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' V. ,iXV-V .l." ¦'i' '.. r ?WfJi '.-•^ 'AA«UVJt_^i .) ^ J ¦/('.) f ?'/-/¦(:;'* w U: «**••. -y; "^fv; "T ,/^^ iK-UreuM ^ uS i'£ifv-J' '~^iJlt i-Mcirtr- .fotti.^ -fri-^«i*-Kvy- /^t^ /I*.-*- r;>^i^ ^^^^!iM^.^A^ jXiiii/xA^ ^*:0-;^i^^ " /h. 4tv/- ^ • 2^S^-^ -^ --^ '-^ c-^ .^ % ¦O*. ^^3 ^J-.*TV-^ jv.; An agreement made betweene John Winthrop of Ipswich, Esq': and Sam : Dudley for the "winfing of nyne cowes. It is agreed that Sam : Dudley shall winter nine cowes of S' Mathew Boitons,* wth good hay and bowsing at Chebacco; and for the con sideration of the same he is to receive three cow calfes, after this manner follo"wing : that if the nyne cowes shall have but three cow calfes, then the said Sam : Dudley is to have them ; but if more than three, the said Sam : is to have the 3 worst ; but if the cowes have not 3 cow calfes, then to have 2 bul calfes in stead of a cow ealfe; and it is further agreed that when these calfes shall have eight or nyne weekes sucked, then to be divided. In witnes whereof the pties abovesd have set to their hands, John Winthrop. 8' 18 : Sam : Dudley. 1637.Witnesse Samuel Symonds. Nath Rogers. Cows were in those days worth about thirtye pounds a head, but sine have bin sold for thirty or forty shillings a head. Dec".' 30* 1700.2 1 Sir Mathew Boynton, bart. M. P., of whom hereafter. " This subsequent memorandum is in the handwriting of Wait 'Winthrop, then a Judge of the Superior Court and Major-General of Militia. 7i .^¦ '^ii pr Vv *- • f« [r^iiMffirrrn7rr"''rTiTr'''wtrrr""nTriri"iini'ffi'irn'-"'"- -:ff-'.'rfv'J,te of my farme in Chariest" caU"* Tenhills, lying over ag* the Oyster-banck conteyninge about thirtye acres more or lesse, to have & to hould all the sd lands & premises w*" their app'tenn'ces unto the sd Jo* Winthrop my sonne & Eliz: his ¦wife during their lives, the remainder to Fitz-John their eldest sonne & his heires for ever : pro"vided aUwayes & reserved out of this present grant unto me the sd Jo : Winthrop & Marg* my wife, for the terme of o' Uves & the longer Uver of us, one third pte of aU suche fruit as shalbe yearly growinge upon the sd necke of land. In wittnesse of the pmises I have herunto sett my hand & scale dated the 22 : of 7*" 1643. Jo: Wintheop.^ Seal* & delivered in the psence of Jo : Endecott, Dep. GovF Tho: Fowle. In the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for October, 1892, is to be found a paper prepared by Win throp, headed " Considerations concerning Ironworks," describ ing a careful search made by him through what was then known 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. viii. pp. 36-37. ^ Unpublished Winthrop Papers. An abstract is to be found in Suffolk Deeds, Lib. T : 45. 3 34 SKETCH OF of Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, for the best place to establish this industry, and giving his reasons for preferring Braintree, where early in 1644 he and his partners received from the Massachusetts General Court a grant of three thousand acres " for the encouragement of an iron-worke to be set up about Monatacot River," and in May of the same year he had leave to make a plantation in the Pequot country for a similar purpose.^ In the following September a third daughter, Mary, was born to him in Boston, and a few weeks later he was granted " y^ hUl at Tantousq, about 60 miles westward, in which the black lead is, "with hberty to purchase some land there of the Indians," ^ a per mission which resulted in his acquiring a tract ten miles square in and near what is now Sturbridge. The Indian deeds of this purchase, therein styled " Tantiusques," are still in existence, together with several agreements made by him with other parties for mining black lead upon it, the earliest in 1644, the latest in 1658.^ On the first of January, 1645, he conveyed his Castle HUl farm to his brother-in-law Symonds, his Ipswich house-lot and land by the river having probably been parted with a good while before, though, as already stated, it has not thus far been ascer tained precisely when these sales occurred, which is perhaps due to the carelessness in registering land-titles which prevailed at that period and long afterward. On the 14th of May, 1645, he attended a Court in Boston, but must soon after have left for Pequot, as Roger Williams addressed him there on the 22d of June, and a letter from Rev. Thomas Peter describes the arrival of Winthrop and himself in the fort of Uncas just after a bloody battle between the Mohegans and the Narragansetts.* That 1 Records of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 71. = Ibid., vol. ii. p. 82. ' One of the signers of the last-named agreement was WiUiam Paine, some time of Ipswich and afterward of Boston, several letters from whom on this subject will be found in Massachusetts Historical Society's CoUections, Series 4, vol. vii. * Winthrop's History of New England, Savage's edition of 1853, vol. ii. p. 463. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 35 he was back in Boston before the close of the summer seems certain from a letter there addressed to him by Symonds, who writes (without date, but clearly in that year) : — I am sorry you can not come to Ipswich at this tyme, nor that I have oportunity to see you at the Bay, by reason of our harvest. I could wish that Uncas may be kept a frend still to the English, yet soe that he be not suffered to insulte or wronge other Indians. ... If you intende to settle at your new plantation, in case it be agreed on all hands that that place shall belonge to the government of Connecticott & not to the Bay, I would not have you strive about it, but joyne with them in the worke of God as one of them, and hereby you may be a meanes to reconcile the Indians amonge themselves.^ In the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 1892, already cited, is an interesting fragment of a diary, mostly in Latin, in which Winthrop recounts a journey made by him from Boston to Saybrook and back, in November and December, 1645. He started by way of Sudbury and Brookfield, intending to visit his mine at Tantiusques, but missing the Indian trail in a snow-storm he brought up at Springfield, going thence to Hartford by land and so to Saybrook, the Connecticut River being choked with ice. From Saybrook he journeyed by the fort of the Niantick Indians to Nameag, where under date of Nov. 26 he writes : — Tota ista die circa terram transivimus querendo loco comodo pro colonia. (We spent the whole day in searching for the most conve nient site for a settlement. ) It is clear from this entry that the precise situation of what is now New London had not till then been determined, though some few settlers are stated to have been on the ground in the preced ing summer. His return to Boston was made via Wickford, Patuxet, Providence, Seekonk, and Braintree. During the whole trip he stayed in the houses of many well-known persons, and he 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. p. 122. 36 SKETCH OF gives a graphic account of a furious gale and shipwreck at the mouth of the Connecticut. The rest of the winter of 1645-46 he was presumably in or near Boston. He had recovered from his father's creditors the alienated portion of Tenhills, and apparently realizing that his life was more than ever one of exposure and peril, and that the various commercial undertakings in which he was engaged might not be successful, he endeavored to make some permanent provision for his famUy, in case of accidents, by the following deed of trust : — This present writeing "witnesseth that I, John Winthrop the younger, of Charlestowne in Middlesex in New England, beinge care fuU of Ehzabeth my loveinge wife & such children as God hath given mee by her, that some provision of maintenance may be had for them after my decease, have given, granted, infeoffed & confirmed, & I doe hereby give, grant, infeoffe & confirme, unto my trustie & beloved frends M' Joseph Cooke of Cambridge in the county aforesaid, M' Nathaniell Sparhawke & John Bridge of the same, aU that my Ferme in Charlestowne aforesaid called Tenhills, wth the appurte nances, & all the lands, meadowes, marishes, woods, swampes, to the same belonging or there"with used & occupied, conteining by estimation between six & seven hundred acres, be it more or lesse, together w'" my right of Comon to the same belonging, & my part in the meere upon Mistick river, — to have & to hould to the said Joseph, Nathaniell & John, & theire heires, uppon speciall trust & confidence, as is hereafter expressed, viz* : to the use & behoofe of me & my said wife & the longer liver of us, w'^out impeachment of wast, & after o' decease to the use of Fitz John o' eldest sonne & his heires for ever. Provided alwayes that one third part of the rent now received uppon a lease thereof made by mee to Major Robert Sedgwick & others for certaine yeares yet to come, & of all & every lease or other cleare improvement thereof hereafter to be made, shalbe & be duly paid to my honoured father & Margaret his "wife during theire lives & the longer liver of them. Provided also that the said Ferme & premisses shalbe still lyable to the satisfaction of such of the creditors of my said father as are not yet satisfyed or agreed w"* for any theire just debts. Provided also that of the cleare rent or revenew w* shall remaine after the said debts be satisfyed, & the said third part for my father & mother deducted, one third part shall go towards the education of my yonger children untill JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 37 they & every one of them shall respectively attaine the full age of fifteene yeeres, or be disposed of otherwise to be kept w'^out charge to theire mother. Lastly it is provided that it shalbe in my power either by my last will, or other wise dureing my life, to charge the said Ferme & premisses w* the payment of one hundred pounds to any of my yonger children, to be payd at such time & in such manner as I shall by such will or other writeing appoint. John Wintheop.^ Sealed and d3 in the psence of Em : Downinge. Adam Wintheop. He was present at a Court in Boston in May, 1646, but went soon after to Pequot, where the new plantation was now vigor ously taken in hand. His house in New London was not ready for occupancy until the following spring, but he had already caused one to be built on Fisher's Island, to which in the early autumn of 1646 he removed a portion of his family, returning to Boston for this purpose. There went back with him to Con necticut his wife, his elder son, by tradition an infant daughter Margaret, and his brother Deane, who all passed the winter on the island, his four other children remaining under the care of their grandparents.^ His father's first letter to him in this new home was dated Oct. 28, 1646, and addressed, " To my very good son M' John Winthrop, at Fisher's Island n' Pequod River," and in it the Governor wrote, among other things : — I send you herein your letters, which I thought best to open. Your brother Stephen, it seems, means to stay in England and hath sent for his wife. He is Captain of a troop of horse. We are all as you left us, I praise God, & we all salute you and yours. The blessing of the Lord be upon you, and he protect and guide you in this great undertaking ! ^ 1 Printed from the original in the unpublished Winthrop Papers. It does not appear to have been registered and there is no date; but it was undoubtedly executed at or about the time named. ' See Caulkins's History of New London, chap. ii. 8 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 355. 38 SKETCH OF VI On the 14th of June, 1647, there befell him one of the greatest sorrows of his hfe in the sudden death of his step mother, between whom and himself there had always existed the deepest attaphment, and who was as devoted to his children as he had ever been to hers. He is recorded to have been in attend ance at meetings of the Commissioners of the United Colonies held in Boston in the following July and August, when it was finally decided that the Pequot country should belong perma nently to Connecticut, and in September he was commissioned by the latter government to be a magistrate there, though he still retained his Massachusetts functions. These dual responsibilities cost him many journeys. Letters from Roger Williams place him at Pequot at different times in September, October, and November of that year, while one from Samuel Symonds, dated Oct. 6, 1647, shows him to have been recently in Boston. A dispute concern ing a boundary-line, between S3Tnonds and one of his neighbors, had brought on a lawsuit involving an unsuccessful attempt to upset the title to Castle Hill farm, and this letter of Symonds possesses so much local interest that it is here given in full, though some of its allusions are obscure. To the right Worshipfull John Winthrop Esq'", Qovernour, present, Boston.^ Good Brothbe, — I p'sume you doe heare what is the yssue of the triall of the title of CasteU-Hill ; but had not the castle beene grounded upon records & f uU testimony by the then Recorder, it might have bene shaken, as it "wanted noe battering to doe it. There came in such a testimony & pleadings (as I doe assure my selfe) you never dreamed of. The case was debated in Court on Tewsday after noone & the 1 The foUowing postscript explains this superscription : " Sir, this I have written to my brother your sonne, but fearing he may be gone, I thought good to direct it to yourselfe, desiring you wilbe pleased to convey it when you write to him." JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 39 fore-noone the next day. The second grant was that which was endeavoured to have bene made voyde, & the first difficultly obtained. It was urged that you were denied a vote all the form' p' of the day, albeit your writing & the thinge it selfe speaks that the land was not now the Townes to give, but y* you yielded to part w*" the greatest p* of the Neck to them. There were (as I rememb') 4 that did testifie concerning the number of the freemen &c p'sent, all variously from each other, when they did deliv' their testimony viva voce. One, before he was sworne, said it was done an houre &c within night, by candle light, but did not deliv' it soe upon oath ; 2, that it was very late, but not by candle light. You & I are noe "witnesses in this case : we know it was in the after noone, & the Record agreeth with us, an other act being done at same tyme which must require a Uttle debate before it was written, which was your grant of 300 acres, which is weU approved of.^ But I did know it would require some skill to make one act of the same meeting after the other good & the form' null ; soe it was said that your said farme was given before, only the quantity appoynted now, — which (though tyme must be given to believe) yet they con fesse enough to make the meeting valid in determinyng the numb' of acres. Alsoe to confirme this & nuUifie the other, it was tendered to be testified that this farme, p' of it you had plowed before this grant. Tis nine yeares since the grant, Aug : 6* last.^ I suppose you may call to minde who did plow it & when. Though it makes nothing to the case, yet I would willingly let them see their mistaks. It was testified that the meeting was called for an other purpose, but next day when they brought in their testimonies in writing, one of the Jury minded them that this meeting (as before did appeare) was called or warned by the man that did use to warne the meetings. It was alsoe said that this last grant was voted in the meeting howse at that tyme mentioned in the record indeed, but it was written in an other howse & at an other tyme ; & this is a thing alsoe (I suppose) you never dreamt of. Whereas, besides our knowledg & p'sence at the doeing of it, res ipsa loquitur, — for in grants where there must be de scribing of bounds soe & soe, limittacon hither &c, & a line soe, it will 1 The 300 acres not in dispute would seem to have been the ArgiUa farm granted to Winthrop in 1634 or earlier, and sold by him to Symonds in 1637. 2 For the discrepancies in the dates assigned to the grant of Castle Hill, the probability that there was more than one grant, and the disappearance of Winthrop's letter to his father on the subject, see ante, p. 24. 40 SKETCH OF require to be written before it be voted, according to reason & usuall practice. M' Bartholmew was a cleare & full witnesse, agreeing w*? the Recorde. There was noe necessity of any, I summoned none. I did expect him & he did well to be p'sent.^ Concerning the poynt in law touching the p'sedent order or grant of this land to the Towne by the freemen, this did not hold longe debate in the Court.^ Their last plea, to save the accon & charges at least, was that T have not sett the fence right; soe there are three Comissioners ap poynted to vew it. If they be found to have broken the fence upon my ground, then I am to have 31i damages. After aU the rest was pleaded &c, poynt of Chancery or equity was pleaded, the argument whereof I suppose is generally knowne to be upon a grosse mistake. It was to this effect, that you left the Towne when M' Ward was leaving his place, the Church settling our p'sent officers, & the Church ready to crack. How longe these things were done before, you know better than I, but sure I am I was a memb' of the Church first by our p'sent elders in office, &c &c.^ An other thinge was on the second day testified, I having touched the strangnes of averring against a Record, & not soe much as a p'es- tacon against it at that tyme made. The next day one of them remem bered upon his oath there was a p'estacon. I know not whether he well understands what it is, but had there beine one, yet if not recorded, what would it effect to p'vent any purchasser from deceiving himselfe, build ing upon the Record for the Grant & finding nothing to question the same? Forasmuch as I was p'sent, — & there is M' B : his oath to the recorder for a fuU consent, for ought appeared to him, & by their owne confession by the major part it was done, — this seemes very strange, save that the space of tyme since doth help to make the most charitable interpretacon &c. A p*estacon doth not overthrow an act, noe more than when 2 or three doe enter their dissent upon an act of Court it doth render the matter more doubtfuU &c. 1 William Bartholomew first came to Ipswich in 1635, and subsequently held important posts in the town. " It is recorded under date of Dec. 29, 1634, " that the Necke of Land whereupon the great Hill standeth, v?''' is known by the name of the Castle HiU, lyeinge on the other side of the River towards the sea, shall remayne unto the comon use of the Towne forever." ' Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, successor to Rev. Nathaniel Ward, was ordained pastor of the Church at Ipswich, Feb. 20, 1638. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 41 Urgent occasions doe call me off. I pray God send you a pr"p'ous journey. Our love to you, my sister, & all my cosens. I rest Your ever loving brother, October 6th. 47. Samuel Symonds.^ Winthrop would seem to have just started for Pequot when this letter reached Boston, but that he was back again within five months is sho"wn by a later letter from Ipswich, Feb. 24, 1648, in which Symonds writes : — Having this opportunity, I thought good to let you understand God's providence towards us. My daughter Epps, upon the 22th of this instant was delivered of a sonne, & thanks be to God, both mother & Sonne are comfortably well. We would gladly know what day you will agree upon to bring my sister, that accordingly we may send you a horse to the water side. My wife hath bene better in respect of the paine in her stomack, this weeke then formerly. Good wine (as you say) is the best cordiall for her. The handwriting of this letter is unusually distinct and it is addressed " To his very loving brother, John Winthrop of Salem, Esq, this, Salem." In styling him at this late day " of Salem," when apparently on a visit to his uncle Downing, Symonds was perhaps only playful; but it is possible that the Ryall-side salt work was still running, as a few weeks later the Massachusetts General Court agreed with Winthrop on a price to be paid for the delivery of " good white salt at Boston, Charlestown, Salem, Ipswich, & Salsberry," besides giving him liberty to erect salt works in any place or places not hitherto appropriated. In May of the same year he was granted " 3000 acres of the 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. pp. 123-126. In the old Judicial Records preserved at Salem is the following entry relative to this action : — " Ipswich Quar. Sessions Ct. 28. 7. 1647 M' Sam^ Symonds PI. ag' "WiUiam Story & John Dane in an action of trespasse for breaking downe his fence to his great damage : They fynd for M' Symonds & his title to the land, according to the records, to be good. 2'', if the fence stand upon his ground, they alow him 3" damage & the re- payring of the fence as it was — to be issued by Comission, the Comissioners Rich ard Knight, Henry Shorte of Newbury and Edward Carlton of Rowlye." 42 SKETCH OF Pequot land, at Paquatuck, neere to the Narraganset country, provided that if he set not up a considerable salt worke be tween the two capes of Massachusetts Bay w*4n three yeares now next coming, then this graunt to be voyde." On the 13th of June Downing wrote him at Pequot : — I hope you are soe well setled in your occasions as to begyn to think now of visiting your friends in the Bay. The merchants at Salem are sory you accepted not theire propositions for the making of salt. . . . I hope you will not loose tyme in erecting a salt worke at Pequoyt, you neede not feare vent here for it.^ He must have paid a short visit to the Bay just then, as on the 3d of July his father alludes to the joyful news of his safe return to Nameag, where in the following month his daughter Martha was born. That he was again expected in Boston in the early autumn is shown by a letter to him from his father, dated " 30 (7) 48," in which the Governor, after describing a "vdsit he had paid to Ipswich, adds, " We have looked for you long," but it was the will of God that father and son should never meet again. The latter was detained in the Pequot country by negotiations with the Indians, and was unexpectedly prevented from starting later as shown by the following extracts from letters of his fre quent correspondent at Narragansett, Roger WUhams : — I am glad for your sake that it hath pleased God to prevent your winter travel ; though I gladly, also, this last week expected your pas sage, and being at Providence hastened purposely to attend you here. . . . Youre letters I speedily despatched by a messenger on purpose. . . . Our neighbors, the barbarians, run up and down and consult, partly ready to fall upon the Mohegans at your word, and a world of foolish agitations I could trouble you with ; but I tould the chiefest yesterday that it is not our manner to be rash, and that you will be silent till youre father and other ancient Sachems speak first.^ On the 14th of March, 1649, his brother Adam wrote : — We have not heard from you since we heard by Providence Indian, but hope you are in health. I am sorry I can not "write so to you of 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. p. 68. 2 Ibid., Series 3, vol. ix. p. 280. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 43 ourselves, for my father indeed is very ill & has bene so above a month. The Lord only knows the event. We should be very glad if you could be heer. My father not being able to wright himself desired me to remember his love to you, my sister, & the children, & although he hopes God will raise him up againe, yet he would request you, as if it were his last request, that you wold strive no more about the Pequod Indians, but leave them to the Commissioners order.' This letter was delayed in reaching Winthrop, and on the 26th an Indian messenger started from Boston with the intelli gence of his father's death, the funeral being postponed until his arrival eight days later. It was a most unexpected bereavement, for the Governor was only in his sixty-second year and vigorous up to this last illness. One result of it was his son's final decision to cast in his lot with Connecticut, though his friend, George Baxter, English Secretary to the Dutch Governor and Council, strongly urged him to plant a settlement at the Manhattan end of Long Island, adding : — I have often tymes heard o' Governour [Peter Stuyvesant] saye you should be acceptablie welcome unto him ; & for matter of privilidge or accommodation, for your selfe or any others that shall come along with you, you shall have them soe large and ample as hee hath power to give.^ At the close of 1649 he accordingly gave notice that, at the expiration of his term in May, 1650, he must decline to be re-elected to the Court of Assistants of the Massachusetts Colony, a post he had then held eighteen years. This change of domicile is distinctly marked by the formal letter of recommendation of himself and wife from the First Church of Boston to the Church at Saybrook, dated July 23, 1650, and signed by John Cotton, John Wilson, and Thomas Oliver.* Although he retained property in Massachusetts and made visits thither as occasion 1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. 391-2. 2 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. i. p. 370. 8 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Series 2, vol. iii. p. 200. There was no Church at New London tUl a little later. 44 SKETCH OF offered, yet for the remaining twenty-six years of his life he was a Connecticut man, and his career there is so interwoven with the political history of the sister Colony that it would be foreign to the purpose of this Sketch to describe it in detail, though an outline of it may be convenient for reference. VII Elected an Assistant of Connecticut in May, 1651, Winthrop forthwith procured from the General Assembly the passage of the following vote : — Whereas in this rocky country, among these mountains and rocky hills, there are probabilities of mines of metals, the discovery of which may be of great advantage to the country in raising a staple commodity ; and whereas John Winthrop, Esquire, doth intend to be at charges and adventure for the search and discovery of such mines and minerals : — for the encouragement thereof, and of any that shall adventure with the said John Winthrop, Esquire, in the said business, it is therefore ordered by the Court that if the said John Winthrop, Esquire, shall discover, set upon and maintain such mines of lead, copper or tin, or any min erals, as antimony, vitriol, black lead, allum, stone salt, salt springs, or any other the like, within this jurisdiction, and shall set up any work for the digging, washing and melting, or any other operation about the said mines or minerals, as the nature thereof requireth, — that then the said John Winthrop, Esquire, his heirs, associates, partners or assigns, shall enjoy forever said mines, with the lands, wood, timber and water within two or three miles of said mines, for the necessary carrying on of the works and maintaining of the workmen, and provision of coal for the same : — provided it be not within the bounds of any town already settled, or any particular person's property ; and provided it be not in, or bordering upon, any place that shall, or may be, by the Court so judged fit to make a plantation of.^ In the following year the sudden death in Boston of his brother Adam, at the early age of thirty-two, was a fresh domestic and about this time Hugh Peter wrote from London, 1 Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 195. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 45 pointing out the rapid military advancement of Stephen Winthrop and George Downing, and offering to place at his step-son-in-law's disposal the parliamentary influence he had now acquired, if the latter should be willing to put himself in the way of employ ment in England,^ — an offer wisely declined, we may fairly con sider, as eight years later Peter lost his head on the scaffold. Somewhat similar overtures were made not long afterward by Winthrop's particular friend and correspondent, the celebrated Sir Kenelm Digby, who wrote to him from London, Jan. 31, 165| : — I hope it will not be long before this Hand, y' native country, do enjoy y' much desired presence. I pray for it hartily, and I am con fident that y' great judgem*, and noble desire of doing the most good to mankinde that you may, "will prompt you to make as much hast hither as you can. Where you are, is too scanty a stage for you to remaine too long upon. It was a well chosen one when there were inconveniences for y' fixing upon this. But now that all is here as you could "wish, all that do know you do expect of you that you should exer cise your vertues where they may be of most advantage to the world, and where you may do most good to most men.^ A year later, Jan. 26, 165|, Sir Kenelm wrote from Paris : — Y' most welcome letter of the 4. T*" last, was sent me by M' Peters the same day I went out of London to come to this towne : w"'' made me lament the lesse the necessity of those affaires that call me hither for a little while ; since I learne by it that you are not as yet minded to make our country happy w"" y' presence. I pray God you may so alter y' resolutions that by the return of the shippes I may meete you att London. For I can not subscribe to y' reasons, — the maine of w* is, res angusta domi to a numerous family. For wheresoever you are, I am sure you can not want.^ 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. 113, 114. 2 Ibid., Series 3, vol. x. pp. 5-6. 8 Ibid, p. 15. A reasonable inference would be that, so far as Winthrop's per sonal inclinations were concerned, he would have liked to rejoin his scientific friends, but that he felt bound to accumulate an independence for his children, and considered that his best chance of so doing was to remain in New England. 46 SKETCH OF Educational facilities were then meagre in New London, and in the winter of 1654-5 both his sons were sent to Cambridge to study. There has been preserved a single letter to them from their father at this time, which is here given, as it affords a good idea of his domestic correspondence. To my beloved Sonn Fitz-John Winthrop at Cambridge. Fitz, — Yoa wrote by your last letter "w"'* I received of some ilnesse that you were troubled w*", w"** we were sorry to heare of, but it was so neere "winter that I could not goe or send to you ; but since was informed by Arthur Mason (who put in heere as he passed to Virginia) that you were againe in good health, for w* let the Lord have praise in whose hands is our life and breath ; sicknesse and health are wholy in his power. I pceive by your letter that you were much possessed w* the feare of Death. You must be carefuU that Sathan does not delude you. It is good to be alwaies mindful! and prepared for death, but take heede of distrusting, perplexed thoughts about it, for that will encrease the sick nesse. Trust him w*" your life that gave you life and being, and hath only power over death and life, to whom we must be willing to submit to be at the disposing of his good will and pleasure. Whether in life or death learne to know God and to serve him, and to feare him and walke in his waies ; and leave your selfe "w**" him and cast your care on him who careth for all his servants and will not forsake those y* trust in his name. In sicknesse use those meanes that you can have ; and comitt your selfe for the successe to the Lord. This oportunity is but very suddaine by one that passed through the towne, therfore I have scarce tyme to write, and shall not have tyme to write to my cousin Dudly ; therfore remeber my love to him and my cousin Cooke, and our friends w'" whom you sojourne.^ We are aU in good health, God be praised. Your mother, sisters, and aunt, remeber their love to you and your brother. I desire the Lord to blesse you both, and rest Your loving father, Feb. 8. 1654 [1655]. John Wintheop.^ Desire M' Gold at Tenhills to take care that the ratts doe no hurt. 1 The elder boy was being crammed for Harvard by his cousin Thomas Dudley, then a tutor in that CoUege ; while the younger was instructed by Elijah Corlet, the weU-known master of Cambridge Grammar-School. Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 6, vol. iii. pp. 424-426 "^ Ibid., Series 5, vol. viii. pp. 43-44. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 47 In early life Winthrop had manifested much interest in chemistry and medicine. Ever since, in leisure hours, he had been a diligent reader of chemical and medical works, experi menting with different drugs and inventing a mysterious prepa ration called ruhila, which gradually became famous all over New England as efficacious in a variety of ailments. The scarcity of physicians in the Colonies and his willingness to give advice free of charge, — so far as his studies enabled him to do so, — caused him to be much consulted, and among those who derived benefit from his treatment in 1653 were sev eral prominent persons in New Haven and, in particular, the family of Rev. John Davenport. The result was that, in October 1654, The Church and Town of New Haven, the General Court of that Colony and Theophilus Eaton, then Governor, united in a formal in"?itation to Winthrop to take up his abode among them for a large part of each year, offering to provide him with a house and other conveniences.^ This invitation coincided with a plan he had formed for erecting iron-works in that neighborhood, but in order to preserve his independence he preferred to buy a house for ^£100, paying for it in goats raised by himself on Fisher's Island.^ It was not, however, till nearly the close of 1655 that he found it convenient to move, not long before which Davenport had written : — To his Honoured freind John Winthrop, Esf', these present, in Pequot. Hon* Sir, — We did earnestly expect your coming hither, with M'^ Winthrop and your familie, the last light moone, according to your pur pose signified to us, — ha"ving also intelligence that a vessel wayted upon you at Pequot for that end, and were thereby encouraged to provide your house that it might be fitted, in some measure, for your comfortable dwelling in it this winter. My "wife was not wanting in her endeavours to set all wheeles on going, — all hands that she could procure, on worke, — that you might 1 See Governor Eaton's letters to Winthrop on this subject, in Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. ' Atwater's History of the Colony of New Haven, p. 369. 48 SKETCH OF finde all things to your satisfaction. Though she could not accompUsh her desires to the fuU, yet she proceeded as farr as she could ; whereby many things are done, viz. : the house made warm, the well cleansed, the pumpe fitted for your use. Some provision of wood is layed in and 20 loades "will be ready whensoever you come ; and sundry who have received helpe from you have, by my "wife's instigation, prepared 30 bush, of wheate for the present, and Sister Glover hath 12 lb of candles ready for you. My wife hath also procured a maid-servant for you, who is reported to be cleanly and saving ; her mother is of the Church, and she is kept from a place in Connectacut (where she was much desired) to serve you. At last Joseph Alsop arrived here in safety on the Lord's day, and in the Assembly gave thanks for his comfortable passage. By him I received (instead of yourselfe and yours, whose presence was heartily desired by us all) a letter from you, dated on the day before his arrivaU, whereby I understood that some providences intercurring hindred and disappointed your reall intentions of coming with your family to us, both before, and by him. The hazzard and danger suspected, you now see, was more in ungrounded imaginations of those who laboured to hinder your proceeding, than in the reality and trueth of the cause praetended by them. Yet we have hope that by another vessel (I heare M' Yongs, ni fullor) you will be accomodated for transportation of your familye and what you purpose to bring hither, and that you incline to improve that opportunity, — whereof I am glad. Many hands are daily at worke for the iron-buisnes ; onely your presence is wanting to sett all things in a right course. If M'^ Winthrop knew how wellcome she will be to us, she would, I believe, neglect whatsoever others doe or may be forward to suggest for her discouragement. Salute her, "with due respect, in my name and my wifes, most affectionately, together with M'^ Lake. The Lord Jesus pave your waye, and make your journey to us speedy and prosperous ! In whom I rest, Sir, Your exceedingly obliged, John Davenpoet. Newhaven, this 22 of the 9* 55. My wife had a man in pursuite that would be very fitt to manage your Island, if a marriage, which he is about, doth not hinder. My Sonne presents his humble service. ... I thanck you for the 2 bookes you sent me to peruse, which I am reading diligently.^ 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 8, vol. x. pp. 12-14. A week later Davenport wrote again to say that he had laid in some tables and chairs, and that the apples would be kept safe from frost. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 49 These later undertakings at New London and New Haven evidently did not cause him to abandon earlier ones in the parent Colony, as in May, 1656, the Massachusetts General Court voted: — This Court takeinge into consideracb the uncertaynty of pcureing salt amongst us for o' necessary uses, & what salt hath bin of late gotten hath bin at very deare rates, & whereas M' John Winthrop profereth to make salt for the colonic after a new way, never before devised or practised, & desireth that none other may make salt within this jurisdic tion for the space of 21 yeares after his manner, w'''' none before hath known or used, & that he may have that priviledge graunted him by tliis Court : this Gen" Court therfore doth hereby graunt unto the s^ M' John Winthrop the priviledge of makeing salt after his new way within this jurisdiction, & that none other dureing the s* terme shall make salt after his manner "without the s'^ M' Winthrops speciall license.^ However gratifying it may have been to the townspeople of New Haven, and to Winthrop's personal friends in that neighbor hood, to have him so much among them, it excited a very oppo site feeling in the Pequot country, and the following passage from a letter of Jonathan Brewster to him, dated Mohegan (near New London) Jan. 14, 165|-, brings to mind the affectionate remon strances of Nathaniel Ward, more than twenty-one years before, on the subject of Winthrop's long absence from Ipswich : — Sir, I with the rest of myne earnestly desyre your returne, with your family, if it might stand with your profitt & conveniency. Wee & the whole To"wne & Church wantes you. We are as naked without you, yea indeed, we are as a body without a head, & would that we might injoye your presence. I feare God sees us not worthy to such a bless ing. My praiers to God is & shall be to him for that end, and my poore ability shall not be wanting to further the same. I have therefor stirred the Townesmen to grant you what encouragement they can afford you to sett up a Forge here, which may be one meanes to bringe you backe againe. There is a very characteristic letter from Brewster to Mrs. Winthrop, written on the same day, and for the same purpose. In it he says : — 1 Records of Massachusetts, vol. iii. p. 400. 50 SKETCH OF When I or mine has occasion to come to Pequott and behold your house, and nether you nor any of yours there, it makes us sad & sorrow- full. . . . Yet when I consider your engagements of returning againe to your old habitation amongest us, your poore neighboi-s, it is as lyfe from death, & gives spiritt to me & myne to rest contented till that tyme come to enjoy your swete society once more, which "will be made more pleasant, & I hope profitabile, than before, as oft times it fauUes out soe that the goodnes of a thing is not so well knowen as when it is wanting & long absent from us. Therfor I desyre you to prove us once more, whether we will amend, & make apparent our love & good neighborred towards you & yours, that you may no more have cause to complaine of us. If I might have my will, you should not be from Pequott one month. . . . In the meane tyme, I beseech you, be noe meanes to hinder your honnored husband from returning, but rather perswad & further him in soe desyred a thing, thoughe of us not deserved. ... Be wiU- ing, if God put into M' Winthrop hart and mynd to come, to consent & be ready to forward him thereunto, and not to put any rubbes in the ¦way to hinder & perswad to staye where you are. You know weomen are very strong & powerfuU to act this way, & overcoume the strongest & wisest men that ever were or are in the world, by perswations & swete allurements to draw as an adamant their husbands will to theires. I knowe & am assured better of you, that you will hearken to councell & reason, though disadvantaigable to your selfe, in which confydence I hope once more to see you heare, & shall not be wanting to pray to God for that end.^ From time to time such appeals were renewed by Brewster and others, the former writing five months later : — It would glad my heart to see you heare. I spoke to your Worshipp at the River's mouth about the same, & then you seemed willing, if your new stone house could be in any waies comfortable. Therfore I with some more here, & generally the whole Towne, are willing to help for that end, which will be both shortly & substantially finished. . . . The Indians round about us are all of ffyer, fighting & quarrelling upon all occasiones & opportunityes, in soe much that all commerce "with them is stopped, to all our hindrances & losses. ... I pray you if possible 1 Jonathan Brewster was eldest son of Elder WiUiam Brewster of Plymouth. For these two letters, with others from him, see Massachusetts Historical Society's Col lections, Series 4, vol. vii. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 51 to be here at our next Towne-meeting, which is appointed to end & conclude with Pakatucke, Misticke & Pequott about the old difference, which is by the last Courte ordered to agree, if possible, amongst our selves ; if not, they have ordered a Committie of Magistrats to come downe to end it. The persons are, first, Your Worshipp, Major Mason, Captain CuUett, M' Talcott, & M' AUin. I intreate you, if possibUely you can, to come over to helpe us heerin, so that chardges may be saved & scandall may be removed, which will be occasioned by the head-strong violent spiritts of some of our inhabitants, whom your presenc would much restrain .... Your servant Edmond, with his wife, now at my house, desyred me to informe your Worshipp that they ar all well upon the Hand. . . . Your maid likewise wants vesseUs for to sett milke in, & some chesse clothes, & would know your mynd about your wooU, & wantes a siffe, & some mealle, for our MiUe is in repairing & will not be finished in 3 weekes longer. ... If you could bring that book with you, you might do me a pleasuer. Indian troubles caused great delay in the receipt of letters, which often disappeared altogether, and when he wrote the above Brewster was unaware that Winthrop had become, more than a month before, Governor-elect of Connecticut, a post which would before long necessitate his removal from New Haven and admit of only occasional visits to New London. This election took place May 21, 1657, and the General Court subsequently passed the following votes : — May 21. The Court desires Capt. Cullick to write a letter to M' Winthrop, as speedily as may bee, to acquaint him to what place the Country have chosen him, & to desire his present assistance as much as may bee. Aug. 12. This Court orders that M' Winthrop, being chosen Gov'no' of this CoUony, shall bee againe desired to come & live in Hartford, w* his family, while he gov'nes, they grant^ him the yeerly use or profitts of the housing & lands in Hartford belonging to M' John Haynes, w""" shall be yeerly discharged out of the publicke Treasury. Oct. — . The Court doth appoint the Treasurer to provide horses & men to send for M' Winthrop, in case he is minded to come to dwell w** us.^ 1 Colonial Records of Connecticut, vol. i. pp. 298, 301, 306. There appear to be no letters from him dated Hartford earlier than the beginning of 1658. 52 SKETCH OF It was in this same year, 1657, that Colonel Stephen Win throp, M. P., — that " great man for soul libertie," as Roger Williams called him, — offered to put his nephew Fitz-John in the way of receiving a commission in the Parliamentary army, if he would leave Harvard, where he was then a student, and go to England. The young man's tastes were those of a soldier rather than a student, and he embraced the earliest opportunity of sailing, though his father looked with natural misgivings upon the temptations of camp-life for a youth of barely nineteen. But two letters from him to his son at this period have been pre served, both written from Boston in September, 1658, and con taining the following good ad"vice : — Be earnest w"' the Lord in praier, that having delivered you from those great dangers upon the seas, so he would preserve your soule and body fro eternall death, and all those snares and temptations and aUure- ments of Sathan, sin and the world, y* might plunge your soule into perdition. Be carefuU to avoid all evill and vaine company, w'** are so great instrumets of Sathan to draw and intice to evill, and to allure the simple into the snares of destruction, as the bird is taken in the nett. Whoso is wise will beware of them. Be not dra-wne, upon any motion or pretence whatsoever, into tavernes or alehouses, or any houses or copany of evill fame. I have often forewarned and psuaded you against wine and strong drinke, w* if it were only for your health you should carefully shun, — yea, the very moderate use thereof. The often use of such things, though very moderately taken, is originall of great diseases and distemp'^ ; it never agreeth w*"* the constitution and lungs of any of our family, and is more dangerous in those pts than heere.^ Be very carefuU that you doe not rune into such debts as your employmet will not produce money for y' satisfying therof, for you know I being now in no way of trade shall not be able to helpe you w* any thing thither by bills or otherwise. Therfore if such employmet doth not affoard you comfortable maintenance you shalbe welcome to returne, but seeing Providence hath so ordered that you are among such good friends eyther in England or Scotland, I shall not call you back, but leave you to the guidance of y° Almighty to direct your way. Your 1 Fitz-John was then in garrison in Scotland, a Lieutenant in a regiment com manded by his maternal uncle, Thomas Reade. His uncle Stephen Winthrop had died suddenly soon after his arrival in London. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 53 mother and sisters were very glad of those letters fro you, and have all of them "written to you. They were in good health when I came fro Hartford. You should write by every way y* offers, eyther by Barbados, Virginia, or other opportunity, though never so breifly. Letters sent by way of Barbados or other pts must be inclosed to some knowne setled pson there that is also knowne heere ; but every direct passage I hope you will not faile.' VIII Up to the time that Winthrop became Governor a rule pre vailed in Connecticut that no one should hold the office for two successive terms, in accordance with which system he became Deputy Governor in the following year, and as his duties thus proved less engrossing, an effort was made to draw him back to New Haven, John Davenport writing : — If you would please to stock your farme and to give order to have your land at Newhaven improved, you might live comfortably upon that which is your owne in this place. The people here also would be ready to serve you with theyre labours, and to take hold of all good occasions of declaring theyre thanckfulness, — really as they are bound to doe — for your large and liberal helpefulness to them.^ So great a need, however, seems to have been felt at Hartford for his ser"vices at the helm, that a change was shortly after made by which, from 1659 until his death in 1676, he was con tinuously elected to the Chief Magistracy, though not always, as will be seen, to his own satisfaction. His whole administration covered a period of nearly eighteen years, embracing many intricate and much vexed questions of boundary lines between Connecticut and her neighbors, the obtaining of a Royal Charter, the absorption of the Colony of New Haven, hostilities "with the Dutch, and bloody and protracted conflicts with Indian tribes. To describe all these is not the purpose of this narrative, but some brief account is necessary of that official residence in Eng- 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. viii. pp. 45-51. ' Ibid., Series 3, vol. x. p. 22. 54 SKETCH OF land, from 1661 to 1663, which figures so conspicuously in his career. The Restoration of Charles II had excited very natural un easiness in Connecticut, and an earnest desire was felt to obtain a Royal Charter similar to that enjoyed by Massachusetts. The best chance of effecting this seemed to lie in the representation of the Colony in London by some one who possessed influential friends there, and Winthrop was accordingly sent out as Agent without relinquishing the Governorship, the General Assembly voting £500 for his expenses, — a sum which the Treasurer was unable to pay until long afterward, but which, in order to expedite matters, Winthrop raised by a mortgage of his Fisher's Island estate. He was fortunate to find still living his old patron, Lord Say, who strongly recommended him to another great friend of the Puritans, the Earl of Manchester, then Lord Chamberlain.^ The latter made him acquainted with various prominent persons at Court, and the upshot was that, though detained abroad much longer than he first expected, he ultimately met with gratifying success, and was able to bring back a Charter conferring far more ample privileges than those he represented had dared to hope for. Associated with it in many minds is the following romantic legend, not improbably a creation of the fertile brain of Cotton Mather, which has since been gravely narrated by some historians, besides figuring prominently in the pages of novelists and poets : — M' Winthrop had an extraordinary ring, which had been given his grandfather by King Charles the First, which he presented to the King. This, it is said, exceedingly pleased his Majesty, as it had been once the property of a father most dear to him. Under these circumstances, the petition of Connecticut was presented, and was received with uncom mon grace and favor.^ 1 See Say's letter to Winthrop of ' Dec. 14, 1661. Maasachusetts Historical Society's CoUections, Series 5, vol. i. p. 394. 2 TrumbuU's History of Connecticut, vol. i, p. 248. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 55 In sober fact, Winthrop's grandfather was a quiet Suffolk squire, of scholarly tastes and strong Puritan leanings, whose duties as a county magistrate did not require his attendance at Court, who died at a good old age two years before Charles I came to the throne, and who would seem to have been one of the last persons to have attracted the favor of that monarch when Prince of Wales. Moreover, in the common-place books, still ex isting, in which this old gentleman was in the habit of recording viemoraUlia of famous personages, there is no mention of the gift to himself by a prince of the blood of "an extraordinary ring," and the anecdote is probably one of those curious fables which encrust themselves upon history. It is, however, true that before Winthrop returned to New England he received a minia ture of Charles II from the King himself, a distinction due, it may fairly be inferred, to his winning manner and diplomatic address, though the fact that his son had been a Captain in Monk's army on its famous march to London may possibly have contributed towards it. A later historian sums up his account of the whole matter as follows : — Winthrop was backed by powerful friends. He possessed singular quaUfications for the business "with which he was charged; and he appUed himself to it with zealous diligence. With the pliancy which made part of his graceful character, he overcame the disgust that must have possessed him in approaching those whose savage revenge had just brought sorrow into his own home,' and remembering only that he was the Governor and the envoy of Connecticut, solicited personal good- wiU in every quarter where it might serve her interests. These facts, however, afford but an insufficient explanation of the extraordinary result of his endeavours. We are still left to inquire how it could be that a wary and ambitious minister, who, in the new zeal of office, was gathering into his master's hands all power that could be seized, was brought to make a formal grant of what almost amounted to in dependence.^ * Hugh Peter had been beheaded as a regicide less than a year before. 2 Palfrey's History of New England, vol. ii. pp. 541-542. The reference is to Lord Clarendon. 56 SKETCH OF Next to success in this mission he greatly enjoyed the oppor tunity it afforded him for renewing and enlarging his acquaint ance with men of leammg. The Royal Society for improving Natural Knowledge, though not incorporated until 1662, was first organized in 1660, and its records show that, on the llth of December 1661, Winthrop was proposed for membership by his friend William Brereton, afterward Lord Brereton. Admitted to the Society a few weeks later, he took an active part in its proceedings from that time until his departure from England in the early summer of 1663, reading papers upon a variety of subjects, — such as strange tides, the refining of gold, the mak ing of pitch, tar, and pot-ashes, the planting of timber, the build ing of ships in North America, deep-water soundings, black lead, a new way of Trade and Banking, and the brewing of beer from maize bread, — besides exhibiting at meetings a self-feeding lamp apparently invented by himself, a precious stone of different colors, a curious variety of earth which would float an hour "with out sinking, some bluish grains of corn gro"wii in the West Indies, and the drawing of a vessel built in New England.^ Scientific experiments were his chief delight, and but for the separation from his wife and daughters we may well imagine this to have been the happiest part of his life.^ War between England and Holland having broken out afresh, at the desire of the Royal Commander, Richard NicoUs, Winthrop was present, in August 1664, at the Capitulation of New Nether- land, thenceforth known as New York, ha"vdng used his personal influence with the Dutch Governor Stuyvesant to persuade him to surrender. Both his public duties and private concerns were exceptionally burdensome during the next few years. Despite 1 Birch's History of the Royal Society, vol. i. passim. * During her husband's absence Mrs. Winthrop passed a large part of her time in Massachusetts, where her eldest daughter had married Rev. Antipas Newman, Min ister of Wenham, afterward of Rehoboth. The regiment of Fitz-John Winthrop was disbanded not long after the Restoration, and he was much with his father in London, where his younger brother joined them. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 57 his untiring diligence and his undoubted capacity, he met with serious pecuniary losses. Neither his iron-works nor his lead- mines had been profitable, — the latter ha"ving been discontinued owing to the Indian wars, — while ships in whose cargoes he had latterly become largely interested were captured by the Dutch Admiral De Ruyter.^ Accordingly, in 1667, he asked permission to retire from the Governorship, alleging that his affairs were in urgent need of closer attention and that his duty to his family did not justify a further continuance in office. The General Assem bly, however, refused consent, protesting that he could not be spared, and, to make things easier for him, they released his estate from taxation and granted him £110 out of the public treasury.^ Such leisure as he could spare at this period was given to cor responding with his colleagues of the Royal Society, and although the most elaborate papers he sent home to them were consigned by De Ruyter's cruisers to the bottom of the British Channel, yet there still remain to be consulted long letters of his dealing in turn with astronomical and chemical researches, with tides, water-spouts, caterpillars, comets, minerals, sea-dredging, the blight of corn, the effects of lightning, new ways of making salt and tar, with other topics too numerous to mention.^ In one letter to the President of the Society, Sir Robert Moray, he de scribes his reasons for suspecting the existence of a fifth satellite of Jupiter, — a discovery reserved to our o"wn time, — and he made other observations with a little telescope subsequently given by him to Harvard College, the earliest astronomical instrument which that institution is known to have possessed.* 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. viii. p. 134. 2 Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 317. ' Winthrop's correspondence with the Royal Society, — or such of it as escaped the Dutch, — is to be found in Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, Series 1, vol. xvi. pp. 206-251, and it has also been privately printed in pamphlet form. * See a letter to him from the Corporation of Harvard on this subject, dated Feb. 2, 167^, and printed in Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, Series 2, vol. iv. pp. 265-266. 58 SKETCH OF In October, 1670, he wrote from Boston again offering to resign the Governorship, assigning as a reason " the necessity eyther of a voyage into England, or much longer stay in Mas sachusetts than I intended when I came from Hartford," and he had previously chafed at being able to be so little at Fisher's Island, where he had long been successful in breeding horses, and had in view fresh experiments in making salt.^ The General Assembly, however, renewed their refusal, but endeavored to con sole him by voting a further increase of salary, accompanied by valuable grants of land.^ At the close of 1672 came the great sorrow and irreparable loss of his old age, the death at Hartford of his wife, who had over-fatigued herself in taking care of him during a severe illness, and whose memory is perpetuated by affec tionate allusions to her ia the letters of Roger Wilhams, — one in particular. Near the village of Wickford in the Narragansett country, which took its name from her English home, was a spring at which she often drank in journeys to and from Boston, and which became widely kno"wn as Elizabeth's Spring. It was in allusion to it that Williams subsequently wrote her bereaved husband : — I constantly thinck of you and send up one remembrance to Heaven for you, and a groan from my selfe for myselfe, when I pass Elizabeth's Spring. Here is the Spring say I (with a sigh) but where is Ehzabeth ! My charity answers, she is gone to the Eternal Spring and Fountaine of Living Waters.^ King Philip's war broke out in 1675 and some idea of the anxieties which beset Winthrop may be gleaned from the follow ing extract from a long letter which Williams wrote him on the 25th of June: — 1 The first horse ever seen in Connecticut is stated to have been brought there by Winthrop in 1645, and the stud farm maintained by him at Fisher's Island was con tinued by his sons and grandson. ^ TrumbuU's History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 321. ' Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. p. 299. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 59 While we were discoursing .... in comes (as from Heaven) your dear son Major Winthrop to our assistance. . . . The last night they have (as is this morning said) slaine 5 English of Swansie & brought their heads to PhiUip, & mortally wounded 2 more, with the death of one Indian. By letters from the Governour of Plymmouth we heare that the Plymmouth forces (about 200), with Swansie & Rehoboth men, were this day to give battell to Phillip. Sir, my old bones & eyes are weary "with travel, & writing to the Governours of Massachusets & Rode Island, & now to your selves. I end with humble cryes to the Father of Mercies to extend his ancient & wonted mercies to N : England.^ He had now entered the seventieth year of a life which had involved unremitting exertion and much exposure to severity of climate. It is not therefore to be wondered at that the pressure of physical infirmities had begun to bear heavily upon him, but when, for the third time, he asked permission to relinquish the helm to a younger pilot, proposing to recruit his health by a voyage to England,^ he was met by such a chorus of remonstrance that he resigned himself to die in harness, nor had he long to wait. In September, 1675, he proceeded to Boston to attend a protracted session of the Commissioners of the United Colonies. In March, 1676, when preparing to return to Hartford, he took cold, became feeble, and on the 10th of April was laid beside his father in what is now King's Chapel grave-yard. Seven and thirty years had then elapsed since he is known to have occupied his house at the East End of Ipswich, but that he continued during all this time in some degree in touch with the town is shown by occasional allusions in his domestic correspondence, particularly in the letters of Samuel Symonds, who at one time speaks of a "visit from three of Winthrop's daughters " all in health, & as merry as very good cheere & Ipswich frends can make them," — at another time 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. 301-2. Both Winthrop's sons were then in the military service of Connecticut, but the younger was in command of this detachment, owing to his brother's illness. 2 See his letter to the General Court of Connecticut, in Ilnd., Series 5, vol. viii. pp. 168-169. 60 SKETCH OF writes, "our friends at Salem, Wenham, & Ipswich are all in health, blessed be God," — and who not infrequently expresses the hope of a visit from Winthrop himself, the last of these invi tations being as late as 1675. He left behind him an unusually large landed property, — much of it unimproved, — scattered through the jurisdictions of Connecticut, New York, and Massachusetts, the heirs being seven children, two sons and five daughters, several other children having died before him. His eldest son, Fitz-John, is best remembered as general in command of the Expedition against Canada in 1690, as Agent of Connecticut at the Court of Wil liam and Mary, and as long Governor of that Colony. The younger, Wait, married for his first wife a daughter of Hon. WU ham Browne, of Salem, and after his father's death resided chiefly in Boston, where he sat for a long period in the Executive Council, became Chief Justice of the Superior Court, and was for nearly thirty years Major-General commanding the Massachusetts Militia. His second wife and widow figures prominently in Judge Sewall's diary. The five daughters were Elizabeth, who married, first, Rev. Antipas Newman, already alluded to, and second, Zerubbabel Endecott, a son of Governor John Endecott, leaving issue only by her first marriage ; Lucy, who became first wife of Major Edward Palmes of Ne"vv London, and died without surviving issue ; Margaret, who married John Corwin of Salem, and left issue; Martha, who became third wife of Hon. Richard Wharton of Boston, and left two daughters ; Anne, who became second wife of Hon. John Richards of Boston, and died "without issue. It is rarely, if ever, the lot of a public man to escape criticism, and some features of Winthrop's policy have been called in ques tion. In a discriminating re"view of his administration a distin guished historian says : — It is painful to have to speak in terms of measured commendation of a man so virtuous as the second John Winthrop. Apart from his dis- JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 61 tinguished elegance and accomplishments of mind, which belong to a different category, he was singularly amiable in aU private relations. So gracefuUy did he bear his eminence, that no one was provoked to traduce or so much as prompted to envy him. He was so gentle and generous that to dissent from him cost a struggle. Everybody wished well to him who was everybody's weU-wisher and helper. The cham pions of New Haven, excited as they were, never mention him with harshness. Even John Davenport, with his strong and stern character, and his more just and comprehensive views of public affairs, could scarcely bear, in that catastrophe of New Haven which fired his heart, to oppose himself to his old and kind friend. Winthrop had, within his sphere, an excellent talent for affairs. The internal administration of his Colony was conducted by him with great skill and good sense, as well as diligence. But to bestow on him the same amount of praise that is due to his illustrious father would be to confound things that widely differ. His character had not the same heroic cast. This was by the inferiority of his nature, and not by any vice of his principles. But history, which should express the cultivated moral sense of mankind, must not place any, who are borne away on a current of seductive or bewildering influ ence, on the same level with those who breast the tide with hearts of controversy, sustained by consciousness of power in themselves, and by a supreme confidence that, against whatever strength of opposition, truth and right will prove their sufficient allies. . . . It should not occasion surprise, if the experiences, public and pri vate, through which the Governor of Connecticut had passed before the restoration of the British monarchy, at which time he was fifty-five years old, had somewhat toned down the enthusiasm with which under parental influence he had entered upon Ufe. He had now seen the once competent fortune of his family sacrificed in carrying out his father's generous enterprise. He had seen the great patriot party in England, which bespoke the devotion of his youth, dismally discredited by the errors of those whom events pushed to its front, and all its power scat tered, and its glory vanished like a dream. It is no more than just to believe that Winthrop went to England after the Restoration without a purpose to wrong New Haven, or to weaken the Confederacy of the Four Colonies. In England, where his estimable and winning qualities were at once recognized, he was caressed and petted by men who did not love his adopted country as he did, or who, at all events, did not see its vital interests and honor in the light in which they were regarded by her own wisest sons. Lord Manchester, 62 SKETCH OF Lord Anglesey, Lord Holies, and other Puritan nobles, who had become courtiers as the best thing to be done in those evil times, were wiUing to patronize New England, but only with circumspection and reserve. The aged Lord Saye and Sele, the early patron of the suitor from Con necticut, had had enough of opposition to the King, and he had no partiaUty for the Colony of New Haven, which had been erected, with out leave asked, on land of which he claimed to be a proprietor by royal grant. Robert Boyle, and the academicians over whom he presided, conferred the signal honor of election to their Society on the philosopher from beyond the water ; and Boyle made no secret of his opinion that his New England friends would do weU to be tractable and quiet. Lord Clarendon, whose scheme of Colonial policy was ripe, saw his opportunity to practise on the amiable envoy, and the blandishments of that courtly though arbitrary statesman were not easy to "withstand.^ It is not safe for the most upright man to receive flattering attentions from those whose political designs he ought not to favor. It is by no means always to iU intentions, or to general incapacity, on the part of import ant actors, that political errors and disasters are to be traced. If the influences to which Winthrop was subjected in England confused his perceptions of a patriot's duty, there is no proof that they ever tempted him to do a conscious wrong. It is fair to suppose that he was brought to see or to believe that an annexation of New Haven to Connecticut was the best provision attainable by him for the well-being of both Colonies, and he honestly desired to make the calamity as little afflicting as possible to the aggrieved Colony.^ The foregoing passage was penned nearly forty years ago, and in the interval there has been a perceptible increase in the number of those students of history who incline to doubt whether the an nexation of New Haven to Connecticut was either an error of judgment or a grave disaster. This is not the place to discuss such a question. At all events, the habitual moderation of Win throp's political course was generally recognized, even by his op ponents. Writing to him in 1660, Roger Williams said : — 1 In a footnote the author refers to a letter from Winthrop to Boyle in the Works of the Honorable Robert Boyle, i. Ixxi., and prints a well-known letter from Claren don to Winthrop, dated April 28, 1664. See also Boyle's letter to Winthrop, of April 21, 1664, in Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, Series 1, vol. v. pp. 276-277. a Palfrey's History of New England, vol. iii. p. 234-237. JOHN WINTHROP THE YOUNGER 63 Sir, you were, not long since, the son of two noble fathers, M' John Winthrop and M' H. Peters. Surely I did ever, from my soule, honor and love them even when their judgments led them to afflict me. Yet the Father of Spirits spares us breath, and I rejoice that youre name is not blurrd, but rather honord, for your prudent and moderate hand in the late Quakers trials amongst us. And it is said that in the late Parliament your selfe were one of the three in nomination for Gen: Governor over New England, which however that design ripend not, yet your name keepes up a high esteeme. ... I rejoice to hear that you gain, by new plantations, upon this "wilderness. The sight of youre hand hath quieted some jealousies that the Bay designed some prejudice to the liberty of conscience amongst us, and my endeavor shall be (with God's helpe), to wellcome, with both our hands and armes, your interest in these parts, though we have no hope to enjoy your personall residence amongst us.^ And in the last letter Winthrop is known to have received from him, dated Dec. 10, 1675, and accompanying the gift of a Httle volume of poetry, Roger Williams wrote : — I have heard that you have bene in late consultations semper idem, semper paciflcus, & I hope therein heatus. You have always bene noted for tendernes toward mens soules, especiaUy for conscience sake to God. You have bene noted for tendernes toward the bodies & infirmities of poor mortalls. You have bene tender too toward the estates of men in your civill steerage of government, & toward the peace of the land, yea, of these wUd savages. I presume you are satisfied in the necessitie of these present hostilities, & that it is not possible to keepe peace with these barbarous men of blood, who are as justly to be repelld & sub dued as wolves that assault the sheepe. God hath helpt yourselfe & others with wonderfuU selfe denyall & patience to keep off this neces sitie. But God (against whom only there is no fighting) is pleased to put this iron yoake upon our necks & (as he did with the Canaanites) to harden them against Joshua to their destruction. I fear the event of the justest war ; but if it please God to deliver them into our hands, I know you wiU antiquum ohtinere, & still endeavour that our sword may make a difference, & parcere suhjectis, though we dehellare superlos. . . . Sir, I hope the not approach of your deare son with his (your forces of Connecticut) is only through the intercepting of the posts ; for we I Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 3, vol. x. pp. 27-28. 64 JOHN WINTHEOP THE YOUNGER have now no passing by Elizabeths Spring without a strong foote. God "will have it so. Dear Sir, if we cannot save our patients, nor relations, nor Indians, nor English, oh let us make sure to save the bird in our bozome, & to enter into that straight dore & narrow way, which the Lord Jesus himselfe tells us, few there be that find it.* In conclusion. Governor John Winthrop the younger will not go down in history as cast in the heroic mould of his father. Probably, but for his father's sake, he would not have remained in New England many years, so strong was his bent towards sci ence. There can, however, be no question that, by those who find time to study his remarkable career, he will always be regarded as an exceptionally many-sided man, conscientious and self-sacrificing, who entered heart and soul into whatever he undertook, and who, whether as a scholar, a soldier, a pioneer, a statesman, or a man of business, was greatly valued by his con temporaries, and considered all-important to many enterprises. 1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. 305-306. APPENDIX I. An Invektokie of M". Winthrops Goods of Ips"witch ^ Imp"? In the Cliam^ ov'' thc Parlor 1 feath' bed 1 banckett 1 cov'lett 1 blew rugg 1 boster & 2 pillowes 1 trunck marked w'*" R. W. F. ^ wherein is 1 mantle of silk w*" gld lace 1 hoUand tablecloth some 3 yds loung 1 p tit hoU sheets 3 1 pillobear half full of childs linning etc 6 childs blanketts whereof 1 is bare million (vermilion ?) 1 cushion for a child of chamlett 1 cours table cloth 3 y** long 6 cros cloths & 2 gnives (?) 9 childs bedds (beeds ?) 2 duble clouts 1 p' hoU sleeves 4 apons whereof 1 is laced 2 smocks 2 p' sheets 1 napkin 1 whit square chest wherein is 1 doz dyp [diaper ?] napkins 1 damsk napkin 1 doz hoU napkins 1 This inventory, mentioned on pages 9 and 10, exhibits the personal effects and live stock left in Ipswich by Winthrop on his departure for England in the autumn of 1634, after the loss of his wife and child. It has already been printed by this Society, but the suggestion has been made that it wiU hereafter be convenient to be able to refer to it in this volume. " These initials were probably A. W. F. (Anne Winthrop Fones, mother of Winthrop's wife). » TwiUed hoUand ? 5 66 APPENDIX 2 doz & 2 napkins 2 cuberd cloths 11 pillowbeares 11 m napkins 2 table cloths 4 towills IttthoU shirt 2 dyp towills 3 dyp table cloths Ip'tRboU sheets 1 long great chest where in is 1 black gowne tam'y * 1 gowne sea greene 1 childs baskett 2 old petticotts 1 red [illeg.] 1 sand coll' serg 1 p' leath' stockins 1 muff 1 window cushion 5 quision cases 1 small piUowe 1 peece stript linsy woolcy 1 p' boddyes 1 tapstry cov'lett 1 peece lininge stuff for curtins 1 red bayes cloake for a woman 1 p' of sheets In the Cham' ov' the Kychin 1 feath' bed 1 boster 1 pillowe 2 blanketts 2 ruggs bl & w* 2 floq bedds 5 ruggs 2 bolsters 1 pillowe 1 broken warming pan In the Garrett Cham,' ov' the Storehowse maney small things glasses potts &c In the Parlor 1 bedsted 1 trundle bedsted w* curtins & vallences 1 table & 6 stooles 1 Taminy, a sort of woollen cloth. APPENDIX 67 1 muskett 1 small fowleing peece w"* rest & bandeleer 1 trunke of pewter 1 cabbinett wherein the servants say is rungs, jewills, 13 silv' spoones this I cannot open 1 cabbinett of Surgerie In the Kyttchin 1 brass baking pan 5 milk pans 1 small pestle & morter 1 Steele mill 14 musketts rests & bandeleers 2 iron kettles 2 copp' 2 brass kettles 1 iron pott 2 bl jacks 2 skillitts whereof 1 is brasse 4 poringers 1 spitt 1 grat' 1 p' racks 1 p' andirnes 1 old iron rack 1 iron peele 1 grediron 1 p' tongs 2 brass ladles 1 p' bellowes 2 stills w^'bottumsP] In M' Wards hajids 1 silv' cupp 6 spoones 1 salt of silver In the ware howse 2 great chests naled upp 1 chest 1 trunk w"*" I had ord' not to open 1 chest of tooles 6 cowes 6 steeres 2 heiffers dyvers peeces of iron & Steele P>" me Will Clarke Indorsed by Governor Winthrop : Innyer (?) of my sones goods (last two tvords illegible) 68 APPENDIX IL Lbttees to John Winthrop, J". ^ To my loveing brother John Winthrop, Essq'', in England or elswhere, dd. Septemb27: 1642. Loving brother, I could not but writ thes fewe lines imto you, being verey desierus to heare from you, it being so I cannot see you heare ; but I hop it wiU not be long but you will bee heare. Wee thinke the time verey long since you wint away. Wee know it cannot but be verey greves to my sistar to be so long absent from you, thoth she bares it verey well before company. Therfore I pray hastin to us and let not Wate StiU wate any longer. You know, I suppose, your sones name is so.* I must be brefe becas I am unfit to "writ much. I have laine in and have another lekill girll, and have kept my chambar this nine wekes, and have had a sore brest, but the Lord hath bin verey good to me. My husban is well, and is at the Bay at the Court aconsulting what to doe about the Ingines. Wee are in feare of thim. My sistar Lake is heare and desires to be remembared to you. This with my love to you remembared, I commet you to the Lord and rest Your ever loving Sistar Martha Simons. For my very loveing Uncle, John Winthr ope Esq' now in Boston, this present. Loveing Uncle, This is to intreat you to remember to make some thing for my mans arme, and leave it with my Sister Duncan, and if you can con veniently, something for my eyes, for the rume troubles me as it did before, and some direction how I should use it. I had hopes of coming to Boston before now, but the weather hath much hindered me in my 1 Early Ipswich letters, however unimportant, possess a certain interest, and these two are the only ones found among Winthrop's papers which were addressed to him by their respective writers. The first is from his wife's sister, the second wife of Samuel Symonds, who had previously married Daniel Eppes, the elder. The second is from this lady's son Daniel Eppes, the younger, who subsequently married EUza- beth Symonds, a daughter of his step-father by the latter's first vnfe, Dorothy Harlakenden. =" Winthrop's second son, born Feb. 26, 164J , during his father's absence, was christened Waite StiU, but was afterward habitually known only as Wait. He is sometimes stated to have been born in 164^, but this letter, and the records of the First Church of Boston, establish the contrary. APPENDIX 69 occasions, and have little hope of coming within any short time. If providence should so order that wee doe not see you here nor there, I would intreat you to present my servis, with my wife's, to my Ant Winthrope, and our love to all our coussens. Soe haveing no more to trouble you with, I shall remaine yours to be comanded in any servis. Danbbll Epps. From Ipswich, 8. 8'? 1658. III. Will of John Winthrop, J"-, 1661. I being at present, through the goodnese of the Almighty, in good health of body, yet intending (if God please) to make a voyage over the seas into Europe, — finding to my full satisfaction after long & serious consideration the Lord directing me thereunto, as by a full, cleere & necessary caU to undertake that voyage, — I doe comitt my selfe, soule & body, into the hands of the Almighty, my faithfuU Creator & mercifull Redeemer, whether in life or death, relying only upon his divine pro"ndence & goodnesse for protection & guidance in this long voyage, — so relying only upon the meritts of my gratious Sa"vdour for the salvation of my Soule in the day of his glorious appear ing & the resurrection of the just, resting in full hope & assurance of my part therein through the wonderfull power & "virtue of his resurrection, I thought it necessary for the setling of my outward estate for the cofort of my family, to make this my last Will & testament in mSner foUowing: — First, I desire that aU my just debtes may be satisfied out of my stock of horses, mares, goates, sheepe, and great cattle, — such as are not lett out, — as also out of the rents of my Hand, and MUl at New London, if other stock wiU not doe it, — w"*" ever may be best done according to the ordering of the Executors, w*'' the advice of any friends they may see cause to take councell of in y* case. I give & bequeath to my deare wife one hundred pounds p annQ to be paid unto hir yearly during hir life in this maner following : — That whereas my farme of Mistick is made over as a joynture to hir for hir maintenance during hir life, it is my will, and my true intent & meaning, that there shalbe so much more paid unto hir out of Fishers Hand, or the Mill at New London, or both, or any other of my estate as may, w"* that rent or profitts w* shalbe fro my said farme at 70 APPENDIX Mistick called Tenhills, neere Charlestowne in the Colony of the Massachusetts, and the orchard there, — amount to the full sume of one hundred pounds p annil, to be paid to hir at such place as she shaU direct, w*''out any care or trouble to hir selfe. I give also to my wife the use and dwelling in my house at Tenhills, and that at New London (both as it now is, or when it shalbe finished for a dwelling house), during hir Ufe, that she may chuse w°^ of those houses she will, or both of them, if she will some times change hir habitation for hir health & the health of hir family. Also, I give hir the use of the house at Hartford ¦w*'' I have hired for the remainder of the tyme thereof of this last yeare y' it is in my hands. Also, I do give unto hir my said wife the use of all the household goods, as bedding, pewter, brass, iron, linen, or any other things, that are eyther at Hartford, or Newhaven, or New London, or Mistick, or Boston, during hir life, & power to dispose of them amongst our children as she shall thinke fittest, eyther in her life tyme or at hir death. Also I give hir six cowes, & five mares, & the greate gray horse, to be hirs to dispose of as she will, and ten sheepe ; and the use of my negro Strange, alias Kabooder, halfe his tyme ; — but the other halfe I allow to himselfe during his Ufe, if his mistris consent to it. My meaning is that he should, if he doth not desire to Uve w*"" hir, or she not "willing to keepe him, then he should worke for hir, or her assignes, as she hath occation, thre daies in the weeke, & the rest of the tyme to make the best of it for himselfe, — or as he can agree w*'' his mistris upon daies, to take allowance of hir for that pt of his tyme that I allow him for himselfe if she desireth it & he be wilUng, as they may yearly agree, — & after hir death I sett him wholy free to worke or plant wholy for himselfe, provided he did carry himselfe weU to hir, and provided he doth not sell himselfe, or any other waies dispose of himself to any other, except to be hired for some short tyme as an English laborer or workma. And I doe give unto him the said Kaboonder twenty acres of land, eyther at Mistick in the Pequot country, or betweene the SawT mill & Alewife Brook, w"*" he shall chuse, or at Quinibage if there be a plantation there, — and if he take it there, I allow him 10 acres of meadow there, besides the twenty acres of upland, out of my division of lands there when it shall come to be divided, or before, if my loving friends M' Richarson & the rest will lay it out for him there.^ 1 By family tradition, Kaboonder was a native African who claimed to have been a chief in his own country, and in whose fidelity Winthrop placed much confidence. APPENDIX 71 Also, I give to my daughter Lucy my farm at Niantique w'='' is lett out unto Isaac Willie & his son in law who maried his daughter, to hir and hir heires for ever, — but if she should not have heires of hir owne body, nor dispose of it by Will, then I give it to my son Wait Still Winthrop & his heires for ever, provided he pay out of it fifty pounds apiece to my daughters, Margaret, Martha & Anne, w*^ in one yeare after his right to it should fall out, other-wise the rent of it to go to the raising of these fifty pounds, that is, to Margaret the first yeare & Martha the next, & to Anne the next yeare, so to be continued tiU the said sumes are paid, & then to be to my sonne Wait Still & his heires as aforesaid. Also I give to my daughter Lucy one mare & two cowes, & the little white horse w"'' is called hir horse already, & six sheepe. I give to my daughter Margaret that farme w"** I have at the head of Mistick River, neere goodma Culvers, & that land there w"*" I bought of Jeames Morgan, to hir & hir heires for ever, and a mare and thre cowes and five ewe sheepe and ten goates, to be put on it. Also, I give to my daughter Martha the one halfe of that fifteene hiidred acres of land w"*" I have a grant fro the Court to have it laid out behind M' Brewsters about Poquatanuck, or whereev' else by the Courts consent it may be laid out, to be to hir & hir heires for ever. Also I give her 'one mare & two cowes, & 5 sheepe & ten goates. I give the other halfe thereof to my daughter Anne & her heires for ever. Also I give hir one mare & 2 cowes, 5 sheepe & ten ew goates. I give my son Waite Still my gray mare & another mare colt, & the horse w""* he hath now. I give also to my negro Caboonder one heifer or cowe, & if it should die before he hath of the breed of it, then he to have an other yearling heifer. Also I give to M' Samuell Stone, the teacher of Hartford, my worthy friend, one young mare of two yeare old, of the breed of the star or roane mare, w"*" are the best breed, or in want thereof of any else. But if it should fall out that any of the foresaid lands should be sold necessarily for the paymet of debts or other considerations, then my "will is that there should be double the quantity laid out for any of them, to whom the other should have come, at Quinibage, before my other landa there be disposed of. I give imto my thre younger daughters, Margaret, Martha & Anne thre hundred pounds apeice, to be paid out of Fishers Hand, and the Mill at New London, and the farme at Poquanack, w'Mn a yeare after their mariage the one halfe, and the other halfe a yeare after, or as they 72 APPENDIX shaU be at the age of eighteene years, and in the meane while, & tiU they be married, to be mainteined out of the whole estate ; and if any of them should die before their mariage then the third part to be to the two other & the rest to my two sonnes. I give to my sonne Waite the Sawmill & the land adjoyning to it, & that w"*" is betweene that & Alewife Brooke, if it be not sold ; also that w"*" was bought of George Chapell neere the waterside on the North Side of Ale"wife Brooke ; and also my share in that w* is at Monhegan betweene Jeames Rogers & John Elderkin & my selfe ; also the house & halfe the land at New London neere the MiU ; also my interest in any land at Pacatuck & the Mill there ; also my part of the great neck at Naragansett where Major Atherton & Capt. Hutchenson have theire parts ; also halfe of my right of Point Judie or any other pt of Narogan- set, & halfe my right of the remainder of Quinibage lands ; also halfe the lead mine at Tantiusques & the land about it ; and the third pt of the cleere rent of Fishers Hand during his life, after his mothers decease & sisters legacies paid, "w*^ shalbe first paid out of the whole estate ; and all the other fore mentioned to be to him & his heires for ever. I give to every one of my daughters six hundred acres of land at Quinibage, and to my two sonnes one thousand acres each, to be laid out to them aU impartiaUy. My will is that my daughter Newman & my daughter Lucy should have one hundred pounds apeice, also to be paid out of Fishers Hand & the MiU at New London & Poquanuck & the whole estate, w*''in seven yeares. The rest of my estate I give to my son Fitz-John and his heires for ever, and if eyther of my sonnes should dye w*out issue, my "wiU is that his estate should be halfe to the other son & the rest to be divided among the rest of my child" ; and I doe make & constitute my beloved wife, & my two sons, & my son Newma, and my daughter Lucy ; Ex ecutors of this my Will. Witnesse my hand, July 12, 1661. John Winthrop.^ Witnesses hereto, that it is soe lined : Sam. Stone. Tho. Willett. ' Unpublished Winthrop Papers. The original is wholly in the handwriting of the testator, and is closely written on a single sheet of foolscap, with numerous interUneations and erasures. It would seem as if he must have intended it as merely APPENDIX 73 IV. Will of John Winthrop, J«. 1676. I, John Winthrop, of the Colony of Connecticott in N : Engi., now resident in Boston, being sicke in body, but through mercy of pfect memory & understanding, doe make this my last WiU & Testament as foUoweth, renouncing aU other & former Wills whatsoever : First, I comitt my soul unto God my faithfuU Create', trusting that through the meritts of my dear Redeemer I shall have a glorious resur rection of this vile body, w"'' shall be, made like to his Glorious Body, that though, after my skin, the worlaes shall destroy this flesh, yet w*"* these eyes I shaU behold my Redeemer & be for ever w"" the Lord. My body to the earth, to be decently interred att y« discretion of my Ex- ecuto'^ hereafter named. As for my temporall estate, w'^'' the Lord hath lent me here, I dis pose of it as foUoweth : — And first my will is that my just debts be duely paid, after w"^ & my funerall charges being defrayed, I will & bequeath unto my two sonns, Fitz-John & Wayt StiU, to each of them an equall proportion out of my estate, w* is to be a double portion to each of them, — that is, double to what I give to each of my daughters, — the rest of my estate to be equally to my five daughters, viz : Eliza beth, Lucy, Margarett, Martha, & Anne. Only, my will is that, in the computation of my estate, whereas I have already given to my daughters Elizabeth & Lucy good farmes, w* they are in possession of, that that may be considered by the overseers of this my Will hereafter named, & proportionably accompted as p' of their portion, abatem' to be made out of the p'sent legacy, to them given above, accordingly. And I doe hereby nominate & apoint my two sons Fitz-John & Wait StiU, & my five daughters above named, to be Execute" & Execu trixes of this my last Will & testament, and I doe request the psens hereafter named to accept y® trouble to be overseers of this Will & settle all things accordingly. And I do declare that it is my will that if any question, difficulty, or difference arise in or about this my Will, it shaU a rough draft, but that, finding himself too busy to re- write it, he proceeded to sign it before witnesses. The signatures of the latter are genuine. Filed with it was found a general Power of Attorney, enabling his wife to manage his property during his absence, and suggesting that, in so doing, she should take counsel of his son-in-law Newman and his friend Amos Richardson of Boston. This latter document is dated July 3, 1661, and witnessed by Samuel Stone, Richard Lord, Sen', Matthew Gris wold, John Tinker, and James Noyes. 74 APPENDIX be determined by them or any three of them. The psons are: of Couecticott, Capt. John AUin, M' Will™ Jones, & Major Robert Treat ; of Boston, M' Humphry Davy, M' James AUin, & my brother John Richards. In witnes that this is my last Will & Testam* I have hereunto sett my hand & scale. Done in Boston this third day of Aprill, in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred seventy six. John Winthrop. Signed, sealed, pubUshed & declared in p'"sence of Thomas Thacher, Sen'. John Blake. Vera copia : John Allyn, Sec'y. ^ OcTOBB 8, 1680. V. Readers of early New England literature will not improbably recall a little volume entitled " Poetical Meditations of Roger Wolcott, Esq'.," published in 1725, no less than sixty pages of which are devoted to a narrative poem in celebration of Winthrop's achievements at the Court of Charles II. With all due respect for that excellent man, the first Governor Wolcott, he does not appear to advantage as a poet, — and the same remark may be applied, with even greater emphasis, to several of Winthrop's contemporaries, who, with the best intentions, composed funeral elegies in his honor. One of these productions, however — a black-letter broadside, of which only one copy is known to exist — con tains some lines not wholly without merit, and it is here furnished as an example of the peculiar manner in which our forefathers struggled to express their sympathy in metrical or rhythmical forms. 1 Unpublished Winthrop Papers. The original was dictated by Winthrop in his last iUness, and executed by him the day but one before he died. He therein styles John Richards "brother " because the latter had married, for his first wife, the widow of Winthrop's brother Adam. It should be added that a portion of his lands had previously been entailed on the male line of his f amUy for two generations. APPENDIX 75 A Funeral Tribute To the Honourable Dust of that most Charitable Christian, Unbiassed Politician and Unimitable Pyrotechnist John Winthrope, esq: A Member of the Royal Society, & Governour of Conecticut Colony in New England Who expired in his Countreys Service, April 6'\ 1676. Another black Parenthesis of woe The Printer wills that all the World should know. Sage Winthrop prest "with publick sorrow Dies, As the Sum total of our Miseries. A Man of worth who well may ranked be Not "with the thirty but the peerless three Of Western Worthies, Heir to all the Stock Of praise his Sire received from his Flock. Great Winthrops Name shaU never be forgotten Till all New Englands Race be dead and rotten. That Common Stock of aU his Countries weal Whom Grave and Tomb-stone never can conceal. Three Colonies his Patients bleeding lie. Deserted by their great Physicians eye. Whose common since is poized for their tears. And Gates fly open to a Sea of fears. His Christian Modesty would never let His name be near unto his Saviours set ; Yet Miracles set by, hee'd act his part Better to Life than Doctors of his Art. Projections various by fire he made Where Nature had her common Treasure laid. Some thought the tincture Philosophick lay Hatcht by the Mineral Sun in Winthrops way, And clear it shines to me he had a Stone Grav'd with his Name which he could read alone. 76 APPENDIX To say how Uke a Scevola at Court, Or ancient Consuls Histories report, I here forbear, hoping some learned Tongue Will quaintly write, and not his Honour wrong. His common Acts "with brightest lustre shone. But in Apollo's Art he was alone. Sometimes Earths veins creeping from endless holes Would stop his plodding eyes : anon the Coals Must search his Treasure, conversant in use Not of the Mettals only but the juice. Sometimes his wary steps, but wandring too. Would carry him the Chrystal Mountains to, Where Nature locks her Gems, each costly spark Mocking the Stars, spher'd in their Cloisters dark. Sometimes the Hough, anon the Gardners Spade He deigned to use, and tools of th' Chymick trade. His fruits of toyl HermeticaUy done Stream to the poor as light doth from the Sun. The lavish Garb of silks, Rich Plush and Rings, Physicians Livery, at his feet he flings. One hand the Bellows holds, by t'other Coals Disposes he to hatch the health of Souls ; Which Mysteries this Chiron was more "wise Than unto ideots to Anatomize ; But in a second person hopes I have His Art wiU live though he possess the Grave.^ To treat the Morals of this Healer Luke Were to essay to write a Pentatuke, Since all the Law as to the Moral part Had its impression in his spotless heart. The vertues shining brightest in his Crown Were self depression, scorning all renown ; Meekness and Justice were together laid When any Subject from good order straid. Neither did ever Artificial fire Boyle up the choler of his temper higher 1 This is evidently an allusion to Wait Winthrop, who inherited his father's taste for the study of medicine. APPENDIX 77 Than modest bounds, in Church and Commonwealth Who was the Balsome of his Countries Health. Europe sure knew his worth who fixt his Name Among its glorious Stars of present fame. Here Royal Charles leads up, stands Winthrope there Amongs the Virtuosi in the Rear : But for his Art with hundreds of the rest He might be placed in Front and come a Breast. What Soul, in souldings 'tother side the Serene, With Souls turn'd Angels guess we to have been When first his Chariot wheels the threshold felt Where Winthrops, Dudleys, Cottons Spirits dwelt J What melting joys are there ! Sorrows below, Should adequately from New England flow ; If Saints be intercessors, heres our hope We need not be beholding to the Pope. We have as good ourselves, — an honest Brother Outvies their Saintship there or any other. Now Helmonts lines so learned and abstruse Are laid aside and quite cast out of use. And Authors which such vast expenses spent Lye Uke his Corps ; — his Ear is only lent To Heavenly Harmonies, all things his Eye Views in the platforme whence all forms did fly ; His labours cease for ever, but the fruit He reaps at Fountain head "without dispute. B. Thompson.! 1 Benjamin Thompson, who generally wrote his name Tompson, is sometimes styled the first Native American poet. After graduating at Harvard in 1662, he was successively a school-master in Boston, Charlestown, Braintree, and Roxbury, but also practised medicine. Among his later productions is an Elegy on Fitz John Winthrop in 1708. YALE UNIVERSITY a39002 0029560 LOb_ tt-'if \ tt t- ^1 fJ V r(