitution, 347; veto of constitution
overruled, 388; disturbances, 460-
463.
Arkansas, passes Union fleet, i, 72;
destroyed, 7S.
Arkansas Post, captured, i, 224.
Army, grand review, 2, 310. See also
Draft, Indians, Negro soldiers,
Stanton, and campaigns and offi
cers by name.
Army and Navy Gazette, official con
nection, I, 343.
Army of the Potomac, McClellan's
popularity, i, 105, 111, 113, 115,
116, 129; attitude of officers (1862),
118; demoralized after Fredericks
burg, 226; responsibility for com
manders, 440. See also campaigns
and commanders by name.

INDEX

593

Arnold, I. N., and naval cases, 2, 262.
Arrests. See Arbitrary.
Ashley, J. M., impeachment resolu
tion, 3, 8; character, 12; Conover
allegations, 143 ra., 144; Governor
of Montana, 575; corrupt prac
tices, 575.
Ashton, J. H., and case of Brown,
Navy Agent, 2, 345; and internal
revenue frauds, 435.
Aspinwall, W. H., and Sumter expe
dition, I, 38; and emancipation,
163; steamer Ariel captured, 207.
Atkinson, Edward, and war-time cot
ton trade, 2, 66.
Atlanta. See Fingal.
Atlanta campaign, Resaca, 2, 33;
capture of Atlanta, 135; bearing
on Presidential campaign, 140.
Atlantic cable, naval vessels and
laying (1866), 2, 603, 604.
Attorney-General, question of ap
pointment (1864), 2, 183, 187, 192.
See also Bates, Evarts, Speed,
Stanbery.
Augur, C. C, visit to Fort Foote, i,
474.
Aug-usta, pursues Alabama, i, 179.
AuUck, J. H., and promotion (1862),
I, 75; and Ordnance Bureau, 386.
Aulick, Richmond, excursion, 2, 65.
Austria, and Mexico, 2, 479, 485.
Averill, W. W., reported success
(1864), 2, 100.
Azuni, D. A., on use of neutral wa
ters by belligerents, i, 464.
Babcock, J. F., and Connecticut ap
pointments, I, 81, 2, 597; and
Johnson's policy, 424; in Connecti
cut campaigns (1866), 457, 460;
(1868), 3, 264, 329; and Senatorial
election (1866), 2, 506, 508; on
Weed and Grant (1868), 3, 249.
Bache, A. D., and navy yard at
League Island, i, 185; and Welles,
2, 117.
Bache, G. M., and loss of Sacra
mento, 3, 554.

Bacon, J. G.(?), brings dispatches
from Charleston fleet, i, 234.
Badeau, Adam, Grant's factotum, 3,
465.
Bailey, Theodorus, and captured
mails, I, 270, 272; on Matamoras
trade, 283, 289; and Mont Blanc
incident, 302, 305, 417, 419, 422,
425-427; and Portsmouth Navy
Yard, 2, 148; wants command of
Washington Yard, 3, 485.
Bailor,  , pretended peace com
missioner from Georgia, 2, 125.
Baird, Absalom, and New Orleans
riot, 2, 572, 573.
Baker, L. C, and graft disclosures, i,
518, 522, 525; case against, for
false arrest, 2, 206.
Baldwin, C. H., cruise in "VanderbUt,
I, 224.
Baldwin, J. D., and Reconstruction,
2, 441, 442.
Baltic, Weed's scheme for govern
ment purchase, i, 155.
Baltimore, Butler's rule, 2, 269; elec
tion disturbances (1866), 620.
Bancroft, George, oration on Lin
coln, 2, 431; Dix incident, 3, 511,
621.
Bankhead, J. P., on loss of Monitor,
1,215.
Banks, N. P., Blair on, i, 126; force
fitted out, 192; supersedes Butler,
209; as officer, 210; Sabine Pass,
441, 443; and cotton trade, 611;
Red River expedition, 2, 18, 19,
26, 86, 178; character, 18, 26; nom
inated to Congress, 381 ; and Radi
cals, 381; and Navy Department,
381, 3, 325 ; and French Exhibition,
2, 469; and Mexico, 649; and first
Reconstruction Bill, 3, 40; and re
moval of Hartt, 139; and navy
yard appointments, 416-420.
Banks, Chase and circulation, i, 530.
See also National banks.
Barlow, S. L. M. (?), and McCleUan,
I, 117, 2, 28.
Barnard, J. G.,at Fort Foote, i, 474.

594

INDEX

Barney, Hiram, on McCleUan, i,
116, 117; G. W. Blunt on, 405; and
graft disclosures, 514.
Barney, Mrs. Joshua, and dismissal
of son, 2, 605.
Barney, S. C, dismissal, 2, 605.
Barnum, W. H., election contested, 3,
129.
Barron, Samuel, and Seward's inter
ference with Sumter expedition, i,
17-19, 36; character, loyalty
doubted, 19, 20; joinsConfederacy,
36.
Barry, W. F., visit to Fort Foote, I,
474.
Bartlett,  , and Welles, i, 184, 2,
269; and Bennett, 268.
Bates, Edward, and Carrington, i,
66, 57; and movement to remove
McCleUan, 100; and Cabinet-meet
ings, 138, 320; and dismissal of
Preble, 141 ; and appointment of |
midshipmen, 146, 147; on coloniz
ing of negroes, 152, 153; and eman
cipation, 158; and HaUeck, 180,
397; and Senate committee on
Seward, 195, 196; and admission
of West Virginia, 205, 206; on cap
tured mails, 290, 301 ; on draft and
habeas corpus, 397, 432; Chase on,
413; and Admiral Milne, 468; and
renomination of Lincoln, 500 ; and
Fort PiUow massacre, 2, 24; and
Chase's resignation, 63 ; and cotton
trade, 66; on the Cabinet (1864),
93; on judicial control over prizes,
106; on abandoned plantations,
149; character, 162; and Taney's
funeral, 176; resigns, 181, 183.
Beauregard, P. G. T., and demon
stration on Washington (1863), i,
359, 377.
Beecher, H. W., and slanders of
Johnson, 2, 454.
Belknap, A. A., question of restora
tion, 3, 205, 206.
BeU, C. H., Sabine Pass, i, 441; and
command of Gulf Squadron, 2,
116; to oommand \Vcst India

Squadron, 299; report on For
mosa, 3, 182.
Belligerency, Welles on blockade and
recognition, i, 86, 174, 414, 440, 2,
169, 160, 246, 254; withdrawn
from Confederacy, 319. See also
Blockade.
Benham, H. W., and James Island,
I, 160.
Benjamin, J. P., and Jaquess, 2,
109.
Bennett, J. G., peace with Weed, i,
78; and French mission, 2, 258.
See also New York Herald.
Benton, T. H., and Marcy's report
on Fremont, 2, 42.
Bermuda, prize, controversy over
govemment purchase, i, 170, 304.
Berrett, J. G., and Belknap, 3, 205.
Bertinatti, Madame, claim, 2, 522,
526.
Betts, S. R., Peterhoff mails case, i,
310.
Bigelow, John, on attitude of France
(1864), 2, 39; Charge, 205; and
Mexico, 332, 336, 622; and Slidell
(1866), 586; in Washington (1867),
3, 75; and Seward, 75; on impeach
ment, 292, 293.
Bigelow, Mrs. John, visits Blairs, 2,
328.
Binckley, J. M., Conover case, 3,
165; and Sickles's actions, 182; and
Holt, 172; fraud investigations,
434, 435.
Bingham, J. A., and Civil Rights
Bill, 2, 476, 479; and Conover al
legations, 3, 168; and Grant- John
son controversy, 274; as impeach
ment manager, 332, 345, 347; and
Butler, 524; and repeal of Tenure-
of-Office Act, 564, 567.
Birge, H. W., and Welles, 2, 313.
Black, J. S., and Stanton (1861), I,
60; and veto of Reconstruction
BiU, 3, 51; and Goldsborough's
claim, 99; attitude (1867), 99; in
fluence over Johnson, 205; im
peachment counsel and Alta Vela

INDEX

595

304, 305, 307, 308, 316-319, 322,
323, 344.
Blaine, J. G., attack on Navy De
partment, 2, 241, 250.
Blair, Bettie, marriage, 3, 519.
Blair, F. P., Sr., and relief of Sumter,
I, 13, 2, 248; and Senate commit
tee on Seward, r, 203; abandons
home during Lee's invasion, 350,
364; on Stanton, 355, 356; and
Presidential campaign (1864), 509;
and Admiral (Captain) Lee's ad
vancement, 633, 2, 243, 504-507,
612, 613, 569, 578; and prosecu
tion of contractors, i, 541; and
Early's raid, 2, 70; Richmond
mission, 219, 221; political saga
city, 364; and calling of Union Con
vention, 628; and Johnson, 3, 168;
character, 408.
Blair, F. P., Jr., on Vicksburg cam
paign, I, 406; character, 406; an
tagonism to Chase, 510, 533, 2, 20;
defends Navy Department, i,
631; retums to army, 2, 20; forged
requisitions, 20; nomination as
collector rejected, 601; and Aus
trian mission, 3, 70, 71; and War
portfoUo, 165, 166, 231, 232; Vice-
Presidential candidacy, 397, 398,
408; suit against Missouri on oath,
566. See also Elections (1868).
Blair, Montgomery, and relief of
Sumter, i, 13, 2, 248, 304; antagon
ism to Stanton and Seward, i, 66,
59, 203, 329, 340, 345, 365, 366,
398, 2, 84, 91, 102, 112, 369-371,
374, 378, 623, 528, 3, 72, 166, 195;
and McCleUan, i, 95, 104, 2, 28,
322; on Pope, i, 104, 126; and
colonizing of negroes, Chiriqui
grant, 123, 150, 161; on War De
partment under Cameron and
Stanton, 125-128; on commanding
generals, 126; and emancipation,
146, 159, 210; on killing of Gen.
Nelson, 179; and admission of
West Virginia, 191, 206, 206; and
Senate committee on Seward, 195-

197, 203; influence on Lincoln,
205; character, 205, 2, 20, 370, 413;
and McClernand, i, 217; and
Chase, 231, 2, 45; on Seward's dif
ficulties over captured mails, i,
274; and a fugitive-slave case
(1863), 313; and Cabinet-meet
ings, 320, 2, 17, 86; and Vallan
digham case, I, 344; and Lee's in
vasion (1863), 352; and Stephens's
attempted mission, 360, 361; and
promotion of D. D. Porter, 369;
foresees end of War (1863), 376;
excursions, 394, 2, 31, 65; on dis
missal of army officers, i, 406; Re
construction theory, 413, 467; on
habeas corpus and draft, 432; and
Speakership (1863), 481; and re
nomination of Lincoln, 500; and
cotton trade permits, 511, 2, 57,
66, 139; reception, i, 521; cam
paign contribution (1864), 534; on
Fort PiUow massacre, 2, 24; and
date of Republican Convention
(1864), 28; and Hamlin, 47; and
Chase's resignation, 62, 63; and
Early's raid, 70; house burned, 76,
80; and Radicals, resignation, 77,
80, 156-158, 174; Bates on, 93; and
Greeley's peace negotiations, 94;
on Grant as general, 94, 3, 121,
122; and politics in Brooklyn Navy
Yard (1864), 136, 137; and col-
lectorship at New York, 137; and
Admiral (Captain) Lee, 146, 161,
172, 513; on Weed's antagonism
to Welles, 155; and Chief-Justice
ship, 181, 182; Senatorial aspira
tions and removal of Hoffman, 195,
243; Richmond mission, 221; on
Bennett and French mission, 258;
and New York papers (1865), 322;
and Mexico, 329, 333; and John
son, 343, 414, 437, 3, 120, 409; and
Maryland patronage (1865), 2,
343; addresses Democrats (1865),
382; at Grant's reception (1866),
478; expects second rebellion, 484,
552, 555, 556; and Union Con-

596

INDEX

vention, 531, 574; in campaign of
1866, 613; and Austrian mission
for brother, 3, 71 ; on Grant's prob
able candidacy (1867), 121; and
Field for State portfolio, 184; and
Grant (1867), 184, 185; and ru
mor of Cabinet reorganization
(1867), 203, 204; on Democratic
Convention (1868), 408; in the
campaign, 440; and Coombs's
claim, 528; on Johnson's associates,
566.
Blair, Mrs. Montgomery, character,
2, 329.
Blake, G. S., as officer, 2, 363.
Blatchford, Samuel (or R. M.), and
Federal office at New York (1864),
2,62.
BUss, George, Jr., and trial of con
tractors, I, 540, 2, 19, 57.
Bliss, P. C, arrest as spy, 3, 491, 513.
Blockade, Seward's interference and
apprehensions, i, 74, 79, 82, 154,
165; trade permits through, es
peciaUy at Norfolk, 166, 172-175,
183, 217, 227, 527, 536, 537, 543,
544, 648, 2, 56-67; reported raising
at Charleston,!, 232, 234; question
of raising at Galveston, 233; and
Matamoras trade, 283, 334, 388,
443, 2, 4; Mont Blanc incident,
capture in neutral waters, i, 302,
305, 416-427; French tobacco at
Richmond, 338-340, 2, 9, 12; in
structions to officers, especially as
to neutral territory, 461, 464-456,
458-465, 535, 2, 34; character of
blockading vessels, 1, 496; move
ment to open certain ports, 510,
611, 514; detention of crew of cap
tured runners, 517; raising at
Brownsville, 529; ineffectual at
Wilmington, 2, 127. See also Bel
ligerency, Prizes.
Blow, H. 'T., and Johnson's tour, 2,
689.
Blunt, G. W., on Federal officers at
New York (1863), i, 405; charac
ter, 406; and speed test of naval

vessels, 512; excursion, 2, 31; on
Navy at Fort Fisher, 228; and
Henderson case, 306; and appoint
ment as Naval Officer, 532.
Board of Admiralty (Survey), move
ments for, 2, 233, 236, 240, 241,
3, 247, 570.
Board of Survey. See Board of Ad
miralty.
Bogy, L. v., and Johnson, 3, 203,
204.
Bolles, J. A., superstition, 2, 339;
and Brown case, 345; and Semmes
case, 410, 423, 424, 471; on court-
martial punishments, 449, 481.
BoHes, J. G., and Radicals, 2, 686;
removed, 612.
Bond, H. L., and Maryland election
(1866), 2, 621.
Booth, J. WUkes, question of pub
lishing diary, 3, 95.
Border States, and abolition, i, 402,
403.
Borie, A. E., as Secretary of Navy,
3, 649, 666, 568, 587, 588; and re
organization of Navy, 558; desires
Board of Survey, 670.
Boston, criticism of Welles from, i,
404, 405; Johnson's visit, 3, 109,
114, 116, 119, 123.
Bounties, effect of army, on naval
enlistments, 1, 546; in Marine
Corps, 2, 174; biU (1866), 664.
Boutwell, G. S., violence, 2, 634; and
Reconstruction BUl, 3, 47; and
impeachment and arrest of John
son, 235, 300; character, 239; and
Treasury portfolio, 549, 550.
Bowen, S. J., candidacy for mayor,
3, 375, 380.
Bowie, G. W., and Johnson, 3, 288.
Bowles, Samuel, and Jim Fisk, 3,
490. See also Springfield Repub
lican.
Boynton, C. B., naval history, 2,
360, 366, 3, 413.
Boynton, T. J., and Mont Blanc
incident, i, 419.
Bradford, A. W., and Altoona Con-

INDEX

597

ference, i, 156; house burned, 2,
73; at Antietam anniversary, 3,
201.
Bradford, Mrs. A. W., pass to
South, I, 156.
Bradley, Judge, of Rhode Island,
and Internal Revenue Commis
sioner, 3, 414.
Bradley, J. H., Surratt case, 3, 167.
Brady, J. T., and Fenian trials, 3,
283.
Brandegee, Augustus, Chairman of
Naval Committee, i, 484; and
Welles, 509, 2, 250; and navy yard
at New London, 446.
Brazil, and capture of Florida, 2,
184-186, 197, 275.
Breese, Samuel, as officer, i, 76.
Bridge, Horatio, on Hamlin, 2, 345;
inspection tour, 3, 422; and Porter,
556.
Briggs,  , and Trowbridge-Lamar
plot, I, 492.
Bright, John, on attitude of Eng
land, I, 305.
Brinkerhoff, Jacob, and Wilmot
Proviso, 2, 386.
Brooklyn Navy Yard, offensive par
tisanship at, I, 178; and election
of 1864, 2, 97, 98, 108, 122-124,
136, 137, 142-145, 175; ousting of
Radicals, 616; Belknap's defalca
tion, 3, 205. See also Navy yards.
Brooks, James, political character,
I, 524, 2, 22; and investigation of
Treasury, 22; and McClellan's
letter of acceptance, 140; and But
ler (1865), 230.
Brown, George, on conditions in
South (1863), I, 316; and delivery
of Stonewall to Japan, 3, 365.
Brown, Harvey, removed, i, 406.
Brown, J. P., trouble with Morris, 3,
25.
Brown, S. P., and corrupt contracts,
I, 640; question of reappointment,
2, 342, 344-346.
Browning, O. H., and Union Con
vention, 2, 533, 538, 574, 581; and

Johnson's tour, 587; and Mexico,
624; and Fourteenth Amendment,
628; and welcome to Congress
(1866), 632; and asylum for the
Pope, 639, 640; on negro suffrage
in the District, 3, 5; on Prussian
Convention, 9; and first Recon
struction BiU, 10, 12; and negro
suffrage for Territories, 19; on re
Unquishing of Dunderberg, 28; on
seizure of R. R. Cu-yler, 39; and
Stanton's report on enforcement
of Civil Rights BUl, 45; and In
dian affairs, 69, 74, 254; and Dan
ish West Indies, 98; and removal
of Sheridan, 150; and Conover
allegations, 143, 144; and successor
to Stanton, 231; on conduct of
military governors, 243; and re
moval of Stanton, 284; and im
peachment, 297, 298, 346; on
Johnson's talkativeness, 311; and
Democratic nominations (1868),
401; and disturbances in South,
461; on Johnson's message (1868),
478; and holding over under
Grant, 533 ; and inauguration, 537.
Brownlow, VV'. G., and Fourteenth
Amendment, 2, 557; character, 3,
206; Nashville disturbances, 211.
Brownsville, Texas, raising of block
ade, I, 529.
Bruce, Sir F. W. A., and Stonewall,
2, 306; and Fenians, 454, 486;
death, 3, 203.
Bruzual, Bias (or M. E.), and pur
chase of a vessel for Venezuela,
1, 474-476.
Bryant, W. C, and charges against
Henderson, 2, 60, 61, 78, 228; as
editor, 61; and Administration
(1864), 104.
Bryson, Andrew, and Fenians, 2,
518-520.
Buchanan, Franklin, and Secession
ists, I, i9.
Buchanan, James, and secession of
South Carolina, 2, 256; and Sum
ter (Dec, 1860), 273; death, 3,

598

INDEX

; 374; character, 374; Government
and funeral, 376.
Buckingham, W. A., reelections, i,
262, 2, 5; and draft, i, 406; Sena
torship and illness, 2, 605, 3, 390.
Budd, William, and Washington
chair, i, 77; as officer, 2, 111.
Buel,  , of Bermuda, and Georgia's
peace commissioner, 2, 125, 126.
Buell, D. C, Perryville, i, 166.
Bull Run, second campaign. Cedar
HiU, 1,78; Pope awaits McCIellan,
89; fleet in Potomac, 91, 93; battle,
McClellan's conduct, 93, 97, 98,
104, 107, 117, 122, 221, 225,226; re
treat, 98, 100, 104; alarm in Wash
ington, 99, 105, 106, 109; Pope's
report, 109, 110, 114; Lincoln on,
116, 126; army demoralized, 117;
Porter court martial, 220, 225, 229.
Bullitt, Cuthbert, Union man, i, 81.
Burlingame, Anson, on admirable
Chinese customs, 3, 379.
Burnett, D. G., elected to Senate,
2, 642.
Burnside, A. E., and Navy, 1, 91; de
clines command in Antietam cam
paign, 124; Blair on, 126; com
mands Army of Potomac, 182;
Fredericksburg, 191-193; expected
forward movement (Jan.), 226;
army demoralized, 226; resigns
command, 229 ; Vallandigham case,
306; suppression of Chicago Times,
321; arrival for Wilderness cam
paign, 2, 17; and impeachment,
3, 357.
Burr, A. E., on Welles and Senator-
ship, 2, 501 ; and Connecticut poli
tics, 3, 264, 328.
Bushnell, C. S.. and Monitor, i, 214.
Butler, B. F., rule at New Orleans,
1, 209; prospective command in
Mississippi movement, 210; as
officer, ',i7:i, 2, 223; and trade per
mits, I, 530, r,U, 548, 2, 56, 57
preparation for \''irginia campaign
15, 10, 24; in the campaign, 35
and martial law at Norfolk, 81

character, 81, 365, 469, 3, 504,
523; and exchange of naval pris
oners, 2, 168, 169, 171; Wilming
ton expedition, 209, 210, 213-217,
222; and Grant, 214, 217, 222,
223, 226, 3, 56; dismissed, 2, 223;
in Washington, and political rad
icals (1865), 224, 226, 230; rule in
Baltimore, 269; and Reconstruc
tion (1865), 348, 349; (1867), 3,
81, 82; and trial of Davis, 2, 365,
367; intrigue in Gre-y Jacket case,
469, 492, 493; elected to Congress,
619; and Conover allegations, 3,
143 n.; as impeachment manager,
321, 326, 333, 336; pressure on
doubtful Senators, 354, 362; in
vestigation of vote, 366-368;
calls on Johnson and Cabinet,
497; currency speech, 503, 506;
and Bingham, 524; and repeal of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 564, 567,
568; on Grant's ignorance, 664.
Butterfield, A. G., and Mont Blanc
incident, i, 419, 427.
Byington,  , sends news of Gettys
burg, I, 357.
Cabinet, Lincoln's, formation, i, xx,
81, 230, 325, 2, 388-392; Seward
and proposal of regular meetings
(1861), I, 6-8, 136-13S; Seward's
attitude, 104, 124, 400; character
of meetings, lack of consultations,
131, 134-136, 274, 320, 348, 351,
391, 401, 429, 526, 546, 2, 16, 17,
5S, 69, 62, 84, 86, 91, 98, 166, 203;
and financial matters (1862), i,
168; assistants at meetings, 319,
3, 318; and renomination of Lin
coln, I, 500; rumors of reorganiza
tion (IS64), 2, 102; Fessenden and
Seward-Stanton clique, 120; ru
mors as to, for second administra
tion, 194, 195, 247, 250, 251;
Johnson retains Lincoln's, 289; im
proved meetings under Johnson,
318; relations with Johnson, 481-
483, 487, 522-625, 543, 606, 611;

INDEX

599

changes in Johnson's, 563, 554,
568, 563; direct communication by
Secretaries to Congress, 3, 131; ru
mors of reorganization of John
son's (1867), 183, 203, 204; (1868),
364, 371; rumors as to Grant's,
488, 530, 535; Johnson's, and hold
ing over under Grant, 529, 630,
532, 535; Welles on Grant's, 543-
549. See also members of the Cabi
net by name.
Cadwalader, John, Pasco case, 2,
400, 401; and O'Neal, 3, 441.
Calhoun, J. C, and South Carolina
aristocracy, 2, 312.
Calhoun, captured, i, 360.
Calvert, C. B., and Navy Depart
ment, I, 187; and appointment of
midshipmen, 234, 236.
Cameron, Simon, delay in taking
portfolio, I, 3; and Seward's in
terference with Sumter expedition,
25; resigns, 57, 58; and appoint
ment of Stanton, 59; Blair on, as
Secretary of War, 126-128; de
feated for Senate (1863), 223; on
Seward's meddling, 242; patron
age and political views (l865), 2,
349; selection to the Cabinet, 389;
Senatorial election (1867), 3, 16,
20; character, 16, 20, 479, 523; and
removal of Stanton, 285; and im
peachment, 301, 333; and Senator
ial election (1869), 605.
CampbeU, A. F. (?), and politics in
Brooklyn Navy Yard, 2, 122.
Campbell, J. A., negotiations with
Seward (1861), i, 26; Hampton
Roads Conference, 2, 235, 238;
seeks parole, 330; character, 330.
Campbell, Col. J. A., on Arkansas
disturbances, 3, 462.
Campbell, Lewis, Mexican mission,
2, 501, 621, 649; instructions, 623,
625, 628.
Canada, Confederate operations, 2,
151-153; Fenian raid (1866), 450,
451, 453, 454, 484, 486, 518-521,
523, 524.

Canby, E. R. S., and cotton trade,
2, 159; Mobile, 165; as military
governor, 3, 187, 245.
Capture, legal, of private property
used by Confederate Government,
2, 486. See also Blockade, Prizes.
Carleton, J. H., report on Mexico,
2, 367.
Carpenter, F. B., Emancipation
Proclamation picture, i, 527, 549.
Carpenter, M. H., and repeal of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 3, 555.
Carrington, E. C, candidacy for
district attorney, i, 56.
Carter, J. M., and navy yard for
New London, i, 222.
Carter, S. P., return to Navy, 2, 366;
report on Borneo, 3, 182.
Cartter, D. K., and assassination of
Lincoln, 2, 286; and dismissal of
son, 359; and Stanton, 3, 157,
160; and arrest of Thomas, 286,
294.
Cartter, W. H., dismissal, 2, 359.
Case, F. M., as Surveyor-General of
Colorado, 3, 575.
Case, Newton, and A. H. Stephens,
2, 332.
Casey, Joseph, and speculation, 2,
314.
Caswell, Alexis, at Seward's, i, 506.
Catawba, sale, 3, 348, 387-389, 420,
429, 438.
Cattell, A. G., and removal of Stan
ton, 3, 285; character, 523.
Cave, Sir Stephen, in Washington,
3, 135.
Cavnach,  , and Trowbridge-La
mar plot, I, 492.
Cedar HiU, battle, i, 78.
Ceres, prize, mails, i, 491, 492.
Chambers, J. S., question of removal,
I, 218, 219.
Chambersburg, Pa., Stuart's raid,
I, 169.
Chancellorsville, beginning of cam
paign, I, 287; rumors, 290, 291;
anxiety at Washington, 291-293;
Stoneman's raid, 292-295; news

600

INDEX

of defeat, 293; reception of news,
294; Sedgwick, 295; death of Jack
son, 297; losses, 302; Hooker's
irreverence and drinking, 336, 348.
Chandler, L. H., and trial of Davis,
2, 614.
Chandler, W. E., naval fraud cases,
2, 200, 218, 262; Pasco case, 400,
401; and Butler, 492, 493; and
impeachment, 3, 353; and Fogg,
372.
Chandler, Zachariah, Committee on
Conduct of the War, 2, 198; and
Butler (1865), 224; character,
633, 3, 52; attack on McCulloch,
52; and Fessenden, 138; and im
peachment, 301, 332, 339; reelec
tion (1869), 608.
Charleston, preparation for naval
attack on, i, 153, 216, 217, 263,
264; reported raising of blockade,
232, 234; Du Font's delay, 236,
237, 247, 249, 259; Administra
tion's plan of attack, 237; rumors
and anxiety as to attack, 262-265;
repulse, 265, 267-269, 273; Du
Font's failure to report, 273, 274,
276; failure of his operations and
subsequent controversy, 276, 277,
288, 295, 302, 307, 476-478, 2, 7,
11, 14, 30, 133; question of renew
ing attack, I, 273, 309, 313, 324,
338; Du Pont to be relieved, ques
tion of successor, 311-318, 325,
326, 337, 341, 342, 346, 347; pro
gress of renewed (Dahlgren's)
movement, 372, 380, 415, 427,
449, 467, 520; Gillmore's force,
382-385; mutual relations of at
tacking forces, 467, 474; captured,
2, 242; aspect (1865), 311. See also
Sumter.
Charlestown Navy Yard, appoint
ments and politics, i, 374, 380,
2, 31, 33, 34, 143, 3, 417, 419, 446.
See also Navy yards.
Chase, Kate, and Sprague, i, 306.
Chase, S. P., attitude towards Cab
inet consultations, i, 7, 320, 525,

526, 546, 2, 17, 58, 166; and Cam
eron, 57, 59, 127; and appoint
ment of Stanton, 59, 61; intrigue
for removal of McCleUan, 93-95,
100-106, 108, 109, 112, 114,
117, 119-122, 139; relations with
Stanton and Seward, 101, 131,
139, 203-206, 231, 397, 402, 447,
536, 2, 174; and patronage, i, 78,
138; and Pope, 114, 221; and pro
posed attackson Richmond (1862),
130; (1863), 349, 361; and Antie
tam, 142; and coin for foreign
drafts, 147, 2, 10, 29; on conduct
of War Department (Sept., 1862),
1, 148; and Chiriqui Grant, 151;
and emancipation, 169, 209; on
conduct of the Administration
(1862), 161; war-time trade, per
mits, and agents, 166, 166, 175,
177, 183, 217, 610, 511, 622, 527,
537, 543-545, 548, 2, 33, 34, 36,
66, 258, 343; as financier, i, 168,
176, 494, 520, 525, 530, 2, 3, 13,
14, 54, 57-59, 61-63; on kilUng
of Gen. Nelson, i, 17S; Seward-
Chase resignation episode, 196,
201-205; and admission of West
Virginia, 205, 207; on finances and
party loyalty, 223; and Weed, 230,
231, 3, 163; bank biU, i, 237; and
extra session of Senate (1863),
238; and letters of marque, 246,
247, 250; and John Gilpin prize
case, 297; on a fugitive-slave case
(1863), 313; and Lee's invasion,
331, 336; and Hooker, 335, 348,
349, 444; Presidential candidacy
(1S64), 345, 413, 415, 498, 500,
525, 529, 633, 2, 30; and Ste
phens's attempted mission (1863),
360, 361; and promotion of D. D.
Porter, 369; and command at New
York (1863), 373; and Whiting,
381; on draft and suspension of
habeas corpus, 397, 432-434; on a
departmental administration, 401;
and Halleck, 402, 447; on slavery
and Reconstruction, 402, 410-414;

INDEX

601

and Lincoln, 413, 520, 2, 44; on
Bates, I, 413; and Laird rams,
428, 435; and Ohio election (1863),
469; on Trowbridge-Lamar plot,
492, 494; animosity of Blairs, 510,
533, 2, 20, 46; and policy of open
ing certain ports, i, 514; and cut
ting of ship-timber in North Caro
lina, 522, 527, 528; on Charieston
operations, 520; on raising of
BrownsviUe blockade, 529; favors
bounties on immigration, 543; and
gold premium (AprU, 1864), 2, 12-
15; and conduct of subordinates.
Congressional investigation , 20-22 ;
on Fort Pillow massacre, 26; and
foreign-owned cotton, 40; and
Presidential visits to headquarters,
55; resignation, 62, 63, 69, 93;
Bates on, 93; failure to pay requi
sitions, 114; support of Lincoln
(1864), 120, 140, 187; character,
121, 183, 192, 366; and Preston
King, 137; and control of aban
doned plantations, 149; and Blair's
resignation, 167, 158 ra.; appoint
ment to Chief-Justiceship, 181,
183, 187, 192, 196; appointment
and political activity, 196, 202,
251, 253, 304, 3, 135, 244; appre
hended decision on arbitrary ar
rest, 2, 242, 245, 246; and Blair's
Senatorial aspirations, 243; and
McCulloch, 246; Seward on, as
Cabinet disturber, 246; and block
ade, 246, 254; and radical Recon
struction, 263; decision on cap
tured cotton, 263; and negro suf
frage, 304, 343, 369; and trial of
Davis, 366, 368; selection to Cab
inet, 391; and Johnson, 619; tardi
ness in holding court in South,
3, 101; and impeachment trial,
293, 301, 306, 327, 328; Presiden
tial candidacy (1868), 379, 381,
382, 385, 389-391, 393, 397, 404,
455, 457-459.
Chattanooga, movement to rein
force, 1,442,444; Welles on change

in commanders, 447; importance,
473.
Chattanooga, Robert Johnson's pro
posed voyage in, 2, 472, 479, 491.
Chenango, explosion, 2, 14.
Cherokee, controversy over purchase,
I, 516.
Chesapeake, seizure and surrender, i,
490, 508, 509, 545.
Chicago, Johnson at, 2, 593.
Chicago Times, suppressed, i, 321.
Chicago Tribune, and impeachment,
3, 355.
Chickamauga, battle, i, 438, 441,
444, 446; rumor of Lee at, 439.
ChUi, trouljle with Spain expected,
2, 357, 365, 495.
Chimo, report on, 2, 52.
China, mission to United States
(1868), 3, 380.
Chiriqui Grant, i, 123, 150-153, 3,
428.
Church, S. E., and Presidential nom
ination (1868), 3, 396; solicits
Johnson's support of Seymour,
427, 429.
Churchill, J. C, and impeachment,
3, 238.
Cincinnati Gazette, attack on Navy
Department, 2, 80.
Circassian, cartel vessel, 2, 169.
Cisco, J. J., Assistant Treasurer, 2,
62.
Cities, Welles on free suffrage and
corruption, 1, 523, 524.
CivU Rights Bill, Welles on, 2, 459,
460; DooUttle's substitute, 463;
veto, 463, 464; passage over veto,
475, 477, 479; TrumbuU on, 489;
Stanton's report on enforcement,
3, 42-45. See also Fourteenth
Amendment.
Civil service, Cabinet and patronage,
I, 138, 218; navy yards and poli
tics, especially assessments, 178,
327, 374, 380, 2, 97, 98, 108, 122-
124, 136, 137, 142-145, 175, 376,
377, 380, 382; Senatorial confirm
ation and "courtesy," i, 235;

602

INDEX

campaign contributions, 534; gen
eral political assessments, 2, 112;
Lincoln and patronage, 195; iron
clad oath and Southern appoint
ments, 318, 357, 446, 450, 453, 464;
Johnson and appointments, 343,
3, 64, 83-85, 147, 152, 412, 527;
WeUes and New England patron
age, 2, 356; patronage and split
on Reconstruction, 398, 399, 585-
687, 596-599, 602, 616, 3, 52; Con
gress and patronage under Johnson,
2, 426 n., 3, 557; appointment of
ex-army officers, 74; rush of office-
seekers (1869), 557; Grant's sweep,
676. See also Tenure-of-Office Act.
Civil War, warnings ignored at Wash
ington, I, 10; Scott's defensive-
frontier policy, 84-86, 125, 172,
242; West-Pointism, 85, 125; en
thusiasm (1862), 89; despondency
(1862), 119, 129, 176, 209; progress
to end of 1862, 211; conditions in
the South (1863), 223, 316; lack
of enthusiasm (1863), 324; Gettys
burg, Vicksburg,'and termination,
371, 378, 428; character of Davis
and termination, 376-379; popu
lar attitude at end of 1863, 499;
strain on Administration of open
ing days, 549; Welles hopeful of
termination, 2, 158, 177, 200, 208,
218; continued arrogance of Con
federates (1865), 229; germ in
South Carolina aristocracy, 276,
277, 312; mistaken estimates of
opponents, 277; grand review of
army, 310; official end, 473, 579-
581,583. See aJso Army, Finances,
Foreign, Lincoln, Navy, Peace.
Claims. See War claims.
Clandaniels,  , peculations at
Philadelphia Navy Yard, 2, 200.
Clark,  , ot Auburn, N. Y., and
cotton speculation, 2, 37.
Clark,  , editor of the Norfolk
Regime, on Wilmington expedi
tion, 2, 210.
Clark, Daniel, on J. P. Hale and

Navy Department, i, 507; ap
pointment as judge, 2, 565.
Clarke, Freeman, insubordination, 2,
463.
Clay, Brutus, and Mrs. White, 2, 21.
Clay, C. C, implication in assassina
tion plot, 2, 363.
Clay, C. M., discouraged (1862), i,
117.
Clay, Henry, character, i, 606, 507.
Cleveland, C. D., and Confederate
ironclads, i, 436.
Cleveland, E. S., and Connecticut
election (1866), 2, 458, 461.
Cleveland, Johnson at, 2, 593.
Clifford, J. H. (?), of Massachusetts,
and trial of Davis, 2, 365, 367.
Clyde, captured, 1, 428.
Cobden, Richard, on Wilkes in West
Indies, i, 298; on attitude of Eng
land, 305.
Cochrane, John, and draft, i, 380;
nomination (1864), 2, 41; political
character, 43; withdraws, 166.
Cole, Cornelius, impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358.
Coleman, J. A., and naval chap
laincy, I, 162.
Coles County, IU., riots, 2, 81.
Colfax, Schuyler, election as Speaker,
1, 481; character, 481, 3, 24, 30;
and Navy Department and Welles,
I, 482, 484, 2, 236, 250; and move
ment to expel Long, 9; and Chase,
21; and assassination of Lincoln,
287; radical speech (1865), 385,
410; and impeachment resolution
(1867), 3, 12; Vice-Presidential
candidacy, 362, 366. See also
Elections (1S6S).
Collamer, Jacob, Senate committee
on Seward, i, 194, 196, 198.
Collins, Napoleon, and Mont Blanc
incident, i, 417, 421, 423; captures
Florida, 2, 184; trial, 276; and loss
of Sacramento, 3, 120, 654.
Colombia, seizure of R. R. Cuyler, 3,
38-42; tax on foreigners, 106.
Colonization of negroes, schemes for

INDEX

603

foreign, 1,123,150-153,162,3,428;
Cox's domestic scheme, 2, 352.
Colorado, Cabinet on biU admitting,
2, 502, 3, 22; veto, 30.
Coltman,  , Union man of
Louisiana, 1, 81.
Columbia, captured, 2, 242.
Colvocoressis, G. M., retirement, 3,
503.
Commerce. See Blockade, Trade.
Committee on Conduct of the War,
report, i, 262; purpose, 2, 198;
summons Butler (1865), 224, 226;
character, 226.
Comstock, C. B., Wilmington expe
dition, 2, 226; marriage, 3, 519.
Comstock, J. J. (?), and command of
the Baltic, i, 156.
Confederate cruisers, squadron to in
tercept, I, 109, 111, 122, 123, 134;
coast defense against, 125, 288,
347, 364, 366, 375, 380, 436, 2, 266,
257; and Federal agitation for let
ters of marque, 246, 248, 250, 253;
proposed proclamation against, as
pirates (1865), 2, 298, 300, 308.
See also Alabama, Florida, Shenan
doah, Tacony, Tallahassee.
Confederate ironclads, Fingal, i, 72,
336, 341, 344; Arkansas, 72, 78;
Laird rams, construction in Eng
land, 245, 247, 250, 262; Seward's
protest, 399; Dahlgren fears, 406;
Chase urges preparation to seize,
428; private knowledge of British
intention to seize, 429, 435-438;
newspaper anxiety concerning, 435 ;
detention announced, 443; contin
ued anxiety, 448; building in
France, 2, 35, 65; French, stopped,
254. See also Stonewall,
Confiscation, Cabinet discussion
(1869), 3, 504.
Congress, Thirty-seventh: character,
I, 186, 206, 224; Senate commit
tee on Seward, 194-205; attacks on
management of War, 224; and ap
pointment of midshipmen, 224,
227, 234, 236; "courtesy" in Sen

ate, 235; closing hours (1863), 244;
naval bills, 245; Committee on
Conduct of the War, 262. See also
Hale (J. P.).
Thirty-eighth: question of extra
session of the Senate, i, 238; or
ganization, naval committees, 481-
484, 490, 2, 193; naval affairs, i,
522, 528, 531, 2, 7, 11, 236-238,
240-242, 250 ; interference of Mem
bers with navy yards, i, 482, 2,
224, 225; censure of Long, 9, 12;
investigation of Navy Depart
ment, 21, 22; of Fort Pillow mas
sacre, 23; and Mexico, 39; and
finances, 57; closing hours (1864),
62, 65; (1866), 251; House resolu
tion against Seward, 202; Thir
teenth Amendment, 234; Radicals
and Reconstruction, 239, 242.
Thirty-ninth: meeting, 2, 385,
392; ignores Johnson, 392; im
pending war with Johnson, 412,
414, 421, 434; naval appropria
tions, 430, 444; Stockton ousted,
464, 475; Colorado, 602; closing
hours (1866), 563-565; (1867), 3,
58; wasteful grants, 2, 542; bounty
bill, 564; second session, 626;
Forney's reception and parade,
627, 630-632; probable action,
627, 632, 633, 635; Republican
caucus (Dec, 1866), 6^3; annoy
ance of Departments, 634, 637, 3,
13; leaders in Senate, 2, 636; treat
ment of Johnson's adherents, 637;
character, 644; Southern trip of
Members, 649.^ See also Recon
struction, Tenure-of-Office Act.
Fortieth: sessions, 3, 17, 19, 61,
73, 74, 128, 415, 423, 426, 437, 438,
441, 464, 475; rejection of nomina
tions, 83-86, 527; investigation of
Departments, 122; indecision, 129;
thanks to Sheridan, 130; character
and revolutionary plans, 130, 133,
244, 267, 314, 321, 324, 506, 520,
523; resolution on Cretan insur
rection, 138; naval affairs, 264,

604

INDEX

265, 280, 325, 341, 348, 384, 387,
515; closing hours of main ses
sion, 415; and Johnson's final mes
sage, 479, 482; do-nothing policy,
484; Tenure-of-Office Act, 503.
See also Impeachment, Recon
struction. Forty-first: Tenure-of-Office Act,
3, 665, 556, 558, 560, 664, 567, 568,
671; naval affairs, 558; adjourns,
574.
Conkling, F. A., and appointment of
midshipmen, i, 227.
Conkling, Roscoe, Senatorial elec
tion, 3, 16, 20; character, 16, 20,
558; and impeachment, 301, 336;
patronage, 424; and repeal of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 558.
Connecticut, Federal appointments,
I, 78, 81, 510; home guard, 375;
coast defense, 380; and draft, 382;
elections (1864), 2, 5; (1866), 427,
429, 433, 452, 454-462, 466, 468,
469, 474; (1867), 3, 77, 78; a868),
264,267,328,329; (1869), 571, 572;
rejects negro suffrage, 2, 373, 375;
Welles seeks to influence attitude
(1866), 426; Democratic Party in,
427-429; Senatorial elections
(1866), 601, 505-510; (1868), 3,
390; adopts Fourteenth Amend
ment, 2, 541; delegates to Union
Convention (1866), 667; political
attitude (1867), 3, 63; Welles and
Gov. "English's messages, 87-89,
382; character of Radicals, 88.
Conness, John, and Navy Depart
ment, 2, 234; and removal of
Stanton, 3, 285; and impeach
ment, 333; character, 479.
Conover, Sanford, allegations, 3, 143-
146, 149, 152, 157, 161, 165, 168.
Constitution. See Federal Constitu
tion.
Construction and Repairs, Bureau of.
See LenthaU.
Contract frauds. See Corruption.
Cony, Samuel, and coast protection,
2, 256.

Cook, B. C, and politics in navy
yards, 2, 142-146.
Cooley, Samuel, and Welles, 2, 313.
Coombs,  , Louisville war-claim
case, 3, 528, 529.
Cooper, Edmund, relations with
Johnson, 2, 532, 3, 221; on Brown
low, 205; on elections (1867), 222.
Cooper, Samuel, forged dispatches,
I, 176, 176.
Copper biU, veto (1869), 3, 531.
Copperheads, and Johnson, 2, 590.
Corbett, H. W., impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358, 367.
Corcoran, W. W., house taken for
hospital, I, 99.
Corning, Erastus, Lincoln's letter
to, I, 323, 329; and De Camp, 3,
18.
Corruption, in Navy Department
contracts, i, 511, 512, 514, 522;
Stover case, 514, 518, 524; Fox and
investigation, Welles's attitude,
537-541; Henderson case, 540-
544, 547, 2, 5, 54, 60, 61, 78, 79,
82, 83, 220, 225, 306; Smith Bros.
case, 7, 11, 15, 53, 55, 56, 60, 61,
90, 124, 238, 260-264, 334, 369;
Scofield case, 57, 58, 176, 177, 199-
201 ; Philadelphia Navy Yard, 200,
205, 208, 224, 231, 238, 400-402;
Stiners case, 279; Hoover case,
418; general (1869), 3. 576.
Cotton, war-time trade, i, 498, 511,
2, 33, 34, 36, 37, 66, 138-140, 159-
163, 167; protection of foreign-
owned, 40; captured French, 106,
107; participation of officers in
trade, 173; disposal of Savannah,
219, 278; Sherman and foreign-
claimed, 229; captured by Navy
in Red River campaign, 255, 263;
tax, 316.
Couch, D. N., and Gettysburg, i,
358.
Counterfeit drafts, 2, 567.
Court martial, punishments by, 3,
449, 481.
Court of Claims, candidates, 3, 372.

INDEX

605

Courtney, S. G., and internal rev
enue frauds, 3, 434, 435.
Covode, John, and removal of
Chambers, i, 218; character, 219,
2, 580; Southern trip, 580.
Cow Island, negro colony, 3, 428.
Cowan, Edgar, and Reconstruction,
2, 416; and Freedmen's Bureau
Bill, 437; and Johnson's attitude,
482, 483; and Union Convention,
533, 538; loses committee position,
637; character, 3,20, 68; and Aus
trian mission, 59.
Cox,  , of Georgetown, question
of restoring property, 2, 414.
Cox, J. D., and colonizing of negroes,
2, 362; and Reconstruction, 440;
suggested for War portfoUo (i867),
3, 231, 261; WeUes on Cabinet
appointment (1869), 646.
Cox, W. S., impeachment trial wit
ness, 3, 333.
Coyle, John, and Johnson, 3, 566.
Cragin, A. H., Senatorial election, 2,
61.
Crater, battle, 2, 89-92.
Craven, T. T., and Stonewall, 2, 261,
267, 392, 396.
Crawford, M. J., Confederate com
missioner, Seward intrigue, i, 26.
Creswell, J. A. J., political record,
3, 543.
Crete, insurrection, 3, 71, 138, 425.
Crittenden, T. L., Chickamauga, i,
444, 446.
Crook, George, in Johnson's tour, 2,
589.
Crosby, A. C, and Radical patron
age, 2, 685.
Crusader, at Pensacola (1861), i, 26,
29.
Cuba, assumption of six-mile mari
time jurisdiction, i, 170, 367, 399,
467, 468; insurrection, 3, 523;
American Navy and insurrection,
572, 573.
Culebra Island, movement to an
nex, 3, 94.
Culpeper, cavalry fight, i, 326.

Cumberland, at Norfolk Navy Yard,
1,42.
Cummings, Alexander, nomination
for Commissioner of Internal Rev
enue, 3, 414.
Cuniston,  , spy, 1, 313.
Curry, Azariah, master of Mont
Blanc, 1, 419.
Curtin, A. G., and Lee's invasion, 1,
330, 350; and Confederate raid
(1864), 2, 89; and Fourteenth
Amendment, 529; Senatorial can
didacy, 3, 16; character, 16.
Curtis, B. R., impeachment counsel,
3, 294, 298, 299, 302, 308, 330, 331.
Curtis, S. R., asks aid of Navy, 1,
91.
Cushing, Caleb, and Cabinet office,
2, 183; and naval contract fraud
cases, 225, 227; and Grey' Jacket
case, 493; canal treaty, 3, 526.
Cushing, W. B., and capture of Fort
Anderson, 2, 245.
Custer, G. A., in Johnson's tour, 2,
589.
Cutts, J. M. (?), and Blair, 2, 84.
Dacotah, pursues Alabama, 1, 179.
Dahlgren, J. A., and Merrimac
scare, 1, 62, 64, 66; Lincoln's par
tiality, 158, 163; and Du Font's
campaign against Charleston, 168,
164, 277; and promotion, 163,
239; as officer and bureau chief,
164, 179, 317, 338, 341, 2, 7, 3,
447; and succession to Du Font's
command, i, 311, 314, 315, 337,
341, 342; refuses subordinate
command, 317; and guns for mon
itors, 342; reports on Charleston
operations, 372, 382, 434, 547;
and Fox, 401; fears Laird rams,
406; and GUlmore, 434; complaints
against, and troubles, 449, 474;
Florida expedition, 632; visit to
Washington, 534; and death of
son, 536, 544, 545, 2, 7; asks to be
relieved, 128; and Farragut, 134;
and command of WUmington

606

INDEX

expedition, 147; asblockader, 173;
sends word of Sherman, 200; gun-
casting controversy, 202; and
Welles's visit to Charleston, 311,
313; return to Washington (1865),
320; ship visited by Johnson and
Cabinet, 331; to command South
Pacific Squadron, 604; Tucker
episode, 3, 37, 69, 70; and Ames's
claim, 448, 449, 451; wants com
mand of Washington Navy Yard,
484; and vice-admiralship, 562.
Dahlgren, Mrs. J. A., journey to
husband's station, 3, 92, 93.
Dahlgren, Ulric, on Lee's invasion,
1, 331; captures dispatches, 359;
loses leg, 380, 470; raid and death,
636-638, 544, 545.
Dakota, Federal politics (1864), 2,
153.
Dana, C. A., on fall of Vicksburg, i,
371.
Dana, R. H., and law of prize, 1,
531, 532.
Darling,  , of New York, and re
lease of Scofield, 2, 199.
Dart, W. A., and Fenians, 2, 518,
520.
Davidson, Thomas, political com
plaints against, 2, 144.
Davies, Charles, seeks office for
nephew, 2, 658.
Davies, H. E., office-seeker, 2, 558.
Davis, C. H., Mississippi operations,
1, 72, 75, 91; and W. D. Porter,
145; transferred, 157; as officer,
158, 351; of board on dismissal of
Preble, 191; and Monitor, 214;
promotion, 239; and letters of
marque, 260; visit to Fort Foote,
474; and Du Pont, 2, 118; and
command of Wilmington expedi
tion, 147; and Paraguay, 3, 466-
468, 490, 513; and vice-admiral-
ship, 562.
Davis, Garrett, and Reconstruction,
3, 502.
Davis, H. W., and Du Pont, 1, 478,
531, 2, 8, 30, 117, 118; and chair

manship of Naval Committee
(1863), I, 482; attacks on Navy
Department, 505, 531, 2, 227, 236,
237; and movement to expel Long,
9; and campaign of 1864, 30; pro
test, 95, 96, 98, 122, 239; inflated,
153, 202; and Stanton, 166; attack
on Seward, 198, 202; and Butler,
224; as Radical leader, 247; and
negro suffrage, 326; death, 409;
character, 409, 438; memorial ser
vices, 438.
Davis, J. C, Cabinet on killing of
Nelson, 1, 178.
Davis, Jefferson, Stephens's mission
to Lincoln, i, 358; and demonstra
tion on Washington (1863), 359,
376; WeUes's estimate, 376; story
of, by escaped slave, 515; and
Jaquess, 2, 84, 109; and Blair's
mission, 221 ; and Hampton Roads
Conference, 238; and secession of
South Carolina, 255; aUeged impli
cation in assassination conspiracy,
299; captured, 306; custody, 308,
309; Cabinet discussions on indict
ment and trial, 335, 337, 365-368,
608, 614, 616; condition in confine
ment, 339, 365; not to be paroled,
358; attitude of Sumner and
Welles (1865), 397; and general
amnesty, 395, 396.
Davis, Mrs. Jefferson, slave's story,
1, 515; at Savannah (1865), ^, 314.
Dawes, H. L., and Smith Bros., 2,
56; and Stanton's plan of Recon
struction, 291; in campaign of
1868, 3, 460.
Day, B. F., disrespect for Congress,
3, 312.
Day, Calvin, and Johnson's pohcy,
2, 426; and WeUes's return to
Hartford, 3, 585.
Dayton, W. L., and French media
tion, I, 235; on Florida, 440; on
attitude of France (1864), 2, 39;
death, 205; Welles's association
with, 205; and Lincoln's cabinet,
392.

INDEX

607

Debts, payment of private, in South,
2, 356; repudiation of Confederate,
679. See also Chase, Finances,
Paper money.
De Camp, John, question of promo
tion, 3, 18.
Deity, recognition in Constitution,
2, 190.
Delafield, Richard, and Norfolk
Navy Yard, i, 46.
Delano, B. F., on Alabama depreda
tions, 1, 166; as naval constructor,
499; and politics in Brooklyn
Navy Yard, 2, 146.
Deming, H. C, political character,
2, 434; candidacy for reelection, 3,
63.
Democratic Party, intrigue and
downfall (1844), 2, 387; in Connec
ticut, 427-429; and Union Con
vention (1866), 540, 542, 545; and
Johnson, 595, 598, 602, 603, 617,
619, 3, 196, 199, 223, 319, 320, 383,
399, 403, 429. See also Elections,
Politics.
Denmark, complaints against Wilkes,
1, 322, 325, 461; attempted sale
of West Indian islands, 2, 466,
473, 3, 40, 95-98, 124, 125, 502.
Dennison, William, and armored
fleet for the Ohio, 1, 90; excursion,
394; in campaign of 1864, 509; and
speed teat of naval vessels, 512;
Postmaster-General, 2, 167, 168;
and Chief-Justiceship, 182, 183,
192; and Chase, 183; and Pierpont
govemment, 282; and assassina
tion of Lincoln, 288; and inform
ing of Johnson, 288; at funeral of
Lincoln, 293; on Sherman's peace
terms, 296, 297; and Hamlin, 345;
and negro suffrage, 301; trip to
Charleston (1865), 310-315; and
Mexico, 333, 479, 486; on trial of
Davis, 338; on post- War military
arrangements, 362, 355, 356; and
political assessments, 380; and
Chase's appointment to Cabinet,
391; and Johnson's policy, 399,

419, 425, 537, 543; and Freed
men's Bureau Bill, 434; and party
split, 443, 446; on ironclad oath,
445, 450, 453; and Fenian raid,
451; and Civil Rights BUl, 464;
and trial of Semmes, 467; and re
port of Reconstruction Commit
tee, 496, 497; and Atlantic cable,
603; on admitting Colorado, 603;
serenade speech, 613; on Four
teenth Amendment, 536, 537;
resignation, 551, 553, 655; atti
tude after resigning, political am
bition, 577; on Stanton and Grant,
3, 240.
Dent, Louis, appointment by John
son, 3, 527.
Desertion, exemplary punishment
needed, 1, 232.
De Soto, wrecked, 3, 240.
Dickerson, E. N., assault on Isher
wood, 1, 604; test of engine, 2,
346, 356, 361.
Dickinson, D. S., and Vice-Presiden
tial nomination, 2, 45.
Dictator, launched, 1, 495; construc
tion, 2, 35, 201, 207, 340.
Dillon,  , gunpowder invention,
1, 239, 240.
District commanders. See Military
governors.
District of Columbia, appointments
to court, I, 245; negro suffrage,
2, 422, 640, 3, 3-8, 15. See also
VVashington.
Dix, J. A., and New York politics
(1862), 1, 154, 162; and Norfolk
trade, 166, 172-176, 177, 183, 227,
318; and Weed and Seward, 231,
366; operations in Suffolk, 287;
and demonstration on Richmond
(1863), 349, 351; Lincoln's opin
ion, 360; to command at New
York, 373; and Vice-Presidential
nomination (1864), 2, 45; arrest
for suspending World, 67 ; nomin
ated to Dutch mission, 666; Naval
Office and French mission, 602,
607; Welles's estimate, 607, 3, 442,

608

INDEX

443; supports Grant, 442; Ban
croft incident, 511, 521; resigns,
625, 539.
Dixon, James, and Connecticut ap
pointments, I, 78, 235, 239, 246,
610, 2, 012, 3, 78-80, 84, 161; and
Welles, I, 81, 82, 509, 2, 307, 501;
on Stanton, i, 206; Sumner and
reelection (1863), 603; and spUt in
party (1865), 2, 407; and John
son's policy, 415, 449, 650; and
Freedmen's Bureau BiU, 436; and
Civil Rights BiU, 476, 479; and
Crosby, 685; loses committee po
sition, 637; and removal of Stan
ton, 3, 165; defeated, 264; and im
peachment vote, 351 ; and Chase's
candidacy (1868), 382; Congres
sional candidacy, 526, 572.
Dixon, Mrs. James, and Mrs. Lin
coln, 2, 287.
Dolphin, at Norfolk Navy Yard, i,
42.
Dolphin, prize, i, 302.
Domestic servants, demagogic in
fluences on, 3, 588.
Donnell, R. S., and reunion, i, 407.
Doolittle, J. R., and appointment of
Howard, i, 236; on Hooker, 305;
and cotton trade, 497; on Presi
dential prospects (1863), 498; ex
cursions, 2, 31, 547; and Indian
affairs (1865), 362; and Recon
struction, 379, 415,440; andFreed-
men's Bureau BUl, 436, 437; and
Civil Rights Bill, 463j on John
son's irresolution, 480, 481; and
Union Convention, 528-630, 533-
535, 638, 650, 681, j,, 251 ; and Dix's
appointment to Holland, 2, 566;
urges removal of Stanton, 581,
582; loses committee position,
637; on attaching Grant to the
Administration, 646; relations to
Johnson, 647; and suspension of
Stanton, 3, 255; speeches (1868),
264, 267, 281; and Democratic
Presidential nomination (1868),
295, 394, 402, 405; and impeach

ment vote, 351 ; and Chase's can
didacy, 382.
Dorsheimer, PhUip, removed, 2, 598.
Doty, T. W., and wreck of Fredonia,
3, 449.
Douglas, S. A., on Seward and Se
cessionists, I, 32-35.
Douglass, Frederick, and headship
of Freedmen's Bureau, 3, 142.
Downes, John, court martial, 2, 162.
Draft, riots in New York, i, 369, 372,
373; enforcement, 380; WeUes's
opinion, 382 ; in Connecticut,
382; Lincoln-Seymour correspond
ence, 396, 396, 399; and clerical
force at VVashington, 396; exemp
tion of petty officers of Navy, 407;
habeas corpus suspension to pre
vent interference with, 432, 433,
436; and naval enlistments, 498,
541, 2, 121, 129; consideration of
new proclamation (1864), i, 541.
Draper, Simeon, appointed collector,
2, 137; cotton agent, 219; charac
ter, 220.
Drayton, Percival, on attack on
Charieston, i, 296, 307, 312; on
fellow officers, 2, 351, 353; iUness,
352; death, 353; as officer, 353;
funeral, 354.
Dream, British vessel, outrage on, i,
308.
Dred Scott decision, Welles on, 2, 184.
Dudley, T. H., as consul, i, 154, 374;
and Laird rams, 262, 436; and
Shenandoah, 2, 411.
Duhamel, WiUiam, and Conover, 3,
165.
Dulce y Garay, Domingo, at Wash
ington, 2, 526.
Dunderberg, construction, i, 499, 2,
340, 341; question of relinquish
ing, 596, 603, 604, 3, 27-29, 40, 42,
92, 97.
Dunham, C. A. See Conover.
Dunnington, J. W., captured, i, 224.
Du Pont, S. F., as officer, character,
I, 72, 160, 477, 2, 30, 133-135; and
command of expedition against

INDEX

609

Charleston, i, 158; preparation
for attack, 216, 217; captures mail,
222; on reported raising of block
ade, 234; shrinks responsibiUty of
attacking, 236, 247, 259; tests
ironclads before Ft. McAllister,
249; rumors of attack, 262, 263-
265; repulse, 265, 267-269, 273;
faUure to report, 273, 274, 276;
report, failure, and subsequent
controversy, value of ironclads,
276, 277, 295, 302, 307, 311, 314,
320, 326, 344, 476-478, 2, 7, 11, 30;
recaU, i, 288, 311, 312, 318, 320,
322, 326, 337, 346, 347; believed
deranged, 307, 312; useless, 309,
311; Lincoln's opinion, 440; and
Farragut and Porter, 477, 2, 119;
and H. W. Davis, i, 631; early in
trigues and cliques, 2, il7; Port
Royal expedition, 118, 3, 217; as
blockader, 2, 173; death, 320; re
lations with Department during
the War, 320, 321.
Duval, Dr., excursion, 2, 340.
Eads, J. B., in Washington, 2, 208.
Eames, Charles, and Peterhoff mails,
1, 284; and Gurowski, 326; and
i Welles's annual report (1863) , 479 ;
and fraudulent contract cases, 2,
11, 53, 57, 69, 227, 260; and prize
cases, 12; and Sumner, 363; and
trial of Semmes, 423; apoplexy, 3,
[ 13; death, 67; as official, and
Welles, 67; and Coombs's claim,
528.
Early, J. A., Shenandoah raid, 2, 68-
70; before Washington, 70-77, 80;
pursuit, 86; new raid by, expected,
88, 89; defeated by Sheridan, 151,
153, 158.
Earthquake in South America, 3,
435.
Eastport, Maine, Fenians, 2, 484,
486.
Eaton, A. B. (?), and election re
turns, 2, 178.
Eaton, W. W., defeated, a, 5.

Eckert, T. T., and election returns,
2, 178; and assassination of Lin
coln, 286.
Edmunds, Judge, solicits campaign
contributions (1864), i, 534.
Edmunds, G. F., and removal of
Stanton, 3, 285; and naval affairs,
348; character, 523, 658; and re
peal of Tenure-of-Office Act, 555,
568, 667.
Edmunds, J. M., and proposed re
moval of Lines, 2, 148.
Eggleston, Benjamin, pretended in
terview with Johnson, 2, 649.
Eight-hour law, Evarts's opinion, 3,
471; movement for repeal, 564;
and reduction in wages, 569.
Elections, 1862, 1863: New York, 1,
153, 164, 162, 171, 177, 219, 2, 27;
results to Administration, i, 183;
Connecticut, 262; Ohio and Penn
sylvania, 469-471.
1864: McCleUan and Presidency
(1862), 1, 163; Blair on candi
dates (1863), 345; Chase's candi
dacy, 345, 413, 415, 625, 529, 531,
533; prospects of candidature
(1863), 498, 500; Lincoln and
renomination, 621, 630, 2, 4, 44;
meeting of Republican National
Committee, i, 529; campaign con
tributions and assessments, 534, 2,
112; date of Republican Conven
tion, 4, 28, 30, 142; State, 6, 141,
176; conservative movement in
Cabinet, 29; and resignation of
Chase, 69; nomination of Fremont
and Cochrane, 41-43; gathering
of Republican delegates, 44, 45;
Republican Vice-Presidential tim
ber, 44, 384; nomination of Lin
coln and Johnson, 46; Wade-Davis
protest, 95, 96, 98, 122; navy-yard
patronage and assessment, 97, 98,
108, 122-124, 136, 137, 142-145,
175; Republican despondency, 102,
103; attitude of New York papers,
103-105; interest in Democratic
Convention, 120; Seward as poll-

610

INDEX

tical manager, 120, 131; Chase's
support of Lincoln, 120, 140, 187;
Fremont's withdrawal expected,
120; and Smith Bros, case, 124;
nomination of McCIellan, 129, 132;
hopes for Lincoln's success, 132,
176; enthusiasm for McCIellan,
135; Democratic platform and
capture of Atlanta, 135, 140; Mc
Clellan's letter, 140; Seward's key
note speech, 140; Forbes on issue,
141 ; and Sheridan's victories, 153;
elements of Democratic Party,
153; Confederates and McCIellan,
164; resignation of Blair and re
tirement of Fremont, 156-158;
soldiers' and sailors' votes, 175;
returns at Washington, 178; Sena
torial tour, 186; Radicals support
Lincoln, 187.
1865: Reconstruction issue, 2,
373; RepubUcan success, 381;
Blair and Democrats, 382.
1866: State, 2, 427, 429, 433, 452,
464-462, 466, 468, 469, 474, 613-
615; politics and navy yards, 586,
596-699, 602, 616; Radical victory
expected, 608, 613; Fourteenth
Amendment as issue, 608-610; ef
fect of Cabinet discord, 611, 613;
results, 616-620; Maryland con
troversy, 620. See also Presiden
tial tour, Union Convention.
1867: Connecticut, 3, 77, 78; ex
pected influence, 222, 232; results,
232. 1868: Grant's candidacy, 3, 121,
175 n., 180, 189, 244, 277, 363, 364;
Johnson's candidacy, 166,189,383,
391, 394; Chase's candidacy, 244,
379, 381, 382, 385, 389-391, 393,
397, 404, 455, 457-459; Weed and
Grant movement (1867), 249;
State, 267,'309, 328, 329, 375, 436,
438, 450-453, 455, 458; meeting of
Democratic National Committee,
294; Seymour's candidacy, 295,
382, 383, 390; Democratic timber,
295, 393, 394; Republican Conven

tion, 362; Republican Vice-Presi
dential timber, 362, 363; force and
fraud for Grant if needed, 364,
423; nomination of Grant and Col
fax, 366; Democratic Convention,
nomination of Seymour and Blair,
381, 395-399, 408; Democratic
nominations invite defeat, 398-
402, 436, 439, 440, 443, 446, 450,
455-458, 464; attitude of Johnson
and Cabinet after nominations,
401, 402, 404, 408-410, 415, 429,
443, 450; attitude of Conserva
tives, 404, 405, 411, 462; move
ment for third candidate, 406; ex
clusion of vote of certain States,
406; issues, 430, 445; movement to
withdraw Seymour, 454, 458, 459;
frauds in State, 460; results, 463;
frauds in Federal, 463; electoral
vote counted, 524; Grant officiaUy
informed, 525; Connecticut (1869)
as barometer of reaction, 571,
672.
Eliot, T. D., report on Louisiana, 3,
41.
EUa and Annie, captures Chesa-peake,
1, 508.
EUet, H. W., and control by Navy
Department, i, 180, 272, 273.
Elliott, H. H., on New York senti
ment (1862), 1, 119.
Ely, J. S., removed, 2, 597.
Emancipation, Lincoln's first refer
ence, 1, 70; Cabinet on preUmin
ary proclamation, 142-145, 158-
160; Lincoln serenaded, 147; effect
of preliminary proclamation, 168;
Cabinet on final proclamation, 209,
210; proclamation published, 212;
Welles on importance, 212; prob
able effect in South, 219; and
Reconstruction, 403, 415, 2, 579;
Carpenter's picture, i, 527, 549;
Lincoln and compensated, 2, 237;
Welles on results, 431. See also
Slavery, Thirteenth Amendment.
Emma, Queen, of Hawaiian Islands,
at Washington, 2, 575, 577, 582,

INDEX

611

596, 598; to return home in war
vessel, 596, 598, 601, 604.
Emma, prize, sale to Navy, i, 437,
438, 445, 446.
Emory, W. H., pursuit of Early, 2,
85; on Red River campaign, 86;
and removal of Stanton, 3, 283,
288, 289, 299, 338.
Engineer Corps of Navy, movement
to reorganize, 3, 252-254, 283, 385.
See also Isherwood.
Engle, Frederick, and Chiriqui
Grant, i, 151.
English, J. E., gubernatorial candi
dacy and Reconstruction views
(1866), 2, 427, 429, 452, 454-462,
465, 468, 474; elected (1867), 3,
77; messages (1867), 87-89; (1868),
382; poUtical career, 88; reelec
tion, 267, 329.
EnUstments, habeas corpus proceed
ings (1867), 3, 208-222. See also
Draft.
Equipment and Recruiting, Bureau
of. See Foote (A. H.) , Smith (A. N.),
Smith (Melancthon).
Ericsson, John, Passaic, 1, 179; Mon
itor, 214; and guns for monitors,
342; and light-draft monitors, 2,
81, 108, 241, 350.
Erie, Lake, Confederate operations
(1864), 2, 151-153.
Etheridge, Emerson, and Lincoln's
Cabinet, 2, 390.
Etiquette, official, 2, 251.
Etting, F. M., and Fort Pickens, i,
30; and Norfolk Navy Yard, 43.
Eutaw, test of speed, i, 512, 516,
519.
Evarts, W. M., and Chief -Justice
ship, 2, 181 ; and Attorney-Gener
alship (1864), 183; Henderson
case, 220; and trial of Davis, 365,
367; impeachment counsel, 3, 298,
307, 308, 330, 342; character, 307,
409, 492 ; and State portfolio ( 1868) ,
364; Attomey-General, 390, 409;
on use of troops as posse, 430; ab
senteeism, 446, 451, 463; Cabinet

and public dinner to, 464-468; and
Alabama claims, 470; opinion on
eight-hour law, 471; and Pacific
Railroad, 474; and legal tender,
480; on court-martial punish
ments, 481; on confiscation, 504;
and Grant and Seward, 511 ; recep
tion, 512; and holding over imder
Grant, 533; and inauguration, 537,
538, 541.
Everett, Edward, and Dahlgren, 2, 7;
death, 225; Welles on career, 225.
Ewing, Thomas, Sr., and Wilkes
case, 2, 203; and Dahlgren, 3, 92;
and Cabinet office (1867), 232;
(1868), 286.
Fairion,  , master in Brooklyn
Navy Yard, offensive partisanship,
1, 178.
Farragut, D. G., Vicksburg opera
tions, I, 72, 79, 218, 249, 274, 314;
and W. D. Porter, 88, 145; and dis
missal of Preble, 190, 191 ; and loss
of Galveston, 230; as officer, 230,
237, 431, 2, 133; and command
against Charleston, i, 311; at New
York (1863), 396; visits to Welles,
431, 2, 223, 490, 3, 101, 469; Lin
coln on, 1, 440; predicts defeat of
Sabine Pass expedition, 441; and
Du Pont, 477, 2, 119; Mobile Bay,
100, 105, 124, 133; how selected
for New Orleans expedition, 116,
134; and command against Wil
mington, 127, 146, 165; desires
rest, 145; and cotton trade, 159;
visits James River force, 230, 232;
and Fox's presumptions, 232, 233;
favors an Admiralty Board, 233;
of Board of Promotions, 235;
Craven court martial, 396; com
mission as Admiral, 562, 563; in
Johnson's tour, 584, 588; European
cruise, 3, 104, 123; and line and
staff differences, 501 ; ill and feels
sUghted (1869), 582.
Farragut, Mrs. D. G., in Johnson's
tour, 2, 589.

612

INDEX

Fast, national (1863), i, 288; (1864),
2,93.
Faunce, John, captain of the Harriet
Lane, i, 23.
Faxon, William, Chief Clerk, i, 75,
92; illness, 250, 2, 80, 100; excur
sions, I, 394, 2, 65, 3, 396; and
Laird's statement, i, 401; and
Welles's paper on neutral rights,
451; and captured mails, 491;
Hale's animosity, 523; and frauds
of contractors, 540, 2, 53; and re
lief of naval contractors, 207; and
Osborn, 219; vacations, 269, 3,
423; and Fox's official trip abroad,
2,509; andsale of ironclads, 3, 387;
as official, 560; resigns, 650.
Federal Constitution, recognition of
Deity, 2, 190; sacredness, 3, 372;
Johnson's suggested amendments,
406, 407. See also Reconstruction,
and amendments by number.
Felton, S. M., and Lee's invasion, 1,
332, 343; and Early's raid, 2, 69.
Fenians, raid (1866), 2, 450,451, 453,
454, 484, 486, 518-521, 523, 624;
counsel for trials in England, 283.
Fenton, R. E., on partisanship in
Brooklyn Navy Yard, 1, 178; and
Johnson's tour, slights Seward, 2,
592; and Welles (1867), 3, -3»r
Vice-Presidential candidacy, 362;
Senatorial election, 508, 509.
Ferry, O. S., election to Senate, 2,
605, 509; character, 3, 523.
Ferry, T. VV., investigation of Phila
delphia Navy Yard, 3, 416.
Fessenden, W. P., and dismissal of
Preble, 1, 162, 163, 188-190, 228;
Senate committee on Seward, 196-
198; on Welles's administration,
228; and coast defense, 364, 366;
wants prize court at Portland,
366, 491; and J. P. Hale, 491; and
naval contract frauds, 641; Secre
tary of the Treasury, 2, 64, 65;
and cotton trade regulations, 66,
138, 162, 240, 258; and Greeley's
peace negotiations, 84, 99; adver

tises a loan, 86; and honoring of
naval requisitions, 114, 141; and
Seward-Stanton cUque, 120, 173,
3, 173; and coUectorship at New
York, 2, 137; on control of aban
doned plantations, 150; as finan
cier, 163, 180, 239, 329; criticism
of naval officers, 172; and Cabinet
consultations, 203; and Draper,
220; and Nasby's book, 238; and
successor in Treasury, 244, 245;
attitude on Reconstruction, 415;
relation to Radicals and to John
son, 447-449; and Foster, 510;
as leader in Senate, 635, 3, 14;
and Bay of Samand, 2, 643; and
Chandler, 3, 138; and Chase, 306;
impeachment vote, 345, 349-351,
360; and successor to Stanton,
409;, loses political power, 505;
and party fealty, 515.
Field, D. D., and naval affairs, i,
112; and Evening Post, 2, 61; and
State portfoUo, 3, 184; and im
peachment counsel, 303, 308; Sew
ard on, 303.
Field, M. B., as official, 2, 62.
Field, S. J., appointment to Su
preme Court, I, 245; on Johnson,
3, 64, 65; McCardle case, 320.
Field, T. Y., court martial, 3, 140.
Fifteenth Amendment, in Senate, 3,
524; as prerequisite to Reconstruc
tion, 574, 575.
Finances, cost of foreign drafts, 1,
147; and military success, 520;
differences on policy (1864), 2, 57;
Johnson's message on (1868), 3,
478, 479, 482, 487. See also Chase,
Fessenden, McCuUoch, Paper
money. Taxation.
Fingal, Confederate ironclad, i, 72;
captured, 336, 341, 344.
Fish, Hamilton, and English mis
sion, 3, 257; Secretary of State,
551; character, 551.
Fisher, G. P., and Stanton, 3, 160.
Fisher, Fort. See Wilmington.
Fisk, James, Jr., and Bowles, 3, 490.

INDEX

613

Five Forks, battle, 2, 272.
Flagg, A. C, as politician, 3, 226.
Flambeau, brings news of attack on
Charleston, 1, 266.
Flanders, B. F., control of aban
doned plantations, 2, 148, 149.
Fleming, C. E., promotion, i, 77.
Florida, Thayer's scheme to colonize,
I, 206; Federal defeat in (1864),
531.
Florida, {Oreto), discharged at Nas
sau, 1, 109; passes blockade at
MobUe, 140, 141, 230; question of
blockading at Brest, 438, 440;
pursuit, 2, 39; capture in neutral
waters, 184-186, 197, 275.
Flusser, C. W., death, 2, 17.
Fogg, G. G., recall, 2, 388; on forma
tion of Lincoln's Cabinet, 388-
392; political character, 699; Re
construction views, 600, 601; and
Chandler, 3, 372.
Fontan6, P. H. W., on conditions in
South, 1, 316.
Foot, Solomon, and appointment of
midshipmen, i, 227; resigns from
Naval Committee, 227; and John
Gilpin prize case, 297; and Re
construction, 2, 415; death, 465;
funeral, 466; Welles's relations,
466.
Foote, A. H., as bureau chief, i, 74,
75, 92, 93; on Pope and Halleck,
120; Mississippi River operations,
167; of board on dismissal of
Preble, 191; and letters of marque,
256, 260; and command against
Charieston, 311, 314, 317, 318,325,
326, 346, 347; iUness, 334-336;
Welles's relations, 335, 345, 2,
135; death, i, 345; as officer, 2,
353.
Foote, Fort, useless, 1, 474.
Forbes, J. M., on Wilkes in West
Indies, 1, 298; and Lincoln's
renomination, 2, 4; on issues of
Presidential campaign (1864), 141;
and Smith Bros., 263.
Forbes, P. S., and Dickerson's en

gine, 2, 346, 356, 361; contract for
Idaho, 418, 3i 29.
Forbes, R. B.,and purchase of Chero
kee, I, 516.
Ford,  , and Indian affairs (1865),
2, 362.
Ford,  , and district-attorneyship
in New York (1869), 3, 565.
Ford's Theatre, movement to pur
chase, 2, 317; closed by Stanton,
331.
Foreign affairs, character of Grant's
appointments, 3, 577, 578. rSee
also Blockade, Neutrality, Seward,
and nations by name.
Forged proclamation incident, 2, 35,
37, 38.
Formosa, attack on natives (1867),
3, 182.
Forney, J. M., and Welles, 1, 386;
and Hoover case, 2, 418; on Wash
ington's Birthday speech, 438;
and Stevens, 486; and Maryland
election (1866), 620; reception for
Congress, 627, 630-632; and John
son, 3, 6; Senatorial candidacy, 16;
and impeachment, 26. See also
Washington Chronicle.
Forrest, Moreau, brings news of
attack on Charleston, i, 267.
Forrest, N. B., Kentucky raid
(1864), 2, 12; Fort PiUow mas
sacre, 23-25.
Forsyth, John, Confederate com
missioner, Seward's intrigue, i,
26; on Pope's administration, 3,
242.
Foster, J. G., captures Goldsbor
ough, 1, 206; preparation against
Charleston, 236, 237, 265; Lin
coln's opinion, 350; operations in
North Carolina, 381.
Foster, L. S., and Indian affairs
(1865), 2, 362; fails of reelection,
505, 507, 508; and Johnson, 510;
and Italian mission, 3, 24; end of
Senatorship, 58; and Austrian
mission, 68, 70; and Court of
Claims, 372. 

614

INDEX

Fourteenth Amendment, Welles on,
2, 516, 522, 549; amendment and
passage, 526, 527; and Union
Convention, 629, 534, 539; atti
tude of Johnson and Cabinet, 532,
533, 535-537, 628, 630, 649; adop
tion by States, 541, 667; as issue
(1866), 608-610, 618; rejection in
South, 636; Grant favors, 3, 8;
proclamation of ratification, 417.
Fowler, J. S., impeachment vote,
3, 356.
Fox, G. v., and relief of Sumter, 1,
9, 14, 15, 21-23, 2, 248, 374; and
Monitor, i, 64; at Portsmouth, 87;
and J. P. Hale, 150, 485, 488, 2, 6;
and ironclads, i, 179, 495; and
Lord Lyons, 192; on question of
Galveston blockade, 234; and pre
parations against Charleston, 236,
265, 266; and letters of marque,
261; and failure before Charles
ton, relations with Du Pont, 276,
302, 311, 344, 2, 8; and renewal
of operations, and Dahlgren, i, 390,
313, 317; and Tacony, 327, 333;
and guns for monitors, 342; ex
cursions, 394, 2, 31, 65, 340, 3, 396;
and Laird's statement, 1, 395, 401 ;
weakness for seeming authority,
other quaUties as official, 401, 2,
232,233,308,418; inspects CTi/de, 1,
428; and Welles's paper on neutral
rights, 451; and Welles's annual
report (1863), 479; and speed test
of naval vessels, 511, 612; H. W.
Davis's antagordsm, 531; and
trade permits, 636; and naval con
tract frauds, 536, 538-541, 647, 2,
5, 53, 64, 56, 58; and transfer of
soldier seamen to Navy, 1, 646,
547; and Butler, z, 16, 17, 19;
and light-draft monitors, 52, 81,
108, 241, 350, 361; on Presidential
visits to headquarters, 65; vaca
tion, 100; and D. D. Porter, 129,
235; and Wilmington expedition,
133, 146-148, 150, 209, 214, 215,
230; and Farragut, 134; and ex-

changeof naval prisoners, 168, 169;
and Admiral Lee, 172, 173; and
politics in navy yards, 175; and
relief of naval contractors, 207;
and Osborn, 219; attacks on, 241,
247; reply, 248, 251; and Blaine,
250; trip to Havana, 267; and
Stimers, 351; and Pendergrast
case, 364; and Seward, 384; talks
of resigning, 395, 418; official trip
to Russia, 506, 509, 512, 514; on
impeachment, 3, 338.
Fractional currency, discussion in
Cabinet, 1, 168.
FraUey, J. M., and Jefferson Davis,
2, 308.
France, mediation, i, 235; tobacco
at Richmond, 338-340, 2, 9, 12;
better attitude (1863), 1, 443, 445,
494,495; (1864), 2, 35, 39; ironclads
for Confederates, 35, 65, 254; cap
tured cotton claimed by, 106, 107;
and Confederate privateering, 159;
withdraws right of belligerency,
319; Seward and American pos
sessions, 393; Exhibition, 462, 469;
purchase of ironclads, 3, 92. See
also Mexico.
Franklin, W. B., Peninsular cam
paign, I, 96; and Second Bull Run,
97, 104, 110.
Frauds. See Corruption.
Fredericksburg, battle, 1, 191-193.
Fredonia, wrecked, 3, 435, 449.
Freedmen's Bureau, lack of funds, 2,
413; bUl and veto (1866), 431-
437; second bill passed over veto,
564; headship (1867), 3, 142. See
also Abandoned plantations.
Frelinghuysen, F. T., and impeach
ment, 3, 335, 346, 348.
Fremont, J. C, candidacy (1864), i,
525; nomination, 2, 41; 1856 cam
paign, 41; Benton said to have
written his journals and War De
partment report on (1848), 42; aa
officer in War, 42; withdrawal of
nomination expected, 120; with
draws, 156.

INDEX

615

French Exhibition, use of naval ves
sels to transport exhibits, 2, 462,
469.
Frontier policy, Scott's, for CivU
War, 1, 84-86, 125, 172, 242.
Fry, J. B., and Stanton, 3, 279.
Fugitive Slave Law, late case in the
District, i, 313.
Fuller, Perry, nominated as Com
missioner of Internal Revenue, 3,
391.
Galiani, F. A., on use of neutral wa
ters by belligerents, 1, 464.
Galveston, captured by Confeder
ates, 1, 220, 230; question of
blockade, 234.
Garcia y Tassara. See Tassara.
Garfield, J. A., as Radical, 2, 247.
Geary, J. W., at Antietam anniver
sary, 3, 202.
General, Grant's commission, 2,
562, 563; attempt to bestow brevet
on Sherman and Thomas, 3, 279,
282, 284. See also Lieutenant-
general.
General Sherman, destruction, 3, 485.
Georgia, supposed peace commis
sioner, 2, 125, 126; desire for re
union, 158; case of illegal imprison
ment (1868), 3, 420, 421; vote
excluded (1868), 525.
Germantovm, at Norfolk Navy Yard,
1,42.
Gerolt, Baron von, Prussian Minis
ter, 1, 95.
Gettysburg campaign, first rumors of
invasion, 1, 328, 330; Milroy, 328,
330-333; insecurity and uncer
tainty at Washington, 329, 338,
342, 343, 360, 351, 353; Curtin's
alarm, 330, 360, 358; caU for vol
unteers, 331; passivity of Federal
army, 331, 335; invasion denied,
332; fight at Aldie, 336, 338; de
pression of Administration, 340;
Lincoln and Hooker, 344, 348;
McCIellan rumor, 345; Meade su
persedes Hooker, 348; question of

counter-movement on Richmond,
349,351,359; Meade as comman
der, 349, 351 ; Lee in Pennsylvania,
350, 352; poUcyof merely driving
Confederates back, 352, 358, 363,
369; battle, 354, 356-358; Lee's es
cape, 357, 363, 364, 366, 368-375;
proposed demonstration on Wash
ington by Beauregard, 359, 376;
and draft riots and Stephens's
mission, 369; Sickles on selection
of field, 472.
Gillem, A. C, and military govern
orship, 3, 245.
Gillett, R. H., interview with Taney,
2, 184.
Gillis, J. H., wreck of fVateree, 3, 449.
GUlis, J. P., Sumter expedition, i,
23.
GiUmore, Q. A., Charleston opera
tions, 1, 310, 317, 380, 382-385,
449, 475, 547; and Dahlgren, 434,
474; and Wilmington expedition,
2, 128, 133; and WeUes's visit to
Beaufort, 313.
Gilmore, J. R., mission to Richmond,
2, 109.
GUpin, Charles, and navy-yard
frauds, 2, 205.
Given, J. T., candidacy for mayor, 3,
381.
Glisson, O. S., and League Island, 3,
552.
Glover, Samuel, and impeachment
counsel, 3, 307.
Godon, S. W., in Washington, 2, 317;
and Paraguay (1866), 491, 543;
and Webb, 3, 208; on Port Royal,
217.
Godwin, Parke, and Henderson case,
1, 642, 2, 60, 104; as editor, 61.
Gold, discoveries (1864) and cur
rency problem, 2, 179, 180. See
also Paper money.
Gold biU, enacted, 2, 54.
Goldsborough, L. M., and Wilkes's
command in James River, 1, 73;
fear of Merrimac, 142; and Early's
raid, a, 73; and command of Wil-

616

INDEX

' mington expedition, 147; and pro
motion, 604; and Surratt, 3, 29;
and Cretans, 70; question of re
tirement, 85, 86, 99, 107-109, 135;
and vice-admiralship, 562.
Goldsborough, Mrs. L. M., and re
tirement of husband, 3, 107.
Goldsborough, N. C, captured, 1,
206.
Gooch, D. W., and Charlestown
Navy Yard, i, 374, 380, 2, 31, 34;
and Smith Bros, case, i, 640, 2, 53,
263; of Committee on Conduct
of the War, 198; and Stanton's
plan of Reconstruction, 291; and
naval patronage, 325; and Boston
coUectorship, 357; Naval Officer,
381.
Gooding, D. S., excursion, 2, 330.
Goodman,  , of Connecticut, can
didate for internal revenue office
(1862), 1, 78.
Goodman,  , on guilt of Smith
Bros., 2, 53.
Goodrich, J. Z., position threatened,
2, 356.
Goodwin, J. N., Arizona office, 1,
409.
Govemors, Altoona Conference, 1,
153, 156; character of messages
(1863), 219.
Graham, W. A., and Lincoln's Cabi
net, 2, 390.
Grand Gulf, captured, i, 295.
Granger, Gordon, Mobile Bay, 2,
114; and command at Washing
ton (1868), 3, 317.
Grant, H. A., appointment to col-
lectorship, 2, 612, 651.
Grant, U. S., WeUes's portraiture, i,
xlvii ; Vicksburg, 308, 309, 31 1 , 314,
320, 324, 364, 371; intercepts sup
plies from Texas, 379; and Navy,
379,2,6; and McClernand, 1,387;
and drink, 388, 2, 214; and cotton
trade, i, 511; at Lincoln's recep
tion, Welles's first impressions, 638,
539; presentation of commission,
539; and Eariy's raid, 2, 68, 69; as

commander, 68, 70, 73, 90, 91, 94,
276, 3, 121, 122; reported disagree
ment with Stanton (1864), 2, 79;
puts Sheridan in the Valley, 96;
and WUmington expedition, But
ler's command, 133, 146, 150, 214-
216, 222; and exchange of naval
prisoners, 171; and dismissal of
Butler, 223; and naval force in
James River, 230, 232; goes to
Fort Fisher, 230; and resumption
of trade, 280, 281; on Stone's Riv
er, 283; character, 283 n., 3, 274,
363, 530, 587; and Sherman's peace
terms, 2, 294, 295, 310; and custody
of Davis, 309; and Mexico, 317,
322, 333, 621, 624; and post-War
army movements, 352, 356-357,
361, 362 ; Johnson's attitude (1865) ,
367; Southem tour (1865), 397,
398; and Fenian raid, 451, 453,
618, 519; and Confederate paroles,
476; reception attended by both
elementa (1866), 477, 478; and pro
posal to oust Stanton (1866), 529; ^
commission as General, 562, 563;
in Johnson's tour, 584, 588, 591-
593; and Union Convention, 582;
on Johnson's Copperhead support
ers, 591, 592, 595; and Indian af
fairs, 613, 3, 98, 100; importance
of political attitude (1866), 2, 646;
and negro suffrage for the District,
3, 5, 15; and Fourteenth Amend
ment, 8; and Constitution, 16; and
revolutionary plans of Radicals,
27; and enforcement of Civil
Rights BiU, 3, 42, 44; changing at
titude towards Johnson, 56, 72,
141, 166, 184, 185, 196, 199, 232;
and selection of military governors,
62, 63, 65; and Sheridan's letters,
117, 125-127; and Tennessee dis
turbances, 140, 211; and Maryland
election (1866), 140, 141; and re
moval of Sheridan, 154, 174, 186,
187, 500; Secretary of War ad in
terim, 160, 167-169, 240; and execu
tion of Reconstruction Acts, 169,

INDEX

617

182, 183, 185, 187-190, 193, 242,
277, 298; and charges against
Holt, 172, 173; secret opposition
to the Administration (1867),
175 n.; talk with Welles on Recon
struction Acts, 177-181; Welles
and Butler on, as political igno
ramus, 180, 181, 565; and Cabinet-
meetings, 188, 190; reception to
generals, 208; and habeas corp-as
proceedings on enUstments, 212,
213; and Reconstruction elections,
207; and court of inquiry for Sick
les, 207, 232; Sherman expected
to influence, 221, 232; opposes
further pardons (1867), 231; let
ter on Stanton, 240; Johnson's at
tempt to have understanding with,
233-235; and question of arresting
Johnson, 235, 238; Welles fears
"man on horseback," 245, 246,
249, 270, 545, 559, 564; and rein
statement of Stanton, Johnson con
troversy, 258-262, 266-279, 465,
491, 500; and Radical society, 278;
and currency question, 494; pro
scribes Johnson and Cabinet,
Evarts dinner, 464-468, 491, 494,
497, 512; Johnson and Cabinet
and inauguration, 498, 500, 532,
536-538, 640-542; Welles fore
casts character as President, 483,
525; Cabinet, 488, 530, 536, 543-
549; dines with Seward, 608, 511;
attends a Blair wedding, 519; po
litical attitude before inaugura
tion, 526, 530; nepotism, 527;
Johnson's Cabinet on holding over
under, 529, 530, 632, 535; inaugu
ration parade, 542; inaugural, 544;
and Johnson's last pardons, 547,
555 ; and Tenure-of-Office Act, 557 ,
569, 571 ; and reorganization of the
Navy, 558-560; character of ap
pointments, 5'75-578. See also
Elections (1868), Virginia cam
paign.
Grant, Mrs. U. S., confident of hus
band's election, 3, 389.

Gray, J. G. C, and Evening Post, 2,
61.
Great Britain, hostile attitude, 1, 74,
79, 299, 2, 431; and Confederate
cruisers, i, 109, 111, 165, 175, 207,
245, 247, 250-252, 255, 262; slave-
trade cruising convention, 155,
163, 166, 192, 193; and the Ber
muda, 170; and captured mails,
180, 266, 269-289, 290, 302-304;
and Wilkes in West Indies, 298;
better attitude, 299, 305, 445, 495;
ministry and Roebuck's motion,
374; and Federal successes, 379,
385; Laird rams, 399, 406, 428,
435-438, 443, 448; Mont Blanc
incident, capture in neutral waters,
416-427; and sale of prize Emma
to Navy, 438, 445, 446; WeUes on
attitude and poUcy toward, 453;
visit of Admiral MUne, 468, 469;
Chesapeake incident, 490, 508;
change in ministry threatened
(1864), 2, 67, 71; and Confederate
privateering, 159; question of re
fusing hospitality to navy of, 319,
320, 327; withdraws right of bel
ligerency, 319. See also Alabama
claims.
Greece, seeks ironclads, 3, 207.
Greeley, Horace, on loss of Norfolk
Navy Yard, i, 50, 51; and Welles,
2, 12, 260; peace negotiations, 83,
94, 99, 110, 271, 272; attitude to
ward Lincoln (1864), 87, 104, 130;
Lincoln likens him to an old shoe,
112; and Butler, 222-224; appetite
for notoriety, 272 ; and formation of
Lincoln's cabinet, 391 ; on Alaska,
3, 84; and Stanton, 173. Seejilso
New York Tribune.
Gregory, F. H., and ironclads, 1, 153;
and Charleston expedition, 276,
311, 315; report on Chimo, 2, 52;
as officer, 116.
Grey Jacket, prize case, 2, 469, 492t
493.
Grier, R. C, McCardle case, 3,
320.

618

INDEX

Griffin, Charles, and Second Bull
Run, I, 110.
Griffin, J. Q. A., Congressional as
pirations (1865), 2, 381.
Griffiths, J. W., and frauds, i, 511.
Grimes, J. W., and loss of Norfolk
Navy Yard, i, 54; Senate commit
tee on Seward, 196, 197, 206; on
J. P. Hale, 227, 490; and naval
affairs, 485, 488, 490,519, 2,11,3,
252, 515, 531, 558, 563, 564; and
prosecution of fraudulent contract
ors, 1,540, 641; excursions, 2, 31,
422; and relief of contractors, 207;
attitude towards Radicals and to
wards Johnson, 379, 447-450; Pre
sidential aspirations, 405; attitude
towards South (1866), 444; politi
cal character, 447; and tariff, 642;
on popular support of Congress,
632; as leader of Senate, 635, 3, 14;
and Bay of Samand, 2,643; and dis
missal of Radicals from navy yards,
3, 13, 18; and Danish West Indies,
97; and impeachment, 338, 342,
346, 350, 351, 360, 361; paralysis,
353, 354, 356; and successor to
Stanton, 409; and party fealty,
615; and repeal of Tenure-of-
Office Act, 567, 668.
Grinnell, M. H., and Navy Depart
ment, 1, 216, 512-514; and Seward
and Grant, 3, 511; coUectorship,
560; character, 561.
Griswold, J. A., defends Navy De
partment, I, 531; excursion, a, 31;
and Sherman, 3, 265; and Monitor,
412-414; and 'Treasury portfoUo,
649.
Groesbeck, W. S., impeachment
counsel, 3, 302, 308, 330, 362.
Grover, Cuvier, at Savannah, 2,
313.
Grover, Martin, and Wilmot Pro
viso, 2, 386.
Grow, G. A., and Welles, i, 482.
Gulf Squadron, command (1861), 1,
76. See also Pickens, West Gulf
Squadron. |

Gurley, J. A., death, i, 408; and
WeUes, 408.
Gurley, P. D., at death-bed of Lin
coln, 2, 288, 292, 294.
Gurowski, Count Adam, character,
1, 187, 326, 2, 100; on Radicals
and selection of Lincoln's cab
inet, I, 325; diary, 2, 101; and
Welles, 101; on Johnson's habits,
438.
Guthrie, James, and restriction of
movement of naval officers, 2, 494;
and Coombs's claim, 3, 528.
Gwathmey, Washington, and Fort
Pickens, 1, 29.
Habeas corpus, writ of, privUege sus
pended, 1, 150; suspension to pre
vent defeat of draft, 432, 433, 435;
power to suspend, 433; post-War
conditions in South, 2, 366; pro
ceedings on enlistments (1867), 3,
208-222. See also Arbitrary ar
rests.
Hahn, Michael, in Washington
(1864), 2, 99.
Hale, Charles, excursion, 2, 31.
Hale, J. M., death, 3, 520, 521.
Hale, J. P., WeUes's portraiture, i,
xxx; and loss of Norfolk Navy
Yard, 48-54; and appointment of
midshipmen, 146, 147, 149; rela
tions with Welles and Navy De
partment, 187, 206, 224, 227, 308,
384, 386, 505, 507, 609, 522, 523,
2, 5, 6, 51, 52, 193, 231, 234, 238..
250, 261, 276, 3, 25; and chab-
manship of Naval Committee
(1863), 1, 482, 484, 490; Welles's
plain speech with, 485-489; antag
onism to Fox, 485, 488, 2, 6; and
bribe, 1, 489, 522; and naval enlist
ments, 499; Grimes's opinion, 490;
and purchase of Cherokee, 516;
and Faxon, 523, 529; fails of re
election, 2, 51; and Farragut, 116;
loses chairmanship of Naval Com
mittee, 193; Minister to Spain,
255, 257; question of public ship

INDEX

619

for, 268; as Minister, 3, 452, 518,
553, 578.
Hale, R. C, death, 1, 354.
Hall,  , fugitive-slave case in the
District (1863), 1, 313.
Hall, J. C, at death-bed of Lincoln,
2, 286.
HaUeck, master, and poUtics inBrook-
lyn Navy Yard, 2, 123.
Halleck, H. W., Welles's portraiture,
1, xxix; and Navy in James River,
83; and Second Bull Run, 93, 97,
99, 105, 122; Welles's opinion of,
as general-in-chief, 107, 119, 134,
179, 180, 192, 209, 216, 218, 320,
324, 329, 364, 373, 376, 379, 383,
392, 442, 444, 471, 472, 2, 92; ori
gin of general command, i, 108,
119, 221; and McCleUan, 116, 120,
122, 124, 179; and Navy, 121, 365,
2, 12; indecision after Antietam,
I, 153; and Norfolk trade, 173;
and forged Cooper dispatch, 176;
and control over war vessels on
Mississippi, 180; and McCler
nand, 217, 388; and renewal of at
tack on Charieston, 309, 324, 382,
383, 386; and Vicksburg, 314, 320,
324, 365, 367; Lincoln's reUance
on, 320, 329, 364, 371, 526; and
Gettysburg campaign, 328, 330,
331, 338, 342, 349-352, 358, 363,
366, 368-370, 373; Blair's plan for
McCleUan to supersede, 345; and
expedition into western Texas,
390-392, 442; and Almaden mines,
397; Chase's final antagonism, 402,
447; and Chickamauga, 438, 442;
and commanders of the Army of
the Potomac, 440; and Sabine Pass
expedition, 441 ; and Chattanooga,
444, 447; and Meade's autumn
campaign, 473; at presentation of
Grant's commission, 539; and new
draft (1864), 542; and transfer of
men to Navy, 547; and Red River
campaign, 2, 18, 27; and Early's
raid, 69, 70, 72, 76-78, 84; Bates's
antagonism, 93; and MobUe, 100,

165; and exchange of naval pris
oners, 170; fears at second inaugu
ration, 25i; and capture of Rich
mond, 272; and Sherman, 309; and
custody of Davis, 309; and Alas
kan commission, 3, 129, 141; ob
struction of the Potomac, 436.
Halpine, C. G., and impeachment, 3,
349.
Hamersley, W. J., and Welles, 3, 587.
Hamilton, A. J., cotton-trade per
mit, 2, 159, 162, 163, 167; as Gov
emor of Texas, 2, 315, 316, 420,
580; character, 315.
Hamlin, Hannibal, and Welles, I,
82; and coast defense, 364, 366;
request for prize court, 366; ques
tion of renomination, 2, 44, 46, 47;
and reappointment of Brown,
342, 344-346; and Boston coUect
orship, 356; and formation of Lin
coln's cabinet, 389; Vice-Presiden
tial candidacy (1868), 3,362; Sena
torial contest (1869), 506, 517.
Hammond, Henry, appointment, i,
610.
Hampton Roads Conference, 2, 235,
236, 238.
Hancock, W. S., Gettysburg, i, 472;
Spottsylvania, 2, 29; and Indian
troubles, 3, 99; as miUtary gov
emor, 186, 204, 241, 242, 245, 277,
298; and Democratic Presidential
nomination (1868), 295, 394, 397,
400, 456; in Washington (1868),
317.
Hannah Grant, seizure by Venezuela,
3, 296, 349.
Hanscom, Isaiah, and navy-yard
position, 3, 139.
Hanscom, S. P., and Banks, 2, 178;
character, 653 ; and attack on Navy
Department, 3, 325.
Harcourt, Sir W. G. V., on captured
mails, I, 315.
Hardie, W. J., Savannah, 2, 208.
Harlan, James, Secretary of the In
terior, 2, 307; on ironclad oath,
318,445,450; and closing of Ford's

620

INDEX

Theatre, 331; and Mexico, 333,
485; and trial of Davis, 338, 339;
on Pope, 367; and poUtical as
sessments, 380, 381; and Johnson's
policy, 395, 419, 425, 481, 524,
537, 543; political aspirations,
405; on Freedmen's Bureau Bill,
434; on CivU Rights Bill, 464; on
report of Reconstruction Commit
tee, 497; and Fenian raid, 451;
and Colorado Bill, 503; and At
lantic cable, 503; on Fourteenth
Amendment, 637; resigns, 563;
and impeachment, 3, 358.
Harlan, Mary, marriage, 3, 444.
Harney, W. S., Indian Commission,
3, 254.
Harper's Ferry, capture (1862), i,
140.
Harriet Lane, Sumter expedition, 1,
16, 22; captured, 220; at Havana
(1865), 2, 378.
Harrington, George, and Bankhead,
1, 131.
Harris, Clara W., and Mrs. Lincoln,
2, 287.
Harris, Ira, Senate committee on
Seward, 1, 196, 198; and Weed, 2,
154; Reconstruction views, 401;
failure of reelection, 642, 3, 20;
and impeachment, 348.
Harris, John, reproved, 1, 89; death,
2, 31; and Marine bounty, 174.
Hartt, Edward, attempt to force re
moval, 3, 139, 417, 419.
Harvey, J. E., and Confederate com
missioners, 1, 32, 2, 248; and naval
purchases in Portugal, 3, 514,
525.
Harvey, Peter, and navy-yard ap
pointments, 3, 446.
Harwood, A. A., of Retiring Board,
3, 569.
Hastings, Dr., displaced from marine
hospital position, 2, 629.
Hatch, J. P., and Welles's visit to
Charleston, 2, 312.
Haupt, Herman, and naval frauds,
1,511.

Hautefeuille, L. B., on use of neutral
waters by belligerents, 1, 464.
HawaUan Islands, affairs (1868), 3,
322, 329.
Hawley, J. R., question of army pro
motion, I, 235, 535; and Dahl
gren, 474, 535; and WeUes's visit
to WUmington, 2, 314; restored to
duty, 369; and negro equaUty, 369;
poUtical views, 433, 3, 87; guberna
torial candidacy and Reconstruc
tion views, 2, 452, 454-462, 465,
468, 469, 474; and Cabinet office,
3,526; and Welles's retum to Hart
ford, 585.
Hay, John, at Port Royal, 1, 532; on
Raymond's annoyance of Lincoln,
2, 176; and election returns, 178.
Hayti, buys gunboat, 3, 424.
Heap, G. H., and Porter, 1, 249;
brings news of Red River cam
paign, 2, 26.
Heaton, David, and trade permits,
1, 527.
Heintzelman, S. P., Blair on, i,
126; on McCleUan's treasonable
intentions, 2, 204.
Henderson, G. A., and graft, i, 518;
reappointed, 2, 316.
Henderson, Isaac, and naval frauds,
arrest and trial, 1, 518, 540, 542,
2, 54, 59, 60, 78, 79, 83, 104, 185,
220, 225, 306.
Henderson, J. B., resolution on civU
service in Navy Department, 2,
633, 3, 13, 21; impeachment vote,
349, 362.
Hendricks, T. A., as Presidential
timber, 3, 295, 394, 397; guberna
torial campaign (1868), 453; as
Senator, 484.
Hicks, T. H., and Maryland patron
age, 2, 195, 196; death, 243.
Hill, Isaac, as politician, 3, 309.
Hillhouse,  , and Assistant Trea
surer at New York, 2, 62.
Hillyer, W. S., and Grant's political
position, 2, 646.
Hitchcock, E. A., and exchange of

INDEX

621

naval prisoners of war, 2, 169-
171.
Hoar, E. R., Attomey-General, 3,
645; to go on the bench, 551;
opinion on revoking pardons, 565;
on relative rank of staff officers,
570.
Hoffman, H. W., question of re
moval, 2, 195.
Hogan, John, and Johnson's tour, 2,
591.
Holden, W. W., as governor, 2, 580.
Hollister, Gideon, and Cuban Con
sul-Generalship, 3, 78-80, 84, 85.
Holman, W. S., assault on Navy
Department, 1, 531.
Holt, Joseph, holds over under Lin
coln, 1, 3; and protection of Wash
ington, 4; to review Scofield case,
2, 176; and Attorney-Generalship,
183, 187; and relief of Sumter,
274, 374; and implication of Davis,
299; Blair's attack, Welles's opin
ion (1865), 370, 374, 423, 424;
desires a court of inquiry, 601, 604,
616; and Reconstruction, 3, 118;
Conover allegations, 143 ra., 144;
Welles urges removal, 163, 167;
removal considered, 171; affidavits
of conspiracy against, 172-174.
Hood, J. B., NashvUle, 2, 200.
Hooker, Joseph, commands Army of
the Potomac, i, 229; WeUes's opin
ion, 229, 294, 329; and drink, 229,
230, 324, 336, 349; Lincoln visits
headquarters, 263, 264, 294; Chan-
cellorsviUe, 287, 290-295, 302;
irreverence, 305, 336; and Lee's
invasion, 331, 335, 340, 342; Lin
coln's attitude during Gettysburg
campaign, 344, 348; relieved, 348,
3^9; sent West, 444; leaves Sher
man's army, 2, 93.
Hooper, Samuel, and Charlestown
Navy Yard, 1, 374, 380; and Smith
Bros., 2, 224, 263; and collector-
ship at Boston, 357.
Hoover, Henry, movement to rein
state, 2, 418.

Horwitz, P. J., excursions, i, 394, 2,
31, 65, 80.
Hovey,  •, of Norwich, Conn., and
Cuban Consul-Generalship, 3, 80.
Hovey, A. P., and Tucker episode,
3,37.
Howard,  , of Brooklyn, and
Laird's statement, 1, 291,395, 396,
401.
Howard, J. M., Senate committee on
Seward, 1, 196, 198; and bank bUl,
237; and Toucey, 365; character,
2, 633; report on suspension of
Stanton, 3, 265; and impeachment,
301, 333.
Howard, Joseph, forged proclama
tion, 2, 37.
Howard, Mark, nomination, i, 78,
81; and Welles, 81, 82; nomination
suspended, 235, 239, 246.
Howard, O. O., and escape of Lee,
1, 374; Gettysburg, 472; report on
enforcement of Civil Rights Act,
3, 42; as head of Freedmen's Bu
reau, 142; and Stanton's intrench
ment in office, 323; pious fraud,
323.
Howe, T. O., and Reconstruction, 2,
415; impeachment vote, 3, 367;
character, 479, 523.
Howell,  , Matamoras trade per
mit, 1, 300 n.
Hubbard, C. D., and Johnson-
Grant controversy, 3, 269, 274.
HubbeU, J. R., and reinstatement of
a naval officer, 3, 498, 501, 503.
Hiibner, Martin, on use of neutral
waters by beUigerents, i, 464.
Humphrey, James, and politics in
Brooklyn Navy Yard, 2, 122, 142-
145.
Hunter, David, and James Island, 1,
160; and attack on Charleston,
216; in western Virginia (1864),
2, 61; and burning of Letcher's
house, 87; retreat before Early,
87; relieved by Sheridan, 96.
Hunter, R. M. T., Hampton Roads
Conference, 2, 235, 238.

622

INDEX

Hunter, William, on raising of Gal
veston blockade, i, 233; and Peter
hoff m&ils, 286; Secretary of State
ad interim, 2, 289; and implication
of Davis, 300; and Welles, 320;
and Shenandoah, 411.
Idaho, character of Govemor (1867),
3, 186.
Idaho, construction, 2, 418, 3, 29.
lie k Vache. See Cow Island.
Illinois, Senatorial election (1867),
3,21.
Immigration, proposed bounties, 1,
643.
Impeachment, Welles's diary on, 1,
1; threats (1866), 2, 395, 399,
627, 636; Ashley's resolution, 3, 8;
Cabinet discussion of resolution,
12; spirit and outlook of move
ment, 12, 17, 293, 296, 300, 301,
313, 314, 321, 324, 329, 330, 332,
334, 336, 337, 344, 350; considera
tion of resolution, 3, 19, 20; atti
tude of Johnson and Cabinet
towards, and arrest or suspension,
21, 27, 50, 57, 60, 62, 151, 200, 235,
237, 238, 291, 313; progress, 26,
61 ; vacation meetings of Judiciary
Committee, 90, 95, 102; character
of scrutiny, 102; attitude of House
(July, 1867), 131; Conover aUe
gations, 143-146; reports, 238,
239; House votes, 292, 295; coun
sel for defense, 294, 298, 299, 302,
304-308, 319, 322, 323; Cabinet
discussion on consultations, 297;
articles, 299; precedents for Stan
ton's removal, 302, 303, 311, 322;
attendance of accused, 302; notice
served, 303; Chase's importance
and conduct, 306, 327, 328; John
son divulges defense, 311; pre
liminaries of trial, 312, 313; public
apathy, 315, 319; attitude of Dem
ocrats, 319; opening of trial, 319;
Johnson's reply, 319; State reso
lutions on, 320; replication, 321;
Butler's opening, 326; consulta

tions of defense, 329-332, 337;
Curtis's opening for defense, 330,
331; General Sherman's letters,
330, 331; testimony, 332-336;
Wilson's injected speech, 334; ac
quittal in return for Presidential
discretion, 338, 360; arguments,
338, 340-342, 345, 347; and nom
ination of Schofield, 339, 340;
acquittal expected, Welles's skep
ticism, 341, 342, 345, 347, 349,
351, 356, 361, 367; doubtful Sena
tors, pressure on them, 345-347,
349, 350, 354-356; poUcy ot con
viction on general principles, 348,
361; rumors of Johnson's resigna
tion, 350; secret session, opinions
of Senators, 351; Johnson and ac
quittal, 351, 352, 368; vote post
poned. Radical consternation and
rage, 353, 354 ; acquittal on eleventh
article, 357; further postponement,
359; the seven Senators and party
discipline, 359, 361; abuse and
threats against them, 360, 362;
investigation of vote, 362, 366-
370, 380, 381; attempt at furf;her
postponement, 368; acquittal on
other articles, 368; Johnson's ex
penses, 372; Stevens and renewal,
391; Johnson and the seven Sen
ators, 515.
Indiana, State elections (1864), 2,
175; (1868), 3, 452, 453.
Indianapolis, Johnson at, 2, 594.
Indianola, Texas, plan to occupy, I,
391, 443.
Indians, execution of Northwestern,
I, 170, 186; army movements
(1865), 2, 355, 367, 360-362; de
partmental strife for control over,
3, 30, 74, 98-100; agents, 30, 69;
report of Commission (1868),
254.
Ingalls, Rufus, and WUderness, 2,
26.
IngersoU, E. C, and Navy Depart
ment, 2, 430.
Ino, pursues Alabama, i, 179.

INDEX

623

Interior, Department of. See Brown
ing (O. H.), Harlan (James),
Smith (C. B.), Usher (J. P.).
Internal revenue, frauds (1868), 3,
434.
International law. See Belligerency,
Blockade, Maritime jurisdiction,
NeutraUty, Prizes.
Irish, and the army, 1, 324.
Ironclads, construction for attack
on Charleston, 1, 153, 179; in at
tack, 217, 249, 265-269, 273, 295,
302, 307, 311, 314; seaworthiness,
225,226; WeUes's satisfaction with,
342, 351, 495, 499; guns, 342;
Welles and navy yard for, 2, 17;
light-draft monitors, 52, 81, 86,
108, 241, 349-361; loss of Tecum-
seh, 101 ; Dictator and Puritan, 340 ;
Dunderberg, 340, 341, 3, 27-29,
40, 42, 92; sale authorized, 2, 602;
sale, 3, 92, 206, 341, 384, 420, 429,
438; investigation of sale, 348,
387-389; history of construction
of Monitor, 412. See also Confed
erate ironclads.
Ironsides, in attack on Charleston,
I, 265, 273; burned, 2, 643.
Isaac Smith, captured, i, 231.
Isherwood, B. F., at Norfolk Navy
Yard, 1, 43, 44; Dickerson's as
sault on, 504; as officer, 505, 3,
552; and speed test of naval ves
sels, I, 611; and light-draft moni
tors, 2, 349, 360; engines of Wam-
panoag, 3, 283.
Island Queen, captured on Lake Erie,
2, 152.
Isthmus of Panama, Seward desires
to annex, 3, 107; Cushing's canal
treaty, 526.
Jackson, Andrew, as general, 1, 86.
Jackson, M. M., and Tallahassee, 2,
110.
Jackson, T. J., Cedar HiU, 1, 78;
death, 297.
Jacobs,  , and contract frauds,
I, 516.

James Island, affairs at, 1, 160.
Japan, vessels built for, 1, 225, 2,
188-192, 561; joint expedition
against, indemnity, 189, 210, 660-
562, 3, 135; delegation to purchase
ships (1867), 87, 89, 91; Stonewall,
97, 99, 365, 513; treatment of na
tive Christians, 230.
Jaquess, J. F., mission to Richmond,
2, 83, 109.
Jayne, William, and Dakota poli
tics, 2, 153.
Jeffries, N. L., counsels Johnson to
resist (1868), 3, 288; and Chase's
candidacy (1868), 382; internal-
revenue nomination rejected, 414.
Jenkins, T. A., as bureau chief, 2,
357, 362, 3, 569; and Japanese del
egation, 92; excursion, 396; in
spection tour, 422; on Porter at
Navy Department, 561; trans
ferred, 569.
Jewell, MarshaU, and Hawley for
Cabinet office, 3, 526; inaugura
tion, 585; character, 586.
John Gilpin, prize, 1, 297.
Johnson,  , and frauds, 1, 548.
Johnsqp, Judge, of Ohio, on Wade-
Davis protest, 2, 121.
Johnson, Andrew, Welles's portrait
ure, I, xlvii; Vice-Presidential
nomination, 2,46, 384; address as
Vice-President, 252, 253; informed
of Lincoln's death, 288; takes
oath, 289; first meeting with Cab
inet, 289; temporary office, 289;
favors punishment of Southern
leaders, 291; at funeral of Lincoln,
292; and proclamation against
Confederate "pirates," 298; dele
gations to, 300; and opening of
trade in South, 300; calls on Sew
ard, 304; and negro suffrage, 304,
422, 580; faUure to generalize,
305; and Sherman's peace terms,
310 ra., 3, 247; and Texas affairs,
2, 315, 316; and blockade, 320;
appointment of midshipmen, 317,
526; TmmbuU's attitude (1865),

624

INDEX

322; and Preston King, 323, 380;
overrun with visitors, 323; and
Radicals (June, 1865), 325; over
work and illness, 327, 329, 342,
347, 348, 352; excursions, 329,
331, 340; use of patronage, char
acter of appointments, 332, 398,
399, 484, 487, 565, 616, 3, 52, 64,
74,83,85,147,412,414; and Smith
Bros, case, 2, 334; and trial of
Davis, 335-337, 365, 366, 368; and
Hamlin, 342, 344, 345; and Blairs,
343, 511, 513, 514, 578, 569, 3, 120,
165, 166, 168, 408; plan to relieve
of extra burdens, 2, 364; amnesty
policy and pardons, 358, 382, 3,
193, 197-199, 394-396; first in
dications of opposition to policy,
2, 363, 381; Cabinet support of
policy (1865), 364; and Chase, 366,
368, 619; and Reconstruction
judges, 366; relations with Thomas
and Grant (1865), 367; mtended
visit to Richmond, 375; and politi
cal assessments, 376, 379; and
Amos Kendall, 376; on sufficiency
of executive Reconstruction, 378,
379; Congress ignores on meeting,
392; annual messages (1866), 392;
(1866), 628; (1867), 3, 237, 239;
(1868), 475, 477-480, 482; Sumner
and WeUes on policy and attitude
of Cabinet (1865), 393-395, 397,
398, 400, 415, 424-426 n., 430; and
refusal to admit Southem Con
gressmen, 387; WeUes warns of
intrigue, 396, 398; and rumor of
Stanton's intention to resign
(1866), 399, 400; and pardon of
naval swindlera, 400, 401, 412;
Stanton's espionage, 403 ra.; and
caseof Captain Meade, 407, 3, 260,
251; receptions, 2, 408, 3, 3, 22,
252, 281, 496, 512, 539; on the
Radicals (Jan., 1866), 409, 432;
impending war with Congress,
412, 414, 421, 434; and trial of
Semmes, 420, 423, 424, 432, 457,
467, 471, 474, 476, 477; Welles

urges to public enunciation of pol
icy, 421; and Holt, 423, 3, 171;
evil influence of Seward and Stan
ton, 2, 425 ra., 426 ra., 523, 527, 528,
532, 540, 544, 656, 666, 627, 630,
652, 3, 26, 47, 64-66, 72, 73, 83,
90, 100, 116, 118-120, 123, 132-
134, 160, 191, 195, 263, 383, 403,
411, 454, 492; veto of Freedmen's
Bureau bUls, 2, 432-435, 437, 554;
Washington's Birthday speech,
438-440, 647; and admission of
Tennessee Members, 442, 443, 559;
and party spUt, 443, 446, 454, 466,
480; and Grimes and Fessenden
(1865), 448, 449; slanders on, 454,
461; and Connecticut election
(1866), 454-461, 466, 474; veto ot
Civil Rights BUl, 461, 463, 464,
475, 477, 479; and sea voyage for
son, 472, 479, 491; proclaims end
of Civil War, 473; at Grant's re
ception (1866), 478; and Cabinet
(1866), 481-483, 487, 498, 622-525,
527, 537, 543, 555, 656, 606, 611;
effects of speechmaking, 488, 647,
648, 3, 99; and Cabinet opinions
on Reconstruction Committee, 2,
495-498; and Atlantic cable, 604;
and Fox's official trip abroad,
509, 612, 514; and Fenians, 518-
520, 523, 3, 283; and Fourteenth
Amendment, 2, 527, 532, 533,
635; and calling of Union Conven
tion, 528, 531, 534, 535, 538-541;
and miUtary interference with Ten
nessee legislature, 554, 557; reti
cence, hesitancy, rashness, 558, 3,
7, 46, 61, 63, 64, 127, 148, 190-192,
200, 221, 289, 290, 293, 315, 338;
and bounty bUl, 2, 564; and New
Orleans riot, 572-574; WeUes on
Reconstruction requirements and
appointments, 579; and Stanton's
opposition to Union Convention,
574, 575; and Queen Emma, 577,
582 ; and report of Union Conven
tion, 581; and SlideU's desire to
return, 585; character of support

INDEX

625

(1866), 590, 595, 600, 602, 615, 3,
62; Democratic pressure on, for
offices, 2, 598; and dismissal of
Barney, 605; Gen. Sherman in
dorses poUcy, 606; on legality of
Congress, 616; and results of elec
tion of 1866, 616-619; and Mary
land election controversy, 620; and
Mexico, 622-624, 3, 115, 138; con
sistency of policy, 2, 629; and Bay
of Samand, 631; Congress aims to
destroy executive power, 637; and
Doolittle, 647; and Reconstruction
BiUs, vetoes, 650, 3, 9, 11, 51, 54,
55, 137; need of Washington or
gan, 2, 653 ; vetoes District suffrage
biU, 3, 3-8; and act convening
Congress, 19; Sumner's speech de
nouncing (1867), 23; diplomatic
appointments, 24, 70, 256, 257,
285; and resignation of Motley, 24;
vetoes Colorado and Nebraska
biUs, 30; and Surratt, 31; and
North Carolina's proposal of com
promise on Reconstruction, 31-33;
opposes official pleasure trips, 40;
and Stanton's report on enforce
ment of Civil Rights Act, 42-46,
49; veto of Tenure-of-Office Act,
51, 54, 55; dejection, 56; and Re
verdy Johnson, 56, 58, 59; selection
of mUitary governors, 60, 62-66;
and Tucker episode, 69; Congress
as watch over, 73, 74; and injunc
tion against Reconstruction Act,
80; rejection of nominations, 83-
85; plan for calm address to peo
ple, 99; trip to Raleigh, 100, 101,
104; execution of Reconstruction
Acts, 107, 161, 164; and retirement
of Goldsborough, 108; trip to Bos
ton, 109, 114, 116, 119, 123; and
Stanbery's opinion on Reconstruc
tion Acts, 109, 110, 115; and Sher
idan's letter, 125-127, 129; and in
surrection in Crete, 138, 425; and
Field court martial, 140; pardon
of criminals, 140, 547, 555 ; removal
of Sheridan, 142, 149-155, 157,

174, 186, 187; and Conover alle
gations, 143-146, 149, 152, 157,
161, 168; character of associates,
147, 200, 566; suspension of Stan
ton, 155, 157-160, 162, 163, 165,
167-169; dissatisfied with Randall,
156, 183; fatal delay in Stanton
case, 158; candidacy for renomina
tion, 166, 189, 383, 391, 394, 397,
398, 401, 402, 407; distrusts Sew
ard, 168; and execution of Ten
ure-of-Office Act, 171, 194; Grant's
secret opposition (1867), 175 n.; ru-
mots of reorganization of Cabinet
(1867), 183, 203, 204; talk with
Grant on Reconstruction Acts,
188, 189; disinclined to controvert,
194; and Democrats (1867-68),
196, 199, 223, 229, 399, 403, 429;
at Antietam anniversary, 201, 202;
and Jeremiah Black, 205; and Re
construction elections, 207; and
disturbances in Tennessee (1867),
211; effort to attach Sherman, 221,
222, 232, 233, 254, 272, 279, 281-
283; and successor to Stanton,
231, 286, 287; attempted under
standing with Grant, 233-235;
message on suspension of Stanton,
240, 242; and Hancock, 241, 242;
and reinstatement of Stanton,
Grant controversy, 255, 259-262,
266-279, 465,491,500; and WeUes,
266, 470; social relations with Rad
icals, 278; removes Stanton, 280,
284, 285, 291; plans for crisis, 282,
288, 291, 316, 317; attempt to ad
vance G. H. "Thomas, 284; need of
energetic counselors, 287; accused
of planning a dictatorship, 291;
proneness for newspaper talks,
311; wrong action in Stanton case,
315; and Alta Vela affair, 317,
318, 322; political isolation and
neglect, 317, 453; significance of
nominations of Schofield and Ev
arts, 338,409; and Reconstruction
constitutions, 347, 388; rumored
change of policy and Cabinet,

626

INDEX

(May, 1868), 364, 371; and Bu
chanan's funeral, 376; and Chinese
ambassadors, 380; and Congres
sional acts of pardon, 386; veto of
bill excluding vote of unrecon
structed States, 405; suggests
Constitutional amendments, 406;
attitude towards Presidential nom
inations, 408, 410, 429, 454; at a
Schiitzenfest, 426; and internal-
revenue frauds, 434, 435; atUl
hopeful of a nomination (Oct.),
454, 456, 469, 462; paper on gov
ernment expenditures, 462; and
Paraguay, 467; and Alabama
claims, 469-471, 507, 579; and
finances, 478, 479, 482, 487, 492;
and Pacific Railroad, 490; Grant
proscribes, 491, 494, 497, 512; chU
dren's party, 494; and Grant's in
auguration, 498, 500, 632, 536-
538, 540-542; faUure of Admmis-
tration, 514; receives students of
Georgetown CoUege, 518; labors
over details, 526; nominates one
of Mrs. Grant's relatives, 527;
vetoes biU arming negroes for in
auguration parade, 542 ; takes
leave of Cabinet, 542; Baltimore
banquet, 560; Welles's final opin
ion, 556; illness, reported death,
660; reenters Tennessee poUtics,
565. See also Cabinet, Impeach
ment, Presidential tour, Recon
struction.
Johnson, Edward, captured, 2, 29.
Johnson, Reverdy, report on Union
Convention, 2, 582; and Recon
struction Bill, 3, 49, 56; and office
for son-in-law, 66, 58; and John
son-Grant controversy, 260, 261;
Alabama claims negotiations, 459,
468-471, 474, 506, 507; and Laird,
488.
Johnson, Robert, intemperance, pro
posed sea trip, 2, 468, 472, 479,
491, 604, 605.
Johnson, Simeon, and Black, 3, 817;
and late nomination of Johnson,

(1868), 454, 455; and Coombs's
claim, 527-529.
Johnston, J. E., after fall of Vicks
burg, 1, 375, 379; Atlanta cam
paign, 2, 33; Sherman's peace
terms, 294.
Johnston, W. F., and politics In navy
yards, 2, 602.
Jones, J. G., and Johnson's removals,
2, 598.
Jones, J. R., Minister to Belgium, 3,
677.
Jones, Laura, pass, 2, 207.
Juarez, Madame Benito, in Washing
ton, 3, 91.
Judd, N. B., and Lincoln's cabinet,
2, 390.
Kearny, Philip, letter on McCleUan,
1, 174.
Kearsarge, sinks Alabama, 2, 65, 67.
Keeler,  , and contract frauds, i,
540.
KeUey, W. D., defends Navy De
partment, I, 531; and frauds at
navy yard, 2, 224; WeUes's esti
mate, 413; radicalism, 634; Sena
torial candidacy, 3, 16; investiga
tion of navy yard, 416.
Kelly, Lieutenant, dismissed, i, 406.
KeUy, James, postmaster at New
York, 2, 155.
KendaU, Amos, and Johnson, 2, 376.
Kennedy, J. P., and Goldsborough,
3,86.
Kenosha, launched, 3, 422.
Kentucky, movement to exclude Re
presentatives (1867), 3, 129.
Keokuk, in attack on Charleston, i,
265.
Keman, Francis, and resolution to
expel Long, 2, 9.
Kerr, Orpheus C. See NeweU (R. H.).
Key, J. J., rebuked and dismissed,
I, 146, 156.
Keyes, E. D., demonstration towards
Richmond (1863), i, 359.
Keystone State, injured, i, 234.
Kilpatrick, H. J., raid on Richmond,

INDEX

627

1, 634; Chilian mission, 3, 24;
return to electioneer, 437, 447;
attempt to supersede, 527.
King, J. W., report on Chimo, 2, 52;
heads Engineer Corps, 3, 661; as
officer, 551; disagreement with
Porter, 673.
King, Preston, and Welles, i, 82,
523; and Seward's resignation
(1862), 194, 202; not to be re
elected, 232, 233; trust in free suf
frage, 623; and coUectorship at
New York, 2, 137; poUtical opin
ions (1864), 197; at funeral of Lin
coln, 293; and Sherman's peace
terms, 294; and reconstruction of
North Carolina, 305; and Hender
son case, 306; excursion, 340;
and Johnson, 380; suicide, 385;
importance in anti-slavery move
ment, 385; insanity, 386; as Demo
crat, 387.
King, Rufus, and the Pope, 2, 638.
Kingly,  , and Spanish appoint
ment, 3, 678.
Kinney, Mrs., and Mrs. Lincoln, 2,
287.
Kittery Navy Yard, and poUtics, 2,
143, 686. See also Navy yards.
Knower, Benjamin, financial em
barrassment, 3, 226.
Koemer, Gustav, at Washington
(1864), 2, 138.
Koons,  , and contract frauds, i,
540.
Korea, relations with, 3, 485.
Ku-KIux Klan, in Arkansas (1868),
3, 460.
Laird, John, statement on Federal
application for ships, 1, 291, 306,
394-396, 401; and slavery and
CivU War, 3, 488.
Lamar, C. A. L., supposed plot, i,
492, 494.
Lamb,  , appointment as assessor
at Norwich, Conn., 2, 597.
Lamon, W. H., trip to Charleston, i,
9;andChase, 2, 391.

Lane, G. W., trade through blockade,
2, 56.
Lane, J. H., solicits campaign con
tributions, 1, 534; wants removal
of Lines, 2, 148.
Lansing, C. B., and vessel for Japan,
2, 188, 191, 192, 561.
Lardner, J. L., commands West In
dia Squadron, i, 309, 318, 319.
Latimer, Captain, and Stover, 1, 515.
La Verte, Madame, in Washington
(1866), 2, 427.
Law, John, and Johnson, 3, 62.
Law, R. L., court martial, i, 505.
Lawyers, bad influence in govern
ment councils, 3, 480.
League Island Navy Yard, contro
versy over estabUshing, 1, 185, 207,
222, 227, 285, 2, 445; biU to estab
lish, 547, 563; acquired, 3, 489; use
of unoccupied land, 553.
Leas,  , on Matamoras trade, i,
388.
Leavenworth, J. H., report on Indian
war, 3, 98.
Lee, R. E., autumn campaign (1863),
I, 469-473. See also campaigns by
name.
Lee, S. P., and Norfolk trade
through blockade, i, 166, 172, 173,
177, 318, 527, 536, 2, 66; on oper
ations in Suffolk, I, 287; and Wil
mington blockade, 306, 2, 127; and
mission of A. H. Stephens, 1, 358,
360; F. P. Blair's efforts for promo
tion, 533, 2, 161, 243; and export of
French tobacco, 9 ; and command of
Wilmington expedition, 146; trans
ferred, 146, 147, 161; as officer,
161, 504; and M. Blair, 172, 513;
and assignment to Mare Island,
504-507, 511-514; further troubles
with, 569, 578, 3, 90.
Legal tender. See Paper money.
LenthaU, John, as bureau chief, 1,
74, 499; and Fox, 401 ; and Welles's
annual report, 479; and light-draft
monitors, 2, 87, 108, 241, 349-351;
and relief of contractors, 207; and

628

INDEX

turrets, 340, 341; and Porter in
Navy Department, 3, 656, 673.
Le Roy, W. E., and Morgan's inva
sion, I, 379.
Letcher, John, house burned, 2, 76,
87.
Letters of marque, controversy over
issuing, I, 155, 246-262; and atti
tude of England, 248, 250, 266-
259; Welles's letter and views,
252-256, 262; Seward's attempt
to involve Navy, 256, 260; Sy-
bert's appUcation for, 260, 261;
Confederate, feared (1864), 2,
158.
Lewis, Judge (Ellis?), and removal of
Chambers, i, 218.
Lewis, J. v., as preacher, 2, 393.
Lieber, Francis, and Confederate
papers, 2, 335; on trial of Semmes,
407.
Lieutenant-general, Grant's com
mission, I, 539. See also General.
Lincoln, Abraham, formation of
Cabinet, i, xx, 81, 230, 2, 388-392;
Welles's portraiture, i,xl-xlii; and
relief of Sumter, 6, 9, 13-39; re
luctance to offend South, 6, 40;
convinced of necessity by Blair, 13;
and Seward's interference with
expedition, 16-18, 24, 39; and
Fort Pickens, 25, 29; and D. D.
Porter, 36, 158, 259, 369, 449; and
Seward's assumption of leader
ship, 37; and Norfolk Navy Yard,
41, 54, 84; appointment of Stan
ton, 57-59; and Merrimac scare,
62, 65, 66; General Order No. 1, on
McCleUan's "slows," 63, 95-97;
on Stanton's "navy," 67; and
Welles's administration, 69, 81,
428, 440, 451; Emancipation
Proclamation, 70, 130, 145, 209,
210; and Wilkes, 73, 109, 2, 203;
Seward's evU influence, i, 80, 131-
139, 204, 274, 2S4, 2S7, 526,
2, 36, 38, 86, 112, 130, 155, 160,
166, 176; and Louisiana Union
men (1862), 1, 81; and patron

age, 81, 510, 2, 137, 195; and
new recmits (1862), i, 89; Stan
ton's attitude, 98, 149; and Mc
CleUan after Second BuU Run,
104, 112, 113, 122, 124; reliance
on Halleck, 108, 120, 134, 179,
180, 320, 329, 364, 371, 526; and
bringing east of Pope and Halleck,
108, 113, 120; visit to Scott (1862),
109, 120; on Second Bull Run, 116,
126; and colonizing of negroes, 123,
150-153; estimate of McCleUan,
124; and administration by De
partments, 134; and Stanton, time
spent at War Department, 134, 2,
55, 91, 92, 112, 203; and Cabinet-
meetings, T, 136, 546, 647, 2, 17;
and dismissal of Preble, i, 141,
162, 191, 236; serenaded after
Emancipation Proclamation, 147;
suspends privUege of habeas cor
pus, 150; and Altoona Conference,
163, 156; Tod's confidence, 163; re
buke of Key, 146 ra., 156; visits to
army (1862), 157, 161; (1863), 263,
264, 266, 294; (1864), 2, 65, 58, 90;
(1865), 264, 272, 274; and Dahl
gren, 1, 158-163, 238, 315, 337,
341; and naval chaplains, 162; and
NorfoUi trade, 165, 166, 183; and
Scott's war pohcy, 172, 2, 615; and
forged Cooper dispatches, i, 176;
orders McCleUan to advance
(Nov., 1862), 179; and admission
of West Virginia, 191, 207; and
Seward-Chase resignations, inter
ference of Senate, 194-205; Blair's
mfluence, 205; and Butler, 210;
receptions, 212, 490, 501, 2, 15;
and McClernand, 1, 217, 220, 387,
388; and removal of Chambers,
21S; aad negro troops, 218; and
gauge of Pacific Railroad, 228; and
Hooker (Jan.), 229; and prepara
tions against Charleston, 236, 247,
259, 265; correspondence with Fer
nando Wood, 237; and extra ses
sion of Senate (1863), 238; and a
religious meeting, 238; and pro-

INDEX

629

motion of mUitary invention, 239;
and letters of marque, 250, 256,
259, 261; and failure of Charles
ton expedition, 268; and captured
mails controversy, 270, 274, 275,
277-280, 282, 286, 287, 289, 302,
315; fears war with Europe, 275,
287, 398, 462; and Chancellors
ville, 291-294; and John Gilpin
prize case, 298; and Vicksburg, 308,
364; and fugitive-slave case in the
District, 313; and Vallandigham
case, 321, 346, 347; reply to Corn
ing, 323, 329; and beginning of
Lee's invasion (1863), 328, 331-
333, 340; on Orpheus C. Kerr, 333;
and Hooker during Gettysburg
campaign, 344, 348; and plan for
McCIellan to supersede Halleck,
345; reUeves Hooker, 348, 349; on
Dix and Foster, 350; and counter-
movement on Richmond, 350, 351;
and battle of Gettysburg, 354, 356;
and attempted mission of A. H.
Stephens, 358-363; and escape of
Lee, 363, 364, 366, 370, 374; sere
naded in honor of victories, 364 ; and
Hamlin's request for a prize court
at Portland, 366; and Whiting,
381; and Gillmore's force before
Charleston, 382; correspondence
with Seymour on draft, 395, 396,
399; and HaUeck and Almaden
mines, 398; and instructions to
naval officers on neutral rights,
398, 399, 409; Stanton on his let
ter-writing, 399; and Gurley, 408;
officers for Arizona, 409; Chase on
character, 413; and Reconstruc
tion, 413, 2,99, 179, 269, 279,281,
630; and Monl Blanc incident, i,
420, 423; and defeat of draft
through habeas corpus proceedings,
431-435; secret knowledge of Eng
land's intention to seize Laird
rams, 437; and Chickamauga, 438,
446; despair over Meade's inac
tion (Sept., Oct.), 439, 440, 471;
and failure of chiefs of Army of

the Potomac, 440; on Farragut,
440; on Du Pont, 440; and Emma
incident, 446; and successor to
Rosecrans, 447; and Schofield-
Missouri Radicals affair, 448, 471 ;
and Ohio election (1863), 469, 470;
has varioloid, 480; and Colfax,
481 ; and renomination, 498, 500-
502, 509, 521, 530, 2, 4, 44, 46; and
transfer of soldiers to Navy, i,
498, 546; popular trust in, 500;
stories, 504, 506, 519, 528; on
LoweU's article, 604; and sentence
of R. L. Law, 606; as judge of
character, 606; on Clay, 506, 507;
on J. P. Hale and Navy Depart
ment, 609; and policy of opening
certain ports, 510; and cotton
trade, 511, 2, 56, 66, 138, 159, 163,
167; official dinners, i, 512; and
San Domingo, 520; and Chase's
candidacy, 520, 525, 529, 531;
Welles's estimate, 521,2,131; and
raising of Brownsville blockade, i,
529; and Florida expedition (1864),
532; and promotion of Hawley,
535; and Dahlgren's raid, 536;
Grant at reception, 538; presents
commission to Grant, 639; and
new draft (1864), 542; and French
tobacco at Richmond, 2, 9; and
finances, 11, 59, 65, 180; and fairs,
16; and failure of Red River cam
paign, 18, 26; restores F. P. Blair
to army, 20; pass for wife's sister,
21; and Fort Pillow massacre, 23;
and news of Wilderness, 25; and
politics in navy yards, 33, 175;
appointment of midshipmen, 41,
626; resignation of Chase, 62, 64,
65, 93; and forged proclamation,
67; and Eariy's raid, 69, 74, 75, 77,
88 ; and naval contracts fraud cases,
78, 90, 124, 176, 177, 199, 201, 220,
225, 231, 260-262; and private
peace missions, 83, 84, 94, 99, 109,
111, 271 ; and Wade-Davis protest,
95, 96, 98; and Mobile Bay, 100;
factional assaults on (1864), 103;

630

INDEX

attitude of New York papers, 103-
105; on Greeley, 112; and Georgia
"peace commissioner," 126; mis
takes in counselors, 130; and news
mongers, 131; Welles expects re
election, 132; and H. W. Davis,
163; and Senator Lane, 148; and
control of abandoned plantations,
148, 150; and Dakota poUtics, 153;
Weed's hold on New York patron
age, 154; and Blair's resignation,
156-158; and admission of Ne
vada, 163, 164; and land move
ment against Mobile, 165; and ex
change of naval prisoners of war,
168-171; and Marine bounty, 174;
and naval votes, 175; and political
managers, 171, 175; receives elec
tion returns, 178; preparation of
message (1864), 179, 190; and
Chief-Justiceship, 181-183, 187,
192, 196; and vessel bmlt for
Japan, 191; second Cabinet, 194,
195, 247, 260, 251 ; and disclosure of
Wilmington expedition plans, 207 ;
and the expedition, 210, 214; and
law as to public records, 211-213,
220; and negroes in Confederate
army, 222; on freedom of action
after reelection, 227; and idea of
peace negotiations, 232, 269;
Hampton Roads Conference, 235,
236, 238; and compensated eman
cipation, 237; and Nasby, 238;
on State rights, 239; and Blair's
Senatorial aspirations, 243; selec
tion of Secretary of the Treasury
(1865), 243-245, 251; and appre
hended decision on arbitrary ar
rests, 242, 245; and dictation of
Radicals, 247; second inaugura
tion, 251, 2.32; favors easy terms to
South, 269 ; closes Southern ports
(1865), 278; proclamation on naval
reciprocity, 279; Virginia legisla
ture incident, 279, 296, 3, 522; and
resumption of trade with South, 2,
280; on position of Pierpont gov
ernment, 2.S2; prescient dream,

282; assassination, 283-288; grief
ofnegroes, 290, 293; funeral, 292-
294; implication of Davis and
others, 299; trial of conspirators,
303-305; and TmmbuU, 322; con
spirators sent to Tortugas, 334;
Bancroft's oration, 431; Surratt
case, 630, 3, 29, 31, 166, 167;
Booth's diary, 95; Conover allega
tions, 143-146; Seward's belittle-
ment, 428; believed to have pre
scribed Appomattox and Sherman's
terms, 521, 623. See also Cabinet,
Elections (1864).
Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, and public
playing of Marine Band, i, 325;
and Mrs. White, 2, 21; and assas
sination of husband, 287, 290.
Lincoln, G. B., and slanders on John
son, 2, 454.
Lincoln, R. T., and death of father,
2, 288; marriage, 3, 444.
Lincoln, Tad, and death of father, 2,
290.
Lines, C. L., removal proposed, 2,
147.
Lippitt, A. J., nomination rejected,
3,85.
Loan, B. F., denounces Johnson,
3,24.
Locke, D. R. (Petroleum V. Nasby),
Lincoln and writings, 2, 238.
Lockport, N. Y., question of post
master (1866), 2, 607.
Logan, J. A., as Minister to Mexico,
2, 401 ; and Kentucky Represent
atives (1867), 3, 129.
Lombard, Captain, and Matamoras
trade, i, 389.
Long, Alexander, movement to ex
pel, 2, 9; censured, 12; and Mc
Clellan's letter of acceptance, 140.
Longstreet, James, Chickamauga, 1,
439, 444.
Loomis,  , Treasury agent at
Richmond, claim to Confederate
naval material, 2, 336.
Louisiana, Lincoln's policy, i, 81;
poUcy of opening cotton trade.

INDEX

631

611; Congressional report against
government (1867), 3, 41; distur
bances, 463. See also Sheridan.
Louisville, War claim case, 3, 528,
529.
LoweU, J. R., article on Lincoln, 1,
504.
Lowrey,  , and Henderson case,
2,5306.
Lowrie, W. H., habeas corp-us pro
ceedings on draft, 1, 432.
Luce, S. B., Naval Academy assign
ment, 3, 440.
Ludlow, W. H., and Stephens's
mission (1863), i, 369; and Dix,
2, 608.
Lyons, Lord, and slave-trade con
vention, I, 193; charges against
WUkes in West Indies, 217; and
captured maUs, 266, 270, 280,
288, 302; and prizes, 296, 297; and
naval violation of neutral rights,
398, 399, 409, 451, 452; and free
ships, free goods, 400; influence
over Seward, 409; Mont Blanc in
cident, 416, 419, 420, 424; and visit
of Admu-al Milne, 467, 468; and
Mexico, 493; and capture of Chesa
peake, 508; and detention of crews
of blockade-runners, 617; and
English-owned cotton, 2, 40.
McAllister, Fort, Ironclads attack,
1,249.
McCall, G. A., Peninsular campaign,
1, 96; Second Bull Run, 99.
McCann, W. P., and New Orleans
riot, 2, 575.
McCardle case, 3, 314, 320.
McCauley, C. S., at Norfolk Navy
Yard, character, 1, 43-46, 51, 52.
McCleUan, G. B., Welles's portrait
ure, I, xxviii; and New Orleans
expedition, 60; and Stanton (1861),
57; Welles's estimate as general, 61,
107, 115, 118, 124, 209, 329; Lin
coln's estimate, 63, 95-97, 124;
Wilkes on, 81, 106; withdrawn
from Peninsula, 83, 89, 97; Cab

inet intrigue for removal, 83, 93-
98, 100-104, 108, 112, 117, 119,
129, 139, 221, 226; Pope awaits,
89; war pohcy, 92, 107, 117, 145,
156, 242, 2, 204; and Second Bull
Run, 1,93, 97, 98, 100, 104, 107,
110, 116, 117, 122, 221; Stanton's
review of conduct (Aug,, 1862),
95-97; and opening of Potomac
(1861), 102, 103; confidence of
army in, 105, 111, 113, 115, 116, 129;
and Blairs, 126, 2, 28, 322; Tod's
confidence, i, 153; Lincoln visits
(Oct., 1862), 157, 161; and Eman
cipation Proclamation, 163; and
Stuart's raid on Chambersburg,
169; Kearny's letter on, 174; inac
tion, 176, 177; ordered to advance,
179; relieved of command, 182; and
Porter, 231; disrespect to Scott,
241, 242; Blair's plan for, to super
sede Halleck (1863), 345; and
Stanton after Seven Days, 356;
political letter (1863), 469, 471;
Lincoln's deference, 526; and Eng
lish mission, 3, 257, 285. See also
Antietam, Elections (1864).
McCleUan, G. W., and Boston col-
lectorship, 2, 356; and Radical
control of patronage, 3, 156.
McClernand, J. A., and Vicksburg
command, i, 167, 217, 220, 386,
387; Arkansas Post, 224.
McClure, A. K., and Grant's cabinet,
3, 535.
McCook, A. McD., Chickamauga, i,
444, 446; defends Washington
(1864), 2, 72,;75.
McCracken, G. W,, and Motley, 3,
36, 37.
McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of the
Treasury, 2, 245, 251 ; as financier,
253, 299, 576, 3, 163, 386; and draw
ing on next year's appropriations,
2, 264, 266, 268; and Savannah
cotton, 278; on resumption of trade
with South, 280, 296, 299, 300;
and assassination of Lincoln, 287;
and informing of Johnson, 289;

632

INDEX

first Cabinet-meeting with John
son, 289; and implication of Davis
300; on proclamation against Con
federate "pirates" (1865), 300
and negro suffrage, 301, 3, 4, 6
and trial of conspirators, 2, 303
and Treasury agents, 316, 343; on
ironclad oath in South, 319, 367,
445, 453, 454; alarmed for the
Treasury (1865), 328; and closing
of Ford's Theatre, 331 ; and Mex
ico, 333, 485, 622, 625; and trial of
Davis, 336, 338; and right to
Confederate naval material, 336,
337; and Indian affairs, 357, 3,
74; assumptions of subordinates,
2, 360, 3, 378, 379, 442, 629; and
Johnson's poUcy (1865), 2, 393,
398; and Freedmen's Bureau Bill,
434; and movement for reconcilia
tion, 446; and Fenians, 451, 619;
sensitive on state papers, 453; and
Civil Rights Bill, 464; and Grey
Jacket case, 469; and Butler, 492,
493; on report of Reconstruction
Committee, 496, 500; on Colorado
Bill, 503; and Atlantic cable, 503;
on attitude of Cabinet (1866),
622, 524, 625, 537; and Union Con
vention, 531, 534, 538, 546, 582; on
Fourteenth Amendment, 636; on
bounty bUl (1866), 564; and Blairs
and Admiral Lee, 569; and re
moval of Dorsheimer, 698; on re
linquishing the Dunderberg, 603,
604, 3, 28; and Dix as Naval
Officer, 2, 607; removes BoUes,
612; and welcome to Congress,
630; and Bay of Samand, 631 ; and
asylum for the Pope, 639, 640;
and first Reconstruction Bill, 3, 10;
discouraged, 17, 65, 147; and Stan
ton's report on enforcement of
civU rights, 43; attack on, in Sen
ate, 52; and woolens biU (1867),
58; gives Radicals patronage, 64,
83, 126, 147, 152, 390; and ousting
of Stanton, 90, 159, 284; and Dan
ish West Indies, 95, 97, 124; and

Johnson's trip to Raleigh, 101 ; and
execution of Reconstruction Acts,
110, 113; on Sheridan's letter, 126;
and Conover allegations, 143-145;
and removal of Sheridan, 149,
152; rumors of retirement, 203;
question of Seward's influence,
204; and sale of ironclads, 207,
384; and habeas co-rpus proceed
ings on enlistments, 213; on'con-
duct of military govemors, 243;
on impeachment counsel, 304, 307;
expects an acquittal, 345, 360,
352; Seward and attack on, 385,
389; and Chase's candidacy, 389;
and Democratic ¦ nominees (1868),
401; and Johnson (1868), 404; and
Johnson's suggested amendments,
406; on Pacific railroads, 425; and
State elections (1868), 453; and
Alabama claims, 459, 468-470, 607;
and disturbances in the South, 461 ;
Grant proscribes, 464, 466; and
Bailey, 485; and resumption, 492;
and confiscation, 504; on Seward's
fawning on Grant, 611; and pro
tection of seals, 516; and govem
ment for Alaska, 631; and holding
over under Grant, 533; and the
inauguration, 637, 538, 541.
McDougal, David, and Shimonoseki
attack, 2, 660.
McDowell, Irvin, Peninsular cam
paign, I, 96; as officer, 373.
Macedonian, practice ship, i, 324.
McKay, Donald, on Navy Depart
ment, 1, 519; and monitors, 2, 86.
ISIcKean, W. W., and command of
Gulf Squadron, 2, 116.
McKinstry, J. P., and Robert John
son, 2, 472, 487, 491.
McMahon, M. T., Minister to Para
guay, 3, 466-468.
McMichael, Morton, and League Is
land, 3, 489.
Magrath, A. G., and ReconstruC'.
tion, 2, 397.
Magruder, G. A., and Secessionists,
1, 19.

INDEX

633

Mails, controversy over captured
foreign official, Peterhoff incident,
1, 180, 266, 269-290, 310; judicial
or executive question, 266, 278,
279, 281; Seward's illegal conces
sions, 269, 271, 279, 281, 300;
Welles's letter of instructions and
views, 270-272, 301-304; Lincoln
and order giving up the mails, 274,
275, 280, 282, 284, 287; Earl Rus
seU on, 300; precedent, 303, 310;
newspapers on, 306; EngUsh view,
315.
Maine, desires coast defense, i, 364,
2, 256, 257; elections (1864), 141;
(1868), 3, 436, 438; Senatorial
election (1869), 506, 617.
MaUory, S. R., and Mrs. White, 2,
21 ; and exchange of naval prison
ers, 168, 171; and Fort Sumter,
374; question of paroling, 395.
Mansfield, J. K. F., defensive policy,
1, 84; killed, 140.
Marble, Manton, as editor, 2, 322.
Marcy, W. L., Benton and report on
Fremont's explorations, 2, 42; as
politician, 3, 225, 226.
Marigold, charges against, 2, 34.
Marine Band, Mrs. Lincoln and pub
lic playing, i, 326, 327; character
of selections, 368.
Marine Corps, question of increas
ing, 2, 6; successor to Col. Harris,
31, 51; unauthorized bounty, 174.
Maritime jurisdiction, Spain's claim
to six miles around Cuba, 1, 170,
367, 399, 467, 468.
Marshall, C. H., and Navy Depart
ment, I, 216, 513, 614.
Marshall, D. D. T., retention of po
sition, 2, 323.
Marston, Gilman, on McCIellan, 1,
118; character, 118; and coast de
fense, 375; and Reconstruction, 2,
584.
Martin, Earl, office for, 3, 78.
Marvin, William, and Mont Blanc
incident, i, 417, 421.
Maryland, political malcontents, 2,

153, 195, 243; Blairs and patron
age, 343; election controversy
(1866), 620, 3, 140, 141. See also
Antietam, Early.
Mason, Judge, of Annapolis, on
Porter, 3, 441.
Massachusetts, question of coast de
fense, I, 288; Republicans and
Johnson (1865), 2, 373, 381.
Masterman, G. F., arrest as spy, 3,
491, 513.
Matamoras, Confederate trade
through, I, 283, 334, 388, 443,
2,4.
Matchett, D. F., and Conover alle
gations, 3, 168.
Matthews, E. O., Naval Academy
assignment, 3, 440.
Maury, M. F., and Secessionists, 1,
19.
Maximilian. See Mexico.
Maynard, Horace, excursion, 2, 330;
right to seat in Congress, 387, 388;
fears dual government, 484; char
acter, 3, 205.
Meade, G. G., commands Army of
the Potomac, i, 348; as command
er, 349, 351, 382, 404, 469, 471-
473, 2, 91; Gettysburg campaign,
I, 352, 354, 356-358, 363; escape
of Lee, 363, 366, 368-375, 383;
meets Cabinet, 404; Lincoln's de
spair over inaction (Sept.), 439,
440; autumn campaign, 442, 444,
469-473; Lincoln urges to fight
(Oct.), 471; and Fenians, 2, 486;
and retirement of brother, 3, 250;
as military governor, 256; and il
legal imprisonment in Georgia,
421.
Meade, R. W., suspension, 2, 401,
407; second trial, 432; retirement,
3, 250; insanity, 472, 484.
Medicine and Surgery, Bureau of.
See Naval surgeons.
Meigs, M. C, and Seward's interfer
ence with Sumter expedition, 1, 17,
23, 26, 38, 172, 2, 374; and Merri
mac scare, i, 62, 64; reply to Wil-

634

INDEX

kinson's attack, 224; and Seward's
meddling with other departments,
243; and MUroy (1863), 332; and
Early's raid, 2, 72; and assassina
tion of Lincoln, 285; and purchase
of Danish West Indies, 3, 40.
Meigs, R. J., and suspension of
Meade, 2, 401.
Merccdila, rumored loss, 1, 232, 234.
Mercer, Samuel, Sumter expedition,
1, 22; and Du Pont, 2, 118.
Mercier, Henri, attitude (1863), I,
494.
Merriam, M. H., and poUtics in
Charlestown Navy Yard, 2, 31, 34.
Merrick, R. T., impeachment trial
witness, 3, 333.
Merrimac, at Norfolk Navy Yard, ef
forts to save, I, 42, 43; scare in
Washington, 61-67, 3, 473; Golds
borough's fear, I, 142.
Merrimac, U. S. S., and pursuit of
Tallahassee, 2, 111.
Merrimac No. S, rumors concern
ing, I, 72.
Merritt, M. F., and Osborn, 2, 219;
and sale of ironclads, 3, 388.
Mervine, William, and rear-admiral-
ship, I, 76; as officer, 76; com
mand ot Gulf Squadron, 313, 2,
116.
Mexico, Empire set up, i, 385; Sew
ard's blundering policy, 493, 2,
393, 648; House resolution on
Monroe Doctrine, 39; Cabinet dis
cussions (1865), 317, 322,332, 333,
336; war over, feared, 348; Repub
Ucan reverses, 367; better tone,
401; French to withdraw, 479, 485;
Austria and, 485; paper blockade,
579; Sherman sent to, 621, 649;
Cabinet on delay in departure of
French, Seward's dispatch to Bige
low, 622-626; seizure of Santa
Anna, 3, 115, 128; execution of
Maximilian, 128; filibustering, 138;
claims treaty, 516.
Miami, and Chesapeake, 1, 545.
Michigan, rejects negro suffrage, 3,

329; Senatorial election (1869), 3,
508.
Michigan, on Lake Erie, 2, 151.
Midshipmen, troubles over appoint
ment, 1, 82, 146, 147, 149, 188,
224, 227, 234, 236, 319, 393, 2, 41,
163, 317, 526.
Midway Islands, acquisition favored,
3, 508.
Miles, D. S., at Harper's Ferry,
death, 1, 140.
Military govemors under Recon
struction Acts, powers, 3, 59, 106,
111; expenditures, 92; actions, 142,
146, 170, 176, 182, 186, 241-244,
256, 277, 298; removal of Sheridan,
149-152, 174, 186, 187; removal of
Sickles, 187; Grant's order on ap
pointments by, 193. See also Re
construction.
MiUigan case, 2, 471, 474, 476.
Milne, Sir Alexander, visit to United
States, I, 467, 468.
MUroy, R. H., at Winchester, 1, 328,
330-332.
Mississippi, executive reconstruc
tion, 2, 315, 316, 366.
Mississippi, loss, 1, 249.
Mississippi River, naval operations,
1, 72, 75, 167; Porter commands
squadron, 157, 167; control over
war vessels on, 180, 272; pohcy of
opening western bank to trade,
510, 611, 514. See also Porter
(D. D.), Vicksburg.
Mississippi Squadron. See Foote
(A. H.), Porter (D. D.).
Missouri, Radicals and Schofield, 1,
448, 471 ; delegation to Union
Convention (1866), 2, 46; ironclad
oath, 3, 566.
Missroon,  , contract frauds, i,
516.
Mobile, land movement to capture,
2, 165.
Mobile Bay, battle, 2, 100, 101, 105,
114, 124, 133; Stanton clauns
credit for the army, 115.
Mohawk, at Pensacola, i, 26.

INDEX

635

Aforai7or, founders, i,213, 215; origin,
213-215, 3, 412-414.
Monitors. See Ironclads.
Monocacy Bridge, battle, 2, 71, 73.
Monongahela, wrecked, 3, 240.
Mont Blanc, prize case, i, 302, 305,
394, 416-427.
Montgomery, cruise after Tacony, 1,
328.
Montholon, Marquis, and appoint
ment of Logan, 2, 401; large recep
tion, 430.
Moore, W. G., in Johnson's tour, 2,
589; question of loyalty to John
son, 3, 73, 567.
Morgan, E. D., and WeUes for Cabi
net, 1, 82; not renominated for
Govemor, 154, 162; on McCIel
lan and Presidency, i 63; Senator-
ship, 231, 232; alarm for safety of
New York, 347; and draft, 380; on
Hale, 484; Welles's estimate, 623,
3, 509, 510; and contract frauds,
1, 540, 2, 60, 306; and date of Na
tional Convention (1864), 28; and
cotton trade, 33, 138; and finances,
62; on Weed's antagonism to
Welles, 155; poUtical tour (1864),
186; and Chief -Justiceship, 187;
and Treasury portfolio, 240," 243-
245; Reconstruction views, 405,
521, 548, 549; Presidential aspira
tions, 406; and Freedmen's Bureau
BiU, 436; and CivU Rights BiU,
476, 477, 479, 547; and Johnson,
487; and Radicals, 633; and im
peachment, 3, 332, 334, 346, 349;
and Seward, 336; calls special ses
sion ot Congress, 437; contest for
reelection, 608, 509.
Morgan, G. D., purchases for Navy,
I, 487.
Morgan, J. H., invasion of Ohio, i,
379.
Morgan, J. S., and WeUes, 2, 599, 3,
582.
Morgan, Fort, capture, 2, 124, 133.
See also MobUe Bay.
MorriU, J. S., and impeachment, 3,

346; on WeUes'a administration,
523.
MorriU, L. M., and coast defense, i,
364, 366; and cotton trade, 2, 34,
138; political despondency (1864),
102; poUtical tour, 186; and im
peachment, 3, 346, 346; candidacy
for reelection (1869), 505, 617;
character, 506, 523.
Morris, Dwight, on draft, 1, 382.
Morris, E. J., trouble with Secretary
ot Legation, 3, 25; and Cretans, 71,
139, 425.
Morrissey, John, elected to Con
gress, 2, 619.
Morse, F. H., report on Laird rams,
I, 245.
Morton, O. P., and Johnson's tour,
2, 594; and impeachment, 3, 335,
350; and finances, 486, 487; and
Fifteenth Amendment, 574.
Motley, J. L., and Mexico, 2, 485;
resignation of Austrian mission, 3,
24, 34-38; Minister to England,
577; as diplomat, 577.
Mulholland, John, cotton purchase,
2,40.
Murfreesborough, battle, 1, 213, 216,
218; Grant on, 2, 283.
Murray, Robert, and Trowbridge, i,
493; and arrest of ArgueUis, 2, 45.
Myers, Leonard, on admission of
Tennessee Representatives, 2, 446.
Nahant, and great storm, i, 225, 226.
Napoleon III. See France, Mexico.
Narragansett Bay, effort for navy
yard in, 1, 185.
Nasby, Petroleum V. See Locke.
NashvUle, battle, 2, 200; disturbance
(1867), 3, 211.
Nassau, and blockade-running, 1, 74;
and Confederate cruisers, 109.
National bank bill. Cabinet on, i,237.
National Intelligencer, on Welles's an
nual report (1862), i, 185; in cam
paign of 1864, 2, 154; and official
advertising, 490; character, 653 ;
attack on McCulloch, 3, 385.

636

INDEX

National Union Convention. See
Union Convention.
Naval Academy, success, i, 324; of
ficial visits, 2, 34, 525, 3, 103;
Porter as head, 2, 321, 353, 360,
362, 3, 103, 247, 662, 563; condi
tion (1867), 103; Welles and Aca
demic Board, 382, 440. See also
Midshipmen.
Naval code, question of making, i,
245.
Naval Committee, chairmanship of
House (1863), i, 482, 484. See
also Grimes, Hale (J. P.), Rice.
Naval surgeons, effort for naval rank,
3, 601.
Navigation Bureau, Drayton as
chief, 2, 353; question of his suc
cessor, 357, 362. See also Davis
(C. H.), Jenkins (T. A.).
Navy, loyalty of officers doubted, 1,
5, 19, 20; hindered by the army,
71; attitude of War Department,
121; enlistment problems, 498,
545-648, 2, 3, 121, 129, 420; ques
tion of withholding hospitality from
English, 279, 305, 319, 320, 327
bill to reorganize, 3, 615, 558-560
and Cuban insurrection, 572, 573
names ot vessels changed, 588.
See also Admiral, Blockade, Board
ot Admiralty, Confederate cruis
ers. Confederate Ironclads, Iron
clads, Naval Academy, Naval Com
mittee, Navy Department, Navy
yards. Neutrality, Prizes, Retire
ment, Staff, Welles, and campaigns,
officers, and squadrons by name.
Navy Department, suggested consol
idation with War Department, 3,
519; Porter as actual head, 549,
661-556, 559, 561, 568, 570, 573,
574, 587, 588. See also Corruption,
Welles, and bureaus by name.
Navy yards, and politics, 1, 327, 2,
370, 377, 380-3S2; Welles visits, i,
428, 431 ; interference of Congress
men, 483; for ironclads, 2, 17; ap
pointment of masters, 379; Welles

and political considerations in ap
pointments, 686, 696-599, 602,
616, 3, 325, 416-420; work cur
tailed, 247; condition (1868), 422;
eight-hour law, 471, 664, 569;
LenthaU on Selfridge's report on
construction of vessels (1869), 574.
See also Brookljm, Charlestown,
Corruption, Kittery, League Is
land, Norfolk, Philadelphia, Wash
ington.
Nebraska, bill for admission vetoed,
3, 22, 30.
Negro soldiers, question ot employ
ment, 1, 218; dependence on, 324;
Fort Pillow massacre, 2, 23, 24;
and exchange of prisoners of war,
168, 170; Liucoln on, for Confed
erate Army, 222.
Negro suffrage. Cabinet discussion
(1865), 2, 301-303; Chase's atti
tude, 304, 343; WeUes on, 324, 373,
3, 137; party demonstration
(1866), 2, 324; Sumner on (1865),
330; Stanton's views, 364; advo
cacy by Radicals, 369; Connecti
cut rejects, 373, 375; for the Dis
trict, veto, 422, 640, 3, 3-8, 15; at
titude of Congress (1863), 2, 490;
and Colorado and Nebraska bUls,
502, 3, 22, 23; and executive Re
construction, 2, 580; for Territo
ries, 3,19; in action in the District,
102, 374; Michigan rejects, 329;
Fifteenth Amendment, 524.
Negroes, foreign colonization, 1, 123,
160-153, 162, 3, 42S; problem of
war government, 2, 222; grief for
Lincoln, 290, 293; colonization in
South, 352 ; Welles and Sumner on
condition (1866), 431 ; story of kid
napping for Cuban tearket, 570;
Welles on appointments, 3, 142;
destitution (1S67), 245, 246; at
Grant's inauguration, 642. See
also CivU Rights, Emancipation,
Freedmen's Bureau, Fugitive, Ne
gro soldiers, Negro suffrage. Slav
ery.

INDEX

637

Nelson, Samuel, negotiations with
Seward, i, 27; controlled by Sew
ard (1867), 3, 320.
Nelson, T. A. R., impeachment coun
sel, 3, 308, 330.
Nelson, William, Cabinet on kill
ing, 1, 178.
Neutrality, Spanish complaint of
violation, i, 308; instructions to
naval officers on respecting, 398,
409, 460-466; violation of free
ships, free goods, 400; Mont Blanc
incident, capture in neutral waters,
416-427; altruistic assertion of
rights, 2, 4; Florida case, 184—186,
197; sale of war vessels by United
States, 3, 92, 206, 387-389, 424,
438. See also Belligerency, Block
ade.
Nevada, question of proclaiming ad
mission, 2, 163, 164.
New Hampshire, Senatorship (1864),
2, 51 ; State election (1868), 3, 309;
history of politics, 309-311.
New Jersey, Senatorial election
(1866), 2, 464, 475.
New London, efforts for a navy yard,
1, 185, 207, 222, 2, 446, 3, 489.
New Orleans, Stanton and expedi
tion, 1, 60; Butler and Banks as
rulers, 209; selection of Farragut
to command expedition, 2, 116,
134; riot (1866), 567, 569, 570,
572-576, 611.
New York, election (1862), 1, 163,
154, 162, 171, 177, 219, 2, 27;
Senatorial elections (1863), i,231,
232; (1867), 3, 16, 20; (1869), 508,
509; Democrats and Johnson, 2,
373, 3, 223, 229; political affairs
(1866), 2, 607, 608, 610; history of
poUtics, 3, 223-229.
New York City, war sentiment
(1862), I, 119; demand for coast
defense, 123, 347, 435; draft riots,
369, 372, 373; evils of free suf
frage, 523, 524; Federal appoint
ments, 2, 62, 63, 137, 155, 484, 3,
560; and naval.enlistments, 2, 240.

New York Commercial Advertiser,
and WeUes, 2, 260.
New York Express, and Welles, 2,
260.
New York Evening Post, and Navy
Department, 1, 184, 2, 185, 228;
on Confederate ironclads, 1, 435;
deterioration, 2, 61; and arrest of
Henderson, 78, 79, 83, 104; poUti
cal character (1864), i04; and im
peachment, 3, 355.
New York Herald, and Navy De
partment, I, 184, 2, 269; vicious
leadership, 103; and impeachment,
3, 26; and negro suffrage, 381.
See also Bennett.
New York Journal of Commerce,
forged proclamation incident, 2,
35, 38, 67; and WeUes, 260.
New York Times, Seward's control,
1, 123; and Navy Department,
184, 2, 87, 194, 260; on letters of
marque, 1, 248; on Confederate
ironclads, 435; political character
(1864), 2, 104; and party unity,
(1866), 533, 542, 644, 545. See also
Raymond (H. J.).
New York Tribune, on PeierAo.^ mails,
I, 306; on Seward and Welles, 366;
assault on Navy Department, 2,
87; and faUure of impeachment, 3,
353; advance publication of public
documents, 475. See also Greeley.
New York World, and Welles's report
(1862), I, 185; forged proclama
tion incident, 2, 35, 38, 67; char
acter (1865), 322; and Union Con
vention, 542; and Johnson, 3, 199,
320, 328.
Newell, R. H. (Orpheus C. Kerr),
Lincoln on writings, 1, 333.
Newspapers, misrepresentation in
Confederate, 2, 218; advance pub
lication of public documents, 3,
475; degeneracy, 506.
Niagara, cruise to Europe (1864), 2,
38, 39.
Nichols, J. H., visits WeUes, i, 86.
Nicolay, J. G., and playing of Marine

638

INDEX

Band, i, 368; as consul at Paris, 3,
519.
Niles, J. M., and Democratic Party
in Connecticut, 2, 429.
Norfolk, trade through blockade, i,
165, 172-175, 177, 183, 227, 318;
martial law (1864), 2, 81. See also
next title.
NorfoUi Navy Yard, loss, i, 41-54;
no troops for, 41, 45, 83; ships at,
42; Welles's efforts to save ships,
42-47; character of commander,
43 ; criticism of loss considered, 47-
54; loss and defection ot Union
men, 84; controversy over dismis
sals (1867), 3, 13, 21. See also
Navy yards.
Norris, Basil, and Robert Johnson, 2,
468.
Norris, HamUton, contract frauds, i,
511.
North Atlantic Squadron, question
of commander (1864), 2, 127. See
also Lee (S. P.), Porter (D. D.),
WUmington.
North Carolina, Federal operations
(1861), I, 381; desire tor reunion,
410; disaster in (1864), 2, 16, 17;
plan of Reconstruction, 301, 305;
interference of Sickles (1866), 642;
amnesty act, 3, 9; compromise
Reconstruction proposal sub
mitted to the President, 32; pro
posal published in Richmond, 37.
Noyes, W. C, and Henderson case,
2, 220.
Nye, J. W., and admission of Ne
vada, 2, 163, 164; and Reconstruc
tion, 396; and Connecticut poli
tics (1867), 3, 63; and Board of
Survey, 247; and naval officers,
326; and impeachment, 332; char
acter, 523.
Oath, ironclad, and Southern ap
pointments, 2, 318, 358, 445, 450;
Missouri ironclad, 3, 566.
Ocean Spray, and Fenian raid, a, 486.
O'Conor, Charles, and Henderson

case, 2, 220, 225; and Reconstruc
tion injunction cases, 3, 86; and
Fenian trials, 283; and impeach
ment trial, 298.
OdeU, M. F., and contract frauds, 1,
640, 2, 54, 60.
Offices. See Civil service.
Ohio, Morgan's invasion, i, 379;
State elections (1863), 469^71;
(1864), 2, 175; (1867), 3, 232;
(1868), 452, 463, 455.
Ohio River, Welles and armored
fleet for, i, 90.
Olcott, H. S., and contract frauds, i,
525, 536, 539-542, 547, 2, 6, 11,
15, 64, 114, 263, 265.
Olin, A. B., and Stanton, 3, 160.
OUver & Co., and trade permits, i,
536.
O'NeiU, J. P., and district-attorney
ship, 3, 441.
Oneota, sale, 3, 348, 387-389, 420,
429, 438.
Onondaga, sale, 3, 92.
Opdyke, George, and Fernando
Wood, 1, 237; alarm for safety of
New York, 347; and Evening Post,
2, 61 ; suit against Weed, 208.
Opequon Creek, battle, 2, 151, 163.
Ord, E. O. C, attack on Petersburg
Unes, 2, 272; as miUtary governor,
3, 245, 249.
Ordnance, Dahlgren as head of Bu
reau, I, 164, 3, 447; for monitors,
I, 342; Wise and headship, 2, 7;
efficiency of Dahlgren's smooth
bores, 67; controversy over cast
ing, 202; Congressional investiga
tion of Bureau, 3, 122; Ames's
claim, 447-449, 451.
Oregon, State election (1868), 3, 375.
Orcto. See Florida.
Orr, J. L., question of amnesty, 2,
358.
Orth, G. S., and resolution to expel
Long, 2, 9.
Osborn,  , New York newspaper
man, discloses plans of Wilming
ton ejcpedition, 2, 205-209, 219.

INDEX

639

Otterbourg, Marcus, and Mexican
mission, 3, 135.
Otto, W. T., at Cabinet-meeting, 1,
319, 2, 147; and habeas corpus
proceedings on enlistments, 3, 213;
and Court of Claims, 372.
Ould, Robert, and A. H. Stephens's
mission (1863), 1, 358; and ex
change of naval prisoners, 2, 169.
Owen, E. H., and Connecticut elec
tion (1866), 2, 458, 459.
Paciflc Railroad, Cabinet discussion
of gauge, 1, 228; plundering
schemes, 3, 425, 439, 444, 449,
460, 485, 571; report on progress,
472; payment of subsidies, 474,
490, 534.
Page, R. L., surrender of Fort
Morgan, 2, 133.
Page, T. J. See Stonewall.
Palmerston, Lord, Seward's opinion,
I, 437.
Panama. See Isthmus.
Paper money, Welles's antagonism, i,
147, 148, 167-169, 232, 494, 520,
530, a, 10, 12-14, 16, 29, 55, 61,
180, 3, 486, 604; and payment of
foreign bills, 1, 147, 2, 10, 29; pre
mium on gold (1864), 12, 55,
61, 158, 163; gold premium and
forged proclamation, 35; gold bill
(1864), 54; Evarts on, 3, 480;
Cabinet on plans of resumption
(1869), 487, 492, 493; importance
of question under Grant, 494. See
also Finances.
Paraguay, war and American mis
sion, 2, 491, 492, 543, 3, 427, 466-
468, 491, 510, 513, 616.
Pardons, Johnson and criminal, 2,
140; Grant and Johnson's final, 3,
547, 555. See also Amnesty.
Parke, J. G., attack on Petersburg
lines, 2, 272.
Parker, W. A., Grant desires re
moval, a, 230, 232.
Parsons, L. E., Sumner denounces, 2,
398.

Parsons, seized by Confederates on
Lake Erie, 2, 162.
Pasco,  , of Philadelphia Navy
Yard, pardon, 2, 400-402, 412.
Passaic, construction, 1, 179.
Patterson, D. T., in Johnson's tour,
2, 589; on Brownlow, 3, 205.
Patterson, Mrs. D. T., in Johnson's
tour, 2, 589; visits Welles, 3, 542.
Patterson, J. W., and appointment of
Stewart, 3, 546.
Patton, W. W., and emancipation, i,
130.
Paulding, Hiram, at Norfolk Navy
Yard, 1, 46; and Breese, 76; and
Washington chair, 77; and Mer
vine, 313, 2, 116; and 'Trowbridge-
Lamar plot, 1, 493; and Stover,
515; and pursuit of Tallahassee, 2,
110, 113; and Du Pont, 118; and
politics in Brooklyn Navy Yard,
123, 137.
Pawnee, Sumter expedition, i, 16, 22.
Paymaster's accounts, confusion, 2,
265.
Peace negotiations, Stephens's mis
sion (1863), I, 358-363, 369; Gree
ley's, 2, 83, 84, 94, 99, 111, 271;
Jaquess and Gilmore's, 109; atti
tude of Lincoln and Seward, 109,
231, 3, 521; "peace commissioner"
from Georgia, 2, 125; Blair's mis
sion, 219, 221; Hampton Roads
Conference, 235, 236, 238; contro
versy over Sherman's terms, 294-
297, 309.
Pearson, Frederick, British decora
tion offered to, 2, 209.
Pearson, G. F., transferred from
South Pacific Squadron, 2, 604.
Pease, E. M., Governor of Texas, 2,
316, 3, 146; on conditions in Texas,
2, 568, 3, 105; on attitude of
South (1866), 2, 641; character, 3,
147.
Pease, J. J. R., seeks coUectorship, 2,
398.
Peirpoint, F. H., his controversy
with Gen. Butler, 2, 81; post-War

640

INDEX

position of his government, 281,
282, 301.
Pemberton, J. C. See Vicksburg.
Pendergrast, Austin, suspended, 2,
364.
Pendergrast, G. J., at Vera Cruz, i,
16; at Norfolk Navy Yard, 42, 46.
Pendleton, G. H., Presidential candi
dacy (1868), 3, 382, 385, 393, 396,
456; in the campaign, 430, 439.
Peninsular campaign, naval force, i,
72, 81, 83, 86, 91, 121; troops with
drawn, 83, 89, 97, 120; Stanton's
review, 95-97; Wilkes on McCIel
lan, 106; McCleUan accused of
treasonable intentions, 2, 204.
Pennock, A. M., in Washington, i,
431.
Pennsylvania, State elections (1863),
I, 469, 471; (1864), 2, 175; (1866),
613, 615; (1867), 3, 232; (1868),
451-453, 465; Confederate raid
(1864), 2, 88, 89; Senatorial elec
tions (1867), 3, 15, 16, 20; (1869),
605. See also Gettysburg.
Pennsylvania Railroad, in politics, 3,
505.
Pensacola. See Pickens.
Perkins, Isaac, and Welles, 3, 433.
Perry, Amos, resigns, 3, 24.
Perry, B. F., and Fourteenth Amend
ment, 2, 636; Sumner denounces,
398.
Perry, H. J., and J. P. Hale, 3, 518,
553, 578.
Perryville, battle, 1, 166.
Peru, trouble with Spain expected,
2, 357, 365; controversy over Ad
miral Tucker, 650, 3, 37, 45, 66,
68-71; purchase of ironclads, 387,
420, 429, 438.
Peterhoff, captured-mails incident,
1, 266, 269-290, 299-304, 306, 310.
Petersburg, Federal army before, 2,
64, 55; Crater, 89-92; final attack
and capture, 272.
Phelps, James, and Cuban Consul-
Generalship, 3, 80, 85.
Phelps, N. A., and Welles, 3, 433.

Phelps, S. L., of board on dismissal
of Preble, 1, 191; on Red River
campaign and cotton speculation,
2,37.
Philadelphia, and Johnson (1867), 3,
116.
Philadelphia, trade through block
ade, 2, 56.
Philadelphia Navy Yard, frauds, 2,
200, 205, 208, 224, 231, 238, 400-
402; pressure for removal of Radi
cals (1866), 596, 599, 602; investi
gation (1868), 3, 416. See also
Navy yards.
Phillimore, Sir R. J., on use of neu
tral waters by belligerents, i, 461;
on prize crew as witnesses, 466,
466.
PhUlips, Wendell, Welles's opinion,
2, 383.
Phythian, R. L., Naval Academy as
signment, 3, 440.
Pickens, Fort, Seward and relief ex
pedition, 1, 14, 25, 28-32, 172.
Pickering, Timothy, precedent in re
moval, 3, 302, 311.
Pierpont, F. H. See Peirpoint.
Pierce, Franklin, as President, 3,310.
Pierrepont, Edwards, Henderson
case, 2, 220; campaign contribu
tion (1868), 3, 452; character, 452.
Pike, F. A., as Chairman of Naval
Committee, 3, 280; and impeach
ment, 360, 361.
PUe, W. A., nomination as Minister
to BrazU, 3, 577.
Pillow, Fort, Cabinet opinions on
massacre, 2, 23-25.
Pius IX, and asylum in United States,
2, 638-640, 642.
Plantations. See Abandoned planta
tions.
Piatt, O. H., and Connecticut ap
pointments, 1, 81.
Pleasonton, Alfred, and escape of
Lee, I, 374.
Plymouth, at Norfolk Navy Yard, i,
42.
Pocahontas, Sumter expedition, i, 22.

INDEX

641

PoUtics, in Washington before out
break of the War, i, 10, 34; indica
tions of new alignment (1866), 2,
370, 372, 407; civil service assess
ment, 376, 377, 380, 382; history
in New York, 3, 223-229; history
in New Hampshire, 309-311. See
also Civil service. Elections, Union
Convention, and parties by name.
Pollard, E. A., and Confederate
archives, 3, 452.
Pomeroy, S. C., and Chiriqui scheme,
1, 123, 152, 3, 427; Senate commit
tee on Seward, 1, 196, 198; and
Chase's candidacy (1864), 529;
slanders Johnson, 2, 454, 461 ; and
Johnson's tour, 593; and im
peachment, 3, 357; character, 623.
Pontoosuc, pursuit of Tallahassee, 2,
111, 113.
Poor, J. A., of Maine, and coast de
fense, 2, 266, 257.
Poor, C. H., promotion, i, 77.
Pope, John, Cedar HUl, i, 78;
awaits McCIellan, 89; battle, 93,
97, 98, 104; retreat, 98, 100, 104;
Blair on, 104, 126; a faUure, 104;
origin of eastern command, 108,
113, 120,1 221, 226; report, 109,
110, 114; on McClellan's generals,
110, 112, 220, 226; Lincoln's
estimate, 116, 126; Foote on, 120;
and execution of Indians, 170;
Indian campaign (1865), 2, 357;
as military governor, 3, 174, 242,
245, 249; removed, 251.
Pope, Nathaniel, M. Blair on, i,
126.
Port Hudson, faU, i, 372, 375.
Port Lavaca. See Indianola.
Port Royal expedition, preparation,
2, 118; battle, 3, 217.
Porter, B. H., killed at Fort Fisher,
2, 226.
Porter, D. D., and Seward's inter
ference with Sumter expedition,
1, 17, 24, 25, 35, 38; character as
Officer, 19, 87, 88, 274, 2, 215, 3,
384, 389; loyalty doubted, 1, 19,

20; at Pensacola, 28, 31; Lincoln's
attitude, 36, 158, 440; commands
Mississippi Squadron, 157, 167;
and McClernand, 167, 220; and
West Point training, 167; sends
news of Arkansas Post, 224; an
nounces captures on White River,
227; reports on Vicksburg opera
tions, 238, 249, 259, 295, 311, 364,
367; caricatures, 249; Stanton's
opinion, 273; directed to run past
Vicksburg, 274, 285; and com
mand against Charleston, 311;
promotions, 369, 2, 235, 3, 562;
Yazoo expedition, 1, 379; and
Chattanooga, 473; on Red River
campaign, 2, 18, 26, 178; and cot
ton speculation, 37, 173, 228; at
Washington (1864), 67; on Grant
and Sherman as mutual comple
ments, 92; and Farragut, 116, 134;
and DuPont, 119; problem of com
mand for (1864), 129; WUmington
expedition, 146, 148, 150, 172, 209,
210, 213-216, 220, 226, 227; on
Mrs. Davis and secession of South
Carolina, 255; as head of Naval
Academy, 321, 353, 360, 362, 3,
103, 247, 440, 562, 563; and Pen
dergrast case, 2, 364; and Bay of
Samand, 643, 3, 7; and De Camp,
18; and Board of Survey, 247, 248,
570; and Engineer Corps, 252,
253, 283, 385; and Navy portfolio,
340; sycophancy, 441; desire for
civil position, 488; and line and
staff differences, 501 ; as real head
of Navy Department, 649, 551-
556, 568, 670, 573, 574, 587, 688;
and reorganization of the Navy,
558; and Grant in the Presiden
tial campaign, 559, 563; shirks
European cruise, 563; courtesy to
Welles, 580.
Porter, F. J., and Second BuU Run,
1, 104, 110; court martial, 220,
225, 226, 229; unpopular, 231.
Porter, W. D., not promoted, I, 77,
88; forged letter, 87; destroys Ar-

642

INDEX

kansas, 88; reproved and retired,
145.
Portland, Maine, and prize court, i,
366, 491.
Portsmouth, N. H., additional de
fenses, 1, 375. See also Kittery.
Posse comitatus, use of troops in
South, 3, 430, 431.
Post. See Mails.
Postmaster-General. See Blair (M.),
Dennison, Randall (A. W.).
Potomac River, WeUes and opening,
1, 61, 102, 103; flotilla (1862), 91,
f. 93, 109; Fort Foote, 474; obstruc
tions, 3, 436.
Powhatan, and Sumter expedition,
1, 15, 22, 24, 27; at Pensacola, 31.
Preble, G. H., allows Florida to pass
blockade, i, 140, 141; to be dis
missed, 141; attempt to restore,
162, 163, 188-191, 228, 235.
Prentiss, G. A., on capture of John
Gilpin, 1, 297.
Presidential receptions, mismanage
ment, 2, 408, 3, 496, 639.
Presidential tour, plans and dangers,
2, 585, 587; itinerary, 588; party,
588, 3, 502; Johnson's speeches,
2, 589, 590, 593; attitude of offi
cials and Congressmen, 589, 693,
594; Grant's attitude, 591, 592,
595; reception, 592; slight to Sew
ard at Albany, 592, 593; Cleve
land, 593; Chicago and St. Louis,
594; Indianapolis, 594; Seward's
illness, 594.
Preston, S. W., and WUmington ex
pedition, 2, 210, 213, 216; kiUed,
226.
Princess Royal, captured, i,231, 234.
Princeton, trade permit, i, 527, 536,
537, 543, 544, 548.
Prisoners of war, appearance of Con
federate (1864), 2, 31; exchange of
naval (1864), 168-171.
Privateering. See Letters of marque.
Prizes, question of judicial or execu
tive control over, i, 296, 297, 302,
424-426, 452, a, 106, 107; John

Gilpin case, i, 297; location of
adjudication, 366; detaining crew
of neutral, as witnesses, 451, 453,
457, 465; Grey Jacket case, 2, 469,
492, 493. See also Blockade, MaUs,
Mont Blanc, Neutrality.
Promotion, before retirement, 3, 531.
Protestant Episcopal Church, and
CivU War, 2, 382.
Prussia, claims convention, 3, 9.
Pruyn, R. H., and vessels for Japan,
1, 188, 225; and joint attack on
Japan, 2, 560; on Seymour's candi
dacy (1868), 3, 390.
Pryor, Roger, and Holt, 3, 172, 174.
Public records, right to copies, 2,
211-213, 220.
Puritan, constmction, 2, 201, 207,
340.
Pyne, Smith, fast-day sermon, i,
288.
Quarantine, suggestion of national, 2,
480.
Queen of the West, captured, 1, 240.
R. R. Cuyler, Downes court martial,
2, 162; seizure, 3, 38-40, 42.
Raasloff, W. R., and sale of Danish
West Indies, 3, 95.
Radford, WiUiam, and Confederate
ship-timber, 2, 336; in Johnson's
tour, 685, 588; and Bay of Sa-
mand, 631 ; inspection tour, 3, 422.
Railroads. See Pacific.
Raleigh, Johnson's trip, 3, 100, 101,
104.
Randall, A. W., and Union Conven
tion, 2, 533-535, 574, 582, 617, 3,
251; Postmaster-General, 2, 563;
and Johnson's tour, 587, 588; and
Fourteenth Amendment, 609, 628;
and Mexico, 622, 623, 625; on
welcome to Congress, 632; and
asylum for the Pope, 640; and
negro suffrage for the District, 3,
6,6; and Stanton's report on en
forcement of ci vU rights, 43, 45 ; use
of patronage, 52, 64; and impeach-

INDEX

643

ment, 57; Welles distrusts, 57, 64,
83, 91, 101, 162; and Danish West
Indies, 98, 124; in Johnson's trip
to Raleigh, 101; on Stanbery's
opinion on the Reconstruction
Acts, 111, 114; in Johnson's trip to
Boston, 114; and Otterbourg, 135;
and Conover allegations, 143-146,
149; and removal of Sheridan, 151 ;
Johnson dissatisfied with, 156,183;
and suspension of Stanton, 163;
rumors of retirement, 203; and
habeas corpus proceedings on en
listments, 213, 221 ; and question of
turest of Johnson, 238; and nomi
nation of Schofield, 340; expects
acquittal, 362; and election of
1868, 463, 458; and Seward, 458;
Grant proscribes, 464; on Seward
and Grant, 511; and holding over
under Grant, 533; and the inau
guration, 538, 541.
Randall, S. J., and Field court mar
tial, 3, 140.
Rathbun, George, and Wilmot Pro
viso, 2, 386.
Rawlins, J. A., reports Vicksburg
operations to Lincoln, i, 386, 387;
character, 386, 3, 551; Secretary
of War, 551.
Raymond,  , contract frauds, 1,
537.
Raymond, H. J., poUtical character,
as manager, 2, 87, 171, 175, 177;
and political control of Brooklyn
Navy Yard, 97, 98, 108, 122, 136,
142, 176; and general poUtical
assessment, 112; and release ot
Scofield, 199, 201; and WeUes, 201;
and French mission, 205; and Re
construction, 406; and CivU Rights
Bill, 479; relations with Johnson,
517, 523, 549, 562, 555, 610, 613,
618, 3, 191, 251; and calling of
Union Convention, 2, 530, 534;
and Fourteenth Amendment, 541.
See also New York Times.
Read, C. W., career in Tacony, i,
327, 333, 342, 350, 375 n.

Reagan, J. H., paroled, 2, 382.
Rear-admirals, appointment on the
retired list, i, 75-77.
Reconstruction, value of WeUes's
diary, i, xlii-1; theories, 400, 408,
410, 411, 414, 415, 429, 2, 84, 109,
197, 301, 349, 430, 568, 600, 645,
3, 81; Chase and Welles on slavery
and (1863), i, 402, 403, 410-415,
429, 2, 234; need of a Constitu
tional amendment, 1, 430; division
of Cabinet on (1863), 467; ques
tion of amnesty, 2, 43, 294, 301,
358, 3, 9, 183, 193, 197-199, 386,
394-396; Wade-Davis manifesto,
2, 95, 96, 98; Welles on difficulties
(1864), 98, 99; Lincoln's proclama^
tion, 99; Lincoln's dilemma, 179;
Thirteenth Amendment, 234; at
titude of Radicals (1865), 239,
242; Lincoln's last speech, 279;
Virginia legislature incident, 279,
280, 296, 3, 522; Stanton's plan
(1865), 2, 281, 282, 291, 294, 301;
plans and progress ot executive,
281, 282, 291, 301, 305, 316, 316,
379, 579, 580; Johnson's first atti
tude, 291; negro suffrage, 301-304,
324, 330, 343, 364, 369, 373, 375,
422, 490, 602, 640, 3, 3-8, 15, 19,
22, 23, 102, 137, 329, 374, 524;
Southem appointments and iron
clad oath, 2, 318, 357, 445, 460,
453, 454; unfavorable tone in
South (1865), 347, 352; (1866),
641; miUtary departments (1865),
355, 356; beginning of opposition
to Johnson's policy, 363, 364, 381;
Cabinet and Johnson's policy,
Welles and Sumner on (1865), 364,
393-395, 397, 398, 400, 411, 415-
417, 419, 424-426 ra., 430; political
issues (1865), 373; sufficiency of
executive, 378, 379; exclusion of
Southem Representatives, 387,
388, 392, 440-444, 446, 488, 489,
559; Grant's tour of South, 396,
398; Johnson on the Radicals (Jan.,
1866), 410; tone of Governors'

644

INDEX

messages (1866), 410; and party
split, 412, 414, 421, 425, 434, 443,
446, 454, 456, 480-483, 485, 522-
525, 571 ; Freedmen's Bureau, 413,
431-437, 554, 3, 142; Welles fore
tells effect of Congressional, 2, 420,
433 ; Welles urges Johnson to make
a public statement, 421; Joint
Committee, 436, 438, 441, 449; po
litical errors of Radicals, 437;
Johnson's Washington's Birthday
speech, 438-440, 647; WeHes on
necessity of action (1866), 449,
460; revolutionary plans, 451, 636,
653, 3, 12, 17, 25, 55, 86, 87, 128,
245, 314, 321; and State elections
(1866), 2, 452, 464-462, 468,
469, 474; Civil Rights BUl, 459,
460, 463, 464, 475, 477, 479, 489;
both sides seek Grant, 477, 478;
dual govemment feared, 484, 562,
555, 557; Cabinet discussion of re
port of Joint Committee, 494-601 ;
Fourteenth Amendment, 516, 521,
526, 627, 529, 532-537, 539, 641,
549, 557, 558, 608-610, 618, 630,
636, 649, 3, 7, 8, 417 ; Union Conven
tion, 528-531, 533-535, 538-542,
545-548, 550, 652-564, 567,
571, 673, 674, 576-578, 581, 608,
609, 617,3,251; Radical caucusand
program (July, 1866), 2, 652, 555;
New Orleans riot, 667, 569, 570,
572-575, 611; conditions in the
South, 568, 569, 3, 34, 105, 208,
245, 246, 248; government by ma
jority, 2, 576; character of John
son's requirements and appoint
ments, 679; inconsistency and ig
norance of Radicals, 583, 645;
character of Johnson's support
(1866), 590, 595, 602, 603, 615;
and Congressional election, 616-
619; Johnson's consistency, 629;
probable action of Congress at
second session, 635, 636; mUi
tary interference with States
(1866), 642, 644; Administration
and first bill, veto, 650, 3, 10-12,

29, 40, 46-49, 51, 54, 55; Johnson
and North Carolina's proposal of
compromise, 31-33; report against
Louisiana government, 41; inter
pretation of Act, Stanbery's opin
ion, 59, 60, 94, 96-99, 105, 107,
109-117; selection of military gov
ernors, 62-65; injunction case
against the Act, 80, 86; Wilson's
tour in South, 86, 89; expenditures
and appropriations under Act, 93,
119, 131; conduct of miUtary gov
emors, 104, 117, 125-127, 130,
142, 170, 174-176, 182, 185-188,
193, 241-244, 256, 277; bungling
action of Congress, 129; explana
tory act, 132, 137; Welles's poUcy
of non-execution of Acts, 161, 164,
169; Grant and Welles discuss the
Acts, 177-181; Grant and execu
tion of Acts, 182, 183, 185, 187-
190, 242, 298; date of elections,
207 ; signs of reaction, 208; disturb
ances and requestsfor troops, 211,
424, 460-463; McCardle case, 314,
320; hampering ot Supreme Court,
314, 323; constitutions, 347, 360;
rumors of Johnson's change of pol
icy, 360, 364; question of future
poUcy (1868), 403; exclusion of
Presidential vote, 405; carpet-bag
representation, 411; use of troops
as posse, 430, 431; confiscation,
604; Georgia excluded, 525.
Red River campaign. Porter's re
ports, 2, 18, 26; Halleck on, 18;
condemnation of Banks, 19; Lin
coln on failure, 26; origin, 27; cot
ton speculation, 37, 86, 173; dam,
37; naval complaints, 178; cap
tured cotton, 255, 263.
Reed, W. B., paper for Union Con
vention, 2, 574; character, 3, 184.
Republican Party, Welles on Whig
element, 2, 122; preservation and
Johnson-Congress conflict, 421,
425, 443, 446, 454, 456, 462, 522-
525, 528; character in New Eng
land (1867), 3, 88; Welles foretells

INDEX

645

Liberal movement, 624, 526. See
also Elections, Politics, Union
Convention.
Repudiation of Confederate debt,
and Reconstruction, 2, 579.
Requisitions, held up, 2, 58, 59, 69,
106, 114, 264, 266, 268, 274.
Resaca, battle, 2, 33.
Resumption, Cabinet on (1869), 3,
487, 492, 493. See also Paper
money.
Retirement of naval officers, Welles's
attitude, i, 532; Board, 2, 41; ef
forts to escape, 3, 85, 86, 107-
109, 135, 250, 251; and promotion,
531; control of the Board (1869),
569.
Reynolds, J. F., kiUed, i, 354.
Reynolds, J. G., reproved, i, 89.
Reynolds, WilUam, and Hawaii, 3,
322, 329.
Rhett, Barnwell, character, 2, 312.
Rhind, A. C, report on the attack
on Charleston, i, 267; and iron
clads, 268.
Rice, A. H., on test of Eutaw, 1, 519;
on conduct of J. P. Hale, 2, 6; and
investigation of contractors, 7; as
Chairman of Navy Committee, 11,
236; excursion, 31; and Smith
Bros., 53, 56, 124; on differences in
financial policy, 57; and Recon
struction, 498, 499.
Richardson, W. A., of lUinois, elec
tion to Senate, 2, 153.
Richmond, proposed attack (Sept.,
1862), 1, 130; conditions (Jan.,
1863), 223; and Stoneman's raid
(1863), 295; Dahlgren raid, 534,
536-638; faU, 2, 272, 275; munici
pal election (1865), 347, 348.
Ricketts, J. B., and Second Bull
Run, 1, 110.
Riddle, A. G., Conover allegations,
3, 143 ra., 170.
Ridgeley, A. S., appointed district-
attorney, 3, 56, 58, 59.
Riggs, G. W., and Southem sym
pathy (1864), I, 521.

Ringgold, Cadwalader, intrigue for
vote of thanks, 1, 634.
Risley, Olive, and Seward, 3, 449.
Rives, J. C, Army and Navy Ga
zette, I, 343; death, 2, 8; Welles's
association witSi, 8.
Rives, Wright, excursion, 2, 340; on
Johnson's associates, 3, 566.
Roanoke, at New York, i, 347, 435.
Robert Anderson, and Matamoras
trade, 1, 389.
Roberts, M. O., and Fenton, 3, 508.
Robinson, J. C, wounded, 2, 29.
Rodgers, Q. W., death, i, 416.
Rodgers, John, in James River, 1,
72; weathers storm in Weehawken,
226; capture of Fingal, 337; official
congratulations, 344, 351; and Du
Pont, 344, 373; on Butler and first
Wilmington expedition, 2, 216; as
head ot Charlestown Navy Yard,
3, 418.
Rodgers, Raymond, as officer, 2, 353,
3, 384.
Roe, F. A., seizure of Santa Anna, 3,
115, 128, 131.
Roebuck, J. A., motion for recogni
tion, 1, 374.
Rolando, Henry, capture ot William
Peel, 1, 548.
Rollins, E. A., and Radicals, 3, 404,
442.
Romero, Matias, Schenck corre
spondence, 2, 527, 528.
Roosevelt, R. B., and impeachment,
3, 349.
Root, J. M., and Wilmot Proviso, 2,
386.
Rosecrans, W. S., Murfreesborough,
I, 213, 216, 218, 2, 283; Chicka
mauga, 1, 438, 441, 444, 446; move
ment to reinforce, 442; Lincoln
loses confidence in, 447.
Roselius, Christian, Union man, 1,
81; on conditions in Louisiana
(1867), 3, 208.
Rosen, Count, excursion, 2, 31.
Ross, E. G., impeachment vote, 3,
356, 358, 369, 362, 367, 368.

646

INDEX

Ross, Samuel, on draft, i, 382.
Rousseau, L. H., and Pendergrast,
2, 364; in Johnson's tour, 589, 3,
502; and Alaskan commission,
141, 169; and military govemor-
ship, 142; retum to Washington,
347; death, 502; as officer, 502.
Rowan, S. C, Sumter expedition, i,
23; and Norfolk Navy Yard, 43;
and Charleston, 276; on need of
sailors, 645; and dismissal of Radi
cals, 3, 13, 21.
Ruger, T. J., and postmastership, 3,
52.
RusseU, Earl, hostile attitude, i,
250; dispatch on English attitude,
298; lessened hostiUty, 299; on
captured mails, 300; and Roe
buck's motion, 374.
Russia, visit of fleet, i, 443, 480, 481,
484; Fox's official visit, 2, 506, 509,
512, 514; sale of Alaska, 3, 66, 68,
75, 83, 84.
Rynders, Isaiah, R. C. Winthrop
and, 2, 154.
Sabine, alleged detention, 3, 337.
Sabine Pass expedition, i, 441,
443.
Sacramento, wrecked, 3, 120, 554.
St. Albans, Confederate raid, 2, 198.
St. Louis, Johnson at, 2, 593.
St. Thomas Island, Wilkes's viola
tion of neutrality, i, 322, 325, 451;
proposed purchase, 2, 466, 473, 3,
40, 95-98, 124, 502.
SaUor's Creek, battle, 2, 276.
Salgar, Eustorjio, and seizure of the
R. R. Cuyler, 3, 38.
Samand, Bay of, proposed purchase,
2, 631, 643, 3, 7, 40.
San Domingo, Seward's embarrass
ment (1864), 1, 519; proposed sale
of Bay of Samand, 2, 631, 643, 3,
7, 40; protectorate for, 480; desires
annexation, 517.
San Jacinto, Alabama escapes from,
1, 191; and pursuit ot Tallahassee,
2, 110.

San Juan Island, treaty on (1869), 3,
506.
Sanders, G. N., and Greeley's nego
tiations, 2, 83; implication in as
sassination of Lincoln, 299.
Sanford, H. S., desire tor passage in
Niagara, 2, 38, 39; Venezuelan
claim, 3, 297; and Spanish mis
sion, 578.
Santa Anna, A. L. de, seizure (1867),
3, 115, 128, 131, 132.
Saunders, Reed, and captured mails,
I, 222.
Savage, J. L., fraudulent contracts,
1, 537, 2, 54, 78.
Savannah, the Fingal, 1, 72; cap
tured, 2, 208, 209; cotton, 220,
278; Stanton on conditions (1865),
228; aspect (1865), 313.
Sawyer, G. F.(?), suspension revoked,
3,554.
Schenck, J. F., and retiring board,
2,41.
Schenck, R. C, Second Bull Run, r,
98; denies invasion by Lee (1863),
332; and chairmanship ot Naval
Committee (1863), 482; and naval
retiring board, 2, 41; and attack
on Navy Department, 236; as
Radical, 247; Romero correspond
ence, 527, 528; and Kentucky
Representatives, 3, 129; and re
tirement of Goldsborough, 136;
and doubtful Senators, 357; calls
special session, 437; and Johnson's
message (1868), 479; and repeal of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 564.
Schofield, J. M., and Missouri Radi
cals, 1, 448, 471; nomination to
War Department, 3, 338-340, 371 ;
first Cabinet-meeting, 375; and
case of arrests in Georgia, 420;
and insurrection in Crete, 425;
and use of troops as posse, 430;
and test of the Alexandrine chain,
436, 437; supports Grant, 450; and
Pollard, 452; and disturbances in
the South, 460, 461, 463; advance
publication of annual report, 475;

INDEX

647

on resumption, 493; and confisca
tion, 504; advises consolidation ot
War and Navy Departments, 519;
and holding over under Grant,
533, 536; and the inauguration,
541.
Schoolships, Welles on government
vessels for private, 3, 531.
Schiitzenfest, Welles on, 3, 426.
Schurz, Carl, and Chase for Cabinet,
2, 391; Southern trip, 580; poUti
cal character, 580.
Scofield, C. W., fraudulent contracts,
1, 537, 2, 19; trial, 57, 58, 60; sen
tence, efforts for release, 176, 177,
199-201.
Scott, John, Senatorial candidacy
(1869), 3, 505.
Scott, T. A., as Assistant Secretary of
War, 1, 127; and Lee's invasion,
331.
Scott, Winfield, and relief of Sumter,
I, 3-8, 12, 15; protection of Wash
ington, 4; and Fort Pickens, 26,
29; and defense of Norfolk Navy
Yard, 41, 44, 45, 52, 83; defensive-
frontier poUcy, 84-86, 242, 2, 515;
Lincoln's interview (1862), 1, 109,
120; letter on Secession, 171; Mc
Clellan's disrespect, 241, 242;
and Lincoln, 526; death, 2, 514;
character, 514.
Seals, protection, 3, 516.
Secession, Welles on impossibility, 1,
414, 429; armistice, 2, 374, 378.
See also Reconstruction (theories).
Second Bull Run. See Bull Run.
Secor and Swift, bid for ironclads, 3,
92, 387.
Seddon, J. A., application for amnes
ty, 3, 230, 231.
Sedgwick, C. B., and codification of
naval laws, i, 245; and Laird's
statement, 396; and fraudulent
contract cases, 512, 518, 524; and
prize law, 531.
Sedgwick, John, Chancellorsville
campaign, 1, 295; and escape of
Lee, 374; kiUed, 2, 27.

Segar, J. E.(?), trade permit, 2,257.
Selfridge, T. O., Sr., not promoted, i,
77.
Selfridge, T. O., Jr., pressure for re
moval, 2, 597, 599; and habeas
corpus proceedings, 3, 208-221;
report on vessels under construc
tion (1869), 574.
Semmes, Raphael, question of arrest
and trial, 2, 404, 406, 407, 410, 414,
420, 423, 424, 432, 436, 457, 467,
471; released, 476, 477. See also
Alabama.
Seven Days' Battle, Stanton and
McCIellan after, 1, 355. See also
Peninsular campaign.
Seward, F. W., and Sumter expedi
tion, I, 23; and father's resigna
tion (1862), 194; at Cabinet-meet
ings, 319, 3, 318; and trial ot
Wilkes, 1, 530; assault on, 2, 283-
285, 291, 307; and Bay of Samand,
643, 3, 7, 40.
Seward, Mrs. F. W., and assault on
husband, 2, 284.
Seward, W. H., under Lincoln:
Welles's portraiture, 1, xxxii-xxxv;
and relief of Sumter, 6, 9, 12-39,
2, 248; assumption ot leadership,
I, 7, 12, 14, 36-39, 79, 133, 136,
198, 203, 2, 515,3, 428; expected to
compromise with Secessionists, i,
11, 172, 355; and Confederate com
missioners, 12, 26-28, 32-35; and
Fort Pickens, 14, 25; and Harvey,
32; and appointment ot Stanton,
56, 58-60, 68, 127, 128; and Merri
mac scare, 63; and emancipation,
70, 143, 144, 210; and Wilkes, 73,
109, 134, 298, 299, 304; and the
blockade and belligerency, 74, 79,
82, 174, 414, 2, 160; and Norfolk
Navy Yard, i, 84; and move
ment to remove McCleUan, 100,
104, 112, 241; and Pope's report,
110; and Caleb Smith, 119, 193;
and New York Times, 123; atti
tude toward Cabinet consultations,
104, 124, 138,381, 390, 391, 400,2,

648

INDEX

16, 68, 203; and appointment of
Cameron, i, 126; private influence
over Lincoln, 131-139, 274, 284,
287, 526, 2, 36, 38, 86, 92, 112, 130,
156, 166, 176; interference with
other Departments, i, 132, 137,
139, 241-243, 274, 290, 300, 305,
416,2,160,328;andStanton,i,135,
355, 447; and dismissal of Preble,
141 ; and colonizing of negroes, 152,
153, 3, 428; and New York elec
tion (1862), 1, 154, 162, 177, 219;
fears European combination
against the blockade, 154, 155;
and letters of marque, 155, 24&-
250, 252, 256, 269-262; and slave-
trade cruising convention, 165,
163, 166, 193, 236; and pass for
Mrs. Bradford, 156; and Confed
erate cruisers, 165, 438, 440; and
trade through blockade, 166, 177;
and Spain's assumption of six-mile
jurisdiction around Cuba, 170,
399, 467, 468; aa diplomatist, in
considerate yielding to foreign
demands, 170, 171, 181, 217, 269,
273, 398, 409, 445, 446, 451, 502, 2,
36, 164, 3, 444; hoaxed by forged
Confederate dispatches, i, 175,
176; and captured mails, 180, 222,
266, 269-290, 300, 315; and Gu
rowski, 188; resignation episode,
Lincoln and the Senate commit
tee, 194r-205; and Chase, 203-205,
536; and Welles, 204, 326, 366, 2,
156, 194, 384; and admission ot
West Virginia, 1,205; and Butler at
New Orleans, 210; and vessels for
Japan, 225, 2, 190; Weed's alter
ego, I, 231, 2, 105, 165, 548; de
sire for Senatorship (1863), i,231;
and reported raising of Charleston
blockade, 232; and question of
Galveston blockade, 233; igno
rance of intemational law, 233,
285, 394, 2, 106; and French medi
ation, I, 235; and extra session of
the Senate (1863), 238; and Scott,
241, 242; and Matamoras trade

and expedition to Texas, 283, 335,
387, 442; interference with judi
cial control of prizes, 296, 297, 302,
305, 2, 106, 107; and Wilson, Sec
retary of Legation at London, i,
301; Blaur's antagonism, 329, 345,
2, 91, 370, 3, 72; and French to
bacco at Richmond, i, 338-340, 2,
9, 12; prevents restoration of Mc
CleUan (1863), 1, 345; andrelieving
of Hooker, 348; and Stephens's at
tempted mission (1863), 358, 360-
363; and serenade after Vicks
burg, 364; and promotion of D. D.
Porter, 369; and Dix, 373; and
Whiting, 381, 2, 85; creduUty as to
foreign news, i, 374; and instruc
tion of naval officers as to neutral
rights, 398, 409, 450, 535, 2, 34;
and Lakd rams, i, 399, 429, 435-
438, 443, 448; excursion, 404; Ly-
ons's influence over, 409; avoids
Reconstruction theorizing, 413,
467; Mont Bianc incident, 416-427;
shirks responsibiUty, 416, 2, 392,
403, 409, 413, 518, 625, 628, 3, 424;
on draft and habeas corpus pro
ceedings, I, 432, 433; on Palmer
ston, 437; Emma incident, 445;
draft ot Thanksgiving proclama
tion, 449; and Admiral Milne, 467,
468; and sale of a naval vessel to
an unrecognized govemment, 474-
476 ; and visit of Russian fleet, 481 ;
and Trowbridge-Lamar plot, 492,
493; and Mexico, 493; and renom
ination of Lincoln, 500; and Sum
ner, 503; entertains American
Academy, 506; on Clay, 507;
Chesa-peake incident, 608, 545; and
cotton trade, 611, 2, 57, 66, 159-
163, 167; and GrinneU, i,513; and
detention of crews of captured
blockade-runners, 517; and San
Domingo (1864), 519; and raising
ot Brownsville blockade, 529; and
defeat in Florida, 531; campaign
contribution (1864), 534; and
Grant at Lincoln's reception, 538;

INDEX

649

and new draft (1864), 542; on
bounty on immigration, 543; Wil
liam Peel case, 648, 2, 4, 12; on the
responsibiUty of opening days of
the War, i, 549; and Banks, 2,18;
and conservative movement
(1864), 29; and forged proclama
tion incident, 36, 38, 67; and atti
tude of France (1864), 35, 39; ex
tradition of ArgueUis for slave-
trading, 36, 45; and Sanford, 38,
39; and foreign-owned cotton, 40;
and Hamlin, 47; and Chase's resig
nation (1864), 62, 66; and Early's
raid, 74; and E. D. Smith, 83; and
arrest of Henderson, 83; and
Greeley's peace negotiations, 84,
99, 110; Bates on, 93; outburst in
Cabinet, 106, 107; and Du Pont,
117; influence over Fessenden, 120,
173; as campaign manager, 120,
131; and Georgia "peace commis
sioner," 126; easily imposed upon
by intrigants, 126; Auburn key
note speech (1864), 140; and date
of Repubhcan Convention, 142;
and Blair's resignation, 157, 158 ra. ;
poUtical dishonesty, 160; and ad
mission of Nevada, 163, 164; de
nunciation by Radicals, 174, 198,
274; and naval votes, l75; hope
ful of Lincoln's reelection, 176;
and Taney's funeral, 176; and
Chief-Justiceship, 182; and cap
ture ot the Florida, 185, 186, 197;
and Lincoln's second Cabinet, 194;
constitutional views, 197; House
resolution against, 202; on law as
to public records, 211-213; and
Butler (1865), 224; and idea ot
peace negotiations, 231; Hampton
Roads Conference, 235, 236, 238;
favors Morgan for the Treasury,
244; and apprehended decision on
arbitrary arrests, 246; on Chase as
Cabinet disturber, 246; on John
son's speech as Vice-President,
252, 263; and Hale's appointment
to Spanish mission, 255, 257, 268;

and flag-raising at Sumter, 267;
goes to headquarters, 269; and
proclamation closing Southern
ports (1865), 275; accident, 275;
attempted assassination, 283-285,
291, 307; speech on war-time ad
ministration, 383, 384; and nom
ination of Johnson, 384; selection
to the Cabinet, 388-392; claim to
have shaped the Cabinet, 3, 76.
Under Johnson: views Lincoln's
funeral, 2, 293; caU by Johnson
and Cabinet, 304; and Stonewall,
306, 335; resumes work, 307; and
opening of ports, 307; and procla
mation on Confederate "pirates"
(1865), 307; Mexican poUcy and
action, 317, 332, 333, 336, 348,
367, 393, 401, 430, 479, 485, 486,
579, 622-626, 628, 648, 3, 115, 131,
132, 138; and purchase of Ford's
Theatre, 2, 317; and withdrawal
of belUgerency, 319; and refusing
hospitality to English navy, 319,
320, 327; and CampbeU, 330; and
closing of Ford's Theatre, 331; ex
ercise of arbitrary power, 331; and
trial of Davis, 335, 337, 339, 365;
vacation, 348; plan to relieve John
son of burdens, 364; and Spanish-
Peruvian affairs, 357, 366; and
ironclad oath, 358; and Johnson's
policy and party preservation, 363,
378, 393, 399, 424, 425 ra., 426 n.,
437, 516, 523, 525, 527, 528, 530,
533, 538, 540, 544, 645, 556, 566,
691, 595, 610, 3, 47; recalls Fogg,
2, 388; and Johnson's annual mes
sage (1865), 392; trip to Cuba
and escape from Congress, 392,
403, 406, 409, 413; desire for
French West Indies, 393; and ru
mor of Stanton's intention to re
sign (1865), 399, 400; blunders,
404; Presidential aspirations, 405;
and Shenandoah, 411; and Freed
men's Bureau Bill, 434; and French
Exhibition, 463, 469; and purchase
of Danish West Indies, 466, 473, 3,

650

INDEX

40, 95-97, 124, 125, 502; and sea-
trip tor Robert Johnson, 2, 472,
491; and Fenians, 484, 486, 518,
620, 521, 524, 3, 283; troubles with
Paraguay, 2, 491, 492, 543, 3, 427,
466-468, 510, 516; on report of Re
construction Committee, 2, 495,
498; and Atlantic cable, 603; and
Fox's official trip, 609, 512; ha
rangues, 610, 3, 87; and Mme. Ber-
tinatti's claim, 2, 522, 526; and
Schenck-Romero correspondence,
527, 628; and call of Union Con
vention, 530, 534, 535, 538-541,
547, 548, 563, 609, 617, 3, 251; and
Fourteenth Amendment, 2, 531,
632, 535, 541, 628, 3, 417; excur
sion, 2, 547; and Japan, 560-562, 3,
87, 89, 91, 92, 135, 229, 366, 513;
and bounty bUl (1866), 2, 564;
and sending Dix abroad, 566, 607;
dodges Union Convention, 675;
and Stanbery, 575; proclamation
of peace, 579, 580; and Queen
Emma, 582; plans Presidential
tour, 584, 687; and retum of SU
deU, 685; in Johnson's tour, 588,
591; sUghted at Albany, 592; and
Johnson's speeches, 594; illness on
tour, 594, 598; and Senatorship,
607, 611; and arrest of Surratt,
630; proposed purchase ot Bay of
Samand,, 631, 643, 3, 7; and wel
come of Congress (1866), 2, 632;
on asylum for the Pope, 638,
639, 642; and negro suffrage, 3, 4;
and Arkansas delegation (1867), 6;
Prussian negotiations, 9; and first
Reconstruction BUl, 10; and im
peachment movement (1867), 12,
60, 67; appointment ot KUpatrick,
24; seeks to placate Radicals, 26;
and resignation ot Motley, 24, 34-
38; and relinquishment of the Dun
derberg, 27; and seizure of the R, R,
Cuyler, 38, 39, 42; and Stanton's
report on enforcement of civil
rights, 43, 44; and Tucker episode,
45, 66, 71; and veto of Tenure-of-

Office BiU, 51, 52, 54; on Gract
and Butler, 56; evil influence over
Johnson, 64-66, 83, 100, 116, 119,
120, 132-134, 160, 191, 195, 263,
383, 403, 409, 411, 454, 492; pur
chase of Alaska, 66, 76; and Foster
for Austrian mission, 68, 70; and
expediency, 71 ; and Indian affairs,
74; egotism, 75; and Connecticut
election (1867), 78, 80; and sale of
ironclads, 92, 438; desires Culebra
Island, 94; before impeachment
committee, 95; sycophantic to
ward Stanton and Grant (1867),
100; in Johnson's trip to Raleigh,
100, 101; annexation fever and
Presidential aspirations, 106, 120,
125; and tax on foreigners in Co
lombia, 106; and Stanbery's opin
ion on Reconstruction Acts, llO,
111, 114, 116; in Johnson's trip to
Boston, 109, 114, 120; and Sheri
dan's letter, 125; on direct depart
mental communications to Con
gress, 131; and Otterbourg, 135;
and Cretan insurrection, 138, 425;
and suspension of Stanton, 159,
160, 162, 163, 326; and Conover
aUegations, 161, 170; Johnson dis
trusts, 168; rumors of retirement,
183, 184, 203, 364, 371 ; Blau- urges
dismissal, 195; influence over Mc
CuUoch, 204, 389; and habeas cor-
-pus proceedings on enlistments,
213, 221; as poUtician, 227, 228;
and amnesty for Seddon. 230 ; Ala
bama claims negotiations, 241,
468-471, 474, 506, 507, 616, 579;
and conditions in the South (1867),
246; and EngUsh mission, 256; and
Johnson-Grant controversy, 263,
266, 271, 276; arrogance towards
Venezuela, 296, 349; and Cabinet
consultations, 297; and impeach
ment trial, 297, 298, 304, 306, 307,
308, 335, 337; official retrospec
tions, 301 ; on D. D. Field, 303; and
Alta Vela, 305, 316, 318, 322; and
Chase (1868), 306, 389; on Mc-

INDEX

651

Cardie case, 320; and Hawaiian
Islands, 322, 329; and removal of
Stanton, 336; and Morgan, 336;
expects acquittal of the President,
345; attitude towards nominees
(1868), 402, 408, 415, 443, 458,
459, 463; and veto of bill excluding
electoral vote of South, 405; and
Johnson's suggested amendments,
406; and nomination of Cummings,
414; plans trips (1868), 424, 484;
and use of army as posse, 430; and
Kilpatrick's return to electioneer,
437, 447; rumor of intended mar
riage, 449; influence over RandaU,
458; and disturbances in the
South, 461, 462; character of treat
ies, 463, 504; and Grant after elec
tion, 465, 508, 611; and dinner to
Evarts, 465; and Korea, 485; and
portfoUo under Grant, 491; offi
cious disarrangements at New
Year's reception (1869), 496; and
confiscation, 504; and Hale as
Minister, 5l9; and canal treaty,
526; and holding over under
Grant, 532, 533, 535; and the in
auguration, 537, 538, 541.
Seward, W. H., Jr., wounded, 2, 71.
Seward, Mrs. W. H., death, 2, 319.
Seymour, Horatio, nominated for
Govemor, i, 164; spirit of mes
sage (1863), 219; Blair on Seward
and, 345; speech on Fourth, 363;
and draft riots, 372; correspond
ence with Lincoln, 395, 396, 399;
and State portfolio, 3, 203. See
also Elections (1868).
Seymour, O. S., defeat, 2, 5; charac
ter, 5.
Seymour, T. H., campaign for Gov
emor, I, 262; speech on Fourth,
363; career and character 2, 5, 3,
431^34; and McCleUan's letter of
acceptance, 2, 140; death, 3, 431.
Sharkey, W. L., and Reconstruction
of Mississippi, 2, 316, 316, 366.
Shellabarger, Samuel, report on Lou
isiana, 3, 41. i

Shena-ndoah, disposal, a, 411, 417,
427.
Shenandoah Valley, Early's raid
(1864), 2, 68, 69, 87; Sheridan in
command, 96; Sheridan's cam
paign, 151, 153, 158.
Sheridan, P. H., in Virginia cam
paign, 2, 29; command in the Val
ley, 96; Valley campaign, 151, 153,
158; Five Forks, 272; Sailor's
Creek, 276; and Mexico, 333; on
New Orleans riot, 569, 570, 572;
and Indian depredations in Texas,
613; as military governor, 3, 93,
104, 117, 125-127, 130, 142, 146,
600; removal, 149-157, 174, 186,
187.
Sherman, John, and exclusion of
Southern Congressmen, 2, 440,
443; amendment to Reconstruc
tion Bill, 3, 47; and reinstatement
of Stanton, 258, 263; and impeach
ment, 335, 361, 367; character,
523; and appointment of Stewart,
546.
Sherman, R. U. (?), seeks collector-
ship, 3, 424.
Sherman, Roger, watch, 3, 265.
Sherman, W. T., Vicksburg, 1, 220;
and Johnston after Vicksburg,
375, 379; Atlanta campaign, 2, 33,
135, 140; as commander, 92, 242;
reaches the sea, 200; at Savannah,
208, 209; and D. D. Porter, 221;
plans of Carolina march, 221 ; and
foreign-claimed cotton, 229; con
troversy over peace terms, 294-
297, 309, 3, 247, 521, 523; indorses
Johnson's policy, 2, 606; goes to
Mexico, 621, 649; called to Wash
ington to influence Grant (1867),
3, 221, 232, 233, 254; mission to
the Indians, 254; and Johnson-
Grant controversy, 260, 261, 263,
266, 272; presented with Roger
Sherman's watch, 265; new de
partment for, Johnson's efforts to
attach, 272, 279, 281-283; letters
as impeachment evidence, 330,

652

INDEX

331; testimony, 332; and War De
partment after Grant's inaugura
tion, 660, 564.
Ship-timber, cutting in North Caro
lina, 1, 622, 527, 528.
Shubrick, W. B., reception, i, 521;
and Du Pont, 2, 30, 118; and Far
ragut, 116.
Shufeldt, R. W., as officer, i, 434;
on attack on Charleston, 466.
Sicard, Montgomery, Naval Acad
emy assignment, 3, 440.
Sickles, D. E., on Gettysburg, i, 472;
interference with North Carolina
laws, 2, 642, 644; as military gov
emor, 3, 65, 170, 176, 182, 186,
187; letter on Welles and Recon
struction Act, 119; removed, 187;
wants court of inquiry, 207, 232;
and Spanish mission, 578.
Sigel, Franz, defeat in the VaUey
(1864), 2, 68.
Silliman, Benjamin, at Seward's, i,
606.
Simpson, Edward, Foote's fleet cap
tain, I, 318.
Simpson, Matthew, and impeach
ment, 3, 358.
Sisson, H. T., in North Carolina, i,
350.
Slave-trade, controversy over cruis
ing convention, i, 155, 163, 166,
192, 193, 236; arrest of ArgueUis, 2,
36, 45; story of, to Cuba (1866),
670.
Slavery, Welles's attitude, 1, xix;
and Reconstruction, 402, 403, 407,
410. See also Emancipation, Fugi
tive, Negroes, Slave-trade.
Slidell, John, desires to return, 2, 585.
Slocum, H. W., on New York poli-
tics(1866),2,606; and Weed, 3,24.
SmaUey, D. A., and Johnson's re
movals, 2, 598.
Smith, A. N., heads Bureau of Equip
ment, I, 343.
Smith, Aslibel, letter on Texas af
fairs, 2, 332.
Smith, C. B., and movement to re

move McCleUan, i, 94, 95, 100,
101; and Seward, 119, 193; on
Banks, 126; on Pope, 126; on Cabi
net-meetings, 131 ; and McClellan's
delay after Antietam, 146; and
colonizing of negroes, 150-152; on
fractional currency, 168; threat
ens to resign, 193;- and Seward's
resignation, 203; selection to the
Cabinet, a, 390.
Smith, E. D., and Peterhoff mails, 1,
284, 310; and contract frauds, a,
78, 82, 114.
Smith, E, K., supplies intercepted, 1,
379.
Smith, F. W., coUector at Bridge
port, and Connecticut election
(1866), 2, 457, 460.
Smith, FrankUn W. See Smith
Brothers.
Smith, Mrs. FrankUn W., and arrest
of husband, 2, 61.
Smith, G. C, Montana appoint
ment, 2, 527.
Smith, J. B., death, 1, 142.
Smith, J. C, and Connecticut elec
tion (1868), 3, 329.
Smith, James, messenger ot Navy
Department, 2, 283.
Smith, Joseph, and Merrimac scare,
I, 64; and ironclads, 179; and
Monitor, 214; Hale's attacks on,
224, 2, 6; and Preble, 1, 228; and
guns tor monitors, 342; and Fox,
401; and Charlestown Navy Yard,
a, 31, 34; and contract frauds, 53;
and Farragut, 116, 134; and relief
of naval contractors, a, 207; and
Grimes, 3, 13, 14; at Lincoln's
first, and Johnson's last, recep
tion, 539.
Smith, Kilby, nomination, 3, 85.
Smith, Melancthon, and Lane's trade
permit, 2, 56; as exchange agent,
169, 171; and Bureau of Naviga
tion, 357; heads Bureau of Equip
ment, 697; and habeas corpus pro
ceedings on enlistments, 3, 208j
211.

INDEX

653

Smith, Tmman, and Reconstruc
tion, 2, 434.
Smith, Watson, report on Warring
ton, 1, 510.
Smith Brothers, charged with con
tract frauds, 2, 7; arrest and trial,
53-57, 60, 90, 224; petition in be
half of, 124; Lincoln's concern,
124; efforts for release, 231, 238;
sentence reversed, 260-264, 334,
359; WeUes on guilt, 266.
Smythe, H. A., collector at New
York, 2, 484; and Connecticut
Senatorial election, 507, 508; and
Johnson, 668, 566; nominated to
Austrian mission, 3, 391.
South Atlantic Squadron. See
Charleston, Dahlgren, Du Pont,
Port Royal.
South Carolina, humbled, 2, 242;
aristocracy of, and cause of the
CivU War, 276, 312; Reconstruc
tion constitution, 3, 347.
South Mountain, battle, i, 130.
Spain, and Confederacy, i, 399; ap
pointment of Minister to (1866),
2, 254, 265; trouble with Peru ex
pected, 357, 365; and ChiU, 495.
See also Cuba.
Spaulding, E. G., and Du Font's in
trigue, a, 7.
Spaulding, R. P., and Johnson's
tour, 2, 589; and Navy Depart
ment, 3, 265.
Speed, James, Attomey-General, 2,
192, 197; and law as to public rec
ords, 212, 220; on govemment of
negroes, 222; and State rights, 239;
and apprehended decision on arbi
trary arrests, 242, 245; on Chase
and politics, 251; on Johnson's
speech as Vice-President, 252; on
drawing on next year's appropria
tions, 264; and fall of Richmond,
273; and assassination of Lincoln,
287, 288 ; and informing of Johnson,
288, 289; first Cabinet-meeting
under Johnson, 289; and amnesty,
294, 301; on Sherman's peace

terms, 294, 296, 297; and trade
regulations (1865), 299; and pro
clamation against Confederate
' ' pirates," 300, 308 ; and negro suf
frage, 301 ; and trial of conspirators,
303, 306; on ironclad oath, 318;
and trial of Davis, 338, 365, 367,
368, 614; vacation, 348; and Re
construction judges, 366; on
Freedmen's Bureau Bill, 434; and
trial ot Semmes, 467; as official,
480, 481; and Mexico, 486; and
Fenians, 520, 524; and Johnson's
poUcy, 524, 537, 543; resigns, 554,
555.
Spencer,  , of New York, and re
lease of Scofield, 2, 199.
Sperry, N. D., and Administration
(1866), 2, 485; and Senatorial elec
tion, 606.
Spinner, F. E., on elected officers,
1, 406.
Spooner, Thomas, and date of Na
tional Convention (1864), 2, 30.
Spottsylvania Court-House, battle,
death of Sedgwick, 2, 27; news
awaited, 28; battle reports, 29;
anxiety, 33.
Sprague, Peleg, and prize laws, i,
531, 532.
Sprague, WUUam, and Kate Chase,
I, 306; impeachment vote, 3, 349,
356, 358; attack on lawyers, 565.
Springfield Republican, character, 3,
490.
Staff officers, differences with line, 3,
252, 253, 384; desire ot surgeons
for naval rank, 601 ; relative rank,
670, 673.
Stahl,  , master blacksmith, re
moved, 2, 597.
Stanbery, Henry, nominated to Su
preme Court, 2, 487; Attomey-
General, 558, 560; on bounty biU,
564; on New Orleans riot, 572,
573; and Seward, 575; and visit of
Queen Emma, 677; and proclama
tion of peace in Texas, 680; on Ten
ure-of-Office Act, 583; and John-

654

INDEX

son's tour, 587; and trial of Davis,
608, 614, 616; and Indian depreda
tions in Texas, 614; and Mexico,
622; and asylum for the Pope, 639;
on negro suffrage for the District,
3, 4, 6; on Reconstruction BiU, 11,
54; and seizure of the R. R, Cuyler,
39, 41 ; and Stanton's report on en
forcement ot civil rights, 43; inter
pretation of Reconstruction Acts,
59, 60, 63, 93, 96-99, 105, 109-117;
and Tucker episode, 66 ; and injunc
tion cases against Reconstruction
Acts, 81, 86; and purchase of Dan
ish West Indies, 97, 124; on tax on
foreigners in Colombia, 106; and
Sheridan's letter, 126; and veto of
explanatory Reconstruction Act,
137; urges dismissal of Stanton
(1867), 173; as Presidential ad
viser, 209, 287; on habeas corpus
proceedings on enlistments, 209-
222; and successor to Stanton, 231,
286; and message on suspension of
Stanton, 240; and Alabama claims,
241 ; and conduct of military gov
ernors, 242, 243; on conditions in
the South (1867), 246; and retke-
ment of Capt. Meade, 250, 251;
on Tenure-of-Office Act and Lin
coln's Cabinet appointments, 290;
impeachment counsel, 299, 302,
308, 331, 341; counsel and resigna
tion, 299, 303, 308, 311; and John
son's talkativeness, 311; rejected
for reappointment, 376; hopeful
after election (1868), 492.
Stanton, E. M., under Lincoln:
Welles's portraiture, i, xxxi; and
Seward, 12, 58, 203, 355, 356, a,
91; attitude towards Administra
tion before joining it, i, 54, 56, 58;
candidacy for district attomey,
56; antagonism of the Blairs, 56,
69, 125-128, 203, 329, 345, 355,
398, 2, 91, 102; appointment to
Cabinet, i, 57-60, 68, 128, 355,
356; and McCleUan (1861), 67;
.jiersonal relations with Welles, 60,

61, 64-67, 127, 128; and Chase, 61,
101, 402, 536; and New Orleans,
expedition, 61 ; and Potomac oper
ations, 61, 67, 3, 436; personal
character and management of
Department, 62, 68, 69, 125, 128,
148, 161, 442, 447, 2, 328, 331, 3,
309, 370, 377; Merrimac scare, 1,
62-68, 3, 473; and Lincoln's Gen
eral Order No. 1, i, 63; intrigue
for removal of McCleUan (Aug.,
1862), 83, 93, 95-101, 104, 108,
109, 112, 118-122, 129; and Second
BuU Run, 93, 105; and Lincoln,
98, 149, 2, 92, 112, 130; and New
York Times, 1, 123; and Antietam,
142; and Chiriqui Grant, 151; and
emancipation, 159; threatens to
resign (1862), 160, 161, 202; and
Norfolk trade, 165, 175, 178, 183;
after Antietam, 176; and Navy_
Department control of Mississippi
gunboats, 180, 272, 273; and Sen
ate committee on Seward, 195,
200-202, 206; and admission of
West Virginia, 205, 207, 208; and
McClernand, 217, 388; and negro
troops, 218; and Pope, 221; and
capture of Queen of the West, 240;
and D. D. Porter, 273, 369; and
ChanceUorsviUe, 293, 294; and re
newal of Charleston operations,
309, 385; and Cabinet consulta
tions, 319, 320, 546, 2, 16, 17, 58;
unpopular with army, i, 324; visits
headquarters (1863), 327; and
Lee's invasion (1863), 328, 330,
332, 338, 342, 353; and Army and
Navy Gazette, 343; and relieving of
Hooker, 348, 349; and counter-
movement on Richmond, 351 ; and
battle of Gettysburg, 354, 356, 358;
and McCleUan after Seven Days,
355; and Stephens's attempted
mission, 358, 360, 361; and fall of^
Vicksburg, 365, 367, 371 ; and es
cape of Lee, 366, 370; and Dix,
373; and expedition to western
Texas, 390, 442; and draft exemp-

INDEX

655

tions, 397, 407; and HaUeck and
Almaden mines, 398; and Lin
coln's letter-writing, 399; proposes
an excursion, 406; Reconstruction
theory and plan, 413, 2, 179, 281,
282, 291, 294, 301; and habeas
corpus proceedings on the draft, 1,
432, 433; and commanders of the
Army of the Potomac, 440; and
Sabine Pass expedition, 441; and
Chattanooga, 444; and "Trow
bridge-Lamar plot, 492; and trans
fer of soldiers to Navy, 498, 546,
548; and renomination ot Lincoln,
500; and cotton trade, 511, 537, 2,
66, 139; at presentation of Grant's
commission, 1, 639; and new draft
(1864), 542; and Fort PUlow mas
sacre, 2, 26; and forged proclama
tion incident, 35, 38; and Presi
dential visits to headquarters, 55;
and Early's raid, 68-70, 72, 74, 77,
78, 84; reported disagreement with
Grant, 79; and Whiting, 85; and
the Crater, 89; no intention to re
sign (1864), l02; influence over
Fessenden, 120, 173; and WUming
ton expedition, 128, 205-207, 209,
214, 215; and control of abandoned
plantations, 149, 150; and Con
federate operations on Lake Erie,
151-153; and Blair's resignation,
158 ra. ; and land movement against
Mobile, 165; intimacy with Radi
cals (1864), 166, 173, 247; and ex
change of naval prisoners, 168-
171; and appointment of Chase as
Chief-Justice, 192; uses Commit
tee on Conduct of the War, 198;
avoids responsibility, 206; and
govemment of negroes, 222; on
Savannah trip, 228; and Blair's
Senatorial aspirations, 243; on
Johnson's speech as Vice-President
252; and flag-raising at Sumter,
267; and capture of Richmond,
272; on Buchanan and Sumter
(Dec, 1860), 273; Virginia legisla
ture incident, 279; and resump

tion of trade with South, 280, 281,
296; and assault on Seward, 285;
and assassination ot Lincoln, 285;
Seward on services, 384, 399; and
contract frauds, 3, 23. See also
Halleck. Under Johnson: and informing
of Johnson, 2, 288; first Cabinet-
meeting under Johnson, 289; atti
tude toward, and influence over,
Johnson (1865), 289, 290, 394, 398,
399,405; (1866), 424, 437, 623, 538,
541, 566, 557, 627, 652; (1867), 3,
26, 47, 72, 118, 119, 123, 132-134;
Reconstruction plan, 2, 291, 294,
301; at funeral of Lincoln, 292-
294; Sherman controversy, 294-
297,309,3,247; and proclamation
against Confederate "pirates," 2,
298, 300, 308; and impUcation of
Davis, 300; and negro suffrage, 301,
303, 364, 3, 4, 22, 23; and trial of
conspirators, 2, 303-305, 334; and
custody of Davis, 308, 309; on
ironclad oath and Southem ap
pointments, 318, 319, 358, 445,
460; closes Ford's Theatre, 331;
and favors for state prisoners, 332;
and trial of Davis, 335, 338, 365,
614; and Mexico, 348, 486, 621,
622, 624, 625; illness, 352; and
post-War movements of Army ,352,
355-357, 360-362 ; fears and body
guard, 362; and Radicals (1866),
364; Blair'sattack (1865), 370; and
political assessment, 380, 382; and
parole for MaUory, 395; rumor ot
intended resignation (1865), 399,
402 ; espionage over Johnson, 403 ra. ;
Presidential aspirations, 403; and
Cox house case, 414; and Freed
men's Bureau BiU, 434, 439; and
Fenian raid, 451, 453, 486, 518-
520; and Civil Rights Bill, 464;
and trial of Semmes, 467; and
national quarantine, 480; removal
urged, 480, 481, 581-583, 606, 611,
613, 630, 3, 45, 49, 90, 91; and re
port of the Reconstruction Com-

656

INDEX

mittee, 2, 495-501; and Colorado
BiU, 503; and Atlantic cable, 503;
serenade speech, 513; and Mme.
Bertinatti's claim, 622, 526; and
Schenck-Romero correspondence,
528; and Thomas and the Tennes
see legislature (1866), 554; and
Grant's nomination as General,
562; and bounty biU (1866), 564;
and New Orleans riot, 569-571,
611; and story of negroes kid
napped to Cuba, 570; and final
proclamation of peace, 680, 581;
opposes Union Convention, 582;
and Johnson's tour, 585, 587, 592;
and return of Slidell, 685; and
court of inquiry for Holt, 60I ; and
reUnquishment ot Dunderberg, 604,
3, 28; and Indian depredations in
Texas, 613; and Maryland elec
tion controversy (1866), 620, 3,
140, 141 ; and Fourteenth Amend
ment, 2, 628, 630; and arrest of
Surratt, 630; and Bay of Samand,
631; and welcome to Congress,
632; and asylum for the Pope,
640; and Prussian convention, 3,
9; and reciprocal amnesty, 9; and
Reconstruction bills, helps frame
them, 11, 17, 49, 94, 96, 110; and
control of Indian affairs, 30, 69,
74, 98, 254; and seizure of R, R,
Cuyler, 38, 39, 42; and Danish
West Indies, 40, 98, 124; report on
enforcement of civil rights, 42-
46; and impeachment movement,
(1867), 50; and veto of Tenure-of-
Office BUl, 50, 52, 54, 158, 162,
168; and interpretation ot Recon
struction Act, on Stanbery's opin
ion, 59, 64, 105, 111, 114; and ap
pointment of mUitary govemors,
64, 65 ; and Tucker episode, 66, 69 ;
and sessions ot Congress, 74; and
sale of ironclads, 92; and expendi
tures of military governors, 93; and
Booth's diary, 96; and Sheridan's
letter, 117, 118, 125-127; direct
communications to Congress, 131,

132;andTennessee troubles (1867),
140; responsibiUty for Sheridan's
actions, 154; suspension foreshad
owed, l65; refuses to resign, 157,
158; action on, considered, 159,
160, 162, 163, 165, 167; suspended,
168, 169; public reception of sus
pension, 173; question of succes
sor, 231; message on suspension,
240, 242; retum to Washington,
246; Senate disapproves of suspen
sion, 255, 268, 259; Grant-Johnson
controversy over reinstatement,
259-262, 266-279; question of res
ignation after repossession, 263,
267; official taboo, 278; Thomas to
watch,'279; removal, 280, 284, 289-
291; Senate on removal, 285; ar
rest of Thomas, 294; Ewing nom
inated to succeed, 286, 287; re
moval and impeachment of John
son, 292; quo warranto writ, 299;
precedent for removal, 302, 311;
intrenched in office, nitro-glycer
ine scare, 297, 309, 323, 338; Scho
field to succeed, 338-340, 371, 375;
relinquishes office in ignominy,
370; Senate's complimentary reso
lution, 377; political influence
(1869), 508.
Starkweather, H. H., and Connecti
cut election (1866), 2, 468; and
Senatorial election, 508; and Sa
bine, 3, 337.
State Department. See Seward (W.
H.), and foreign nations by name.
State-rights, Cabinet discussion
(1865), 2, 239. See also Recon
struction (theories).
Steam Engineering, Bureau of. See
Engineer Corps, Isherwood, Sti
mers.
Stedman, G. A., mortal wound and
promotion, 2, 94, 96.
Steedman, J. B., in Johnson's tour,
2, 589; and War portfoUo, 3, 165.
Stephens, A. H., attempted mission
(1863), I, 358-363; mission and
draft riots, 369; Hampton Road

INDEX

657a

Sumner, Charles, advocacy of negro
suffrage, i, xIvui-1, 2, 291, 302,
304, 330, 374, 3, 26; Senate com
mittee on the removal of Seward, i,
196, 197; and Senatorial courtesy,
235; on attitude of, and towards,
England (1863), 251, 263, 300,
305; opposition to issuing of letters
of marque, 251, 252, 256, 262; on
the Peterhoff mail controversy,
285-289, 292, 310; on Seward's
ignorance of international law,
285; and coast defense for Massa
chusetts, 288; confidence in Hook
er's success at Chancellorsville,
292; and news of the defeat, 293;
on Wilkes in the West Indies, 298;
on Charles Wilson as Secretary of
Legation at London, 301; and
Laird's statement, 306, 394; on
Hooker's intemperance and irre
verence, 336; and Blair's views on
Reconstruction (1863), 467; on
WeUes's annual report (1863),
484; <1864), 2, 197; on attitude of
Napoleon (1863), i, 494, 495; on
Lincoln's candidacy for renomina
tion, 501; character and states
manship, 502, 503, 2, 197, 381, 393,
616, 649, 3, 26, 53; as Chairman of
the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations, i, 502; political ambi
tion, 503, 2, 369; and Chase's can
didacy (1864), I, 503; attitude
towards paper currency, 2, 16; in
terest in the Smith Brothers case,
61, 124, 224, 260, 262, 263, 266,
334, 359; and Wade-Davis protest,
95; centralist, 96; harm by, in the
Presidential campaign (1864), 130;
advanced by Winthrop's faU, 154;
and Chase's appointment as Chief
Justice, 196;' at deathbed of Lin
coln, 287, 288; and Stanton's
plan for Reconstruction (1865),
1291, 394; and Sherman's peace
negotiations, 295; and proposed
proclamation against Confederate
^cruisers as pirates (1865), 298;

seeks material for oration on Lin
coln, 304; and ironclad oath, 319;
relations with Johnson and his
Reconstruction policy (1865), 330,
363, 373, 393-398, 400, 405, 411;
and Mrs. Eames, 363; and negro
equality, 369, 410; at Worcester
Convention, 373; and Banks, 381,
469; anti-slavery theorist, 385;
Radical resolutions (1865), 388;
(1866), 634; on Stanton's attitude
(1865), 394, 500, 3, 11; and clem
ency for Jefferson Davis, a, 397;
Stanton on his views, 405 ; Seward's
attitude toward, 406; and proposed
trial of Semmes, 414; conversations
with Welles on Reconstruction and
attitude of Cabinet (1866), 415-
417, 418, 430; and admission of
Tennessee Representatives, 434;
Grimes on policy and character,
447; and shipment in naval vessels
of exhibits for French Exhibition,
462, 469; on affairs in France
(1866), 462; and unseating of Sen
ator Stockton, 464; annual politi
cal speech (1866), 616; marriage,
629; and displacement of brother-
in-law, 629, 3, 53; relations with
Fessenden and Grimes, a, 635,
636, 3, 14, 47, 346; and negro suf
frage in the District, 2, 640; and
Mexican diplomacy, 649; speech
denouncing Johnson (1867), 3, 23;
and resignation of Motley, 35, 36;
and Reconstruction Acts, 46,
129; attack on McCulloch, 52; and
annexation of Alaska, 75; and
Johnson's appointments, 83; and
Japanese Embassy, 91 ; and negro
office-holders, 142; Radical leader
ship in the Senate, 324; and naval
affairs, 325; action during im
peachment trial, 328, 335; father
of Radicalism, 381; and Grant's
Cabinet appointments, 488, 543;
and adjournment of Congress
(1869), 574; speech on Alabama
Claims treaty, 578, 579.

INDEX

657

Conference, 2, 235, 238; in cus
tody, 308; Stanton's discourtesy,
332; not to be paroled, 358; pa
roled, 382; at Grant's reception,
478.
Stevens, A. F., investigation of Phil
adelphia Navy Yard, 3, 416.
Stevens, Thaddeus, opposition to
Seward (1864), 2, 198; and But
ler (1865), 230; and Navy Depart
ment, 237; and Johnson (1865),
325; and exclusion of Southern
Congressmen, 387, 388, 392, 440,
442; revolutionary designs, 432,
461, 633, 3, 87, 133; and veto of
Freedmen's Bureau Bill, 2, 436;
and Reconstruction Committee,
441 ; Grimes on, 447; at Grant's re
ception (1866), 478; and distribu
tion of Forney's Chronicle, 486;
control of Radicals, 626, 3, 130;
and Bay of Samand, 2, 643; and
impeachment (1867), 3, 12; Sena
torial candidacy, 16, 21; character,
21, 26; and Reconstruction BiU,
40, 47; as impeachment manager,
301, 340, 354; and renewal of im
peachment, 391.
Stewart, A. 1'., and Fenton, 3, 508;
character, 523; and Treasury port
foUo, 543, 545-548, 565.
Stewart, Charles, and rear-admiral-
ship, 1, 77.
Stewart, W. M., and CivU Rights
BiU, 2, 476.
Stimers, A. C, and preparation
against Charleston, 1, 247; Du
Font's charges against, 307; and
light-draft monitors, 2, 52, 81, 108,
241, 349-351; resigns, 349, 351.
Stimson,  , storekeeper at Kit
tery Navy Yard, appointment, 2,
586.
Stiners,  , contract frauds, 2, 279.
Stockton, John, ousted from Senate,
a, 464, 475; return candidacy, 475;
reelected to Senate, 3, 517.
Stockton, R. F., and son's return to
Senate, 2, 475.

Stoeckel, Baron, and visit of Russian
fleet, I, 481; Alaska treaty, 3, 75.
Stokes, W. B., character, 3, 205.
Stone, J. M., Congressional aspira
tions (1866), 2, 381.
Stone River. See Murfreesborough.
Stoneman, George, raid (1863), i,
292-296; in Johnson's tour, 2,589.
Stonewall, stopped at Corunna, 2,
264; watched by Niagara, 261,
267; in West Indies, 305-307; to
be surrendered by Spain, 335;
Craven court-martial, 392, 396;
sold to Japan, 3, 97, 99, 365, 513.
Stover, H. D., fraudulent contracts,
1, 614, 515, 2, 54; implication of
others, 1, 518, 524; witness in
Opdyke-Weed suit, 2, 208, 211.
StoweU, Lord, on use of neutral wa
ters by beUigerents, i, 461; on
prize crew as witnesses, 465,
466.
StribUng, C. K., and sale of vessel to
Venezuela, 1, 474, 476; fight-
house duty, 2, 678; and Porter's
conduct of Navy Department, 3,
561.
Stringham, S. H., and relief of Sum
ter, I, 5, 8, 9, 12, 15; ordered to
Pensacola, 16; and navy yard at
League Island, 185; and Wise, 2,
7; and Charlestown Navy Yard,
34; and Du Pont, 118.
Stuart, J. E. B., in Lee's invasion
(1863), 1, 350; Chambersburg
raid, 169; death, 2, 33.
Stuart, William, and slave-trade
cruising convention, 1, 165; and
the Bermuda, 170; and captured
mails, 181; and Emma incident,
445.
Suffolk County, Virginia, operations
(1863), I, 285, 287.
Suffrage, Welles distrusts free, in cit
ies, 1, 523, 524; under Recon
struction Act, 3, 94, 96-99. See
also Negro suffrage.
Sumter, Fort, question of reUef, i, 3- '
39, 2, 248, 374; scarcity at, i, 4;

658

INDEX

Ward's plan, 5-10; Seward's un
derstanding with Secessionists, 12;
Seward and Confederate commis
sioners, 12, 26-28, 32-35; Blair
convinces Lincoln on relief, 13;
Fox's plan, 14-16, 21-23; Seward's
interference with plan, 16-21, 23-
26, 31, 35-39; Federal attack
(1863), 427, 434; flag-raising
(1865), 2,267; Buchanan's admin
istration and (Dec, 1860), 273.
Supreme Court, Field's appointment,
I, 245; death of Taney, 2, 176;
question of successor, Chase's ap
pointment, 181-183, 187, 192, 196;
apprehended decision on arbitrary
arrests, 242, 245; on captured cot
ton, 255, 263; MiUigan case, 471,
474, 476; Stanbery's nomination,
487; and Reconstruction Act, 3,
80; injunction cases against Re
construction Act, 86; war of Radi
cals on, 258, 282, 314, 323; Mc
Cardle case, 314, 320.
Surratt, J. H., arrest, 2, 630; sent to
America, 3, 29, 31 ; Johnson's atti
tude, 31; trial, 166, 167.
"Swamp Angel," and foreign atti-
^ tude, I, 446.
Swann, Thomas, and election con
troversy (1866), 2, 620.
Swatara, brings Surratt, 3, 29, 31.
Swayne, N. H., and armored fleet for
the Ohio, 1, 90; and Chief-Justice
ship, 2, 182.
Swett, Leonard, and Cameron, 2,
390; and impeachment counsel, 3,
306, 307.
Swift & Co. See Secor and Swift.
Sybert,  , application for letters
of marque, 1,260,261.
Sykes, George, Blair on, i, 126; and
escape ot Lee, 375.
Tacony, depredations and pursuit, 1,
327, 333, 342, 350, 375 re.
Tallahassee, depredations and pur
suit, 2, 102, 105, 110, 111, 113,
119.

Taney, R. B., Cabinet and funeral,
2, 176; Welles's opinion, 177, 184;
on Welles's administration, 184.
Tariff, Grimes on (1866), 2, 642;
woolens biU (1867), 3, 58; veto of
copper bill (1869), 631.
Tassara, D. G. Garcia y, and assump
tion ot six-mile maritime jurisdic
tion, 1, 170, 399; complaint of
violated neutraUty, 308; reception,
522; and Stonewall, 2, 307; dinner
to Dulce, 526.
Tatnall, Josiah, plantation, 2, 313.
Taxation, Welles on necessity, 2, 3,
16; cotton, 316. See oiso Finances,
Tariff.
Taylor, Bayard, on attitude of Na
poleon (1863), 1, 495.
Taylor, Mrs. N. G., buries clothes, 3,
15.
Taylor, R. W., and payments out of
next year's appropriations, 2, 264,
266, 268, 274; as official, 3, 378.
Taylor, Richard, and Johnson's pol
icy, 3, 72.
Taylor, Zachary, as general, i, 86.
Tecumseh, loss, 2, 101.
Telegraph, naval vessels and laying
of Atlantic cable (1866), 2, 503,
504.
Tennessee, exclusion of Representa
tives (1865), 2, 434, 436, 441-444,
446; Gen. Thomas and legislature,
554, 557; ratifies Fourteenth
Amendment, 557, 558 ; Representa
tives admitted, 559; eastern, dur
ing the War, 3, 15; disturbances,
troops ordered to (1867), 140, 141,
211.
Tenure-of-Office Act, Introduced, 2,
549; Stanbery and Welles on, 583;
Cabinet discussion, 3, 49, 50, 158,
102, 163, 171; veto, 61, 52, 64, 55;
and suspension of Stanton, 159,
162; execution, 194; effects, 199;
and removal of Stanton, 285, 286,
288; Cabinet on status of Lincoln's
appointees, 290; and impeachment,
292; consideration of repeal and

INDEX

659

modification, 503, 555, 556, 558,
560, 564, 667-569, 571; Grant's
attitude, 557, 560.
Territories, negro suffrage, 3, 19.
Terry, A. H., and Dahlgren, 1, 474;
WUmington expedition, 2, 222,
226; Indian Commission, 3, 254.
Texas, proposed occupation of west-
em, and Matamoras trade, i, 387-
392, 443; executive Reconstruc
tion, 2, 315, 316, 679, 580; condi
tions (1866), 568; (1867), 3, 105;
Indian depredations, 2, 613; change
in Governors (1867), 3, 146.
Thanksgiving, Welles on (1863), 1,
372; (1865), 2, 393; (1866), 628;
draft of proclamation, 1, 449;
Welles on State celebration, 450.
Thayer, Eli, scheme to colonize
Florida, 1, 206.
Thayer, J. M., and removal of Stan
ton, 3, 285; on Johnson's plans for
dictatorship, 291; and impeach
ment, 332.
Thirteenth Amendment, passes
House, 2, 234.
Thomas, B. F., and trial of Smith
Bros., 2, 90.
Thomas, G. H., Chickamauga, i,
444; as successor to Rosecrans,
447; Nashville, 2, 200; Johnson's
opinion, 367; Welles's opinion, 382;
and Tennessee legislature (1866),
554, 667; and disturbances in
Tennessee (1867), 3, 140, 211; and
military governorship, 186; nom
inated as Brevet General, 3, 284.
Thomas, Lorenzo, and forged Cooper
dispatch, i, 176; and removal of
Stanton, 3, 279; Secretary ad irir-
terim, and Stanton, 284, 289, 290;
arrested, 286, 286, 294; and Cab
inet-meetings, 303; character, 371.
Thomas, P. F., and interests of
Commodore Ringgold, i, 534; and
Belknap, 3, 205.
Thompson, A. W., Chiriqui Grant,
1, 123, 150-153.
Thompson, Jacob, alleged impUca

tion in assassination of Lincoln, 2,
299.
Thornton, Sir Edward, reception, 3,
515.
Throckmorton, J. W., and Indian de
predations, 2, 613; removed, 3,
146.
Thurman, A. G., and impeachment
counsel, 3, 306.
TUden, S. J., and draft, 1, 380; as
poUtician, 2, 602, 3, 228; and
Johnson (1866), 2, 602, 3, 223,
229; Presidential bee, 446.
TUton, Theodore, and Civil Rights
Bill, 2, 478; and impeachment, 3,
357.
Tobacco, French, at Richmond, i,
338-340, 2, 9, 12; at Fredericks
burg (1865), 257.
Tod, David, hopefulness (1862), i,
153; spirit of message (1863), 219;
character, 404; nominated as Se
cretary ot Treasury, 2, 62, 63; de
clines, 64; and Johnson's speeches,
594.
Todd, J. B. S., and Dakota politics,
2, 163.
Toombs, Robert, letter on Southern
conditions (1863), r, 428; charac
ter, 428.
Torpedo, Confederate vessel, 1, 358.
Totten, J. G., and relief of Sumter, i,
3; and WUmington, 307.
Toucey, Isaac, and Chiriqui Grant,
I, 151; treason, 355; and Sumter,
2, 274, 374.
Townsend, E. D., and Stanton, 3, 279.
Trade, proclamation closing South
ern ports to foreign (1866), 2, 275,
278; plan of resumption with
South (1865), 280, 296, 298-300,
308. See also Blockade, Cotton,
Treasury agents.
Train, C. R., and trial of Smith Bros.,
2,90.
Treason, Welles on punishment, a,
43.
Treasury Department, Tod's ap
pointment and declination, 3, 62,

660

INDEX

63; Morgan and, 240, 243. See
also Chase, Fessenden, Finances,
McCuUoch.
Treasury agents, misconduct, 2, 33,
34; movement to abolish, 316; and
Confederate naval material, 336,
337; demoralization, 343. See also
Cotton.
Trenholm, G. A., paroled, 2, 382.
Trent affair, Seward and Welles and,
I, 299; WUkes's mistake, 466.
Trowbridge, N. C, supposed plot, i,
492, 493.
Trumbull, Lyman, Senate commit
tee on Seward, i, 196, 197; and
bank bill, 237; and J. P. Hale, 490;
and Dakota poUtics (1864), 2, 163;
and Johnson's policy (1866), 322;
and Lincoln, 322; and Radicals,
435; at Grant's reception (1866),
478; and Welles, 488; on Presi
dential speechmaking, 488; on
Southern representation, John
son's conduct, Civil Rights BUl,
488^90; Tenure-of-Office BUl,
549; and bounty bUl, 564; and
radicalism, 638; reelection, 3, 21;
impeachment vote, 346, 360; vote
and party fideUty, 359, 375; and
Reconstruction, 377; and leave for
midshipman, 476, 477; at John
son's state dinner (1869), 516; and
repeal of Tenure-ot-Office Act,
656, 567; deserts Democratic prin
ciples, 660.
Tucker, J. R., and American naval
officers, 2, 650, 3, 37, 45, 66, 71.
Turkey, insurrection in Crete, 3, 71,
138, 425; seeks ironclads, 206.
Turner, L. C, and Key, i, 146.
Turner, Thomas, and Norfolk trade
through blockade, i, 184; and
Dahlgren, 314; on monitors, 314;
and Philadelphia Navy Yard, 2,
597; report on earthquake, 3, 435.
Turner, W. F., Arizona office, i, 409.
Twee Gebroeders, case, 1, 462.
Tyler, E. B., reported capture, 2,
71.

Union Convention, calling and pro
bable control, 2, 528-631, 533-
535, 538-541, 645, 550, 608, 609, 3,
251; attitude of Democrats, 2, 542,
645; Cabinet letters on, 546-548,
552-554; Connecticut delegates,
567; prospects, 571; Stanton op
poses, 573; papers for, 674; gather
ing, 576; proceedings, 677, 678;
report to Johnson, 581; ultimate
result, 617.
Union League, and radical Recon
struction, 2, 444.
Union men, Lincoln and Louisiana,
1, 81; and loss of Norfolk Navy
Yard, 84; and Scott's defensive-
frontier pohcy, 85, 86; engulfed,
219; WeUes's beUef in(1864),2,139.
Upshur, J. H., brings reports of at
tack on Charleston, i, 267.
Upton, F. H., and Peterhoff mails, i,
285, 310; on prize crew as wit
nesses, 466.
Usher, J. P., and bank biU, i, 237;
and HaUeck and Almaden mines,
397; Reconstruction theory, 413;
on draft and habeas corpus proceed
ings, 432; and visit ot Russian
fleet, 481; and renomination of
Lincohi, 600; and social affairs,
630; campaign contribution (1864),
534; and new draft (1864), 542;
and bounty on immigration, 643;
and finances, 2, 11; and Chase, 20;
and conservative movement
(1864), 29; and cotton trade, 66;
and poUtics in Brooklyn Navy
Yard, 137; anxiety about reten
tion of portfolio, 195,251, 254; and
Wilkes's case, 203; and assassi
nation of Lincoln, 287, 288; and
informing of Johnson, 288; and
negro suffrage, 301.
Vallandigham, C. L., Cabinet on mil
itary trial, 1, 306, 321, 344; Lin
coln on, 347; defeat, 470, 471; and
McClellan's letter of acceptance,
a, 140.

INDEX

661

Van Brunt, G. J., and J. P. Hale, i,
•> 308, 384.
Van Buren, John, use of Scott's let
ter on secession, i, 171.
Van Buren, Martin, as poUtician, 3,
225.
VanderbUt, Cornelius, and Merri
mac, 3, 473.
VanderbUt, cruise for Alabama, 1,
224, 304, 316; to convey Queen
Emma, 2, 601, 604.
Van Valkenburg, R. B., and Chris
tians in Japan, 3, 229.
Van Winkle, P. G., impeachment
vote, 3, 350.
Van Wyck, C. H., proscribed by
Welles, 3, 512.
"Varuna, inquiry concerning, i, 234.
Venezuela, question of sale of naval
vessel to, 1, 474r476; Hannah
Grant seizure, 3, 296, 349; Sanford
claim, 297.
Verdi, T. S., attends Seward, 2, 285.
Vice-admiral, grade created, 2, 204;
question of successor to Farragut,
3, 562.
Vicksburg, lost opportunity to cap
ture (1862), I, 71, 218, 314; ram
Arkansas, 72; McClernand and
command against, 217; news of
fighting (Jan., 1863), 218, 220;
canal operations, 238, 259; Por
ter's reports, 249; Farragut below
(1863), 249, 274; Welles orders
Porter to run past, 274, 285 ; Grand
Gulf captured, 295 ; rumor concern
ing Grant, 308; defeat of Pember
ton, 309; rumor of capture (May),
311; pubUc anxiety, 314, 324; Cab
inet discussion, 320; Halleck's atti
tude, 320, 324; faU, 364, 367; re
joicing, 365; Yazoo expedition,
379; Rawlins's personal report to
Lincoln, McClernand and Grant,
387, 388.
Virginia, Lincoln's desire not to of
fend (1861), 1, 6,40; and secession,
39-41 ; Lincoln and calling of legis
lature (1865), 2, 279, 3, 522; Cabi

net discussion on Reconstruction,
2, 281, 282, 291, 301.
'Virginia. See Merrimac.
Virgima campaign (1864), Navy and
Butler's preparation, Welles on
plan, 2, 16, 19, 24; Burnside's
corps arrives, 17; anticipation, 22,
25 ; fitrst rumors, Lincoln's anxiety,
25, 26; first official dispatches of
Wilderness, 27; death of Wads
worth and Sedgwick, 27; news of
Spottsylvania awaited, 28; Sheri
dan's movements, 29; reports of
Spottsylvania, 29; Confederate
prisoners at Belle Plain, 31 ; anxiety
at Washington during Spottsyl
vania, 33; Butler's movements,
36; forged proclamation, 35; con
fidence and slaughter, 44-46, 53,
92; army before Petersburg, 54, 78;
Lincoln at headquarters (1864),
65, 90; (1866), 264; discourage
ment, 61, 72; and the VaUey, 68,
69 ; Crater, 89-92 ; naval force, 230,
232; final actions pending, 271;
capture of Petersburg and Rich
mond, 272, 275; Appomattox, 276,
278, 3, 621, 623; Grant's reason
for final movement against Rich
mond, 122.
Virginia MiUtary Institute, destruc
tion, 2, 87.
Vogdes, Israel, and Fort Pickens, i,
14, 29, 31.
Wade, B. F., Senate committee on
Seward, i, 196; and Early's raid,
2, 74; Wade-Davis manifesto
(1864), 95, 96, 98, 122, 239; inti
macy with Stanton, 166; and Lin
coln, 198; Committee on Conduct
of the War, 198; and Butler (1865),
224; attack on Welles's adminis
tration, 240; on executive usur
pation, 325; and Chase's appoint
ment to the Cabinet, 391; and
Johnson's appointments, 501; and
first Reconstruction Bill, 3, 46;
and Danish West Indies, 97;

662

INDEX

hedges, 130, 135; and impeach
ment, 293; Vice-Presidential can
didacy, 362; later character, 362.
Wadsworth, J. S., gubernatorial cam
paign (1862), I, 154, 219, 2, 27;
on partisanship in Brooklyn Navy
Yard, i, 178; on escape of Lee,
374; killed, 2, 27; character, 27.
Wagner, Fort, assault on, i, 380.
Wakeman, Abram, G. W. Blunt on,
I, 405; and politics in Brooklyn
Navy Yard, 2, 122; appointed
Naval Officer, 155.
Walke, Henry, promotion, i, 77.
Walker, J. G., as Porter's emissary
to Grimes, 3, 563.
Walker, W. M., question ot repri
mand, 2, 403.
WaUace, Lew, Monocacy, 2, 71, 73.
Wampanoag, engines, 3, 283.
War claims, early, 2, 411; British,
480; Mme. Bertinatti's, 522, 526;
and Prussian convention, 3, 9;
court, 372; Ames's case, 447-449,
451 ; Coombs's case, 528, 529.
War Department, General of the
Army in charge (1869), 3, 550,
664; Rawlins appointed Secretary,
661. See also Cameron, Halleck,
Schofield, Stanton.
Ward, J. H., and relief of Sumter, 1,
4-10,2,248.
Warrington, Fla., effect of blockade,
1, 510.
Washburn, C. A., difficulties of Para
guay mission, 2, 491, 492, 543, 3,
427, 446, 513.
Washburn, C. C, and repeal of
the Tenure-of-Office Act, 3, 567,
568.
Washburne, E. B., and Navy De
partment, I, 234, 236, 2, 137, 430,
3, 265, 341, 517; and speakership
(1863), I, 481; and Blair's resigna
tion, 2, 157; and Grant-Johnson
controversy, 3, 274; and impeach
ment, 292; toadies to Grant, 341;
character, and State portfolio, 345,
543, 545, 540, 551; and finances,

345; Minister to France, 561.
Washington, George, chair, i, 77.
Washington, measures to protect, 1,
4; political atmosphere before out
break of War, 10, 34; Merrimac
scare, 61-67, 3, 473; after Second
BuU Run, 1,99, 104,105, 106, 109;
during Gettysburg campaign, 329,
350, 351; Confederate plan tor
demonstration on (1863), 359, 376;
Eariy's raid, 2, 71-77, 80; and faU
of Richmond, 272; elections under
negro suffrage, 3, 102, 374, 375,
380; Radical ton (1868), 278.
Washington Chronicle, and letters of
marque, i, 248; and official adver
tising, 2, 490; Radical organ, 653;
and faUure of impeachment, 3, 363.
See also Forney.
Washington Intelligencer, See A'a-
tional Intelligencer.
Washington Navy Yard, graft, i,
483; contention, 2, 225.
Wateree, wrecked, 3, 435, 449.
Watkins, G. S., and Peterhoff mails,
I, 284, 303; and trade permits,
536; and fraudulent contracts, 2,
53, 67.
Watson, P. H., on Welles and Mc
CleUan, 1, 98; as official, 127.
Webb, J. W., and Napoleon III, 2,
410; and Paraguay troubles, 3,
208, 513, 616.
Webb, W. A., and exchange of naval
prisoners of war, 2, 168.
Webb, W. H., and Xa^-j' Depart
ment, I, 499; Dunderberg, 2, 341,
596, 603, 604, 3, 27-29, 40, 42, 92,
97.
Webster, Daniel, pohtical character,
I, 507.
Weed, Thurlow, peace with Ben
nett, I, 7S; and New York Times,
123, 435; and Cameron, 127; and
New York election (1862), 154,
102, 219; Comstock and Baltic in
trigue, 155; Welles's antagonism,
204, 230, 2, 155, 171, 175-177, 188,
189, 201; retirement from Evening

INDEX

663

Journal, i, 230; and formation of
Lincoln's Cabmet, 230, 2, 388-
391; Seward's alter ego, i, 231,
2, 105, 548; Senatorial intrigues
(1863), 1, 231; (1866), 2, 607; po
litical errand to Washington
(1863), 1, 235, 236; and date of
ReJiubUcan Convention (1864), 2,
28; and arrest of Henderson, 83;
political position (1864), 105; po
litical character, 142, 156, 3, 227,
228; hold on New York patronage
(1864), 2, 164; and Blair's resigna
tion, 157; and cotton trade, 160;
and vessels for Japan, 188, 189,
191, 192, 561, 3, 89; and release of
Scofield, 2, 200, 201 ; Opdyke suit,
208, 211; and Morgan for Treas
ury, 244; and Johnson (1866), 333;
and Seward's speech (1865), 383,
384; and party preservation and
Union Convention (1866), 527,
534, 535, 538, 539, 545, 548, 609,
610, 3, 261 ; and Fourteenth Amend
ment, 2, 541; and Dix's appoint
ment to Holland, 566; effort to re
gain power (1866), 610; and Kil
patrick's appointment, 3, 24; at
tack on Chase (1867), 3, 163; Cab
inet mtrigue (1867), 203, 204; and
Grant movement (1867), 249; and
Alta Vela affair, 305, 318; and in
vestigation of impeachment vote,
369; and McCulloch, 389, 390; and
Presidential campaign (1868), 402.
Weehawken, weathers great storm, i,
225, 226.
Weitzel, Godfrey, and WUmington
expedition, 2, 210, 213; and Vir
ginia legislature incident, 279, 3,
522.
Weld,  , ot Boston, criticism of
Navy Department, i, 405.
WeUes, E. T., examines Clyde, i,
428; m Washington, 494, 2, 113;
at Fortress Monroe, 17, 19; re
turns to college, 23; trip to Ha
vana, 267; in Johnson's tour, 589;
leaves Navy Department, 3, 550.

Welles, Gideon, Departmental affairs
under Lincoln: as Secretary of the
Navy, 1, xxi-xxiii, xxxviii-xl; and
Fort Pickens, 14, 26, 28-32; Fort
Sumter expedition, 15, 21-23;
Seward's interference with it, 16-
21, 23-25, 37; and Norfolk Navy
Yard, 41-64, 83; and Merrimac
scare, 61-67, 3, 473; Vicksburg
operations, i, 72, 274, 285, 364, 367;
and reorganization of the Depart
ment, 74, 75; appointment of rear-
admirals, 75-77; and subordinate
active appointments, 77; Seward's
interference with the blockade, 79,
82, 132, 138; appointment of mid
shipmen, 82, 146, 147, 149, 188,
224, 227, 234, 236, 319, 393, 2, 163;
and W. D. Porter, i, 87, 88; and
armored fleet for the Ohio, 90; and
Potomac operations, 102, 103, 3,
437; pursuit of Confederate cruis
ers, popular complaints, 1, 109-
111, 122, 123, 134, 179, 207, 216,
316, 327, 333, 342, 375, 438, 440,
497, 2, 67, 105, 110, 111, 113, 119;
popularity of administration, i,
128, 206, 228; and dismissal of
Preble, 140-142, 163, 188-191,
228, 235; and J. P. Hale, 149, 227,
308, 384, 386, 482-491, 505, 507,
509, 522, 523, 529, 2, 5, 6, 51, 52,
193, 231, 234, 238, 268, 3, 25; pol
icy toward European attitude, i,
154, 155, 217, 235, 247, 250, 251,
255-259, 263, 299, 374, 379, 385,
399, 443, 445, 453, 495, 2, 7, 431 ;
and letters of marque, 1, 166, 246-
262; and purchase of Baltic, 165;
and slave-trade cruising conven
tion, 165, 163, 166, 192, 236; and
appointment of chaplains, 162; and
trade through the blockade, 1, 165,
173-175, 177, 183, 217, 227, 318,
498, 527, 536, 537, 543, 544, 548,
2, 159, 162, 163, 167, 267; and six-
mile maritime jurisdiction around
Cuba, 1, 170, 467, 468; and the
Bermuda, 170; opposition to block-

664

INDEX

ade and belligerency policy, 174,
440, 2, 159, 160, 246, 3, 241; and
politics in navy yards, 1, 178, 327,
2, 31, 34, 97, 98, 108, 122-124, 136,
137, 142-145, 175; and ironclads,
1, 179, 268, 295, 311, 342, 351, 495,
499, 2, 101; and captured foreign
mails, I, 180, 222, 266, 269-286,
300-304, 315; and control over
Mississippi gunboats, 180, 272;
annual reports (1862), 184; (1863),
472, 479; (1864), 2, 187, 194, 197;
and navy yard at League Island,
I, 185, 207, 222, 227, 285; and
complaints ot Congressmen, 187,
206; and the Monitor, 213, 214;
and criticism and abuse of the De
partment, 215, 404, 405, 496, 497,
499, 619, 522, 531, 2, 17, 37, 67,
79, 80, 87, 106, 114, 185, 236-238,
240-242, 250, 259; and vessels for
Japan, i, 225, 2, 188, 191; and re
ported raising of Charleston block
ade, 1,232,234; question of Galves
ton blockade, 233; preparations
against Charieston, 236, 247, 249,
263, 264; anxiety about the expe
dition, 263-265; on Lincoln's irre
gular encouragement otinven tions,
239; ignored as to naval bills
(1863), 246; and codification of
(naval laws, 245; and Du Font's
failure before Charleston, subse
quent controversy, 267-269, 273,
276, 277, 288, 309, 311, 322, 344,
476-478, 2, 7, 11, 14, 30, 117-119,
320, 321; and Matamoras trade
and expedition to check it, 1, 283,
334, 387, 443; and calls for naval
coast defense. Navy and duties of
Army, 288, 347, 364, 366, 376, 380,
435, 2, 256, 257; and Laird's state
ment, 1, 291, 306, 394-396, 401; on
judicial control over prizes, 296,
297, 302, 2, 106, 107; and John Gil
pin prize case, 297, 298 ; and Wilkes
in West Indies, 299, 304, 316, 322;
and Trent affair, 299; and renewed
operations against Charleston, suc

cessor to Du Pont, 309, 312-318,
324, 337, 346, 347, 380, 382-385,
427, 449, 467, 520, 547; and Naval
Academy, 324, 2, 34; and playing
of the Marine Band, 1, 325, 368;
and Foote, 336, 345, 2, 135; and
French tobacco at Richmond, 1,
339, 340, 2, 9; and Army and Navy
Gazette, i, 344; congratulates Rod
gers, 344; on attitude of War De
partment toward the Navy, 365,
519, 525, 2, 6, 13, 100, 115, 165;
and location ot prize courts, 1, 366,
491 ; and promotion of D. D. Porter
(1863), 369; and instmction of
naval officers as to neutral rights,
398, 409, 450-466, 636, 2, 4; and
Laird rams, 1, 399, 406, 429, 435-
438, 443, 448; Mont Blanc inci
dent, capture in neutral waters,
416-427; official visits to navy
yards, 428, 431; Lincoln on ad
ministration, 440, 461; on Sabine
Pass expedition, 441, 443 ; and
purchase of the Emma, 437, 438,
445, 446; on visit of the Russian
fleet, 443, 480, 481, 484; meets
Admiral Milne, 467, 468; and sale
of naval vessel to an unrecognized
govemment, 474-476; paragraphs
for annual message (1863), 480;
and Colfax's committee appoint
ments (1863), 482, 4S4; and fraud
ulent contracts, trials, and par
dons, 483, 511, 512, 514, 518, 522,
524, 537-544, 547, 2, 6, 7, 11, 53-
61, 7S, 79, 82, 83, 90, 124, 176, 177,
199-201, 220, 224, 225, 231, 260-
262, 266, 306, 334, 359, 400-402,
418, 3, 23; routine, i, 484; and
Morgan's purchases, 487; Wilkes's
insubordination and trial, 489-
491, 505, 515, 628, 530, 531, 544,
2, 6, 19, 21, 203; and surrender of
the Chesapeake, 1, 490, 508, 509,
545; enlistment problems, draft
complications, 498, 541, 646-548,
2, 3, 121, 129, 240; and Webb, 1,
499; advises policy of opening cer-

INDEX

665

tain ports, 510, 511, 514; andspeed
test ot naval vessels, 5li, 615; and
M. H. GrinneU, 512-614; London
Times on administration, 516; and
purchase of the Cherokee, 516; and
Congressional inquiries, 522, 628;
and cutting ship-timber in South,
622, 527, 528; and raising of Browns
viUe blockade, 529; and Florida
expedition (1864), 532; and new
prize law, 632; and retirement of
officers, 532; solicitations for pro
motion, Lee and Ringgold cases,
533, 534, 2, 147, 161, 243; and hi-
crease of Marine Corps, 6; and
navy yard tor ironclads, 17; and
foreign-owned cotton, 40; and
Commandantfor Marine Corps,51 ;
on Treasury's failure to pay naval
requisitions, 58, 59, 69, 106, 114,
141, 264-266, 268, 274; and Ught-
draft monitors, 81, 108, 241, 349-
351; Bates's opinion, 93; on writ
ing congratulatory letters, 106;
on ignoring of the Department
in naval victories, 115; discov
ery ot Farragut, 116, 134, 135, 3,
104; selecting new commander for
North Atlantic Squadron, 2, 127-
129; and Wilmington expedition,
127, 146-148, 194, 205-217, 219,
226-228; and Confederate opera
tions on Lake Erie, 161-153; and
exchange of naval prisoners, 168-
171; and Fessenden's criticism ot
naval officers, 172; and unauthor
ized Marine bounty, 174; and
naval votes (1864), 175; Taney's
praise ot administration, 184; and
capture of Florida, 185, 186, 197;
and relief of contractors, 202, 207,
227, 418; on his labors, 218; and
Board ot Admuralty, 233, 240, 241 ;
and Stonewall, 254, 261, 267; and
closing of Southem ports (1866),
278. General affairs under Lincoln:
early career, 1, xvii; as Democrat,
xviii; and slavery, xix; appoint

ment to Cabinet, xx, 81, 204, 230,
325, 2, 388; character of diary, 1,
xxiv-xxvii; portraiture ot contem
poraries, xxvii-xxxv, xlvii-1; own
portraiture, xxxv-xxxviii; and so
ciety, Iii; death, Iiii; and Seward
and Confederate commissioners,
32-35; first meets Stanton, 54; per
sonal relations with him, 60, 61,64,
83, 91, 127, 128, 447; and General
Order No. 1, 63; and emancipation
70, 144, 159, 209, 212, 403, 416, 2,
237, 431; and captured Washing
ton chair, 1, 77; and Connecticut
patronage, 78, 81, 235, 239, 246,
510; relations with Lincoln, 81,
88; and Scott's defensive-frontier
poUcy, 84-86; on West Point train
ing, 86, 125; and movement to re
move McCIellan, 94, 97, 101-104,
107, 112, 114, 115, 118, 124; and
alarm after Second Bull Run, 99;
and Pope's report, 110, 114; and
colonizing of negroes, 123, 150-
153, 3, 428; and Blair, 1, 125, 181;
and proposed attack on Richmond
(Sept., 1862), 130; on paper money,
147, 148, 167-169, 232, 494, 520,
530, 2, 10-14, 16, 29, 66, 61, 180;
and suspension of writ of habeas
corpus, 1, 150, 432, 433, 435; on
Altoona Conference, 163; on wives
ot officers in camp, 170; and forged
Cooper dispatches, 176; on kUling
of Gen. Nelson, 179; on final re
moval of McCleUan, 182, 220, 225;
on execution of Northwest Indians,
186 ; on admission of West Virginia,
188, 191, 206, 207, 208; and Senate
committee on Seward, 196, 198-
201; relations with Seward, 204,
366; and Weed, 204, 230, 235, 236,
2, 155, 171, 175-177, 188, 189, 201;
review of the year (1862), 211,
212; (1863), 499; and Cameron,
223; on gauge of Pacific Railroad,
228; and Hooker, 229, 294, 348;
and shooting of deserters, 232; and
Hawley, 235, 535; and Chase's

666

INDEX

bank biU, 237; and extra session of
Senate (1863), 238; exhausted, 245,
249, 395; on Chancellorsville, 291,
293; and condemnation of a spy,
313; on arbitrary arrests, 321, 322;
and Gurowski, 326, 2, 101; and
Lee's invasion (1863), i, 328, 330,
331, 342, 343, 350, 352; and coun
ter-movement on Richmond, 349,
352; and Gettysburg, 354, 356-368;
and Stephens's attempted missiou,
358-363; and escape of Lee, 364,
366, 368-371,373; on coincidence
of riots and Lee's invasion, 369; on
mockery of Thanksgiving (1863),
372; on Jefferson Davis and con
tinuation of War, 376-379; and the
draft, 382, 397, 407, 432, 435, 541;
and Forney, 386; excursions, 393,
394, 2, 31-33, 65; Reconstruction
theory and plans, i, 402, 403,
407-415, 429, 2, 84, 98, 99, 109,
179, 190, 197, 239; meets Meade,
1, 404; on Secession, 414, 429; on
Chickamauga, 438, 444; and suc
cessor to Rosecrans, 447; on use-
lessness ot Fort Foote, 474; and
Gettysburg dedication, 480; and
Trowbridge-Lamar plot, 492, 493;
Christmas (1863), 494; receptions,
601, 621, 648, 2, 16, 238; and re
nomination of Lincoln, i, 509, 529;
and internal cotton trade, 511, 2,
33, 34, 36, 66, 139, 220; on tree suf
frage and municipal evils, i, 523,
524; attends National Committee,
529; on suppressing news of de
feats, 531; and Chase's candidacy,
533; and campaign contributions,
634; first impressions of Grant,
538, 639; at presentation of
Grant's commission, 539; opposes
bounty on immigration, 543; on
fearful responsibility of opening
days of the War, 549; on necessity
ot heavy taxation, 2, 3, 16; and
date of Republican Convention, 4,
28; and J. C. Rives, 8; at Capitol,
9, 251; on Fort PUlow massacre,

24; talk with Confederate prisoner,
32; and Fremont in 1856, 41; fa
vors punishment of Confederate
leaders, 43; and Hamlin, 44, 46;
and ArgueUis incident, 45; and
Presidential excursions to head
quarters, 55; and resignation of
Chase, 62; and nomination of
Tod, 63; birthday, 64; and forged
proclamation incident, 67; and
Early's raid, 69-76, 80; and son's
enlistment, 82; on indiscriminate
destruction, 87; and peace negotia
tions, 94, 97, 109, 271; and poUti
cal assessment, 113; and Bache,
117; on Whig element, 122; and
Georgia "peace commissioner,"
125; and New York coUectorship,
137; movement for removal, 142,
155, 247, 260; and proposed re
moval of Lines, 147; on abandoned
plantations, 149; and resignation
of Blair, 166-168; and Banks, 177;
gets election returns, 178; and ap
pointment of Chief-Justice, 181,
192; and Maryland patronage,
195; on law as to public records,
211-213; on need ot further pun
ishment of Confederates (1865),
229; and choice for Treasury, 244,
245; on special passes, 258; and
Bennett and French mission, 258;
and flag-raising at Sumter, 268;
and fall ot Richmond, 272, 273;
and Savannah cotton, 278; and
Virginia legislature incident, 279,
280, 3, 622; and resumption of
trade with the South, 2, 280, 281,
296, 298; and reconstruction of
Virginia, 2S1, 282; and Stanton's
plan, 291, 301; and assassination
of Lincoln, 2S3-2SS, 290, 292.
Departmental affairs under John
son: and proclamation against
Confederate "pirates" (1865), 2,
298, 300; and Stonewall, 306; Dixon
on administration, 307; and cus
tody of Davis, 308, 309; appoint
ment of midshipmen, 317, 526;

INDEX

667

Department's claim to all Confed
erate naval material, 336, 337; in
new quarters, 339; and Dunder
berg, 340, 341, 3, 27, 28, 42, 97; and
assaults on the Department, 341;
and Dickerson's engine, 346, 356,
361; selection of head for Naviga
tion Bureau, 367, 362; and Pender
grast case, 364; and political as
sessment in navy yards, 376, 377,
380-382; annual reports (1865),
385; (1866), 628; (1868), 3, 472,
475; and Craven court martial, 2,
393, 396; and trial of Semmes,
404, 406, 407, 410, 420, 423, 424,
432, 436, 467, 471, 474, 476, 477;
and Shenandoah, 411, 417; naval
estimates and appropriations
(1866), 430, 444; (1868), 3, 264,
265, 280, 325; (1869), 517; and
League Island Navy Yard, 2, 445,
3, 489; and Fenian raids, 2, 451,
484, 486, 618-621, 524; and French
Exhibition exhibits, 462; and sea-
trip for Robert Johnson, 468, 472,
479, 491; Butler and Grey jacket
case, 469, 492; Farragut visits,
490, 3, 101, 469, 470; Paraguay
troubles, 2, 491, 492, 643, 3, 427,
466-468, 491, 510, 513, 516; and
order restricting naval officers'
movements, 2, 494; and laying of
Atlantic cable, 503; trouble with
S. P. Lee, 504U-507, 511-614, 669,
578, 3, 90; and Fox's official trip
abroad, 2, 506, 509, 612, 514; and
Naval Academy, 525, 3, 103, 382,
440; and promotions, 2, 559, 560,
662, 663, 671; and bounty bUl
(1866), 564; and dismissal of
Barney, 605; Congressional inquir
ies and investigations, 633, 3, 13,
21, 122, 337; and Grimes, 14;
and retirement of Goldsborough,
85, 86, 107-109, 135; and sale of
ships to Japan (1867), 91; and sale
ot ironclads, 92, 207, 348, 384,
387-389; and travel of officers'
wives on naval vessels, 92, 93; and

seizure of Santa Anna, 115; on di
rect Departmental communica
tions to Congress, 132; and retire
ment ot Com. Schenck, 135; and
interference of Congressmen with
navy yards, 139; and Field court
martial, 140; and Belknap case,
206; and habeas corpus proceedings
on enUstments, 208-222; and pro
posed Board of Admiralty, 247,
248; and relievement of Capt.
Meade, 250; and differences be
tween line and staff, 253, 283, 384,
501; on officers' right of free
speech, 312; navy yard appoint
ments, 325, 416-420, 446; tour of
navy yards, 422; and Ames's claim
for guns, 448, 451; and Alabama
claims, 469-471, 506, 616, 579; and
leave for midshipmen, 476, 477;
and court-martial punishments,
481; and Congressional requests
for reinstatement of officers, 498-
501, 503, 507; and Grimes's biU to
reorganize the Navy, 515; J. S.
Morrill on administration, 523;
and Coombs's claim, 528, 629; on
use of naval vessels as private
school ships, 631; and promotion
before retirement, 531; and re
quest for illegal pay, 534; takes
leave of subordinates, 640; rela
tions with Porter, 562, 563; and
relative rank of staff officers, 570;
Porter tenders use of naval vessel
to, 580, 586, 586; reviews his offi
cial career, 581; no pecuniary gain,
682; philosophizes with Farragut
over slights, 582.
General affairs under Johnson:
value of diary on Reconstruction,
I, xiii; Reconstruction theory, 402,
403, 407-415, 429, 2, 84, 98, 99,
109, 179, 190, 197, 239, 430, 568,
569, 676, 600, 645, 3, 81; and in
forming of Johnson, 2, 288; first
Cabinet-meeting under Johnson,
289; and Stanton's plan of Recon
struction, 291, 301; at funeral of

668

INDEX

Lincoln, 292-294; and Sherman's
peace terms, 296-297; and impli
cation of Davis, 300; and negro
suffrage, 301-303, 324, 373, 640, 3,
4, 6, 8, 19, 137; and trial ot con
spirators, 2, 303, 304, 334; trip to
Charleston and Savannah, 310-
315; and Gov. HamUton, 315, 316;
on ironclad oath and Southern
appointments, 319, 358, 445, 454;
on withdrawal ot right of beUiger-
ency, 319, 320; birthday, 327; and
the Blairs, 328, 343, 364, 370, 513,
3, 165, 166, 231, 232; excursions, 2,
329, 340, 647, 3, 343, 396; and
closing of Ford's Theatre, 2, 331;
and Mexico, 333, 348, 479, 485,
623, 624; and trial of Davis, 335,
338, 339, 365; and Hamlin, 342,
344-346; and patronage, 356, 363,
398, 484, 487, 532, 612, 651, 3, 79,
80, 84, 85, 161; and Hawley, 2,
369; vacation, 372; and Demo
crats (1865), 383; and Seward,
384, 3, 195; and annexation of
French West Indies, 2, 393; and
Johnson's policy (1865), 393-395,
397, 416, 419; on exclusion of
Southern Congressmen, 396, 442,
446, 488, 489, 559; warns Johnson
of intrigue, 396, 398; urges re
moval of Radicals, 398, 399, 686-
587, 596-599, 602, 616, 3, 147; and
Seward's trip to Cuba (1865), 2,
403, 406; and split in Union Party,
407, 421, 425, 481, 522-626; recep
tions, 409, 3, 252, 266, 277, 497, 612 ;
and Freedmen's Bureau BUl, 2,413,
431-433, 437; urges on Johnson
public statement of position (Jan.,
1866), 421 ; society sought by Con
federate sympathizers (1866), 421;
and Connecticut elections (1866),
426, 455-402; (1867), 3, 77, 81;
and Democratic Party in Connec
ticut, 2, 428, 429; apprehends ef
fects of Congressional Reconstruc
tion, 433; and movement for re-
^ conciliation, 446; and Civil Rights

BUl, 469, 460, 463, 464, 488, 489;
and Senator Foot, 466; and pur
chase of Danish West Indies, 466,
467,473,3,95,97,98,124, 125;and
national quarantine, 2, 480; and
report of Reconstruction Commit
tee, 497, 499; attitude towards
Senatorship, 501, 508; and Color
ado Bill, 502; on serenade ad
dresses, 512; and Gen. Dulce, 526;
and Schenck-Romero correspond
ence, 628; and Union Convention,
528-531, 533-636, 638-541, 546,
652, 553, 574, 582, 583; and Four
teenth Amendment, 536, 537, 649,
608, 628, 3, 7, 8, 417; and rela
tions with Japan, 2, 661, 562, 3,
135, 230, 430; and appointment of
Judge Clark, 2, 665; on New
Orieans riot, 569, 572, 573; urges
removal of Stanton, 582, 630, 662,
3, 46, 49, 91, 156; and Tenure-of-
Office BiU, 2, 583, 3, 49, 51, 52, 64,
171, 194; and plan for Presidential
tour, 2, 584, 587; and retum of
SUdell, 585; in the tour, 689; on
Presidential speechmaking, 2, 593,
647, 648; and J. S. Morgan, 599,
3, 682; and court of inquiry for
Holt, 2, 601, 604; on results of the
election (1866), 616-620, 632; and
welcome to Congress, 630; and
arrest ot Surratt, 630; and ac
quirement of Bay of Samand, 631,
643, 3, 7, 40; on asylum for the
Pope, 2, 639; and Sickles's interfer
ence with North Carolina laws
(1866), 642, 644; on need of an Ad
ministration organ, 663; and the
Prussian convention, 3, 9; and
first Reconstruction Bill, 11, 48,
49; and impeachment movement
(1867), 12, 21, 50, 57, 60; and
proposal of compromise on Re
construction, 31-33, 37; and seiz
ure of the R. R, Cuyler, 3S, 39; and
Stanton's report on enforcement
of civil rights, 43, 45; at Capitol,
58, 59; interpretation of Recon-

INDEX

669

struction Act, on Stanbery's opin
ion, 69, 60, 63, 96-98, 105, 110-
115; and Indian affairs, 69; and
Gov. English's messages, 87-89,
382; and purchase of Culebra Is
land, 94; on Booth's diary, 95; not
called before impeachment com
mittee (1867), 102; and tax on for
eigners in Colombia, 106; and
Johnson's trip to Boston, 109;
Sickles's letter on,and expenditures
under ReconstructionAct, 119; and
Sheridan's letter, 126, 127; on
Teutonic and Latin races, 136-
137; and Alaskan affairs, 141, 531;
and removal of Sheridan, 142, 150,
151, 153, 154, 166, 176; and appoint
ment of negroes, 142; and Conover
allegations, 143-146; and Gov.
Pease, 146, 147; and suspension of
Stanton, 157, 163, 167; urges
non-execution of Reconstruction
Acts, 161, 164, 169; and Holt af
fidavits, 172; talk with Grant
on Reconstruction Acts, 177-181;
and general amnesty, 183, 193,
197, 198, 396; at Antietam anni
versary, 201; and Fenton (1867),
201; fears Cabinet intrigue by
Weed, 203, 204; and pardon for
Seddon, 230, 231; urges Johnson
to have an understanding with
Grant, 233, 234; illness, 237, 313:
and question of arrest of Johnson,
238; and message on suspension of
Stanton, 240, 242; and conduct of
miUtary govemors, 243; tears mil
itary absolutism, 246, 246, 249,
270, 271, 645, 550, 559, 564; and
conditions in the South, 246; and
fiUing of the English mission
(1867), 256; and Grant-Johnson
controversy, 262, 266, 271-273;
and removal of Stanton, 284; and
Ewing for the War Department,
286; and preparation for the crisis
(1868), 288; and preparation for
impeachment trial, 294, 297; on
candidates tor the Democratic

nomination, 295; opposes Stan
bery's resignation, 304, 308; on
impeachment counsel, 304-307,
331, 332; and impeachment out
look, 313, 324, 329, 330, 332, 334,
336, 344; and Alta Vela affair, 316,
322; subpoenaed, 326; suggestions
for the defense, 331, 337; testi
mony, 333; and nomination of
Schofield, 340; and Reconstruc
tion constitutions, 347; and Bu
chanan's funeral, 376; supports
Seymour, 402, 404, 405, 410; and
Johnson's Constitutional amend
ments, 406, 407; on use of troops
as posse, 431; and career of T. H.
Seymour, 432-434; and PoUard,
452; and disturbances in the
South, 460-462; Grant proscribes
and is proscribed by, 464, 465, 612;
on Johnson's message (1868), 478,
479, 482; on resumption, 486-488,
493, 494, 504; review of 1868, 495;
and confiscation, 504; suggests ac
quisition of Midway Islands, 508;
and holding over under Grant,
529, 530, 532, 533, 537, 538, 541;
and the inauguration, 637, 538,
641; at Johnson's last reception,
539; Mrs. Patterson visits, 642;
reluctance to leave Washington,
580; retum to Hartford, 583; qual
ity of welcome, 584, 685, 587; pur
chases a house, 684; getting set
tled, 586-588.
WeUes, Mrs. Gideon, and Mrs. Lin
coln, 2, 290; in Johnson's tour, 589.
WeUes, Hubert, death, i, 181.
WeUes, J. A., in Washiagton, 2, 113;
in Johnson's tour, 589.
WeUes, R. G.. suicide, 2, 661, 652.
WeUes, Samuel, injury and death,
2, 550, 661.
WeUes, T. G., and Ulric Dahlgren's
body, 1, 544, 545; desire for serv
ice, 2, 24; in army, 71, 80, 82, 90,
271.
Wells, J. M., removal by Sheridan,
3,104.

670

INDEX

Welsh, John, and PhUadelphia Navy
Yard removals, 2, 597.
Wentworth, M.F., removed, 2, 586.
West Gulf Squadron. See Farragut.
West India Squadron, organized, 1,
109-111, 122, 123, 134; Wilkes's
work, 217; and Confederate cruis
ers, 255; England and Wilkes, 298;
Bell to command, 299; Lardner
commands, 309, 319; inadequate
force, 363.
West Indies, Seward and French
islands, 2, 393; attempted pur
chase of Danish, 466, 473, 3, 40,
95-98, 124, 125, 602; Culebra
Island, 94.
West Point, Welles on training, i,
86, 125.
West Virginia, question of admit
ting, I, 188, 191, 205, 206, 208.
Whelan, WiUiam, attends Foote, i,
336.
Whigs, Welles on, 2, 122.
Whipple, H. B., sermon, 2, 5.
Whiskey Ring, operations (1868), 3,
435.
White, Mrs.  , Mrs. Lincoln's
half-sister, pass, 2, 21.
White, Dr., attends Seward, 2, 285.
White House, fire, 3, 22.
White River, captures on, 1, 227.
Whitin, L. F., and WeUes, 2, 208.
Whiting, WiUiam, character and im
portance, 1, 381, 544, 2, 85, 184;
and Reconstruction, 1, 400, 408,
2, 84; and Seward, 1, 544; on
Early's raid, 2, 77; and Smith Bros.
case, 125; and Attorney-General
ship, 183, 187; and negro suffrage,
437.
Whittlesey, EUsha, and payments
out of next year's appropriations,
2, 268.
Wiard, Norman, and monitors, 2, 88.
Wilderness campaign, anxiety at
Washington, 2, 25; impression of
success, 26; first official dispatches,
27.
Wilkes, Charles, command on James

River, i, 72, 73, 81, 83, 86, 91; as
officer, 73, 87, 110, 2, 351 ; on Poto
mac River, 1, 93, 109; on McCIel
lan, 106; command of West India
Squadron, neutral complaints, 109-
111, 134, 217, 298, 309, 322, 325,
451; diverts 'VanderbUt from pur
suit of Alabama, 226, 304, 316;
recall, 299, 304, 316, 318, 322; in
adequate force, 363; Trent affair,
466; insubordination and trial,
489^91, 605, 515, 628, 543, 2, 6,
19, 21, 203; equivocates as to his
age, 1, 505.
WUkes, Mrs. Charles, and recaU of
husband, 1, 323.
WUkes, George, article in his paper
on Lincoln and Sherman's peace
terms, 3, 521.
Wilkinson, M. S., Meigs's reply to,
1,224.
WUley, W. T., impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358, 367.
WilUam I of Prussia, and arbitration
of Alabama claims, 3, 459.
William Peel, capture, i, 548, 2, 4,
12.
Williams, G. H., and reinstatement
of Stanton, 3, 258; and impeach
ment, 358, 368.
WilUams, Thomas, and Johnson's
pohcy, 2, 412; character, 633, 3,
239.
WUmington, expedition against, put
off (1863), I, 216; character of
blockade, 306, 2, 127; plans to
capture (1863), 1, 307; joint ex
pedition considered (1864), 2, 127,
133, 146, 148, 160; responsibiUty
for delay, 194; plans disclosed, 205-
209, 219; news of expedition await
ed, 209; powder vessel, 209, 210,
222, 226; failure of first expedition,
213-217; organization of second
expedition, 215, 220-222; naval
force locked up by, 221; success
of second expedition, 226-228.
Wilmot Proviso, Preston King's serv
ices, a, 386.

INDEX

671

WUson, Charles, as Secretary of Le
gation, 1, 301.
WUson, Henry, fears army conspir
acy, 1, 118; and coast defense, 364;
and investigation of contractors,
a, 7; and arrest of Smith Bros., 56;
Reconstruction views (1865), 405;
and spht of party, 421 ; and Grimes,
3, 14; in South, 86, 89; and naval
appropriations (1868), 325; Vice-
Presidential candidacy, 362.
Wilson J. F., as impeachment mana
ger, 3, 334.
Wilson, Nathaniel, and prosecution
of contractors, i, 540 ra., 543, 544,
[ 547, 2, 5, 15, 19, 53, 55-68, 78,
82.
Winans, Ross, Butler's plan to hang,
2, 270.
Winchester, capture (1863), i, 328,
330, 331.
Wing,  , Tribune correspondent,
brings news of WUderness, 2, 25.
Winooski, and Fenian raid, 2, 484,
486.
Winslow, J. A., Alabama fight, 2, 65,
^ 67; in Washington, 202; and New
Orleans riot, 675, 678.
Winthrop, R. C, in campaign of
1864, 2, 153; political character
and mistakes, 153.
Wise, H. A., and headship of Ord
nance Bureau, i, 337, 343, 386,
2, 7; excursion, 31; and gun-cast
ing controversy, 202; and Congres
sional investigation, 3, 122; and
Dahlgren, 448.
Wood, Benjamin, R. C. Winthrop
and, 2, 164; and Holt, 3, 172,
174.
Wood, Fernando, Lincoln corre
spondence, 1, 237; and corrupt
govemment, 523; and McClellan's
letter of acceptance, 2, 140; R. C.
Winthrop and, 153.
Woodbridge, F. E., and impeach
ment, 3, 295,

Woodbridge, Wylly, in Washington
(1865), 2, 269.
Woodbury, C. L., and navy yard
appointments, 3, 446.
Woodward, G.W., candidacy (1863),
1, 469, 471.
Wool, J. E., alarm for safety of New
York, 1, 347; and draft riots, 373,
405; to be reUeved, 373.
Woolley, C. W., imprisonment, 3,
370, 380, 381.
Worden, John, secret journey to
Pensacola, 1, 30; first prisoner of
war, 31; and Wise, 2, 7; and Bu
reau of Navigation, 357.
Wright,  , and his abandoned
plantation, 2, 148.
Wright, H. G., at Norfolk Navy
Yard, J, 46; defends Washington,
(1864), 2, 72, 75; attack on Peters
burg lines, 272.
Wright, SUas, and Preston King, 2,
387; as politician, 3, 226.
Wright, WUliam, and CivU Rights
BiU, 2, 475.
Wylie, Andrew, decision in Baker
case, 2, 206, 207; and Stanton
(1867), 3, 160.
Wynkoop, E. W., report on Indian
war, 3, 98.
Wyoming, ordered to East Indies, 2,
267.
Wytheville, Va., raid (1863), i, 382.
Yankees and South-Carolinians, a,
277.
Yards and Docks, Bureau ot. See
Navy yards. Smith (Joseph).
Yeaman, G. H., and negotiations
for Danish West Indies, 3, 95.
Young, Samuel, as politician, 3, 225,
226.
ZeUin, Jacob, to command Marine
Corps, 2, 61.
Zerman,  , C. F. Adams's letter
to, I, 300.

CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS
U.S.A

YALE UNIVERSITY

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