The Nathan Hale Associa^tes
gratefully recognize
Mr. Robert Stokes
1945W B.S.''
for generous support
ofthe Yale Alumni Fund
1993-1994

STERLING MEMORIAL LIBRARY

AhJ-'kM.U.Bi^i^m.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

OF

Dr. Thomas H.Barton,
THE SELF-MADE PHYSICIAN

OF

SYRACUSE, OHIO,
INCLUDING A HISTORY OF THE
FoartK Re^t West Ya. Yo]. iRf ^

WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
COL. LIGHTBURN'S RETREAT
DOWN THE KANAWHA VALLEY, GEN. GKANX'S VICKSBURG AND
CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGNS, TOGETHER WITH THB SEVERAL
BATTLES IN WHICH THE FOURTH REGIMENT WAS
ENGAGED, AND ITS LOSSES BY DISEASE, DE
SERTION AND IN BATTLE.

BY DR. T. H. BARTON.

CHAELESTON :
West Virginia Printing Co ,
1890.

Entered a<T'n[-diiit; tu an .\ct (if Congress in the year one thousand eight hundrcJ and
ninety,
llv THOMAS H. BARTON,
in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.

PREFACE.

In the year 1885 I first conceived the idea of writing a history of
my life ; but upon thinking over the subject, I had serious doubts
as to whether such a work would justify the cost of publication,
and, for a time, the project was laid aside. From that time, how
ever, up to the latter part of 1887, the idea almost constantly in
truded itself upon my mind, and I finally divulged my plans to my
wife. But she was opposed to the undertaking, claiming that in
consequence of advancing years and failing health I had better
abandon the idea. I did not accept this advice, and the L5th of April,
1888, found me seated at my table, pen in hand, jotting down my in
fant recollections. From that time to the present, I have spent
the greater portion of my leisure hours in the preparation of this
work I am aware that the public is well supplied with the biographies
and autobiographies of our distinguished men, of the generals who
have led our armies to victory, of the statesmen who have shaped
the policy of the government, of eminent divines, poets, moralists,
historians, philosophers, lawyers, legislators, even of criminals, wlio
have spent their lives in solitary confinement, or perished on the
scaffold. But the common or ordinary men, those who have failed
to reach the summit of fame have not come to the front and given
their experience in the battle of life. Huch is the design of the
author. It will be my object in the present work to portray, in
plain and concise language, the struggles of a lifetime.
My first plan was to give my own personal history, together with
a history of the Fourth Regiment of West Virginia Infantry Volun
teers, of which organization I was the Hospital Steward ; but upon
divulging this scheme to some of my literary acquaintances, I was
advised to include a history of General Grant's Vicksburg and
Chattanooga campaigns in which the Fourth Virginia participated,
together with a detailed account of the battle's and seiges in wiiich
this regiment was engaged, and its losses in battle and by disease
and desertion. Accordingly, I have adopted this plan. I have con
sulted the most eminent authorities on the late war, aud believe the

statements contained in this portion of my narrative to be correct.
The author is well aware that he has not attained to wealth, honor
or renown. Neither has he acquired distinction as a physician and
surgeon. After a lifetime of hard labor, he is still at the foot of the
ladder of fame. Yet, nevertheless, he entertains hopes that this
volume may prove interesting to a large class of readers. To the
young practitioner of medicine especially, he trusts these pages may
afTord some useful hints, if in no other way than through the mis
takes and failures of the writer. To his old comrades of the Fourth
West Virginia regiment he extends a cordial greeting, and trusts
that these battle-scarred veterans may find pleasure in reviewing
the scenes and incidents of their army life. He further hopes that
the general reader will find the war history of sufficient interest to
merit his attention. In the preparation of this portion of his
work the author has aimed at conciseness of style and accuracy of
detail. Byracuse, Ohio, \ rrpnr. iiTTTTnT!
September 30th, 1889. / ^"^ AUlilUK.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Ancestry — Birth— Character — Early Youth — Incidents — The Dis
trict School — Farm Labor — Recreations — Religious Revival —
Church Trial — A Bereavement. CHAPTER II.
Remarriage of My Father — Laboring on My Own Account — A Re
trospect — School Teacher — Death of my Sister Mary — My Patri
mony — Student of Medicine — Addison — Character of my Brother
— Old Time Celebrations — Cholera Epidemic of 1849 — A Reso
lution. CHAPTER III.
The Practicing Physician — Pageville- -Dr. Lowell — Medical Prac
tice — Change of Location — Leon — State of Society in Virginia —
Epidemic of Malarial Fever— Dr. O. G. Chace — Love — Courtship
— Marriage — Domestic — A Loss — A greater Loss — Removal to Ches
ter, Ohio. CHAPTER IV.
The Village of Chester— Medical Practice— Dr. J. W. McGrath— Sec
ond Love — Marriage — Domestic — Unpopular with the People of
Chester— Dr. James Dias— The Comet of 1857— Death of My
Father — Change ofLocation — The Town of Syracuse — The Syra
cuse Coal and Salt Co— Coal and Salt Industries — Contract with
the Miners — Dr. D. L. Star — Dr. Adams — Dr. .loseph Bean —
.Dr. Samuel Bean — Birth of a Son — An Affray — An Alarm of
'War.
CHAPTER V.
Presidential Election of 18G0— Political Parties— The Seceded States
—The Southern Confederacy— Star of the West — Fort Sumpter^
The President's Call for Troops— Independent Company— Recruit
ing for the Fourth W. Va. Regiment— Enlistment— Company
and Regimental Oflicers- At Point Pleasant — At Spencer, in
Roane County — Camp Life — Return to Point Pleasant — At C'eredo
— Incidents of Camp Life — Appointed Hospital Steward— Moved to
Charleston— At Chapmansville— Scouting— Death of Major Hall
— Col. Lightburn's Retreat from the Kanawha Valley — Causes of
the Retreat— The Retreat — Arrival at Ravenswood — Visit to my
Family — Return to Point Pleasant — Second Advance up the
Kanawha— Ordered to Vicksburg. CHAPTER VI.
Description of Vicksburg — Its Defences— The Campaign Against
that Stronghold — Grant's First Campaign — Defeat of Sherman at
Haines' Bluff— His Retreat — The Fourth W. Va. Regiment mov
ed to Vicksburg — Camp at Young's Point — Arrival of Grant — The
Canal at Young's Point — Cutting the Levee at Lake Providence —
And at Moon Lake — The Mississippi Flotilla — Yazoo Pass Expedi
tion  The Queen of the West — Loss of that Vessel — Loss of the In-
dianola — Farragut runs the Batteries at Port Hudson — Steel Bayou
or Deer Creek Expedition — Failure of the Expedition.

VI
CHAPTER VII.
Dissatisfaction with Gen. Grant— "Visiting .Statesmen"— The North
ern Press — Concentration of the Army — Running the Batteries at
Vicksburg — Grierson's Raid — Movement of the Army down the
JSIississippi — Sherman makes a Feint on Haines' Bins'- -Crossing
the river at Bruinsburg — Grant's Rapid Movements — Thompson's
Plantation — Battle of Port Gibson — Ciipture of Grand Gulf — Move
ment towards Jackson — Battle of Raymond — Battle of Jackson —
Capture of the City — Destruction of (Jonfederute Property — Grant
moves West — Battle of Champion's Hill — Forcing the Big Black
River — Pemberton retires within the lines of Vicksburg.
CHAPTER Viri.
DefenceS*of Vicksburg — Review ofthe Campaign — The Federal and
Confederate Forces — The Rebels Evacuate Haines' Bluff— Opening
ofthe V.tzoo — First Assault ou Vicksburg -Second Assault — Failure
— Dismissal of McClernaiid — Final investment of Vicksburg — The
Seige — Progres.s of tlieSeige — Grant Receives Reinforcements — The
Confederates Attack Young's Point and Milikins Bend — Johnson
Cros.-^es the Big Black to relieve Pemberl^on^Failure to relieve
Vicksburg — First Mine Exploded — Assault and Failure — Second
Mine Exploded — Pemberton's Desperate Situation — Is advised by
his Division Commanders to Surrender — Correspondence of Grant
and Pemberton — Terms of (lapitulation — Last Eff'ort of the Con
federates to Relieve Vicksburg — The Surrender — Condition of the
City — Results of the Campaign. CHAPTEPv, IX.
Personal Experience— Young's Point — Reorganizationof the Army —
Sickness Among the Troops -Surj^eoiis Ackley and Waterman —
Ackley Resigns — Philson and Waterman Promoted — Imidents —
The Canal — Inspection ofthe Hospital — Running the Blockade —
Grant JNIoves down the River Sherman's Feint on s'^icksburg —
Moving towards the Front -Grand Gulf — On the March — Pa.ssing
Ch:impion's Hill- Effects of the Battle — Hard Marching — Want
of Provisions— And of Water — In the Rearof Vicksburg — First As
sault- Second A.^sault— Casualities — Cliarge of the 8ih Wisr-onsin —
Old Abe -The Seige— Blowing up the Fort— Scarcity of Water-
Exchanging Bread for Tobacco— Appointed Surgeon of the 2d.
Mississippi Colored Regiment — Incidents— Surrender of Vicksburg
— News from Home — Sickness and Furlough.
CHAPTER X.
Description of Chattanooga — Andof the Surrounding Country — And
ofthe Tennessee River — Battle of Stone River — Ketreat of Bragg —
Rosecrans takes Chattanooga — And follows Bragg to Chickamauga
— Battle of— Federal Losses — Movements of Burnside— He takes
Knoxville — And Cumberland Gap— Rosecrans Retreats to Chat
tanooga — Bragg's Position — Rosecrans in Danger — He is reinforced
by Hooker — Grant in Command — He opens communications and
establishes the "Cracker Line"— Jefferson Davis visits Bragg—
Longstreet moves towards Knoxville — And Attacks Burnside —
Sherman ordered to Chattanooga— His Movements— Arrives at
Chattanooga— Plan of the Battle— Prepevations for the Engage
ment — Movements of Thomas— .-Vnd of Sherman— And of Hooker
at Lookout Mountain — Results ofthe (Second Day's Engagement-
Renewal of the Battle— Grant's Orders— Hooker's Movements—
And of Sherman — Thomas Assaults iVIissionary Ridge— Defeat of
the Confederates— Results of the Campaign — Reflections on the
Subject.

Vll
CHAPTER XI.
Sherman Ordered to Relieve Knoxville— Longstreet Attacks Burn
side— Battle of Canbell Station- Knoxville Threatened -Move
ments of Sherman— Longstreet Attacks Knoxville— He is Repulsed
—End ofthe Western Campaign— The Fourth W. Va. Regiment-
It Moves with Sherman's Army— Goes into Winter Quarters— The
Veterans Consolidated with the Eighth Missouri— The Non-
Veterans Mustered Out— Service of the Veterans— Losses of the
Regiment— Reflections on the subject— Personal History— Sick
ness — A Furlough— The Journev Hiime— Home "Sweet Home" —
Extensionof Furlough— The Gallipolis Hospital— My Treatment—
At Home — A Case of Forcible Detention — Removal to Syracuse —
Return to the Hospital— Incidents— Washington's Birthday — The
Journey to Wheeling— An Algebraic Problem— At Baltimore— The
"Soldiers Rest"— Return to Wheeling— Mustered Out— Ht)me at
Last. CHAPTER XII.
Division ofthe Subject — Financial — Settlement of My Property — It
is Deeded to My Wite — The Town of Syracuse — Improvements —
Prices of Commodities — I resume my Profession — Extent of My
Practice — My Competitors —Surgical' Practice — An Injured Coal
Miner — His Treatment — Death of .Jacob Henry His Character —
Death of Robert Snowball — Some Remarkable Cases — Medical
Practice — An Attempted Robbery — The Cholera — Its Fatal Effects
— A Patient wbohadfe.Tstcd on Black Haws — Professional Courtesy
— Code of jNIedical Ethics — (.'riticisms on My Practice — The
Malarial Fever — A Drunken Husband — Effects of Superstition —
The "Wild Man" of Syracuse— Jc^shua Quillin's "Spirit"— A Case
of Superstition — Medicial Societies.
CHAPTER XIII.
Holding Office — The Spring Election of 1867 — Nominations for
Justice of the Peace — My Candidacy — The Election — Commis
sioned Justice of the Peace — Sworn into Office — The Docket —
Swan's Treatise — Classes of Crimes and Misdemeanors — Revision
of the Criminal Code — Swan and Sailor's Statutes — Warner's
Criminal Code — (Jivil Practice — Marriages — Criminal Practice — A
Defective State Warrant — A Search Warrant — My Second Candi
dacy — Re-elected — A Question of .Turisdiction — Warren's Revised
Criminal Code — A Writ of Habeas Corpus — Criminal Cases— A
Hard Day's Work — "Nannie Rags" — .lames Ewing--George
Durky — John Bortiam — A Strange Bill of Particulars- -D. A. Minx
— Martin Hays — The New Civil Docket — Close of Oftiee.
CHAPTER XIV.
Physician and Druggist — Financial — Erection of New Dwelling — A
Suit of Law — Erection of a New Di-ugstore — Cost of Mechanical
Labor — Resume of the Drug Business — Burdsal and Brother —
Retail Liquor Dealer — Borrowing Money — Collecting Medical Fees
— "Strikes" Araong the Miners — Reduction of Wages — Negotiating
a Loan — This Effort proves a Failure-Suit of Burdsal and Brother-
Judgment Against Me — Action of My Creditors — Selling Out — The
Sheriff Levies on My Goods — W. T. A. Lallance — He Purchases
My Stock of Drugs — The Results — Reflections on the Subject — The
Credit System — Improvement of My Aff'air — Proposed Change of
Location — My Wife's Views on the Subject — We Again Commence
Business — A Glimpse of Prosperity — A Pleasant Visit — Addition to
our Real Estate.

CHAPTER XV.
A Retrospect — Building Castles in the Air— A sudden Change— Sell
ing Out — Reasons for so Doing— The Credit System— Removal to
Indiana — The New Location — Purchasing Property — The Old Log
Cabin — A Dream Fulfilled — New Residence — Visit to Syracuse —
Second Visit — Sickness — The Climate in Indiana — Return to Syra
cuse — My Changed Circumstances — I Resume my Profession — Dr.
E.H. Trickle— Affairs in Indiana— Litigation— Stiit of Law Against
James Ewing— The Result— The Game of Croquet — A Sad Bereave
ment. CHAPTER XVI.
Treatment of Paupers — Resume of the Subject — At Leon, Virginia —
At Chester, Ohio — At Syracuse— A Dangerous Case — Litigation —
Action Against the In*imary Directors — The Poor Laws of Ohio —
Duties of Township Trustees — Andof Infirmary Directors — Diffi
culty with the Trustees — Their Unfair Ruling — Controversy with
W. N. Jones — Newspaper Correspondence — Mr. Jones' Answer —
My Reply in the Telegraph — And in the Republican — Demand
for Newspapers — Change in the Action of the Trustees — Cost of
Treating the Poor in 1877 — New Trustees Elected— Their Action —
And of the Infimary Directors — A Wretched Case of Pauperism —
Litigation with the Trustees — Trial before the Justice — And at the
Court of Common Pleas — And District Court — Expense of the Liti
gation — Election of 1880 — I receive more Liberal Treatment — Gen
eral Review of the Subject — Case at Minersville — Cost of Pauper
ism in 1888. CHAPTER XVII.

CONCLUSION.
Resume of the Drug Business — Location at CarletonviUe — Firm of
G. R. Barton & Co — Building up a Trade — Firm of T. H. Barton
& Co — Remarriage — Professional Labor — Sale of our Indiana Pro
perty—Division of the Proceeds — My Financial Condition — A New
Home — Domestic — Our Children — Death of my Brother James —
The Drug Business — Our Purchases and Sales — Gains and Loses
A Young Druggist — The Drug Trade at Syracuse — Medical Ethics
Result of Changes in Medical Treatment — Epidemic of 1882 —
Fatal Cases— Dr. J. W. Hoff— Dr. C. Rathburn— Dr. Ross— Win
ters of 1883^— Flood of 1884— Destruction of Property— Suffering
Among the Laboring Classes — Commissary Supplies — Disabil
ity Pension — Epidemic of 1886 — Fatal Cases — Prostrated by Sick
ness — Quality of my Practice — Improvement — Dr. Milford Roush
— Dr. I. N. Holmes — Conclusion. SUPPLEMENT.
The Physician and Patient — Requisites of the Physician — Itinerant
Physicians — The Traveling Quack — The Specialist — Their Methods
— The Advertising of Receipts for Certain Diseases — Tbe Code of
Medical Ethics — Rights, Duties and Privileges of the Attending
Physician — And of the Patient and His Friends — Consultations —
Mode of Conducting them — Violations of the Code of Ethics — Rt
flections on the Subject — Compensation of Physicians — An Ar
peal to the Public.

AUTDBIDGRAPHY

DF

* T. H. BARTDN. *

CHAPTER I.

EARLY YOUTH.
I am sprung, on my father's side, from a family of English
ancestry. My great-grandfather was born in England, but
died in America. My grandfather, James Barton, was born in
Harford county, Maryland, but I do not know the date of his
birtb. He served in the Continental Army during the war of
the revolution, and afterwards held the office ofjailor at Belair,
Maryland, He was the father of six children ; John, Permelia,
Thomas S., Mary, Ann and Casandra. He died at Peach Bot
tom, on the Susquehanna river, in 1810.
My father, Thomas S. Barton, was born March 8, 1790, in
Harford county, Maryland, at or near the town of Belair.
About the year 1814 he moved to Marietta, Ohio ; thence to
Lancaster, Ohio, where he became acquainted with Catharine
Harman, a lady of German descent, to whom he was married
about tbe first of September, 1818. Four children were the
fruit of this union: Elizabeth, born June 12th, 1819; Mary,
born February 22d, 1821 ; James, born August 8th, 1823 ; I am

AUTOBIOGRAPHY 01"

the youngest child, and was born on the eighth of December,
1828. My father, while yet a single man, served with distinction in
the American army during the war of 1812. He was after
wards known as Captain Barton, and resided at Marietta Ohio,
when the battle of New Orleans was fought ; and when the
news of that great victory reached Marietta, he assisted in
illuminating that city in honor of the event. Candles and bon
fires were the sources of illumination.
And the year 1818, my father removed from Lancaster to
Bedford township, Meigs county, Ohio ; and soon afterwards
to Upper Scipio, where he purchafed a small piece of land.
On the receipt of my mother's interest in her father's estate, it
being two hundred dollars, current money ot the realm, he ex
changed his farm in Upper Scipio for another, situated in the
same township, on the Mud fork of Leading creek, jind con
taining about 131 acres of land. The old-fashioned hewed log
house in which I was born was still standing in 1875, It was
rectangular in form, twenty-six feet long, eighteen feet wide and
fourteen and a half feet high. It contained two stories; there
were small windows of twelve lights of glass; a door opened on
each side ofthe building, and a substantial brick chimney was
placed at the north end. The brook flowed near by ; there was
"orchard, and meadow, and deep tangled wild-wood;" a well
of sparkling water, with its time-honored old oaken bucket.
These were the scenes of my childhood.
"As fancy reverts to my father's plantation,
And sighs for the bucket which hangs in the well,
The old oaken bucket, the iron bound bucket,
The moss covered bucket, which hangs in the well."
I was the youngest child, and occupied a superior place in
the affections of the family. I was naturally mischievous,
irritable in disposition, yet obedient to my parents, and fond
of work and hard study. My father was very pious, and lived
a Methodist after tbe straightest sect. Morning and evening
he would read a chapter from the New Testament and bold
family prayer. Among our small collection of books were the
Testament and spelling book. These volumes were about the
same size, and covered with the same kind of cloth. One

THOS. H. BARTON.

morning I placed the spelling book on the Testament, within
reach of my father, who, when ready to read and pray, picked
up the spelling book, opened it, closed the book again and laid
it down, and reached for the Testament. At this moment I
exclaimed : "Pap, the next time you read, you had better get
the almanac." Luckily for me, he paid no attention to xn^
suggestion, but went on as usual with his devotions.
When about five years of age, an incident occurred which
made a strong impression on my mind, and exerted an
influence to keep me from using profane language. One
morning, immediately after breakfast, my mother and sisters
were performing some labor in the garden, having left the
dishes unwashed on the table. Now, it was an unusual thing,
at least for one of my age, to see a chicken in the house.
Finally, the old cock succeeded in getting on the table.
"Cbook ! cbook ! chook ! chook !" calling the hens about him.
I saw the chicken on the table, and ran out, crying as loud
as I could : "Mamma ! Mamma ! the old rooster is on the
table, just a-playing h — 1 !" I shall never forget tbe uproar
and laughter at my expense.
On another occasion, when about seven years old, in com
pany with my brother James, I went to my father's clearing,
and while there imagined I saw a beautiful piece of wood. It
sparkled and glistened in the bright sunshine. I moved toward
it, with the intention of picking it up, exclaiming ; "See, Jim,
what a pretty stick of wood." At that moment my brother
caught me by the shoulder, telling me at the same time that it
was a snake. It was a large rattlesnake, having twelve rattles,
and therefore thirteen years old. Being stretched at full length
on the ground, its enormous size and bright, shining appear
ance deceived me. It was a narrow escape.
Mr. B. F. Erwin worked for my father in the clearing. On one
occasion, Mr. Erwin had with him some of the unadulterated
juice of the corn. He proposed to give me a dram, if I would
gather some brush and assist him at his labor. I feadily con
sented, and went to work with a will, but in a short time
wanted ''more dram," which was given me. The effect waj
exhilarating, but I soon began to experience strange sensations.
I became dizzy. The whole field looked to me as if it were

AUTOBIOGRAPHY (IP

going round and round. I succeeded, however, in making my
way to the house. It was my first dissipation.
Among my youthful companions were two brothers: John
and William Hicks. John was a good swimmer, as was also
my brother. William and I could not swim. We were bathing
in the creek, and heavy rain had swelled the stream to the top
of its bank. I had taken off my clothes, and waded into the
shallow water, but had accidentally gone beyond my depth,
when the swift current bore me rapidly to the center of tbe
stream. Here was a snag to which I clung until rescued by
William Ilicks.
During harvest time it was part of my labor to carry water
to the workman in the field. For this service I was promised
three cents a day. I did good service slaking the thirst of the
horny handed laborers. One day an old lady named Hidrick
passed through the meadow and inquired what I was
doing. I informed her that I was carrying water to the har
vest hands. "Tommy," said Mrs. Hidrick, "do they give you
anything for carrying water?" "Yes," said I, "Pap is to give
me three cents a day." "Tommy, that isn't enough ; you
ought to have six and a fourth cents a day, and don't carry
any more water till you have the promise of an ad
vance of wages." I obeyed her injunction. Soon the
workman began to call after me for more water ; but I was on
a "strike," and their calls were in vain. At length my fatber
conceded the demand and promised the much desired advance.
Whether this occurrence was the origin of strikes in Meigs
county, or whether they are due to more extensive combina
tions, I leave to the reader. One thing is clear : I was one
among the first "strikers" in the county.
I lived in the days of log cabins and hard cider. My father
made large quantities of the juice of the apple. The apples
were pounded in a large iron kettle, a heavy maul, with a pin
through the handle, worked by two men, being used for that
purpose. The press was constructed of two heavy pieces of
timber, about twenty feet in length, securely fixed on blocks.
Between these pieces, a heavy beam, ten or twelve inches
square, was placed ; the three pieces being fastened together
at one end with a pin. Near the other end was a platform,
with gutters to carry off the cider, on which was placed the

THOS. H. BARTON.

box containing the pounded apples. The beam was raised
onto the box by means of leverage. Mr. Erwin, whom T have
already mentioned, worked for my fatber. He was honest, a
good worker, trustworthy in every respect, but inclined to
superstition. I was about five years old, when, one evening, in
tbe fall of the year, my father, brother, and Mr. Erwin were
at work making cider. It was quite dark, and one of them
observed a light rise, apparently out of the ground. Their at
tention was immediately fixed on the strange light. While
looking and wondering, another light rose, and then another,
and vanished in the air. They gazed intently in the direction
from which tbe lights appeared to rise, but saw nothing in the
gloom. Mr. Erwin then said to my fatber. ''Barton let us go
to tbe house, something may happen to us, tbe cider press
may fall down and kill or cripple some of us." There was no
more cider made that night. They were greatly alarmed at
the strange apparition, came to the house, and related the facts
to the family. Three days afterwards, Mr. Erwin's mother, a
venerable old lady, died suddenly ; and this occurrence tended
to strengthen the idea of superstition. It made a strong im
pression on my youthful mind, aud we all believed that the
strange lights were a token of her death. I have no doubt that
Mr. Erwin always entertained that belief. Science, however,
would have relieved our own minds from superstition, and
told us that the inflammable gas, occasioned by the decompo
sition of vegetable substances on marshy ground, had ignited,
causing the jack-a-lantern to make its appearance.
When six years of age I commenced going to school.
William McMahan wielded the birch. Mr. McMaban's resi
dence, in which the school was taught, was a double log house
distant about two miles from our home, and my path lay
across the creek, over fences and through fields and woods.
The school system of Ohio was then in its infancy. The rural
districts were dotted with log school houses, in which the
pedagogues labored "to teach the young idea how to shoot."
There was one term of three months during the winter, but
none in the summer, and the schools were supported in part
by public subscription. A knowledge of reading, writing, spell
ing, geography, and of arithmetic, to the "Single Rule of

6

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Three," was regarded as a sufficient qualification on tbe part of
tbe teacher. We were poorly supplied with books. Those used
in our school were Webster's American Spelling-book, the
Primary reader, the New Testament, and the English reader.
Some of the advanced scholars read from a History of tbe
United States, and a work entitled American Biography. The
pupils were required to "go through" tbe spelling book before
they were permitted to read. Smith's Geography was used,
and a work on arithmetic called the Western Calculator. Web
ster's Elementary Spelling book was introduced in 1886, and
steel pens and McGuffey's reader came into use about the same
time. The exercises consisted mainly of reading and spelling.
Four times a day, between each intermission, the pupils read
round. There were three classes in spelling; first, second, and
third. The class stood in line, and beginning at the left, each
pupil spelled a word pronounced by the teacher, and if a word
was misspelled, it passed down the line until it was spelled
correctly. The successful scholar then took his station next
above the one who failed. It was an honor to "leave off head,"
and a certain number of head marks was a badge of distinc
tion. No grammar was studied in the school. There were no
classes in Arithmetic, and no exercises on tbe black board.
The students in Arithmetic recited separately, and were re
quired to memorize the rules and solve the problems : and if a
problem was found too difficult for solution by the student, it
was brought to the teacher, who "worked it."
I was fond of school and learned rapidly ; but would some
times become very tired over the long hard words in the spell
ing book. I was yet in tbe third class, when, on one occasion,
the second class were spelling for head, a word went "round
the class." The teacher overheard me whisper to my brother
that I could spell that- word, "Thomas," said he, "rise and
spell it." I did so, and was promoted to be bead boy of the
class, and felt as important as General Jackson inthe presiden
tial chair. On a future occasion, my brother having "left off
head" fourteen times in succession, the teacher made a rule
that whoever did so twice in succession should go to the foot.
This left me at the head, but I did not like the idea of being

THOS. H. BARTON.

turned to the foot, and intentionally missed a word, so that I
might remain near the head of the class.
HoUis Downing was my second teacher. A new school house
had been erected in the district. This edifice was about twenty
feet square, constructed of logs hewed on one side, thus giving
the interior a smooth and even appearance. The spaces be
tween the logs were filled with pieces of wood daubed over
with mud. The seats were made of slabs, split off timber,
dressed moderately smooth, with pins for legs, but destitute of
any rest for tbe back. On each side ofthe building a log was
cut out and a long narrow window put in. Steel pens were
unknown atthe time, and, for the benefit of those who used the
goose quill, boards about eighteen inches wide, fixed in the
form of desks, extended along two sides ofthe building. There
was a puncheon floor, and "cat and clay" chimney, with a huge
fire place capable of holding logs of wood five or six feet in
length. Such is a general idea of the country school house fifty
years ago.
Mr. Downing was kind, humane, and benevolent; lenient in
his conduct towards the pupils, and took an active interest in
the progress of tbe school. One day, when the ground was
deeply covered with snow, nearly all the boys left the play
ground, repaired to the state road on the hill, got sleds and
boards, and went "coasting." It was a gala noon time for the
students. We were absent about two hours when, returning
to school, we saw Mr. Downing standing in the door, a smile
on his face, and a large switch in his hand. The boys expect
ed to get a whipping; but, on entering the school room, Mr.
Downing gave each boy, except my brother and myself, a slight
tap with the switch, remarking at the same time, "Get your
book." Robert Townsend, my third teacher, under whom I learned
rapidly, was well educated for the times, and kept a good
school. Amos Stevens, who succeeded Mr. Townsend, was also
fairly educated in the English language, and during his term,
I commenced learning to write. The first copy was a round
hand in large letters ; but writing was hard to learn on account
of my being left handed.
Daniel Dudley, a single man born in one of the Eastern

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

States, and better educated then any of his predecessors, was
our next teacher. Mr. Dudley was small of stature, peevish
and morose, cross and irritable in his disposition, but kept
good order in the school. During the noon hour, as he was
one day walking in the wood near the play ground, and a large
tree stood between him and the boys, one of them proposed to
"snowball tbe teacher." The snowballs flew thick and fast
and some of them hit the tree. As Mr. Dudley stepped from
behind the tree, he was struck in the breast by a snowball.
Tbe boys then ceased throwing, school was called, and some
of the larger boys were called up to answer for the misde
meanor. "Who hit me with the snowball?" inquired the
teacher. One of the boys called out : "It was Perry Riggs."
Another said: "It was Enoch McMahan," some one said: "It
was Jim Barton," and others claimed it was Bill Saddler.
Unable to ascertain who did it, the teacher talked to the boys
about fifteen minutes, and then went on as usual with the ex
ercises. John Cain, a boy about my age, sat beside me in school, and
was one of my classmates. We were studying the spelling
lesson, and one of tbe words was cain, spelled and defined :
Cain, a man's name ; cane, a shrub, or staff". I studied in a
loud whisper: "C-a-i-n, a lazy man's name; C-a-n-e, a shrub,
or staff." John began to cry, which soon attracted the teach
er's attention. "John," said Mr. Dudley, "What is the matter
with you?" John replied : "Nothing, sir." "Has Thomas done
anything to you?" "No, sir," answered John. Turning to me
the teacher said : "Thomas, have you done anything to him?"
"No, sir," I answered : "I am studying my spelling lesson."
The teacher left us, but John continued to cry until the class
was called up to spell.
Near the close of Mr. Dudley's term of school, my brother
got into a dispute with Enos McMahan, a boy about his own
age, and a son of our former preceptor. Enos picked up several
large chips and pieces of wood intending to strike my brother,
but James would knock them out of his hand. This was con
tinued till school was called, when, as they were near the door,
my brother struck Enos a powerful blow over one of his eyes,
bruising the flesh and causing the blood to flow. When inthe

THOS. H. BARTON.

school room the teacher asked Enos, what was the matter
with his eye? "Jim Barton hit me," replied Enos. The pre
ceptor then inquired : "What did he hit you with, did he hit
you with a club?" "No, sir," replied Enos, "he hit me with his
fist." I was a peaceable, obedient pupil, and feared there
would be trouble, but the teacher proceeded with the school
as if nothing had occurred. It is probable Mr. Dudley feared
that the blood-letting process might be applied to himself.
James who left school on account of this trouble, was after
wards arrested, brought before a Justice of the Peace, and
fined five dollars and costs, but the fine and costs were neyer
collected. I was eleven years old at the close of Mr. Dudley's school,
I had attended six terms of the district school, including two
to Mr. McMahan. I studied hard and learned rapidly ; was at
tentive and obedient to my teacher ; was regarded as the best
scholar of my age, and few stood higher in the school than I
did. Our facilities for reading, as I have already remarked,
were limited, but I made good use of those in my possession.
In the American Biography I read of the heroes of the Revo
lution ; of the generals who conducted the sieges and battles ;
and of the statesmen who shaped the policy of the govern
ment. The reading of the battles of the Revolution afforded
me delight, and fixed within me a sentiment of patriotism
which has never been erased.
During the summer months, until near eighteen years of age,
I worked for my father on the farm. How different was the
labor then and now ! When I think of the improvements
which have been made in farming, I always think of the pro
duction of wheat in the old times in Ohio. There are few who
are old enough to remember the manner in which it was pro
duced for the market. The grain was sowed broadcast, and
covered with the harrow. The sickle and cradle supplied the
place of the reaper and binder. It was threshed with a flail)
a machine made of two. pieces of wood fastened together by a
piece of leather. The farmer swung the flail over his head,
and it was about as dangerous to his own head as it was to the
heads of wheat that he was aiming it at. A large ring was
sometimes made, in which the wheat was threshed by the
2

10 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

tramp of horses. It was separated from tbe chaff by an
artificial agitation of the atmosphere, produced by a sheet or
bag held by two men, one at one end and the other at the
other, with a third pouring out the wheat at the top. I have
seen this operation performed. It was also separated by the
fanning mill, a machine which produced the necessary agita
tion of the atmosphere by means of a wheel, similar in form
to the wheel of a steamboat. The operator turned a crank
which communicated the motion to the wheel, and also to tbe
selves, and the chaff was blown away from one end ofthe ma
chine. It is needless to speak of the many implements in use
among the farmers. A large amount of the labor was per
formed with the hoe ; the plow turned the soil to the right;
grass was cut with the scythe and gathered with the hand
rake. Labor was cheap, seldom exceeding fifty cents a day.
Maple sugar was a staple product. It sweetened our tea and
coffee, and answered every other purpose for which sugar is
used. It was made from the sap of the sugar maple (the Acer
Saccharmum). Two or three auger holes were bored into the
tree, but not deep enough to go through the sappy part of tbe
wood, and into these were inserted reeds of the shumach shrub
(the Rhus Glabrum,). Wooden troughs were placed under
these spouts, to receive the drippings from the tree. An ex
cavation which answered the purpose of a furnace, was made
in the ground, and over this were placed the kettles contain
ing tbe sugar-water. The sap was then boiled to a syrup and
clarified with milk or the whites of eggs, and was further
evaporated in smaller kettles. This labor was performed in
February and March, and was often regarded as a recreation
by those engaged in it.
Nor must I omit the labors of our grandmothers. Wool
was carded into rolls, spun into thread on the spinning-wheel,
and woven into cloth on the hand loom, thus providing the
family with jeans and flannels. Cotton was also woven into
a kind ot cloth called "homespun," the cotton yarn for the
warp being purchased at the store. Soft soap was manufac
tured from grease and water impregnated with the alkaline
properties ot the ashes of wood. These labors, together with

THOS. H. BARTON. 11

the product of the garden, the dairy and tbe poultry yard,
aff'orded material aid towards the general support of the fam
ily. The calico dress was a luxury, and "store clothes" were
worn only by the gentleman.
When the farmer came to market his products, he found the
prices far below those of the present time. Wheat was sold in
the market at thirty-seven and a half to fifty cents a bushel ;
corn and potatoes at twenty to twenty-five cents a bushel ;
butter at eight to ten cents a pound ; eggs at three to five cents
a dozen; beef at one and a half to two, and pork at two to
three cents a pound. As for everything the farmer bought —
everything he could not raise — he paid more than double, and
in some instances more than three times the present prices for
like commodities. He toiled from early dawn till late at
night; yet, regardless of all tbis, farm life had its charms, and
my most pleasant reminiscences are those ot the home of my
childhood. During the summer succeeding Mr. Dudley's term, a new
school district was laid out in our neighborhood, and an un
occupied log cabin was used as a school-house. My sister,
Elizabeth, who had sufficient education, was employed to
teach. At tbis school I studied orthography, reading, writ
ing, arithmetic and geography. I used Ray's arithmetic and
Smith's geography. Mary Ann Barton, a cousin of mine, suc
ceeded Elizabeth, and the school was taught in the same old
log school-house. Miss Barton was a skillful teacher, and
among the best scholars was Maria Hopkins, daughter of the
Rev. James H. Hopkins, a local preacher and farmer, and
afterwards an ordained minister of the M. E. church. All of
father's children attended this school. My brother was re
garded as the best scholar in arithmetic ; my sister Elizabeth
the best in spelling, and my sister Mary carried off" the palm
in writing.
For two or three weeks, during the winter succeeding Miss
Barton's term, I attended a school taught by my sister Eliza
beth in another district. A new building, called the Hopkins
school-house, in honor of the Rev. James H. Hopkins, was now
erected in the district, and my brother James, was employed
to teach the school. The new school-house, though far in-

12

AUTOBIOGRAPAY OF

ferior to those of the present time, made a fine appearance, and
was a great improvement on the old log structure near Page-
town. During this term of school I added Kirkham's English
grammar to my former studies.
Benjamin Hughes was my next teacher, and under his in
struction I completed my course at the district school. In
arithmetic I studied as for as profit and loss, when, on one
occasion, I came across the following problem :
"Sold a quantity of corn, at $1 per bushel, and gained 25 per
cent. ; sold of the same to the amount of $59.40, and gained 35
per cent. ; at what rate did I sell ; how many bushels in the
last lot?"
After studying the problem for some time I brought it to
the teacher, who, after looking it over for a few minutes, told
me that it would take two hours to solve it. I finally solved
it without his assistance.
Miss Maria Hopkins, who succeeded Mr. Hughes was inca
pable of teaching me, and I was compelled to seek other fields.
The Rev. Mr. Howe, a Presbyterian, whose christian name I do
not now remember, taught in the old school house near Page-
town, and I attended his school for a short time. I desired
to study Algebra. My brothor had purchased Bridge's Alge
bra, an elementary work, from which I had learned the first
principles, and he had afterwards exchanged it for Harney's
Algebra. The latter contained the general principles of the
science, together with a series ot abstruse problems, but with
out answers, and there were few solutions or demonstrations.
The students were required to verify the answers. I knew very
little about forming an equation and soon got embarrassed
on the following problem :
"A man's age was three times that of his wife when he mar
ried her. After they had lived together fifteen years, his age
was twice hers. What were their ages when married?"
I brought tbe problem to the teacher, but he could not solve
it. In the evening, I showed it to my brother, who took a
piece of chalk, made a few letters and figures on the side ofthe
house, and easily found the unknown quantities. The prob
lem admits of an easy solution by algebra. I then left school
and pursued my studies at home. My mother who took an

THOS. H. BARTON. 13

active interest in my progress, had told me that when old
enough, she intended to send me to college. This stimulated
me to extra exertions. I pursued my course in algebra as far
as logarithms without the aid of a teacher. I procured a copy
of Comstock's Natural Philosophy, and soon became familiar
with the principles of mechanics, hydrostatics, hydraulics,
pneumatics, electricitj' and optics. I studied the laws of at
traction and gravitation ; learned the minor principles of
astronomy, and could tell the approximate distance of the
earth and planets from the sun, together with their revolutions
around it. I could also explain the causes which produced
the changes ofthe seasons, andof eclipses of the sun and
moon ; I read books of travels, and works on biography and
history, and endeavored, by all the means within my power,
to store my mind with useful knowledge.
Nor must I pass over in silence the sports and diversions,
the pleasures and sorrows of school life. There were pleas
ant rambles through the wood, gathering and eating the June-
berry — called also the service-berry. This shrub, (the genus
Crataegus) grows in dense forests and is one of the earliest to
bloom in the Spring. Its fruit which is very delicious and
healthy, ripens in June ; hence the name of June-berry. The
species is now almost extinct, the woodman's axe having
cleared it away.
The spelling-school was the theatre at which the test of
scholarship was displayed. These tournaments were held fre
quently and class was arrayed against class, and school
against school. Two leaders were selected who then pro
ceeded "to choose up." The opposing forces were stationed
at opposite sides of the room, and the -jrords, pronounced by
the teacher or conductor, were passed alternately from side to
side. After the preliminary exercises were conducted for a
sufficient length of time, the dispositions were then made for
the final conflict. The contestants, like the Greeks of old,
drew out their forces in line, and fought man to man — each
man endeavoring to spell down the other side. If a word
jvas misspelled the delinquent stepped from the ranks. Thus
a superior knowledge of orthography, not unmixed with cour
age, decided the fate of the day.

14 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Athletic sports were the chief sources of recreation among
the male portion of the scholars. There were contests of
wrestling, scuffling, running and jumping. Town ball, from
which the national game originated, was the principal field
exercise. An equal number of players was chosen on each
side, and the first to the bat was decided by chance or mutual
agreement. The number of bases was indefinite, and their for
mation was governed by the contour of the ground on which
the game was played. The players were either "crossed out"
between the bases, caught out behind the bat, "on a fly," or on
the first bound. The curve was unknown ; there were no dead
balls, and no uniformity as to the number of innings. The
inning ended only when all the players on both sides were put
out. Disputed points were settled by mutual agreement with
out the aid of an umpire.
The revolution of half a century has brought about many
changes in the school system of Ohio. The class of old fash
ioned school-masters (the writer among the number) with their
modes both of rigid discipline and instruction, have either
passed away or long since survived their usefulness. The old
log school-houses have been supplanted by new and costly
edifices, well furnished for the convenience both of teachers
and scholars. Improved text-books and modes of instruction
have been introduced, and the ideas of fifty years ago have been
succeeded by a thorough system of universal education.
I was a large boy for my age ; fairly well developed, muscu
lar, and was not indifferent to the sports of the day. On one
occasion, at recess, Simeon Ellis, a boy about my own size but
two years older, proposed to wrestle. We took fair hold of each
other at "side hold," and he, being the oldest, gave me the
under hold. We wrestled for near five minutes, but kept on our
feet. I purposely exerted myself, for my best girl, Amanda
Hopkings, stood in the door looking at us.
My brother, when twenty-one years old stood five feet
ten and a half inches in height, and he weighed two hundred
pounds. He was well developed, muscular, fond of athletic
sports, an expert at wrestling, and the chajnpions were numer
ous that he laid on the ground. His choice was always "side

THOS. H. BARTON. 15

hold," and I never knew any man to get the advantage of him
at wrestling. John Sylvester was about forty years old, about
the same height as my brother, and weighed over two hundred
pounds. He was a powerful athlete and an expert at "catch-
as-catch-can." On one occasion, at a large gathering of men
at Harrisonville, one David Dunlap, offered to bet five dollars
that Sylvester could throw down any two men in the crowd.
Joseph Heaton, a cousin of mine, also an athlete, together with
my brother, stepped out to accept the challenge, but Sylvester
failed to cover the bet. It was then proposed that James and
Sylvester should try their strength and skill, but they could
not agree as to the mode of wrestling. My brother desired to
wrestle at "side hold," while Sylvester insisted on "catch-
as-catch-can." While engaged in settling the preliminaries,
Sylvester suddenly grabbed my brother, got hold of one of his
legs, raised him about two feet, thinking to lay him on the
ground. At the same time James caught Sylvester around the
neck and came down on his feet, only to be raised again the
second time. Each one kept his hold, and Sylvester raised
my brother the third time and threw him on his hips. The
bout lasted about two minutes, and it was very evident that
Sylvester had exerted all his strength, for he was blowing hard
and his limbs were in a spasmodic condition for ten or fifteen
minutes, while James looked as fresh and vigorous as ever.
James had been successful at school, and had obtained an
excellent education in the English branches. He was an ex
pert in arithmetic, and could solve the most abstruse problems
by arithmetical calculation. Captain Vance, father of Col.
John L. Vance, of Gallipolis, gave it as his opinion that my
brother was one among the best arithmeticians in the State of
Ohio. James was married in September, 1845, to Miss Ange-
line Reeves, an estimable young lady of Alexander township,
Athens county, Ohio.
When I was about eleven years of age the Church of the
United Brethren in Christ had a great revival of religion at
Harrisonville. The Rev. Koutsinger, a German who preached
in the English language, conducted the services, and a large
number of persons embraced religion and joined the church.
At the close of Rev, Koutsinger's efforts the Methodists com-

16 AUTOBIOGRAPHV OF

menced a series of meetings at the same place, and the minis
ter, the Rev. Mr. Hayes, was assisted by Rev. Koutsinger. The
people were greatly stirred up, and the consequence was that
the Methodists had perhaps the greatest revival of religion
ever known in Meigs county. While attending these meetings
I became thoroughly under conviction, and convinced of a day
of judgment after death, where every one will be called upon
to answer for "the deeds done in the body." I would go to the
mourners bench and there offer up my humble petition to the
God who rules the universe, and to Jesus, the son of David,
the Lamb of God, "who hath power on earth to forgive sins."
Although very young, I was thoroughly convinced of the error
of my ways, and ofthe necessity of repentance and faith in the
Lord Jesus Christ. I became a member of the M. E. church.
About this time a class of the Methodists was organized, and
the meetings were held at father's house. There was preaching
every alternate Sabbath, and Bro. Frame, a local preacher of
the neighborhood, conducted the services. Bro. Frame, whom
I greatly admired and loved, always dressed very plainly, and
his manner of preaching would now be called an exhortation.
After the sermon was over, Bro. Calvert would exhort, and
make a powerful appeal to sinners, and Bro. Burroughs would
then conclude the exercises with singing and prayer. These
meetings were always followed by a sumptuous feast. The
fatted chickens would be killed, and the brethren, or the most
of them, invited to tarry for dinner. Father's house was noted
for hospitality, and the brethren never failed to partake of a
square meal.
One Sabbeth morning Bro. Frame preached at father's house.
He wore a home-spun linen shirt, without any collar-button ;
and a thread, to which was attached a large darning-needle,
supplied the fastening. As he warmed up to his subject, I was
greatly amused to observe the darning-needle vibrating to and
fro like the pendulum of a clock.
One evening when prayer-meeting had been appointed at
our house, three boys came very early ; one of them, Alvin
Sexton, who was five or six years older than myself, proposed
to take a walk. I readily accepted the invitation and after
we had proceeded about one hundred yards, Sexton said to

THOS. H. BARTON. 17

me : "Tom, we want you to get down on your knees and
pray for us." I objected, telling him at the same time, that it
would be wrong to do so. The other boys joined in urging me
to pray for them, but no persuasion on their part could cause
me to "cast my pearl before swine, lest they come again and
rend you."
The black hawk was then the wild bird of the forest, and his
depredations in the poultry yard were numerous and destruc
tive. The good house-wife was always anxious for the care of
the brood, and various devices were employed as a means of
protection. One Sabbath morning, during Church services, a
loud cackling was heard in the yard — the unfailing token of
approaching danger. My mother, ever anxious on the sub
ject, gave me to understand that she wanted me to drive the
hawk away. I went out quietly and returned, only to be rep
rimanded by the minister; for, in my frantic efforts, I not
only disturbed the hawk, but the religious exercises as well.
These religious meetings were continued for a number of
years, and there was preaching every alternate Friday by the
ordained minister. My father always took an active interest
in church affairs ; was kind and benevolent, and always will
ing to lend a helping hand to the poor in time of need. He
was tenacious as to what he believed to be his rights; but
ever ready to do justice as between man and man. New em
igrants settled in the neighborhood, with some of whom father
had a controversy, and they could not come to any terms of
settlement. At length James Blundon, a prominent church
member, preferred charges against my father, for no other rea
son, as I believe, than to injure his character. Blundon no
doubt anticipated an easy victory, as father was not well
versed either in the laws of the land or the canon of the
church. At length, the cause came on for trial before a com
mittee of church members, and father was found guilty as
charged in the specifications, and expelled from the church.
He appealed the case to the quarterly conference, and the pre-
.siding elder referred the matter back, on account of an unfair
hearing before the committee. The cause was then tried over
again at father's residence, and a large concourse of saints and
sinners came to hear the trial. He was again found guilty
3

18 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

and expelled. The case was once more carried up to the quar
terly conference, and father was there finally acquitted ofthe
charges, and re-instated in full membership.
Alfred Cheadle was the poet laureate of the neighborhood,
and, in memory of this great church trial, composed the fol
lowing lines : 'Twas in the pleasant month of May,
All nature being gay.
'Twas Blundon that charged Barton,
All on the thirteenth day.
He charged him and he slandered him,
Most scandelously severe.
They had it up hill and down hill
First one and then the other,
.\nd every time they met in class,
It was sister and brother.
And the case it was a surly aim,
That Barton did his standing gain,
Then Hopkins took the case in hand,
And smote the people on every hand,
Till Hanlin withdrew
And left the social band.
Then Hopkins smote the people
On every side,
Till Elli,s left the church-
Likewise his dear bride.
Then Barton gained the victory,
Aud conquered all at last.
Aud now the warfare having ended,
A stranger steps in.
He passed for a saint and was freed from all sin,
They appointed him class-leader,
He's the last class-leader that ever 1 saw,
He's left the little church,
And gone to study law.
This wretched doggerel was frequently sung by a full chorus
of voices to a time contained in the old Missouri harmony.
The people as usual in such cases, were divided in opinion on
the merits of the cause ; and the trial, like all similiar trials
bad an injurious effect on the welfare ofthe church. I have
given its history with the object of illustrating my father's
strength of will and tenacity of purpose.
*******
I now approach an event of my life, so indelible, so sudden
and yet so solemn, so bound up with all my infant recollections,
that, from the beginning of my narrative, I have seen it grow-

THOS. H. BARTON. 19

ing larger and larger as I advanced, and casting its shadows
over all that had preceeded it. It haunted me in my dreams,
and even at this day, its remembrance is fraught with sorrow.
Moreover, it was the turning point of my life, and formed the
basis of my future career.
My mother, whom I have thus far rarely mentioned, but
whom I dearly loved, was now about sixty years old. She
was plain in her manner and attire ; a devoted christian, an
affectionate companion, and a kind and indulgent mother.
About the first of June, 1845, she burned or scalded (or thought
she had done so) the fore-finger of her right hand. The
finger smarted and burned very much, and this was followed
by a fever. Dr. French, an old gentleman who practiced as a
physician in our neighborhood, but who had little if any
knowledge of the science of medicine, treated her, and ex
plained the case in some way. At first, father did not think
there was anything serious, but she gradually grew worse, the
finger being greatly swollen, and Dr. Dickson, of Albany,
Athens county, was sent for. Dr. Dickson pronounced the
trouble erysipelas — a disease of which we had never before
heard. The arm soon commenced to swell, and the swelling
extended to the body. Her vital powers failed rapidly, and
she passed quietly away on the eighth of June, 1845. Her
body was consigned to the tomb, and her spirit ascended to
the God who gave it, where
"There is a land beyond the sky,
Where happy spirits never sigh.
Then, erring souls, your sins deplore,
And sing of where we'll die no more."

CHAPTER IL

TEACHER AND STUDENT OF MEDICINE.
I was approaching my seventeenth birthday when my mother
died. Her last years had been the happiest of her life, and
they were far from being the least happy of mine. It was not
till after the last sad rites had been performed, and her body
laid to rest in the old graveyard near Harrisonville, that I

20 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

began to realize the loneliness of my situation, and to com
prehend, in its full import, the irreparable loss that I had
sustained. I was then pursuing my studies in algebra and
natural philosophy, and her counsel and advice, her cheerful
words and promises had been to me a source of encouragement.
Another event occurred soon afterwards which, in connec
tion with the death of my mother, exerted a powerful influence
in shaping my future career. One day, I think it was about
the first of February in the following year, a lady, accom
panied by her daughter, called at our house. The mother
was about thirty-eight years old, and the daughter, who was in
very feeble health, about twenty. They had consulted a
botanical doctor in regard to the young lady's condition, and
had called at our place on their way home. Father, who was
noted for his hospitality, invited them to remain for dinner,
and a sumptuous feast was prepared. A few hours were
passed in pleasant conversation, and father seemed well
pleased with the elder lady.
Great events are frequently brought about by the most
trifling causes. The friendly visit was returned, and it soon
become evident that cupid was hard at work, and that father
was enamored of the elder lady. Her name was Margaret
Zickafoos Berklej^ The marriage was arranged to come off in
March, and the nuptials were to be solemnized at the bride's
residence. The wedding preparations were soon completed, and when
the appointed time arrived, father, together with my brother
ond sisters, set out on horseback for their destination. It had
been decided that I should remain at home, but I had never
witnessed a marriage ceremony, and my curiosity was aroused.
I followed the procession on foot, and being young and
active, arrived at the bride's residence in time to hear a deep,
sonorous voice round off the words : " I nronounce you man
wife." As I entered the room, a pleasant group met my gaze. Con
spicuous among the number I recognized the familiar form of
my father. His tall figure stood erect, and his countenance
beamed with delight, while the bride, arrayed in her best attire,
was radiant with smiles and blushes.

THOS. H. BARTON. 21

The widow Berkley was the mother of eight children when
this marriage was consummated. Their names were : Simeon,
Catharine, Lucy, Martha, William, Joseph, Amanda and
James. I have given their names in the order of their ages,
and the four younger children came to live with my father.
The fruits of this union were John W., born in December, 1846,
and Sarah M., born July 1.5th, 1849.
During the summer succeding my father's re-marriage, I
labored on the farm, and assisted in raising a crop. I also
performed some labor during harvest, and other work on my
own account. Late in the fall, several young men who were
going to the iron furnaces in Lawrence county, requested me
to join them. I did so, and labored for a short time at a saw
mill, and chopped wood for a gentleman named Porter, who
had ^a contract to furnish wood for the furnaces. In the
intervals of labor during the summer, I had taken up the sub
ject of chemistry, and had incidentally mentioned that fact
to my employer. One day Mr. Porter remarked to me : "Tom,
as you have studied chemistry, how would you like to buy a
recipe for curing cancer? " He suggested, at the same time,
that he would sell me such recipe in part payment for my
wages. I reflected for a few moments, and replied: "Will
it cure a cancer? " There was a laugh at the expense of my
employer, and I heard no more of the recipe for curing
cancer. This work, however, was not so pleasant as farming, and I
soon returned home. But farm labor at this time was equiva
lent to working for my board, and clothing myself, for it was all
that father could now do to maintain his family, and it became
self-evident that I must be the architect of my own fortune.
I was well qualified to teach the district school, having passed
a successful examination, at Pomeroy. Mr. Hallid.ay, county
auditor, was the examiner, and he granted me a certificate.
With this document in my hands, I sought the field of my
future labors, and, through the influence of John Chilcote, of
Columbia township, obtained a school in his district.
* * * * * -* *
Let me pause for a moment upon a memorable period of my
life. Weeks, months, seasons have passed away. They seem

22 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

little more than a summer day and a winter evening. Now,
the garden where I played in my infancy is all in bloom, and
glittering in the bright sunshine ; and now the fields and wood
are deeply covered with a mantle of snow. In a breath, the
brook that flows through my pleasant rambles is splashing in
the summer sun ; is ruffled by the winter wind, or congealed
with a coating of ice. No stream presents a more pleasing
picture as it flashes and rolls away, and hastens to mingle its
drops with the father of waters.
My school days ! The silent gliding on of those years — the
unseen, unfelt movement of my life — from childhood up to
youth. Let me think, as I look back through the vista of
time, whether there are any monuments which mark my pro
gress. A moment, and I occupy my place in the family circle, where
we all assemble morning and evening for devotional services.
The cheerful fireside, the bri^^ht sunlight, the birds and flowers,
the fields and wood, the pleasant companionship of those
whom I dearly loved, are wings that take me back, in a pleas
ing reverie, to the home of my childhood. Ah, what changes
have come over the old home ! New faces are gathered around
the hearthstone. And now it is that I begin to miss a familiar
form, with which my infant recollections were so long associ
ated. I do not speak of her now, for I know too well that she
will never more return.
In the space of a thought I am in the school-room, and hear
the hum of many voices, and recognize the features of my
youthful companions. Now, we are conning over the long, hard
lessons and preparing for recitation ; and now we are on the
play-ground, animated with the sports and recreations of the
day. I am not the last boy in the school. In the course of a
few years I have risen rapidly. But the teacher seems, as yet,
a great way off— -a mighty creature whose giddy heighth is un
attainable. I am impressed with the stores of knowledge he
has mastered, with the honorable station that he occupies, and
wonder whether I will ever attain that dignity. I chiefly
wonder what he will be in after years, and what the world will
do to maintain itself against him.
Time has stolen on unobserved, and other changes have

THOS. H. BARTON. 23

taken piace in the old home. James is a teacher now, and
has commenced the study of medicine, and is going to be a
physician. I think James is a noble fellow, and wonder
whether I, even I, will be able to follow in his footsteps.
A blank, through which the heroes and warriors of antiquity
march on in a seemingly endless procession — and what
comes next ! I have passed ray eighteenth mile-stone, I have
completed my studies at the district schools. I have
accomplished more, I am familiar with the principles of alge
bra and natural philoso]jhy, and have passed a successful ex
amination in the English branches of education. I am the
master, now ; and look down on the line of boys under
me, with a condescending interest in such of them as bring to
my mind the boy I was myself when I first came to school.
*******
I have paused tor a moment to see the shaows of those
years go by me. They are gone, and I resume my narrative.
I entered upon my new field of labor ; and, for a young man
eighteen years old, taught a good school, the major portion
of the scholars learned rapidly, and I had the pleasure of
knowing that my labors were crowned with success. Let not
the reader smile when I tell hira that I received only eight
and one third dollars a month, and;boarded with'.the scholars.
for experienced teachers seldom received raore than fifteen
dollars a month for their services. With the proceeds ot my
labor I purchased broadcloth at two dollars and fifty cents a
yard, and cassimere at one dollar a yard ; and, for the first
time in my life, walked abroad in a fine suit of clothes.
It is not without a lingering feeling of sorrow that I come
to record the death of my sister Mary. She was dignified in
her manner, kind and gentle in her disposition, and amiable
in her social relations. It seems that the best are sometimes
called away first. In the last days of August she complained
of feeling unwell, and was soon afterwards confined to her bed.
I went for my brother, but he did not think that Mary was
seriously ill. There had been no sickness among the children
other than the diseases incident to childhood, and James was
loth to believe that there was any danger. I insisted, however,
that he should take charge of the case. He did so, pronounced

24 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the disease typhoid fever, and commenced treating her. But
she gradually grew worse ; good counsel was called to see her,
yet it was all of no avail. At length she became delirious.
Dysentery and hemorrhage of the bowels set in, and she slowly
sank and passed quietly away.
Our facilities for procuring proper remedies were limited,
and I have sometimes thought that had the nature and path
ology of her disease been understood then, as would be now,
her life might have been saved.
Mary died with full faith in her Redeemer. I believe that
she was prepared to go. As we stood around her dying bed
side she professed religion, and gave us good counsel and
advice. Jared Stiles, an intelligent young man, a staunch
Universalist, and a friend and acquaintance of hers from in
fancy, visited her during her last sickness. She exhorted Mr.
Stiles to renounce his belief; telling him that universalism
might do to live by, but that it would be wanting in death.
She died in September, 1847, and was laid to rest by the side
of her mother. "Sister, thou was't mild .and lovely,
Gentle as the summer breeze,
Pleasant as the air of evening.
When it floats among the trees."
*******
I was now pursuing the study of chemistry, but without the
aid of a teacher. In this connection I will relate a circum
stance in regard to a steam and botanic physician. During the
summer one of my step-sisters had an attack of malarial in
termittent fever, and the botanic doctor was called to treat her.
I was then studying the alkaloids — morphine, strychnine,
bucine, etc. I thought this an excellent opportunity to learn
something about chemistry, and requested the doctor to ex
plain the meaning of the word alkaloid. He replied that he
did not know. I was greatly surprised to find that a practic
ing physician, apparently in good standing, should be so igno
rant. Think of this, ye sons of Esculapius ! Here was a
physician, having an extensive practice both in Meigs and
Athens counties, who did not know the meaning of the term
alkaloid !
About this time father sold his farm on Mud Fork to the

THOS. H, BARTON. 25

Rev. T. A. Welsh, and purchased a smaller one near Harrison
ville. From the proceeds of the sale he gave my sister Eliza
beth and myself two hundred dollars each. He had previously
assisted James, and had partly furnished him the means to
obtain an education. These gifts, not unworthy of father's
ability, were the only patrimony we received.
During the summer my brother taught school at Albany. I
attended his school for about two months ; and, in the follow
ing winter, taught at Bolen's Mills, in Lee township, Athens
count3^ I think it is now a part of Vinton county. My sti
pend was increased to ten dollars a month, but my efforts
were not entirely successful. Some of the pupils learned rap
idly, while others appeared indifferent. It was a difficult
school to teach and equally hard to govern, for a large por
tion of the scholars were full of what the Rev. Lorenzo Dow
calls "the old boy."
While teaching at Bolen's Mills a brutal affair occurred in
the neighborhood. This was no less than a prize fight, the
result of an old fued, and Abraham Martin and Abraham
Lewellyn were the participants. I was attending a singing-
school, one evening, and it was announced that a fight at fisti
cuffs was to come off near by. The singing-school was broken
up ; the young ladies went to their several homes, and the
young men and boys repaired to the scene of action. I went
also. A ring was formed, and a man about forty years old
acted as referee. Neither Marquis of Queensburry or London
Ring rules were to govern, and time was to be called only
when one or the other was conquered. The preliminaries were
soon adjusted, and the men sprang at each other, "rough
and tumble," and fought furiously for fifteen minutes, when
Lewellyn gave up. Both men were severely punished.
My sister Elizabeth was not averse to the tender passion
of love. She became affianced to Christopher Spilman, a re
spectable young farmer of Columbia township, and they were
married August 27th, 1848.
My next field of labor was at Kygerville, in Gallia county,
where I received the moderate sum of $15 a month for my
services, and boarded in turn with the scholars. Here I had
a large school, forty and sometimes forty-five scholars being

26 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

in attendance. It was a difficult school to teach, for the pupils
were in all grades, from the " A B C " to the higher English
branches. Hon. J. P. Bradbury, afterwards prosecuting at
torney of Meigs county, judge ofthe Court of Common Pleas
and Circuit Courts, and at this writing one of the judges of the
Supreme Court of Ohio, attended this school.
Early in the succeeding spring, I attended the academy at
Albany for six weeks. The preceptor, whose name I do not
now remember, had an excellent education, and was a bach
elor. Here I studied English grammar, Latin and botany.
In botany I recited with Miss Rhoda Bissel, but pursued my
course' in Latin alone. I studied through the Latin grammar,
and commenced to read easy sentences. This term closed my
academic education.
During tbe summer I taught at Bennett's Mills, in Green
field township, Gallia county. There was a large number of
pupils in attendance, and I received twelve dollars a month
for my labor, and boarded with the scholars. The pupils,
however, were young, and the school was easily taught and
governed. I will now relate my first experience as a. traveler. I had
never been far from home, and had never traveled on a
steamboat. Some time in August, I think it was after the
close of my last school, I took passage at Addison for 'the
town of Hanging Rock. Being very large, tall, of a fair com
plexion, light hair and smooth face, I presented a fair target
for the young bloods to have sport with. I was annoyed in
various ways by three or four young men, and I had incau
tiously informed them in regard to my business. I took it
all calmly till a gentleman about forty years of age said to me :
" Young man, if they annoy you any more, draw your fist on
them ; that will settle them." I am not quarrelsome, neither
am I wholly destitute of fear; and, having found a friend on
board, I resolved to take my own part, even if it had to be
done by hard blows. An opportunity soon presented itself.
I was standing by the guards, conversing with a gentleman
named Robinson, and while we were talking, one of the roughs
came out and began to taunt me. Without saying a word, I
moved toward him with my left duke in position (I am left-

THOS. H. BARTON. 27

handed) and with resolution written on my countenance.
The rowdy turned and shrugged up his shoulders in order to
avoid the blow. Luckily, or unluckily, I missed my man ; for
at that instant Mr. Robinson caught me around the waist, not
only arresting the blow, but tearing my Irish linen coat, as
well. Although failing to punish the ruffian as he richly
deserved, yet I had the satisfaction of knowing that perfect
order reigned on that steamboat while I remained on it. Mj'
linen coat being ruined, I donned ray broadcloth.
In August, 1849,1 commenced the study of medicine under
the preceptorship of my brother James. He had located at
Campaign Creek, now Addison, in Gallia County ; was well
respected as a physician, and was building up an extensive
and lucrative practice.
Soon after James located at Addison, typhoid fever became
prevalent in that localitj', and he was called to see a young
lady, named Berry, who was threatened with an attack of that
disease. He gave her sorae medicine, explained the nature of
the disease, and told her friends that he regarded tbe patient
in a dangerous condition. A noted physician of Gallipolis,
who had a large practice in the neighborhood, but with whom
James would not consult, was also called to see her. He took
occasion to disparage James, telling. Miss Berry's friends that
the young doctor was ignorant of the science of raedicine,
that the patient was by no means in a serious condition, that
her trouble was only the result of a slight cold, and that she
would be well in a short time. But the young lady died, as
James had anticipated, and his diagnosis of the case in oppo
sition to the views of his older and more experienced compet
itor, gave him a start in business and established his reputa
tion as a physician.
During my two years course of study I read in succession
the following works on medicine : 1. Cruvilhier's Human An
atomy. 2. Dunglison's Human Physiology. 3. The United
States Dispensatory. 4. Cooper's Surgical Dictionary. This
was an excellent work on surgery, arranged in alphabetical
order, and a standard authority on that subject. 5. Watson's
Lectures on the Practice of Physic. This was an English
work, revised by Dr. Francis Conder, of Philadelphia. 6.

28 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Churchill on Obstetrics. 7. Dewees on the Diseases of Chil
dren. 8. Wood's Theory and Practice of Medicine. 9. Wil
son's Human Anatomy. I used Hooper's Medico Lexicon as
a book of reference on medical terms. These works, written
and compiled by the most eminent physicians and specialists
of Europe and America, were all of standard authority on the
different subjects of which they treat.
James, who was five years older than myself, had studied
medicine under Dr. Joseph Dickson, of Albany. He had been
a close student and observer, and was pains-taking in his
efforts to advance my interest. There was in hira kind-hearted
ness and industry, penetration and close reasoning, an un
clouded intellect, superioritj' to passion, solid judgraent, and
a directness that went straight to its end. He was of rare
good humor, and fond of a practical joke. Composed and
candid, he knew how to conciliate and convince. Firm in bis
convictions, free from rancor and suspicion of flattery, he
could neither be cajoled or intimidated.
When I had been with my brother about a week, a dispute
arose between us in regard to the synoniras of the Jamestown
weed {Diiiirii, Sirainoniuin.) I contended that thorn-apple and
and Jamestown weed were one and the same plant ; but James
differed in opinion, and to argue against him was like breath
ing against a trade-wind. After consulting the authorities on
the subject, we found that I was right.
A few months after I began my course, Thorapson Reeves,
a brother-in-law of James' also comraenced the study of medi
cine under bis preceptorship. This was a great help to us
both. We studied together and were of mutual benefit to each
other. During my stay at Addison, boating, swimming, and bathing,
were my chief sources of recreation. I was an excellent swim
mer, and swam across the Ohio on the first trial. I have since
frequently swam thai river twice in succession without stop
ping. In those primitive times, dances and apple-cuttings were the
sources of amusement among the young ; but I rarely went in
societ}', for my time was largely occupied with my studies, I
did not attend church regularly, for the nearest place of wor
ship was two miles distant.

THOS. H. BARTON. 29

Then as now, the Fourth of July was the great national holi
day. I have frequently thought that the old celebrations were
superior to those of the present time. Less powder was burned
and less bunting displayed, but there was more real patriot
ism and fraternal feeling araong the people. A pleasant grove
was selected, and when the day arrived the tables were set and
loaded with the delicacies of the season. The procession was
then formed, and it moved to the strains of martial music.
Each gentleman escorted a lady, and they took their stations
at opposite sides of the table. The Declaration of Independ
ence was read, and speeches were then raade. The orator
dwelt on the glories of his country ; on its vast extent, bounded
only by the ocean, the lakes, and the gulf; on its iramense re
courses, its variety of soil and climate, and on its mineral and
agricultural wealth ; on the heroes ofthe revolution, the generals
who achieved its triumphs, and on the statesmen who shaped
the policy of tho government ; on the stars and stripes as the
emblem of his nationality; on the principles of civil liberty
regulated by law, on the blessings we enjoy under its benign
influence, and on the duties we owe to posterity to transmit
unimpaired this the best birthright and noblest inheritence of
mankind. I had the pleasure ot attending one of these old time gather
ings at Cheshire. Having procured a suitable conveyance, I
sought the residence of Miss Francis Leonard, daughter of a
wealthy farmer of that locality, and escorted her to the cele
bration. We took our position near the center of the proces
sion ; but the column was broken during the march, and we
reached the table at the head of the procession. The day
passed off pleasantly; there were cordial greetings among
friends and acquaintances, both at meeting and parting, and
the exercises, conducted in their primitive simplicity, were en
joyed alike by the old and the young.
The shade of a dead negro rises before rae, like the ghost in
the tragedy of Hamlet. Who is dead negro, and what shall I
do with him? He is one of the unfortunate unknowns ; and
he died on a steamboat, and was buried one mile south of
Campaign creek, on the bank of the Ohio. Here was an op
portunity to procure a skeleton. With this object in view, one

30 AUTOBIOGR;\PHY OF

dark night near the hour of twelve, James procured a skiff,
and, in company with Mr. Reeves and myself, proceeded
silently down the river. We were armed with spade and mat
tock, and moved cautiously, one rowing the skiff, and the
others standing guard. Arrived at the grave, without any dis
turbance, we soon had the negro resurrected. We carried the
body to the skiff", and re-interred it on the opposite side of the
river, intending, when the excitement incident to such an oc
currence should subside, to repossess ourselves of the remains.
dissect the body, and keep the bones for a skeleton. Next day
intense excitement prevailed in the neighborhood. The tracks
of carriage wheels were observed to go to and return frora the
empty grave. We were accused by some, but the general opin
ion was that other parties did the work. The remains, how
ever, were never again disturbed.
In the winter of 1849-50, I taught the district school at Ad
dison. The number in attendance was small, but some ofthe
scholars were well advanced. It was a pleasant and. interesting
school. There being a failure of the public funds, about one
third of my salary was apportioned among the students, and
the consequence was that I lost a part of it. Teachers of the
present time have every reason to be thankful, for the common
school laws of Ohio now afford ample means for their com
pensation. During the following winter I taught near the mouth of
Kyger creek. Here I had some excellent scholars ; and I was
paid from the public funds. This was much better than hav
ing to collect any part of my salary. While teaching, I con
tinued the study of medicine at night.
It is not without a feeling of pride that I come to the first
case in which I was called upon to administer medicine. It
came about in this way. In the sumraer of 1850, my brother
had an attack of cholera, and in a few hours, lost an abund
ance of adipose tissue. Dr. Morgan, of Gallipolis, was called,
and, through his skill, together with the assistance of Mr.
Reeves and myself, James was soon in a fair way to recover.
One night shortly afterwards, a message was sent to my brother,
requesting hira to visit an old lady, naraed McCown, who was
reported to have a violent attack of cholera morbus. Being

THOS. H. BARTON. 31

unable to go, I was sent in his stead, and he gave me minute
instructions in regard to the case. I was a young student of
medicine, and the old lady and her friends were not well
pleased with my visit, and insisted that James would have to
come, sick or well, or they would send to Gallipolis for a phy
sician. I prevailed on them, however, to give her sorae medi
cine, which relieved her. They finally sent for ray brother,
but when he arrived the patient was doing much better, and
soon afterwards recovered. His visit was unnecessary. This
occurred in the year succeeding the great cholera epidemic of
1849. In 1832, the Asiatic cholera, or cholera asphixia, made its
appearance in the United States for the first tirae, coming
by way of Canada. Following the course of the large rivers,
it soon reached Buffalo ; and then spread irregularly, occurring
in towns and cities, distant from each other, but without affect
ing the intervening districts till a subsequent period. It ap
peared in the city of New York, June 27th, and continued two
months, during which period there were three thousand four
hundred deaths. In Albany it showed itself at the same time
as in New York; and it spread rapidly to the cities of Phila
delphia, Baltimore and Washington. It comraenced in Cincin
nati in July, became epidemic in September, and continued
through most of th.e summer ot 1833. In the southern states
it was particularly fatal amongst the slave population, who
fell ready and easy victims to its power. The malady was
fatal beyond all precedent, in New Orleans and St. Louis ; and
the middle states never before knew so terrible a visitation.
From the north, the disease also extended itself along the
borders of the great lakes, and soon its ravages began at
Detroit. In the six eastern states there were only a few cases^
principally in the seaport towns of Massachusetts, .Rhode
Island and Connecticut.
And now again, this fearful scourge reappeared, in 1849, to
darken the land, carrying sorrow into many homes, terror
into every heart, and sweeping tens of thousands into the
grave. In New Orleans, it broke out about the middle of De
cember, 1848, and continued through the winter. So frightful
were its ravages that it is estimated to have decimated the in-

32 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

habitants that remained in some wards of the city. The
pestilence made its appearance in New York in May, and so
violent was its spread that during the week ending July 21st,
more than seven hundred deaths occurred. In Boston, during
June, July, August and September, the number of deaths from
cholera exceeded six hundred. But it was far more terrible in
Cincinnati and St. Louis, the victims in each of these cities being
upwards of six thousand. Over the east and the west, the
north and the south, the destroying angel spread his baleful
wings. In view of this terrible calamity, the third day of
August, 1849, was appointed by the President of the United
States as a day of fasting and prayer, that God would " avert
the pestilence that walketh in darkness, and the destruction
that wasteth at noonday."
Concerning the origin, or producing causes of cholera and
other epidemics, authorities have differed so widely that little
of a conclusive character on these points can be presented ;
and the same may be said respecting the modes of treatment.
In regard to cholera, a brief outline of the syraptoras and
progress of the disease may not be inappropriate. This fear
ful disease sometimes commences without any premonitory
syraptoras ; beginning with purging and vomiting — the first
discharges being the natural contents of the stomach and
bowels. These are immediately followed by liquid passages
resembling rice-water, and not unfrequently having the ap
pearance of whey. The disease more frequently sets in with
a painless diarrhoea, lasting frora a few hours to one or two
days. The evacuations soon become more copious, and
almost incessant, from a pint to two quarts being passed at
each discharge. Under the effects of these copious evacua
tions, attended by severe cramping of the extremities, the
patient emaciates rapidly, and in a few hours the extremities
become of an icy coldness ; the tongue, and even the breath,
becomes cold ; the hands and feet look as if they had been
soaked in water; the countenance assumes a ghastly appear
ance ; the pulse becomes weak, thread-like, and finally ceases
to beat ; but life is even yet not extinct. A state of profound
collapse now sets in; the victim lying motionless in his bed,
or he is sometimes wild and delirious. His thirst is extreme,

THOS. H. BARTON. 33

and he is constantly calling for cold water, but although his
extremities are icy cold, they appear to him hot and burning.
This disease usually runs its course, from a few hours to
two or three days, before a fatal termination takes place. If
the patient recovers, a week or ten days elapses before he is
convalescent. The disease cannot be controled by thera
peutical remedies, except in the first stages.
With respect to this awful visitation, it may be interesting
as well as instructive, to notice some of the various phenom
ena that attended it. In no place, perhaps, were the effects of
a deathly epidemic upon huraan conduct exhibited more strik
ingly than in the city of Philadelphia. The dread of the
contagion drove parents from their children, and even wives
from their husbands. All the ties of affection and con
sanguinity were rent asunder in the ardor of self-preserva
tion. Such was the degree of consternation, that, according
to Mr. Carey, the historian of that period, most of the
inhabitants who could by any means make it convenient, fled
from the city ; of those that remained, many shut theraselves
up in their houses, being afraid to walk the streets. The smoke
of tobacco was regarded as a preventative, and many persons,
even women and small boys, had cigars almost constantly in
their mouths. Others, placing full confidence in garlic,
chewed it almost the whole day ; sorae kept it in their pockets
and shoes. Many houses were scarcely a moment free from
the smell of gunpowder, burned tobacco, sprinkled vinegar,
etc. Churches, libraries and other places of public resort
were closed. Those persons who ventured abroad had hand
kerchiefs or sponges impregnated with vinegar or caraphor at
their noses ; some had smelling bottles full of thieves' vinegar ;
others carried pieces of tarred rope in their hands and pockets,
also camphor bags tied around their necks. The dead were car
ried to the grave on the shafts of a chair, the horse driven by a
negro, unattended by friend or relation, and without any sort of
ceremony. People shifted their course at the sight of a hearse
coming towards them. Many never travelled on the side-walk,
but went in the middle of the streets, to avoid being infected
from the houses of the dead. Friends and acquaintances
avoided each other on the highway, or only signified their re-
5

34 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

gard by a forraal nod. The tirae-honored custom of hand
shaking fell into disrepute, and many recoiled with affright at
even the proffer of a hand A person wearing crape or other
appearance of mourning was shunned like a viper, and many
congratulated themselves highly on the skill and address with
which they got to the windward of any person whom they met.
Consternation was carried beyond all bounds. Men of affluent
fortunes were abandoned to the care of any stranger, black or
white, who could be procured. In some cases, no money or in
fluence could procure proper attendance. In regard to the poor,
the case was even far worse than with the rich. Many of them
perished without a huraan being to hand thera a drink of
water, or to perform any medical or charitable office.
Terrible as some ofthe cities ofthe United States have suf
fered from epidemics, they bear no comparison, in this respect,
to tbe devastations by cholera in the cities of London and
Paris, in the latter of which, with true French sensibility,
the people have erected one of the finest monuments com
memorative ofthe unfortunate victims.
The year 1850 was rendered memorable by the visit of
Jenny Lind to the United States. The Swedish Nightingale
arrived in New York on the first of September, and, after a
successful tour of the Eastern cities, wended her way to the
West. I did not see or hear her; but word was passed along
the line that Jenny was coming, and I had the pleasure of view
ing the steamboat that carried the fair singer down the Ohio.
During my course of study I was called upon, in several in
stances, to administer medicine. In the]case of Mrs. McCown,
as already related, my efforts were crowned with success. On
another occasion, while at home on a visit, my half-brother,
John Wesley, had an attack of croup. Dr. Day, the family
physician, being absent from home, I was requested to take
charge of the case. I went to Dr. Day's office, and, with the
assistance of Jared Stiles, a student of medicine, prepared some
remedies — tartar emetic and ipecac — and the patient was
quickly relieved. I will relate another instance wherein, ac
cording to my judgment, I acted with wisdom and discretion.
A child of a near neighbor, named Carpenter, was suddenly
taken with fever. I saw the child, and was requested to pre-

THOS. H, BARTON. 35

scribe for it. This I refused to do, at the sarae time telling its
mother to send for the family physician. The family doctor
was sent for, but the child died in a few days. I regarded the
patient in too dangerous a condition for a novice in medicine.
I am now approaching another important period of my ca
reer. I have reached another round of the ladder of life.
During my pleasant sojourn at Addison I had been assiduous
in my studies, and had made good use of my time ; but my
funds were now almost exhausted, and my financial condition
was such that I could no longer remain a student of medicine.
In view of this, and having selected a location, I resolved to
begin my profefesion as a practicing physician.

CHAPTER III.

THE PRACTICING PHYSICIAN.
This chapter opens with the beginning of my chosen pro
fession. In July, 1851 — I think it was about the fourth of that
month — I commenced the practice of medicine at Pageville.
I was recognized by the fraternity, and also by the citizens, as
a physician, though I think sorae of the people looked on me
with suspicion, as being young and inefficient and lack
ing the skill and experience requisite to ray chosen calling.
Moreover, there was another obstacle in the way, which I
could not remove. A competitor, in the person of Dr. L. P.
Lowell, a young physician of Albany, soon afterwards located
at the sarae place.
It is not the design of these pages to mention the numerous
cases that demanded my services, or to weary the reader with
minute details of medical practice. A limited number will be
sufficient. I trust that, ere the close of this volume, there will
be enough that is of stirring interest to merit the reader's at
tention .
I soon had an opportunity for testing my skill. One Sab
bath morning, while attending a singing-school, a gentleman
carae in great haste, requesting me to see a sick child. I laid
down the music-book, went with him, and soon relieved the

36 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

patient of a large naraber of lumbricoid worms. On another
occasion, I was called to treat a child whose parents were illit
erate. The case was not serious, and, after treating the child
a few days, I pronounced it out of danger. Next day, how
ever, the child's father carae for me in great haste, stating that
it was worse, and requesting the attendance of Dr. Lowell for
consultation. To this I consented ; but only on the ground
that Dr. Lowell's services were necessary. I saw the child
myself, and found that it was hungry and crying for food.
Although he was illiterate, I will give this man credit for re
questing counsel, instead of calling it without my knowledge
or consent. In another instance, I Was treatihg a lady who
had an inflamed breast, which, in my experience, is a painful
affection. Finally, an old physician, whose name I do not
now remember, was called for consultation. The old doctor
suggcrited that the breast was ready for the lancet. I disagreed
with him, but he, being the oldest and having the most experi
ence, prevailed, and he plunged the lancet into the forming
abcess, only to draw a few drops of blood. A few days after
wards I opened the abcess, letting out the puss or matter, and
the patient was quickly relieved.
I had several cases of surgery, and gave fair satisfaction;
three cases of obstetrical practice, with success ; and I lost one
case. I was called to see a child that was deaf and dumb, and
was unable to determine what ailed it. The patient had syrap
toras of cerebro spinal raeningitis. The symptoms also re.
serabled lockjaw ( Tetanus,) and also strychnine poisoning. At
this time I had never heard or read of cerebro spinal meningitis.
The child died on the following day, being the only case Host
during my practice at Pageville.
I passed the tirae pleasantly at this quiet village. Being
near my old home, I was enabled frequently to visit and review
the scenes of ray childhood. I passed part of my leisure hours
in company with the young ladies ; and was a frequent attend
ant at church and sabbath-school. During the winter, a ly-
ceum was organized, of which the Rev. T. A. Welsh was
chosen president, and I participated in the literary exercises.
Meanwhile, I continued my studies, and endeavored, by all the
means within my power, to make myself proficient in the
science of medicine.

THOS. H. BARTON. 37

Dr. Lowell was gentlemanly in his deportment, and treated
me with courtesy; but it soon became evident that two young
physicians could not maintain themselves here. Being a mar
ried man, and the owner of real estate, my opponent bad the
advantage. In May, 1852, I visited my brother at Addison,
and he informed me that there was a more favorable location
at the mouth of Thirteen, in Mason county, Virginia. Having
visited that place, and being pleased with the situation, I con
cluded to locate there. I left the field to Dr. Lowell, who, by
some means, lost his projierty and moved away, leaving the
village without a physician. Before parting with him, I will
mention one case that came under his treatment, a lady, the
mother of a child that cried with hunger, suddenly fell ill, and
the young doctor was called to treat the case ; but the' lady
died soon after he commenced treating her. I have related
this fact, not with a view to disparage Dr. Lowell, but to cau
tion the young disciples of Esculapius that they need not ex
pect that success will attend them in every instance, or that
they will meet with universal approval ; for in my experience,
the old addage still holds good,
"1 do not like you Dr Dell,
The reason why, I cannot tell."
The village of Leon, at which I fixed my location, is pleas
antly situated on the right bank of the Kanawha river, twelve
miles above Point Pleasant. I left Pageville in June, and
having arrived at my destination, proceeded to inform the good
people of Leon, and the adjacent country, that I had come
among them for the purpose of practicing medicine, trusting
that, by careful attention to my profession, to merit a share
of their patronage. Thomas Dunn kept a hotel at Leon, and
I took up my residence with him.
It is not an easy task to describe the state of society as
it then existed in Western Virginia. The grades of social
standing were much more closely drawn than in Ohio. There
were three classes of society : first, second and third, or per
haps it would be fully as well to designate them ; upper ten
middle ten, and lower ten. The distinguishing feature of
these classes was, that they consisted, respectively, of the
wealthy, tbe middle class, and the poor. Here and there

38 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

could be found an old locofoco, who owned a few slaves, and
who prided hiraself on his aristocratic standing, and influ
ence in his community. Wealth and influence, however, were
not the only passports to the best society. A moderate com
petence, with a record of good moral character, were also
deemed necessary qualifications. Educational facilities were
limited, and the tone of society in its intellectual aspect,
seemed of an inferior grade. An illustration of this may be
obtained from the following facts. Elisha Chapman, a resi
dent of Leon, was a subscriber to the Saturday Evening Post;
a weekly newspaper published in New York. This paper con
tained serial stories, and among the number was a novel en
titled : '"The Curse of Clifton." I had the pleasure of reading
this hovel to several of my female acquaintances: The land
lady with whom I boarded, two old raarried ladies, and two or
three younger ones, being of the number. I was heard with the
greatest attention. Although these ladies belonged to the best
society, and moved amongst the upper ten, the novel was ac
cepted by them as if every stateraent it contained was a posi
tive fact. Other instances fell under ray observation, which
tended to establish the truth of my conclusion in regard to the
intellectual standing of Virginia society.
I began my profession at Leon with a fair prospect ot suc
cess. Beginning with a case of catarrhal croup, I had some
practice every week till tbe first of August. In the preceding
April, there had been a flood of the Ohio and Kanawha, known
as the great flood of 1852. All the low ground in the vicinity
of Leon was submerged with back-water from the Ohio. There
was also a rank growth of vegetation, and, by the first of August,
tho soil and atmosphere were in a condition to generate a
miasma called malaria. About this time malarial feyer broke
out on both sides of the Kanawha, and raged with great
violence-three or four merabers of a family being often affected
at the same tirae. It fell to my lot to treat these cases and I at
once recognized the disease as malarial remittent fever, com
monly called bilious fever. In some of the raost serious cases,
counsel was called from Point Pleasant, and also from Buffalo.
The phj'sicians, who were called for consultation, treated me
very courteously, and aided me all they could. My brother

THOS. H. BARTC^.

also came to see some of my patients. During this time, I
treated a large number of cases, and was kept constantly era-
ployed, both day and night. For two or three weeks I had
very little rest, and began to feel like the Arkansaw doctor
when he proposed " hauling in sail."
This fever commences with a moderate chill, and generally
lasts from three to eight days. In some of the most serious
cases, the fever is of high grade, attended with violent head
ache, hot and dry skin, violent delirium, and vomiting; the
pulse full and tense, ranging from one hundred and twenty to
one hundred and thirty. In from six to eight hours these
syraptons begin to abate, the fever ending in a mild prespira-
tion. Their is the remission, lasting from two to eight hours.
The patient then experiences another chill of moderate severity,
followed by an increase of the above s3'raptoras, unless tbe
disease is arrested by proper remedies. Bypromi)t and ener
getic treatment this malady is easily controlled. During this
epidemic, or rather endemic, I had the satisfaction of knowing
that all my patients recovered.
About the first of September, Dr. O. G. Chase, who had
formerly been located at Leon, put in an appearance ; and pro
posed that we practice in partnership. To this proposition I
relunctantly gave my consent, and soon found that I had
" caught a tartar." Dr. Chase was a reraarkable raan in many
ways. He was well educated and intelligent, and boasted that
he had attended three diff'erent schools of medicine, the Allo
pathic (the regular school,) the Eclectic, and the Homeopathic
He claimed to be fresh from the Homeopathic college at Cincin
nati, but he did notattempttopracticethat system of medicine.
He paid no attention to any code of medical ethics, and would
do all in his power against his fellow-physicians, not even ex
cepting his associate in business. Amongst the profession,
like Ishmael of old, "his hand was against every man, and
every man's hand against him."
The autumnal frosts killed the malaria, and the fever abat
ed. During the fall and winter there were some cases of
malarial intermittent fever. Late in the fall. Dr. Chase and I
dissolved partnership, though we kept on terms of friendship
and intimacy, and disagreed only in the practice of medicine.

40 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

I will report one case that came under my treatment at this
time. A lady, about fifty years old, had malarial fever with a
typhoid type. Her case was protracted longer than usual, and
she was considerably reduced in flesh and strength. The fever,
however, had nearly abated, and, at this stage, a physician
from Point Pleasant was called for consultation. He looked
and acted like a gentleman ; but he came in a state of intoxica
tion, examined the patient in that condition, pronounced her
liver diseased, and recommended calomel. I feigned to agree
with him, for he treated me very politely. Subsequently, how
ever,! informed the lady's husband that calomel was unneces
sary, and that she stood in need of tonics. These were ad
ministered, and she soon afterwards recovered.
This epidemic, or perhaps I sbould again call it an endemic,
aff'orded rae an excellent schooling in the treatment of malar
ial disease. 1 lost no cases of malarial fever ; yet, regardless
of all this, I failed to have my services properly appreciated.
Some people said that I looked too young for a physician,
while others claimed that I was inexperienced, but that with
time and practice I would improve. Others, again, thought
that my habits and deportment were too plain and common.
One man, a fisherman by occupation, told me plainly, that I
cured ray patients too quickly ; that they came to the conclu
sion that but little ailed them ; that had I let them become
very low, and then cured them, I would get great praise for
my skill and ability. Bear in raind, there is ranch truth in
this man's logic. I was compared rather unfavorably with
Dr. Chase. And this reminds me of the words of an Irishman,
who made the comparison. John Dunn, a genuine son of
Erin, inforraed my land-lady that he had heard people say:
""Whin Docthor Barthon ixamined a patient, ha'd procade
shlovily, and whin he was done ha'd sit and study about it
jest as if he didn't know what to do. But the ither fellow 'ud
fale their pulse a rainute, and look at the patient, and ha'd
knov/ all about it." I proceeded, however, on the motto of
David Crockett : "Be sure you are right and then go ahead."
Regardless of these unfavorable criticisms. I now began to
entertain bright anticipations of the future ; and felt assured
that I would soon have sufficient means to attend a course of

THOS. H. BARTON. 41

lectures at a medical college. But the fees for medical services
were extremely low ; yet, low as they were, I was unable to
collect more than fifty per cent, of mine. In consequence of
this, I was compelled to abandon the hope of a collegiate
education. I have already remarked that educational facilities, in Vir
ginia, were limited. During the winter Dr. Chase and I taught
school in the same neighborhood. The schools were about
half a mile apart. This may seem strange to the teachers of
Ohio schools ; but in Virginia the schools were made up wholly
by subscription. There were no directors, or boards of educa
tion, with authority to employ any one. The expectant teacher
circulated a paper araong the people for signatures, and if a
sufficient number of pupils could be obtained, the school would
be taught. The wealthy and middling classes paid their tuition,
and the poor were educated from a fund provided by the
county. The rate of tuition was fixed at about two dollars
and fifty cents for a term of three months. The teacher certi
fied as to those who were unable to pay, and received the
amount of their tuition frora the county treasury.
I ara uncertain, at this writing, whether Dr. Chase or rayself
first applied for the school. Be that as it may, he obtained
the largest number of scholars. While he canvassed for the
school he also solicited subscriptions for a History of the War
of the Revolution ; and a number of persons were led to be
lieve that the book was a premium for sending their children
to his school. However, when the histories were delivered,
the subscribers were required not only to pay for the books,
but the tuition of their children as well.
The spring of 1853 opened pleasantly, and was followed by
a warm and dry sumraer. Such weather is conducive to health
in the region of the Kanawha, and there was very little malarial
fever during this year.
*******
Love, courtship, marriage ; these words form the links of a
delicate chain from which has been unwreathed many a
romance. But I am not a Lothario, and in my story the reader
will find nothing romantic. Although not a stranger to love
and its subtle influences, I did not enter the field of courtship
6

42 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

at an early age. I was in my nineteenth year ere I sought the
society of young ladies, and some of my first offerings at the
shrine of the god of love were rejected. Being very largei
tall and somewhat awkward in my manners, I did not make
the most favorable impression, and I entered society only to
be jilted a few times by the fair sex. Time, however, cures
many defects, and during my sojourn at Pageville, I had
sufficiently thrown off the embarrassraents of youth, and had
acquired such a degree of self-possession, as to make rajself
acceptable to my female acquaintances. I have heretofore re
marked that while at Pageville I passed a portion of my
leisure hours in female society. I had a strong attachment for
Miss A. N., and about the same time, felt a deep affection for
for Miss A. B. They were estimable young ladies; but I had
as yet no thought of marriage.
I now return to Leon. The state of society in western
Virginia has already been sufficiently described. I will only
add that the grades of social standing were so closely drawn
that when marriage was consummated between those of a
different grade, the couple were regarded as being unequally
matched. There was no church society at Leon, but tbe Baptists had
a church two miles up the river, near the turnpike. Religious
services were held here monthly, and the people would attend
frora several miles around, and the old building would gen
erally be crowded to its utmost capacity. I was a frequent
attendant at this church, not from religious motives, but to
enjoy the society of the Virginia damsels. It was the custom
then, as it has been, no doubt, from time immemorial, for the
young gentlemen to escort their lady friends to church.
The thread of my narrative now takes me back a few months
in the order of lime. One Sabbath morning, in the preceding
October, that is to say, in October, 1852, I attended church,
and had the pleasure of escorting Miss J. G., an estimable
young lady of the first class, to her home. I had left my horse
in the stable and come afoot, for no other purpose than to
enjoy the company of Miss J. G. We passed the time pleas
antly, and while walking along the road, three couple of young
gentlemen and ladies rode by, and as they dashed past us, I

THOS. H. BARTON. 43

was favorably impressed with the appearance of one of the
young ladies. Turning to ray corapanion, I inquired who this
young lady was, and where she resided. Miss J. G. informed
me that her name was IMartba Newman, and that she lived
four miles below Leon, on the opposite side of the Kanawha ;
telling me, at the sarae time, that Miss Newman was a friend
and acquaintance of hers, aud that she was a very respectable
young lady. I only remarked that she was very handsome.
Miss J. G. replied : " Doctor, you will probably raarry her
some time in the future." I simply answered : " I think
not." From that moment, I desired the acquaintance of the fair
Martha. Her name was Martha Maria, and during the winter
I iraproved every opportunity in a quiet way to learn sorae-
thing of her character. Every one spoke well of her. The
only fault, if fault it may be called, that I learned of her was
that she was accused of being a coquette. Meanwhile, I
devoted my attention to Miss E. T., a young lady of respecta
bility, and when spring came had almost given up Martha. I
had failed to make her acquaintance. How shall I accomplish
this? Oh, for the boldness of an Othello ! that I might go
directly to her father's house, recount my deeds of valor, and
demand the hand of his daughter in marriage !
The long desired moment at length arrived. One Sabbath
morning, in the time of April showers, Mr. Kaufraan, a friend
and acquaintance of raine, called at ray office and requested
me to accompany him to the residence of Hamilton Greenlee,
and from there we would go to church. I at first objected.
Mr. Kaufman then informed me that Miss Newman was at Mr.
Greenlee's. Here was the golden opportunity ; shall I embrace
it? My resolution is instantly taken : Yes, I will go to Ham
ilton Greenlee's.
I make some sort of preparations for the visit, but I am so
bewildered, that I hardly' know what they were. I have an
indistinct recollection of brushes, and combs, and bea-'s
grease ; of polished boots, of starched shirts, and of fancy
handkerchiefs ; of piy spending a good, deal of time before
the mirror, arranging my cravat; of my toilet being com
pleted, and of my being at last ready to go; of our walking

44 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

quietly along the road that balmy April morning ; of arriv
ing at Mr. Greenlee's house, and of being kindly welcomed by
Miss Jane Greenlee. I am in a kind of half-sleeping, half-
waking dream,
" Doctor Barton, I make you acquainted with Miss Martha
Newraan. Miss Newman, Doctor Barton." It is the pleasant
voice of Miss J. G., who makes the introduction. No doubt I
hear this, because I know that it was said. I make a bow, in
a mechanical sort of a way, and speak to Martha ; but I can
not recall the words, for I am in such a state that I hardly
know or realize what is going on.
The lady who stood before me was about twenty-three years
of age, and a little below the medium height. She was of fair
complexion, dark hair, and blue eyes. Her form was faultless ;
her voice seeraed gentle and melodious; her manners appeared
elegant and refined, and her every movement was attended
with grace and dignity.
We went to church. A number of young gentlemen and
ladies went in company. On this delightful April morning
the sun shone brightly, and the birds sang sweetly; but the
shining of the sun, and the singing of the birds had no effect
upon me. All nature seemed wrapped up in Martha. As we
walked along tbe road, a great, awkward fellow, with red hair,
but with a good deal of impetuosity about him, managed, in
some way, to place himself by the side of Martha. Although
cool and collected, I have a tinge of jealousy of Red Top,
and fear that, for the present, at least, it is all over with me.
The church is a quiet enough place, I am sure ; but it might
be an iron furnace in full blast, for any sedative effect it has
on me ; I am too far gone for that.
The service i« at length got through with, quietly and
gravely, and we all walk away together. But now I succeed
in placing myself by her side. Red Top is done for, and I
care no raore for him. / walked with Martha, I talked with
Martha, and /escorted her to the residence of a friend nearby-
It is the home of William Sullivan, where two of her brothers
are boarding, and I passed a pleasant evening in her company
there. The suspense of many months is over. The turmoil of the

THOS. H. BARTON. 45

day is passed. The storm is succeeded by a calm. I am in
the presence of Martha. We have an hour or two of quiet
conversation together, and she informs me that she will be
pleased to entertain rae at her father's house, one week from the
following Saturday evening.
Why does every one appear to look on me with suspicion
this Saturday afternoon, as I wend my way down the Kana
wha? I inquire for the raost convenient place to cross the
river and the fellow accuses rae of going to see Miss Newman.
I am ferried across the stream by some men, who are working
on a raft, and they accuse me of going to see Miss Newman.
They seem to understand my affairs so well, that they inform
me of the Newman residence, and direct rae to it, without ray
having to inquire for its locality.
I approach the Newman home with a light heart and a
vigorous step, and am received at the door with a friendly
greeting from Martha, " Doctor Barton, this is my father ; my
mother, Doctor Barton," I am standing in the presence of her
parents. Walter Newraan was approaching his three score years and
ten. He was of medium size and heighth, but his form was
somewhat bent with age, and his hair was white with the frosts
of raany winters. Moreover he seemed careworn, as if the
burdens of life set heavily upon him. He was an owner of
real estate, but I did not know bow much, I afterwards learned
that he had once been in affluent circumstances, and owned a
farm in Mason county, where Hartford City now stands.
Elizabeth Newman, who was about fifteen years younger
than her husband, was of medium heighth, and appeared strong
and robust. Her hair was slightly tinged with gray, but she
was graceful in her appearance. She was well preserved ; her
step was elastic, and the bloom of youth still lingered on her
cheeks. The elder Newmans were members of the M. E.
church, as was also Martha.
I soon became a frequent visitor at the Newman residence.
My attention to Martha was assiduous, and I passed many
pleasant hours in her company. We went to church together
and took pleasant rambles through the fields and wood, gath
ering wild flowers, and conversing on the beauties of nature.

46 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Still, I am credulous, I am in a kind of half-hopeful, half-
doubtful state ; for I have been told that Martha is a coquette,
and how am I to know that she may not be leading me on,
till far enough, and then cast me off? However, I am very
careful in ray advances, and take affairs calraly. Still, I ara
desperately in earnest, and by the middle of July, we are en
gaged to be married.
The form of a rival, who seeks to supplant me in the affect
ions of the fair Martha, rises before me. Who is this rival? He
is a young widower, and is represented as being a local
preacher, and a good business man. I am inforraed of this
afterwards by Martha herself. And now coraes the strange, if
not roraantic, part of my story. About this time, a young lady
came to visit the Newmans ; I was introduced to her by Martha,
and I gave these young ladies my undivided attention. The
visitor was a sister-in-law of ray rival, and her visit occurred at
the sarae time ray competitor made his appearance. She was
handsome, graceful, agieeable in conversation, but her con
duct puzzled me. When in her society she seemed more than
ordinarily friendly, and her advances led me to believe (or
were designed to do so) that my company was very agreeable
and that I occupied a place in her affections. Can it be that
she was trying to win me from Martha, and thus make the
way clear for her brother-in-law, and when this is accomplished,
then cast me off? But the best laid plains of the most skill
ful tacticians sometimes fail. No general, either in siege or
battle, conducted his operations more cautiously or skillfully
than I did : and while my rival talked philosophy to the old
people, I whispered love to Martha.
It ha,s been said that the course of true love never did run
smoothly. One Sabbath raorning, while on my way to visit a
patient, who lived on the opposite side ofthe river from Leon,
I fell in company with a young lady, and walked for a short
distance with her; and while walking together, we were over
taken by Lawrence, a brother of Martha. Mr. Newman took
umbrage at this aff'air, for he no doubt supposed that I was this
young lady's gallant, and that I would prove untrue to his
sister. But in this he was mistaken ; and I may here add, that
ray engagement with Martha was my first, and that she alone
was the subject of my affections.

THOS. H. BARTON. 47

During my next visit, I perceived that a change had come
over her. That unavoidable affair had come to her knowl
edge, and, no doubt, she entertained doubts in regard to my
honor. But she did not mention the occurrjince and only re
quested me to obtain a certificate of good moral character
from my friends in Ohio. To this I objected, but told her that
she might write to sorae of the leading gentlemen of Meigs
County in regard to my standing. She was satisfied, and,
from this time forward, there was nothing to chan^ge the cur
rent of our affections. To her views of this aff'air I attached
no blame, for she had always associated with the best society,
and she stood high in the estimation of her friends.
And now I ara about to be married to Martha. Her father
and mother have given their consent ; the nuptials are to be
solemnized at the bride's residence, and the marriage cere
mony is to be perforraed by the Rev. Taylor, of the M. E.
Church. We were married on the fifteenth of Septeraber. A few of
her nearest relatives, and one gentleman whom I had invited,
were the only guests at our quiet wedding. I hear the soleran
words pronounced, and know that we are now united in the
bonds of matrimony.
*******
A neat little cottage, with an office attached, stands in the
village of Leon. I had purchased this property some tirae
before our marriage, giving my house in part payment. , The
wedding tour — a visit to my brother at Addison — being com
pleted, and having spent a short time at her father's house, we
moved to Leon and began the journey of life.
During the succeeding winter, I taught school at Leon, and
when absent from home on professional duty, Martha, who
had sufficient education, taught the scholars. On one occa
sion, I was called to visit a patient, who lived several miles
distant, and did not return till the following day: On reach
ing home, I found that my wife had opened the school ; she
was hearing a class in reading and perfect order prevailed.
Had a pin fallen on the floor the noise would have been per
ceptible. I have no doubt that the scholars liked her better
than they did me. About the same time we also assisted in
organizing a Union Sabbath School.

48 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

The sumraer and fall of 1854, like the preceding year, was
warm and dry. I carefully attended to my professional duties,
and, in general, was successful, I do not remember losing a
patient during that year. In January, I commenced taking
the American Journal of Medical Sciences. This is one of
the best medical journals in the world, and the Medical News
and Library came with it. While at Leon, I continued to
take these journals, spent much of my time in study, and
thus endeavored to make myself successful in the practice of
medicine. I can not close this period of my history without a parting
shot at Dr. Chase. He and I were now trying to see which of us
could stand the hardest knocks, and hold out longest. There
was great diversity of opinion in regard to our respective merits.
Some persons even said that Dr. Chase did not read medical
works, and that he knew it all without reference to the books.
Great idea! About this time the young doctor took to him
self a better half, but soon after sought another location,
leaving the practice to me. Although he was my competitor,
and an active partizan, yet, at this writing, I entertain no
unkind feelings towards hira, and in closing my connection
with him, endeavor to cast the mantle of charity over all his
faults. *****-**
Throughout the spring and summer of 1855, my practice was
fair, and having no competition, I had hopes of establishing
myself permanently at Leon, but the events of that year, which
'I ara now to record, changed ray destiny.
On New Year's day, our home was gladdened by the presence
of a little stranger, who came to visit us. We named him
James Walter, but he was not a rugged child, and when the
chilling winds of March arrived he became affected with
pneumonia. His life was but a span, the Spirit lingered faintly
in its mortal tenement, and unconscious of its earthly exis
tence, took wing. "Flowers forever are springing
In that home so fair,
Thousands of children are singing
Praises to Jesus there ,
How they swell the glad anthems,
Ever around the bright throne ;
When, O when shall I see thee,
Beautiful, beautiful home."

THOS. H. BARTON. 49

We lost our flrst born on the twentieth of March ; but my
cup of sorrow was, as yet, unfilled, and although more than a
third of a century has passed away, the scenes of those days
are still vivid to my memory.
In the last days of June, scarlet fever raade its appearance
in the vicinity of Leon ; and from a distance, there was also
rumor of sraall-pox. Martha requested to be vaccinated, and,
having no vaccine virus at hand, Dr. White, of Buffalo, per
formed the operation. This was in the first week of July. The
virus took effect, and was apparently running its natural
course. On the following Sabbath morning, Martha and I walked to
the top of an eminence, overlooking the village of Leon. There
was a beautiful prospect of a Kanawha village ; the river
flowed at our feet; the forrests were clothed in green, and the
clustered village in the valley below appeared like a gera in
the stretch of landscape. We conversed on the scenery around
us, and all nature seeraed in harraony with our thoughts.
Martha and I had never before passed the time so pleasantly
as we did on this occasion. Ah, little did I then know what
another week would bring forth !
On Tuesdi;y morning, she arose with a fever, which increased
during the day, and in the evening the rash of scarlet fever
made its appearance. Her throat was very much inflamed,
and, in spite of all ray efforts she continued slowly to fail. I
think it was on Thursday, that Dr. White was called to see
her, but our united endeavors proved unavailing.
*******
It is Saturday morning, I have watched with her throughout
the long vigils of the night, and I now know that my wife will
soon leave me. I have taken that truth to heart. I have tried,
however imperfectly, to resign myself, and to control myself.
I had parted with loved ones before, but I am now called upon
to bear a deeper sorrow.
I have withdrawn myself from her for a moment, and our
servant comes to me, with tears in her eyes, and tells me :
"Martha has requested me to meet her in heaven."
It is over, a sense of profound sorrow comes over rae, and
for a time, I am crushed beneath this load of grief. I en-

50 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

deavored, however feebly, to seek consolation in the lines I
have dedicated to her memory :
"There is a home eternal,
Beautiful and bright,
Wliere sweet joys supernal
Never are dimmed by night :
White robed angels are singing,
Ever around the bright throne;
When, 0, when, shall 1 see thee,
Beautifnl, beautiful home."
*******
The Rev. Totton, of the M. E. Church, preached the funeral.
The text was frora the eleventh verse (latter clause) of the
fourth chapter of Araos. I returned from the solemn cere
mony lonely and sad. I can not describe the state of my
mind beneath its load of sorrow. It seemed that the future
was walled up to me, that the energy and action of my life
were at an end, and that all that was dear to me lay buned in
the grave. For a time, my fondest hopes and anticipations
lingered round the simple tablet, which marks her last resting
place near the village of Leon.
"The hopes that my soul have cherislied,
Have withered, one by one,
, And tho' life's flowers have perished,
I'm left to linger on."
*******
From this scene cf sorrow, I nrust now resume the journey
of my story.
Soon after the death of my wife, I visited ray relations in
Ohio, and they sympathized with rae in my bereavement.
Having spent a week or two with my friends in Meigs County,
I returned to Leon, being determined to establish myself in
practice there. I soon had an abundance of work, for one of
those epidemics of malarial fever had again made its appear
ance. I had always been healthy, and free from sickness, other
than the troubles incident to childhood. My constitution was
robust and I little thought that I would have to succumb to
the malady of malaria, and that my powerful frame would be
shaken with the disease. But I 'soon became aff'ected with
this fever, and at the same time, one of my wisdom teeth (last

^ttos. H. feARTOrJ. 61

molar) begin to make its appearance. The result of this erup
tion vFas an abcess of the lower maxila and the cheek, which
disabled me so much, that for the time being, I again visited
my brother at Addison. Ho treated me for the fever, and I
had the offending tooth extracted by Dr. Sternman, of
Gallipolis. On the first of November I was again araong the hills of
Western Virginia, once more willing to plunge into the swamps
and fogs of the Kanawha valley. From the hale, strong man
that I had been, I was changed to a feeble looking person with
a sallow complexion. But my health was improving. I at
tended strictly to ray professional duties, having all that I
could do throughout Noveraber. When threatened with a
chill, I took the usual quantity of quinine. The frosts of
Deceraber, however, had a salutary effect, and relieved the
people from the scourge of malaria.
About this time a teacher of geography came into the
neighborhood, and proposed to organize a class in this study.
He used Pelton's maps, on which were engraved the natural
and political divisions of the earth, and the location of the
large cities and towns. No names were printed on the maps,
and a key was used, containing descriptive poetry, and also
letters and figures, which referred to the maps. This system
of teaching geography consisted of learning to sing the des
criptive poetry.
I attended this school, not from educational motives, but
for the purpose of recreation, and in order to relieve the
monotony of my surroundings. Still, I took an interest in the
school, and, having an excellent meraory, soon became pro
ficient in the geographical exercises. I here append a frag
ment of the poetry on South America.
"The map which here we station,
For present explanation,
Is a delineation
Of South America.
And how 'tis our commission,
To sing of each division,
The name with great precision,
Each ocean, sea and bay.
"The mountains are before us,
Their snowy tops rise o'er us.
And now in lively chorus

52 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

With the Andes we commence.
See, Aoarai ascending,
Lo, Geral's cliffs impending,
Brazilian range extending,
And volcan's vapor dense.
"lUiraani next in order,
Stands upon Bolivia's border,
Like a bold gigantic warder,
And Sorata's heighths ascend,
Cotopaxi next we mention,
Give Pichincha some attention,
And with the steep ascension,
Ofthe Chimborazo end.
" \11 this we mean to mention,
To help your apprehension.
So give vour best attention
To all that we may say."
These lines were sung to the tune of " We're a Band of Free
man," contained in the Ohio Harmonist. The poetic feet are
imperfect, though the harmony and melody of the tune is
good. The preceptor, whose name I do not now remember,
was a pleasant and agreeable gentleman, and his school was
well attended, the novelty of the exercises attracting quite a
number of scholars.
The winter of 1855-6 was excessively cold. During Janu
ary and February, there was snow upon snow, and it did not
melt away till the last of March. And now my health im
proved rapidly, and I tipped the beam at one hundred and
eighty. But I still felt the loneliness of my situation, and
tried, in many ways, to be cheerful and jovial, in order to pass
away the time. '' Coasting," or sliding down hill on boards
was my chief source of recreation. I soon became proficient in
this exercise, and could glide down precipitous highths for
hundreds of yardswith perfect safety. I became an expert, and
could take children in my arms, and carry thera along without
the least danger.
From my last visit to Ohio, I had returned to Leon with the
intention of making that place my permanent residence. But
the loss of my wife still laid heavily upon my mind. When
at home with her father and mother, I did not enjoy myself as
I formerly did. I had been very successful in my practice,
but the fees for medical services, as already stated, were ex
tremely low and difficult of collection. There was very little

THOS. H. BARTON.

practice during the spring and summer of 1856, but up to
this time I had no idea of changing my location. In June
I visited my father at Harrisonville, and also my cousins,
Joseph and Jackson Heaton. On learning of my bereavement,
my cousins informed me that Chester, Ohio, would be a good
location, there being no physician at that place except Dr.
Cornell, who was old and feeble. I visited Chester, was
pleased with the situation, and decided to make the change.
The last days of June were fixed upon for my departure from
the shores of the Kanawha. I severed my connections with
my new raade friends and relatives, and, not without the
deepest eraotions, bade farewell to father and mother New
man.

CHAPTER IV.

THE PRACTICING PHYSICIAN.
The village of Chester is locat'=)d on the left bank of Shade
river, near the center of the township, and about seven miles
from the Ohio river, at the mouth of Kerr's run. In 1822 the
county seat was located here by coraraissioners appointed by
the Legislature, and in due time the usual public buildings were
erected. This location of the county seat drew after it the
usual result, an increase of business and inhabitants, and for
twenty years it was a busy and prosperous town. A large
number of new buildings were erected. An educational insti
tute was incorporated under the name of " Meigs County High
School and Teachers' Institute,'" and a neat, substantial brick
edifice was erected for its use. In 1841 the county seat was
removed to Pomeroy. In consequence of this action, much
business was taken away from the town, and many citizens
left the place.
Chester is pleasantly situated. The court-house and
seminary occupy a conspicuous position upon an eminence
near the center of the town, thus giving the village a pictur
esque and antique appearance from a distance. There is still
a considerable amount of business transacted at Chester, as it

54 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

is the center of an extensive and prosperous farming com
munity. At the time of my locating at this place, there were two
churches: the Methodist Episcopal and the Presbyterian. The
old court house was unoccupied, and the seminary building
was used for school purposes. There was one hotel, kept by
John Bestow, with whom I boarded.
The second of July, 1856, found me once raore in Ohio,
and located at the village of Chester, ready to offer my services
in the healing art. On the fourth the people held a celebra
tion of the national holiday. I attended this gathering, and
was well pleased with the exercises.
During the first two weeks I had some professional calls. I
then observed a number of hand-bills posted by the side of
mine, and headed as follows: "Dr. J. W. McGath, Eclectic
Practitioner of Medicine and Surgery." These hand-bills
read : " After nine years of careful observation and study, he
has become perfectly satisfied that efficient substitutes have
been found for mercury and all such indigestible agents.
Hence the superiority of the eclectic over the alopathic system
of medicine." I will here remark that although a practitioner
of the alopathic system, I have always studied and used the
common sense system as well.
It did not take me long to size up Dr. McGath, for I soon
found that he was an impostor, not knowing the first princi
ples of the science of medicine. At first, however, he had
more practice than I, for he was regarded by raany as ray
equal, and, no doubt, a large portion of the people looked
upon him as my superior as a physician.
One day, while ab.sent from the village, a call was left at my
office. The patient lived in the country, and Dr. McGath was
taken to see the case. After returning to the hotel, and
learning that a call had been left for rae, I went to see the
sick man, and found that Dr. McGath had been there, pro
nounced the disease pneumonia, and prescribed for the case.
His dose was ten drops ofthe tincture of veratrum viride, to be
given every four hours. This medicine is a powerful arterial
sedative, and may do for a robust person, but not for one in
delicate health, One evening, about three days afterwards, I

THOS. H. BARTON. 55

was again called to see the case, the messenger stating that
his friends thought that the man would would die. I
hastened to his bedside, and found him sweating profusely-
The pulse rate was about forty per minute, and he was very
weak. I prescribed stimulants, and in a few days, the patient
was on his feet again.
I related these facts to my landlord, who immediately re
plied : "D— n hira, why did't you let him die, for he is of no
account." This was poor satisfaction for me, for I hoped to
receive praise for my ability. I also stated to a prominent
Methodist, that in my opinion, I had been instrumental in
saving tbis man's life ; but the good brother only replied :
"Probably it was the turn of the disease, when you first saw
hira." Here, I again failed to raake an impression, and
from that time to the present, I have indulged in very little
boasting, as to what I had done, or was able to do. I have
reported this case, in order to remind young physicians that
they will receive very little praise for their services, if the
patient is poor and disreputable.
Dr. McGath remained at Chester for about two months,
and then moved away, leaving the practice to me. I was ac
quainted with his wife, prior to their marriage, and she was
an estimable young lady.
About this time, I was called to treat a case of typhoid
fever ; but it proved fatal in spite of all my exertions. The
patient was a little girl of about ten sumraers, and she was
the daughter of William Johnson, a merchant and a promi-
flent citizen of Chester. The child died in the fourth week
ofthe disease. The people of Chester, or the major portion of
them, now thought they had found me guilty of incompe
tency. They had proof positive ot my deficiency in medicine,
in the death of this child. So at least, it seemed from their
actions and conversation. I am however, of the opinion, that
Mr. Johnson and his faraily thought otherwise.
During the autumn of this year, I had considerable prac
tice, but found it almost impossible to collect the fees for my
medical services. It should be reraerabered, that this was the
beginning of the great financial panic of 1857. There had
been a failure of the crops, and business throughout the coun
try was extremely dull.

56 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Once more, I have reached a memorable period of my life.
Once more, I have corae to the conclusion that "it is not good
for raan to be alone." I have again fallen a victira to the ten
der passion of love, and ara to appear, once more, before the
hymenial altar. More than a year had passed away since the
death of Martha, and I had, as yet, no thoughts of marriage.
But I am now to experience, for the second time, the shafts of
Cupid. One day, soon after locating at Chester, a young lady called
at my office, to purchase some opium for her mother. Having
no opium, I sold her a yial of laudanum, but she returned in a
few hours, and politely informed me that her mother would
not have it. I gave her back the money, and she returned
home. Her name was Emily L. Parsons.
Miss Parsons was a young lady of twenty summers; was
pleasant in her manners and deportment, and agreeable in
conversation. She was about the medium size, of a fair and
clear complexion, flaxen hair, and deep blue eyes. She could
not be called fleshy, but she had a sufficient amount of adipose
tissue to give her a noble and dignified appearance.
This was ray first acquaintance with Emily. I afterwards
met her at Mr. Johnson's, during the sickness of his child,
and she assisted in nursing the little one. I was formally in
troduced to her by Mrs. Johnson, and we soon became well
acquainted, and would frequently have private conversations
together. She inforraed me that I would be welcomed at her
father's house, where I soon became a frequent visitor, ani'
learned to love her dearly. My love for her was not the ira-
pulse of a moraent, but it grew with our acquaintance, and
becarae deep and lasting.
Daniel Parsons, the father of Emily, was about fifty years
old, and apparently in the prime of life. He was born and
raised in the state of New York, and was one of the best
mechanics of that State, and he had no equal in Meigs county.
He was a cabinent maker, and could do almost any kind of
mechanical work. He was also an inventor, and had invented
and patented a wheel for mill work ; he also invented a spin
ning machine which did good service, Mr. Parsons had a

THOS. H, BARTON. 57

limited education, but was a noted practitioner before justice's
courts, and he was firm and even obstinate in his belief.
Elizabeth Parsons was about the sarae age as her husband.
Her maiden name was Harper, and she was born in the state
of Maine.
Among the fair sex, there were other candidates for matri
mony at the village of Chester. Soon after the death of his
child, I commenced boarding with Mr. Johnson. On one
occasion, an old lady and her daughter came to visit the
Johnsons. The old lady was about sixty-five, andthe daughter
who was a widow, and the mother of two children, was about
thirty-five years of age. Mrs. Johnson, Emily, and I, were
present. Presently the old lady said to rae : "Doctor, if you
want a girl, I have one for you." I replied : "Madam, where is
your daughter?" "She is right here doctor," at the same time
pointing to the widow. Had a clap of thunder broken from a
cloudless sk}', I could not have been more surprised. For a
moment, I was stunned, not knowing what to answer. To
render the episode still more interesting, Mrs. Johnson and
Emily were biting their lips to keep from laughing. However.
I was not a sucker, and could not be caught.
Emily soon becarae very dear to rae, and I enjoyed myself
when in her society. As the months wore away ray love for
her becarae stronger, and in due tirae, we were engaged to be
married. Our plighted troth is to be made good on the second
of December ; we are to be uriited at the bride's residence, and
the Rev. B. F. McElfresh, of the M. E. Church, has been
selected as the officiating minister.
Important business now takes me to the city of Pomeroy.
There is an indispensable document, connected with my affairs,
which I must procure ; and while at the capitol of Meigs
county, I meet an old friend and acquaintance, and inform
him concerning my business. "Tom," said he, "is it a wider
woman, or gal, that you are going to marry this time?" I
replied : "It is a girl." And my old friend answered : "It is a girl
is it, bully for you, Tom !"
And now, I am about to enter, for the second time, into the
state of connubial bliss. We have a quiet wedding, a few of
her nearest relatives, and one gentleman, whom I have taken

58 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

with me, being present. Again I hear the solemn words pro
nounced, and know that it is my dear wife beside me whom I
love so well.
Hark ! What is this which now disturbs our peace ! We
have partaken ofthe wedding feast, and are enjoying ourselves
in quiet conversation. The shade of night had spread its dark
mantle over the earth, when the sharp report of a gun rang out
on the clear air. This was followed by the beating of drums,
the tooting of tin horns, the ringing of bells, the beating of tin
pans, and, high above the din, was heard the yell of huraan
voices. Had pandemonium broken loose, the tumult could
not have been worse. At intervals, numerous voices would
call upon me to treat thera ; they kept up the clamor for several
hours, but were compelled to go away disappointed. Had I
been properly serenaded with appropriate music, I would have
responded, and they would have been received by the family
with a kindly greeting.
***•**•**
We began our wedded life in humble circumstances, being
poor with respect to this world's goods. But we were rich in
each other's love, and my dear wife stood by rae in our humble
condition. We spent the honeymoon at her own home, and
our bridal tour was a visit to ray father at Harrisonville. We
coramenced house keeping about Christmas, and our chief
wedding gift was an outfit of furniture made by her father's
hands. During the spring of 1857, my practice improved to some
extent; but I now found that the major portion of the citizens
of Chester had put their veto upon rae. For they said : "Dr.
Barton, we have kept you down so far, and we intend to keep
you down. You shall never rise to eminence in your profes
sion here. We do not care how much you study, or how at
tentive you may be to your calling. We care nothing for your
skill and ability, for we do not intend to give you a chance."
This conduct was partly on account of my father-in-law be
ing unpopular with the denizens of Chester. Wheraever there
was a disturbance in the church, or a suit at law, wherein he
was interested or took part, Mr. Parsons usually came out best.
Hence, his unpopularity. But I can not understand why the
good people of Chester should retaliate on me.

THOS. H. BARTON. 59

In the latter part of the preceding winter, one James Dias,
a physician, located at Chester. Dr. Dias was proud, haughty,
and overbearing. Moveover, he was arogant in his manners,
gave me the cold shoulder, did not consult with me, and sel
dom spoke to me. I have no doubt that he was advised to act
in this manner by some of the Chesterites. The result was,
that we had nothing to do with each other. I acknowledge
this to have been wrong, but when the breach was once made,
I was as deeply in the mud as he was in the mire.
Dr. Dias had the majority with him, and obtained the most
practice. I bad a large number of friends and relatives, who
lived from three to five miles from the village, and they em
ployed me, did all they could for me, and my practice was
mainly in that direction.
I will report another case that carae under my treatmtcit,
while at Chester. The patient was a child about three years
old, and it was afflicted with catarrhal fever ; but was by no
means, in a dangerous condition. At the sarae tirae I was
treating a patient, who lived in the country. I had seen the
child on three several occasions, and on the morning of the
fourth visit, a little girl carae to rae, and said that I need not
come, for the child was much better. I then went to the
country ; but in my absence I was again sent for to see the
little sufferer, the messenger telling my wife that the child was
worse. Dr. Dias was then employed to treat the case. Herein
my competitor violated the code of raedical ethics. His duty
was to visit and prescribe for the patient and then retire. I
have never had the least doubt that these messengers were
sent to me with lies in their mouths, and for no other purpose
than to injure ray reputation and professional standing.
I have always been free to acknowledge ray failings and
shortcomings ; but however numerous my faults may have
been, I have always been truthful, and could never stoop to
fraud or deceptio*n to accomplish my ends. In the name of
our common practice, I could not retaliate on Dr. Dias ; but
I soon obtained ample satisfaction, and it came about in
another way.
During the sumraer or autumn there was a rumor that a
comet was about to make its appearance in the starry heavens.

60 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Every one was anxious to catch a glimpse of the stranger, on
its return to the solar system ; and every one seemed equally
anxious to be the first observer.
One morning, about the third hour. Dr. Dias was called up
frora his quiet slumbers to visit a patient, and, in his peram
bulations cast his eyes upwards and toward the east, and
thought he saw the comet. Being the first to observe the
strange visitor, caused him to feel very proud of the accom
plishment. Next day, it was noised about the village : "Dr.
Dias saw the comet last night." The word was in everybody's
mouth that Dr. Dias had seen the comet. Even little children
joined in the chorus, and their piping voices could be heard
on the streets : "Dr. Dias saw the comet."
I had studied astronomy, and was familiar with the move-
m^ts of the planets, and had some knowledge in regard to
the nature of comets. These bodies usually move in very
eccentric orbits, approaching very near to the sun in their
perihelion, and receding to a very great distance from it at
their aphelion. A comet commonly consists of three parts:
the nucleus, the envelope, or coma, and the tail, but one or
raore of these parts are frequently wanting.
"So from the dread immensity of space
Returning, with accelerated course,
The rushing comet to the sun descends."
I was very eager to see the stranger, and on the following
night, rose from ray slumbers, and went to the door facing the
east. Here I had a good view of Dr. Dias' supposed comet. I
will now explain the phenomenon. Venus and Jupiter were
morning stars and in conjunction : that ia they were appar
ently very near to each other, and in line with the earth. Ve
nus appeared joined to Jupiter, but it did not eclipse the latter
planet. It was a beautiful sight. This planetary aspect is
well worthy ofan observation, and it occurs only after a long
cycle of years. On the following day, and for several days
afterwards, I took great pleasure in explaining Dr. Dias' comet.
I am free to admit that I took great delight at his discomfiture,
and with this episode in our affairs, I close my connection
with him. *******
I am, once more, called upon to mourn the loss of a near

THOS. H. BARTON. 61

and dear relative. About the tenth of September, James
Berkley came to my house, and informed me that my father
was vomiting blood. I knew that this meant hemorrhage of
the stomach, and that, at my fathers age, it would no doubt
prove fatal. Fifteen miles of travel took me to Harrisonville,
but, ere my arrival, I learned the sad intelligence of his death.
He was taken sick at the fourth hour, and quietly passed away
at the eleventh being in the sixty eighth year of his age.
His last request was that he might see bis sons before he died.
On being asked if he felt willing to go, he replied : " I am in
the hands of a kind and loving Savior." His sacred dust re
poses by the side of his wife in the old graveyard, near Harri
sonville. "Asleep in Jesus! Oh, for me
May such a blissful refuge be !
Securely shall my ashes lie.
And wait the summons from on high."
I had experienced sorrow before, and now felt the pangs
of grief in the loss of a dear parent ; but there was also hap
piness in store for me. On the first of October, a little
stranger came to visit us. As it earae with the intention of
making our home its permanent abode, we named the young
visitor Martha Maria. There had been another Martha, whose
name I dearly cherished.
*.******
Throughout the summer and autumn of this year, I reso
lutely continued ray practice, and resolved, regardless of all
opposition, to establish rayself permanently at Chester. The
hard blows that I had sustained, only stimulated me to greater
exertions, and I now felt more confident than ever before, of
being able to maintain my profession here. But I am once
again to experience the mutations of fortune, and th'e instabil
ity of human action.
About the first of December, I learned that one of my
patrons, who was indebted to me, had moved to Syracuse.
One morning, I concluded to visit that place, and, although
the sky was overcast with clouds, I mounted my horse, and
began my journey. Soon the rain began to descend; but it
was not in my nature to turn back, either for rain, snow, the
heat of summer, or the cold of winter. I kept on my journey

62 AtJTOfelOGRAPHV OF

and soon arrived at my destination. Having completed my
business, I inquired of some of the citizens of Syracuse,
whether any physician was located there. Being answered in
the negative, I then made inquiries in regard to the situation^
and they informed me that they thought Syracuse would
be a good place for a physician. My resolution was instantly
taken. I will locate at Syracuse ; I will raake this place my
future home, and the battleground of my chosen profession.
And thus it came about that the change was made, I have en
titled ray book — what I afterwards became — "The Self-made
Physician, of Syracuse, Ohio."
On returning home, I informed my wife in regard to my
plans, and she readily consented to the proposed change. In
a few days I was again at Syracuse, and boarded for about
two weeks with Peter Lallance. Meanwhile, I made the neces
sary preparations, and the last days of December found me
permanently located at Syracuse.
Syracuse is situated on the Ohio river, about four miles
above Pomeroy. The village contained, in 1858, about four
hundred inhabitants. Like all other mining and manufactur
ing towns, it contained a mixed population, composed of
Welsh, English, Irish, Germans, Scotch, and native born
Americans. In regard to occupations, there were farmers,
merchants, mechanics, coal rainers, day laborers, and two or
three saloon-keepers. These were mainly dependent for their
prosperity upon the mining of coal. This industry is carried
on by the Syracuse Coal & Salt Company, a body corporate,
organized under the laws of Connecticut, and doing business
in Ohio. The coal is of an excellent quality, the vein being
about five feet in thickness, and eighty feet below the surface.
About eighteen months prior to my arrival, the company sunk
a shaft and commenced operations.
Syracuse had at this time, two general stores, one black
smith shop, one boot and shoe shop, one boarding house, and
one church — the Methodist Episcopal. No school-house had
as yet, been erected, but there were two or three saloons where
cheap whiskey was sold.
It has been said that "a rolling stone gathers no moss :" it is
equally true that a "setting hen never grows fat." Up to this

THOS. H. BARTON. 63

time, my practice had not been lucrative, ray income being
hardly sufficient to meet my expenses. I had found it ex
tremely difficult, and, in many instances impossible, to make
collections. I had left a large amount of uncollected debts
behind me at Pageville, three or four hundred dollars at Leon,
and about two hundred at Chester. I had lost ray property
at Leon, in consequence of being unable to collect the fees for
ray raedical services. I had purchased this property partly
on credit, and could not meet my financial engageraents.
I have already stated, in a previous chapter, that I received
a gift of two hundred dollars frora my father ; but this sum
was mainly spent in obtaining a medical education. Atthe
beginning of my practice, my worldly goods consisted of a
horse, saddle and bridle, and raedical books worth about
fifteen dollars.
And now, on this first day of January, 1858, I find myself
in no better condition than at the commencement of my
professional career. I had been worsted, at three localities,
and, up to this time, my profession had been a failure. At
this point, I desire the reader to pause for a moment, and
reflect as to what he would have done under like circumstances.
Let the reader answer, in his own mind, whether he would
have given up the practice of medicine in disgust, or whether
he would have done as I then did. My flnances were now at
a very low ebb, and ray life, thus far, had been a failure. But
I felt more resolute and determined than ever before, and
resolved once more, to establish myself in my chosen pro
fession. During ray stay with Peter Lallance, who was a gentleman
and very obliging, I had a number of professional calls, and
now felt satisfied that I had, at last, obtained a good location
for the practice of medicine. However, there were other con
siderations, which soon convinced me that I had made a virtu
ous change. I had left the Lilliputians behind me at Chester,
and found myself among the Brobdingnagians of Syracuse.
I moved my family into a new building, and paid five dol
lars a month for rent. This property is now owned and occu
pied by David Vaughn. At this time, the miners were on a
strike for their wages, and the result was that nearly all of

64 AtJTOBlOGRAPHY OF
the day laborers were out of employment. I hardly knew what
the word strike meant, but afterwards learned a great deal in
regard to the meaning of that term.
One evening soon after locating at Syracuse, Timothy Stiles
came to my office, and informed me that my services were re
quired at the grocery. There had been a bloody affray at the
saloon, and Bully Bill Richards and Bill Davis, the Cart, were
the participants. At first, I did not understand why Mr. Davis
had this title attached to his name. I afterwards learned, that
in Wales, there are many persons bearing the sarae family
name, and that, in order to make a distinction, certain titles
are given them, the person being designated, either by the
place of his birth, or the occupation he follows. Mr. Richards
had received a longitudinal incission about four inches in
length, on the front part of one of his arms, atthe elbow joint.
This was made with a knife, and it came near severing the
large artery of his arm. He recovered in due time. Mr. Davis,
who was the saloon keeper, had also sustained severe injuries.
He had lost a large chunk ot his nasal proboscis, and also a
part of the digital extremity of one of his hands (the thumb).
These injuries were done by the other man's teeth. He had
chewed the thumb so that it could not be replaced, and it was
amputated at the first joint. I put a paper nose on him, but
was not so successful as the Arkansaw Doctor in a similar
case, and his countenance was afterwards very much disfigured.
The cause of all this trouble was a dog fight, and an overdose
of whisky.
About this tirae, William Long, a coal miner, asked me this
abrupt question. "Are you a great surgeon." I answered in
the negative, telling him, at the same time, that I could treat
common or ordinary surgical cases. This answer injured me
in the practice of surgery ; for it was soon noised about that I
knew nothing in regard to surgery. It was evident, however,
that Mr. Long and I did not understand each other. I had a
fair knowledge of the science of surgery, but was not a great
surgeon like Sir Astley Cooper, of England, or Professor Gib
son, of this country.
I had entertained hopes that no other physician would locate
at this place, but I was doomed to be disappointed. About

THos. H. barToN. 65

the first of January, Dr. D. L. Star, of Point Pleasant, made his
appearance, and soon afterwards moved his faraily to Syracuse.
I was slightly acquainted with him at Leon, and he was a
gentleman, and a well read physician, but was not familiar
with the latest discoveries in medicine. He was a local preach
er, and a member of the M. E. Church, and on Sabbath morn
ings, looked raore like a clergyman than a physician. I soon
learned that he would not be very much in my way, as he did
not intend to make the praciice of medicine a specialty. His
main object was to be a miller, and he moved an old grist raill
frora the Kanawha River to Syracuse, and put it in operation.
Our opponents were Dr. Guthrie, of Poraeroy, and Dr. J. R.'
Philson, of Racine, both of whom are now deceased. They
were gentlemen and first class physicians, and I have frequent
ly consulted with Dr. Philson.
During the remainder of this winter and the succeeding
spring, I did a very fair business. On the first of March, the
miners were paid off, and resumed their occupation. This
strike lasted from the preceding December. No miner was
permitted to work ; no coal could be obtained at the mines,
and slack and wood were used for fuel.
In March, I raade a contract with the miners in regard to
medical treatment. They proposed to give me twenty-five
cents a month for each head of a family, and this sura was to
be paid whether they were sick or well. I was to treat thera
when called upon, but was not to be deprived of other practice,
and was to receive my pay at the office of the coal company.
At first I objected, on the ground that the amount was in
sufficient ; but they informed rae that it was more than double
the sum paid in the old country, and that in Wales the price
was only half a shilling a month. I finally accepted the offer,
and was also to furnish the medicines free of charge. I will
here inform the reader, that raedicines were not so costly then
as at a later date, and were given in a raore crude state, with
out syrups or elixirs. This contract did not prove advantage
ous to me, although I was kept very busy, treating seventy or
eighty families, besides attending to other duties. But my
patrons soon became dissatisfied.' Some wanted medicines of
their own choice, patent medicines, etc.; while others wanted

66 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

turpentine to use in paint. I generally refused them, and
would lose sorae of ray twenty-five cent customers. One of
my patrons, who was not a party to the contract, actually re
fused to pay a small amount, and never did pay it, telling me
that I practiced for the miners for twenty-five cents a month.
This contract expired on the first of October.
During the first year at Syracuse, I obtained a large amount
of practice, but found it extremely difficult to make collections.
Aside from the contract with the miners, my receipts would
probably reach fifty per cent, of the amounts charged. Neither
did I have the best success in retaining my patrons, for if I
lost a case of sickness by death, or had counsel called, there
were those who would accuse me of incompetency, and when
ever I lost a patient, I would lose a dozen friends.
In the latter part of this year (I think this was the time),
Dr. Adams, of Letart, came to Syracuse ; but he did not move
his faraily to this place. He was about sixty years old, intel
ligent, and a regular physician in good professional standing.
But he had one fault : being a too frequent visitor at the
saloons. Here he would treat his friends, and they would
treat him, and he soon became very popular with the drinking
class. Neither was he unpopular araong the old settlers, for
they knew him to be an experienced physician. The result
was that he obtained considerable practice, and I was left in the
background by a number of my patrons. In six or seven
months after locating here, Dr. Adams concluded to collect
his medical fees ; but when he presented his bills to his drink
ing friends, some of them said : " Doctor, we have employed
you, but we have also recommended you to our neighbors, and
done all we could for you, and here you are wanting us to pay
you for your seruices." This meant that they had already
paid him with their recommendations. Dr. Adams soon after
wards left Syracuse.
Throughout the year 1859 my practice was fair, but not
lucrative. In the summer of this year I purchased a town lot
frora Quartes Bridgeman, and on it erected a cottage building
twenty-two feet long and eighteen feet wide, and we moved
into our new home in the month of August. I had bought
a lot from Mr. Bridgeman in the preceding year, and commenced

THOS. H. BARTON. 67

erecting a house, but financial embarrassments prevented me
from completing this building, and I afterwards sold the
property. My wife was energetic, and did all she could to aid me finan
cially. With my assistance, she taught a select school, and
we had good success, and gave general satisfaction. One
day a very amusing incident occurred. My little daughter,
then about two years old, had found my cigar box, and
raade her appearance in the school room with a cigar in
her mouth and two or three in each hand. This school
closes my experience as a pedagogue.
The year 18ti0 opened with a fair amount of practice, and it
continued throughout the year. My services were now fre
quently required at Minersville, and I also obtained consider
able practice at Hartford City and New Haven, on the opposite
side of the river. But there was a large floating population at
Syracuse and Minersville, and it was not uncommon for some
of my patrons to move away without settling their accounts.
Thus, in nuraerous instances, I lost the fees for my professional
services. And on the eighth of March, a son was born unto us. We
named him George Reynalde, m honor of Sir Thomas
Reynalde, of England. Sir Thomas lived contemporary with
Queen Elizabeth, and he was a celebrated physician and author
of that age.
Concerning the following occurrence, I have no apology to
make in regard to my conduct, and if I have no other sin to
answer for at the last day, I feel assured that when I corae to
knock at the gates of St. Peter, I will not be denied admission :
One day in August I had business at the company store,
and when I had gone about half way, I observed a number of
men engaged in a fight. As I approached nearer to them, it
became evident that half a dozen or raore were engaged against
one. I desire the reader to bear in mind that I had no inten
tion of taking any part in the affray, and I was also a friend
to all parties. When very near to them I called out : " Men,
take it fair, and let two fight at a time." Although intoxicated,
they recognized me at once, and I heard several voices saying,
" If it is fair play you want, we will give you fair play." With

68 AUTOBIOGRAPHY C'F
this they left their enemy and gathered around rae like a
swarra of bumble bees {Bombus) when a boy has disturbed
their nest, and with no more intelligence than half a dozen
hounds fighting a cur. I should have sought safety in flight,
but notwithstanding their savage appearance, I thought to
appease them with kind words. But they gave me no chance,
and when within striking distance, began to make passes at me
with their fists, while at the same time I kept my eyes on
them, and placed myself in an attitude of defence.
And now the battle began in earnest. One man who had a
good view of the field informed me afterwards that inthe first
encounter I sent several of thera to grass. I am uncertain, how
ever, in regard to this, for I did not have time to look to the
ground. At this instant ene of thera had the audacity to grapple
with rae. Instead of jerking away from him, as I should have
done, I took the " grapevine lock," and laid him on the ground.
At this moment I heard the chime of his comrade's voices :
'• Give it to him ! Give it to him ! Give it to him ! "
At tbis period of the contest I received a iew slight injuries
on my forehead, and also on my back, which was very large,
and a conspicuous object for a target. I afterwards learned
that these blows were given with rocks. I at once found that
this mode of fighting would not do, notwithstanding I had one
of them down, and in about the space of a flash of lightning I
was on my feet- again, facing my other antagonists. During
this lull in the conflict, we stood facing each other like Gen.
McClellan and Gen. Lee after the battle of Malvern Hill,
when both armies had received such hard pounding that
neither side felt willing to renew the struggle.
After waiting for a minute or two, and no one making an
attack, I concluded to leave the field. But before doing so, I
picked up two small bowlders of a size suitable to throw to
good advantage at short range ; and as I deliberately moved
away, kept one eye turned to tJie rear, and my arras by my
side in about the attitude of a base ball pitcher when intend
ing to deceive the man at the bat. I had not gone more than
two rods, when one of them came running after me with a rock
in his hand, and when about fifteen feet distant, hurled the.
missile at me, but missed his mark. He then sought safety in

THOS. H. BARTON. 69

flight ; but as he turned to go, one of the bowlders left my
hand, struck him between the shoulders, and felled bim to the
earth. No doubt the rock struck him on the spinal column,
for he had spinal irritation for raany months.
At one point in the conflict, some of them asked me if I had
enough ; I replied that I did not come here to fight. I left thera
when ready to go, but not before, I had sustained no serious
injuries, neither was I exhausted. My powerful strength, great
activity, firm bearing, and presence of mind saved me. For
years afterwards, I bore the name of being a great pugilist.
And what became of their eneray? He ran away in order to
procure a weapon, and did not again make his appearence on
the field. His name was Jacob Henry, and he was a notorious
character in Syracuse at that time.
About this time I began to experience, as I often had before,
considerable opposition in the practice of medicine. In the
latter part of this year, if I am correct in regard to the date,
Joseph Bean, a physician of tbe Physio Medical School, locat
ed at Syracuse. Dr. Bean had every appearance of a gentle
man, was unexceptionable in his manners and deportment, a
member of the M. E. church, and a regular attendant at church
and Sabbath school. At first sight, compared with myself, he
would be regarded as my superior. Had Prof. H. C. Wood, or
Dr. J. F. Meigs, of Philadelphia; or Prof. Whittaker, of Cin
cinnati, been here at the sarae time, Dr. Bean would have been
considered, by a large number of the people, as the equal of
those celebrated physicians. I teel confident, however, that if
any one had put this simple question to him : Is the clavicle
a bone or a muscle, and if a bone, where does it belong-he could
not have answered.
Soon afterwards, Samuel Bean, a brother of Joseph, moved
his family here, and coramenced practicing medicine. Samuel,
if I am correctly informed, had studied medicine for about two
months, and came out a full-fledged physician. He was at
once recognized as a physician in good standing and obtained
some practice. These gentleman belonged to the Physio Medi
cal School, and practiced that system of medicine. They had
attended some kind of an institution, or college, and claimed
to have obtained diplomas.

70 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
At the close ofthis year, and during the first six months of
1861, ray professional business was not promising. I have al
ready alluded to the great financial panic of 1857, and this
continued for several years with raore or less severity. Not
withstanding all opposition, I had obtained a fair araount of
practice; but still found it extreraely difficult to raake coUec-
lections. This was largely due to the stringency ofthe times,
and the general depression of business throughout the coun
try. And now, ten years of my professional life have rolled away.
During all that time, I had iraproved every opportunity, both
by study and observation, to make myself successful in my
chosen calling. Still, I had not been so successful as I could
have desired ; and, after ten years of hard study and much ex
perience, find myself, in the e^tiraation of many persons, the
same that I was when I began my professional career. I was
cast down, but not discouraged ; for I felt that behind the
cloud was a silver lining.
And now I ara about to witness another change in the drama
of life. I must arrange, once more, to shift the scene. The
sound of war has reverberated throughout the land, the notes
of preparation are being heard, and I must prepare to take
part in the conflict. "And nearer, clearer, deadlier than before!
Arm ! Arm ! it is— it is the cannon's opening roar !"

CHAPTER V.

THE CAMPAIGN IN WEST VIRGINIA.
The presidential election of 1860 resulted in the choice of
Abraham Lincoln. The political issues turned mainly upon
the question of slavery in the territories. The democratic
party, already weakened by the Kansas question, now finally
divided into two sections. The northern wing nominated Ste
phen A. Douglass, of Illinois, as its candidate. It held that
congress had no power either to sanction or forbid slavery in
the territories, and that the question could be decided only by

THOS. H. BARTON. 71

the people thereof, who alone were interested in it. The south
ern wing chose John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, as its
candidate, and declared it to be tho express duty of congress
to sanction and protect slavery in all the territories of the re
public, and maintained that the constitution, of its own force,
carried slavery into thera. The Republican party norainated
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, as its standard bearer. This
party denied all intention to interfere with the domestic insti
tutions of any ofthe states ofthe Union, but declared its deter
mination to prevent the introduction of slavery into the terri
tories by congressional legislation, and denounced as false the
doctrine that the constitution established slavery in any part
ofthe Union. It asserted the right of every community to
manage its local affairs in its own way, and denounced the in
vasion of Virginia by John Brown as wicked and unjustifiable.
A fourth party known as the Constitutional Union party,
nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and adopted the following
vague and indefinite platform : "The Union, the constitution,
and the enforcement of the laws.'' The contest was bitter be
yond all precedent. Mr. Lincoln was elected by a plurality of
the popular vote, and a maiority of fifty-seven votes over all
corapetitionin the electoral college. Thus the great Deraocra-
tic party, which had had almost uninterrupted control of the
governraent from the beginning of the century, was split into
fragments and driven from the field.
The southern states had threatened to withdraw from the
Union in the event of the election of a president hostile to
slavery, and now proceeded to put their threats into execution.
As soon as the election of Mr. Lincoln was definitely ascer
tained, the legislature of South Carolina summoned a; conven
tion ofthe people of that state, -nhich met on the 17th of
December, 1860. This convention adopted an ordinance of
secession, and on the twentieth, the state withdrew frora the
Union. The secession of South Carolina was soon followed
by that of Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisana
and Texas. The forts, arsenals and other property of the
United States in these states were seized by the rebel authori
ties, and held by the rebel troops, except Fort Sumter, in
Charleston harbor, and Fort Pickins, on Santa Rosa Island,

72 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

near Pensacola. Florida. Fort Moultrie had been occupied by
a garrison of eighty men, under Major Robert Anderson, who,
on the night of December twenty-fifth, withdrew from Moul
trie, and threw his command into Fort Sumpter.
The federal governraent was at this time almost helpless.
The regular army then about 16,000 strong was posted on the
Indian frontier, and the available vessels of the navy were
nearly all in foreign waters. Many of the most prominent
officials, including cabinet ministers, were in open sympathy
with the rebellious states, and President Buchanan seemed
only anxious to delay any definite action in the matter until
the inauguration of bis successor. In his last annual mes
sage, the president denied the right ofthe general governraent
to coerce a state. In summing up his views on this point, Mr.
Buchanan said : " The fact is, that our Union rests upon
public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its
citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections of
the people, it must one day perish. Congress possesses many
means of preserving it by conciliation ; but the sword was not
placed in their hand to preserve it by force." The president
was in favor of conceding to the south everything but separ
ate independence, and thus by his timidity, lost the advantages
which the governraent would have obtained by a firra and
resolute course.
Various plans were proposed in congress and by the states
for a settlement of the national troubles, but none were
attended with success. Early in January, 1861, the steamer
" Star of the West " was dispatched to Charleston by the gov
ernment with re-enforcements and supplies for Fort Sumter.
She attempted to enter the harbor on the ninth, and was fired
upon and turned back by the South Carolina batteries.
On the 4th of February, 1861, a convention of delegates from
the six seceded states met at Montgoraery, Alabaraa, and or
ganized the new republic of the ''Confederate States of
America," and on the eighth, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi,
was elected president of the provisional government.
The first act of the Republican administration, which came
into power on the fourth of March, was to send an expedition
to Charleston harbor for the relief of Fort Sumter. Governor

THOS. H. BARTON. 73

Pickens, of South Carolina, was at once advised of the depart
ure of this expedition, and the Confederate government
thereupon ordered General Beauregard, commanding its
forces at Charleston, to reduce Fort Sumter. The bombard
ment was begun on the morning of the 12th of April, and
was continued until the afternoon of the 13th, when the fort
surrendered. The opening gun of this assault on the government woke
the nation frora its sluraber. Upon the fall of Fort Surater,
President Lincoln issued his proclamation for 75,000 troops
to aid in suppressing the rebellion against the laws of the
United States. The call was obeyed with alacrity. Through
out the north and west the people sprang to arms, the ranks
were soon filled, and this great political issue — the preserva
tion of the Union was to be decided by the sword.
"And there was mounting in hot haste; the steed.
The mustering squadron, and the clattering car,
Went pouring forward with impetuous speed,
And swiftly forming in the ran lis of war."
* * * * -1: * *
I did not take an active part in the presidential campaign
but was opposed to the extension of slavery in the territories,
and cast ray ballot for the Republican candidate. I did this
regardless of consequences, little knowing what the result
would be if Mr. Lincoln should be elected. I had no idea
that this would bring war on our once happy and pros
perous country, and that millions of raen would be arrayed
against each other in deadly conflict. But when the little
rebellious state of South Carolina raised her back, like a cat
when ready to leap upon its prey, and leaped out of the
Union, the news was regarded by every one as orainous ; and
when state after state seceded, without even a threat from the
chief executive, how we then wished for a president like Andrew
Jackson. President Lincoln's call for 75,000 volunteers to put down
the rebellion was received with applause. Recruiting began at
once, and a company was soon raised from Pomeroy, Racine
and Syracuse. The people were animated with patriotism ;
party spirit became a thing of the past, and the battle cry
with nearly every one was — " Down with the traitors — up with
the flag 1 "

74 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
About the first of June, an independent company of militia
was organized at Syracuse. This was .in organization of our
own getting up, and we elected officers, and would frequently
meet for drill. When on parade, my little daughter, then in
her fifth year, would sometimes march by my side with a
regular step, and as much of a soldier bearing as any one in
the company.
One warm day in June, after we had gone through our
military evolutions, and had seated ourselves to rest under
the spreading branches of a large beech tree, we observed Mr.
Is^ac Carleton consing towards us. Mr. Carleton was a nativer
of Ireland, and had ernigrated to this country about the year
1820, and soon afterwards settled in this vicinity, and was at
this time, a wealthy land-owner of Syracuse. He was a very
portly ol<l gentleman, and weighed nearly four hundred
pounds. Mr. Carleton approached us very slowly, puffing
and blowing as he came, and when he carae to us and had
rested for a few minutes, he opened out on us in genuine
Irish style. ''Boys, this is all nonsense. If a dozen old
women were to come along with broomsticks in their hands,
they could make the whole kit of you run."
Mr. Carleton meant no insult by these remarks, for he was
thoroughly loyal, and throughout the war his generosity to the
wives of indigent soldiers was munificent. However one of
our number was highly offended at what was meant for a prac
tical joke. The offended comrade sprang to his feet, rolled up
his shirt sleeves, swore he would have revenge on Mr. Carle
ton, and moved towards hira with clinched fists. Three of four
men then seized him, and had a hard struggle to keep him
away from the old gentleman.
About the first of July, Judge P. B. Stansberry and William
Brown, of Pomeroy, and Ephraira Carson, of Racine, began
recruiting for the fourth regiment of West Virginia infantry.
They were assisted by Britton Cook, of Syracuse, and myself
A company was soon made up. I joined this organization and
becarae a member of Company E.
In taking this step, I was actuated by motives of patriotism.
I shouldered my musket in defence of the.Union; but I had
no idea of abandoning my profession, and intended, if spared.

THOS. H. BARTON. 75

to resume the practice of medicine at the expiration of my
term of service. My wife was patriotic, and readily gave her
consent to ray enlistraent. But it was hard to part with the
loved ones, not knowing whether or not I would ever return ;
and when I was about to bid farewell to those who were near
and dear to rae, ray little daughter said. "Doc. you must not
go to war, for you will get shot."
Company E. was mustered into the United States service,
July 22d, 1861, and went into camp at Mason City, West Vir
ginia. I was advised by some ofthe comrades to be a candidate
for the office of Second Lieutenant, but held back till near tjie
hour of election. I then wrote a number of ballots, and went
to the place of election, when the loud hurrah of the company
was heard cheering the newly elected officers. William Brown
was chosen Captain; P. B. Stansberry, First Lieutenant; and
Ephraim Carson, Second Lieutenant. These gentlemen are
all well known in Meigs county, and were men of integrity and
ability, and made able and efficient officers.
Company E. was recruited mainly at Poraeroy, Racine and
Syracuse, with a few recruits from Mason county. West Vir
ginia. Companies H., and K. were recruited in West Virginia,
the former from the counties along the Kanawha River, and
the latter at or near Grafton. The other companies were re
cruited in Meigs, Gallia, and Athens counties, Ohio, and Mason
county. West Virginia. The regimental officers were : J. A.
J. Lightburn, Colonel; William H. H. Russell, Lieutenant
Colonel ; and John F. Hall, Major. George K. Ackley, of
Racine, was appointed Surgeon of the regiment.
And now I am abput to enter upon the life of a soldier.
While at Mason City our company received their arms and
accoutrements, and donned their blue uniforms. The muskets
were of the old pattern, used by the armies of Generals Scott
and Taylor in the Mexican war.
Early in the month of August we were ordered to Point
Pleasant, and were soon steaming down the Ohio on a
transport. We now began the study of military tactics, and
by the last of August I had learned much of the company
drill and the manual of arms. During this raonth, permits
were freely given to those who wished to visit the loved ones

76 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

at home. On two occasions, if I remember correctly, I had
the pleasure of visiting my wife and children.
The active military service of the regiment began about the
first of Septeraber. One morning, long before the cock crew,
we were called up from a roll on the ground by a roll of drums,
and the old familiar command was heard — " Fall in ! " We
obeyed orders, but were kept standing in the ranks till after
daylight, when, having partaken of a hasty breakfast, four
companies of the regiment, including Corapany E, were
marched on board a transport, and were soon steaming up the
Kanawha. The command disembarked at the mouth of
Pocataligo, marched about eight miles up that river, and
bivouaced. This was our first bivouac, and we laid on our
arms in line of battle.
Late in .the night the familiar form of IJeutenant Carson
was seen appmaching the bivouac, and he laid his body down
beside nic On tbe following raorning I was awake very early
and found my hat, gun, knapsack and other accoutrements
safe l>y my side. The lieutenant was also soon awake, and on
picking up what be supposed lo be his hat, found that he had
picked up a citizen's hat, apparently very much worn, and in
a dilapidated condition. On looking at it, the lieutenant ex
claimed : " Where is my hat? This is not mine." Observing
my hat lying on the ground near by. Comrade Carson picked
it up, and regardless of my protest put it on his head. How
ever, before ive received marching orders, a citizen came into
camp with a soldier's hat in his hand This I appropriated to
my own use, and while it lasted, had the honor of wearing the
head-gear of a lieutenant.
From the Kanawha we marched to Spencer, in Roane
county, that ]jlace being our destination. The object of this
movement was to relieve the Union home guards, who were
hard pressed by the rebel bushwhackers. The horae guards
were beseiged for about three days, but ere our arrival, they
had gained the victory, and driven the confederates away. It is
also very probable that the rebels received information that
a detachment of the " Bloody Fourth " was on the march for
the relief of Spencer, and acted accordingly.
We now began to experience the privations of camp life.

THOS. H. BARTON. 77

While on the march up the Pocataligo, some of my messmates
traded our coffee, or the raost of it, tor green corn, and this
deprived me for several days of my accustomed aromatic
beverage. During the first week at Spencer, provisions were
scarce, and there was also much suffering among the soldiers
frora want of hospital stores. However, in about ten days a
train arrived with the necessary and ranch needed supplies.
The tirae was now mainly spent in scouting, and we brought
in numerous squads of "secesh," who took the oath to support
the Constitution of the United States. Many also came in
voluntarily, delivered up their arms and took the oath.
As soon as the necessary medical supplies arrived. Surgeon
Ackley established a hospital, and I was detailed as acting
hospital steward. This gave rae an excellent opportunity to
observe the surgeon's treatraent of gun shot wounds, and the
diseases incident to railitary service. An opportunity soon
presented itself for Dr. Ackley to try his skill as an array sur
geon. A gentleman named Gibson, who was a Union man
and resided near Spencer, was shot in the face by a bush
whacker, the missile breaking or comminuting both sides of
the lower maxilla, and also horribly lacerating the muscles of
the face. I assisted in removing the fragments of bone, con
sisting of all that part of the bone to the angle, including the
teeth. He was fed with milk and soups by meaiis of a tube
inserted into the stomach. The wound healed, but left him
destitute of his lower teeth.
About the first of Noveraber, Captain Brown was left in
comraand of the post at Spencer, and the other companies
under Col. Lightburn, returned to Point Pleasant. Dr. Ackley
accompanied the troops to the Point, leaving me as acting as
sistant surgeon. ' I performed my duties to the best of my
ability, and nothing serious occurred.
Early Lx December, we received orders to join the regiment
and were soon under way towards Ravenswood. This was a
very disagreeable march, for there was an abundance of rain,
and the creeks were swollen to the top of their banks. We
marched through the rain and mud, plunged through the
streams, being frequently in the water up to our waists. This,
however was only a foretaste of our military experience.

78 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

From Ravenswood the company was transported on a
steamer to Point Pleasant. 1 then learned that W. A. Kallous-
souski, of Company N., a native of Poland and an excellent
pharmacist, was the acting hospital steward, and I was there
upon transferred to the ranks. I also found that John R.
Philson, of Racine, Ohio, had been appointed assistant sur
geon, and George S. Woodhull, chaplain of the regiment.
Some time in Deceraber, Col. Lightburn received orders to
move his regiment to Ceredo, and a government transport
soon carried us to our destination. The Fifth West Va. In
fantry was then stationed at Ceredo, but they were soon after
wards removed to another point and our regiment took their
place. About this time I superceded Comrade Kalloussouski
in the stewardship, and received a permanent appointment as
regimental hospital steward.
The regiment spent the winter and early part ofthe succeed
ing spring at Ceredo. There was a battalion drill nearly every
day. and the regiment was noted for its fine appearance, noble
bearing, and correct military movements.
Nothing occurred of interest in a military way ; but sickness
prevailed extensively among the troops, pneumonia, bronchi
tis, typhoid fever, diarrhea and rheumatism being the prevail
ing diseases. Very frequently I had fifty prescriptions to fill
daily, and comrade Kalloussouski would be sometimes detail
ed to assist rae at the hospital. The bugle sounded the sick
call at nine in the raorning, when the out door sick would be
raarched to the hospital, escorted by a non-commissioned of
ficers. The regiment lost eight men by disease terminating in
death, eleven were discharged for disability, one accidentally
shot, and one was discharged by civil authority. Up to this
time the losses at Point Pleasant were, by disease terminating
in death, five ; discharged for disability, two ; deserted, one ;
making a total loss to the regiment during 1861 , of twenty -nine
enlisted men.
Camp life, however, furnished raany incidents of amuse
ment, and these occurred at Ceredo, as well as at other places.
Talesian R. Williams, farailiarly known in the regiment as
"Tally," was a good soldier, but loved too well to "look upon
the wine when it is red, and giveth its color in the cup." I

THOS. H. BARTON. 79

kept essence of cinnamon and peppermint for sale at the dis
pensary, and the boys would frequently trade with rae. The
essence was put up in three fourths ounce vials. One day.
Tally came to the dispensary, and asked me what I would
charge for half a dozen vials of the essence of peppermint,
the empty vials to be returned. We at once agreed in regard
to the price, and I filled his order and received my pay. I sup
posed that he intended to take the essence to his quarters, but
instead of doing so, he uncorked one ofthe vials and emptied
the contents into his stomach, then another, and another until
the half dozen vials were emptied. He then returned the
empty vials, and started for his quarters. Soon afterwards,
however, he was arrested for being boisterous, and was placed
in the guard house. He had in his gastric cavity one fourth
pint of alcohol and one drachm of the oil of peppermint.
Such a dose is sufficient to kill a comraon man, but it had no
other effect on Tally than to cause intoxication and make hira
boisterous. Col. Lightburn issued an order that no intoxicating liquors
should be brought into carap ; but the boys soon devised a
plan to checkmate the colonel's order. A soldier, who was
thirsty and wished to satisfy his desire would procure a pass,
so that he could go to Cattlettsburg, Kentucky, where there
was an abundance of the unadulterated juice of the corn.
Here he would imbibe to his satisfaction, and, in order to
bring some to his comrades, would fill the barrel of his
musket with whisky, cork up the muzzle, and thus escape the
scrutiny ofthe guard.
Surgeon Ackley was, at this time, in the prime of life, witty
and jovial, of rare good humor, and fond of a practical joke.
On one occasion, he took the jug containing ray alcohol, and
emptied the contents into another vessel, at the sarae time
filling my alcohol jug with water. He knew that I was about
to prepare a supply ofthe essence of cinnamon, and kept him
self in readiness to watch the performance. I put the usual
amount of the oil of cinnamon into a pint bottle, and then
filled it with what I supposed to be alcohol. I was greatly
surprised to observe that the ingredients would not mix, while
the surgeon, together with several of the hospital attendants,
enjoyed my perplexity.

80 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Comrade Kalloussouski was rather fond of the hospital
whiskey. One day, I put some tartar emetic into a bottle of
whiskey and placed it in a conspicuous place ; soon afterwards
my assistant helped hiraself to a drara. It acted on him with
good effect as an emetic, vomiting him very freely. Such kind
reader, was life in the army.
About the last of April, 1862, Col. Lightburn received orders
to evacuate Ceredo, and move his regiment to Charleston.
We were marched on board a transport and were soon under
way, every soldier being well pleased with the change. Soon
after our arrival at Charleston, two corapanies, under the com
mand of Major Hall, with Surgeon Philson and myself to care
for the sick and wounded, were ordered to Chapmansville in
Logan county. This place took its name from Mr. Chapman,
who was a prominent citizen of that locality, and his residence
was used as a hospital and guard house, leaving sufficient
room for himself and family, A rude fort was soon con
structed. It was built of logs from some old buildings, to
gether with other timber, and contained about half an acre of
ground. We had one smooth bore gun, and, in the event of
danger from Jenkin's cavalry were to be reinforced by two
additional companies, making four in all, that being the largest
force at any time at Chapmansville. The rest of the regi
ment reraained at Charleston, doing guard and provost duty.
An old gentleman named Stickley, who was a clergyman
and had two sons in company K., lived with the regiment
and messed at the hospital. One day, it was announced that
Bro. Stickley would preach on the following Sabbath, and a
large congregation turned out to hear the sermon. Besides
soldiers, there was a large number of ladies in attendance, and
the boys were well pleased to see sunbonnets and calico.
Bro. Stickley preached an excellent Union sermon, and en
deavored to convey sentiments of patriotism as well as the
truths of the gospel. Another appointment was then made
for the following Sabbath ; but when the time arrived, the
good old minister was much surprised to find that he had no
hearers except gentlemen in blue coats. His former sermon
had scared the ladies, and they would not come to hear him.
This shows but little Union sentiment then existing at Chap
mansville.

THOS. H. BARTON. 81

Our time was now mainly employed in doing guard duty,
and small parties would frequently be sent out on a scouting
expedition. On the 6th of August, Major Hall, with a force ot
forty-eight men under his command, was met at Beach Creek,
near Logan Court House, by about two hundred rebel cavalry
or mounted infantry, under Col. Stratton and Major Witcher.
A sharp skirmish ensued in which Major Hall and two privates
were killed and twelve wounded. Ofthe Confederates, Major
Witcher was killed, and two or three were wounded. Upon
the death of their coraraander, the scouting party retreated,
bearing their wounded corarades with them.
In the death of Major Hall, the regiment lost an able and
efficient officer. He was young, brave, generous and kind ;
a graduate of West Point, and well qualified to fill the honor
able station that he occupied. His body was recovered and
interred at Charleston, and the reraains were afterwards re
moved to Point Pleasant.
The comraand fared well at this place in the way of rations,
trading their supplies of coffee, pork, beans and rice, for
chickens and butter. Moreover, we enjoyed ourselves and had
no fear of being attacked and captured by the enemy. But
since the war, I have many times thought of our situation.
The country between Charleston and Chapmansville is wild
and picturesque, being intersected with narrow valleys and
deep ravines surrounded with high hills. I have often won
dered why we could feel safe in this lonely situation. Here
was a mere handful of men, in an enemy's country, fifty
miles from the nearest post of Union soldiers, and in great
danger of being overpowered by a superior force, and either
killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. But the soldier soon
becomes accustomed to danger, and is calm and resolute and
even cheerful in the presence of death.
The regiment lost five men at Chapmansville : Three were
killed in action, one died of disease, and one deserted. At
Charleston the loss was seventeen : Three died of disease, one
was accidentally shot, two were drowned, two deserted, and
nine were discharged for disability. The total loss of the
regiment up to this tirae was fifty-one.
The next military experience which the regiment was called

82 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

upon to undergo was Colonel Lightburn's retreat from the
Kanawha valley. This, I believe, is unwritten history — at
least I have never read any account of it. That the reader may
understand the subject intelligently, I have arranged it under
the following heads : 1. A brief sketch of the military move
ments in Virginia and around Washington, which caused this
retreat. 2. Colonel Lightburn's preliminary operations.
3. The retreat.
1. During the night after the battle of Malvern Hill, fought
July 1st, 1862, General McClellan retreated to Harrison's
Landing, on the James river, under the protection of the gov
ernment gunboats. Here he remained for some time, and the
armies, both of Lee and McClellan, had received such hard
pounding that neither seemed anxious to renew the conflict.
General Pope was at this time in command ofthe Array of
Northern Virginia, having under him a force of about fifty
thousand men, together with all the troops in and around
Washington. McClellan remained in camp till the fourth of August,
when General Halleck, who was coraraander-in-chief of all the
Union armies, ordered him to evacuate Harrison's Landing
and report at Washington, the object being to move overland
on Richmond, according to the president's original plans
General Lee must have learned of this contemplated move, for
he thereupon sent General Stonewall Jackson's corps to the
Rappahannock to watch Pope. This move resulted in the
battle of Cedar Mountain, between Jackson's corps and the
advanced forces of the Union army under General Banks.
This battle was fought on the ninth of August, and General
Banks was defeated.
McClellan evacuated Harrison's Landing on the sixteenth
of August, and a part of his army arrived on the Potomac in
time to assist Pope. Upon the withdrawal of McClellan from
the James, Lee joined Jackson with his whole force, and
attacked Pope, hoping to defeat him before he could be joined
by McClellan. He penetrated to his rear, destroyed his depot
of supplies at Manassas, and defeated him in a series of
battles on the 28th, 29th and 30th of August — the last engage
ment, the second battle of Bull Run, being one of the best

THOS. H. BARTON. 83

fought fields of the war — and drove him within the lines of
Washington. General Lee now conceived the idea of invading
Maryland, and taking Washington in the rear, and great
anxiety was felt for the safety of the capital.
While these important moves were being made on the chess
board of Virginia, General Cox was in comraand in the Kana
wha Valley, having under him a force of twelve or fifteen
thousand raen, stationed at various points frora Charleston to
the mountains. In view of the danger in the east. Gen. Cox
was withdrawn from the Kanawha, together with all the troops
that could be spared. He took with him eight or ten thousand
men, and arrived on the Potomac in time to participate in the
battles of South Mountain and Antietam. He left behind hira
in the valley one brigade, coraposed of the 34th and 37th Obio
and the 4th and 9th West Virginia regiments, with a detach
ment of two companies of the 2nd West Vii'ginia cavalry,
under the command of Col. Lightburn.
2. With this small force Col. Lightburn had tp protect the
valley of the Kanawha, and he also had a large amount of gov
ernment property under his charge. The brigade was stationed
at different localities from Charleston to Fayette Court House,
including the force at Chapmansville.
Early in September intelligence was received that Gen. Loring
was marching down the valley with an army estimated to have
been from eight to ten thousand strong ; and Col. Lightburn
began to call in the several detachments under his comraand,
and make preparations to retreat, his object being to show a
firm front to the enemy, and at the same time avoid a general
engagement. On the 10th of September our command received orders to
evacuate Chapmansville and report at Charleston as soon as
possible. We were soon on the march, taking with us our
provisions and medical stores, and on the morning of the
13th arrived at Brownstown, on the Kanawha. I now learned
that Gen. Loring was raaking a rapid raarch down the valley.
About the lOtb his command had reached Fayette, where
Col. Sieber, of the 37th Ohio, was encamped. Col. Sieber
was in a fort, and had about half a dozen howiters, manned
by a detail from his regiment. Here he was attacked by the

84 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Confederate advance, and some fighting occurred. Col. Light
burn, fearing that he would be surrounded and cut off,
ordered him to evacuate Fayette and retreat to Charleston. To
this order. Col. Sieber replied, in genuine Teutonic style :
" Curnelle, I can hold my posish for any length of time.'' His
German blood was up, and he wanted to inflict additional pun
ishment upon his insolent adversary. Lightburn thereupon
sent hira a peremptory order to come forthwith, and also sent
two companies of the Fourth regiment to his assistance, and
the retreat commenced. Col. Sieber reached Charleston about
noon on the 13th, and, during his retreat, raore or less
shirmishing took place.
On the morning of the same day, Surgeon Ackley met us
at Brownstown, where he procured a small flat boat on which
were placed our provisions and hospital supplies. He also
brought with him a squad of hospital attendants to assist in
taking our supplies to Charleston. The surgeon labored like
a private soldier. The river was very shallow, and, for ten
miles we had a laborious task rowing and pushing our boat
along. We reached Charleston about noon, and six or seven
of the hospital attendants were then detailed to take the boat
and cargo to Point Pleasant.
3. The tale of rout and disaster is always the same. Intense
excitement prevailed in the city. The streets were thronged with
people, many of whom were preparing to follow our army, or
leave the town, for they feared that the battle of Charleston
was about to be fought over their heads. All the government
property, for which there was transportation, was now placed
on a train, and, about two inthe afternoon, the train started
in advance for Ravenswood on the Ohio river. About one
o'clock Col. Lightburn crossed Elk river, and the torch was
applied to the government building containing the stores that
could not be removed. The bridge across Elk was then
destroyed, Charleston is situated at the confluence ofthe Kanawha and
the Elk, the two rivers forming at their junction very nearly
a right angle. A turnpike follows the course of the Kanawha,
and crosses the Elk at Charleston. Col. Lightburn, as I now
remember, formed his line of battle as follows : The 9th West

THOS. H, BARTON. 85

Virginia regiment was placed near the mouth of Elk, fronting
that stream. The 34th Ohio was formed at a right angle with
the 9th West Virginia, and fronted the Kanawha. The 4th
West Virginia and 37th Ohio were formed near the Elk, east
ofthe pike, their lines extending some distance up that river.
Two corapanies of the 2nd West Virginia cavalry were sta
tioned in a barn at a short distance to the rear of the 34th
Ohio. Our old smooth-bore gun and Col. Siebert's battery of
howitzer's were placed on a small erainence east of the turn
pike. The confederates opened the engagement from a battery on
a hill south of Charleston, our battery replying. The rebels
had a parrot gun on the opposite side of the Kanawha. It was
now about two in the afternoon. Surgeon Ackley and myself,
together with several of the hospital attendants, were on the
pike about one hundred yards north of the Elk. Early in the
engagemnet I walked near the 9th West Virginia and 34th
Ohio, to observe what was going on on the other side of these
rivers. The 9th West Virginia were building a breastwork
with rails. The rebels were very busy, and in a few minutes
I heard the boom of a gun on the opposite side ot the Kana
wha, and at the same time saw a red projectile sailing grace
fully through the air, with the usual curvilinear movement.
It passed about twelve feet above the 34th Ohio, struck the
ground about fifty paces in the rear, rebounded and struck
the barn where the cavalry were stationed, burning the barn,
but doing no other damage. At this moment an officer (I
suppose he was the colonel) stepped to the front, waved his
sword, and his clear voice rang out : " Atten-t-i-o-n ! Thirty-
fourth Ohio ! By companies, to the rear into line, March ! "
The captains of their respective corapanies instantly re
peated the command, and the regiment was on its way to the
rear. I began to think that this meant business, and also
faced about and "marched," being very careful, however, to
keep near to the flank of the 34th Ohio. I had rejoined
Surgeon Ackley but a few minutes, when another red hot
projectile was thrown from the enemy's battery, struck the
fence about twenty yards from us, tearing up the fence and
burying itself in the ground. We then took shelter behind a

86 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

large oak tree. From this time I had a poor chance for ob
servation, and lost the further action of the 9th West Virginia
and 34th Ohio.
The firing from the artillery was rapid for the number of
guns engaged. Our old smooth-bore was manned by a detail
from the regiment, under the command of a private of com
pany K. He was a native of Sweden, a well drilled soldier,
and I regret that I can not give his name, for he was a noble
fellow, and stood by his gun till the last moraent. One of the
gunners was killed, and at this instant, another was about to
desert his post, when the Swede turned on him furiously and
said : "Comrade, come back and man this gun, or I will blow
you through with my revolver." The order was instantly
obeyed, and the comrade returned to his duty.
The artillery ceased firing about five o'clock. The 4th
West Virginia and o7th Ohio did some skirmishing along Elk
River, but did not come to a close engagement, the river being
between tbe contending forces. These regiments held their
position till sunset, when they were ordered to retreat. The
skirmishing, however, continued till darkness set in, when the
enemy fell back to Charleston. Our regiment being spread
out to a considerable distance on the skirmish line, caused a
detachment of two companies to be left on the field, but dur
ing the night they rejoined the comraand.
Soon after the first gun was fired, a smoke was seen about
half a mile down the Kanawha. This was from the boat con
taining our supYilies. Surgeon Ackley's squad of hospital at
tendants had applied the torch to the boat and cargo, and
were no doubt, making rapid strides towards Point Pleasant.
Col. Lightburn, together with the officers and soldiers under
his command, deserve great praise for their firmness during
this engagement. The enemy, with vastly superior numbers,
did not seem to act with much energy, and appeared satisfied
to remain in Charleston, where they could procure plenty of
salt for their fresh beef The Fourth regiment lost six men.
Company A had two killed, Corapany B two, Corapany C
one, and Company E, one killed. I can not give the number
ofthe wounded, and the Confederate loss is unknown.
During the retreat from Fayette, George W. Gilliland, of

THOS. H. BARTON. 87

Company C, and three or four others were taken prisoners
near Brownstown. They were taken to Libby prison where
they remained for several months, and were then exchanged.
Comrade Gilliland is a resident of Syracuse, Ohio, and at pre
sent a prominent merchant ofthis place.
Col. Lightburn reached Ravenswood soon after midnignt on
the 16th ofSeptember. Since leaving Chapmansville, I had
been five days on the inarch, and felt weary and exhausted,
and when the army halted in the night, which it did several
times. I laid down on the ground and would soon be asleep.
On the following raorning, I took a leave of absence on my
own responsibility — comraonly called a ''French," and walked
across the country to Chester, where ray wife was then resid
ing. I arrived in time for dinner, tired, hungry and footsore,
and had a happy reunion with my wife and children, six
months absence in the army having created an eager desire to
see the loved ones at home. Next day I bid them farewell,
spent one night with my brother at Addison, and rejoined the
regiment at Point Pleasant.
Col. Lightburn continued his march, and reached Racine on
the evening ofthe 16th. Here some of the officers and soldiers
of Company E had the pleasure of spending one night at horae
with their friends. Next day our regiraent raarched on board
a transport, which took thera to Point Pleasant ; the other
regiments arrived on the same day, and the army went into
camp. Col. Lightburn began to throw up intrenchments, and
he was soon afterwards reinforced by two regiments of Gen.
Morgan's command, after the retreat from Cumberland Gap.
At this time, the affairs of the government were in a deplor
able condition in Virginia and West Virginia. Three months
previous. Gen. McClellan had Richmond beseiged, having in
his possession all the northern, eastern, and southern parts of
Virginia, leaving tbe rebels in possession of the south-western
parts. Gen. Cox held the whole of western Virginia. But, in
the short space of three months the government was driven to
the necessity of acting on the defensive.
Early in October, Gen. Cox returned frora the east with his
command, and preparatians were immediately commenced for
another advance up the Kanawha. He had a divisional drill

88 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

on the southern side ofthe Kanawha, and it was a grand and
imposing affair. This was the first opportunity I had to ob
serve the evolutions of a large army. During our say at Point
Pleasant, I was visited by my wife and children, and once
more enjoyed the pleasure of a family reunion.
On tbe 16th of October, Gen. Cox commenced bis advance,
the 4th West Virginia regiment being in the rear. We had
not proceeded more than a mile or two, when we were over
taken by a physician, who kept a small drug store at Point
Pleasant. Surgeon Ackley had used his store as a dispensary,
and I had kept a file ofthe prescriptions, so that the doctor
could obtain his pay from the government, provided he was
loyal. He demanded a voucher for the value of his medicines,
but was quietly informed by Surgeon Ackley that he had ex
pressed sentiments of disloyalty, and he was compelled to go
away disappointed.
I was now among familiar scenes. When the regiment
arrived opposite the Newman residence, I crossed the river,
spent half an hour with father and mother Newman, and left
my dear Martha's picture with them for safe keeping. This
was the last time that I ever saw thera. That night, the regi
ment encamped near the old Baptist church that I have men
tioned in a forraer chapter. I passed the night with William
Sullivan ; and, in the morning spent half an hour at the tomb
of my wife and child. I heard the loud beat of the drum and
the shrill notes of the fife ; but on this balmy auturan morning
I had no taste for raartial music. My raind was in the past,
reviewing those scenes which had once been dear to me, but
were never more to return.
Gen. Cox arrived at Charleston on the 20th, but found that
the eneray had evacuated that place, and they were no doubt,
raaking rapid strides towards the raountains, After a short
stay at Charleston, Gen. Cox resumed his iparch, our regiment
following in the rear, till we reached Gauley Bridge at the
junction of the New and Gauley Rivers. Here the Fourth regi
ment went into camp. Surgeons Ackley and Philson had a
furnace constructed under the hospital tent. This arrange
ment kept up a regular and uniform heat, and was of great
benefit to the sick soldiers,

THOS. H. BARTON. 89

In the latter part of Noveraber, Col. Lightburn received or
ders to raove his regiraent to Fayette Court House. Soon
after our arrival, the boys coramenced building winter quarters,
expecting to spend the winter at this place. But they were
doomed to be disappointed. Preparations were being made
for a vigorous campaign against Vicksburg, and the regiment
was soon to be on its way to the Sunny South.

CHAPTER VL

THE CAMPAIGN OF VICKSBURG
Vicksburg is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi
river, three hundred and ninety-five miles above New Orleans,
and seven hundred and thirty-nine below St. Louis. It is dis
tant by water from Cairo about six hundred and thirty miles,
and from Memphis nearly four hundred miles. It is also over
a hundred miles above Natchez. Vicksburg was of vast im
portance to the enemy as a strategic point. It occupies the
first high ground coming to the river below Memphis. From
there a railroad runs east connecting with other roads, leading
to all points of the Southern States. A railroad also starts
frora the opposite side of the river, extending west as far as
Shreveport, Louisiana. Moreover, Vicksburg was, at this time,
the only connection between the parts of the confederacy
divided by the Mississippi ; and, while held by the enemy, the
free navigation of the river was prevented, The city is on
elevated ground and the river just above it, makes a sharp
turn to the north-east, rounds a point, and returns on its
course south-west, thus forming a tongue of land twelve miles
long and one wide, with intersections between Vicksburg and
Tuscumbia. Art was brought to the assistance of nature in order to render
the city impregnable. A bluff below the town was surrounded
with a fort, and the defences were otherwise formidable. The
bank ofthe river rises gradually for two miles back, and on
this curved slope lies the town, imbeded in a natural cradle.
Above and below the city, on the sides of the slope, lay the

90 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

batteries. Haines' Bluff, naturally intersected with gullies,
lay further to the north, and was also strongly fortified with
abattis and felled timber to the width on an average of a mile.
At the foot of tbe bluff the eneray had constructed rifle pits
the entire way. Above the rifle pits, and in the face of the
bluff, they had erected batteries mounting one gun each all
the way along. On the summit of the bluff, earthworks were
thrown up, in order to cover the artillery whenever it should
be brought into action. Thus these entire ranges of hills to
the north and west of Vicksburg was one complete, bristling
fortification, well worthy of being designated — as it was by the
Confederates — the "Gibraltar of America."
The history of the campaign of Vicksburg naturally divides
itself into four periods. The first, commencing with the com
bined movements of Grant and Sherman in November, 1862,
terminates when Grant assumed command in person at
Youngs Point, January 30th, 1863.
The second opens with Grant's attempt to cut a canal acoss
the tongue of land opposite Vicksburg, and thus change the
channel ofthe Mississippi. This period embraces the history
of the Yazoo Pass, Lake Providence, and Deer creek expedi
tions; the running of the rebel batteries at Port Hudson by
Farragut; the loss ofthe government ram Queen ofthe West
and the destruction of the gun-boat Indianola. The period
terminates on the 16th of April, when the army was concen
trated at Miliken's Bend, preparatory to crossing the Missis
sippi at Grand Gulf The principal events of the first two
periods are related in the present chapter.
The third period, commencing with the movement ofthe
fleet and army down the Mississippi, terminates with the final
investment of Vicksburg, May 22d, 1863. It embraces an ac
count ofthe running of the Confederate batteries at Vicksburg ;
the movement of the army down the west bank of the Missis
sippi ; the crossing of the river at Bruinsburg ; the battle of
Port Gibson, Raymond, Jackson and Champion's Hill; the
forcing ofthe Big Black river, and the driving of Peraberton
within the fortifications of Vicksburg.
The fourth period covers a space of forty three days, and
embraces the seige proper, frora its investment till the surren-

THOS. H. BARTON. 91

der of the city, ,Tuly 4tb, 1863. The army of the Tennessee,
which accomplished this brilliant achievement, consisted of
four corps — the 13th coraraanded by McClernand ; the 15th,
under the command of Sherraan ; the 16th, commanded by
Hurlburt, and the 17th, under the comraand of McPherson.
On the 2nd of Noveraber, 1862, Generals Grant and Sherman
planned an expedition against this formidable place. At this
time their headquarters was at Memphis, Tennessee. Sherman
was to proceed down the river on transports to Vicksburg and
attack the rebels in front, and was to be assisted by Gen.
Banks from New Orleans, together with Farragut's fleet of gun
boats, which was to ascend the river in order to divert the at
tention of the enemy south of Vicksburg ; while Grant hiraself
was to proceed by rail to Jackson City in the rear of Vicks
burg, and draw the enemy from the place. "On the 28th of
November, General Hamilton's corps was put in motion for
Holly Springs, which point he reached on the following day.
The reraaining troops followed ; and, on the 1st of December,
Grant encamped at Lumpkin's Mills, seven miles north ofthe
Tallahatchie river. The enemy, commanded by General Pem
berton, had thrown up extensive works, with a view of defend
ing the passage of the river; but simultaneously with the
advance of Hamilton, General Hovey had been detached with
a division, seven thousand strong, of General Curtis' troops,
from Helena, Arkansas, to cross the river, and make a flank
movement upon the Confederate position on the Tallahatchie.
Intelligence ofthis raoveraent caused VanDorn, who held the
tDonfederate advance, to fall back, and on the 3d he passed
through Oxford, his rear guard skirmishing with the Federal
advance ; General Pemberton continued his retreat to Grenada
under the impression that the combined force under Curtis
and Grant, in his front, was very large. Hovey, however,
after destroying some property on the railroad, and boats on
the river, returned to Helena, when Pemberton imraediately
assuraed the offensive. Grants headquarters were at Oxford,
and his chief depot of supplies at Holly Springs, thirty miles
north." Col. Murphy was in command at this place, having a force
of about flfteen hundred men, and he also had a large amount

92 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

of army supplies under his charge. Van Dorn thereupon
made a flank movement, reached Holly Springs on the 20th of
December, and deraanded the surrender ofthe garrison. Col.
Murphy surrendered, without offering any resistance, and
almost simultaneously Jackson, Tennessee, Humboldt and
Trenton were captured by the enemy, the garrisons making
their escape. Grant's coramunications with the North were
thus cut off, and the supplies for his army either captured or
destroyed. "Up to this time it had been regarded as an axiom of war
that large bodies of troops must operate from a base of sup
plies which they always covered and guarded in all forward
movements." (Grant's Memoirs, Vol. I. p 424.) Gen. Grant
had not yet learned that an army could subsist in an enemy's
country without a base of supplies, otherwise he could have
pushed on after Peraberton, and crowded hira to the gates of
Vicksburg. Instead ofthis, however. Grant retraced his ste})s
to Holly Springs, and began preparations to return to Mem
phis, leaving Pemberton, who then fell back to Vicksburg.
Meanwhile, Sherman proceeded down the river; and on the
26th of Deceiuber, entered the mouth of the Yazoo river, nine
miles above Vicksburg, he being entirely ignorant of Grant's
failure in the co-operation plan. He had no means of flanking
the formidable works in front of Vicksburg ; and, on the 27th,
landed his troops just below Haines' Bluff, and formed his
line of battle. Pemberton returned to Vicksburg as soon as
Grant commenced his retrograde raoveraent, and the combined
armies of Price and Pemberton amounted to fifty thousand*
men. and they had one hundred and sixty pieces of artillery.
The defenders outnumbered the storming party both in men
and guns. Sherman faced his men south, and commenced
the desperate attempt of carrying this formidable place by
storm. Brigade followed brigade over ravines and gullies up
the precipitous acclivity to the first line of works ; and when
the shades of evening closed in, by almost superhuman exer
tion, had carried the first line of intrenchments. Skirmishing
continued throughout the 27th, and on the 28th, Sherman, still
ignorant of Grant's failure in the rear, ordered a general
assault upon the rebel stronghold. At the word of command

THOS. H. BARTON. 93

the men dashed forward with the utmost irapetuosity, clearing
the rifle-pits on the brow of the center hill on which the city
lay. Onward and upward they went until they had cleared
the second line of defence, reinforcements coming up to their
assistance. But they were met by such a murderous fire from
the concealed eneray behind his works, that their efforts were
all in vain. Vicksburg could not be taken from the front.
The advance brigades were then withdrawn Next day, Sher
man, under a flag of truce, buried his dead. He then retraced
his steps, and returned to Young's Point, Louisiana.
Gen. Banks failed to be of any service in this campaign.
Sherman had no assistance except the gunboats, and they
tailed to silence any of the rebel guns, the bight of the city
above the river causing their shot to be thrown over the forts.
Although the campaign ended in failure and disaster, yet it
was the beginning of a series of operations destined to result
in capturing the rebel Gibralter, opening the Mississippi river,
and bisecting the Southern Confederacy.
On the 2d of January, 1863, Gen. McClernand arrived at
Young's Point, and being Sherman's senior, was placed in
command. A council of war was held, and it was determined
to reduce Arkansas Post, fifty miles up the Arkansas river.
McClernand waived his right to comraand, and thereupon
the troops were placed under Sherraan, who proceeded with
dispatch, and took the place by storm. The fruits of this
victory were five thousand prisoners and seventeen pieces of
artillery. *******
I now return to Fayette Court House. About the 15th of
December, 1862, the 4th West Virginia, together with the 37th
and 47th Ohio regiments, were ordered south. Our regiment
was placed in advance, marched to the head of navigation on
the Kanawha, and then took passage on a governraent trans
port for Gallipolis, Ohio.
In Septeraber, while the regiment was at Point Pleasant, a
merchant tailor of Gallipolis came to me, and I employed him
to make me a blue coat, according to the army regulations,
agreeing to pay therefor the sum of fifteen dollars, current
money of the realm. I hoped that we might go down the

94 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

river unobserved by the tailor, but he was on the lookout, and
came on board of our boat with the coat in his hand. The
garment was made of excellent material, and fit me nicely, and
when I put it on, it made me look like an army officer. I
shall have occasion to refer to this coat at a future period of my
narrative. We were soon under way, steaming down the beautiful Ohio,
not knowing where we would stop, but thinking Vicksburg,
Mississippi, to be our destination. We reached Louisville,
Kentucky, on Christmas, but were as yet uncertain whether
we would proceed to Vicksburg, or go to Tennessee by rail.
The brigade went into camp at Louisville, and while at "this
place, several girls, about eighteen or twenty years old, and
very poorly clad, came into camp with their arms full of plug
tobacco, hailing every soldier they met: "Der yer want some
terbaccer? " They did not let me escape, and hailed rae in
the same way; but I did not buy any of their "terbaccer,"
because I did not use the weed. It is to be hoped that they met
with success, for they needed money to purchase decent cloth
ing. On the 28th, newsboys came into camp with the morning
papers, crying : " Morning papers ! ther's been a battle at
Vicksburg." The papers were in great demand among the
soldiers, and on reading the news, we learned that Sherman
had taken the outer works of Vicksburg, and expected to be
able to capture the city. On the 30th, the newsboys again
made their appearance, shouting : " Morning papers I ther's
been another battle at Vicksburg," We then sincerely hoped
that Sherman had been successful, but to our great surprise and
sorrow, we read the sad intelligence that he had been repulsed.
Soon afterwards we were again on board a transport, steaming
down the Ohio, our destination being Vicksburg.
Traveling on a crowded transport is very disagreeable; and
the soldier soon becomes eager to go ashore. Moreover,
there is always more or less sickness araong the troops, and
the discipline of the array is likewise very rauch impaired.
When the brigade reached Cairo, Illinois, we were met by
about eighteen or twenty thousand western troops, and a fleet
of shout twenty transports carried the army down the Missis-

THOS. H. BARTON. 95

sippi. The fleet arrived at Memphis in due time, and the
troops were disembarked on the opposite side ot the river.
It was a bright, warm afternoon, and I iraproved the time
viewing the city. But during the forepart of the night a hard
rain fell, which turned to snow, and in the morning there was
a covering of flve or six inches of snow on the ground. This
was very disagreeable for the soldiers. One raan named Ferrell
had a congestive chill. I found part of the trunk of a hollow
tree which had been hollowed out like a trough, and put him
in it to keep him off the ground. Surgeon Philson ordered
large doses of quinine, which soon relieved him.
From Memphis to Vicksburg, I perforraed the duty of army
surgeon; and, for a portion ofthe tirae, lost sight of Surgeon
Philson. Considerable sickness prevailed on account of the
crowded condition of the troops, and the constant use of river
water. This caused irritation of the stomach and diarrhea,
and large numbers ofthe soldiers were affected in this way. I
had a short and uniforra routine in the manner of my examin
ations. I would feel the pulse, count the number of pulsations,
look at the tongue, and then inquire of the patient in regard
to his appetite, and the condition of his stomach and bowels,
and whether or not he was affected with vomiting and diarrhea.
Having ascertained the facts, I would act accordingly.
A feeling of relief was felt throughout the army, when the
fleet hove in sight of Vicksburg. About the 20th of January,
1863, the troops were disembarked at Young's Point, and every
officer and soldier stepped on shore with a light heart. They
were free from bondage on the transports. During the first
night, several of the hospital attendants and myself slept on
the levees, which was covered with a heavy layer of grass. We
spread a gum blanket on the dead grass, and over it a woolen
one, covering ourselves with a woolen blanket, and over it a
gum one. This was the best night's sleep I enjoyed for many
months. '* * * * * * *
The army encamped at Young's Point without any shelter
from the heavy rains, except the broad canopy of the heavens.
The troops were not allowed tents on .account of being within
easy range ofthe rebel batteries on the bluffs above Vicksburg.

96 AUTOBIOGRAPHY oF

Many of the soldiers dug holes in the levee, and covered thera
with gum blankets, thus living raore like wild animals than
Union soldiers fighting to maintain the best government on
earth. But they bore it patiently, for they knew it to be a dire
necessity. Throughout the winter of 1862-3, the rains had been almost
incessant along the lower Mississippi, and the low ground was
submerged with water. In consequence ot this, the army was
encamped for many miles along the river front. The troops
had to occupy the levees and the ground immediately behind,
and their camps extended from Young's Point to Lake Provi
dence, seventy miles above Vicksburg.
Gen. Grant arrived at Young's Point on the 29th of January,
assumed comraand of all the troops operating against the
confederate stronghold, and imraediately turned his attention
to opening a canal across the tongue of land opposite Vicks
burg. If this could be accomplished, the navigation of the
Mississippi would be opened, and Vicksburg left an inland
city. In 1862, Gen. Thomas Williams opened a small ditch
about ten or twelve feet wide and as many deep, across this
neck of land, in hopes that a rise in the river would cut a new
channel, and thus open the river to the government transports.
Gen. McClernand, after the expedition against Arkansas Post,
was ordered by Gen. Halleck to enlarge this ditch, and several
thousand men were put to work upon it. At the head of the
canal, a large dam was erected to keep the river out until the
work could be completed. Gen. Grant now prosecuted the
scheme with great vigor, and about five thousand men were em
ployed in its construction. He had, however, very little con
fidence in the success of the plan, for if a new channel could
have been opened, it would have been unsafe for navigation,
being so near the batteries of Vicksburg. Moreover, at the head
of the canal the water of the river had scarcely any current,
and there was little chance of its changing the course of.the
stream. Gen. Grant's idea, however, was to amuse the people
of the north with the notion that something was being done ;
and, at the sarae time, divert the attention of the rebels. Be
sides, it was better to keep the soldiers employed, than perrait
them to remain idle in their tents. For two months the news

THOS. H. BARTON. 97

flashed over the wires : "Grant is still digging." The dam at
the head ofthe canal flnally gave vvay, and let the water in be
fore it was completed, and all further operations on it were
suspended. Gen. Grant was aware, frora previous operations, that Vicks
burg could not be taken from the front, and that the only way
to take the city, would be to cross the Mississippi, attack the
eneray in the rear, while, at the same time, the gunboats were
to shell the city frora the river.
While engaged in constructing the canal at Young's Point,
Grant was also devising other plans to open the river. On the
30th of January, Gen. McPherson, who was stationed with his
corps at Lake Providence, was ordered to cut the levee at that
point. Many predicted that this would make a new channel
for the Mississippi through the mouth of Red river just above
Port Hudson and four hundred miles below Vicksburg.
Lake Providence is a part of the old bed of the Mississippi,
about a mile frora the present channel. It is six miles long
and has an outlet through Bayou Baxter, Bayou Macon, and
the Tonsas, Washita and Red rivers, the last three rivers being
navigable streams. A channel was cut from the Mississippi
to Lake Providence, and a small steamer of about thirty tons
burden, passed into the Lake. An exploring expedition found
these waters so obstructed with trees and fallen timber, that it
would be a herculean task to remove them. Moreover, by this
route, the distance frora Lake Providence to the mouth of
Red river was about four hundred and seventy miles, and the
Tensas, Washita and Red rivers being, as has been said, navi
gable streams, would give the rebels an excellent opportunity
to obstruct the passage of troops and Government supplies.
The canal at Young's Point proved a failure, and this work
was also abandoned.
Simultaneously with these operations. Grant planned an
expedition with the object of getting in the rear of Vicksburg
from the north. He sent Lieutenant-Colonel Wilson of his
staff to Helena, Arkansas, with a view, if possible, to open a
way through Moon Lake and the old Yazoo Pass. Moon Lake
is situated nearly opposite Helena, and a narrow strip of land
lies between "this lake and the river, a dam or levee having
13

98 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

been constructed to keep the waters of the Mississippi from
flowing into Moon Lake. This lake connects with the Yazoo
Pass, which flows into Cold Water River, and this unites with
the Tallahatchie, which in turn flows into the Yallabusha, the
two last mentioned rivers forming the Yazoo. Moon Lake is
about two hundred and fifty miles from the mouth of the
Yazoo River. The Cold Water and the Tallahatchie were
formerly navigable streams, but after the construction of the
levee between Moi3n Like and the Mississippi, these rivers were
rendered un navigable.
On the 2d of February, this dam, or levee, was cut. The
water flowed through like a torrent, and soon removed the ob
struction, and flooded the surrounding country. On the 24th
General Ross, with a brigade of 4,500 raen on transports, and
accompanied by two gunboats, passed into Moon Lake. He
passed out of this lake into the Cold Water, and then into the
Tallahatchie river. "It was a strange spectacle to see these ves
sels threading their way under overarching cypress trees, and
plunging into apparently interminable swamps. It was like
sailing through a flooded forest, made still more dangerous by
the rapid flow of the swollen waters, which the Mississippi
sent with headlong fury through this new channel. The paddle
wheels instead of being used to propel the vessels, incessantly
backed water to prevent their too rapid descent among the gi
gantic trees, whose overhanging branches sometimes swept the
decks." Gen. Ross' progress was necessarily slow, and he would
sometimes not advance more than half a mile an hour. Ashe
approached the Yazoo, the most difficult part of his task seem
ed accomplished, steaming down the river to the rear of Vicks
burg being an easy task. But the enemy had anticipated his
approach, and had erected a fort at the confluence of the Talla
hatchie and Yallabusha, and naraed it Fort Pemberton in hon
or of their commander at Vicksburg. It was erected on a small
piece of land almost in the form of an island and only about
two feet above water at that stage of the river. Infantry were
unavailable in consequence ofthe surrounding country being
submerged with water. Lieutenant Watson Smith was in com
mand of the gunboats, and on the llth of March, and again on

THOS. H. B.ARTON. 99

the 13th he attacked Fort Peraberton, but failed to reduce the
place. One of the gunboats was disabled. Smith lost six men
killed and twenty-five wounded. The Confederate loss was
probably less.
Fort Pemberton .vas so little above the water that hopes were
entertained that a rise of two feet would drive the enemy out.
With this object in view, a second cut was made in the Missis
sippi levee opposite Helena, six miles above the former cut.
This, however, failed to accomplish the desired result, and
Ross, with his fleet, started back. On the 22nd he was met at
Yazoo pass by Gen. Quinby with a brigade, and he, being the
superior officer, assuraed command. Quinby thereupon re
turned with the fleet to Fort Pemberton, and made an inspec
tion, but found that nothing further could be accomplished.
The whole force then returned, and this scheme, as well as the
others, proved a failure, and had to be abandoned.
The part performed by the Mississippi flotilla in the seige of
Vicksburg, and the Steel Bayou or Deer Creek expedition, are
graphically described in an article written by W. H. Michael,
late of the United States navy, and published in the National
Tribune, June 28th, 1888. For the closing pages of this chapter,
I have drawn my information from Mr. Michael's article.
The fall of Arkansas Post caused the hasty evacuation of
St. Charles, on the White river. The enemy escaped on steam
boats, taking with him great guns, and everything of value.
But our boats followed so closely that the guns, which he had
unloaded at Duvall's Bluff, and was in the act of loading them
on the cars for Little Rock, fell into our hands. Our vessels
continued the chase as far as was prudent to go. Orders came
for the army to return to Vicksburg, when, on the 30th of
January, 1863, Grant assuraed command in person, and entered
upon one of the raost wonderful railitary perforraances of
history. The tin clads were scattered along the Mississippi between
Cairo and the raonth of the Yazoo, ready to co-operate with
the array in any raoveraent against Vicksburg. Other tin clads
were patroling the Cumberland and Tennessee, and the Ohio
between Paducah and Louisville.
Upon Porter's return from Arkansas Post, he ordered the

100 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

ram Queen of the West to run the batteries at Vicksburg and
break up coramunication between that place and the Red
River country, from which locality Pemberton's army was
drawing its principal supplies. The Queen protected her sides
with cotton bales, and started on her perilous mission at 4 : 20
in the morning of February 2nd. With thirty or more guns
playing on her, she rammed the rebel rara Vicksburg, which
was lying at the wharf, doing her considerable damage. She
was struck several times, and the cotton bales set on fire,
but without serious damage or loss she accomplished her ex
citing passage.
The Queen now entered upon her work of destroying flat
boats and other crafts used by the enemy in running supplies
across the ."iver. She made several important captures of
steamboats, and was in the midst of a raost remarkable career
of usefulness, when through the rashness of her young cora
raander, Ellet, not then twenty years of age, she ventured too
far up Red River, and was disabled off Gordon's landing by a
battery that was too heavy for her. Unable to move his
vessel, and prevented frora burning her by having a wounded
officer aboard, Ellet escaped with a part of his crew on cotton
bales to a prize-steamer lying below. Sorae of the crew had
taken the sraall boats, and made their escape without their
commander's knowledge. Their explanation was that they
desired to hurry up the steamer for the removal of the wounded
officer. Thus the best rara of the fleet had passed into the
hands of the enemy, with nothing but her steam pipe cut.
When Ellet got into the Mississippi, he found the powerful
iron clad Indianola, which had runthe batteries on the 12th,
awaiting him with coal and supplies. She had arrived a little
too late to curb the impetuosity of the young Ellet and save
the squadron frora hurailiation and loss. The Indianola turned
her head up stream with the coal barges in tow, but made very
slow progress against the current.
The Queen was hastily repaired by the rebels, and in com
pany with the ram Welsh, started in hot pursuit of Elett's
fleeing party. When they entered the Mississippi and found
the Indianola, they hurriedly retreated into Red River, where
they were joined by two armed cotton clad steamers. Thus

THOS. H. BARTON. 101

reinforced, they returned for the purpose of attack. The In
dianola offered them battle in daylight, but they declined it,
preferring to take their chances under cover of darkness,
when their antagonist would find it difficult to use her heavy
guns to advantage. The fight was carried on for two hours,
with spirit and dash on the part of the rams, and with dogged
determination on the part of the Indianola. But in the' dark
ness the rams had the advantage, and by rapid movements
escaped the shots of the iron clad, and succeeded in repeatedly
ramraing her in the weakest parts till they sank her. Thus
two of the best vessels of the squadron passed into the eneray's
hands within two weeks, and the river between Vicksburg and
Port Hudson was again in their undisturbed possession.
In hopes of causing the enemy to blow up the Indianola,
which they were already trying to raise, a mock monitor, con
structed out of an old mud scow, with barrels for chimneys
and mud furnaces, frora which poured forth voluraes of dense
smoke, was sent down. The dumray drew forth frora the rebel
batteries a raost terrific fire, but in dignified and contemptuous
silence she floated by. The Queen of the West had come up
with pumps to use in raising the Indianola, and when she saw
the formidable dummy bearing down on her, she turned and
fled percipitately. She carried the alarming news to the
Welsh, and together they proceeded with all haste for Red
River, leaving the party at work on the Indianola to take care
of theraselves. They hurriedly placed a couple of the Indi-
anola's guns rauzzle to muzzle and fired them off, set her upper
works on fire, and escaped to the shore.
The dummy accomplished raore than was expected of it,
and while the ruse caused unbounded fun on our side of the
river, the enemy, when he discovered the trick played upon
hira, could hardly suppress his rage. The newspapers pub
lished in Vicksburg denounced the officers in coramand of
the batteries as consumraate stupids, because they " couldn't
tell an old scow from a monitor."
The Queen of the West did not venture again into the Mis
sissippi, but went on sorae mission into the bayous, where she
fell in with sorae of Farragut's vessels, and was destroyed.
The Welsh remained very quiet in Red River till the close of

102 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the war, when she nearly succeeded in escaping into the gulf
with a valuable cargo of cotton. The telegraph, however, was
swifter than she, and our vessels overhauled her below New
Orleans, when her crew ran her ashore and set her on fire.
Farragut, hearing of the loss of the Queen of the West and
Indianola, determined to run the batteries at Port Hudson,
and if possible recapture them before they could be repaired,
and take up a position under the batteries at Vicksburg or
Port Hudson. After a hard and most gallant fight with the
batteries, in which he sustained severe loss, he succeeded in
getting by with the Hartford and Albatross. When he arrived
at the wreck of the Indianola, be learned that the dummy
had done the work for him, and he proceeded on up to the
lower batteries of Vicksburg. He communicated with the
squadron above, requesting that a ram be sent him, so that he
would be prepared for the Queen of the West and Welsh,
should they venture out to attack him. Porter was absent on
the Deer Creek expedition, and there was some hesitancy
about complying with Farragut's request. Gen. Ellet, how
ever, concluded to send the rams Switzerland and Lancaster
below, though neither vessel was fit to make the venture. The
former got through considerably damaged, while the other was
so completely riddled that she sunk within range of the
enemy's guns. Her crew were corapelled to raake her escape
on cotton bales.
With this force Farragut blockaded the river between Vicks
burg and Port Hudson effectively, and it was never again in
possession ofthe eneray. Vicksburg being thus corapletely cut
off from her main depot of supplies, was greatly weakened, and
the event of Grant's success in the reduction of the place, was
now only a question of time.
To show the extraordinary character of some of the work
done by the gun boats, it is only necessary to give a brief de
scription of what is known as the Steel's Bayou or Deer Creek
expedition, which was made under the personal direction of
Admiral Porter, when untiring energy, indifference to all kinds
of danger, and wonderful resources of genius would have made
it successful, if it had been possible to succaed. While this
remarkable expedition was being made,'another by way of the

THOS. H. BARTON. 103

Yazoo Pass (as already related) was raaking almost identically
the same history.
The ironclads Louisville, Carondolet, Mound City, Cincin
nati, Pittsburg, two mortar boats and four tugs, were selected
for the expedition. Sherman was to accompany the boats
with 10,000 men. Grant had gone with Porter on a tug sorae
miles in the direction the expedition would take, and was
hopeful that it might succeed, and Porter adraits that he was
quite confident that he would be throwing shells into Vicks
burg from the rear within a week. The rains had swollen the
Mississippi and Yazoo to an unprecedented bight, and the
back water had converted the country into a vast sea. studded
with trees. The average depth of the water was seventeen feet.
Great forests had become channels, and whenever open places
were found, the vessels could run at good speed. Into this
forest sea the fleet plunged, and for many miles enjoyed
most novel and comfortable sailing. The animals of the forest
that could climb had taken refuge in the immense trees as
their only ark of safety, coons, wild cats, mice and reptiles
were every where seen clinging to the limbs overhead, and look
ing down in apparent wonder and alarm, at the singular in
trusion. Porter says : "It was a curious sight to see a line of
iron clads pushing their way through the long, wide lanes in
the woods without touching on either side, though occasionally
a rude tree would throw its briarean arms around the smoke
stacks of an iron clad or transport, and knock thera out of
perpendicular. It looked as if the world had suddenly turned
topsy-turvy. The situation was so wild and unnatural that I
would not have been surprised to have seen a rebel ram lurk
ing somewhere in the bushes ready to spring upon us ; or if
one had suddenly slid down a tree and attacked us, it would
hardly have added to the novelty of the experience."
The fleet had gone perhaps ten miles when it carae to a
forest of very large trees — old raonarchs of the woods — whose
branches was so dense that a ray of the sun rarely penetrated
thera. Here the line of battle was broken. The boats could
not squeeze through the trees, and, as a last resort, the experi
ment of ramming them down with the heavy iron clads was
tried, and proved successful. In the thoroughly soaked earth
the roots gave way, and the boats butted their way through.

104 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Sherman disembarked his troops on the banks of Cypress
Bayou, and gave the pleasing assurance to Porter that the
"boats would have a d — I of a lime getting through," the force
of which remark was fully realized ere long. This bayou was
a kind of canal between the Big Sunflower and the Yazoo, en
tering into the latter not far from Haine's Bluff. On one side
was a high levee protecting finely improved plantations ; on
the other side was a vast overflow. There was about nine feet
of water in the ditch, and the wide ironclads nearly touched
each side, Sherman was to follow along the levee, and find no
fault with the gunboats if they failed to keep step. But some
how the boats got ahead — kind o' fell out of ranks as it were —
and came near being bagged for their want of discipline. A
few miles on, several hundred bales of cotton were found piled
along the levee. Suddenly they burst into a blaze, and me.n
were seen sneaking from pile to pile with torches setting them
on fire. A truthful contraband informed Porter that it would
require twcr days for the cotton to burn up. Rather than
wait he gave orders to keep the exposed side of the vessels wet
down with hose, and go ahead fast. It was a red-hot under
taking, but the vessels got through slightly scorched and a
few men blistered. The darkies lining the bank looked on in
utter amazement, but when the advance ironclad crashed
through a bridge spanning the ditch, as if it had been made of
straw, then exclaimed in concert: "De good Lo'd, what will
dem Linkum gunboats do nex I !"
Two raore bridges were butted down, when the Cincinnati
became entangled in a patch of small willows, which bound
her as firmly as the Lilliputians held Gulliver. By cutting
under water with jack-knives, and by backing and push
ing the boats got through, only to meet yet other and not less
insurmountable obstructions. The ditch got narrower, and
the large trees that lined the banks were so near together, that
men had to hew down the sides of many of thera to allow the
boats to squeeze through. Dead limbs would fall down on the
skylights and small boats, raaking a wreck of all. Sometimes
rats, mice, squirrels, lizzards and snakes would fall upon the
decks, or upon the head of some luckless sailor, who was try
ing to keep the decks clear, and dodge the falling timbers at

THOS. H. BARTON. 105

the same tirae. An old gray coon fell upon the deck, and al
though stunned by the fall, recovered hiraself, and fought his
way overboard. The boats raade eight miles that day, and
when they tied up, Sherman was nowhere in sight. Things
looked rather discouraging. Pirouetting through the woods
with iron clads, tugs and mortar boats, while rich in novelty,
was notthekindof cruising Jack Tar would fall in love with. In
fact it had already grown tedious and depressing. The boats
tied up for the night, and Porter hoped that Sherraan would
certainly come by daylight. The darkies who were standing
about, at sundown, mysteriously and suddenly disappeared.
Faint strokes of axes were heard in the dim distance. All was
suggestive, and a tug was sent ahead to reconnoitre. She soon
discovered that the eneray was "on to the gunboat racket,"
and had rounded up the darkies, and with pistols and guns to
their heads was forcing them to ply the ax in felling trees into
and across the ditch. A few shells from a twelve pound
howitzer dispersed the choppers, and the tug returned to re
port. The iron clads moved ahead by the light of lanterns,
carried by men on the banks. In the morning it was discover
ed that Rolling Fork was not far off, and though Porter felt
uneasy because of Sherman's tardiness, he concluded to enter
the Rolling Fork in the hope of finding more sea room. The
iron clads pushed ahead, and were again bound fast by mil
lions of little willows that seeraed to have sprung up in the
interest of the Southern Confederacy. While cutting and
slashing at these_provokingly tough little withes, the eneray,
hidden from our view by tbe dense undergrowth, suddenly
opened on the boats with a rifled battery. Sunken down be
tween the banks of the ditch, the guns of the iron clads were
utterly useless. Our only defense was the clumsy mortar.
Taking the distance by sound, the mortarboats were able to
drop a few thirteen inch shells among the enemy with surprising
effect. He was silenced for the time being. It was now pain
fully apparent that Sherman was needed by the gunboats.
A darkie who called himself a telegraph, agreed to take a
message back to Sherman for fifty cents. He tucked the folded
message into a pocket of his thick "calabash kiver," and darted
off. Soon after a steamboat came up the Rolling Fork and

106 Autobiography of

landed below, and as nearly as could be made out, was landing
troops, evidently from Vicksburg. A battery of Whitworth
guns soon opened on us with shells, which burst over the boats
but did no harm so long as the men kept between decks. But
somebody had to get out and cut the willows. The mortar
boats were again brought into play, and succeeding in silenc
ing the enemy's guns. But he was no sooner silenced in one
place than he would open fire from a new position. It was
getting decidedly uncomfortable for the navy. A tug went
back to hurry Sherman up. but was headed off by the enemy
in the rear. Learning this, Porter ordered a retreat. But how
could the boats run backward when they could hardly run
forward? The rudders were unshipped, and after much trouble,
a backward movement, in the true sense of the term, was be
gun. After a while, the iron clads could use their guns, and
the enemy was raade to realize the difference between a twelve
pound shell and a hundred pound shrapnell. Thus the
strangest of all fights raged until dark. No attack was made
on the boats during the night, but next morning, when the
enemy seemed about to make another charge, it was noticed
that he made a mo.^t sudden and inexplicable retreat toward
the Rolling Fork. This was soon explained by one of Sher
man's officers riding up, and saying that he guessed the army
had come up just about the right tirae.
When Sherraan came up on an old white horse his boys had
captured, he hailed the admiral and said: "Why the deuce
did you get into such an ugly scrape? So much for you
navy fellows getting out of your element. This is the most
infernal expedition I was ever on." He continued : "Who in
thunder proposed such a mad scheme? Your gun boats
look sick — like half picked geese — bnt I am ready to go with
you anywhere." Porter said that he'd had enough of bush
whacking, and proposed hunting a deeper and more open sea.
Besides, it was reasonable to suppose that an enemy as wary
as the rebels had proved themselves to be, would make an
effort to dam up the mouth ofthe bayou with cotton, and
leave the boats literally wallowing in the mud, or would blow
them up with torpedoes. So the boats got out of there as fast
as they could bump along. The soldiers, as they marched

THOS. H. BARTON. 107

along, jibed the sailors with such reraarks as : "Jack, you'd
better stick to the briny !" "How do you like playing turtle,
anyway?" "Better let bush-whacking out to old Tecurap's
boys." The boats, in a sadly used up condition, finally got out and
returned to anchorage above Vicksburg, where they were
speedily put in repair.
The other expedition through Yazoo Pass, as already re
lated, returned in rauch the sarae condition, neither having
accomplished more than to show the eneray and the country
that Grants array and Porter's squadron were bound in some
way or other to secure possession ofthe Confederate strong
hold. Grant and Porter shared the opinion ot President Lin
coln, as the latter had expressed it, that "Vicksburg was the
backbone ofthe rebellion, and the key to the situation," and
they were determined that this important point should be
taken.

CHAPTER VIL
THE CAMPAIGN OF VICKSBURG. — CONTINUED.
The Deer Creek expedition was the fourth attempt to get in
the rear of Vicksburg. As I have already related in the pre
ceding chapter, it ended in failure. The original canal
scheme was abandoned on the 27th of March. The effort to
make a water-way through Lake Providence and the connect
ing bayous was also abandoned as wholly impracticable about
the same time.
As early as the 4th of February, Grant had written to Gen
eral Halleck concerning the advisability of opening a water
course from Youngs Point or Milikin's Bend by the way of
Richmond, Louisiana, to New Carthage, twenty-five or thirty
miles above Grand Gulf At Youngs Point and also at Mili
ken's Bend, channels or bayous start, which enter into other
bayous, which in turn flow into the Mississippi at New Carth
age. Before the levee was constructed, these channels were
much larger than at present, but after the water frora the river
was shut off, they had grown up with a dense growth of tim-

108 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

ber, which had to be removed before letting in the water from
the river. Grant, with his usual untiring energy, commenced
opening this passage, and the work was prosecuted with great
vigor. The work was continued until the water of the river
began to recede, and the road to Richmond, Louisiana,
emerged from the water. The levee at the head of the chan
nel was then cut, and a sraall stearaer and a few tra.nsports
passed through. But the waters of the Mississippi continued
to fall very rapidly, and this scheme, as well as the others,
proved worthless and had to be abandoned.
While engaged in these arduous labors, and while endeavor
ing to obtain a foot-hold on the Vicksburg side of the river,
Grant was visited by some "distinguished " citizens from the
northern stales, who did all that lay in their power to induce him
lo divulge his plans. But the Silent Man kept his own counsel.
Some (if the northern newspapers accused him of being dilatory,
and incompetent to command a large army. Some of them
clamored for his removal, and even went so far as to name his
successor. Among those mentioned were Hunter, McClellan,
McClernand and Fremont. Numbers of these newspapers were
sent south and circulated among the troops of Grant's com
raand. Under the constitution, the President, in tirae of war, is
Commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and is responsible
for the selection of commanders. With all the pressure brought
to bear upon them, both President Lincoln and General Hal
leck stood by Grant till the end of the campaign.
***-*** *
About tbe middle of April, Grant commenced concentrating
bis troops at Miliken's Bend and Young's Point, preparatory
to moving his army below Vicksburg, which move was to
crown his long, tedious and discouraging labors with success.
He did not communicate his plans to any of his officers, till
ready for the contemplated move. Admiral Porter, who was
tbe first officer to whom Grant divulged his scheme, was in
command of the Mississippi Flotilla, and his co-operation was
necessary to the success of the proposed undertaking. The
array, except Sherman's corps, was to raove down the river to
New Carthage, and Porter, with the gun boats as a convey for

THOS. H. BARTON. 109

the transports, was to run the batteries at Vicksburg, proceed
down the river, attack the enemy at Grand Gulf, and, if possi
ble, silence their guns, so that the army could safely cross
over; while Sherman, with the fifteenth army corps, was to
make a demonstration against Haine's Bluff, divert the atten
tion of the enemy, and prevent him from sending re-inforce-
raents to Grand Gulf.
On the 16th, Porter was ready to start on his perilous ex
pedition. He had his vessels well protected with bales of cot
ton, hay and grain, which would be of use to the array, if safe
ly transported past the rebel batteries. On the night ofthe
same day at the hour of ten, his fleet was ready to raove. The
flagship Benton was in advance. Then followed the Layfayette
with the Price lashed to her side. Next came in succession,
the Louisville, Mound City, Pittsburg and Carondolet all being
naval vessels. These were followed by the transports, Forrest
Queen, Silver Wave, and Henry Clay, each one towing barges
loaded with coal. The gunboat Tuscumbia brought up the rear.
A terrific cannonade was opened on the fleet, as soon as it was
discovered by the enemy, to which Porter replied, and thunder
answered thunder from land and water. The rebels had antic
ipated this movement, and had collected a vast amount of
combustible material, which was set on fire, making a huge
bonfire. Sorae buildings on the Louisiana side of the river
were also set on fire, thereby lighting up the heavens with a lurid
glare, and making the broad bosom of the river as bright as
day. Two heavy shots struck the Forrest Queen, and she be
came unmanagable,and was taken in tow by a gunboat. "The
Henry Clay was struck by a shell, whieb set her barricade of
cotton bales on fire, and she soon flaraed back to the beacon
lights on the shore. Blazing like a mighty torch, she sent her
jets of flame, capped with angry wreaths of black curling
smoke far up into the midnight heavens." The crew escaped
into their boats, and took refuge on the Louisiana shore. The
Silver Wave passed through unharmed, and she was the only
one of the transports that got through without any damage.
The gunboats received no injury worth mentioning. One man
was killed and two \^ ounded.
On the 22d, six steamers towing twelve barges loaded with

llO AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

army supplies, ran the batteries, with the loss of one boat, the
others being raore or less disabled. About half the barges got
through safely. Volunteers were called for to raan the boats,
and more presented themselves than was necessary, and the
choice had to be decided by lot. So eager were they to join
in the desperate undertaking, that a boy, who had drawn a
successful number, was offered one hundred dollars by a
soldier for his chance ; but the spirited little fellow refused the
offer, and he passed through this terrible gauntlet uninjured.
While Grant was thus concentrating his troops, and bring
ing down his gunboats and transports, with a view of forcing
the Mississippi at Grand Gulf, Col. Grierson, by his orders,
was making a cavalry raid with three regiments 1,700 strong.
and a battery of artillery. He left LaGrange, Tennessee, on
the 17th of April, riding in the rear of all the Confederate forces
opposing Grant down to Ballon Rouge, destroying the rail
roads, burning depots, cars, bridges and large quantities of
military supplies. He sent out detachments right and left to
destroy telegraphs, magazines and manufactories. In sixteen
days he traveled no less than 600 miles, and during the last
thirty hours marched eighty miles, fought two skirmishes, de
stroyed a Confederate camp, and captured several prisoners.
They were so completely worn out that, on reaching Batton
Rouge, three fourths of the men are said to have been asleep
in their saddles. They succeeded, for the time being, in effec
tually cutting the comrauniciations of Vicksburg with the
east. On the 29th of March, Grant ordered McClernand, with his
corps of four divisions, to march by way of Richmond, Louis
iana to New Carthage, hoping that he might capture Grand
Gulf before the balance of the army could get there. But the
roads were mirey, and in such a bad condition, that he raade
slow progess, being compelled to construct corduroy roads
over the swamps, and bridges across the bayous. Four bridges
had to be built across bayous, two of thera over six hundred
feet long, making in all about two thousand feet of bridging.
He reached New Carthage on the 6th of April, with one divi
sion of his artillery, but found the place surrounded with water,
in consequence of the levee to Bayou Vidal being cut or broken

THOS. H. BARTON. Ill

in several places. He then continued his march to Perkin's
Plantation, about ten miles further down the river. On the
17th, Grant visited New Carthage in person. On the next, or
the following day, he returned to Miliken's Bend, and, on the
20th, issued his final order for the movement of the army.
The Thirteenth army corps, commanded by Major-General
John A. McClernand, constituted the left wing. The Fifteenth
army corps, Major-General W. T. Sherman commanding, con
stituted the right wing; andthe Seventeentharmy corps, com
manded by Major-General James B. McPherson, constituted
the center. The order of raarch to New Madrid was frora right
to left. The troops were required lo bivouac, until proper
facilities could be afforded for the transportation of camp
equipage. One lent was allowed to each company for the pro
tection of rations from rain ; and one wall tent for each regi
mental, brigade and division headquarters. General hospitals
for all sick and wounded soldiers were established between
Duckport and Miliken's Bend. Transportation was provided
for ten days' supply of rations, and commanders were authoriz
ed to collect all beef cattle, corn or other necessary supplies on
the line of march ; but the wonton destruction of property, the
taking of articles useless for military purposes, and the search
ing of houses without proper authority, were positively pro
hibited. On the 24th, Grant's headquarters were with the ad
vance al Perkins' plantation. A reconnoisance was made with
small boats, in order to find a suitable landing above Grand
Gulf, but none was found practicable. The army then ad
vanced to Hard Times, twenty miles further down the river,
and nearly opposite Grand Gulf, which is about seventy-five
milles below Miliken's Bend. McClernand reached Hard
Times on the 27lh, and he was closely followed by McPherson.
Grant then determined to make an attempt lo effect a landing
on the opposite side of the river. About 10,000 men of
McClernand's corps were embarked on transports, with the
object of taking Grand Gulf by storm, provided the gunboats
succeeded in silencing the rebel guns. At 8 o'clock on the
morning of the 29th, Porter attacked this well defended place
with eight gunboats, to which the enemy replied with great

112 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

vigor. The battle continued till half past one in the afternoon
without silencing any of the Confederate guns. Porter then
withdrew his fleet, and the enemy ceased firing. The navy
lost, in this engagement, eighteen killed and sixty-five
wounded. Grand Gulf is equally as defensible upon its front as Vicks
burg. It is situated on a high bluff, where the river runs at
the very fool of it. The place was strongly fortified by the
enemy, and a front attack was not deemed advisable. Porter
was thereupon requested to run the batteries with his fleet, and
take charge of the transports, all of which would be needed
below. There is a bend in the Mississippi River at Grand Gulf
almost similar in form to the one at Vicksburg. At dusk,
when concealed from the view of the enemy, McClernand dis
embarked his comraand on the Louisiana shore, and under
cover of darkness the troops marched across the point of land
unobserved. The gunboats and transports ran the batteries
successfully, and when morning came, the enemy saw Porter's
whole fleet three or four miles down the river, and the shore
lined with Union soldiers. Grant expected to find a landing
at Rodney, about nine miles below, but during the night a
colored man came in who informed him that a good landing
could be found at Bruinsburg, a few miles above Rodney, from
which point there is a good road leading to Port Gibson, some
twelve miles in the interior. The information was found to be
correct, and the troops were disembarked al Bruinsburg with
out opposition. Grant was now on the eastern side of the
Mississippi. On the 27th, Sherman, who was left in the rear at Young's
Point, was ordered to make a feint on Haines' Bluff, in order
to distract the attention of the enemy, and prevent him from
sending reinforcements to Grand Gulf. On the 29th, he, with
ten regiments of infantry and eight gunboats, landed his
troops on the old battle ground of the proceeding December,
and made every possible demonstration. The infantry were
drawn up in line of battle, and the gunboats thundered on the
rebel batteries upon the heights. But on the sarae day that
Grant crossedrthe Mississippi at Bruinsburg, he ordered Sher-

THOS. H. BARTON. 113

men to return as speedily as possible. Sherraan immediately
embarked his troops and steamed down the Yazoo, and his
advance was soon marching down the Louisiana shore to join
the main army.
Grant was now in close proximity to the eneray, with a force,
when concentrated, of about 35,000 men. The Confederates
occupied Haine's Bluff, Vicksburg, Grand Gulf and Jackson
with a force of nearly 60,000 effective troops, Jackson is fifty
miles east of Vicksburg and is connected with it by a railroad.
Grant's first problem was lo capture Grand Gulf to use as a
base for future operations.
The Union General did not pause to concentrate his army,
like an over-prudent commander would have done, for this
would have given the Confederates an opportunity lo do the
same thing. His plan was to push out boldly, and beat the
enemy in detail, before his scattered forces could be brought
together. Grant stripped his army for the race, and freed it
of all incumbrance except arms and amunition and a small
supply of rations. He himself was without tent, blanket, over
coat or mess chest.
The army landed at Bruinsburg on the 30th, and on the 1st
of May, McClernand advanced into the interior. The bluffs
were reached an hour before sunset, and McClernand pushed
on, hoping to reach Port Gibson, and save the bridge spanning
the Bayou Pierre, before it could be destroyed by the enemy.
Port Gibson was also a strategic point of considerable import
ance, it being the starling point of roads leading to Grand
Gulf, Jackson and Vicksburg.
McClernand's advance met the eneray at Thompson's plan
tation, about five miles west of Port Gibson, and some skirm
ishing occurred during the night. The Confederates occupied
a strong natural position with most ofthe garrison from Grand
Gulf, numbering about 8,000 men, under the command of Gen
eral Bowen, who hoped to hold his position until reinforced
by General Loring frora Vicksburg ; but Loring did not arrive
in time to render much assistance south of Port Gibson. The
country in this part of Mississippi is very rough, the roads
running along the ridges except when they occasionally pass
from one ridge to another. Near the point selected by Bowen
15

114 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to defend, the road divides taking two ridges, and again unites
just outside the town. Here McClernand had to divide his
force, and it was not only divided, but was also separated by
a deep ravine between the two ridges, which rendered it diffi
cult if not quite impossible, for one flank to reinforce the other
without marching back lo the junction of the roads. The
divisions of Hovey, Karr and Smith were placed on the right
flank, and that of Osterhaus on the lett. The latter, as he
advanced, becarae hard pressed by the enemy and sustained a
slight repulse. At this critical moment Grant ordered two
brigades of Logan's division to his assistance, and Osterhaus
was then ordered to renew his front attack. It was successful
and unattended by serious loss. Throughout the day, the
enemy was pushed back on the right, and when the shades of
evening closed in, the troops went into bivouac two miles from
Port Gibson.
In this engagement the Union loss was one hundred and
thirty killed, seven hundred and eighteen wounded and five
missing. We took one thousand prisoners and five pieces of
artillery, the number of the Confederate killed and wounded
being unknown.
Early on the following morning our victorious columns
marched through Port Gibson, the eneray having retreated in
the direction of Raymond, burning the bridge which spanned
the South Fork of the Bayou Pierre, Grant imraediately began
building a bridge across this stream, the work being superin
tended .by Col. J. N. Wilson, a meraber of his staff. The bridge
was corapleted during the night, and on the morning of the 3d
of May, the Union forces were in hot pursuit of the retreating
enemy. On the same day, McClernand raarched eight miles
to the North Fork of Bayou Pierre.
Meanwhile, McPherson had crossed the Mississippi, reached
Hankinson's ferry on the Big Black River, seized the ferry
boat, and sent a detachment of his comraand across, and
several miles on the road to Vicksburg. When the junction
of the road leading to Vicksburg with the road from Grand
Gulf to Raymond and Jackson was reached, Logan with his
division was turned to the left towards Grand Gulf. Grant
now learned that the enemy was in full retreat, and had aban
doned his heavy guns and evacuated the place.

THOS. H. BARTON. 115

Up to this time it had been Grant's intention lo secure
Grand Gulf, as a base of supplies, and detach McClernand's
corps to co-operate with Banks in the reduction of Port Hud
son. But while at Grand Gulf, he learned that Banks, who
was on the Red River, could not be at Port Hudson before the
10th of May, and then with only 15,000 men. This informa
tion brought about a different plan of campaign frora the
one originally intended, Granc therefore deterrained to raove
independently of Banks, cut loose from his base, destroy
the rebel force in rear of Vicksburg, and invest or capture the
city. On the 6th, Sherman crossed the Mississippi with the main
part of his command, leaving Blair's division as a guard to the
train, and while he was making rapid marches to join the
main army. Grant was, at the same time, making demonstra
tions as if about lo cross the Big Black River, and attack
Vicksburg on the south. This so confused Peraberton that he
did not venlure_to move his army out of Vicksburg to assist
the rebel forces al Raymond and Jackson. On the 3d, Hurl-
but, who had been left at Memphis, was ordered to send four
regiments of his command to Miliken's Bend to relieve Blair's
division ; and on the 5th he was ordered to send Lauraan's
division in addition, the latter lo join the raain army in the
field. Up to this time Grant had depended mainly for subsistence
on the resources of the country, and had pressed into the ser
vice vehicles of every discription, even ox-carts and express
wagons, as a means of transportation. On the 6th, the regular
train arrived at the front with a supply of hard bread, bacon,
salt and coffee ; and having his army well in hand, he was now
prepared to move.
Intelligence was received that the Confederates were now
moving north to reinforce Pemberton. Grant knew that while
he was closing in on the eneray, they were also closing in up
on him, and that he would soon be between two fires. "With
the daring of Napoleon, he determined to enact over again that
great chieftain's famous Italian campaign, when, with 50,000
men, he attacked in detail and beat an army of a hundred and
fifty thousand, and killed and wounded, and took prisoners a

116 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

number equal to his whole force." His success depended on
rapid movements and hard fighting ; and having determined
to cut loose from his base at Grand Gulf, he informed the com
mander-in-chief at Washington accordingly.
During the night of the 6th, McPherson concentrated his
troops east of the Big Black, and on the following morning,
moved on the road towards Jackson by way of Rocky Springs,
Utica and Raymond. That night he and McClernand were
both at Rocky Springs, ten miles east of Hankinson's ferry.
On the Sth, McClernand moved to Big Sandy, and Sherman
marched from Grand Gulf to Hankinson's ferry, while Mc
Pherson advanced to a point a few railes west of Utica. The
10th, Sherman moved to Big Sandy, McPherson to Utica,
while McClernand was still at Big Sandy. On the llth, Mc
Clernand was at Five Mile Creek, Sherman at Auburn and
McPherson advanced five miles from Utica On May 12th,
both Sherraan and McClernand were at Five Mile Creek, and
McPherson al Rayraond, after a battle al Fourteen Mile Creek
some skirmishing occurred, in which the Union force lost tour
killed and twenty-four wounded.
Grant's line was now seven miles south ofthe Vicksburg and
Jackson Railroad, and nearly parallel with it. Up to this
time, his moveraents had been raade without serious opposi
tion. On the 12th, McClernand's pickets were within two
miles of Edward's Station, where the enemy had concentrated
a considerable force, under the coramand of General Gregg, of
Texas, and he evidently expected the Union array to raake an
attack, McClernand, however withdrew his advance without
an engagement. McPherson encountered the enemy, 5,000
strong, supported by two batteries, about two railes from Ray
mond. This was about two in the afternoon. Logan's divi
sion was in advance, and the Second Ohio Bridade was order
ed to move towards the heavy timber, which concealed the
enemy, who opened upon them a destructive fire. The first
and third brigades, under Smith and Dennis, were ordered for
ward in support, but could not dislodge the enemy, and were
compelled to give ground when the artillery opened upon
thera. This was replied to by the Eighth Michigan battery.
The Confederates then made an attempt to capture this bat-

THOS. H. BARTON. 117

tery, but were repulsed with heavy loss, and fell back to a posi
tion in the rear of Farnden's Creek. The brigades of Smith
and Dennis renewed the attack, but were outflanked by the
enemy, and a desperate struggle ensued in which the Union
loss was heavy, the 20th Ohio, and 23d Indiana suffering
severely. The enemy was now gaining ground, when McPher
son ordered the road in the rear lo be cleared of wagons, and
the balance of Logan's division and Crocker's, which was still
inthe rear, to move forward with dispatch. The order was
obeyed with alacrity. The opportune arrival of Stevenson's
brigade restored the battle, and, ere Crocker could get his com
mand in position, the Confederates were routed and driven
from the field.
In this engagement McPherson lost 66 killed, 339 wounded,
and 37 missing — nearly all of which were from Logan's divi
sion. The enemy's loss was 100 killed, 305 wounded, and 415
were taken prisoners.
Pemberton was now on Grant's left with a force of nearly
50,000 men, and a force was also collected on his right at
Jackson, the point where all the railroads communicating with
Vicksburg connect, and it was also the depot for the supply of
raen and stores for the Confederate army at Vicksburg. Grant
now determined to move rapidly towards Jackson, and destroy
or drive away any force in that direction, and then turn on
Pemberton. On the 13th, McPherson raarched to Clinton,
fifteen railes west of Jackson, and destroyed the railroad and
telegraph, while Sherraan, with the exception of Blair's divi
sion, which was still in the rear, moved to Raymond. The
divisions of McClernand's command followed Sherman, one
division being left on the Big Black to watch Pemberton. On
the same day, General Joseph E. Johnston arrived at Jackson
from Tennessee, and assumed command of all the rebel forces
in that part of Mississippi.
There are two roads leading from Raymond to Jackson. The
northern road leads past Clinton, and the direct, or southern
one, by the way of Mississippi Springs. Early on the raorn
ing of the 14th, McPherson and Sherraan were on the march,
latter taking the direct route past Mississippi Springs, and these
generals arranged to reach Jackson at the same hour. Mc-

118 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

demand's corps was divided. One division moved to Clinton
in order to reinforce McPherson; one lo Mississippi Springs to
reinforce Sherman, if it should be necessary jto do so, while
the third raoved to Raymond within supporting distance of
either vying of the army.
Grant had notified Halleck that he intended to attack the
State capitol on the 14th. A courier carried the dispatch to
Grand Gulf through an unprotected country.
During the preceding night Johnston had been reinforced
by Georgia and South Carolina regiments, and his force
amounted to about 11,000 men, and more were expected. The
rain had fallen in torrents, and the roads were in a mirey con
dition. This, however, did not discourage the troops. About
nine in the forenoon, Crocker, of McPherson's corps, who was
in advance, came upon the enemy's pickets, and speedily
drove thera in upon the main body. They proved to be the
troops under Gregg, who had been driven out of Raymond.
Crocker advanced the brigades of Holmes and Sanborn,
preceded by a strong skirmish line, and drove the enemy
back upon high ground, about two miles from the city. Mc
Pherson followed with the rest of his comraand, till within
reach of the enemy's guns, when he halted, made a reconnoi
sance. and formed his line of battle. While these moves were
being made, Sherman also carae upon the rebel pickets sorae
distance out of the town, and speedily drove them in. He
was confronted by a Confederate battery, which enfiladed the
road and coraraanded a bridge spanning a stream over
which he had to pass. The stream was forced, and the enemy
flanked and driven within the main line. Grant, who was with
Sherman, thereupon directed hira to send a force to the right,
and to reconnoiter as far as Pearl River. This movement, to
gether with McPherson's pressure, no doubt led Johnson to
order a retreat, leaving only the men at the guns lo retard the
Union advance while he was getting away.
Grant's loss in this engagement was 41 killed and 249
wounded. The enemy's losses were 845 killed, wounded and
captured, and seventeen pieces of artillery. The Confederates
also set fire lo their magazines, containing a large amount of
commissary stores.

THOS. H. BARTON. 119

Grant entered the capital of Mississippi with the bead of
the army, and rode iraraediately to the state house, where he
was soon followed by Sherman. The troops patrolled the
streets, collecting the prisoners at the capitol building. Grant
and Sherman went together into a manufactory where tent-
cloth, with " C. S. A." woven in each bolt, was being manu
factured. Their presence did not seem to attract the attention
of either the manager or operatives, most of whom were girls.
Finally Grant told Sherman that he thought they had done
work enough, and the operatives were then informed that they
could leave, and take with them all the cloth they could carry
away. The torch was then applied to the building, which, to
gether with an iraraense amount of cotton in bales, stacked
outside, was destroyed. About four in the afternoon Grant
sent for the corps commanders and directed the disposition to
be made of their troops. Sherman was to remain in Jackson
long enough to destroy everything that would be of value to
the enemy, and break up the place as a railroad center and
manufacturing city of military supplies. This work was
thoroughly accomplished. Grant slept that night in the room
that Johnston is said to have occupied the night before.
General Johnston was probably the ablest officer in the Con
federate service, and he fully recognized the military genius
and formidable character of his antagonist, and that Pember
ton, though animated with the best intentions, was wholly in
adequate to the occasion. On the night of the 13th he sent a
dispatch to Pemberton, at Edward's Station, ordering him to
establish coraraunication, that he might be reinforced, and to
come up at once, in the rear of Grant, with all the available
troops that could be assembled. This dispatch was sent in
triplicate, by different messengers, but one of them was a man
who had been ostensibly druraraed out of Memphis by Hurlbut
as a spy, but who was in fact a spy, and he delivered his copy of
Johnston's dispatch to McPherson, who forwarded it to Grant.
With characteristic proraptness, Grant ordered McPherson to
raove early in the raorning back to Bolton, about twenty railes
west of Jackson, and the nearest point where Johnston would
reach the road and reinforce Pemberton. He also informed
McClernand of the capture of Jackson, and ordered him to

120 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

turn his forces toward Bolton Station, and make all dispatch
in getting there. To Blair he gave the sarae order.
Peraberton expected, by a raoveraent towards Rayraond, lo
cut Grant's line of coramunication, when in fact Grant had
cut it himself; his men were carrying their supplies with them,
and were hastening with no uncertain steps, to form a new
base on the Yazoo. On the 15th, Pemberton left Edwards
Station for Rayraond, while at the sarae time Grant was mak
ing forced marches westward. The Confederate general, when
too late, saw his mistake, and was compelled to order a back
ward raoveraent, and indeed, to attempt to cross Grant's front
in order to unite with Johnston. He was caught in the act of
so doing, and was thus compelled to fight the battle of Cham
pion's Hill, and had to fight it alone.
About five o'clock on the morning of the I6th, Grant learned
from two railroad employes who had passed through Pember
ton's army in the night, that it consisted of about 25.000 men
and ten batteries of artillery. He also learned its position.
Up lo this tirae it had been his intention to leave Sherman al
Jackson another day, in order to complete his work; but on
receiving this intelligence Grant sent him an order to move
rapidly to Bolton, and to put one division, with an araraunition
train, on the road at once. Within an hour after receiving this
order, Steel's division was on the march.
The Confederate position at Champion's Hill was well
chosen. Gen. Grant says : " Champion's Hill, where Pember
ton had chosen his position to receive us, whether taken by
accident or design, was well selected. It is one of the highest
points in that section, and commanded all the ground in range.
On the east side of the ridge, which is quite precipitous, is a
ravine running first north, then westerly, terminating al Ba
ker's Creek. It was grown up thickly with large trees and
undergrowth, making it difficult to penetrate with troops, even
when not defended. The ridge occupied by the enemy termin
ated abruptly where the ravine turns westerly. The left of
the enemy occupied the north end of the ridge. The Bolton
and Edwards Station wagon road turns almost due south at
this point, and ascends the ridge, which it follows for about a
mile ; then turning west, descends by a gentle declivity to

THOS. H. BARTON. 121

Baker's Creek, nearly a mile away. On the west side, the
slope of the ridge is gradual, and is cultivated from near the
summit to the Creek. There was, when we were there, a nar
row belt of timber near the summit west of the road."
From Raymond there is a direct road to Edwards Station
some three railes west of Charapion's Hill, and there is also
one to Bolton. Frora this latter road there is still another,
which leaves it about three and a half miles before reaching
Bolton, and leads direct to the same station. Pemberton's
lines covered all these roads and faced east. Hovey's line,
when it first drove in the Confederate pickets, was formed
parallel to that of the enemy, and confronted his left. At an
early hour Grant reached the crossing ofthe Jackson railroad
with the road frora Raymond to Bolton, and there found Mc
Pherson's advance and his pioneer corps engaged in rebuilding
a bridge. The train of Hovey's division was blocking up the
road; he ordered it aside and pushed the troops through.
Passing to the front, he found Hovey's division getting into
line, and nearly ready for battle. Grant did not wish the en
gagement lo begin before he could hear from McClernand, to
whom he sent messages to press forward rapidly. Firing,
however, commenced, and by eleven o'clock it increased
lo the dignity of a battle. For some time Hovey's division
bore the brunt of the conflict ; and about noon he raade a
charge and captured a battery, but being hard pressed, was
compelled to abandon it. The enemy proving too strong,
that division had to be reinforced. Meantime, Logan's divi
sion was working to the enemy's left and rear, and greatly
weakening his resistance on the front. Grant had no fear for the
issue, for he knew that he would soon be reinforced by McCler
nand. Up to this time his position had been with Hovey,
who was the most heavily pressed ; but about noon he moved
with a part of his staff around by the right, until he carae up
with Logan, who was now in the Confederate rear, and near
the road leading down to Bakers Creek. But neither Grant
nor Logan knew that they had cut off the retreat ofthe eneray.
Just at this important juncture a messenger carae from Hovey,
asking for raore reinforcements. None could be spared. An
order was then given to move McPherson's command by the left

122 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

flank around to Hovey. This movement uncovered the rebel
line of retreat, which was soon taken advantage of by the
Cojifederates, who fled precipitately.
The battle of Champion's Hill lasted about four hours hard
fighting, preceded by two or three hours of severe skirmishing,
and was fought mainly by Hovey's division of McClernand's
corps. Grant had in this battle about 15,C00 men actually en
gaged. His losses were 410 killed, 1,844 wounded, and 187
missing. Hovey alone lost 1,200 killed, wounded and miss
ing — more than one-third of his division. The Confederate
losses in killed and wounded were over 3,000, and about the
same number were captured in battle and in pursuit. A large
amount of war material was abandoned by tbe enemy, and
picked u|) on the field, among it thirty pieces of artillery.
Among the Confederate killed was General Tilgbraan, who had
formerlv defended Fort Henry. He was struck by a fragrant
of a shell, and died almost instantly. Had McClernand come
up with reasonable proraptness, or had Grant known the
ground as he afterwards did, his success might have been
even greater. As it was, Loring's division was cut off from the
main army, and failed to reach Vicksburg.
The pursuit continued as long as it was light enought to see
the road. The night ofthe 16th of May, found McClernand's
command bivouaced from two to six miles west of the battle
field, along the line of the road to Vicksburg. On the morn
ing of the 17th, the pursuit was continued, with McClernand's
corps in advance. Sherman, who was at Bolton, was ordered
to turn north to Bridgeport. The Confederates were found
strongly posted on both sides ofthe Big Black River. This
stream, on its way to the Mississippi, runs due south, after
leaving Bridgeport, until it approaches Champion's Hill, when
it bends westwardly for a few railes, and then renews it south
erly course. The direct road lo Vicksburg crosses the stream
after it resumes its southerly course. The Confederates in
trenched themselves on the east bank of the river, hoping to
hold it until their material should have crossed, and they oc
cupied a strong position when McClernand's advance came
up with them. At ten o'clock Carr's division assaulted the
works, and carried them with little resistance, capturing eigh-

THOS. H. BARTON. 123

teen guns 'and 1,751 prisoners, comprising Green's Missouri
Brigade, and that of General Vaughn. The Federal losses
were 39 killed, 237 wounded and three missing — General Oster
haus being among the wounded. Meantime, the main body of
the eneray had crossed, and planted batteries so as to com
mand the bridge, which was then destro}'ed. It was now
about nine o'clock. Orders were given for the construction of
three bridges, as soon as the work could be comraenced. Lura-
ber was taken from buildings, cotton gins and whatever could
be found for this purpose. One bridge was constructed from
felled trees, their tops interlacing in the river without being
entirely severed from their stumps. By nine o'clock on the
morning of the 18th, all the bridges were completed, and the
troops crossed over.
While Grant was making his dispositions for an assault on
the Confederate works, he was approached by an officer from
Bank's staff, who presented him with a letter from General
Halleck, dated the llth of May. It had been sent by way of
New Orleans to Bank's to be forwarded to Grant. It ordered
hira to return to Grand Gulf and co-operate frora there with
Banks against Port Hudson, and then with their combined
forces proceed to invest Vicksburg, Grant informed the officer
that the order came too late, and that Halleck would not give
it now if he knew the situation. The bearer of the dispatch,
however, insisted thatthe order ought to be obeyed, and was
giving arguments in support of his views, when loud cheering
was heard on the right. Lawler, of Carr's division, was in his
shirt sleeves, and leading a charge against the enemy. Grant
imraediately raounted his horse and rode in the direction of
the charge, and saw no raore of the officer who delivered the
order. There can be no doubt that had Grant obeyed this
order, the seige of Vicksburg would have lasted several months
longer than it did. No commander can successfully conduct
a campaign at the distance of a thousand miles from the field
of operations.
Sherman, who had paroled the prisoners taken at Jackson,
and left his sick and wounded in the care of corapetent sur
geons, reached Rayraond about noon on the 17th where he
found Blair with a pontoon train in readiness, A few of the

124 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

enemy were intrenched on the opposite bank, but during the
night and early morning a crossing was effected, and a small
number of Confederates taken prisoners.
Grant's plans were now fast approaching their consumma
tion. During the night ofthe 18th, Pemberton's routed troops
fell back within the lines of Vicksburg, and with them also
entered many planters and their families, who had been living
near the city. A scene of indescribable confusion prevailed—
the cries of young children and the lamentations of women
being mingled with the blasphemous oaths of the soldiers.
"That night, soon after dark. Grant rode up and had an inter
view with Sherman. The two comraanders crossed the bridge,
and seated themselves on a fallen tree, in the light of a pile of
burning fence-rails, while the eager and swift-marching men
of ihe 15th Corps filed by them and disappeared in the dark
ness. Grant had raarched 200 railes, had fought four battles,
taken 90 guns, captured 6,000 prisoners — raore than all, he had
cut off Pemberton's escape. He detailed his plans for the next
day, after which he returned through the forest to his own
headquarters." On the following raorning, when Sherman's troops were
within three and a half railes of Vicksburg, that general turn
ed to the right in order to get possession of the Walnut Hills
on the Yazoo River. He obtained this position before night,
and communications were thus opened with Porter, who was
on the Yazoo, and the new base of supplies was secured. Mc
Pherson followed Sherman, and halted where that general
turned off. McClernand carae up by the Jackscvn road, filing
lo his left at Mount Alban's. By these dispositions the three
army corps completed the investment of Vicksburg on the
morning ofthe 19th. Sherman was oii the right, overlooking
the Yazoo River ; McPherson covered the enemy's centre, while
McClernand covered their left, his left flank resting close to
the Mississippi, a few miles above Warrenton. General Pem
berton, on retiring within his works, felt himself unable to de
fend as long a line as the highths frora Vicksburg to Haines'
Bluff, and evacuated the latter place before Sherman's arrival.
Johntson had feared for the worse. As soon as he learned of
Pemberton's defeat at Champion's Hill, he sent him the foi-

THos. H. BARTON. 125

lowing dispatch : "If Haines' Bluff be untenable, Vicksburg
is of no value ; it cannot be held. If you are invested in it you
must ultimately surrender. Instead of losing both troops
and place, you must, if possible, save the troops. If not too
late, evacuate Vicksburg and its dependencies forthwith, and
march northeast." But it was too late. The Confederate
stronghold and the army defending it, were destined to be sur
rendered.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CAMPAIGN OP VICKSBURG. — CONCLUDED.
Vicksburg. is admirably situated for defence on the land side,
the adjacent country being a vast plateau, over which a num
ber of small hills seem to have been sown broadcast, these
eminences being higher than the city itself On the northern
part of this plateau the hills are higher than on the southern.
The approach to these eminences from the east is intersected
with deep ravines and gullies, cut by the water ; and in some
places these ravines were fllled with an impenetrable growth
of canebrakes, while the tops of the ridges were covered with a
heavy growth of timber. The enemy had his batteries planted
on a series of redoubts, so that he could sweep his front and en-
fllade every commanding position, and if his outer works were
carried, he could then fall back to an inner line and still be on
higher ground. The Confederate line of defence followed the
crest of the hills from the north of the city eastward, then
southerly around the Jackson road, about three miles back of
the city; thence in a southwesterly direction to the river.
Deep ravines of the description given, lay in front of these de
fences. Grant's line was more than fifteen miles long, extend
ing from Haines' Bluff to Vicksburg, thence to Warrenton ;
that of the enemy about seven. To add to all this. Grant had an
enemy in the rear at Canton and Jackson, who was constantly
being reinforced, which required a second line of defence lacing
the other way. He did not have a sufficient force to man these

126 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
works. General Halleck, however, appreciated the situation,
and forwarded reinforcements as speedily as possible.
Grant's army commenced crossing the Mississippi at Bruins
burg, April 30th. On the 18th of May the army was in the
rear of Vicksburg, on the 19th, just twenty days after crossing
the river, the city was completely invested, and an assault was
about to be made. Five distinct battles, besides almost con
tinuous skirmishing, had been fought and won by the Union
arms. The capitol of Mississippi had been taken, and im
mense quantities of military supplies either captured or des
troyed ; over 6,000 prisoners, 27 heavy cannon, and 61 field
pieces had fallen into our hands, and 400 miles of the Missis
sippi River rendered free to navigation. Up to this time the
whole force which crossed the river was less than 43,000 men,
while the Confederates had at Vicksburg, Grand Gulf and Jack
son, and on the line of march between these places, raore than
60,000 available troops. All these troops had to be met. They
were in their own country, and rear guards were unnecessary.
But they were met and conquered in detail ; at Port Gibson,
about 8,000; at Raymond, 5,000; at Jackson, near 11,000; at
Champion's Hill, 25,000 ; and at the Big Black River about
4,000. Up lo this time the Federal losses were 695 killed ; 3,425
wounded, and 259 missing.
These achievements are among the most brilliant railitary
perforraances in the annals of history, and have cast a halo
of glory over the coraraander of the Union arraies.
*******
The Confederates evacuated their position at Haines' Bluff
on the 17th. Admiral Porter, speaking of them says : "Such a
net-work of forts I never saw." Sherman in a letter to Gen
eral M. L. Smith, discribes the situation and his own satisfac
tion in obtaining possession of it. "As soon as we had fixed
things in Jackson, I made good lime in reaching the very
point above Vicksburg that we had worked so hard and thank
lessly for last January. It has fulfilled all ray expectations,
and we now have high and commanding ground, and haul our
stores from our old landing at Chickasaw Bayou. The very
roads made by the enemy, which enabled hira to mass his
troops so promptly before us, are now ours, and answer an

THOS. H. BARTON. 127

admirable purpose. I ride often to the very signal hill from
which all our movements were telegraphed, and enjoy an in
ternal satisfaction, that after five months' patient labor and
fighting, I can now reciprocate the compliraent. We are close
upon the enemy ; our artillery reaches every part of the city,
which, I am told, has become like a prairie-dog village, all
burrowed in the earth."
The Yazoo River was now open, and nothing prevented the
gunboats passing up that stream. On the 20th, five went up to
Yazoo City. Here was an extensive yard for the construction
of war-vessels. The Arkansas was built at this place. The
Mobile was ready for her plating ; the Republic was fitting for
a ram with armor ot railroad iron ; on the stocks there Was a
new steamer 310 feet long and 70 feet beam. She was to be plated
with four and a half inch iron. These, together with the ma
chine shops and other establishments, were destroyed.
********
Early on the raorning of the 19th, Grant opened up an artil
lery fire at long range, which was feebly responded to by the
eneray, while, at the same time, heavy skirmishing was^kept
up by the infantry. Osterhaus, who was on the extreme left,
advanced within about six hundred yards of the rebel position,
where he found himself confronted by fifteen redoubts, from
which the artillery opened up a heavy fire on his exposed
ranks. At two o'clock in the afternoon, Grant ordered a
general advance on the Confederate intrenchments. Incon
sequence of the officer's watches not being set alike, the
three corps did not advance at the same lime. The assault,
however, resulted in securing more advanced positions for all
the trooris, where they were fully covered frora the fire of the
enemy. The 20th, and 21st, were spent in making roads to the Yazoo
River, and in strengthening the Federal position. A large
portion of the army had now been for three weeks with only
five days rations issued by the commissary. Food was abun
dant, but the troops began to feel the want of bread. While
making his rounds on the 21st, a soldier who recognized Grant,
reraarked in a low voice ; "Hard Tack." In a moment the
cry was taken up all along the line : "Hard Tack ! Hard

128 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Tack!" The general then informed those nearest him that
their wants would soon be supplied, when the cry was instant
ly changed to cheers.
Gr^nt now determined on a second assault. Johnston was
in his rear, only fifty miles away, with an army very nearly
equal lo his own, and the Confederate general was being rein
forced. There was danger of his coming to the assistance of
Pemberton, and either raising the seige, or preventing the cap
ture ofthe garrison. Moreover, the eneray had been much de
moralized by his defeats at Champion's Hill and the Big Black,
and the troops believed that they could carry the works in
their front, and did not relish the idea of working in trenches,
unless they were permitted to try.
The assault was ordered to commence at ten in the forenoon
of the 22d. Grant ordered the corps commanders to set their
watches by his, so that they should all raove promptly at the
sameraoment. He took a position near the center ofthe front,
from which he could see all ot McPherson's, a part of Sher
man's, and McClernand's advancing columns. From the
whole Union line the artillery opened up a terrific fire, which
seemed to shake the hills to their foundations, while the infan
try sprang forward with a resolute determination to carry the
intrenchments. On the right, Thayer's brigade of Steel's divi
sion was the first to encounter the enemy. Blair's division, to
the left of Thayer, came up about the same time, and were met
at every point by overwhelming numbers of unseen foes, with
nothing in view but voluraes of dense and curling smoke. Some
of the advance regiments reached the parapet at several points,
and succeeded in planting the stars and stripes on the rebel
works, but were quickly driven off. McPherson, who was in
the center, moved his corps up to the intrenchments, and part
of his advance reached the parapet. Here they were met by
overwhelraing numbers, and were compelled to abandon the
prize before them. On the left, the divisions of Carr and Oster
haus were in the advance. These troops moved forward with
undaunted courage, and a few succeeded in planting their flags
on the outer slopes of the bastions, and a desperate struggle
ensued, but the position was too strong to be taken by assault.
McClernand now reported that he had gained the enemy's in-

THOS. H. BARTON. 129

trenchments at several points, and wanted reinforcements His
request was repeated, and Quinby's division ofthe I7th corps
was sent to his assistance. Sherman and McPherson were
ordered to renew their assaults in order to create a diversion
in favor of McClernand. This last attack only served lo in
crease the Federal casualities, without resulting in any advan
tage. In this engagement Grant lost about 3,000 men, one
third of them through the renewal of the attack at McCler
nand's reqviest. The Confederate loss was more than 1,000.
Porter aided the assault by keeping up a bombardment
with his mortar boats, and by sending four gunboats lo
silence both the water and hill batteries. They engaged the
water batteries at a distance of four hundred yards, but so
great was the noise and smoke that Porter neither heard nor
saw anything of the battle that was going on in the rear. After
four hours hard fighting. Grant fell back, and when night
came on those troops that had reached the enemy's line and
been compelled to remain there for security all <lay, were with
drawn, and thus ended the last assault upon Vicksburg.
McClernand overestimated his advantage in this engage
ment. A few weeks afterwards he published a letter of con
gratulation, which he caused to be read to his corps, recapit
ulating the services they had rendered. This letter was read
by the soldiers of the other commands, and Sherman and
McPherson immediately informed Grant of its contents, who
thereupon dismissed McClernand from the service, and ap
pointed General Ord in his stead.
Pemberton, who felt much elated over the victories of
the 19th and 22nd, addressed his troops as follows: "You
have heard that I was incompetent, and a traitor, and that it
was ray intention to sell Vicksburg. Follow me, and you will
see the cost at whieb I will sell Vicksburg. When the last
pound of beef, bacon and flour, the last grain of corn, the last
cow, and hog, and horse, and dog, shall have been con
sumed, and the last man shall have perished in the trenches,
then, and only then, will I sell Vicksburg."
*******
We now approach the last act of the grand drama of the
campaign of Vicksburg. Immediately after the disasterous

130 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

repulse of the 22nd, Grant sat down to the tedious operation
of a siege. In the interval between the assaults of the 19th
and 22nd, roads were corapleted from the Yazoo River and
Chickasaw Bayou, around the rear of the array, in order to
bring up supplies of food and araraunition. Ground had also
been selected and cleared, on which the troops were to be en-
caraped, tents and cooking utensils were brought up, and all
was now ready for the pick and spade. Hurlbut and Prentiss
were ordered to send forward all the troops that could be
spared from their commands. A force of cavalry was also
needed to guard the fords of the Big Black, and to observe,
Johnston. Bragg was confronting Rosecrans in Tennessee,
but was sending reinforcements lo Johnston, and the Confed
erates were making the most strenuous efforts to raise the
siege, even at the risk of losing ground elsewhere.
At the beginning of the siege, Grant was deficient in heavy
siege guns and raortars. Porter sent him a battery of heavy
naval guns. Some of the engineers took pieces of the tough
est limber, bored them out and hooped thera firraly with bands
of iron. They were used for throwing six and twelve pound
shells into the city. By the latter part of June there were
about 250 pieces of artillery in position.
Frora the commencement, Grant pushed the siege with vigor.
He immediately began his parallels of approach, and mounted
his siege guns about 500 or 600 yards from the rebel works.
As soon as one parallel was completed he advanced his army.
Every week found his soldiers nearer the doomed city, and in
in one month's time frora the beginning of the siege, he had a
line of works along his whole front, so close to the enemy that
the opposing troops could converse with each other, and make
exchanges of bread for tobacco.
The besiegers had the great advantage of being sheltered
from the hot sun by the woods, and raany springs of excellent
water were found in the ravines. Besides the investing line
on the land side of Vicksburg, extending from Haines' Bluff
to Warrenton, they had a line of infantry on the other side
of the Mississippi, across the peninsula which the city over
looks ; there were gunboats both above and below, and there
were in addition six 13-inch mortars and two 200-pound parrot
guns mounted on rafts.

THOS. H. BARTON. 131

At the investment of Vicksburg Grant's army was about
30,000 strong. General Halleck, when informed of the situa
tion, sent him all the reinforcements from other places that
could be spared. On June 3d a brigade arrived from Hurlbut's
corps under the command of General Kimbal, and were sent
to Mechanicsburg, between Haines' Bluff and the Big Black
River. On the 8th a whole division of Hurlbut's command
arrived under Gen. Sony Smith, and was at once sent to
Haines' Bluff, and Gen. C. C. Washburn was placed in com
mand at that place. Gen. Herron reached Vicksburg on the
llth, with a division from the department of the Missouri, and
his force was stationed on the left near Warrenton, so as to
cut effectually all cummunication between Peraberton and
Johnston. Herron's inlrencbraents extended to the edge of
the water of the Mississippi. On the 14th, General Park
arrived wirh two divisions from Burnside's corps, and was
ordered to Haines' Bluff. The besieging army now numbered
about 70,000 raen.
Johnston, as has been stated, was at Jackson, and was being
reinforced. This caused Grant some uneasiness. Pie knew
the importance of Vicksburg to the Confederate government,
and that the capture of this stronghold would l°ad to the fall
of Port Hudson, and the opening of the Mississippi to the
Union. He knew that Johnston would do all that lay in his
power lo relieve Pemberton and save Vickisburg. Grant there
fore strongly fortified Haines' Bluff on the east side, and from
there erected a chain of fortifications to the Big Black River.
He also erected strong posts at the crossing of the railroad
over that stream.
On the 26th of May, Blair's division was sent up the Yazoo
River to repel a rebel force supposed to be in that locality, and
to take all the food and forage that could be found. Blair
returned in one week with a large supply of forage and provis
ions, and a number of cattle was also brought in for the use of
the army.
On the 7th of June, a Confederate force, about 3,000 strong,
under the command of Gen. McCulloch, of Gen. Richard Tay
lor's command, attempted to surprise the garrison at Young's
Point and Miliken's Bend. The force at Young's Point num-

132 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

bered 500 men ; that at Miliken's Bend consisted of a brigade
of colored troops, and a few companies of the 22d Iowa regi
ment. A part of the enemy appeared at Young's Point in
broad daylight, but seeing a gun-boat hastily retreated. "The
other Confederate force under McCulloch reached its destina
tion before daylight, drove in the pickets, and in a hand to
hand fight forced the colored and white troops back to the
river bank, where they found shelter and safely under the guns
of the Choctaw. The fire of the heavy guns of these vessels
was so terrific thatthe eneray, though flushed with victory and
drunken with rage at the colored troops, withdrew in confu
sion. In view of Gen. Taylor's suggestive report that, 'unfor
tunately sorae 50 negroes had been taken prisoners' it raay be
inferred that had the gun-boat not been there lo drive off Mc-
CuUoch's savage soldiers, the colored troops would have fared
as they subsequently did at Fort Pillow at the hands of Forest
and his murderous fiends." Grant immediately sent over
Mower's brigade to their assistance.
On the 22d, Grant received positive information that Johns
ton had crossed the Big Black River, with the intention of
making an attack in the rear, in order lo relieve Pemberton.
Sherraan was thereupon placed in command of all the troops
in the rear, having a force of upwards of 30,000 men. Grant's
army was now strong enough lo take the offensive against
Johnston, and still be able to hold Pemberton in Vicksburg ;
but he concluded that it would be policy to first dispose of
Pemberton, and then turn on Johnston and drive hira from the
slate. Pemberton put his soldiers on half rations, and by the
latter part of this month provisions had become scarce, and
the inhabitants grew thin and pale in their narrow dens. The
soldiers limbs becarae stiffened and swollen for want of exercise,
by lying so long in the trenches, and begged their commander
to surrender the city. Grant pushed the siege with all the en
ergy that characterized him. The land batteries daily kept
playing on the devoted citadel, while Porter on the front, day
and night kept up a continuous bombardment, his 13-inch
shells crashing through the buildings, or dropping in the
streets, forced the inhabitants to seek shelter in caves dug in
the earth. It is affirmed that as many as twenty-five persons
found shelter in a single one of these caverns.

THOS. H. BARTON. 133

On the 22d, information was received that Pemberton had
raen engaged in building boats, with the intention of raaking
his escape with the garrison lo the opposite side of the river.
Grant iraraediately inforraed Porter of the contemplated raove,
and the adrairal renewed his vigilance on the Mississppi. A
large quantity of combustible material was collected on the
Louisiana shore, ready to be ignited had Pemberton made
the attempt.
Grant continued the siege with unabated vigor. At three
points on the Jackson road, in front of Ransom's brigade, a
sap was run up to the Confederate parapet, and by the 25th of
June it was undermined, and the mine charged ; the enemy
had countermined, but failed to reach the Union mine. At
three o'clock on that day, all being ready, the mine was ex
ploded, while at the same lime. Grant opened up a heavy ar
tillery fire alonghis whole line. A terrific explosion took place
and the miners were blown in all directions, sorae of thera
coming down on the Federal side, still alive. Among these
was a colored man, who had been underground at work when
the explosion occurred, and was thrown within' Grant's lines.
He was not seriously injured but terribly frightened. On be
ing asked how far he had gone up, replied : "Dun no, massa,
but t'ink 'bout free mile." He was taken to General Logan's
quarters, where he did service till the end of the siege.
The effect of this explosion was to blow the top of the hill
off, and make a crater where it stood, but the breach was not
sufficient lo enable a column of attack to pass through. Two
regiments entered the chasm, from which a desperate effort was
made to expel them, but they held their position. The raain
part of the enemy retreated before the explosion took place to
an inner line on higher ground. From here, however, they
threw down hand-grenades, which did sorae execution. The
enemy could lay their grenades on the parapets, and toll them
down upon the Union troops, while the latter had lo throw
theirs to a considerable bight in order to reach the Confederates.
They also threw down shells with the fuses lit into the midst of
the unprotected ranks. The assaulting force finally withdrew,
and left the chasm in possession of the enemy. Grant's loss in
this affair was about thirty killed and yvounded.

134 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

On the 1st of July, another mine was exploded lo the right
ofthe Jackson road, destroying an entire rebel redan, killing
and wounding a number of its occupants, and leaving an im
mense chasm where it stood. Grant did not make a second
attack, his experience of the 25th, admonished him ofthe dan
ger attending such an assault. He sustained no loss in this ex
plosion, and the loss on each side in both explosions was pro
bably about equal. From this time forward the work of min
ing, and pushing the Federal position .was vigorously prose
cuted, and Grant now determined to run a number of mines,
and have them ready by the 6th, explode them all at the same
time, and make an assault imraediately after. At three points,
one in front of each corps, the contending forces were only
divided by the parapet. By the Ist of July, the Federal ap
proaches had reached tbe enemy's ditch at a number of places.
At ten points they were now within frora five to one hundred
yards ofthe Confederates, and orders were given to make all
preparations for a final assault on the 6th of July.
In the meantime, Pemberton managed to keep up a corres
pondence will? the rebel government. He was assured by
Jefferson Davis that Johnston would receive reinforcements
sufficient to raise tbe seige. In his dire extremity, he vainly
cast his eyes towards th'e east to catch some tidings of John
ston's approach. He felt as if he was forsaken by his own
government. Por food and araraunition he was reduced to the
last extreraity. He had a powerful fleet guarding every point
on his river front, and an army in his rear commanded by one
of the most consumale generals of modern times. On the 1st
of July, he seeing no hope of outside relief, addressed the fol
lowing letter to each of his four division commanders :
"Unless the seige of Vicksburg is raised, or supplies are
thrown in, it will be necessary very shortly to evacuate the
place, r see no prospect of the former, and there are many
great, if not insuperable obstacles in the way ofthe latter. You
are, therefore, requested to inform me with as little delay as
possible, as to the condition of your troops and their ability
to make the marches and undergo the fatigues necessary to ac
complish a successful evacuation."
Two of his generals suggested surrender, and the other two

THOS. H. BARTON. 135

practically acquiesced. It was conceded that an attempt lo
evacuate would fail. On the 3d about ten in the forenoon,
white flags appeared on a part of the Confederate works and
hostilities iraraediately ceased along that part of the line. On
the sarae day. General Bowen, under a flag of truce, brought a
sealed dispatch for General Grant, proposing to surrender, and
the following correspondence took place :
Headquarters, Vicksburg, \
July 3d, 1863. J
"Major-General Grant, Command'lng United States Forces :
"General : — I have the honor to propose an armistice for

hours, with the view to arranging terms for the capitulation of Vicks
burg. To this end if agreeable to you, I will appoint three commis
sioners to meet a like number to be named by yourself, at such place
and hour to-day as you may find convenient. I make this proposi
tion to save the further effusion of blood, which must otherwise be
shed to a frightful extent, feeling myself fully able to maintain my
position for a yet indefinite period. This communication will be
handed you under a flag of truce, by Major-General John 8. Bowen.
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"J. C. Pemberton."
To this General Grant replied as follows :
"Headquarters, Department of Tennessee, \
In the Field, near Vicksburg, \
July 3d, 1863. j
"Lieutenant-General J. C. Pemberton, Commanding Confeder
ate Forces &<:.
"General : — Your note of this date, just received, proposing an
armistice for several hours, for the purpose of arranging terms of capi
tulation through commissioners, to be appointed, etc. The useless
effusion of blood you propose stopping by this course can be ended at
any time you may choose, by the unconditional surrender of the city
and garrison. Men who have shown so much endurance and courage
as those now in Vicksburg, will always challenge the respect of an
adversary, and I can assure you will be treated with all the respect
due to prisoners of war. I do not favor the proposition of appointing
commissioners to arrange the terms of capitulation, because I have
no terms other than those indicated above.
"I am General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"U- 8 Grant, Major-General."
General Bowen also suggested that Grant and Pemberton

136 autobiography of

should have a personal interview. To this Grant sent a verbal
message slating that, if Peraberton desired it, he would raeel
him in front of McPherson's corps at three o'clock that after
noon. This interview took place at the appointed time, but
no terms could be extorted from Grant other than those con
tained in his reply to Pemberton's letter, and the conference
ended; he, however agreeing by ten o'clock that night to send
another letter, containing his final terms of capitulation. His
ultimatum was as follows :
"Headquarters Department of Tennessee, \
"Nio.-iR VioicsnuiKi, July 3d, 1863. j
"Lieutenant-Genekai. J. (,'. PKMi;KHTON,('oinviatidiufj Confedei'-
ate Foi'cea, Vic/cs/jiir;/, Jlisnixxijijii:
''Oeneral; — In conformity with agreement of this afternoon, I
will submit the following proposition for tiie surrcmler ofthe city of
Vicksburg, public stores, etc. On your accepting the terms proposed,
I will march in (Jiie divi.siou a.s a guard, an<l take poync^sion at eiglit
a. im. to-morrow. As soon a.s rolls can lie made out, and paroles be
signed by ollii-ers anil men, you will be allowed to march out of our
lines-, the offleers takiiij; with them their side-anns and clothing, and
tlie field, staff and cavalry officers one horse each. The rankand file
will be allowed all their clotliiu.^-, but no other property.
If these conditions are accepted, any amount of rations you raay
deem necessary can be taken from the stores you now have, and also
the necessary cooking utensils for prepiring them. Thirty wagons
also, counting tw'o two-horse or mule teams as one, will be allowed
to ti-ansport such articles as cannot be carried along. The same con
ditions will be allowed to all sick and wounded officers and soldiers
as fast as they become able to travel. The paroles for these latter
must be signed, however, Whilst officers present are authorized to
sign the roll of prisoners,
"I am. General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"U. 8. Grant, Major Oeneral."
General Pemberton's reply was as follows :
"Headquarters, Vicksburg, ¦)
July 3d, 1863. /
"Major General Grant, Commanding United States Forces:
"General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of this date, proposing terms of capitulation for this
garrison and post. In the main your terms are accepted; but, in
justice both to the honor and spirit of my troops, manifested in the

thos. h. barton. 137

defence of Vicksburg, I have to submit the following amendments,
which, if accepted to by you, will perfect the agreement between us.
At ten o'clock A. m. to-morrow, I propose to evacuate the works in
and around Vicksburg, aud to surrender the city and garrison under
my command, by marching out with my colors and arms, stacking
them in front of my present lines. After which you will take pos
session. Officers to retain their side-arms and personal property, and
the rights and property of citizens to be respected,
"I am, General, yours very respectfully,
"J. U. Pemberton, Lieutenant-Oeneral."
General Grant iraraediately replied as follows :
"Heaikjitabtbrs, Department of Tennessee, \
Before Vicksburg, July 4th, 1.S63.J
"Lieutenant General Pemberton, (.'onummding Forces ¦i-a
Vick.-itjurg:
¦'Genekal:— I have tbe houor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of 3d July. The amendment prono,sed by you
cannot be acceded to in full. It will be necessary to furnish every
officer and man with a parole signed by himself, which, with the
completion of the roll of prisoners, will necessarily take some time.
Again, I can make no stipulations with regard to the treatment of
citizens and their private property. While I do not propose to cause
them any undue annoyance or loss, I cannot consent to leave myself
under any restraint by stipulations. Tlie property which officers
will be allowed to take with them will be as stated in my proposition
of last evening; that is, officers will be allowed their private baggage
and side-arms, and mounted officers one horse each If you mean
by your proposition for each brigade to march to the front of the
lines now occupied by it, and stack arms at ten o'clock A. m. and
then return to the inside and there remain as prisoners until prop
erly paroled, I will make no objection to it. Should no notification
be received of your acceptance of my terms by nine o'clock A. M., I
shall regard them as having been rejected, and shall act accordingly.
8hould these terms be accepted, white flags should be disiilayed along
your lines to prevent such of my troops as may not have been notified
from firing upon your men.
"I am. General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"U. 8. Grant, Major Oeneral, U. S. A."
To this the subjoined answer was received :
"Headquarters, Vicksburg, \
July 4th,' 1863. J
"Major-General U. 8. Grant, Commanding United States
Forces: 18

138 autobiography op

"General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of this date, and in reply, to say that the terms pro
posed by you are accepted,
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant Oeneral."
*******
General Peraberton, in his report, says :
" If it should be asked why the 4th of July was selected as
the day for surrender, the answer is obvious : I believed that
upon that day I should obtain better terras. Well aware of
the vanity of our foe, I knew they would attach vast iraport-
ance to the entrance on the 4th of July into the stronghold of
the great river, and that, to gratify their national vanity they
would yield then what could not be extorted from them at any
other time."
***** * * *
On the 4th of July, Gen. Holmes, with a force of about
10,000 men of the trans-Mississippi command, made an attack
on Helena, Arkansas. He was totally defeated by Gen. Pren
tiss, who was in command at Helena with less than 4,200 men.
Holmes reported his loss at 1,636, of which 173 were killed.
The Federal loss was 57 killed, 127 wounded and between 30
and 40 missing. This was the last effort of the Confederates
to "aise the siege of Vicksburg.
Peraberton, having accepted the terras of capitulation, the
garrison of Vicksburg marched out of their works at the
appointed tirae, formed line in front, stacked their arras and
raarched back as prisoners of war. This scene was witnessed
by the whole Union army without cheering. Logan's division
was the first to enter the city, and the flag of one of the regi
ments of his division soon floated over ,the court house. The
prisoners were kindly treated, and the Union soldiers were no
sooner within the lines than the two armies began to fraternize.
Bread was given lo the hungry Confederates by those who
were so recently engaged in starving them out.
On the afternoon of the 4th, Grant sent Captain Wm. M.
Dunn, of his staff, to Cairo, the nearest point where the tele
graph could be reached, with a dispatch lo Gen. Halleck. It
read as follows :

THOS. H. BARTON. 139

''The enemy surrendered this morning. The only terms
allowed is their parole as prisoners of war. This I regard as
a great advantage to us at this moraent. It saves probably
several days in the capture, and leaves troops and transports
ready for iraraediate service. Sherman, with a large force,
moves iraraediately on Johnston, to drive him frora the state.
I will send troops to the relief of Banks, and return the 9th
army corps to Burnside."
*********
Pemberton and his army were kept in Vicksburg until the
whole could be paroled. By the llth, just one week after the
surrender, the paroles were corapleted, and the Confederate
garrison raarched out. The paroles were in duplicate, and
signed by the commanding officers of the companies and
regiments, and also by each individual soldier, one being re
tained by the soldier signing and the other by the Federal
authorities. Hundreds refused to sign their paroles, prefer
ring to be sent to the north as prisoners to being sent back to
the rebel army. During the siege a large number of thera
voluntarily came into the Union lines, and requested to be
sent north, where they could find employment till the war was
over and they could go to their several homes. Many deserted
and comparatively few ever returned to the Confederate ser
vice. There was great anxiety among the officers to carry off
their negroes under the title of personal property, but it was
positively forbidden by Grant.
If it may be asked why Grant did not insist upon an uncon
ditional surrender, the answer is obvious : According lo the
terms of the cartel then in force, prisoners captured by either
array were required to be forwarded as speedily as possible
to either Aiken's Landing, on the James River, or to Vicks
burg, there to be exchanged, or lo be paroled until they
could be exchanged. A Confederate officer was then at
Vicksburg. having full authority to make the exchange. Had
Grant insisted upon an unconditional surrender, these pris
oners would have had lo be transported lo Cairo, and thence
by rail to Baltimore or Washington, thence again by steamer
to Aiken's Landing — all at very great expense. Here they
would have been paroled, because the Confederates did not

140 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

have prisoners to give in exchange. Moreover, Pemberton's
army was largely coraposed of raen whose horaes were in the
southwest, and it was believed that raany of them were tired
of the war, and were anxious to return to the peaceful avo
cations of life.
Vicksburg was riddled with shot and shell, nearly every
house in the city being shot through. Some had a corner
blown off, and of raany the walls were bulged. There were
large craters in the streets, where the 13 inch shells had burst,
the pillars of the piazzas were split in pieces. It is said that
there was not a whole pane of glars within five railes. About
.'iUO houses were occupied as hospitals. The inhabitants literal
ly buried themselves in the ground, to avoid destruction from
the iron hail abov(^ and around them.
The result of the ciimpaiL;n of Vicksliurg, as siiniiiK^d up by
General Grant was : "The defeat of the enemy in five battles
outside of N'icksburg ; the (iceiipation of Jackson, the capitol of
the State of Mississippi ; aud the capture of Vicksburg, its gar
rison, and munitions of war; a loss lo the enemy of 37,000
prisoners, among whom wer(! l.^i f;;eiieral officers ; at least 10,000
killed and wounded, and among the killed Generals Tracy,
Tilghmiin, and Green; and hundreds, perhaps thousands of
stragglers, who can never be collected and reorganized. Arras
and munitions of war for an army of 60,000 men have fallen
into our hands, besides a large amount of other public property
consisting of railroads, locomotives, cars, steamboats, cotton,
etc. ; and rauch was ilestriiyed to |irevent our capturing it."
ol,600 iiri.soners, 17;> cannons, and about 60,000 muskets fell
into his hand.s iit Vicksburg; Grant's total loss in the campaign
was 8,573, of which 9Jo were killed.
Much credit is due to Admiral Porter and the marines under
his command for their untiring vigilance, day and night, dur
ing this memorable seige. No less than 16,000 shells were
thrown into tbe city by the navy. The gunboat Cincinnati,
while engaging the hill batteries, was struck by a shell and
totally disabled, and finally sunk. Five were killed, fourteen
wounded and fifteen drowned.
When General Gardner, who was holding Port Hudson, learn
ed that Pemberton had surrendered to Grant, he immediately

THOS. H. BARTON. 141

surrendered to General Banks. The Mississippi was now open
from Cairo lo its mouth, and the so-called Confederate States
of America severed in twain. This great water-way ever after
remained in possession ofthe Government.
Vicksburg and Pemberton secured. Grant immediately faced
eastward to confront Johnston, and drive him from the slate.
At two in the afternoon ofthe fourth, his columns were on the
march. Sherman had been given a detached command, con
sisting ofthe troops at Haines' Bluff, and a division from each,
ofthe 13th, 15th, and 17lh, Corps, and Lauraan's division.
Johnston's army numbered about 24,000 raen. Late in June
he had marched towards the Big Black, intending to raake an
attack on Grant frora the south ; but, on learning of the fall
of Vicksburg, he fell back to Jackson, reached that place about
the 9th of July, and placed the divisions of Loring, Walker^
French, and Breckinridge so as to cover the city on the ap
proach of Sherraan. On the same day, Sherman appeared
before it, having marched fifty miles through a country almost
destitute of water. He had nearly 50,000 men and 100 guns.
On the 12th the city was invested, and the seige pushed till the
17lh, when it was learned that the place was evacuated. John
sion retreated across Pearl River through Brandon to Meri
dian, about 100 miles distant, burning the bridges and destroy
ing the roads behind hira.
Sherman lost about 1.000 raen killed, wounded and raissing,
five hundred of these being of Laumans brigade, which, under
a misapprehension, was needlessly exposed lo the enemy's
fire. Johnston left his sick and wounded behind him, and
about 1,200 prisoners fell into Sherman's hands. Steel's divis
ion followed the retreating enemy to Brandon, fourteen miles
east of Jackson, but failed to overtake hira. Sherman soon
afterwards fell back and went into camp at Camp Sherman on
the Big Black River, and the campaign ended.
*******
There can be no doubt that the campaign of Vicksburg and
Lee's Gettysburg campaign were the turning point ofthe war
in favor of the Federal government. In the latter days of
April, while Grant was preparing to cross the Mississippi,
Rosecrans was confronting Bragg in Tennessee and Hooker was

142 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
opposing Lee in Virginia. While Grant was crossing the Mis
sissippi, Hooker was preparing to cross the Rappahannock,
and attack Lee in his fortified camp near Fredericksburg; and
on the day after Grant fought the battle of Port Gibson, the
Giants ofthe East fought the battle of Chancellorsville, which
resulted in the defeat of Hooker. Lee now conceived the
idea of invading Maryland and Pennsylvania. He had reason
able prospects of success. He supposed that the array of the
Potoraac had become demoralized by its defeats at Fredericks
burg in the winter and at Chancellorsville in May. Moreover,
25,000 men had been discharged by reason of the expiration
of their terms of service, which reduced the Federal array to
about 80,000 ; while Lee, who had been reinforced by the Con
federate President without stint, had a force of about 105,000
effective troops. He therefore deterrained lo invade Pennsyl
vania, and raarch on Philadelphia or New York. It was sup
posed that this would create a diversion in the northern states
in favor of the south, and end the war by compelling the gov
ernment lo acknowledge the independence of the Southern
Confederacy. This fatal move on the part of Lee was abruptly brought to
a close al Gettysburg on the first, second and third of July,
when the Giants ofthe East once more met in mortal conflict.
Lee was defeated by the army of the Potomac under General
Met'de, and while he was withdrawing his shattered and beaten
array frora the disastrous field of Gettysburg, Grant and
Peraberton were quietly silting under the shade of a scrub-
oak tree, arranging the terms for the surrender of the city and
garrison of Vicksburg.

CHAPTER IX.
THE CAMPAIGN OF VICKSBURG. — PERSONAL AND REGIMENTAL.
I shall now return to Young's Point, Louisiana, and take up
the thread of my personal narative and regimental experience.
Soon after our arrival al this place, the regiment was put on
fatigue duty, and the boys did their share in the construction
of the canal opposite Vicksburg. When Gen. Grant organized

THOS. H. BARTON. 143

his army, we were placed in the third brigade, with the 36th,
37th and 47th Ohio regiments, coraraanded by Gen. Lightburn,
who had been promoted to be a Brigadier-General of volun
teers. This brigade was placed in the second division of the
fifteenth army corps, coraraanded by Gen. W. T. Sherman, and
was with the latter general on the Deer Creek or Steel's Bayou
expedition. On this expedition Surgeon Philson received an in
jury of the head by a falling limb of a tree, from which he
never recovered.
While at Young's Point, sickness prevailed to an alarming
extent among the troops, typhoid fever, diarrhoea and rheuma
tism, being the prevailing diseases. Typhoid fever was caused
by using the surface water, which was contaminated with hu
man excrement in a partially putrified condition, thus making
the drinking water a fit nidus for the germs of this disease.
•It is my opinion that diarrhoea was occasioned partly from the
same cause, and by exposure to the weather, which, as I have
stated in a former chapter, was wet and inclement. Through
out February and March the rain was almost incessant. Dur
ing part of the lime it rained from morning till night, and it
would be irapossible lo perforra our culinary operations, and
cook our "sow-belly." Rheumatism was caused by exposure to
the weather, the troops having no shelter. The regiraent lost
thirty one raen by sickness at Young's Point and Milikens
Bend ; at Van Buren Hospital, two ; on board a steamboat,
one; atthe general hospital at St. Louis, Missouri, two; on
board hospital steamer, R. C. Wood, one ; making a total loss
of thirty seven from January 20th, to the first week in May.
Several died who were left at the convalescent camp at Mili
ken's Bend : one or two died who had been sent away sick,
and four were discharged for disability at these places ; at
Charleston, West Va., two ; at St. Louis, one ; at Gallipolis,
Ohio, two ; at Columbus, Ohio, one ; total ten. There were
two desertions, making a total loss of forty nine men.
Soon after our arrival at Young's Point, Surgeon Philson
established a regimental hospital, and comrade Kalloussouski
was detailed to act as hospital steward. I was placed in the
field near the regiraent, and was furnished with a dispensary,
where the sick soldiers, who were able for light duty, reported

144 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

to me for treatment, I had a large number of patients, and
was kept very busy every forenoon prescribing and putting up
medicine. Those who were threatened with typhoid fever were
sent to the hospital. I met with fair success in the treatment
of these cases, my prescription forjdiarrhoea being a compound
of the tincture of opium, fluid extract of ginger, and tincture
of capsicum, mixed with a syrup made from pure sugar. Pep
permint water was also generally added to the mixture. I re
raained in this position near two weeks, when, about the first
of February, Surgeons Ackley and Waterman returned to the
regiment, and went on duty as array surgeons. Dr. Waterman,
after consulting with me in relation to the prevalent diseases
and ray treatraent of diarrhica, took charge ofthe work, wrote
the prescriptions, and I filled thera. Surgeon Waterman, how
ever, was soon relieved by Surgeon Ackley, who took the field,
but was unable to stand the service. His health soon began
to fail, and he became affected with hemorrhage ofthe lungs, and
resigned his position in the latter part of February. He was
an excellent army surgeon, and was greatly missed by the regi
ment. Dr. Philson was appointed in his stead, and Dr. Water
man was promoted to the office of assistant surgeon.
Many amusing incidents occurred at Young's Point and
Milikens Bend. One day. Surgeon Ackley sent me without a
pass to our hospital for a supply of medicines. I was wearing
a fatigue suit, and had a basket in my hand. The canal lay
nearly in my direct route to the hospital, and I concluded to
take a view of the work, and pass my judgraent on it. So I
walked on leisurely, and stopped on the bank of the canal,
when I saw a great number of soldiers at work. My position
was near the center of the canal, and casting ray eyes north,
I saw the soldiers with pick and spade in hand digging and
shoveling, and on looking south, as far as the eye could reach,
I saw the same thing. I stood for several minutes in deep
meditation, wondering whether they could change the channel
of the Mississippi, and leave Vicksburg an inland city. My
cogitations, however, were suddenly cut short by the appear
ance of an officer in full uniform, a sash around his waist, a
sword at his side, and a spade in his hand. He was the officer
of the day, in eharge of the soldiers at work on the canal. I

THOS. H. BARTON. 145

do not remeraber what rank he held, or to what regiment he
belonged. He was very near me before I perceived him, and
be^broke in upon my thoughts by handing me the spade, say
ing at the same lime : "Sir, take this spade in your hand, and
go to work on the canal and shovel dirt." Such a peremptory
order, coming frora an officer who had no direct, coramand
over me, took me by surprise, and I had to think for several
moraents how lo answer hira, for I was deterrained not to take
the spade in ray hands. I inforraed him that Surgeon Ackley
had sent me to our regimental hospital for raedical supplies,
and that it was ray duty to go and return as speedily as pos
sible. The officer replied that he had peremptory orders from
headquarters to set all stragglers to work on the canal, and
that these oiders must be obeyed. I told him that Surgeon
Ackley needed the supplies that I was sent for, and that it
would be impossible for me to go to work on the canal. He
finally gave it up, and I walked leisurely away. I do not
remember meeting that officer again, and I was afterwards very
careful to keep away from tha.t locality, while the soldiers were
working on the canal. This porapous officer appeared to feel
more proud of his position that day, than General Grant did
when he assumed comraand ofthe array ofthe Tennessee.
John Mercer of the hospital squad and myself dug a hole in
the levee, and slept together. Surgeon Ackley had a dirty little
colored boy about twelve years of age for a waiter, and he
wanted Comrade Mercer and myself to let his little darky sleep
with us. We declined, thinking the surgeon had raore roora
in his hole than we had in ours. Moreover, we thought he
was overstepping his authority in making such a request. I do
not know where the darky slept at night, but one fact is cer
tain, he did not sleep with Comrade Mercer and the hospital
steward. In a former chapter I have raentioned a dress coat, raade
according to the array regulations, which I had purchased
from a tailor in Gallipolis, Ohio. When the weather was fair
I would put on the coat, and take a walk through the different
caraps and regiments. According to the military code, a pri
vate soldier cannot pass the guards without a written permis
sion from his commanding officer; but when an officer passes
19

146 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the guards, the soldiers on duty salute him with their guns,
and the officer returns the salute with his sword or hand. I
frequently walked through the camp in my uniforra, and the
soldiers would salute me as an army officer. Surgeon Philson
was rather careless in his dress and attire, and he felt more
comfortable in an old blouse and slouch hat than he did in the
regulation uniform. He seldom wore shoulder-straps, or any
thing lo distinguish him from a comraon soldier, and raust have
experienced difficulty in passing the guards, other than those of
his own regiment. He would frequently be halted, and the
guards inquire for his pass. One Sabbath morning, about eight
o'clock, three army surgeons marched very orderly into our
hospital lent, in order to observe how we kept it. They made
a close inspection, but found the place in a very untidly con
dition ; the tent was unswept and very dirty, all the hospital
attendants but myself being absent. I had not changed my
clothing that raorning, and did not look rauch like an hospital
steward. These officers had been appointed to inspect the
different hospitals. After the usual salute they asked rae
if I was the hospital steward. I answered in the affirmative.
They then inquired for the hospital nurses, I replied that I did
not know. Their answer was : "Your hospital looks like it had
never been swept ; why don't you make the nurses keep it
clean?" I replied that I had good nurses, and could not ex
plain why things were in such an untidy condition that morn
ing, that the hospital was usually kept in a good condition,
and that I did not know there was to be an inspection. To
this apology one of the surgeons replied : "You are placed
in charge of hospital attendants, and it is your business to see
that your attendants do their duty, and we shall report you
to headquarters, and have your court-marshaled." I believe
this was the first complaint made against me during my army
experience, and I felt mortified in regard lo the matter. I do
not know whether I was reported ; but I never heard anything
more of this inspection affair. Soon after the inspectors left
the nurses returned. They were not in the habit of being
away long at a time ; but I felt irritated, and asked them in an
unusually rough way : "Why did you leave the tent in this dirty
condition this raorning?" One of them replied : "Surgeon

THOS. H. BARTON. 147

Philson sent his colored waiter very early in the raorning and
borrowed the broom, and has not returned it. We thought
it was his place to return it, so we did not go after it, and we
did not know about this inspection of the hospital." I think
the nurses were right, and I also think Surgeon Philson should
have informed me in regard to the inspection.
During the period that the enemy had control of the river
between Vicksburg and Port Hudson, Grant learned that a
Confederate steamer was on her way up the river with supplies
for the garrison at Vicksburg. One damp, foggy morning a
thirty-two pound gun was planted on the bank of the river a
few rods below the mouth of the canal. The boat finally made
her appearance ; the bank of the river was lined with soldiers
and when she got abreast ofthe gun, the artillerymen gave her
a bow shot, but she kept on her course, and before the gun
could be reloaded a dense fog settled over land and water, and
the boat was lost from view. She continued on her way blow
ing her whistle, and landed safely under the guns of Vicks
burg. Had it been a clear morning, the boat would have either
been sunk or captured.. About this time Grant attempted to
shell Vicksburg with ricochet shot. A gun was planted at an
angle so that the ball, when it struck the water, would rebound
and fall in the city. I saw several shots fired in this way, and
could see the balls rise ; but could not see when they struck the
ground, I do not think they did any damage.
On the night of the 16th of April I stood on the bank of the
Mississippi al Young's Point and saw the gunboats and trans
ports run the batteries in front of Vicksburg. It was a grand
and imposing affair. The night was dark, and it was hoped
that the fleet might run the gauntlet in the darkness. A large
gunboat passed Young's Point about half past ten o'clock,
followed by the other gunboats. Next come the frail trans
ports. They floated down the muddy stream, making no
noise, but when they had made about two-thirds of the way
to the bluffs, where the river makes a turn to the south, a sig
nal light was seen on the heights above. This was answered
by others, and presently the report of a large gun was heard,
followed by others, to which the gunboats replied, and a
terrific cannonade was kept up between the fleet and the Con-

148 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

federate batteries on the heights. Presently a light was seen
about half way up the bluffs, which proved to be a huge bon
fire, lighting up the broad bosom of the river, and making it
as light as day. My point of observation was five or six railes
distant, and the shore of the river was as light as on a bright
moonlight evening. The fleet put on a full head of steam and
passed safely through the terrible ordeal. I saw the town
battery, situated just above the city, fire the last shot as the
fleet got beyond range. When the firing ceased everything was
quiet on land and water.
Soon after the raain part of Grant's array left Young's Point,
it was no uncoraraon thing to hear heavy firing in the direc
tion of his line of raarch. An old soldier named James Mus
grove, an Irishraan, and one of the hospital nurses, was very
tired of the inaction of the array, it being so long without a
battle. One night we heard very rapid and heavy firing, and
could see the flash of the guns. Old Jimmy, as he was farail
iarly called, would exclaim at every report : "Give it to 'em,
Misther Grant, give it lo 'em." He appeared to be greatly re
joiced lo know that Grant at last meant business.
I was with the regiment on the Steel's Bayou or Deer Creek
expedition, and was left on Steel's Bayou, together with the
chaplain. Rev. Woodhull, and a few of the hospital nurses, and
some stragglers from the regiraent. When Sherraan's corps
reached the vicinity of Haines' Bluff in the last week of
April, and when he had raade his dispositions and planted his
batteries, and when the gunboats opened on the heights, I
supposed that it was the commencement of a battle. Grant
was below Vicksburg, and Sherraan above, and ray idea was
that Grant would lead the attack frora the south, and Sherman
frora the north. I was greatly disappointed when the army
re-embarked and returned to its old position at Young's Point.
This place then looked like a deserted camp. Sherraan kept
on his march down the Mississippi, leaving Gen. Lightburn's
brigade in the rear.
Just before leaving Young's Point, a few soldiers from some
other command applied to our hospital for treatment. They
were badly scorched about the face and eyes with gun-powder,
with which they had been playing, and accidentally let it flash

THOS. H. BARTON. 149

in their faces. I think they were left in the rear on account
of sickness, but I do not believe there was anything the mat
ter with them till they got burned with powder. Such soldiers
should have been arrested and sent to the front.
About the 10th of May, our regiment, under the command
of Colonel Dayton, received orders to march to the front with
Gen. Lightburn's brigade. We proceeded by the way of Grand
Gulf. While on the march we met several squads of rebel
prisoners under guard. We also met several large squads of
colored people on their way to our convalescent camp at
Miliken's Bend. They were rejoicing over their freedom,
thinking they would be slaves no longer. Among them were
seen the gray-haired grand-father, the robust men and women
of adult age, and the infant in its mother's arms. On being
asked : "Hovif are the troops making it at the front?" one col
ored man replied : "The rebels can't stand at all befo' yo' men ;
'da run at 'de fust fire oh 'de guns !" This darkie was about
right in his simple statement; but it did not agree with the
Confederate boast, made al the commencement of the war,
that one southern soldier could whip five yankees.
Grand Gulf looked dismal and desolate when we entered it ;
not a citizen could be seen on the streets. The bluff, where
the enemy had his fortifications, was a high hill, with a steep
ascent frora the raargin of the river to its summit. It was
equally as defensible on its river front as Vicksburg, and Por
ter's fleet could not silence the Confederate guns. Our brigade
remained at this place one day, when we received marching
orders, and at once set out for the front. The boys did not
like to remain idle while their comrades were doing the fight
ing. Araong the rations drawn by the hospital squad while
al Grand Gulf, were several sugar-cured hams which were left
behind through the carelessness of our cooks. They were very
much needed before the 20th, all our rations being then ex
hausted except coffee and hard bread. The only white inhabi
tants we met were women and children. No men were to be
seen. On the first or second day after leaving Grand Gulf, I
stopped at a small plantation house to obtain a drink of water.
I was met on the porch by a lady who appeared to be very
much alarmed on account of the Union soldiers who were

150 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

marching past her residence, and after giving me a drink of
water, she begged that a guard might be placed around her
house. She took me for an officer in ray blue uniforra. I
inforraed her that I was not an officer and had no authority;
that the soldiers were civil people and would do no injury to
her property. I could safely assure her on this point, for the
troops were all in the ranks and the air resounded with the
strains of raartial music.
One day while on the march we heard heavy firing at a great
distance towards the north. It was the battle of Champion's
Hill or Big Black River. This encouraged the soldiers to
raove on rapidly, in order to reach the front and assist their
comrades. On the ensuing day about 400 Confederate troops
came into our lines and marched wdth us as prisoners. I think
they were part of Loring's division, which had been cut off at
Champion's Hill. During the march I fell in company with a
young man from a Georgia regiment, and we had a friendly
conversation in regard to the causes of the war. He said :
"The South did not rebel for fear that Lincoln would set their
slaves free; but for this reason, thatthe Republican Congress'
would pass an act to stop the further extension of slavery in
the territories." We agreed on this question as being the cause
of the rebellion, but we did not agree as to the justice of the
cause. On the 17th, we passed lo the south and west of Champion's
Hill, and crossed Baker's Creek where Pemberton's army
crossed on their retreat. We passed through some cleared
fields, and saw the ravages caused by the battle. The fences
were thrown down, and every vestige of vegetation tramped out
of existence. On our way through these fields we saw a num
ber of dead horses lying on the ground. Passing through a
bell of timber, we saw several human bodies lying by the road
side, and covered with blankets. I suppose these persons were
dead, I saw one poor rebel by the way side, who asked me for
a drink of water ; but I had none to give him, and did not know
where to obtain any, and was obliged to let him suffer. Such
scenes as these are sickening. We had a hard march that day,
and went into camp about five miles east of the Big Black
River, and about twenty-five miles east of Vicksburg.

THOS. H. BARTON. 151

On the morning of the 18th, we feasted on hard bread and
coffee, all our other rations being exhausted. Nor did we
know where we could obtain raore. The sugar-cured hams,
which our cooks had left behind at Grand Gulf, would have
been very welcome at this time to the hospital squad. We
were expecting a battle to lake place at any time, which help
ed to keep up our courage. We were on the march at an early
hour, and when near the Big Black, learned that a battle had
been fought on the preceding day. Here I found a Confeder
ate soldier, who was affected with the intermittent fever, and
he asked rae for sorae quinine. I gave him a few quinine pills,
and told him how to use them. We crossed the Big Black on
a pontoon, where the battle ofthe 17ht, had been fought. On
the Vicksburg side of the river, if I now remeraber correctly, I
counted Iwentj' guns, which had been abandoned by the eneray
in his hasty retreat. We passed these guns without halting^
and at noon made coffee, and took a short rest. In about half
an hour we were again on the march, hastening to reach our
position in the rear of Vicksburg. About the middle of the
afternoon a soldier gave me a piece of fat bacon, which was
well cooked, and it tasted better than any meat I had ever
eaten. The day was excessively hot, and we halted when the
sun was about an hour high, eat our supper, and was again on
the raarch. We were raoving on a road that ran along the top
of.a ridge, and water was very scarce, and I became very
thirsty. Soon after dark I observed a well near the road-side,
and went to it ; but a guard had been placed over it. I asked
hira for a drink of water, but he refused, saying that the well
was for the sick and wounded soldiers. I turned to leave,
when the guard observing my regulation coal which I always
wore when on a march, asked me the following question : "Are
you the hospital steward?" I answered in the affirmative.
He replied : "If you are the hospital steward, you can
have a drink," at same time telling me to help myself.
This was the most delicious drink of water that I ever lasted.
My uniform was very serviceable, for had I worn a soldier
blouse, I would have been compelled to march that
night without being able to slake my thirst. But in one hour's
time I was as thirsty as ever. At ten o'clock we reached the

152 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Union lines. It was dark as Egypt, and I was tired, fool-sore,
hungry and thirsty, and I think the whole brigade was in the
sarae condition. I dropped clown on the ground in the top of
a felled tree and tried to sleep ; but a deathly stillness prevail
ed, and I did not even know where any of my corarades were.
The only sound that broke the stillness ofthe night was tho
hoot of an owl, apparently saying : "Wh huth. who are you?"
I had sorae fears lest, when morning carae, I raight be left be
hind, and fall into the enemy's hands. I slept but little, and
when I arose, found several grease spots on my uniform which
were quickly removed with aqua ammonia and alcohol. When
I found the hospital squad, we cmigratulated each other upon
the fact that our marching was over for the present. Since the
12tli, we had raarched about eighty miles in an irregular
circle around Vicksburg, and our camp that night was about
seven miles east of our starting point. But the longest route
was the shortest one, and the short way would have been a
harder road to travel than the one we had been following.
On the 19th, the 4th regiment was placed in advance of
Lightburn's brigade, and charged the enemy's works. A few men
scaled the parapet, among them Captain Finley Ong, of Com
pany F. and Britton Cook, a corporal of Company E, who en
tered the Confederate works, but were wounded and taken pris
oners, and died in the enemy's hands. The balance of the com
raand was quickly driven away. The regiment lost in this
engagement twenty-five killed and ten mortally wounded.
The nuniber of wounded who recovered is unknown. .Com
pany A lost two killed ; Company C three killed and two
mortally wounded ; Corapany E two killed and three mor
tally wounded ; Corapany F five killed; Company G three
killed and one mortally wounded ; Company H three killed ;
Company I six killed and four, mortally wounded, and Com-
pany'K one killed. Sorae of the wounded were crippled for
the rest of their lives ; sorae were wounded slightly, and
soon recovered and were again ready for duty. Major A. M.
Goodspeed was among the killed. He was a brave officer, and
was killed near an old log house close to the enemy's works.
Imraediately after the battle a squad of Confederates raarched
out and set the structure on fire, which in time communicated

THOS. H. BARTON. 153

the flames to the surrounding woods. The charred reraains
of Major Goodspeed were found near the old log house, to
gether with some articles which belonged to him. Lieutenant
Jajnes W Dale, bf Company I, was among the wounded.
He was shot in the foot and taken prisoner, but was soon
afterwards paroled and sent over the river, and succeeded in
making his way to our convalescent carap at Miliken's
Bend. The20lhand 21st were spent in taking care of the wounded,
who were well provided for. On the 20th, one raan was
killed who belonged to Corapany G, and one corarade of Cora
pany E was killed on the 21st. On the 22nd, the regiment
participated in Grant's last assault on Vicksburg. The boys
went into this charge with great enthusiasm, and amid the
storm of shot and shells which were flying around them, stood
up to their bloody work till ordered to fall back, which they
did in good order, losing three men killed and two mortally
wounded : of whom Company A lost one killed ; Corapany
B, two mortally wounded; Corapany C, one killed, and
Corapany D, one killed. A number were wounded who after
wards recovered. Araong those who were severely wounded
was P. B. Slanberry, adjutant of the regiraent, who was shot
in the hand. Mr. Slanberry was elected first lieutenant of
Company E, and was afterwards appointed adjutant. Since
the war lie has filled the office of probate judge of Meigs county,
Ohio. He is a son of Hon. Henry Slanberry, who held the
office of attorney general under President Johnson, and was
one of the president's counsel inthe impeachment trial.
On the 19th our hospital tent was pitched on a high plateau,
the ground sloping on both sides. At some distance towards
the front there were deep ravines and high ridges running east
and west. On our right was a corn field. The corn was waist
high, but it was soon destroyed, and the fences were also de
stroyed. On the 20th or 21st our tent was moved about three-
fourths of a mile nearer to the enemy's works. Towards the
rear and right of our new position there was a ravine extend
ing in a northwest direction; on our left and front a high
ridge running east and west, which afforded us sorae protection
against the eneray's guns and sharpshooters. It was terrifying
20

154 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to hear these bullets ; there was one continuous roar of artil
lery, and the constant rattle of the small arms sounded like
the clanking of great chains. I was careful to keep near the
hospital lent, and did not venture very near the front during
these battles.
On the 22d I saw the Eighth Wisconsin regiment charge the
enemy's works. They had a live bald eagle called "Old Abe," for
a standard. He was carried on a platforra supported by two
men. The regiraent was making a charge up the ridge on our left
and front ; and "Old Abe," unconscious of danger, was flapping
his wings and croaking, and appeared lo be as lively as any of
the soldiers. They marched up the ridge and when within plain
view of the Confederates, the enemy opened fire with several
pieces of artillery. One shell burst in a wagon that was with
the regiment, and at the same instant I saw something that
looked like a man, or his clothing, about fifteen feet in the air,
though I do not think that any one was injured. The regi
ment had one gun with them, but did not use it. I heard the
iron hail falling on the ground, and the bursting ofthe shells
sounded like replying cannon. My position was towards the
front, and I stood watching the shells for a few minutes, and
then looked across the ravine to see if any of my companions
were in sight, they having deserted rae. Surgeon Waterman
was hiding behind a slump ; comrade Mercer had found shel
ter behind the stera of a tree, and the rest of ray corarades
had sought safety elsewhere. In a few minutes the Eighth Wis
consin filed to the rear and were out of sight, leaving their gun
and wagon on the ridge, but not within view of the enemy.
After this regiraent fell back everything was quiet along this
part of the Union lines.
Towards the close of the battle I ventured out and went
sorae distance towards the rebel works, where I met a Captain
who had been wounded. He had just been brought from the
front. He informed me that some of his men were in the rebel
intrenchments. I was near enough to see the stars and stripes
on the parapet. But notwithstanding all this, and despite all
the efforts that had been raade, Vicksburg was impregnable
against assault.
I did not have an opportunity of seeing many of the wound-

THOS. H. BARTON. 155

ed, on account of Surgeon Philson being detailed at the gen
eral hospital, where he acted as assistant to the operating sur
geon. A few soldiers came to our hospital to have their
wounds dressed. Among them was Jacob S. Coon, who had
received a gun-shot wound of one of his fingers. I dressed the
wound for him.
During the siege more or less fighting occurred every day.
When the fort was blown up the roar ofthe artillery was ter
rific, and it seeraed that nothing on earth could stand against
such cannonading. At night I frequently went with the hos
pital attendants to see the shells frora Porter's fleet flying
over the doomed city, and we would often be out till a late
hour looking at the missiles of destruction. We would first
see the flash of the guns, and then the lit fuse of the shells ris-
. ing gracefully above the horizon. Some of these shells would
burst in the air over the city ; but the most of thera exploded
after falling to the ground with a sound of replying cannon.
We were better supplied with water than the besieged, there
being a number of excellent springs in the ravines. One of
these springs was situated on our left, and between the lines
of the contending armies. It was at the foot of a bluff, the
terminating point of a high ridge, and beyond the view ofthe
eneray. On the right was a ravine over which we had to cross
in order to go lo the spring. This ravine was about twenty-
five yards wide, and while crossing it we were exposed to the
eneray's fire. It was like running a blockade to get a drink of
water. When we carae in sight of the enemy's works we would
run across the ravine, and when we reached our destination,
could hear the bang, bang, bang, from a score of small arms.
I frequently made the dangerous journey, and about the time
I reached the spring would hear the sharp report of the ene
my's guns. Sometimes I would remain half an hour to throw
thera off their guard, and then "double quick" back with a
small supply of water. Notwithstanding the danger, I do not
remeraber of any person being injured there.
One day, about the middle of June, I went to the front, in
tending to make an inspection of the enemy's works. On
reaching the fro.it, I walked parallel to the Confederate line.
Everything was apparently quite; not the sound of a gun

156 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

was to be heard, but after I had walked about one hundred
yards in this direction, I heard the sharp report of a rifle, and
atthe same time, heard the "fizzip" of a bullet passing very
near rae. I did not run, (it was not in my nature lo run from
an enemy), but quickened my pace, and was soon out of dan
ger. Any one will experience a disagreeable sensation at the
sound of a bullet whistling near him. On another occasion.
about the same time, I heard the steady firing of a gun on our
front and right. It was a thirty two or forty pounder, and I
went to the front in order to witness its effects. After each
discharge the cannoneers would seek shelter behind the stem of
a tree or stump. The enemy would reply with small arms
aiming at the smoke. l']very five or ten minutes our men
would load and fire, to which the Confederates would again
re]ily with small arms. I remained here while our fellows
fired five or six rounds, but did not afterwards expose rayself
to danger.
On the right of Grant's army there was an agreement be
tween the contending forces not to fire on each other al night.
There was, therefore, no danger in being near the front after
dark. One night, about the 20th of June, I went to the front
and entered our works, which consisted of a trench four or five
feet deep, and wide enough for four or five men to walk abreast
in it. This trench ran in a zig-zag way, like an old fashioned
rail fence. I followed it till I reached the front, where our
pickets were stationed, about twenty yards from the Confeder
ate lines. Here I had the pleasure of hearing the following
conversation :
Reb.— "Hello Yank!" '
Yank. — "What do you want?"
Reb. — "Have you plenty of bread on your side?"
Yank. — "Yes; have you plenty of tobacco?"
Reb. — "Will 3'ou give me bread for tobacco?"
Yank. — "Yes, I will — will meet vou half way if vou are will
ing." Reb.— "Yes, I will."
They met midway between the lines like brothers, made the
exchange, and returned to their respective stations. But on
the ensuing day, it would have been dangerous for either ot

THOS. H. BARTON. 157

them to show his head above the ramparts, and if he did, he
would be the target of half a score of rifles.
About ten days before the surrender of Vicksburg, I pur
chased a cavalry mare, about four years old, of an Illinois
cavalryman, giving him thirty dollars for the aniraal, I was
tired traveling on foot, and as sorae of the hospital stewards
were furnished with horses, I concluded to buy one. She was
young and sound, and would leap over a low fence, a sraall
creek or ditch. After this I rode on horse back while I reraained
in the vicinity of Vicksburg. I afterwards sold her to Col.
John L. Vance for the sarae price that I gave for her.
Sorae tirae in the latter part of June, by recommendation, I
was appointed Surgeon ofthe 2d Mississippi colored regiment
by Gen. Sherman. This regiraent was recuiting in the rear of
Vicksburg. The officers were intelligent gentlemen ; but I now
remeraber only a few of their names. The assistant surgeon
was a young raan, detailed from an Illinois regiment, which
was recuiled at Chicago. The adjutant's name was Oakes, and
one ofthe captains was naraed Starkey ; but I do not now re
member their christian names. We were camped near the
Yazoo River and Chicasaw Bayou, which was an unhealthy
locality, abounding with malaria, spreading the germs of ma
larial fever, and I fell a victim to that disease. Up to this
time my health had been good, and I had always been able for
duty ; but frora this tirae forward, and, indeed, during the re-
raainder of my life, I was destined to suffer frora the diseases
incident to military service.
Soon after joining this regiment, I took all the recruits, who
were able to travel to a small lake near the camp, where they
took a bath and crashed their bodies. The major portion of
them had scars on their bodies, which they claimed were
made by the slave driver's lash, while in bondage. These
colored people were negligent and careless, and looked to be
driven when they did their duty as soldiers. Water was very
scarce in our locality, which caused much suffering among the
sick. One day, a sick darkey, who was slightly delirious,
left the hospital, went to a bluff that overlooked a ravine, crept
over the edge, and rolled or fell a distance of twelve or fifteen
feet, lighting on a sand bar, uninjured. When found he was

158 AUTOBIOGRiiPHY OF

scratching in the sand with his hands in search of water, and
it required half a dozen men to bring him back. This locality
was disagreeable in more ways than one. The mosquitoes
were very troublesome, sorae of these insects being as large as
ihe coraraon house fly. On several occasions I left ray tent,
and went lo high ground and slept in the open air in order to
avoid these pests.
I rode out on horseback nearly every day. On the 3d of
July, while riding near the Union lines, I was much surprised
as well as pleased to see white flags over the Federal and Con
federate works. Every thing was quiet along the line ; the
heavy firing had ceased ; and on the 4th, I learned that Pem
berton had capitulated, and that Vicksburg was ours. This
was joyful intelligence to the Union soldiers, who indeed, had
cause lo be thankful. On the 5th, I rode into the city, and saw
the stars and stripes floating gracefully over the court house.
It was a glorious sight to behold. The long struggle was
over ; Vicksburg had surrendered ; the Gibraltar of America
had fallen into our hands, and the Southern Confederacy was
severed in twain.
The weather, at this season of the year, was dry and hot.
The dust on the main road from the north was from six to
twelve inches deep, caused by the constant ingress and egress
ofthe^marching columns. Clouds of dust hung in the air
over the works and city. Our clothing was so saturated with
it, that it was irapossible lo distinguish the blue from the gray.
The city looked lonely and desolate ; not a citizen was to be
seen. It had the appearance of a city occupied entirely by
soldiers. I have already, in a forraer chapter, in part describ
ed the destruction that took place during the seige. The work
of destruction was coraplete and repetition is unnecessary.
********
During ray sojourn in the south, I frequently heard from
home, but from the first week in June to the last, I received
no intelligence from my wife and family, which caused me to
feel very uneasy. About the last of June, I received a letter
frora ray raother-in-law Mrs. Elizabeth Parsons, who informed
me that a little girl had come to my house for board and lodg
ing free of charge. She was born on the twelfth, and they

THOS. H. BARTON. 159

named her Sophia. This was welcome news, and was not un
expected, and it served to revive my drooping spirits. During
the spring, my family had left their home in Syracuse, and
moved to Chester in order to be near their relatives.
********
The Fourth Regiraent was with Sherraan during the short
campaign against Jackson, and after remaining there for a few
days, retarned to their old carap on the west bank ofthe Big
Black River. This camp was named Camp Sherman, in honor
of Gen. W. T. Sherman.
In the meantime, I was doing duty as acting surgeon of the
Second|Mississippi regiment of colored troops. I was able for
duty nearly all the time, but every week I had a return of the
interraittent fever, which was easily arrested by quinine.
But I did not do as well for myself as I advised others to do,
who were in the same condition. The proper course to follow
was to take the quinine every week, whether affected with the
fever or not ; but I would wait for the return of the chill, and
then take the quinine. During the month of August I had
several returns ofthis fever, and by the last of. that month, I
became much debilitated, and broken down in health. Final
ly I became discouraged, and tired of my position in the regi
ment, in consequence of my condition, and also on account of
the uncertainly of receiving a commission as permanent army
surgeon. I then came to the conclusion to return to the 4th
West Virginia, and about the last week in Augnst, mounted
ray horse, and was soon among my old companions. I was
treated by Surgeon Philson, who gave rae some relief. I at
tended to my duties when able, and was kept very busy on
account of a large number of soldiers being on the sick list
and in the hospital.
One night about eleven o'clock. Jack Maes, a convalescent
soldier, came to my tent, roused me up, and told me that he
had a pain in his stomach, and asked for a dose of castor oil.
I informed him that I was sick, and also reprimanded him for
disturbing me at that unreasonable hour. He replied that he
knew the bottle that contained the castor oil, and could get it
without disturbing me. He then walked into the dispensary
and took a drink from a bottle which he supposed contained

160 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

whiskey. Jack took a large drink, but ran out of the lent
without taking time to smack his lips. He had swallowed
vinegar of squills instead of whiskey. Next day the nurses
informed me that it made him very sick, vomiting him se
verely. This was the last time Jack meddled with anything
in the dispensary.
One day, while at Camp Sherman, I rode about a mile and
a half into the country to a farm house where there was a well
of good water. I arrived about noon and was invited to lake
dinner with the family. I accepted the invitation, and among
other articles of food was coffee with cream, which seemed to
strengthen my shattered nervous sysiera. I was treated by
this southern raan and woraan as kindly as I would have been
at the north. A friendly feeling had sprung up between the
Union soldiers and the citizens. Those who stood in need of
provisions were supplied with rations, and I have no doubt
that my dinner consisted mainly of sujiplies furnished by the
government. About this time Surgeon Waterman presented me with a
copy of Prof Carpenter's work on Pluman Physiology, which
I read and intended to preserve.
My health was now rapidly failing. My robust constitution
and powerful frame were shaken with disease. From about
the 15th to the 23d of September I was confined to my tent
with the rerailtent malarial fever, and during this tirae I con
tracted diarrhoea in a severe forra. About the 23d I came to
the conclusion that I would have to go north, or leave my re
mains on southern soil. I therefore made application for a
furlough, and received one for thirty days from the hands of
Gen. Sherman. With this document in my possession, I was
soon on my journey to my far away home in the north.

CHAPTER X.

THE CAMPAIGN OP CHATTANOOGA.
The town of Chattanooga was of vast importance lo the
Federal government, partly on account of its surrounding hills
and mountains, containing vast fields of coal and beds of

THOS. H. BARTON. 161

niter, from which the enemy drew their supplies, and more so
on account ot its political situation, it being located in a passage
or gap in the Alleghany Mountains, which separate the Atlantic
from the western states. " It was the postern to the strongholds
of the Southern Confederacy." It is on the south bank of the
Tennessee River, and near the line which divides Tennessee
from Alabama and Georgia. The country west, south, east
and southeast of the town is grand and picturesque. The
country lying on the Chattanooga side of the river is best
described beginning from west to east, as follows : 1st. Rac
coon Mountain is situated west of the town. 2d. Wills Val
ley. 3d. Lookout Valley, through which flows a creek of the
same name. 4th. Lookout Mountain, which is 2,400 feet high,
hanging over the town like a high pendant. It is directly
south of the city, and the beautilul Tennessee flows past its
base. From the summit of Lookout, portions of no less than
six states may be seen. 5th. The great Lookout Valley, through
which flows a creek of the same name. tith. On the east of
this valley is Missionary Ridge, running north and south.
7lh. Orchard Knob, which is a high point lying between
Missionary Ridge and Chattanooga. 8th. Chickamauga
valley, through which flows a river of the same name. 9th.
Pigeon Mountain and Chickaraauga Hills, lying still further
in a southeasterly direction. All the strearas mentioned flow
in a northwestern direction, and empty into the Tennessee
River. In this connection, it is necessary to describe this
River from a point a few miles northeast of Pigeon Mountain
to Bridgeport, which is situated on the Tennessee, a few miles
east of Stephenson, where the railroad leading to Nashville
forms a junction with the Memphis & Charleston railroad.
The Tennessee River, commencing a few miles east of Pigeon
Mountain, flows in a southern direction till it reaches Chatta
nooga, where it flows nearly west, then turns lo the east, and
flows for a few miles in a southeastern direction, then runs
due south till it reaches Lookout, where it runs west and
washes the foot of this mountain. It then flows north to
Browns Ferry, where it is only about one mile across this tongue
of land to Moccasin Point, whereas by the river it is six. The
Tennessee then flows northeast till it touches the base of Rae-

162 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

coon Mountain, where it turns west, running past a high bluff
of this mountain, and winds around this bluff till it runs in
a southeasterly direction, then runs due south, keeping close
to Raccoon Mountain. It then turns almost due north, mak
ing an acute angle for a few miles, keeping close to this moun
tain; then rounds another bluff and runs west, then turns
south, then west, then northwest, to where it is joined by the
Sequatchie river. This tortuous stream then turns west, and
finally flows south to Bridgeport.
The Sequatchie River flows in a southwestern direction
through a valley ofthe same name and empties into the Tennes
see. West of this river rises the great plateau of the Cumberland
Mountains. Walden's Ridge is on the east.
********
The battle of Stone River, near Murfreesboro, which closed
the operations of the year 1862, in Tennessee, left Gen. Rose
crans established in the latter place, with the army of the
Curaberland. Bragg, who was in command of the Confed
erate forces, retreated towards Chattanooga, fortifying his
positions as he raoved. Rosecrans, however, did not follow
him, but put Murfreesboro in a posture of defence, where he
remained in comparative inactivity during the remainder of
the winter and spring and early part of the summer. The inac
tivity of Rosecrans produced much dissatisfaction. Grant
was at this time pressing the siege of Vicksburg, watched by
Johnston in Mississippi, while Bragg was facing Rosecrans.
Halleck, who was commander-in-chief of all the Union arraies,
was aware of the importance of Chattanooga, and of middle
and east Tennessee. His plan for the spring and summer
campaign in the west was for Grant to operate against Vicks
burg with the army of the Tennessee, Rosecrans was to push
Bragg in Tennessee, having Chattanooga as his objective
point, while Burnside, with the army of the Ohio, was to op
erate against Knoxville. Rosecrans and Burnside were also
instructed to keep the flanks of their arraies within support
ing distance of each other. It was Halleck's order for all their
armies to move at the same time.
On the 25th of June, Rosecrans put his splendid army of
60,000 men in motion, and by a series of skillful flank move-

THOS. H. BARTON. 163

ments on Bragg's right flank, forced hira into Chattanooga.
On learning this, the Confederate government becarae greatly
alarmed, for the surrender of Chattanooga exposed the states
of Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina and South Carolina to
invasion. The rebel government thereupon ordered Longstreet
frora the Army of northern Virginia, Buckner from eastern
Tennessee, and Park, from Alabama, to move with all haste to
Chattanooga to assist Bragg. Some of the paroled prisoners
from Vicksburg and Port Hudson also moved to the assistance
of Bragg, who, with these reinforcements, would have an army
of 80,000 men.
Rosecrans kept pursuing Bragg, and by a dexterous flank
movement on his left flank, forced him lo evacuate Chatta
nooga, and the Union forces took possession of the town. This
retreat of Bragg, by abandoning middle Tennessee to the Fed
eral troops, had a depressing effect upon his troops, and discour
aged the friends of tbe Confederacy in Tennessee. The Union
losses in these operations were 85 killed, 462 wounded and 13
missing. There were captured from the eneray 1,634 prisoners
and six pieces of artillery, many sraall arms, much camp
equippage, and large quantities of coraraissary and quarter
master's stores, At this time the main part of Rosecrans'
army was below Chattanooga. He therefore crossed the moun
tains in pursuit of Bragg, whom he followed to the Chicka
mauga Valley, at the same time supposing the enemy to be in
full retreat. In the meantirae Bragg, who had been reinforced
by three brigades under Gen. Wood, had faced about and was
fiercely marching on Rosecrans, being determined to retake
Chattanooga. On the 18lh the Confederate array, which had
been raarching through sifting beds of dust and crurabling
rock since the 14th, crossed West Chickamauga creek, and took
up a position on the north side of that stream. An indecisive
action was fought, which was little more than a struggle for
position, maintained by the Confederates with a view of hold
ing the ground where they stood, and by the Federals with a
view of driving the enemy across the stream. Al the close of
the day both armies occupied the same ground they held in
the morning.
During the ensuing night Rosecrans made some changes in

164 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the disposition of his forces, by which the line was so
far withdrawn that it rested along a cross-road running
northeast and southwest, and connecting the Rossville and
Lafayette road. By this change the line was contracted a mile,
and the right wing caused to rest on a strong position at
Missionary Ridge. Thomas held the left, Crittenden the cen
ter, McCook the right. On the right of Thomas' line was a
slight rise in the plain, and frora the top of this the whole
field could be commanded. It was the key lo the position.
During the night Thomas' troops had built a rude breastwork
of rails for their protection. Gen. Lytic held Gordon's Mills.
Longstreet reached the headquarters of Bragg on the 19lh
and was immediately put in comraand of the left wing of the
Confederate army. The disposition of the whole rebel army,
frora right lo left, was : Breckenridge, Cleburn, Cheatham,
Steward, Hood, Hindman, Preston.
Bragg's plan of attack, which he always followed, was from
right to left. The battle comraenced al nine o'clock on the morn
ing of the 20th, when Breckenridge and Cleburn opened upon
Thomas' command, and the engagement soon raged furiously
along this part of the field. By eleven o'clock Longstreet be
gan his attack on the Union right wing. Steadily advancing,
he swept away the head of every formation; though often
checked, and for the moment repulsed, again and again he
rode to the head of his troops, and hat in hand, rising in his
stirrups, animated his raen with voice and gesture. The west
ern troops were as brave soldiers as ever shouldered a musket,
bat they could not check the impetuous onset of Longstreet,
who was pressing right on for the possession of Chattanooga.
To meet this danger, Rosecrans commenced to move troops
rapidly from left to right, but was caught in the act of so do
ing by Longstreet, who fell with great suddenness and fury on
the raoving columns. Meanwhile an attack was made with
equal vehemence on the center, which was forced back in great
confusion. The rout of the right and center was now com
plete, and after that fatal break, the line of battle was not again
reformed during the day. Thomas, however, had succeeded
in crossing from left to right, and in the afternoon deter
minedly faced Longstreet, taking his stand upon the bare and

THOS. H. BARTON. 165

bluff termination of Missionary Ridge, upon which he had
thrown up breast works, and which, as being the last strong
hold south of the Chattanooga works, he held with indomitable
courage against the assaults of the enemy. Against this posi
tion Longstreet now directed his attention, and the battle
raged around the hill with unprecedented fury. Gen. Thomas
formed his troops in two columns, and as each marched up to
the crest and fired a deadly volley at the advancing foe, it fell
back a little way, the raen lay down upon the ground to load,
and the second line advanced to take their place, and so on in
succession. Finding every effort to carry the Union position
of no avail, the rebels fell back at dusk beyond the range of
our artillery, and Thomas was left master of the well fought
field. During the night he fell back to Rossville, where, on
the 21st, he offered battle to the enemy, who, however, declined
lo renew the contest. Accordingly, on the night of the 21st,
he withdrew his troops into Chattanooga.
The Union loss in this battle was 1,644 killed, 9,262 wounded,
and 4.945 missing, of which Thomas alone lost 6,301 killed,
wounded and missing. They also lost thirty-six guns, twenty
caissons, and several thousand small-arras and infantry
accountreraents, and captured over two thousand prisoners.
The rebels suffered even more severely than their opponents,
and their total loss, as stated by theraselves, exceeded eighteen
thousand men. It is now very well known that the Confeder
ates largely outnumbered the Union army in this engageraenl.
It was one ofthe raost bloody battles of the war, a,nd without
accomplishing any important results in relation to the great
contest, was fatal to the generals of both armies. The public
dissatisfaction, caused by their conduct, produced ultimately,
a change of commanders.
Burnside had assumed command of the Department of the
Ohio in March. On the 16th of August he began his movement
towards Knoxville, where he arrived on the 3d of September.
Buckner, who was in comraand of that place, evacuated it on
the approach of Burnside. On the 9th, he took Cumberland
Gap, capturing two thousand prisoners and fourteen guns. By
the occupation of Chattanooga and Cumberland Gap, the Fe
deral troops now not only covered the entire State of Tennes-

166 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
see, but also secured a base of inland operations against Ala
bama, Georgia and South Carolina. Two thirds of the niter-
beds, and a large proportion ofthe coal, which supplied the
rebel founderies, lay in East Tennessee, which, moreover,
abounded in the necessaries of life. It is one ofthe strongest
countries in the world, so full of lofty mountains and impreg
nable positions, that it has been appropriately termed the
"Switzerland of America." Its loss was felt to be a severe blow
to the Confederacy.
It was Halleck's intention for Burnside to reinforce Rose
crans, but instead of obeying his chief's orders, he comraenced
fortifying his position, with the intention of holding East
Tennessee, which was now in his possession.
After Rosecrans' retreated to Chattanooga, he commenced to
strengthen his position. His left rested on the river about two
or three miles above the town, and extended around it in the
forra of a semicircle, reaching the river midway between the
town and Lookout Mountain. Here his line crossed the river,
and here also he massed the main part of his army. After
crossing the river, where it washes the foot of Lookout, his
line followed the tortuous course of the Tennessee to Bridgeport
and Stephenson, which was his base of supplies, and where his
left rested. Bridgeport is twenty-seven miles west of Chat
tanooga, and Stephenson is ten miles southwest of Bridgeport.
Meanwhile Bragg held the battle-field of Chickamanga. His
right flank extended to Cleveland, which is about fifteen miles
southeast of Chattanooga, and on the Knoxville Railroad. Be
ginning at this place, his line passed over Orchard Knobb ;
thence along the crest and foot of Missibnary Ridge, except its
northern extreraity; thence through the Chattanooga valley;
thence over Lookout Mountain ; thence through and down.
Lookout valley|to the river ; thence down the river lo Bridgeport.
He fortified the passes of Lookout Mountain, and also strong
ly fortified Missionary Ridge, so that his batteries coraraanded
Chattanooga. The intervening vallies were also fortified, and
he considered his position impregnable against all the force
under Rosecran's command. He destroyed the railroad bridge
at Bridgeport, thus cutting the Federal communications with
Nashville, which was their main base of supplies. This com-

THOS. H. BARTON. 167

pelled Rosecrans to haul or carry his supplies over the Cura
berland Mountains on pack-raules, by a circuitous route ;
thence over Culp's Hill, and thence down the Sequatchie river.
The fall rains soon rendered the roads almost impassable,
Bragg's cavalry, commanded by Wheeler, captured a train of
800 wagons and 2,000 mules, which were destroyed. The trains
between Chattanooga and Bridgeport were exposed to the
enemy's sharp-shooters, who occupied the opposite shore of
the river. Finnally Rosecran's supplies became short ; his
animals were perishing with famine ; his array was on short
rations, and by the 16th of October, it was doubtful whether he
could hold out much longer.
President Lincoln was almost in despair when he learned of
the defeat at Chickamauga. He was in great fear lest Rose
crans would attempt to retreat frora Chattanooga before rein-
forceraents could reach hira, The President realized that such
a move would be disastrous in the extreme, and end only in
the loss of the artillery and camp-equipage, the demoralization
ofthe army, and the surrender of Tennessee lo the Confederates.
At this critical moment, Lincoln sought the advice of Halleck
and Stanton, a consultation was held, Stanton advised that
two corps be detached from the array of the Potomac, and
sent immediately to the relief of Rosecrans. Lincoln and Hal
leck, with great reluctance, consented to Stanton's proposi
tion, and on the 23d of September, the eleventh and twelfth
corps were placed aboard the cars, and sent to reinforce Rose
crans. They were 23,0C0 strong, under the command of Gen.
Joseph Hooker. They arrived at Stephenson on the 30th, and
guarded the railroad leading to Nashville. But instead of be
ing a relief to the army ofthe Cumberland, Hooker's comraand
only tended to increase its suffering.
Grant arrived at Cairo on the 16th of October, and on the
17th, was ordered to proceed to Louisville. He imraediately
set out for the latter place by way of Indianapolis. Here he
was met by Halleck, and together they proceeded to Louis
ville. Halleck was nervous, restless and uneasy in regard to
the situation at Chattanooga. Grant was firra and resolute,
notwithstanding he was suffering from an injury caused by a
fall from his horse. It was while on the journey from Indian-

168 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

apolis to Louisville that Grant received his appointment to
the comraand of the newly created department of the Missis
sippi. It embraced the armies ofthe Tennessee, Cumberland
and Ohio, and covered all the territory north of Bank's com
mand from the Alleghany Mountains to the Mississippi River.
Sherman was placed in comraand of the army ofthe Tennessee,
with head-quarters in the field. Rosecrans was relieved and
Thomas was appointed in his stead.
On assuming comraand of the Department of the Missis
sippi, Grant sent a dispatch to Thomas, telling him -to hold
Chattanooga at all hazzards. To this Thomas replied : "We
will hold the town till we starve." Grant left Louisville on
the 20th and reached Stephenson on the 21st, arriving at Chat
tanooga on the 22d. He found the array in a' suffering condi
tion. The soldiers were on half rations of hard bread and lean
beef, and their clothing was nearly worn out. Sorae were
without shoes, and there was little prospect of receiving sup
plies for an indefinite period. It is stated on reliable authority
that not less than 10,000 aniraals had starved to death.
On learning this condition of affairs Grant determined at
once to open his coraraunications. Thomas, by the advice of
Wm. F. Sraith, his chief engineer, had devised a scheme for
this purpose, and on laying their plans before Grant, and the
three generals having made a reconnoisance, it was decided to
adopt Thomas' plan. General Hooker, who was now at Bridge
port, was ordered to cross to the south side of the Tennessee,
and march past Whitesides and Wauhatchie to Bowen's Ferry.
General Palmer, with a division of the 14th corps, array ofthe
Cumberland, was ordered to move down the north side of the
river to a point opposite Whitesides, and cross the river in
Hooker's rear. It was not intended to conceal these movements
from the enemy. Meanwhile 4,000 men were detailed to act
under General Sraith immediately from Chattanooga. Eigh
teen hundred of them, under General Hazen, were to move
down the river in pontoon boats, and under cover of the night
float past the enemy's pickets to Brown's Ferry, then land on
the south side of the river, and capture or drive away the
pickets at that point. Smith was to move with the remainder
of the detail along the north bank of the Tennessee to Brown's

THOS. H. BARTON. 169

Ferry, taking with him all the material for laying the bridge
as soon as the crossing was effected.
Hooker crossed the Tennessee at Bridgeport on the 26th,
and coramenced his march eastward. At three o'clock, on the
morning of the 27th, Hazen moved down the river with his pon
toon boats, unobserved by the enemy. Smith set out in ad
vance, in order to be near the crossing when Hazen should
arrive. At five o'clock Hazen landed at Brown's Ferry, sur
prised the picket guard, and captured raost of them. By seven
o'clock the whole of Smith's force was ferried over, and in pos
session of a highth coramanding the ferry. By ten o'clock the
bridge was laid, and our extreme right, now in Lookout valley
was fortified and connected with the rest of the army. The
two bridges across the Tennessee at Chattanooga and Brown's
Ferry, covered from both the fire and the view ofthe eneray,
made the connection complete. Hooker met with no serious
opposition on the way, and on the 28th, emerged into Lookout
vallej' at Wauhatchie. Howard marched lo Brown's Ferr.y,
while Greary, with one division of the 12th corps, stopped three
railes south. The line of supplies thus opened, was called
Grant's "cracker line," and the river was how in his possession
from Lookout valley to Bridgeport.
These movements were a complete surprise to Longstreet,
and in order to recover Lookout valley, he deterrained to sur
prise Greary in his isolated position. He, therefore, soon after
raid-night on the 29th made a fierce attack on Greary. Hooker,
on hearing heavy firing in the direction of Greary, sent Howard
lo his assistance. He had three miles to march, and on his
way was also attacked, being fired upon by rebel troops frora
a foot-hill to the left ofthe road, and from which the road was
commanded. Howard turned to the left, charged up the hill,
and captured it before the eneray had time lo intrench, taking
many prisoners. Leaving a force sufficient to hold this posi
tion, he pushed on to reinforce Greary, who had been engaged
for about three hours against a vastly superior force. Inthe
darkness and uproar Hooker's teamsters became frightened,
and deserted their teams. The mules also becarae frightened,
and breaking loose from their fastenings, stampeded directly
towards the enemy, who, no doubt, look this for a charge, and

170 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

stampeded in turn. By four o'clock the battle had ended, and
Grant's "cracker line" was not again disturbed.
Hooker lost in this engagement 416 killed and wounded.
The Confederate loss, so far as known, was 150 killed and 100
taken prisoners, the number of their wounded being unknown.
Smith lost at Brown's Ferry one raan killed and six wounded.
The eneiny lost as prisoners nearly all his picket, guard
from Brown's Ferry to a point opposite Bridgeport. In
one week Grant had opened the river to Bridgeport, and he
had also secured a good wagon road to the same place. The
army was immediately supplied with an abundance of clothing
and lations.
About one week before Grant's arrival at Chattanooga, Jef
ferson Davis visited Bragg's camp, and together they climbed
the sleep and rugged ascent of Lookout Mountain, where Bragg
had an observatory. Davis, on casting his eyes to the north,
beheld the great plateau of the Cumberland Mountains, the
rough valley ofthe Great Sequatchie, the steep and rugged
Waldern's Ridge, the silvery Tennessee under his feet, togeth
er with the long lines of the Union array ; and in his imagina
tion, mentally exclaimed : "The Union army is mine," Turn
ing to Bragg, Davis said : "In my opinion the Union army
is in a trap, and can not escape."
On the 4th of Noveraber, Bragg committed a fatal blunder,
which was probably done through the advice of Davis. On
that day Bragg sent Longstreet with 15,000 men, together with
Wheeler's cavalry, 5,000 strong, to operate against Burnside at
Knoxville, thus weakening his force 20,000 men in Grant's
front, while at the sarae time he knew that Grant was expect
ing large reinforceraents frora Sherman. On receipt of this in
telligence, the governraent becarae greatly alarmed for the
safety of Burnside, and repeatedly urged Grant to move on
Bragg. Grant himself felt great anxiety for Burnside, and
ordered Thomas to attack the enemy's right, so as to force the
return of the troops that had gone towards Knoxville. But
the artillery horses were in such bad plight that it was impos
sible for Thomas to move a single piece of artillery, and he
could not comply with the order. Burnside, however, felt
confident of being able to hold his position so long as his

THOS. H. BARTON. 171

ammunition held out. Soon afterwards Grant learned that Long-
street had attacked Burnside, and that the latter was slowly
falling back on Knoxville. On learning this fact the govern
ment became more anxious than ever, and again renewed its
order to Grant to attack Bragg. Grant was unable lo obey the
order, and could do nothing till Sherman's arrival, who was
hastening, with rapid marches, to the scene of action.
On the 22d of Septeraber, Sherraan, who was encamped on
the Big Black River, received an order from Grant to send one
division of his corps by way of Memphis to Chattanooga.
Osterhaus was immediately started with his division. On the
23d, Sherraan received another dispatch ordei ing hira to move
the 15th army corps to Grant's assistance, with the exception
of one division, which was to remain at Vicksburg. On the
27lh, he was on his way up* the Mississsppi, but his progress
was slow. There was no coal, and the transports were obliged
to land frequently to procure wood for fuel. He reached Mera-
phis on the 2d of October, and on the 4th his whole force came
up. He now received orders frora Halleck to proceed to
Athens, Alabaraa, with the 15th corps, and as rauch of the 16th
as could be spared, and to repair the railroad as he advanced,
in order lo furnish transportation for his supplies. After
reaching Athens, he was to proceed to Bridgeport, which is
330 miles east of Memphis. Sherman started the 15th corps
on the llth, and soon afterwards set out hiraself, with a bat-
tallion of United States troops as an escort. These troops
were attacked at Colliersville Station, twenty-four miles east
of Memphis. A short engagement took place, and the enemy
were scattered. He passed Corinth and Inca, and from Inca
proceeded to Bear Creek, where the bridge was destroyed ; his
head of column halted at this place till the bridge was rebuilt.
The enemy had intelligence of Sherman's movement, and to
obstructed his advance in every way possible. The railroad
would sometimes be destroyed as soon as corapleted. After
building the bridge across Bear Creek, Blair's division was
sent to Tuscumbia. At Cane Creek a short engagement took
place, and the enemy were defeated and driven beyond Tus
cumbia. Blair entered the town on the 27th, and on the same
day that Sherman, who was at Inca, received an order frora

172 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Grant to abandon his work on the railroad and move his
troops rapidly to Stephenson. Grant feared lest a force of
Bragg's, which was at Cleveland on his left flank, might move
to Nashville in his rear, and cut his communications with the
north, and he wanted Sherraan to beat him there in case he
made the attempt. Grant had ordered supplies to be sent to
Bridgeport, on the Tennessee, together with a steamboat lo
ferry the troops over. A ferry-boat was also on its way.
Sherman obeyed this order with great promptness. Ewing,
who was nearest the ferry, was the flrst to cross. The balance
of the troops crossed as soon as they came up, and Sherman
reached Florence, Alabama, the same night, while his rear
rested on the Tennessee opposite Eastport. On the same day
Sherman was ordered to leave Gen. G. M. Dodge, with his cora
mand of ,S,000 men, at Athens, to. repair the railroad leading
from Decatur to Nashville, which, if put in running order,
would give him two roads from Nashville to Stephenson. By
the first of December Dodge had this road in good repair.
Sherman proceeded to Elk River, but found it impassable at
that point. He then proceeded up the river to Fayetteville,
which he reached on the 13th, and found a good crossing. He
was now ordered to report in person at Bridgeport, which he
reached on the 14th, and on the 15th he was in Chattanooga.
Grant explained to hira his plan of the battle about to take
place. Grant, Sherraan, Thomas and Smith raade an inspec
tion of the ground over which Sherman was expected to raove
his troops. On the 16th, Sherraan left Chattanooga to hasten
up his forces for the irapending engagement.
Grant's plan of the battle of Chattanooga raay be described
in a few words. Sherman was to cross the Tennessee at
Brown's Ferry, then march to North Chickamauga, (which
streams flows south and empties into the Tennessee on its
northwestern shore a few miles above the South Chickamauga,
which flows north,) and recross the Tennessee at the mouth of
North Chickamauga, then march to the east side of Mission
ary Ridge, carry its northern part, and then threaten Bragg's
base at Chickamauga Station, which, if taken, would sever his
communications with Longstreet. This move placed Sherman
on Grant's left flank. In the meantime Hooker, who was al-

THOS. H. BARTON. 173

ready on Grant's right, and occupied Lookout valley, was to
operate on the west side of Lookout Mountain, storm its
highths, carry the mountain passes down into the Chattanoo
ga valley, cross over and make an attack on the enemy in this
position, which would threaten Bragg's communications with
the southwest. It was Grant's opinion when Sherman and
Hooker were well advanced, that Bragg, in order to save his
right flank, would weaken his center on Missionary Ridge, and
wb-^n the opportune moment arrived, Thomas was to storm
the center and front of this stronghold, which Bragg thought
to be impregnable. Finally, when Sherraan's advance reach
ed Brown's Ferry, his rear was slill at Trenton, some distance
behind. This was intended to deceive Bragg, and induce hira
to believe that the intention was to attack Lookout Mountain
frora the south.
On the 20th, Grant received a letter frora Bragg, in which he
said : "As there may still be some non-combatants in Chat
tanooga, I deem it proper to notify you that prudence would
dictate their early removal." This missive was designed to
deceive Grant, and induce hira to believe that Bragg intended
making an attack on Chattanooga, and shell the town. On the
ensuing day it was learned from a deserter that Bragg had sent
Buckner with his division to reinforce Longstreet, and had
also started another on the same mission. This letter was no
doubt sent to delay Grant's attack till Longstreet could take
Knoxville, and return in tirae to participate in the irapending
conflict. Grant opened the battle of Chattanooga on the 23d. Bragg's
outer line was about one mile from Thomas' position in front
of the town, while the pickets of the contending forces were
only about three hundred yards apart. Early in the morning
Thomas moved the divisions of T. J. Wood, of Granger's corps,
in front of Fort Wood, lying east of Chattanooga and mlount-
ing twenty-two guns. These divisions were attired in their
best uniforms, making the appearance of a review or dress
parade. Every eminence around Chattanooga, as well as on
Missionary Ridge were crowded with spectators viewing the
proceeding. At two o'clock a cannon was fired to announce
the commencement of the battle. All along the line these di-

174 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

visipns sprang forward on the double-quick, and drove the
eneray's pickets back on their main line. Still continuing,
they drove the enemy from his first line of intrenchments
before reinforcements could arrive. This raove gave Grant
possession of Orchard Knobb. Thomas imraediately followed
with his whole array, and fortified his new position. The Fe
derals lost 1,100 men, and the Confederates about the same
number. This attack caused Bragg to recall one brigade that
was leaving his front, and the other would have been recalled
but it was loo far away to be of any assistance in this engage
ment. On the sa.me day a brigade of Thoraas' cavalry made a
raid on Bragg's right flank, cut the railroad lo Cleveland,
burnt Tyners Station, eaptured one hundred wagons, and de
stroyed large quantities of railitary stores.
Sherraan raoved from Brown's Ferry to North Chickaraauga.
At Brown's Perry he was in plain view ofthe enemy on Look
out Mountain, but as his columns raoved on they were soon
hidden from sight, which baffled the Confederates. Howard,
who was secreted behind the mountain, comraenced moving
south to join the main army at Chattanooga. The enemy
mistook Howard's command for Sherman's, and this rendered
the deception slill raore complete. Sherman found boats and
pontoons awaiting him together with forty-two pieces of ar
tillery, under J. M. Brannon, chief of artillery. Array of the
Curaberland ; the artillery being designed to cover the cross
ing. On the 24lh, al two o'clock in the morning, the brigade of
Giles A. Smith, 3,480 strong, embarked in 116 boats on the
North Chickaraauga, and floated quietly down to the Tennes
see and across this river to the Mouth of South Chickamauga,
when a few boats landed unobserved by the enemy's pickets,
who were taken by surprise, and twenty of their number cap-
lured. Sherman's troops followed, and by daylight two bri
gades were ferried over, and comraenced thro wing up intrench
ments. A bridge was thrown across the river, and one also
spanned the South Chickamauga, and by noon his whole com
mand was on the south side ofthe Tennessee, together with all
his equipraents. Sherraan was now reinforced by Howard's
Corps frora the Army ofthe Potomac, and immediately form-

THOS. H. BARTON. 175

ed his line for an attack on Missionary Ridge. M. L. Smith
was placed on the left, J. E. Smith in the center, and Ewing on
the right, and the attack commenced. The assailants were
favored by a misty rain which hid thera from the enemy's ob
servation on Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. Sher
man's skirmish line soon reached the foot of the ridge, unob
served by the Confederates, and commenced to ascend its steep
and rugged acclivity, and by half past two o'clock they were in
possession of all the northern extreraity of the ridge to a point
near the railroad tunnel on Bragg's extreme right. Sherman
immediately comraenced fortifying his position, and dragging
up his heavy artillery by hand. Bragg was greatly alarmed at
this move, and opened up his artillery on Sherraan's exposed
ranks. Late in the evening he raade a raore serious attack,
but without success; and night put an end to the battle at this
point, leaving Sherraan in possession of the point gained. His
line now extended from the northern extremity of this ridge to
the mouth of the South Chickamauga, which was held by a
brigade under Jefferson Davis, ofthe Army ofthe Cumberland,
whose duly it was to protect Sherman's pontoons, and prevent
the ingress and egress of citizens.
While these operations were going on to the east of Chat
tanooga, Hooker was engaged on the west. He had three
divisions ; Oslerhaus's, of the 15th corps. Array ofthe Tennes
see ; Greary's, 12th corps, Army of the Potomac ; and Cruft's,
14th corps, array of the Cumberland. Hooker formed his line
as follows : Greary was placed on the right at Wauhatchie ;
Osterhaus on the left near Brown's Ferry ; and Cruft in the
center. Hooker's command was on the west side of Lookout
Creek. The east side ofthis creek was heavily picketed by the
enemy, with three brigades of troops in the rear to reinforce
them if attacked. These brigades, under the command of
General C. L. Stevenson, occupied the summit of the moun
tain. The summit is a palisade for more than thirty feet down
against the assault of any number of men from the position
occupied by Hooker.
General Grant says : "The side of Lookout Mountain c©n-
fronting Hooker's comraand was rugged, heavily timbered,
and full of chasms, making it difficult to advance with troops.

176 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

even in the absence of an opposing force. Farther up, the
ground becomes more even and level, and was in cultivation.
On the east side the slope is raore gradual, and a good wagon
road, zigzaging up it, connects the town of Chattanooga with
the summit."*
On the bell of arable land the enemy had erected powerful
works, and in some places rock were piled up in his front,
while lower down were his rifle pits. The summit of the
mountain was well fortified, and the picket line on the east side
of Lookout Creek was also intrenched. The battle comraenced
by Gross' brigade of Cruft's corps moving up to the railroad
bridge which spans Lookout Creek, where, after a slight skir
mish, he effected a crossing, closely followed by Osterhaus.
The rest of Cruft's corps joined Greary, who moved a short
distance up the creek to effect a crossing. The enemy, not
observing Greary's movement, filed down the mountain to
their rifle pits, in order to prevent Osterhaus from crossing,
while at the same lime Greary crossed the creek, surprised the
eneray's pickets, who held the opposite shore, and captured
the whole squad of forty raen. Greary imraediately com
menced to ascend the steep and rugged mountain. Mean
while Gross held the railroad crossing until Osterhaus came
up, and by eleven o'clock a good bridge was constructed, and
he crossed over. The whole force then moved up the moun
tain, with Greary in advance. His men were formed at a
right angle with the eneray's works, which were taken in flank
and rear, and the Confederates soon gave way, losing 1,300
prisoners. Hooker's troops still pressed forward, driving the
enemy before them. Greary's troops reached the upper slope
of the mountain at twelve o'clock, noon, and the rest of the
troops were soon abreast of him, driving the Confederates in
advance. It was Hooker's intention for the troops to halt
and reconnoiter the ground over which they had to operate;
but instead of doing so they pressed forward with the utmost
impetuosity after the panic stricken foe. By four o'clock
Hooker was in possession of the plateau of arable land on the
west and north side of the mountain up to the upper palisade
which crowns the summit, his left resting on Chickamauga
^'Grant's Memoirs, Vol. 2, page 70.

THOS. H. BARTON. 177

Creek. The enemy held the summit. An eye witness says : "At
this juncture the scene became one of most exciting interest.
The thick fog, which had heretofore rested in dense folds upon *
the sides of the mountain, concealing the corabalanls from
view, suddenly lifted lo the summit of the lofty ridge,
revealing to the anxious gaze of thousands in the valleys
and on the plains below a scene such as is witnessed but
once in a century. General Greary's column, flushed
with victory, grappled with the foe upon the rocky ledges
and above hira the eneray driven back with slaughter from
his works. While the result was uncertain, the attention
was breathless and painful ; but when victory perched upon
our standards, shout upon shout rent the air. The whole army
with one accord broke out into joyous acclamations. The en
thusiasm ofthe scene beggars description. Men were frantic
with joy, and even Gen. Thomas himself, who seldom exhibits
his emotion, said involuntarily, 'T did not think it possible
for men lo accomplish so much.' " The combatants were
fighting above the clouds. Grant and Thomas, who were
stationed on Orchard Knob, could only catch an occasional
glimpse of this battle, which was one'of the most grand and
picturesque engagements ever fought on this continent.
Hooker continued to advance his lines, and skirmishing
was kept up till a late hour. Grant now. had a continuous line
commencing on Lookout Mountain on his right, and extend
ing across the Chattanooga Valley ; thence to the mouth of
the South Chickaraauga; thence to the Northern extremity
of Missionary Ridge, to a point near the railroad tunnel.
Firing continued to a late hour in the night, but it was not
connected with an assault at any point. Late in the afternoon
Grant telegraphed to Washington : " The fight to-day pro
gressed favorably, Sherman carried the end of Missionary
Ridge, and his right is now al the tunnel, and his left at
Chickaraauga Creek. Troops from Lookout Valley carried
the point of the mountain and now hold the eastern slope
and a point high up. Hooker reports 2,000 prisoners taken,
besides which a small number have fallen into our hands from
Missionary Ridge." On the ensuing day the President re
plied : " Your dispatches as to fighting on Monday and Tues-
23 4

178 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
day are here. Many thanks to all. Remember Burnside.''
And Halleck also telegraphed : " I congratulate you on the
' success thus far of your plans. I fear that Burnside is hard
pushed, and that any further delay may prove fatal. I know
you will do all in your power to relieve hira.''
Thus ended the fighting on the second day, at and around
Chattanooga. The troops slept on their arms, prepared to re
new the engageraenl.
The raorning of the 25th of Noveraber, 1863, opened bright
and clear, and the whole field of battle was in full view from
Orchard Knobb. It remained so throughout the day. Bragg's
head-quarters were in full view from the position occupied by
Grant and Thomaa, and the Confederate staff officers could be
seen coraing and going constantly.
Grant's orders, which had been issued at midnight, were for
Sherman to attack at daylight. Hooker was to move al the
sarae hour, and endeavor to intercept the Confederate retreat,
if he had gone, then to raove directly to Rossville, and oper
ate against the left rear of the force on Missionary Ridge.
When Sherman and Hooker were well advanced, Thoraas was
lo make a final assult on the rebel stronghold.
Early in the morning. Hooker moved the 8th Kentucky
regiment, together with a detachment frora sorae other regi
ments, up the sleep palisades of Lookout Mountain; but on
reaching the summit, nothing was lo be seen but deserted
camps. The stars and stripes floated triumphantly to the
breeze on the sumrait of Lookout, and were hailed with delight
by Grant, Thoraas, and the whole array of the Curaberland.
The eneray in his retreat had burned the bridge over Chicka
mauga Creek, and obstructed the roads, in order to retard the
Federal advance. Hooker moved early in the morning, but
was detained four hours crossing the Chickamauga Creek, and
thus was lost the immediate advantage that Grant expected
from his forces. His attack on Bragg's flank was to be the
signal for Thomas' assault on Missionary Ridge; but in con
sequence of the obstruction in his way, Hooker did not reach
his destination till four o'clock in the afternoon.
The ground which Sherraan had carried on the 24th was
almost disconnected from the main ridge occupied by the

THOS. H. BARTON. 179

enemy. A low pass over which there was a wagon road cross
ing the ridge, intervenes between the two hills. The Confed
erates were fortified on the front, and farther back was a sec
ond fortification commanding the first. Sherman was out al
daylight, and by sunrise his comraand was in raotion. Three
brigades held the hill already gained. Morgan L. Smith
moved along the east base of the ridge, Loorais along the
west, supported by two brigades of -J. E. Smith's division, and
Corse with his brigade was between the two, raoving directly
towards the hill to be captured. The troops advanced rapidly
and carried the extrerae end of the Confederate works. The
enemy made strenuous efforts to check the Federal advance,
but without success. The contest lasted two hours, and Sher
raan now threatened Bragg's flank and stores, and forced hira
to weaken other points of his line in order to strengthen his
right. Column after column of Bragg's forces were moved
against Sherraan, and every Confederate gun that could be
brought lo bear upon the Union forces were concentrated upon
him. E. J. Smith with two brigades, charged up the west side
ofthe ridge to the support of Corse's command, and under a
storm of shot and shell succeeded in reaching the Confederate
parapet. * He lay here for some tirae, but was corapelled to fall
back, followed by the foe ; and was driven into a wood, where
he reformed his line, and drove the enemy back to his intrench
ments. Grant now directed Thomas lo send a division lo reinforce
Sraith. It had to raarch a considerable distance directly un
der the eyes of the eneray to reach its position. Bragg at once
coramenced massing in the same direction. It was now late in
the afternoon, and long before this Hooker had been expected
in the neighborhood of Rossville. Sherraan says : "Thus
matters stood at three o'clock p. m. The day was bright and
clear, I had long been watching for Thomas' attack on the cen
ter. Column after column of the enemy were streaming to
wards me ; gun upon gun poured its concentrated shot on my
troops frora every hill and spur that gave a view of any part
of the ground held by rae. An occasional shot from Orchard
Knobb, and sorae rausketry and artillery fire over about Look
out, was all that I could detect on our side. But about three

180 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

o'clock P. M., I saw a white line of smoke in front of Orchard
Knobb; it was extending farther and farther right and left, I
knew that my attacks had drawn vast masses of the enemy to
me. Some guns that had been firing on me all day were now
silent, or were turned in a different direction. The line of
musketry fire from the Knob disappeared behind a spur, and
passed out of sight."
Grant now determined to move the Army ofthe Cumberland
on the enemy's center notwithstanding Hooker had not as yet
reached his destination. By a misunderstanding of Grant's
order. Wood, who was in command of the storming party, did
not move till four o'clock in the afternoon. Thomas' army
had been idle spectators of the battle for the last two days, and
were eager for the fight. They remembered the battle of
Chickamauga. At a given signal the divisions of Wood and
Sheridan sprang lo their feet and moved across the interven
ing space of one and a half railes on the double-quick, heed
less of the shot and shells which were thinning their ranks.
They soon reached the eneray's rifle-pits at the base of the
ridge, and drove the troops in front of thera so rapidly, and
followed thera so closely, that rebel and Union troops went
over the first line of works almost at the same momerit. Many
Confederates were captured and sent to the rear, and those
who were not captured retreated, and were pursued. Without
awaiting further orders, or stopping to reform, on our troops
went to the second line of works ; over that and onto the crest
thus effectually carrying out Grant's orders for the charge. The
pursuit continued until the crest was reached, and the men
were seen climbing over the Confederate barriers at different
points in front of both Wood's and Sheridan's divisions. The
retreat of the enemy was precipitate, and the panic so great
that Bragg and his officers lost all control over their men.
Hundreds were captured and thousands threw away their arms
in their flight.
Sheridan pushed forward until he reached the Chickamauga
River at a point above where the Confederates crossed. A
second hill in the rear of Missionary Ridge was occupied by
the enemy, probably to cover the retreat ofthe main body and
of the artillery and trains. Sheridan pushed his men forward

THOS. H. BARTON. 181

up this second hill slowly and without attracting the attention
ofthe men placed to defend it, while at the same time he sent
detachments to the right and left to surround the position.
The enemy beat a hasty retreat, leaving artillery, wagon trains,
and many prisoners in our hands. Grant, who had been at
Orchard Knobb throughout the day, now mounted his horse
and rode to the front. Thomas also left about the same time.
Sheridan on the extrerae right was already in pursuit of the
enemy east of the ridge. Wood accompanied his men on
horseback, but did not join Sheridan in the pursuit. The Con
federates, who confronted Sherman, now seeing everything to
their left giving way, also fled. Sherman's reserves, Davis'
division ofthe Army of the Cumberland, was directed to push
over the pontoon-bridge at the raouth of the Chickamauga
and move forward to Chickamauga Station; and Howard was
to move up the stream about two miles to an old bridge, repair
it during the night, and follow Davis at four o'clock in the
morning. The balance of Sherman's coramand was to follow
Howard at daylight, and move on the railroad towards Grays-
ville. Hooker, as already stated, was detained at Chattanooga
Creek by the destruction of the bridge at that point. Leaving
his artillery to follow when the bridge should be rebuilt, he
pushed forward with the reraainder of his command. He came
upon the flank of the enemy at Rossville ; but they could
make but little resistance, and as man.y of thep as could do
so escaped. Many prisoners, however, were captured. Hooker's
position during the night of the 25th was near Rossville, ex
tending east of the ridge.
Grant had in this engagement 60.000 raen ; Bragg had about
half that nuraber, but his position was supposed to be ira-
pregnable. Grant's total loss in this carapaign was 5,616 men,
of whom 767 were killed, 4,629 wounded and 330 missing.
Bragg lost 3,869 killed and wounded, and 6,141 were taken
prisoners, making a total loss of 10,000 men, it being about
one-third of his entire army. He lost forty guns, sixty-nine
artillery carriages and caissons, and over seven thousand
small arms.
A circumstjince that distinguigbes tbe battle of Chattanooga

182 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
is that the organizations were not kept together under their
respective commanders during the engagement. This was
caused by the accidents growing out of the heavy rains and
the sudden rise in the Tennessee River. Hooker, on the right,
had Greary s division of the 12th corps, army of the Potomac ;
Osterhaus' division of the I5th corps, army of the Tennessee;
and Cruft's division of the army of the Cumberland. Sher
man had three divisions of his own array, Howard's corps
frora the array of the Potomac, and Jefferson C. Davis' di
vision of the army of the Cumberland. But no confusion
arose from this disposition of the troops. There was no
jealousy — scarcely any rivalry. All were animated with a
sentiment of patriotism. They saw a defiant foe surrounding
them, and accepted every move as intended to dislodge him,
and it mattered little under whom they were placed, 60 that
the end was accomplished.
Undoubtedly, this was the best planned and the best exe
cuted campaign on the Union side thus far during the war.
Grant, on assuming comraand of the department of the Missis
sippi, imraediately o]jened up his coramunications, and as it
were, at once had the array well supplied with rations and cloth
ing and the starving aniraals were also well supplied with forage.
He surprised Bragg in every move he made, and when the final
move was made, Bragg did not know what his intentions were.
He did not know Sherman's intention when the latter crossed
the Tennessee at Browns Ferry, in plain view ofthe Confeder
ate pickets on Lookout. Bragg thought that Sherman's
attack on Missionary Ridge was the main point of attack, and
that it was Grant's design to turn his right flank, and that
Hooker's attack on Lookout Mountain was to distract his at
tention from Sherman. Bragg acted precisely as Grant de
sired hira lo ; that is, he weakened his center to save his right,
and thereby lost the battle of Chattanooga. The Confederate
government acted unwisely in sending Longstreet, their ablest
general, on an expedition against Knoxville, while at the same
time they knew that Grant was expecting heavy reinforce
ments from Sherman. A second and fatal mistake was raade
in sending Buckner to reinforce Longstreet, wLien an attack
was daily expected from Grant.

THOS. H. BARTON. 183

It is reasonable to suppose that if Bragg could have driven
Grant frora Chattanooga, Knoxville would have fallen into his
hands without a struggle. Moreover, if Longstreet could have
captured Knoiville, and Bragg had lost Chattanooga, as he
did. then Grant would have imraediately recaptured the former
place. The Confederates, having both Knoxville and Chatta
nooga in view, lost both places. Great credit is due to Rose
crans for his masterly campaign in opening this gateway lo
the Southern Confederacy ; to Thomas the nation owes a debt
of gratitude for holding open this gateway till Grant took
coramand, and to Grant himself for his successful campaign,
which was instrumental in making him lieutenant general,
and destined hira lo be the leader of our victorious colurans
to Appomattox.

CHAPTER XI.

BELIEF OP KNOXVILLE — PERSONAL AND REGIMENTAL.
Chattanooga being now secure to the National troops beyond
any doubt. Grant immediately turned his attention to reliev
ing Knoxville. Prior to the battles, he had raade preparations
for sending troops to the relief of Burnside al the very earliest
moraent after securing Chattanooga; and General Granger,
with the 4th corps reinforced to 20,000 men, was to start the
moment Missionary Ridge was carried. Two sraall steamers
were put in condition to run, and one of these was loaded with
rations and ammunition, and was to move up the Tennessee
River to the mouth of the Holston, keeping abreast of the
troops. Grant himself followed Bragg as far as Graysville,
and on the 29lh of November returned to Chattanooga. Find
ing that Granger had not only not started, but was very
reluctant to go. Grant sent word to Sherman, who was at
Graysville, informed him of the situation, and directed him
to march to the relief of Knoxville.
Longstreet had made slow progress in his march towards
Knoxville. He had depended on the country to feed his
army ; but his bread had to be supplied from the wheat in the

184 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

sheaf and corn in the shock, and his raen were poorly supplied
with clothing, tents and blankets. Oh the 14lh he reached
Houghf's Ferry, six miles below Loudon, where he crossed the
Tennessee. '
Burnside had marched to Loudon, with the intention of
holding Longstreet in check until Grant had secured Chatta
nooga, and could corae to his relief. On Longslreet's approach
Burnside fell back to Cambell Station, where a severe en
gagement took place, and he was corapelled to fall back within
the lines of Knoxville. Longstreet followed, and on the 17th
raade an atterapl to carry the place by assault, but failed. He
thereupon invested the city, with the intention of reducing it
by famine ; but in this he was disappointed on account of the
loyal people of east Tennessee bringing supplies to the be
leaguered array, so that Burnside's stores increased instead of
diminished. Sherman had sent out detachments to destroy the railroad
between Graysville and Cleveland. This force had not returned
when he received orders lo march to the relief of Knoxville.
His men needed rest after their long march from Memphis,
and hard fighting at Chattanooga. But Grant had become
satisfied that Burnside could not be rescued if his relief de
pended upon the movements of Gen. Granger. On the 1st
of December Sherraan put his army in motion, and at night
reached Athens. On the ensuing day he reached Philadelphia,
while the cavalry kept on to Loudon, and found the place
occupied by the enemy, who, during the night, burnt the
pontoon bridges and ran three locomotives and forty-eight
cars into the Tennessee River to prevent them from falling
into Sherman's hands. The enemy then evacuated Loudon.
On the same night Sherman sent a squad of cavalry to Knox
ville to inform Burnside that relief was near at hand. On
the 3d they moved to Morgan Town, on the Little Tennessee
River, where Sherman expected to find a good ford ; but on
reaching the place found from two to five feet of water in
the channel. The water was at the freezing point. Here
he was detained in building a bridge till dark on the evening
of the 4th. His troops crossed during the night, and on
tbe morning of the 6th his cavalry brought the intelligence

THOS. H. BARTON. 185

that Burnside still held tbe fort, but that Longstreet held
the place in seige.
On learning of Bragg's defeat at Chattanooga, Longstreet
resolved to take Knoxville by assault He, therefore, on the
29th of November, massed his columns against Fort Saunders
on the northern side of the town,' it being the key to the Fed
eral position. The storming party pressed forward with great
resolution, but were raet with a withering fire frora the fort.
They, however, soon reached the fort, and a few men scaled
the works, and demanded the surrender of the garrison. They
were dragged in and made prisoners. The assaulting force
finally withdrew and retreated hastily, losing heavily in killed
and wounded. This assault having failed, another column
made the attempt, but failed also, and a third assault on the
south side ended only in disaster. In these desperate assaults
Longstreet lost 500 men, killed and wounded. Burnside's loss
was comparatively small. Longstreet lay before the place till
the night of the 4th of December, when he retreated by the
way of Strawberry Plains. Burnside's cavalry followed him
twenty railes, which brought them lo that place, where the
pursuit ended.
On the 5th, while at Morgantown, Sherman learned of Long
slreet's departure. He rested his troops for a few days, and
then returned by easy marches lo Chattanooga. Granger with
his comraand moved to Knoxville, and went into winter-quar
ters. Sherman distributed his troops at different places on the
Tennessee, and on the Memphis tind Charleston Railroad,
where they went into winter-quarters. General Grant, who
had received the congratulations of the nation established
his head-quarters al Nashville, and the carapaign of 1863
in the west ended.
*******
The 4tb West Virginia Regiraent, as stated in a former
chapter, was stationed at Camp Sherraan in September, 1863.
During the last week of this raonth the regiraent received
marching orders, and were soon under way to Vicksburg with
the Army of the Tennessee. On reaching this place they were
marched aboard a Government transport, and were soon steam
ing up the MissisEippi River with Sherman's fleet. At Mem-
24

186 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

phis the regiment had a short rest, and then marched across
the country with Sherman's army to Chattanooga, and were
hurried to Missionary Ridge, and participated in the battle of
Chattanooga. Immediately after this battle the regiraent
raoved with Sherman to Morgan Town, and aftera short rest,
returned to Chattanooga. I'hey were soon afterwards placed
on board of pontoon boats, and were moved to a point opposite
Larkinsville, Alabama. At Larkinsville, the regiment went
into winter-quarters. At this place "the boys " had an easy
time during the remainder of the winter, having nothing to do
but guard duty and an occasional scout.
During the year 1863 the service of the regiment was
hard and laborious. They were alraost incessantly either
marching, fighting, or performing manual labor. On the llih
of February, 1864, a part of the regiraent enlisted as veterans
for three years longer, or during the war; and remained at
Larkinsville till the latter part of March. The balance of the
regiment was consolidated with the 8th Missouri. The cora
panies ofthe Fourth Regiraent were respectively consolidated
with the companies ofthe 8th Missouri; that is Company A.
of the 4th West Virginia was consolidated with Company A.
ot the 8ih Missouri, etc.
,'\bout the first of May the non-veterans received raarching
orders, broke carap, and moved to Chattanooga. They were
in the advance as mounted infantry in the Army of the
Tennessee under the command of McPherson in Sherman's
march to Atlanta, Georgia, and participated in the battle of
Rasacca, fought on the 13th, llth and 15lh of May. On the
28th, the regiment took part in the battle of Dallas in which
the Army ofthe Tennessee was the chief participant. In this
battle the regiment lost one raan killed, the nuraber of the
wounded being unknown. On the 27th of June, the 4th West
Virginia participated in the battle of Kenesaw Mountain, and
the march was afterwards continued lo Marietta, Georgia
where they remained till their terra of enlistraent was near its
close. The non-veteran portion of the regiraent were then
placed aboard a train, and started for Wheeling, West Virginia
to be mustered out of the United Stales service. When about
midway beleween Dallas and Calhoun the locomotive struck a

THOS. H. BARTON. 187

torpedo, which the rebels had placed on the track, and which
exploded, throwing the engine off the track, and wounding a
few men. This caused a delay of a few hours. No further ac
cident occurred, and they reached Wheeling in safety. They
went into carap on Wheeling Island, where they remained till
the latter part of August, and were then mustered out ofthe
service, received their arrears of pay and bounty, returned
home to their families, and once more became citizens ofthe
republic. The veteran portion of the regiment, together with a few
disabled men who were condemned for service in the South
by surgeon's certificate of disability, left Larkinsville in the
latter part of March, and started for Wheeling. They slopped
one day at Gallipolis, Ohio, and reached their destination
about the first of April. Every soldier received a veteran fur
lough for thirty days, and "the boys" had an opportunity for
a brief period, of enjoying the companionship of their friends
and loved ones at home.
After the expiration of their furlough, the veterans were
transferred to the Shenandoah valley, and placed under
General Hunter's comraand. Under his leadership they
participated in the battles of Piedraont, fought June 5th,
Lynchburg, June 18th, Kearnstown, July 15th, and Snickers
Gap, July 20th, 1864. On the 17th of August, Hunter was
superseded by Sheridan, who was assigned to the coraraand of
the forces in the Middle Military Division, consisting of the
Department of Washington, the Middle Department, and the
Departments ofthe Susquehanna and Southwest Virginia,'
which it was now deterrained lo unite under one commander-
Under this brave general the veterans of the 4th West Virginia
look partin the battles of Berry ville, Septeraber 3d, Winches
ter, October 19th, and Cedar Creek, October 21st, 1864.
The losses of the Fourth Regiraent from the fall of Vicks
burg, July 4tb, 1863, to the date of their consolidation with the
First West Virginia Regiment, December 10th, 1864, were as
follows: Corapany A one died of disease ; Company B six
died of disease and one deserted ; Company C two died of
disease and one was discharged for disability ; Corapany D
two died of disease and two were discharged for disability ;

188 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Company E four died of disease ; Company F one killed in
action at Dallas. Georgia, eight died of disease and five were
discharged for disability ; Company G seven died of disease
and five were discharged for disability; Company H six died
of disease and two were discharged for disabilit.y ; Company
I one killed in action, one accidentally killed and twelve
died of disease ; Corapany K eight died of disease and one was
discharged for disability. The total loss frora all causes,
during this period, was seventy-six.
*******
Nearly a quarter of a century has elapsed since the terrible
war, in which the nation had been engaged for raore than four
years, ended. The supremacy of the Government has been
established; all resistance to its laws and authority has been
suppressed ; the war resulted in the complete triumph of the
Union arms, and the flag of our country now floats in every
precinct of the nation. The Union armies accomplished their
duty in the preservation of the republic. Distinguished Gen
erals and other officers, have been received by their country
with the honors due to those who have so well sustained the
national character--not only for courage, activity, endurance,
discipline and military science — but for the nobler virtues of
humanity. The remains of other officers, who died in the
service of their country, have been brought home to be hon
ored in death ; and to find their last repose among their
friends. And the soldiers too — they who fought so nobly for
free institutions — they have returned. Regiraents that went
forth fullandfresh have returned — sraitlen and scathed.
Many is the desolate hearth, to which the son, the husband,
the father shall return no raore. No kindred eye shall weep
at his grave. He is buried with the undistinguished dead,
who fell on the battle-field, or died in the hospital, or in the
prison pens of the south. Four hundred thousand Union
soldiers, it is calculated, have been sacrificed in this war ; and
more than four billions of money expended. And we know
that the sacrifice of Southern life and properly has been enor
mous. The number of Confederate soldiers, who fell in battle,
equaled, if not exceeded, that of the Federal ; and who can tell
how many of their women and children were killed in the bona-
bardraent of their cities?

THOS. S. BARTON. 189

Let the value of money be estimated by the good it may do,
and we shall then see that the preservation of the Union was
well worth the sacrifice. The Southern contest has placed
our republic in tbe front rank among the nations ofthe earth.
No country has at any period shown braver soldiers, or belter
officers. In the reconstructed government, the Confederates
have been restored to all their political rights and priviliges ;
yet it is none the less true that the Union was preserved by the
valor of our armies, and without conquest could not have been
maintained. Five millions of human beings have been liber
ated frora bondage, and invested with the privileges and im
munities of citizenship. This great result has been accom
plished by the instrumentality of this nation, and, with pe
culiar emphasis. Progress may be made the watchword of
the Nineteenth Century, and of tbe Republic of America.
******-*¦*
I shall now resume the thread of my personal history. On
the 25th of September, 1863, as stated in a former chapter. I
obtained a furlough for thirty days to visit my horae in the
north. I was treated very kindly at Carap Sherraan by the of
ficers, soldiers and hospital attendants, and was soon on my
way in an ambulance to Vicksburg, a distance of fifteen or
twenty miles ; and in due tirae, arrived at Vicksburg in an ex
hausted condition. Yet I was hopeful, for I had started on ray
journey home, and thought that if I lived to reach home, and
enjoy the refreshing air of a northern climate, and the com
forts of my own fireside, that in a few weeks I would regain
my health and strength, and once more be able for duty. My
weight was only 143 pounds, having lost thirty-two pounds. I
now had all insatiable thirst, and would fill a pint tin-cup with
the muddy water of the Mississippi, put a chunk of ice in the
water, and then drink it at once. This was repealed every
fifteen or twenty minutes.
I procured free transportation on a steamboat, and was soon
on ray way up the Mississippi. A few miles above Helena,
Arkansas, the steam-boiler sprang a leak, and the boat anchor
ed in the middle ofthe river. W^e laid at anchor about twelve
hours, when a boat, which was going down the river, took me
aboard, and transferred me to a gun-boat at Helena. Here I

190 autobiography op

remained one day, and feasted on fresh fish, which no doubt
did rae great injury. This was the first and only gun-boat
that I was ever on. After reraaining here about one day, I
observed a fleet of transports coming up the river. One steamer
landed by the gun-boat, and to ray great joy, my own regi
ment, the Fourth West Virginia, was aboard. I went with
them to Memphis. Here I reraained a few hours, and then
took passage on the same boat to Cairo, arriving at that place
about the 4th of October. I took my meals at the table, pay
ing fifty cents per meal, and getting as near the worth of my
money as any other person, on account of having a voracious
appetite. I bought a slice of water-melon at Helena, it being
the best melon that I ever tasted. At sorae point between
Memphis and Cairo an officer took my valise, and relieved it of
Carpenters Work on Huraan Physiology, at the sarae time tell
ing me that it was his duly to take charge of all captured pro
perty, and turn it over lo the government. About the same
time I met Edgar Blondin, who belonged lo a regiraental band
in the army. While in his presence, I accidentally tramped
on a fool's foot — I call him a fool because he did not have the
sense or manners of a gentleman. Notwithstanding ray feeble
condition, he threatened to strike me for this accident, but was
prevented by the interference of comrade Blondin. Four months
previous lo this time, I could have thrown him overboard
without exerting much of my strength.
I slept but little during this voyage. On the approach of
evening I would feel sleepy and worn out, but when night
came on I would go to my roora, and the sleepy feeling would
leave me, and I would lay awake nearly all night, and on the
approach of day I would wish for morning to come. I do
not think that I slept more than two hours during the twenty-
four. I arrived al Cairo, Illinois, on a cold windy day, and
suffered intensely with the cold. Having reraained at Cairo
for a few hoiirs, I took transportation on the Illinois Central
Railroad to Ogden, where I changed cars, and then travelled
on the Ohio and Mississippi road to Cincinnati, where I arrived
on the following morning. There was no water-tank on the
car in which I rode, water was brought on it every two or
three hours, but this did not quench ray insatiable thirst. To

THOS. H. BARTON. 191

satisfy ray craving thirst, I would walk into the forward car
among the ladies and gentlemen, go lo the water-tank, and
take a drink of ice-water. This was repeated at nearly every
station, and I managed to get back lo my own car before the
train started. Boys would corae aboard tbe train at every
depot or large station where the tmin stopped, with cooked
chickens, bard-boiled eggs, pies and fruit, of which I bought
an abundance, and ate with a voracious appetite. At Cincin
nati, a "shark" met rae at the depot with a horse and express,
took rae to a third-class hotel, and "sharked" me out of one
dollar and fifty cents for his services. The land-lord, who kept
a saloon, no doubt rewarded hira with all the whiskey he could
drink. The land lord, however, was very kind to rae, and
among other things for supper, supplied me with sausage, of
which I ale heartily. This kind of diet did not agree with me al
though it was given in kindness. Since leaving the regiment,
I had received no attention frora any one until I reached Cin
cinnati, where every one seeraed very kind to me. I was fre
quently asked this question. "Are you going home to be dis
charged?" I invariably answered the question in the negative.
I remained one day in the city, and paid my fare of one dollar
and fifty cents, which was very reasonable.
My landlord, who treated rae with great courtesy, procured
transportation for me to Athens, Ohio, at half-fare, and as
sisted rae to the depot, where I took the Marrielta and Cincin
nati Railroad. It was dark when I reached Athens, and not
hearing the conductor's call, I reraained in ray car, and when
the train started, soon found that I was speeding through the
town at the rate of eight railes an hour. I left the train at
the next station, and took lodging for the night at a small
hotel. The landlady prepared a sumptuous supper, of which
I ate heartily. There were several gentlemen at the supper
table, and the conversation finally turned on the subject of the
war. The landlord did all the talking, but no one paid any
attention to him, and I was unable to converse with him.
Never before or since had I heard such vituperative language
used against the government as this man used. He abused
President Lincoln and the members of Congress. He also
abused our military officers, calling them butchers. He was

192 autobiography of

a "copperhead" democrat ; but notwithstanding all this, he
treated me very kindly and procured free transportation back
to Athens. Here I procured a driver with a horse and buggy,
and in the afternoon he took me to the residence of Mrs.
Lodicia Barton on Shade River. Mrs. Barton was my aunt,
and we reached her place about an hour after sunset. Here I
remained over night, and feasted too heartily on my aunt's
rich bounty. In the raorning my aunt furnished me with
a horse, and I rode to Mr. Hugh Y. Cook's residence, a dis
tance of two or three miles. We were cousins. I was sup
plied with a good dinner, and after a sumptuous meal, I felt
very tired and worn out, and laid down on the sofa to sleep.
A lady, who lived in the neighborhood, came in ; and observ
ing me asleep on the sofa, said to Mrs. Cook : "Thai man
looks so pale and feeble, I believe he is dead ; please go and
see if he is still breathing." Thereupon, Mrs. Cook came to
me and found me alive ! About the middle of the afternoon,
Mr. Cook took me in his buggy to my residence near Chester,
and when we reached horae I learned that my wife and child
ren were on a visit, and would be back in an hour. I reached
home about the 9lh of October.
"Home, home, sweet home,
There is no plaee like home."
In about an hour after ray arrival ray wife and children re
turned. We had a happy reunion, notwithstanding I was a
skeleton compared lo the hale, hearty and robust soldier of
fourteen raonths previous, I was overcorae with joy at once
more beholding my beloved wife and children ; and was even
glad to see the little stranger, who had taken up his abode
with us. At first my oldest children did not recognize rae as
a father ; but appeared lo take me for a "tramp" that had
stopped at their mother's house. I was very kind to them and
amused them in every manner possible, and in this way they
soon came to love me.
During ray sojourn at horae, my wife was very kind to me,
and treated me with great respect, and did all she could to
make me comfortable and happy. At the same time I was
morose, fretful and gloomy. My books lay on the shelf un
opened. My conversation was frivolous. I refused the ur-

THOS. H. BARTON. 193

gent request of my wife and friends to employ a physician,
believing that medicine would be of no avail for a person with
an insatiable appetite and an unquenchable thirst. My diet
was the' richest food that could be procured, and my drink
was by the quart from a "well of sparkling water" near by.
Soon after ray return, I had a professional call to see a son
of tbe Rev. Moses Will. He had received an injury of the
head, having had it caught in a cane raill. I refused to see
the lad, thinking that I was unfit to treat a case of surgery.
The State election took place in a few days after I arrived
horae, and I was taken to the polls in a carriage, and voted
for John Brough for governor of Ohio.
The thirty days of my furlough soon expired. In accordance
with military law, it had to be extended. Gallipolis being the
nearest military post, I resolved to go there and procure an
extension of time. Mrs. Barton procured a horse and buggy,
and we were soon off for Gallipolis. In the evening of the
sarae day we reached ray brother Jaraes' residence at Addison
and stopped with hira that night. Next day my brother took
me lo the general hospital near Gallipolis, and in due time,
through the kindness of Dr. John Bell, acting as assistant
surgeon of that institution, I procured an extension of my
furlough for thirty days, signed by Gen. Sherman. On the
ensuing day we returned horae, arriving there about sundown.
I was in an exhausted condition.
During ray sojourn at horae I had two attacks of raalarial
fever, but easily succeeded in breaking the paroxysras. My ex
tension of furlough expired about the last of November, and I
then decided lo report in person to Dr. Bell, at the general
hospital at Gallipolis. He received me as a patient in that
institution, and I was placed under the care of Dr. Bantee for
treatment. Next day, on his morning visit. Dr. Bantee gave
me the following prescription :
R TV. Opii Camph.
Tr. Catechu, § im.
Siq.: Take a teaspoonful every three hours.
I used this prescription till sorae tirae in the spring, with
some success, it being the only medicine I iised, with the ex
ception of an occasional dose of quinine to arrest an attack of

194 autobiography of

the malarial intermittent fever. Some time in March, Surgeon
Stone superseded Surgeon Bell, and took charge of the hos
pital. On his first visit he ordered Dr. Bantee lo give me iron
and quinine. The prescription was as follows :
R Quinia Sulph., 3 ss.
Tr. Ferri Chloridi, ,5 ss.
Aqua Pura, g ii ss.
Sig.: Take a teaspoonful in sweetened water three times
daily.
I could not take quinine in solution, and at my request the
druggist gave me the medicines separately. I continued to
take these medicines till the middle of July, during which
period I slowly improved in health and strength.
Some time during the preceding winter, I procured some
milk, which I used as a diet for several days. I had come to
the conclusion that milk would be better for me'" than the
regular hospital diet. On learning this. Dr. Bantee furnished
me with milk daily, and in my opinion I improved more rap
idly under this regimen.
About the 1st of April I procured a pass to visit my family,
and one afternoon took passage on a steamboat for Pomeroy,
arriving at that place al dark. I put up at the Remington
House, and took supper, Mr. ,Tohn Dunn being the proprietor.
He was an old acquaintance, and advised rae to remain over
night with him ; but I was very anxious to see my family,
declined his kind offer, and iraraediately set out for ray home,
eight miles distant. I proceeded in daylight until out of the
limits of the city. I was on Kerr's Run when night came on.
The night was dark as "¦Erebus," and it was almost impossible
to see my way. And when at the forks of the road I took the
left-hand route, which led me almost a mile out of the way be
fore I discovered the mistake. But when I reached the hills, I
knew the roads, and knew where I was. The roads were muddy,
m.v shoes fiere light and thin, and when about half way
home, my shoes refused to remain on my feet, and I abandoned
them, and continued on my journey without any covering for
my lower extremities, arriving at home about ten o'clock at
night. My wife was surprised to see me in my nude pedal
extremity. I was in an exhausted condition, but a cup of hot

THOS. H. BARTON. 195

coffee for the stomach, and a warm bath for my feet, soon re
vived my drooping spirits.
Some time in the fall of 1863, my wife had rented our prop
erty in Syracuse, to a woman who was the wife of a soldier.
Report said that she kept a house of prostitution. Her hus
band had abandoned her. She, at different times, refused to
leave the preraises, and also refused to pay the rent. After
resting a few days I repaired to Syracuse, and gave her legal
notice lo leave the preraises. To this she paid no attention
and held on lo the properly. I went before a Justice of the
Peace, and summoned her on a writ of forcible detention.
Al the trial the Justice rendered a judgment of restitution in
my favor, and I imraediately procured a writ of restitution,
gave the same to a constable, who proceeded forthwith to ex
ecute it. I accompanied him, but my virtuous tenant was
prepared for us. She was not only well fortified, but was also
well supplied with a store of ammunition, and prepared to re
sist the most formidable assault. The lop of the stove was
covered with kettles of boiling water, prepared to launch
against her assailants. But the officer was equal to the
emergency. He quietly reraoved the kettles, emptied the
boiling fluid, and then proceeded lo clear the house of its con
tents. Having obtained possession of my domicile in this
way, I thereupon moved my family to Syracuse, bade them
farewell, and once more reported to the hospital.
During my sojourn at this institution, a small portion of
my tirae was occupied as a druggist. I filled the physican's
prescriptions. When the soldiers, who were wounded in
Hunter's raid, were brought lo the hospital, it was part of ray
duty lo dress their wounds. Among them was a soldier who
had his thigh amputated at the lower third. I removed the
bandages, which had not been touched since the limb was
amputated, and proceeded to examine the stump, but did not
like its appearance. I was afraid of gangrene, or mortifica
tion. Soon after this, secondary hemorrhage, or bleeding set
in ; the stump became affected with gangrene, and the soldier
died in a few days. Dr. Bantee, asked me if I had pulled the
cord or ligature, with which the Femoral Artery was tied,
thus loosening the cord and causing hemorrhage. I replied
very emphatically : "No sir, I did not."

196 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Sometime in March, 1864, there was a threatened invasion
of the Kanawha Valley by the Cenfederates. To meet this
emergency. Surgeon Stone ordered all soldiers, who were able
lo travel and carrv a musket, to proceed to the front and assist
in repelling this invasion. I was araong those whora he
ordered to go on this expedition. Notwithstanding ray willing
ness to do duty for the governraent, I refused to go with the
squad, on account of my health, which was very poor, more
over, I considered the musket and the knapsack too heavy a
load for me, after having thrown thera aside for more than two
years, and having experienced a severe attack of sickness.
On another occasion. Surgeon Stone exarained his patients for
the purpose of sending those who were able for duty to their
respective regiments. I was among those who were examined,
and after the examination, he proposed to send me to ray regi
ment at Larkinsville. I knew that the southern climate would
not agree with me, and begged him to let rae remain till my
regiment returned. It was expected in a few days, and as
soon as it arrived, I reported to Surgeon Philson, who care
fully exarained rae, and ordered rae to report back to Surgeon
Stone, which was done accordingly. He again received rae
in the hospital, where I reraained till near the end of my term
of service.
My brother James, on several occasions, took rae in a car
riage lo his residence at Addison. Here I enjoyed his hospi
tality and reviewed sorae of the scenes of my earlier life. I
had studied medicine for two years under his preceptorship,
and had always enjoyed his companionship. During one of
my visits to his home, he was called upon, as an expert, to
examine the remains of a young lady, who died suddenly of
some acute disease about ten days previous. I accompanied
him. From the appearance of the corpse, the family thought
that life was not extinct. We proceeded to examine the
remains, and found that the spirit had left the body ; but it
had every appearance of a person in a profound sleep. The
body was well preserved, and the features had the appearance
of life.
A soldier who was in the hospital when I was ad
mitted, complained of being affected with rheumatism

THOS. H. BARTON. 197

in one of his legs. He walked lame. The surgeons
had abandoned all treatment of him, and probably through
leniency kept him in the hospital. Surgeon Stone, on his
first examination of the patient, ordered the nurses to
make hira lie flat on his back on his cot for the space of three
days. He was only perrailted to raise his body during his
regular meals. He bore this treatraent patiently till the three
days expired, when he found that he could walk without a
lirap ; and he was iraraediately discharged from the hospital
and soon afterwards reported to his regiment. Sorae time in
Noveraber, 1863, a case of insanity occurred. A soldier, affect
ed with the raeasles, was admitted into the hospital ; and as a
sequence of this disease, lost his reason. In some of his wan
derings he would imitate a preacher ; and would sing, pray,
preach and talk, as if he was speaking in class-meeting ; while
at other limes he would use profane and obscene language.
He was undoubledlj' an insane raan. Notwithstanding his
condition, he al all tiraes knew every person in his ward. He
would soraetimes take umbrage at what I would say to hira.
He knew that I was a hospital steward of sorae regiment, and
would frequently say to me: "Go to your hospital, and not
slay here sponging off of us." The strangest part of his
story is, that he soon afterwards left the hospital without leave
of absence, went home and got married. He returned in about
a raonth and was again admitted; and when he carae to our
ward, we spoke to hira, and extended the hand of fellowship ;
but he replied to every one of us, except one soldier of his
own regiment: "I don't know you, I never saw you before."
He soon afterwards left the hospital, and rejoined his com
raand. Some tirae in the spring of 1864, I witnessed the following
incident, together with the surgeons, hospital attendants, and
all of the inraates who were able to walk out. The husband
of the laundress was a trifling fellow, addicted to the use of
intoxicating liquor, spent raost of his earnings for whiskey,
and made a poor living for his family. He was also in the
habit of abusing his wife; and his thriftless disposition com
pelled his better half to support herself and family. One day,
after he had been abusing his wife, two of the cooks,

198 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

who were robust and able-bodied men, took him to a
shallow pond of water, dragged hira through it twice,
thus covering him with mud and wetting his clothing.
After receiving this baptism of mud and water he
looked raore like an alligator standing on his hind
feet than like a huraan being. Just at this stage of the pro
ceedings, a man who was driving a two-horse team, made his
appearance on the scene of action, with the intention of tak
ing this fellow's part. The cooks, as soon as they learned his
intention, left their victira, turned on his would-be proteclori
gave hira a few blows with their fist, which soon made the
wagoner retreat in haste, followed by a shower of pebbles.
The 22d day of February, Washington's birth-day, was a
gala day for the attendants and inraates of this institution.
A sumptuous dinner was prepared, of which we partook with
great relish. Climbing a greasy pole was araong the arause-
ments on this occasion, and whoever succeeded in reaching
the lop was to receive a prize. Several unsuccessful attempts
were made, when one of the cooks finally succeeded, and ob
tained the prize for his dexterity and skill. I was among
those who made no attempt. This was an amusing thing for
us, and caused much merriment. During the winter, for
reading matter, we were supplied with the H^^ly Bible and
New Testament, together with a library of S.abbatb School
books. I would frequently read a chapter from the Bible or
Testament, but seldom read a.ny of the Sunday School books.
When Surgeon Stone took charge of the hospital, he dis
charged the matron and laundress, and placed the Sisters of
Charity in their stead. They removed the books, and replaced
them with a number of irapleraents for various kinds of harm
less games and puzzles. We sometiraes ara used ourselves with
these irapleraents. During the latter part of spring and early
part of the succeeding suraraer, I spent a portion of ray time
studying Anatomy and the Latin language.
On the 16th of July, I started for Wheeling in company with
Charles Atkinson, an inraate of the hospital, and a meraber of
Company E of the Fourth Regiraent, to be raustered out of
the military service of the United Slates. We were conveyed
to the Marietta and Cincinnati Railroad in an express, and

THOS. H. BARTON. 199

arrived at the station about midnight. We then laid our
bodies down on the bare ground without any shelter except
the broad canopy of the heavens, and slept soundly till after
daylight. In tbe morning we boarded the first train bound
for Parkersburg, and arrived at that city about eleven o'clock
that night. We applied at the hotels for lodging, but they re
fused to take us in, and we were compelled to sleep in the open
air. Next day we boarded a train for Grafton, West Virginia,
in company with a squad of soldiers, and when we passed
through the railroad tunnel several ofthe soldiers exclaimed :
''Hands on your pocketbooks, boys !" I suppose however,
that the pocketbooks were empty, as tbe pocketbooks of
soldiers generally were. We arrived safely at Wheeling about
ten o'clock p. m. and I felt rayself about "played out," a phrase
used for a broken down soldier. We took lodging for the
night at a house which had been used as a prison for Union
soldiers, who were charged with some offence against railitary
law. On the ensuing day I procured board and lodging at a
hotel where I reraained a few days. One day some of the
boarders were trying to solve the following problem. "A man
who was driving a flock of geese lo market, was asked : "How
many geese have you?" replied : "If I had as many raore. half
as many more, and two and a half geese, I would then have
one hundred I How many geese had he?" I stood near them
and listened to their conversation, while they were trying lo
solve the problem ; and when they had given it up, I called
for paper and pencil, which were given me, and in two or three
minutes, found the unknown quanity. The landlord, together
with those present, were greatly surprised to see a person of
my humble appearance solve such a problem in so short a
time. It adraits of an easy solution by algebra.
Let % equal the number of geese.
Then, a;-|-a;+ia;+2^100
Or, 4a;-}-a;-f6=200
Or, 52:=195
Or, a;= 39, answer.
I remained at Wheeling a few days, and then reported to
the hospital. I prescribed for myself, having free access to
the dispensary. I was not under any restraint whatever, and

200 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

traveled around the city more or less every day. On the Sab
bath I attended the M. E. Church regularly, with one excep
tion when, at the request of Arthur Pomeroy, we attended the
Episcopalian Church. After slaying at the hospital about two
weeks I became home sick, {nastalgia) and seeing no chance
of obtaining my discharge, I watched for an opportunity to
return to my regiment, which was in the vicinity of Baltimore.
One day I learned that a few Union soldiers, who were in
prison, would be sent to their respective regiments. I applied
to the Provost Marshall of the city to go as one the guards of
the prisoners to Baltimore. He readily granted ray request,
and about the 15lh of August, I relieved one of the guards,
and was soon on ray way to Baltimore, going by the way of
Pittsburgh on account ofthe rebels having torn up the Balti
more and Ohio Railroad. I arrived at my destination in due
time, it being about twelve o'clock noon. Immediately on ar
riving in this city I observed a sign on a building which read
as follows: "Soldiers Rcxt," I thought that if there was any
rest inside of that building I bad a right to enter in and par
take of it. I was tired, sleepy and hungry, and on entering
the building, found a large table spread with brown bread
about ten days old, corned beef that had all the juice boiled
out of it until nothing remained but bones and dry muscle
fiber, the coffee looked as if it was half soot. However unpal
atable this diet was, a keen appetite compelled me to eat
heartily. Supper and breakfast were about the same. When
night came on, being very tired, I hoped to have a good night's
rest, but was doomed to be disappointed. After walking over
the city for some tirae I returned to my lodgings, and found
a large number of soldiers on the bunks sleeping very soundly.
I look possesion of one ofthe bunks, and laid my body down
upon it, but found that it was already occupied by sorae kind
of insects. Al first I thought they were '" gray backs, "
{Pediculus corporis) but was mistaken. They were the chinch
or bed bug {Cinex lectularius.) These little pests were loo
severe for ray lender flesh, and I retreated, and left them in
peaceable possession of the bunk, but an immense number
of them clung to ray clothing. I iraraediately left the build
ing and walked the streets till early dawn, occasionally sitting

THOS. H. BARTON. 201

on the door step of sorae residence to rest my weary body,
while at the same time I was fighting and killing my diminu
tive tormentors until daylight, I then carefully exarained ray
clothing and found my raimenl.free frora these troublesome
insects. It is a mystery how any person could sleep in such
a bed-bug hole as this was.
On the ensuing day I look in some ofthe sights of the city.
Among them were the ships lying at anchor in the bay, some
of these ships being loaded with ripe peaches. I also visited
Fort McHenry, and found it a noble structure. In the after
noon, while strolling around the city, I met Captain William
Grayum, of Corapany G, of the 4th regiment. The boys were
on their way lo Wheeling. I fell in with them ; we drew army
rations, and had a " square meal," it being the best meal that
we had had since leaving Wheeling. Next day we boarded a
west bound train, and were off for our destination, via Pitts
burg, and arrived at Wheeling in due time. Soon after our
arrival I procured blanks for my discharge. These I filled up,
and presented thera to Captain D. A. Russell, of Company E,
who signed them in duplicate. On the 22nd of August I pre
sented my papers to Lieutenant Henry C. Peck, the mustering
officer, who filled up, signed and gave me ray discharge. I
then reported to the payraaster, who, after exaraining my dis
charge, asked me if I had performed any duty after my term
of service had expired. I informed him about my guarding
the prisoners to Baltimore, and without saying anything fur
ther, he gave rae ray arrears of pay and bounty, and $30 for
the last raonth's service. I then procured some necessary
surgical and tooth instruments. On the 23d of August, I bade
the citizens and soldiers of the good city of Wheeling a final
adieu, and boarded the United States mail packet bound for
Parkersburg, where I arrived about one o'clock on the follow
ing morning. At this place I changed boats, taking another
mail packet for Pomeroy, and about five o'clock p. m,, on the
24lh, arrived safely at Syracuse.

26

202 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XI.

Roster of field, staff and company officers of the 4th Regiment
West Virginia Infantry, showing the alterations and casual
ties therein, frora the date of original organization to the
date of consolidation with the 1st West Virginia Infantry,
Deceraber 10th, 1864. colonels.
J. A. J. Lightburn, coramissioned August 14, 1861, promoted
to brigadier general volunteers.
Jaraes H. Dayton, commissioned May 9, 1863, mustered out,
expiration term of service.
LIEUTENANT COLONELS.
William H. H. Russell, comraissioned August 27, 1861, re
signed.
James H. Dayton, commissioned March 19, 1863, promoted to
colonel.
John L. Vance, coramissioned May 9, 1863, mustered out, ex
piration terra of service. MAJORS.
John T. Hall, coramissioned August 27, 1861, killed in action
near Boone C. H., W. Va.
James H. Dayton, coramissioned October 4, 1862, promoted to
lieutenant colonel.
¦John L. Vance, comraissioned March 19, 1863, proraoled to
lieutenant colonel.
A. M. Goodspeed, comraissioned May 9, 1863, killed in action
at Vicksburg.
Henry Grayum, commissioned August 17, 1863, mustered out
expiration term of service.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS AND ADJUTANTS.
Philson B. Slanberry, coramissioned August 22, 1861, honor
ably discharged.
Alpheus Beal, commissioned January 26, 1864, mustered out
expiration term of service.
FIRST LIEUTENANT AND B. Q. M.
Jesse V. Stevens, commissoned October 18, 1861, mustered out
expiration term of service.

THOS. H. BARTON. 203

SURGEONS.
George K. Ackley, coraraissioned August 26, 1861, resigned.
John R. Philson, commissioned May 9, 1863.
ASSISTANT SURGEONS.
John R. Philson, commissioned November 19, 1861, promoted
to Surgeon.
Homer C. Waterman, commissioned May 9, 1863, mustered
out expiration term of service.
CHAPLAIN.
George S. Woodhull, commissioned November 27, 1861, mus
tered out expiration terra of service.
CAPTAINS.
Henry S. Welton, Co. A coramissioned 
resigned Septeraber 1, 1861.
Tilton B. Rockbill, Co. A comraissioned Septeraber 1, 1861,
resigned November 30, 1862.
Martin V. Lightburn, Co A comraissioned Deceraber 31, 1862,
raustered out expiration term of service.
John L. Vance, Co B commissioned July 5, 1861, promoted to
Major.
Barlow W. Curtis, Co. B commissioned March 19, 1863.
Thomas J. Sraith, Co. C coramissioned July 5, 1861, resigned
November 20, 1862.
Barney J. Rollins, Co. C commissioned Deceraber 31, 1862,
raustered out expiration terra of service.
Arza M. Goodspeed, Co. D comraissioned July 8, 1861, pro
moted to Major.
John L. Mallernee, Co. D comraissioned May 9, 1863, mus
tered out expiration term of service.
Wm. R. Brown Co. E commissioned July 22, 1861, proraoled
to Colonel, 13th W. Va. I.
Ephraira C. Carson, Co. E. coraraissioned October 4, 1862,
resigned January 3, 1863.
Daniel A. Russell, Co. E. commissioned March 19, 1863, mus
tered out expiration term of service.
Wm. H. H. Russell, Co. F coraraissioned August 22, 1861,
promoted to Lieutenant Colonel.
George W. Story, Co. F comraissioned September 1, 1861,
resigned January 5, 1863.

204 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

CAPTAINS — CONTINUED.
William S. Hall, Co. F comraissioned March 19, 1863, raustered
out expiration term of service.
Henry Grayum, Co. G commissioned .July 1, 1861, promoted
to Major.
William Grayum, Co G commissioned August 17, 1863.
Patrick H. Brunker, Co. H comraissioned August 1, 1861,
resigned January 5, 1863.
Benjamin D. Boswell, Co. H coramissioned March 19, 1863,
promoted to Major 2d Vet. I.
Alexander Vance, Co. I commissioned July 10, 1861, resigned
February 16, 1863.
Calvin A. Sheperd, Co. I comraissioned March 19, 1863,
raustered out expiration terra of service.
James H. Dayton. Co. K commissioned July 22, 1861, pro
moted to Major.
James J. Mansell, Co. K coramissioned October 4, 1862,
mustered out expiration term of service.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
Martin V. Lightburn, Co. A coraraissioned September 1, 1861,
promoted to Captain.
 Smith, Co. A 
resigned September 1, 1861.
John I. Sayre. Co. A coramissioned December 31, 1862, mus
tered out expiration term of service.
Wm. C. Bailey, Co. B coramissioned July 5, 1861, resigned
September 30, 1862.
Barlow W. Curtis, Co. B commissioned Deceraber 31, 1862,
promoted to Captain.
Wm. H. H. Sissoii, Co. B commissioned March 19, 1863,
mustered out expiration term of service.
Barney J. Rollins, Co. C comraissioned July 5, 1861, pro
raoled lo Captain.
Wm. L. McMasler, Co. C commissioned December 31, 1862,
raustered out expiration term of service.
John L. Malernee, Co. D comraissioned July 8, 1861, pro
moted to Captain.
G. W. Hankinson, Co. D coramissioned May 9, 1863, mustered
out expiration term of service.

THOS. H. BARTON. 205

FIRST LIEUTENANTS — CONTINUED.
Ephraira C. Carson, Co. E commissioned August 22, 1861,
promoted to Captain.
Daniel A. Russell, Co. E commissioned October 4, 1862, pro
moted to Captain.
Philson B. Slanberry, Co. E commissioned August 22, 1861,
promoted to Adjutant.
James H. Ralson, Co. E coraraissioned March 19, 1863, resigned
Septeraber 6, 1863.
Edward Mallory, Co. E coraraissioned January 26, 1864, raus
tered out expiration term of service.
William S. Hall, Co. F commissioned July 30, 1861, promoted
lo Captain.
Finley D. Ong, Co. F commissioned March 19, 1863, died
prisoner at Vicksburg May 22, 1863, of wounds received
in battle of Walnut Hill, May 19, 1863.
George A. Scott, Co. F comraissioned August 17, 1863, mus
tered out expiration term of service.
John DeLille, Co. G commissioned July 18, 1861, resigned
November 30, 1862.
Cincinnatus B. Blake, Co. G commissioned Deceraber 31,1862,
resigned April 3, 1863.
Calvin L. Lightburn, Co. G coramissioned August 17, 1863.
John B. Booram, Co. H commissioned November 6, 1861,
resigned November 11, 1861.
Benjamin D. Boswell, Co. H comraissioned December 31, 1862,
promoted to Captain.
H. F. Donnelly, Co. H coramissioned May 13, 1862, resigned
December 8, 1862.
Michael Christopher, Co. H commissioned March 19, 1863,
mustered out at expiration term of service.
Calvin A. Sheperd, Co. I commissioned July 10, 1861, pro
moted to Captain.
James W. Dale, Co. I comijaissioned March 19, 1863, promoted
to Captain 2d Infantry.
James J. Mansell, Co. K commissioned July 22, 1861, promoted
to Captain.
Alpheus Beal, Co. K commissioned October 4, 1862, appointed
Adjutant.

206 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

FIRST LIEUTENANTS — CONTINUED.
Enoch Clice, Co. K commissioned July 26, 1864, mustered out
expiration term of service.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
John W. Davis, Co. A commissioned June 17, 1861, resigned
December 5, 1862.
Columbus Shrewsbury, Co. A commissioned December 31, 1862,
resigned May 26, 1863.
John McDonald, Co. A comraissioned August 17, 1863, mustered
out expiration term of service.
Barlow W. Curtis, Co. B comraissioned July 5, 1861, promoted
to 1st Lieutenant.
Wm. H. H. Sisson, Co. B comraissioned December 31, 1862,
promoted to 1st Lieutenant.
Alex Wartenburg, Co. B commissioned March 19, 1863, mus
tered out expiration term of service.
Wm. L. McMasler, Co. C commissioned October 1, 1861,
promoted lo 1st Lieutenant.
Jesse V. Stevens, Co. C coramissioned 
promoted to 1st Lieutenant and R. Q. M.
Robert Dyke, Co. C commissioned December 31, 1862, raustered
out expiration term of service.
Geo. W. Hankison, Co. D commissioned October 25, 1861,
promoted to 1st Lieutenant.
Adam Bratton, Co. D never mustered.
John N. Dean, Co. D comraissioned August 17, 1863, promoted
to 1st Li*eutenant 2d Vet. Infantry.
Ephraim C. Carson, Co. E commissioned August 22, 1861,
promoted to 1st Lieutenant.
Daniel A. Russell, Co. E coramissioned August 22, 1861, pro
moted to 1st Lieutenant.
James H. Ralston, Co. E comraissioned October 4, 1862, pro
moted to Ist Lieutenant.
Edward Mallory, Co. E commissioned March 19, 1863, pro
moted to 1st Lieutenant.
Finley D. Ong, Co. F commissioned July 30, 1861, promoted
to 1st Lieutenant.
George A. Scott, Co. P commissioned March 19, 1863, promoted
to 1st Lieutenant.

THOS. H. BARTON. 207

SECOND LIEUTENANTS — CONTINUED.
Allen Bloomfield, Co. F commissioned August 17, 1863,
mustered out expiration term of service.
Cincinnatus B. Blake, Co. G coraraissioned July 28, 1861,
promoted to 1st Lieutenant.
William Grayum, Co. G coraraissioned March 19, 1863, pro
raoled to Captain.
H. F. Donnelly, Co. H commissioned November 5, 1861, pro
moted to 1st Lieutenant.
Benj. D. Boswell, Co. H comraissioned May 13, 1862, promoted
to 1st Lieutenant.
Michael Christopher, Co. H comraissioned December 31, 1862,
promoted to 1st Lieutenant.
Wm. R. Malone, Co. H coraraissioned December 31, 1862,
mustered out at expiration term of service,
James W. Dale, Co. I commissioned July 10, 1861, promoted
to 1st Lieutenant.
Edward H. Trickle, Co. I comraissioned March 19, 1863,
mustered out expiration term of service.
Alpheus Beal, Co. K coramissioned July 22, 1861, promoted to
First Lieutenant.
Enoch T. Clice, Co. K commissioned October 4, 1862, promo
ted to First Lieutenant.
NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF.
Jas. H. Ralston, Sergeant Major, mustered July, 5, 1861, pro
moted to Second Lieutenant, Co. E.
Alex. Wartenburg, Sergeant Major, raustered July 5, 1861,
promoted to Second Lieutenant Co. E.
William Mullen, Sergeant Major, mustered July 25, 1861, mus
tered out expiration term of service.
Chas. W. Holland, Quarter Master Sergeant, raustered August
22, 1861, mustered out expiration terra of service.
Joseph A. Walsh, Quarter Master Sergeant, mustered Febru
ary 11, 1864, veteran, transferred to 2d. W. Va. Vet. Inf.
C. Shrewsberry, Commissary Sergeant, mustered August 22,
1861, promoted to Second Lieutenant Co. A.
Albert J. Haselton, Commissary Sergeant, mustered February
11, 1864, veteran, transferred to 2d W. Va. Vet. Inf.

^08

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF — CONTINUED.
Thos. H. Barton, Hospital Steward, mustered July 22, 1861,
mustered out expiration term of service.
W. A. Kalloussouski, Hospital Steward, mustered February 11,
1864, veteran transferred to Regular Army.
Peter F. Zeise, Principal Musician, mustered February 11,
1864, veteran, transferred to 2d. W. Va. Vet. Inf.

CHAPTER XII.

THE PRACTICING PHYSICIAN.
The future history of ray life naturally divides itself into
three periods. The first coraraencing with my return from the
military service ofthe United Stales, continues to the Ist day
of April, 1874, when having disposed of our property in Syra
cuse, I raoved ray faraily to Indiana. It was the most prosper
ous period of my life. The second period covers the space of
about seven months, and embraces my sojourn in the state of
Indiana. The third period, coraraencing with ray return frora
Indiana in November, 1874, continues to the present lime.
Mrs. Barton, who had charge of my finances during ray term
of service in the army proved herself a good financier, and
made an excellent use of the money entrusted to her care.
She had laid up money, and by the latter part of March, 1864,
had a sufficient amount to pay for our property in Syracuse,
together with the interest. We had previously made an
arrangement that the deed should be made to her, provided
she succeeded in saving money enough to pay for the prop
erty. Her reason for having the real estate deeded to herself
was that, if I owned it, I would probably become involved in
debt and finally lose it, whereas if tbe deed was made in her
name, the property would be safe, and no one could take it
away from us ; besides, as already stated, I had agreed that
our horae should be hers. I did this for the following reasons ;
1st. I supposed that the property would be safe in her keep
ing, on account of her good management of our affairs while I
was in the army.

THOS. H. BARTON. 209

2d. I had formerly given my consent to this settlement of
our affairs, as hereinbefore stated.
3d. Life was uncertain especially to one in my feeble condi
tion — I expected to live but a few years — and should I die, the
property would be hers to do with as she wished.
4lh. During the_six months iraraediately preceding my dis
charge from the service, I looked to her for the manageraent
of all our affairs.
Accordingly she filed her petition in the Court of Common
Pleas of Meigs County, Ohio, against B. F. Knight, adminis
trator of the estate of Quartes Bridgeman, deceased, from
whom I had bargained for the property, and in due time the
court granted her a decree, and conveyed the real estate to her
in fee siraple.
I was now once raore at home and happy in the society of
my wife and family. I had passed through a memorable
period of my life. I had served three years in the Union
array, and had seen much of the southern country. My posi
tion as hospital steward of the 4th West Virginia regiraent had
afforded facilities for acquiring a raore thorough knowledge of
the science of raedicine and the treatraent of disease. I had
iraproved these opportunities to the best of ray ability, and I
now felt assured of being able to establish a successful prac
tice. My wife, as already stated, had been economical in the
manageraent of our domestic and financial affairs ; our prop
erty was fully paid for, and my future prospects were now
brighter than ever they had been before. I resolved to seize
upon the golden opportunity to thoroughly devote myself to
my chosen profession, and by industry and economy secure a
competence for rayself and family.
Meanwhile the village of Syracuse had greatly improved.
During my absence many new residences had been erected.
Property was valuable. The Syracuse Coal and Salt Company
was in a prosperous and flourishing condition. The coal in
dustry, in which this company was extensively engaged, had
never before been so prosperous. The miners were being paid
five cents a bushel for mining coal, and the remuneration of
the wage workers was proportionately high. Money was
abundant; but the price of the necessaries of life far exceeded

210 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

that of the ante bellum times. Coffee was sold in the retail
market at fifty'* cents a pound ; tea two dollars a pound ; com
mon sugar twenty to twenty-five cents; bacon thirty to thirty-
two cents, and pickled pork twenty to twenty-five cents a
pound. Fresh pork sold at fifteen dollars per hundred, and
fresh beef frora twenty to twenty-five cents, a pound. Cabco
was forty-five cents a yard, and muslin sold from fifty to sixty
cents a yard. Worsted goods, however, was rauch cheaper.
Gentlemen's clothing was very cheap in proportion to the
price of other articles, and a substantial suit of clothes could
be purchased at from fifteen to thirty-five dollars. I bought
a suit of good broadcloth clothes in the city of Wheeling for
twenty-five dollars.
Prior lo the war, as I have already staled in a forraer chap
ter, I had selectsd the town of Syracuse as ray permanent lo
cation. I felt grateful that ray terra of service in the array
had expired, and that I was once more a citizen of the great
republic, and iraraediately began preparations to resurae ray
chosen profession, feeling assured of being able to build up an
extensive and lucrative praciice. I found ray forraer friends
well pleased when they found that I had relocated at this
place. In a very few days I was ready to resume my practice.
It was a sickly season, and I soon established myielf in busi
ness. My practice soon extended to Minersville and the
adjacent country. At Minersville and in the country, I vis
ited ray patients on horseback, carrying the leading medi
cines with me. In the course of a few months, I had all the
praciice that I was able to attend to, but had ray health been
good, I could have done more. During the first year I had a
fair share of the praciice, both at Syracuse and Minersville,
and also in the adjoining rural districts. The business in
creased more rapidly at Minersville than it did at Syracuse or
in the country. In the former place it continued steadily on
the increase till about the year 1869, at which time I had about
two-thirds of all the praciice, which continued in about the
same proportion till the 1st of April, 1874. At Syracuse, I
had, on an average, about one-third of all the medical practice
to the date above mentioned. This brings me up to tbe period
of my removal to the slate of Indiana.

THOS. H. BARTON. 211

During this lime I did not have the field of praciice lo my
self. Doctors Joseph and Samuel Bean had located at Syra-
cure prior to tbe war, and had established theraselves in their
profession. After ray return from the army, I found Dr. Joseph
Bean with an extensive practice and doing a large business.
A poor man said to me that he, meaning Dr. Bean, " had feath
ered his nest so well that he would not attend to poor people
at night." He remained here four or five years, in the mean
time doing a very fair business. Dr. Samuel Bean was not re
garded so skillful a physician as his brother, and did not have
as rauch practice. He reraained here several years after his
brother moved away.
Dr. Samuel Bean, however, was a great inventor, and invented
and patented some kind of a machine for stripping sugar cane.
He also built two or three houses in Syracuse. He was quite
a genius, and was very active and energetic. About the year
1870 he built a steamboat to navigate the waters of the beauti
ful Ohio, and everyone thought that Robert Fulton had corae
to town. His stearaboal, however, proved a failure, and it
was afterwards sold and converted into a floating grist raill
for the accoraraodation of the small farms along the Ohio.
Dr. Samuel Bean was succeeded by Dr. H. C. Telers. In the
estimation of a nuraber of persons. Dr. Telers was regarded as
a skillful physician, and he had a fair amount of praciice at
Syracuse and vicinity. He left this place in the spring of
1872. These doctors belonged to the Physio Medical School
of Physicians, and practiced that system of raedicine. One
of their favorite prescriptions was a composition powder of
which capsicum (Cayenne pepper) was the base, mixed with
other ingredients. A strong decoction was made from a table-
spoonful of this powder, and given to the patient.
In November 1872, Dr. J. B. Sraith, a regular physician, loca
ted at Syracuse. At first Dr. Smith did not succeed well in his
professional business. His practice, however, gradually in
creased to the period of ray removal to Indiana, at which
tirae he had established hiraself at this place, and had a good
reputation as a physician and surgeon, and was doing a very
fair business. Several other physicians, who lived at Racine,
Poraeroy, and Middleport, were soraetinies called to Syracuse

212 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to see the sick. There were Dr. J. B. Ackley of Racine, Dr.
George K. Ackley of the same place, and afterwards of
Pomeroy. He was a son of Dr. J. B. Ackley, and was a
very skillful physician. He was the Surgeon of the Fourth
West Virginia Regiment. Dr. J. W. Hoff of Racine, after
wards of Pomeroy. Dr. Hoff had considerable practice at
Syracuse. At first the Ackleys and Dr. Hoff were my consult
ants. Dr. George K. Ackley generally consulted with me in
surgical and obstetrical cases ; the others in common or
ordinary diseases. Dr. J. R. Philson, Racine, and Dr. D, C.
Rathburn, of Middleport, also did business at Syracuse, and
were among those who consulted with rae. Dr. Rathburn
generally in surgical cases. Dr. C. R. Reed of Middleport
and the lal'! Dr. Isaac Train, of Pomeroy, were occasionally
called lo this place. I did not consult with the Beans, but in
civil affairs we were friends. I was once called in consulta
tion with Dr. Telers, and consulted with him on account of
the case being an urgent one. We relieved the patient in
about an hour after my arrival. Dr. Telers moved away from
Syracuse in the spring of 1872.
From Septeraber 1864, to the first of April 1874, my praciice
continued about the same at Syracuse and Minersville. During
this period I had three cases of fracture of the thigh bonei
(femur) several cases of fracture of the fore-arm, (radius and
ulna) a few cases of dislocation of, and fracture near the
elbow joint, and one case of amputation of the thumb, and a
part of two fingers. In another case I amputated a finger on
account of a poorly treated case of fellon or whitlow, I also
had a number of flesh wounds which I treated, and in all these
cases raet with very fair success. In one case of an injury at
the elbow joint, I did not have the best success. On one occa
sion a lad about twelve years old was brought to me, who had
sustained an injury at the elbow joint, the bones being broken
as well as out of place at the elbow. I set the broken bones,
and applied splints and a bandage. The lad was brought tp
me regularly every day for the space of one week, and his arm
examined. Meanwhile, his mother was constantly urging me
to leave off the dressing, and at the end of this time she
stopped bringing the boy to me. The result of this was a
stiffened joint, or incomplete or partial. Anchylosis.

THOS. H. BARTON. 213

The following case, in which I did not have success explains
itself. I was called to see a coal rainer, who had sustained a
severe injury about tbe ankle joint. I proceeded to examine the
c^e, and found the ankle swollen to such an extent that I
could not make out the contour of the joint. The foot was
turned outward, (everted.) After examining the case for a few
minutes, I stopped the examination in order to meditate in re
gard to the nature of the injury. I was suddenly interrupted
in ray meditations by a man who was present, and who asked
me the following question : "Do you know what is the raatter
with his ankle?" I replied that I did not thoroughly under
stand it, and thereupon a number of those who were
present coraraenced conversing with each other in a lan
guage which I did not understand. Presently one of
thera said lo rae: "If you don't know what is the
raatter with the joint, we will send for a doctor who
does." To this sarcastic proposition I made no reply,
but said : "My treatment would be to straighten the
foot in a line with the other parts of the limb, apply a single splint
to bis ankle and leg, then reduce the swelling after which it
would be more easy to understand the trouble. I have empha
sized the important part of the treatraent. They immediately
started a messenger for a doctor loho did know. I then told thera
to apply cold water to the parts affected till the inflamation
and swelling were reduced, when it would be easy to make out
the nature of the injury. I then left the case and went to my
residence near by.
The physician who was sent for was absent from home, and
a young student of medicine was sent in his stead. The
young practitioner was soon at his bedside, and exarained the
injury, and pronounced it a sprain and ordered the volatile
liniraent to be applied to the injured ankle. Next raorning the
physician arrived, exarained the case, and the diagnosis was a
•severe sprain of the ankle, and he then took full charge and
treated the case alraost six weeks. The result of this treat
ment was to reduce the swelling and inflamation ; but the
patient had no use pf his ankle, and could not stand up
on it.
One day, while in Minersville, I raet Dr. D. C. Rathburn, who

214 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

was on his way to Syracuse to see this patient. He desired
me to accompany hira, and assist hira in treating the case. I
gave him the history of it so far as I know, and at first, refused
lo see the case ; but he strongly insisted that I sbould go with
him, and I at length waived all objections and went with him.
We proceeded to examine the injured ankle, and as the swel
ling was now nearly gone, it was very easy lo raake a diagnosis.
We found the outer and smaller bone of the leg ( Fibula) broken
at a point about two inches from its lower end. The fragments
were easily adjusted. In the absence of Dr. Rathburn I treated
the case, and in about one month after Dr. Rathburn's first
visit the fracture was found to be united and this gentlemen
was able to walk without a halt.
I was called to see Jacob Henry who was shot and mortally
wonnded by Calvin Runnion, about the 1st day of January, 1866.
I have raentioned Mr. Henry in a former chapter as being a
desperate character in Syracuse. He was very quarrelsome,
and figured prominently in a great many riots and disturb
ances, and was frequently arraigned before an officer of justice
for breaches of the peace. He also had the reputation of be
ing quite a Lothario among the fair sex. U[)on examination,
I found two gun-shot wounds in the lower part of one of his
legs, and another in the upper part of the thigh of the same
leg (the femur). The latter missile entered near the trocan-
ter raajor. I reraoved the two balls frora the lower part of the
leg, but the other raissile could not be found. Inflaraalion
soon set in in the cellular tissues. Dr. G. K. Ackley was called
in consultation, and he exarained the wound, but could not
find the missile. Mr. Henry died in about ten days after sus
taining this injury. The autopsy showed that he had been
shot from behind, and that the raissile had passed around to
the front part of the thigh bone and then entered the pelvic
cayity under the pubes. There had been severe inflaraalion
of all the parts in the pelvic cavity, and in all probability the.
wound was necessarily fatal.
Mr. Runnion was indicted in the Court of Common Pleas of
Meigs county for murder, but was acquitted by the jury. It
was shown at the trial that Henry had maintained criminal
connections with Runnion's wife.

THOS. H. BARTON. 215

I was the first physician called to the bedside of Robert
Snowball, who was stabbed and mortally wounded on the
night of the 24th of January, 1874, by Robert Herasley. Upon
exarainalion, I found about one dozen wounds on the surface
of his abdomen, more than one-half of these cuts having pene
trated the abdominal cavity. The caul, or omentum, was
protruding in sorae places. The case being a grave and seri
ous one, I called Dr. J. B. Smith to ray assistance, and he gave
it as his opinion that Snowball was seriously if not fatally
wounded. On the ensuing day at the request of sorae friends
and neighbors, Dr. Isaac Train of Poraeroy, was sent for, and
he kindly carae to our assistance. We then exarained the case
together, but could do nothing for the injured man, excepi
palliative treatment. Mr. Snowball lived ten days after sus
taining these injuries. He retained his mental faculties to the
last moment, and made his last will and testaraent, disposing
of his property. The autopsy showed that the stomach had
been penetrated once, the small intestines in six places, one
portion of his intestine being nearly severed by the knife.
Mr. Herasley was indicted in the Court of Coraraon Please
of Meigs county for murder ; and was found guilty by the jury
of murder in the second degree, and was sentenced to im
prisonment for life in the Ohio penitentiary. After serving
about nine or ten years, he was pardoned by the Governor of
Ohio from all further confinement.
The following is one ofthe most remarkable cases that ever
came under my treatmont. On tbe 25th of April, 1869, Stella
Guise, a daughter Charles Guise, of Minersville, and about
four years old, fell over the balustrade from the upper porch
of a two-story building. She struck the ground about two
feet below the lower floor of the porch, and altogether fell a
distance of about fifteen feet. I was immediately called to
treat the little sufferer, but found no serious injury. There
was only a mild attack of concussion of the brain, and sorae
slight bruises.
Another reraarkable case occurred during the succeeding
harvest of the same year. A lad about eight years of age fell
from a wagon loaded with grain in the sheaf, and after he
reached the ground, one of the wheels of the wagon ran over

216 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
him, passing over the center of the abdomen. I was called
to treat the case, and to my grest astonishment found no seri
ous injury.
It is noc the design of these pages, as I have already stated
in a former chapter, to mention the nuraerous cases that fell
under ray treatraent, or lo weary the reader with minute de
tails of raedical praciice. The above cases in surgery will be
sufficient for the period under review, and the following cases
in medical jiractice will cover the ground up lo May Ist 1874.
The summer of 1866 was an unhealthy one, malarial fevers
and cholera being the prevailing diseases. Some lime in the
summer of that year, a messen.ger came to my residence about
ten o'clock at night, slating that ray services were immedi
ately required at Minersville to see a man who was dying
with the cholera. My wife urged me not to take the case,
saying at the same time ; "The man is dying with the cholera, it
will be of no use to see him." She further said : "Some per
son may break into the house during your absence." Not
withstanding her protest, I was soon on my way lo the bed
side of the dying man, taking the precaution, however, to
secrete all the money we had in the house. I was soon at his
residence and found hira dying with the cholera, as the
raessenger had staled. I ordered palliative treatraent, and
then left the poor fellow lo his fate, and proceeded slowly
horae, at the same tirae meditating on the uncertainty of life
and the certainty of death. I continued my meditations till
in sight of ray residence. It was now raidnight, and a bright
light was seen in the front room, which was an unusual
thing at that time of night. A window sash of the drug
store was raised, a large jar holding it up. At the sarae rao-
ment I observed a lady in her night clothes crossing the
street in the direction of my residence, and when she recog
nized rae, exclaimed : "Doctor there are robbers in your
house I" I spurred my horse sharply, and a few jumps took
me to the hitching post, and on my way to it, saw a large jar
on the ground under the window. I dismounted, ran into the
house, and found my wife terribly frightened. She informed
me that a man came to the window, raised it, and placed the
jar under it. He then reached in and took another one, and

THOS. H. BARTON. 217

succeeded in getting his body about half way through the
window, when her screams frightened him away. Her screams
also aroused the neighbors who came to her assistance. The
late M. A. Hudson, and his son Lewis A. Hudson, who had
commenced the study of medicine under ray preceptorship,
were among those who carae to her rescue. I never learned
who the depredator was.
Soon after this, while riding through Minersville, I was
called to see a lad about eleven years old, whora I found in a
state of collapse, and he was also delirious. On the table lay
a large water-melon, and the brothers and sisters of the sick
child were partaking of its delicious pulp with great relish,
but paid no attention to their sick brother. I failed to obtain
a history of the case, and as malarial fever was very prevalent
at the time, I could not make a diagnosis. I at first thought
from his cold extremities, that it was a malignant attack of
malarial fever ; but it was not long till I found that I had
another case of cholera. I immediately informed the family
of the danger, and had them send for tbe child's father, who
was performing sorae labor on the public highway. I did all
that lay in my power lo relieve the little sufferer, but my
efforts were useless; he never rallied, and died on the ensuing
day. The family did not know that there was anything serious
till I informed thera. In less than one week after the death of
this child, his sister had an attack of the sarae disease, and a
physician who resided in Poraeroy was called lo treat the case-
He abandoned the patient on the second visit, and I was then
called, and found her in the collapse of epidemic cholera-
She was dilirious, and it reriuired several persons- to hold her
in her bed. Treatment was of no avail, and she died on the
following day.
An old gentleman about eighty years of age also carae under
my treatment for cholera. Medicines were of no avail and he
died in a few days. About the same time Robert Cambell,
Esq., of Minersville, died of the same disease. He had been
eating very heartily of green beans, which no doubt hastened
his death. He was treated by two eminent physicians of
Pomeroy, but only lived about six hours after he was taken
sick.

218 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
There were five cases of cholera at Minersville, including a
gentleman named Winterstein, who was treated by a physician
from Pomeroy. All of these cases proved fatal. The town of
Syracuse was free from this epidemic.
The following case is reported on account of its severity and
novelty, but I do not do so for bravado or braggadocio : An
old gentleman had eaten more than a pint of the fruit of the
black haw {vihurnwm pruiri folium) The fruit of this shrub is
astringent, tenacious and very adhesive. The result of this
feast was a severe attack of constipation and impaction of the
bowels. On the following day I was called to see the patient,
and found him suffering with severe pain in the region of the
stomach and bowels. On questioning him as to the cause of
his trouble, he informed me that he had eaten raore than a
pint of this fruit. The seeds and rind were firmly lodged in
the lower part of his bowels, thereby lor the time being, form
ing a complete obstruction of the rectura. The obstruction
was nearly as large as a goose egg, and was apparently im
movable. Having exhausted ray skill trying to relieve him, I
called Dr. J. R. Philson, of Racine, to my assistance. Dr.
Philson exan.ined the case with rae, but his advice failed to
be of any benefit lo the patient, it being only palliative treat
ment. I then sought the counsel of Dr. G. K. Ackley, who
also examined the case in ray presence, but his advice was of
no avail. The old gentleraan continued to grow worse, and
his friends sent for Dr. Thorapson, of Poraeroy, who saw the
patient in my absence, and administered a drastic cathartic.
This only increased his agony, and the result ofthis treatment
was that I was called in the night to the bedside of the suf
ferer. I now expected to lose my patient, and did not think
that he could live more than two or three days. As a last re
sort, I placed him up to his arms in a large barrel filled with
water, the water being heated to about 110 degrees. He re
mained in the water about an hour, when he experienced great
relief. The result of this treatment was that his wife had the
satisfaction of counting 700 seeds of black haws I She could
have counted more, but in sorae way lost the run ofthe count.
His recovery was complete.
On one occasion I was hastily called by a gentleman resid-

THOS. H. BARTON. 219

ing at Minersvilee to see his wife, who was sick. On our way
to his residence I learned the history of her case. The hus
band told me that his wife had been affected with the jaundice,
accompanied with nausea and voraiting ; that her skin was hot
and dry, also of a deep saffron color. Dr.  had been
treating her two weeks, and about an hour ago said that
she would soon be well, and that it was not necessary to make
any more visits. That the doctor had then made out his bill
for his services, received his pay, and abandoned her in this
condition. On arriving at her bedside, I found her husband's
statement true. I treated the case about one week, when I
considered the patient out of danger. I have not reported this
case as a matter of bravado, but to show my readers that a
physician who is in the habit of looking upon "the wine when
it giveth its color in the cup. when it moveth itself aright," is
not to be trusted in dangerous cases of sickness.
The raajor portion of the many physicians, with whom I
consulted treated me with respect. The code of medical
ethics requires that when one physician is called in consulta
tion with another, that the consulting physician, as soon as
the necessary examination has been raade, shall retire, and
leave the case again in the care ofthe one who was regularly
eraployed. The patient has a right to discharge his attending
physician, and employ another. If, however, the attending
physician is not discharged, another has no right to step in and
lake the case. In stating thatthe major portion of the physi
cians with whom I consulted treated me with respect, I mean
that they did not violate this rule of raedical ethics. A few
of them, however, did violate it, Sorae were willing to con
sult with me provided the patient or his friends desired a con
sultation, and when called in, would take charge of the case,
as if I had nothing to do with it ; and, on taking charge,
would even request me to prescribe for the patient in their
absence. In some cases, if the patient or his friends did not
wish a consultation, they would take charge of the case, not
withstanding I had not been discharged. I seldom retaliated ;
but in the following instance I had an opportunity to do so,
and probably overstepped the bounds of raedical etiquette. I
was not in the habit of treating a case after some other physi-

220 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

\
cian had been eraployed, except in consultation, or in case the
attending physician was discharged, or the patient was a near
relative. On one occasion Dr. Telers was called to see a child affected
with pneuraonia. In all probability he was called to treat this
case on account of sorae difficulty that had arisen between
our faraily and the faraily of the patient. The children did
not agree, and there had been a number of little brawls
amongst them, as there frequently are among neighboring
children. Dr. Telers treated the child about three days, when
its parents carae lo the conclusion that it was not improving
as rapidly as it should, and sent to Pomeroy for another phy
sician. The doctor carae and prescribed for the patient, but
did not visit it again. Meanwhile its parents gave the medi
cines regularly; and at the expiration of another three days,
a well known lady of Syracuse came to ray office and said :
"I believe the child is dying. Please corae and see it al once ;
it may be that you can do it some good." To this request my
wife objected ; and Mr. Lewis Hudson, who was studying raedi
cine under nie, also demurred to my taking charge of the
case. Their ]irincipal objection was that a physican of Pome
roy had been sent for. However, I resolved to visit the patient.
I wa's smoking a pipe when called, and in m}' haste, put the
lighted pijie in my coat pocket, and had to extinguish the fire
before seeing my new patient. Upon examination I found the
child in the collapse of pneumonia. The treatraent was cor
rect, but the medicine had been given one day longer than was
necessary. It being now late, I advised them to send early in
the raorning for the Poraeroy physician, but when raorning
carae they refused to do so. The child was out of danger in
two days from the tirae I saw it. After this I was regularly
eraployed as the family physician of this child's parents.
During this period of my practice at Syracuse, I met with
fair success ; but in a large number of instances, in which I
was successful, ray skill was not appreciated, and I did not
receive the praise that was justly raine. Oij the other hand,
if I lost a case, I was accused of incompetency, and a large
number of persons would come to the conclusion that I did
not understand the science of medicine. I will report one

THOS. H. BARTON. 221

caseof the former character. An old gentleraan, who resided
in the suburbs of the village, was suddenly taken with spas
modic colic, and I was called in the night-time lo see hira.
I obeyed the call, gave hira some medicine, and sorae applica
tions over the storaacb and bowels, and gave him the neces
sary instructions. There is no doubt that he followed ray ad
vice ; and in less than twenty-four hours he was relieved.
Nevertheless I failed to become this man's family physician.
I could report a nuraber of cases of the latter character.
About the year 1866, J. A. McBride took to his bed with
malarial fever. His mother sent for a well-known physician
of Syracuse, but found him sick, and unable to lake the case.
He informed her that his disease was typhoid fever ; but T do
not believe that the physician had this fever, as all of my
cases were raalarial, especially near the river. This is why I
was called to treat the case. I had ray patient up and able to
be out of the house in three or four days, while the doctor
kept his bed over two weeks. As soon as he was able to be
out, a respectable lady of this place, who was then about to be
confined, sent a horse and carriage to convey the doctor to her
residence in order to treat her. It is my opinion that he did
not understand the science of obstetrics.
About the year 1872, I was called to see a man who was
affected with the intermittent raalarial fever. He was a carpen
ter, and had just returned frora Huntington, West Virginia.
He informed me that he was taken with chills and fever about
five weeks prior to my visit. He bad been troubled with a
severe chill every day, followed by a hot and burning fever,
then by a profuse sweat. He also informed me, that a physi
cian residing at Huntington had been called to treat him, and
bad given him about a quart of hot tea of sorae kind to take
in time of the fever, and on the well day about the same
quantity of some other kind of tea. That the chills would
last about an hour and a half. At every visit, the Huntington
doctor had assured him that he would soon stop the chills.
He had continued this treatment until his money was almost
gone, and then returned home. When I arrived at his resi
dence, I found him "shaking." He coraplained of feeling
very cold, and said that his bead" and bones were aching.

222 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
and begged me to arrest the chill if I could. I am not in the
habit of doing much in the cold stage of the intermittent
fever, but as his suffering appeared hard to endure, I resolved
to make a trial. I wrote a prescription and sent it to my
wife, who put up the medicine, I adrainistered the medicine,
and in about fifteen minutes after he had taken it, he ex
claimed : "Doctor, you have cut this chill in two." This
paroxysm was not followed by the usual fever. I continued
to treat the patient for a few days. Meanwhile he iraproved
rapidly, and did not have another return of this disease. This
case is not reported for bravado, but to show the difference
between rational and irrational treatment. In this case I did
not gain a reputation as a physician. My patient was a poor
man, and his influence did not extend beyond the limits of
his own family.
On one occasion I was treating a lady who resided near
Syracuse, and who was dangerously ill. On one of ray raorn
ing visits, I prescribed some raedicine for her and the prescrip
tion was given to two lads about twelve years old, together
with twenty-five cents to pay for the medicine. Her husband,
who was a trifling fellow, observing the boys as they started
lo the drug store, told them to give hira the raoney and the
prescription, as he could be raore expeditious than they. The
husband then went for the raedicine. Late in the afternoon I
again visited ray patient, but nothing had been heard of either
the boys, the prescription, the raoney or the raedicine. Her
husband had been absent during all that time. Late in the
evening he was brought home intoxicated. He had been lo a
saloon and spent the money which was needed to preserve his
companion's life. During his drunken spree he lost his little
dog, which took up its abode with me. I thus became tbe
owner of a rat terrier.
In those days I rode fast horses, and would sometimes
travel with great rapidity. On some occasions, as I would
ride rapidly past a dwelling-house, or meet or overtake a friend
or acquaintance on the road I would be hailed with : " Doc, is
any person sick? Who is sick? " while others would ex
claim : " Doc, what is the matter, you are riding in such
haste? " I would usually reply : " The horse is in a hurry."

THOS. H. BARTON. 223

Before closing this chapter, I shall relate a few cases of
superstition that fell under my observation. There are some
persons who are naturally superstitious, and Syracuse is not
entirely free from that class of individuals. About the year
1866, Thomas Grady and John Duffy were employed in haul
ing timber for the Syracuse Coal and Salt Company, and while
in the forest, a strange apparition made its appearance, in the
form of a man about as tall as a giant. He was clothed in the
skin of some wild animal, and would utter a loud and piercing
shriek. On beholding this giant, Grady and Duffy with one
accord unhitched their horses frora their respective wagons,
raounted the horses, rode to town in great haste and raised an
alarm. They reported that this strange being was about eight
feet tall, and was clothed in the skin of some wild animal, and
that his steps were long strides, four or five feet in length. On
learning this a large number of raen repaired to the spot where
the strange monster had been seen. Diligent search was made,
but he could not be found. They succeeded, however, in find
ing his tracks, which were different from those of any other
animal, making a round hole in the ground. The exciteraent
lasted several days, and this strange being took the narae of
the " Wild Man " of Syracuse.
In the course of my narrative, I have several times raen
tioned Jacob Henry, and he was among those who went to in
vestigate the matter, and was very active in searching for the
monster. This, however, was wholly unnecessary on the par;
of Mr. Henry, for he hiraself was the "wild raan." He had raade
a pair of stills to add to his height, and this accounts for the
holes in the ground. He bad clothed hiraself in some show
bills on which were engraved the pictures of aniraals, and he
no doubt presented an ugly appearance. As soon as he saw
the teamsters unhitching their horses, he raade his way rapidly
back to town, and reached there before they did. He was then
prepared to assist in searching for the wild man. Grady and
Duffy were terribly frightened. About two months afterwards
Mr. Henry told the joke.
During the excitement, my brother-in-law, Aaron Parsons,
was at ray residence, and he had brought a rifle with hira.
Before he started for home, my wife said lo hira : "Aaron,

224 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

you had better be careful on your way horae, for the 'wild raan'
may get after you !" He replied : "If he comes out as I go
home, he will be my meat." Aaron was not easily sdared. He
had been in the Union array for four years, and no doubt some
ofthe "Johnnies" had been a target of his trusty rifle.
On one occasion, Joshua Quillin, who resided near Syracuse,
called at my office, about ten o'clock at night and requested
me to sdsit a sick child at his residence. I obeyed the call, and
when we had gone about two hundred yards, Mr. Quillin said :
"Doctor as I was coming in I saw a spirit." He was not a
timid or fearful raan, but was inclined to superstition, and
believed in supernatural objects. He continued : "It has
been seen there for the last twenty years, but it was never
known to harra any person. Probably we raay see it as we go
along." I asked hira to explain its appearance. "It appears,"
said Mr. Quillin, "in the forra of a bright light, and if you ad
vance towards it, it will vanish." The place where this sup
posed spirit had been seen, was a suitable one, at least in the
minds of superstitious persons, for spirits, ghosts and hobgob
lins to raake their appearance. A sraall brook flows through
a ravine past the place, and on either side is a grave-yard,
situated on the brow of a small erainence. The locality is
dark even on raoon-light nights. As we passed along, I was
determined to investigate the matter, and if possible, ascertain
the cause of the light. It did not, however, make its appear
ance. Having examined and prescribed for ray patient, I was
soon on my way home, and when near the haunted place
I looked forward through the gloom, and saw a bright light
apparently on the ground. I approached it, and his ghostship
disappeared. I stepped back to my former point of observa
tion, and it again became visible. I moved backwards, again
it disappeared. I stepped forward to my first position, and the
bright light was once more visible. It was a moon-light night,
and the Hght appeared in the shade of some trees. I had deter
mined lo solve the mystery, and science soon came to my as
sistance. It was the image of the moon shining in the water.
On raoon-light nights, when there is water in the brook, any
person standing in the proper position, can see the light. The
angles of reflection and refraction are equal, and when thfe

THOS. H. BARTON. 225

light from the angle of refraction meets the eye, the image of
the moon can be seen reflected from the water.
During this period I lost one case of obstetrics. This was
the first case of that character in my practice that terminated
fatally, and superstition was one of the factors which caused
her death. A lady whora I had treated in her confineraent,
was kept by her husband in a close room, the windows and
doors being kept closed day and night. It was in the month
of October ; the weather was moderately warm, and a large
fire was constantly kept burning in her roora. Her bed was
closely curtained, and her bedding was sufficient for extremely
cold winter weather. The result was that she was kept in a
continuous perspiration. This was done against ray orders,
and the urgent protest of the neighbors who visited her.
Finally she was taken with fever, caused by close confinement
in a warm roora. One dark night about eleven o'clock, her
husband carae to ray office, and desired me to see his wife im
mediately. He said that she had just been terribly frightened
by a loud and fearful noise, heard in the upper story of the
house, and that he and his wife believed it to be a token of her
death. I went with him, and on the way informed hira that
there was nothing supernatural in the strange noise, and that
it could be explained in a natural way. I suggested that
there might be rats in the upper story, or that some bricks
raight have fallen off the chimney. He replied : "The noise
was too loud to be made by rats, or bricks falling from the
chiraney." Disputing with hira was like arguing against a
trade wind^he failed to be convinced. I saw nothing unusual
however, as we approached the house. Upon examination, I
found that his wife appeared much worse, and she was of the
same opinion as her husband, and could not be convinced that
the strange noise was other than a token of her death. On
the following morning it was found that the top of the chim
ney was missing. It had fallen, and the rattling of tbe bricks
on the roof had caused the alarm. The lady died in a few
days after this severe fright.
About the year 1870, 1 became a member of the Meigs county
Medicial Association, of which society I am still a member.
The name of this organization was afterwards changed to the
29

226 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
Meigs County Medical Society. Some years afterwards, I also
becarae a meraber of the Meigs and Mason County Academy
of Medicine. This society held its meetings at night. The
merabers finally becarae tired of night raeetings and the or
ganization was abandoned.

CHAPTER XIII.

JUSTICE OF THE PEACE.
In the beginning it was given to man that he should "have
dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the
air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth."
Nothing was said in regard to the nature or extent of his
dominion over his fellow-man. In all civilized comrauni-
ties, however, there raust be some kind of government, and
there must be those who are invested with attributes of
power and authority. There is a natural disposition in al-
alraost every person to exercise this authority. Ills inherent
in huraan nature. There is a natural desire in nearly every
individual, as far as his capacity and ability extends, either to
raake or execute the laws in regard to his fellow-raen. I ain
free to admit that I was not entirely exempt from this
desire. At the spring election to be held in April, 1867, there were
two Justices of the Peace to be elected in Sutton Township ;
one to fill a vacancy caused by the death of Robert Cambell.
Esq., whose death by cholera I have already mentioned; the
other to fill the place of William H. Nease, Esq., whose term
of office would expire sometime in April. A large number of
the citizens of Syracuse urged rae to be a candidate for this
iraportant office. Araong those who took an active part in
my candidacy was the late M. A. Hudson, and he urged me to
accept the nomination. I did not desire tbe office, as I was then
very ignorant in regard to the laws of the land, as well as the
mode of conducting law-suits, having spent tbe previous eigh
teen years of my life in the study and practice of medicine.
However, I finally waived all objections, and consented, irre
spective of political parties, to have my name presented before

THOS. H. BARTON. 227

amass convention, which was to be held at the school house in
Syracuse on the first Monday in March. The delegation from
the Nease Settlement had decided to cast their votes in the con
vention for the present incumbent, W. H. Nease, who had
proved to be an excellent Justice of the Peace. Those from
Minersville, almost to a man, carae prepared to vote for Jacob
Horlenbach, an intelligent and influential German of that
place, and it was expected that I would receive the almost
unanimous support of the Syracuse delegation. I was now
about to enter upon an entirely new phase of ray checkered
career. T had never taken any part in nominating conven
tions and was not familiar with the schemes and devices which
are practiced by the politician.
The convention raet at seven o'clock p. m. on the sixth of
March. There was a large delegation from Minersville, as
there were also from Syracuse and the Nease Settlement. It
was almost unanimously conceded that W. H. Nease should
be nominated as one of the candidates. This left it a sectional
strife between Syracuse and Minersville as to whether Mr.
Horlenbach or myself would receive the nomination. The
convention was finally called to order by the chairman, and
after the usual preliminaries, the naraes of the candidates were
announced, and the balloting coraraenced. Considerable
excitement prevailed while the voting was going on. 'Squire
Nease was a favorite with all sections. Minersville, almost to
a man, voted for their candidate, while nearly all of the Syra
cuse delegation voted for me. The tellers then proceeded to
count the ballots. W. H. Nease had received a large plurality
of all the votes cast. Mr. Horlenbach came next, while I
stood third on the list, having received a few votes less than
the latter candidate. Mr. Nease and Mr. Horlenbach were
then declared the nominees of the convention.
Soon after this convention was held, Mr. M. A. Hudson, to
gether with a number of the prominent citizens of Syracuse,
desired me lo come out as an independent candidate for the
justice's office. I finally consented to let them use my name
as a candidate. I did not relish the idea of electioneering for
myself. I had never tried to influence any person to employ
me as a physician, and I did not like to solicit the votes of my

228 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

neighbors for an office. However, I notified the citizens of
Sutton township of my intention. Louis A. Hudson and
Henry Dailey assisted rae to write out ray ballots, and we
associated 'Squire Nease's narae with mine. These tickets were
distributed throughout the township, so as lo be used at the
polling places on the first Monday in April. I was at the polls
very early in the raorning with a large nuraber of ballots for
distribution araong the electors, and I was assisted in this
work by a nuraber of influential citizens of Syracuse. Mr.
Horlenbach was also on hand with his friends and backers, it
being, as I have already stated, a sectional strife between the
two places as to which should secure the election of their
candidate. There was a large vote polled at Syracuse precinct,
the whole vote being about 287. Of these, Mr. Horlenbach
received about 150, and about 137 ballots were cast for myself.
When the ballots were counted out, I carae to the conclusion
that I was defeated. There were two voting precincts in the
township, and Racine was yet to be heard from. Early on the
following raorning a raessenger arrived frora that place, stating
that ten votes had been cast for Mr. Horlenbach, and that I
had received the remainder. Tb'is gave me a large majority
in the township.
In about two weeks after the election I received my commis
sion from the Governor of Ohio, and with this document in
ray possession I repaired lo the capitol of Meigs County, and
was sworn into office by 0. B. Donnally, clerk of the Court of
Coraraon Pleas. Having given the required bond, I was now
prepared to discharge the duties of ray office. In the mean
time I had purchased a copy of Swan's New Treatise on the
Statutes of Ohio, together with blank forms for state warrants,
suraraons, subpoenas, etc. My next move was to procure
the docket, statutes and other books and papers of my prede
cessor. The law provides that upon the death or resignation
of a justice of the peace, the books and papers belonging to
his office shall be delivered to the nearest justice in the town
ship. I therefore proceeded to the office of 'Squire Nease, in
order to obtain these important documents, but he informed
me that only a part of them had come into his possession,
and that he knew nothing about the rest. Next day I went

THOS. H. BARTON. 229

to Minersville and made inquiry about them, and learned that
they were in the possession of Jacob Schreiner, a well known
merchant and prominent citizen of that place. I then went lo
his place of business and demanded the books and papers,
but he refused to deliver thera into my possession, giving as a
reason that he was security foj Mr. Cambell, and feared that
he would have to pay a certain sura of money that had arisen
out of some irregularity in 'Squire Cambell's official transac
tions, and that he would hold the books and papers until the
matter was settled. I then sought the advice of the prosecut
ing attorney of Meigs county, who advised rae to go again to
Mr. Schreiner, and demand of hira the books and papers, and
if he refused to let rae have thera, threaten to replevy them.
I did according lo this advice, and thus obtained the docket,
but Mr. Schreiner refused to deliver the documents, and
when asked for them replied : " I put thera in the flre and
burned thera." The whole of his proceedings shows a
stubbornness of will on the part of Mr. Schreiner. He was
afterwards elected trustee of Sutton Township, and served one
year. I was now ready for the office to which I had been elected,
but was poorly prepared to discharge my duties. I knew com
paratively little about the laws of Ohio, or the mode of con
ducting a Justice's court. The law books which carae into my
possession were almost useless. Swan's old Statute never
carae into my possession, A number of the annual voluraes
of the laws of this State had been preserved, and passed into
my hands. These were all the law books that were furnished
to me. Swan and Critchfield's Statutes were not given to the
Justices. I had purchased Swan's Treaties on the Statutes of
Ohio, which was an excellent work for Justices of the Peace in
civil cases, but was almost useless in criminal proceedings.
This made that part of ray labors very difficult to perform.
I experienced sorae difficulty in distinguishing the various
classes of crimes and misdemeanors, for they were not clearly
defined in Swan's Treaties. In certain cases of minor offences,
the justice had exclusive jurisdiction : that is, he could try a
case ofthis character, impose the penalty, or discharge the de
fendant according to the Iestiraony. In another class of mis-

230 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

deraeanors, the justice should try the case, and on a plea of
guilty, could impose the penalty ; but if»the defendant did not
plead guilty, the justice should hear the testimony, and either
discharge the defendant from custody, or it the evidence was
sufficient, he should- order the defendant lo enter into a recog
nizance with sufficient surety, for his appearance before the
Probate Court, or the Court of Common Pleas of the county
in which the misdemeanor wascomraitted ; and if he failed to
enter into such recognizance, it then became the duty ofthe
justice to issue a mittimus reraanding hira to the jail ofthe
county, there to await the setting of the proper court. In cer
tain cases of misdemeanor, the defendant had a right to elect,
or choose, as lo which court he would be recognized before.
The higher classes of crimes were more clearly defined, and
were much raore easily raanaged. In consequence of not having
the plain law before rae, I would soraetiraes make a mistake
in the mitliraus or recognizance by ordering the defendant to
appear before the wrong court.
In the year 1869, the crirainal code of Ohio was revised by
the Legislature, and fifty sections of the old law were amended
or repealed, so that the former laws were void. These repealed
laws are referred to in the Statutes by the nuraber of the sec
tion. Two cases, which were tried before rae, failed in the
higher court on account of the charge being based on these
repealed laws. One of these cases was for challenging to fight
a fisti-cuffs. In 1869 the State furnished me with Swan and Sailor's Sup
plement to the Statutes of Ohio, containing the laws from 1860
to 1868. This book was of great service to me in ray official
capacity, but it did not supply all that I needed.
Soon after obtaining Swan and Sailor's work, I received a
letter frora Robert Clark & Co., law publishers of Cincinnati,
Ohio, informing rae that, as a justice of the peace, I was en
titled to the Statutes of Ohio, and that the trustees of town
ships had a right to furnish them to the several justices of
their respective townships. On the first opportunity after re
ceiving this letter, I raade a deraand of the trustees of Sutton
township tor the Statutes, but they peremptorily refused to fur
nish me with these important books. I think tbe trustees di4

THOS. H. BARTON. 231

wrong in thus refusing these books, thereby trying lo compel
me to purchase thera. The price of the statutes was twelve dol
lars, which was a small matter to the township, but it was a
considerable sum to a person in my financial condition.
Toward the close of my first term of office, I purchased War
ren's Ohio Criminal Law, of the edition of 1867. This work
was designed lo aid Justices of the Peace and Mayors in the
discbarge of their official duties. It was a splendid work in
its time, but after eleven years, it was almost obsolete and of
very little value.
My first civil cases did not terminate favorably. Iraean by
this that I lost ray fees in these cases, and they were afterwards
disraissed in the Court of Coraraon Pleas. About half a
dozen suits were planted by citizens and employees against the
Carleton Coal Company. This corapany was engaged in
raining coal, and their place of business was situated on the
Ohio river just below Syracuse. The corapany was straight
ened in its finances, and was about to raake an assignment.
Hence these suits. I think some of these cases were com
menced after the assignment had been made. John Cart-
wright, a prominent attorney of Pomeroy, was employed as
counsel for the plaintiffs in one of these cased. The others
appeared without counsel. A man naraed Nichols was
the agent or raanager of the company, he was suraraoned
to appear on their behalf. I do not think that Mr. Nichols
appeared at the tirae appointed for trial in any of these cases,
and I therefore rendered judgment in favor of the plaintiffs.
These judgments were all carried to the Court of Common
Pleas on a "Petition in Error," that is, there was supposed to
be some error or irregularity in my proceedings. They were
continued from one session to another for about three years,
and were then thrown out of court on a nolle prosequi. This is
a Latin phrase, and means in law : "To be unwilling lo pro
ceed." I lost ray fees in every case, and also the fees for
making out the transcripts. The agent, when he called upon
me for these transcripts, represented that he was out of funds,
and by fair aud apparently faithful promises, induced rae to
furnish him with the documents. In dealing with this old
rogue, I learned a lesson which afterwards inured to my bene^

232 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

fit. The fees for making out a transcript in civil cases, should
be paid in cash by the person demanding the same.
The first couple that I married were well advanced in life.
They were not spring chickens. The groom was over three
score years old, and the bride, who was a widow, was between
thirty-five and forty. She was his fourth wife. I solemnized
this marriage soon after receiving my commission, and was
prepared for the occasion, having the marriage ritual comrait-
ted to meraory ; yet I felt abashed when standing in the pres
ence of this gray-haired veteran of matrimony, and his blush
ing bride. If I now remeraber correctly, I joined twelve couple
in the holy bonds of raatriraony. Of these, four couples
separated, three of whom remained separate, and one couple
renewed the marriage relation and lived together. One gentle
man, who was about twenty-one, raarried a lady who was
about forty-eight years of age. In another case, the groom was
a widower about forty-five, and the bride was a widow about
forty years old. They were married al my office, and the
groom came in a state of intoxication and was married in that
condition. He was so much under the influence of liquor, that
he could scarcely stand on his rickety legs during the cere
mony. I had some misgiving in regard to solemnizing the
marriage of the last two couple, but the marriage licenses,
duly signed by the Probate Judge, were in my hands, and I
thought it my duty to ra^-ke them man and wife.
In the discharge of my official duties as Justice of the
Peace, as inthe practice of medicine, I had strong opposition.
An old gentleraan, who resided in the vicinity of Syracuse,
had held the office of Justice for nearly twenty years, and was
well qualified to meet out justice to his fellow-citizens. He
desired the office hiraself, and was dissatisfied because I was
elected, and be tried various plans and devices in order to
corapel me to resign and give up the office. He would gene
rally try to make rae do soraething wrong, or make sorae
error, while holding my courts. He was usually employed
as an attorney for the defendant in cases which were tried
before me, and would use every means in his power to cause
me to make an error. I will report one case wherein he no
doubt acted beneath the dignity of any person who had ever

THOS. H. BARTON. 233

plead before a Justice's Court in this State. A young lady
about fifteen years old filed an affidavit against a colored girl,
setting forth in her complaint that the lady of color had struck
her fair face with her fist. Her complaint was reduced to
writing, and signed by the complaining witness, and I
thereupon issued a warrant for the arrest of the colored girl,
and delivered the same to a constable. In due time the defen
dant was brought before me to answer the charge. This young
daughter of Ham.eraployed the above-named gentleman to de
fend her ; the complaining witness appeared without counsel.
The case being called for trial, the defendant's counsel moved
that the action be disraissed on the ground that the defend
ant's narae, as written in the aflidavit and warrant, was not
her true one. The name was written Elizabeth Moping,
whereas her true narae was Elizabeth Malen. I overruled this
motion, holding that if a narae in an official document is in
correct, thatthe Court had a right to supply the true name
when known. This raove having failed, the old attorney then
tried another plan. He pointed out to rae a section ofthe law
found in Swan's Treatise, and requested rae to read it ; and
while I was reading he pretended to be examining the papers
in the case. Presently he handed rae the warrant remarking
at the same time : "This warrant is defective, it does not have,
the State of Ohio ,at its head." I examined the document
and found that he was correct; but it was plainly visible that
the paper had been mutilated. Some person had torn off the
heading. There was perfect order in the court, and several
persons, who were sitting near me, were silent. I saw at
once that the warrant was defective, and I finally disraissed
the case. After the action was disraissed, and this "old lirab
of the law" had left ray office, suspicion was aroused that he
was the person who had rautilated this document. An exami
nation was made where he sat, and the fragments of paper
containing the heading of the warrant, were found on the floor.
This was done by this gray-haired veteran of the law in order
to defeat justice and accoraplish his ends. Since that time,
the legislature of Ohio has passed an act raaking such an
offence a misderaeanor, and the punishraent a flne and im
prisonment in the county jail.

234 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
I experienced another difficulty in the discharge of my
official duties, especially in crirainal cases. The nearest con
stable was a coal miner, and he lived two and a half miles from
my office, and would frequently be in the mines when a war
rant was delivered to him ; and if the case was not an urgent
one, I would have to wail about one day before he would re
turn the warrant. This gave my neighbors, especially those
who were inclined to gossip, an opportunity to learn that a
criminal case was pending. One person would tell another,
and the news would soon be spread abroad that a law suit was
expected soon. On such occasions, while visiting ray patients,
I would be hailed by every person that I raet with the in
quiry : "^\'hen is the law suit coming ofl"?" The result was
that when I held my court to try a criminal case, there would
be a large crowd of all ages and sexes present lo bear the trial.
Such was the desire of the citizens of this place to be at these
trials, that on sorae occasions. I would have as large an assem
bly as is generally present on the first day of a session of the
Court of Coraraon Please. The street in front, and the garden
in the rear of my office, would sometiraes be crowded with idle
spectators, all anxious for adrailtance, while at the sarae time
two or three rooms of ray residence would be packed to over
flowing with anxious listeners. Such large crowds of people
were very annoying to rae while holding the scales of justice.
In the discharge of ray official duties, raany amusing and
ludicrous incidents occurred, not only to myself, but also lo
the constable who served the process. On the 22nd of Decem
ber, 1869, complaint was raade before rae that the following
goods and chattels, lo-vvit : "soraething near eight yards of
common factory sheeting, about one yard wide, had been, by
sorae person, taken, stolen and carried away, out of the dwell
ing house occupied by the complaining witness ; and that the
said goods and chattels, as he verily believed, were concealed
in the dwelling of one Williara Dent, of the township of Sutton
in the county of Meigs." The coraplaint was reduced to writ
ing by rae, and I thereupon issued a search warrant, and an
order of arrest for the defendant, and delivered the sarae lo the
constable. The officer, having summoned an assistant, went
to the residence of the 4efendq,nt, and proceeded at once to

THOS. H. BARTON. 235

search the premises for the stolen property, Mrs. Dent, the wife
of the defendent, being present during the search. The con
stable searched ever nook and corner about the building, but
could find no trace of the raissing article ; and was about to
depart, when he observed a wooden box, about eighteen inches
square and as raany deep, lying under the bed. The officer
gave the piece of furniture a slight blow with his foot, remark
ing at the same time that he had not yet searched that box.
The lady blushed, and said that the goods were not in the box.
The constable, however, observed that he had better raake tbe
search, and the lady again insisted that there was nothing
concealed there, and that it was useless lo search the box.
This aroused tbe constable's suspicion, and he now felt assured
that he was on the track of the stolen goods, and informed
Mrs. Dent that he must perforra his duty as an officer of the
law. Turning frora hira in disgust, the lady said : "Well,
search it if you have to !" The constable then proceeded lo
open the box, and found — not the raissing muslin, but a num
ber of small garments, evidently made to fit a very diminu
tive specimen of humanity I The officer glanced at the lady,
and saw in a moment what the trouble was. It is needless to
add that no further search was made, and the warrant was re
turned, endorsed : "I raade search, as required by the within
warrant. None of said goods can be found."
My first term of office was now drawing towards its close.
I improved myself in legal knowledge to the best of my ability
and succeeded fairly well, considering the limited supply of
law-books in my possession. I was a frequent attendant at
the Court of Comraon Pleas of Meigs county, having two suits
on my own account pending in that court. I was also, on
several occasions, subpoenaed as a witness before the court. I
was a close observer of the proceedings, as well as of the plead
ings of the attorneys, the rulings and charges of the Judge.
In tbis way I improved ray store of legal knowledge, and these
lessons were of great benefit to me in my official capacity.
During this term of office, I met with fair success in ray
official business, and generally gave satisfaction in raeting
out justice to my fellow citizens. About thefirst of March,
1870, my friends desired me to declare myself a candidate for

236 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
a second terra. To this I gave ray consent, for the reason that
during my first term, I was not so successful as I could have
wished, and that I was now much better prepared to discharge
the duties ot the office, having learned much about the law,
and the mode of conducting a justice's court. I therefore came
to the conclusion that I was better equipped for a second term
than I had been for the first.
George Duskej', Sr., of whom I shall have occasion to speak
hereafter, had corae to the conclusion that the citizens of Sut
ton township were tired of rae, and would be glad to have an
old and experienced person to exercise the functions of this
iraportant office. He was well qualified, having served as a
justice for nearly twenty years ; and he therefore declared him
self a candidate for the ollice. There was no nominating con
vention held. 1 did very little electioneering, and simply in
formed niy friends and the community that 1 was once more a
candidate. When the first Monday in April arrived, I went to the polls
very early in the morning, with ray pockets full of tickets for
distribution among the electors. The old 'squire was there
also. A large vote was polled, and considerable strife was man
ifested while the voting was going on. The merits of the respec
tive candidates were freely discussed. I was present when the
trustees and judges of the election counted the ballots, and it
was then found that Mr. Duskey was about ten votes ahead at
Syracuse precinct. Once more I was defeated by a small ma
jority in my own hoi)ie,but I consoled rayself with the thought
that a "prophet is not without honor, save in his own country."
Once more the result depended upon the vote at Racine pre
cinct, and the returns frora that place showed that ray opponent
had received only ten votes. This gave me a large majority
in the township.
Imraediately after ray re-election a case carae up in which
ray old and experienced antagonist thought he had rae in a
close place in regard to the discharge of my official duties.
It arose in this way : Soon after the election a suit was brought
before me in a civil action, and I issued a summons for the
appearance of the defendant. On the day set for hearing,
the case was adjourned, and frora some cause, it was ad-

THOS. H. BARTON. 237

journed until after the expiration of ray first coraraission.
The constitution of Ohio provides that the terra of office of
justices of the peace be limited to three years. The three years
are computed from the date of the coraraission. When the tirae
arrived for hearing this case, I had not received my commis
sion for the second terra. Here was a suit to be tried before
rae, and my first term of office had expired, and I was hold
ing no commission. The old 'squire thought that I would not
know how to proceed in such cases. He claimed that I had
no right to try the cause, and moved that the action be dis
missed. However, I had looked up the law bearing on the
case, and found that I had a legal right to try it. The statutes
provide that if a justice continues in office by re-election, he
may proceed with matters pending before him in like manner as
if his former term of office had not expired. The case was tried
before me, and that was the last I ever heard in regard to juris
diction. During my official career several cases were tried before me
which arose out of apparently trifling causes. On the 21st of
July, 1870, a criminal action for an assault and battery arose
in this way : A number of Syracuse ladies were in the habit
of bathing in the river during the heated season. One night
several of these ladies were performing their ablutions, and a
number of boys from twelve to fifteen years old, repaired to
the bank of the 'river, and one of them threw a rock or club
into the river near where the ladies were. A man named
Robert McRea, who had two daughters bathing, was watching
the boys, and saw something strike the water near thera. Mr.
McRea, who had a piece of hoop-pole in his hands, ran to
wards the place where the boys were, and striick the first boy
that he came to on the head, thereby inflicting a severe wound
of the scalp. The young man's father had McRea arrested
and brought before me for an assault and battery on the body
of his son. Jaraes Ewing, whom I shall have occasion to
mention hereafter, was counsel for the state, and the constable
acted as attorney for the dafendanl. It was proved at the trial
thatthe injured boy did not throw anything into the river^
and it was also proved that McRea was guilty as charged in
the affidavit, and I held him under bonds for his appearance

238 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

before the Court of Comraon Pleas. When the grand jury set,
the constable persuaded the prosecuting attorney to subpoena
two of the ladies, who had been witnesses for the defendant)
before that honorable body, telling him that they knew all about
the case. What the ladies testified before the grand jury is
raore than I now know, but I do know that there was no in
dictment found against McRea. The constable took this turn
to defeat Mr. Ewing, but the defendant failed to pay the officer
for his services.
About the year 1870, a revised edition of Warren's Criminal
Code of Ohio, was published, and I purchased a copy of this
work at my own expense. I found it of great service to me.
Soon after procuring Warren's Crirainal Code I had an op
portunity of testing its raerits. One day a lady carae to my
office complaining that her husband was in the habit of abus
ing, threatening and ill->treating her in various ways, and at
different times. She filed an affidavit accordingly, and I issued
a warrant for the arrest of her husband, and he was brought
before me to answer the charge. Upon hearing the testimony,
and having reason lo believe that the charge was true, I order
ed the defendant to enter into bonds of one hundred dollars to
keep the peace, and for his appearance before the next session
of the Court of Comraon Pleas. He refused to enter into
bonds, and his sons, who would have been sufficient security
for him, also refused. They thought that if I sent him to jail
they would be able to find sorae error in the proceedings, and
secure his release before the Probate Court. His refusal com
pelled me to issue a mittimus remanding hira to the county
jail. His sons accompanied him to the jail. I went also in
order to see and hear the proceedings. The defendant was no
sooner in confinement than his sons employed an attorney,
and had their father brought before the Probate Judge on a
writ of habeas corpus, the object being to overrule my decision,
and set the old gentlemen free. The case was tried on the
merits of the papers, and they were found to be correct. He
was once more ordered to give bonds, and at the urgent request
of his sons, the amount was reduced to fifty dollars. The case
never came to a hearing in the Court of Common Pleas. The old
gentleman died under bonds, being struck down with apoplexy.

THos. H. BARTON. 239

I was called to treat the case, but it was beyond human skill
to relieve him. On one occasion when I visited him, he
roused from his stupor, and recognizing me, said faintly :
"Doctor, you hadn't ought to have sent rae to jail, for this
reason: I voted for you!"
One day, a lady who was the owner of a fair amount of per
sonal property which had not been reduced to her husband's
possession, carae to ray office and raade complaint in writing,
signed and sworn to by her, that her husband, after a debauch
at the Shrine of Bachus, and while in a state of inebriety, had
broken the table, two chairs, one clock, two vases, one mirror,
and had also injured the bureau. She filed her affidavit to the
effect that he had injured and destroyed the above mentioned
property, and that she w9,s the owner thereof. I thereupon
issued a warrant for her recreant husband, and had him
brought before me to answer the charge, and while we were
preparing to hear tbe case, the defendant gave leg-bail, and
skipped out of the office like a soldier on the double-quick.
He did not, however, escape. The constable, with a posse of
men soon corraled him, and brought him back. The case was
now ready for trial, and after hearing the charge read lo hira,
this obstreperous gentleraan being asked : "Guilty, or not
guilty !" replied :i "Guilty." I then swore his corapanion, and
heard her Iestiraony as to the value ofthe property destroyed,
and learned that it amounted to fifteen dollars. I therefore
assessed a fine of fifteen dollars and the costs of prosecution,
and made an order that the defendant stand committed to the
jail ofthe county until the fine and costs were paid, or secured to
be paid. Unfortunately her beloved husband was out of funds,
and no one was willing to be his surety. I thereupon issued a
mittimus remanding him to the county jail, there to remain
till the fine and costs were paid- After he had been in this
penal institution about one week, his wife's heart softened to
ward her liege lord, and she was now raore anxious to get him
out of jail than she had been to get him in. She went to the
jailor, expressed her sorrow, and begged him to release her hus
band; but the jailor informed her that he could not do so un
til the fine and costs were settled. She then came to me, and
with tears in her eyes, begged me to release him. I sympa-

240 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

thized with her in her dire extreraity ; but was compelled to
inform her that the case was now beyond my jurisdiction, and
that I could do nothing for her. After her husband had been
in limbo about two weeks, she applied to the County Auditor,
who, being satisfied that the fine and costs could not be col
lected, wrote an order of release. The jailor, on receiving this
order, opened the iron doors that confined her husband, and
he was once more a free man. This was an excellent lesson
to both of them ; and, so far as I know, they afterwards lived
together agreeably. At any rate, I never heard of his breaking
or destroying any more of her property.
One bright Sabbath morning, in the suraraer season, I seated
myself to rest, and made my calculations to spend the day
quietly with my faraily. In this, however, I was doomed to
disappointment, for it turned out to be the most busy, as well
as the most profitable day of my life. A married lady who
resided at Minersville, came to my office that raorning about
eight o'clock, and desired a warrant for an old gentleman living
in that quiet village, who, in violation of law, had sold her
husband liquor lo be drank on the premises where sold. She
filed an affidavit to the above charge, and I issued a warrant
for the defendant to be brought before me to answer the charge
of allowing his neighbors to imbibe at the Schrine of
Bachus on his premises. The defendant entered a plea of
"not guilt.v." I heard the evidence and being of the opinion
that he was guilty as charged, I ordered him to enter into a
recognizance of two hundrerl dollars for his appearance before
the Probate Court of Meigs county, which would be in session
on the following day. He gave the required bond, and was
for the time being, a free man.
This trial was no sooner ended, than the old gentleman
begged the privilege of filing an affidavit for assault and bat
tery against this ''Son of Bachus." I took his affidavit and
issued a warrant accordingly. A preliminary examination was
imraediately had, and the testimony showed that the old bar
tender had sold the defendant whiskey to be drank on the
premises, and after he had imbibed rather freely, or at any rate,
had drank as much as was prudent, the bar-tender had refused
to sell hira any more ; that the defendant then look umbrage at

THOS. H. BARTON. 241

this" refusal, and concluded to use physical force, and corapel the
old gentleman to issue out another drink. This being refused,
the defendant struck the complainant with his fist. I held the
defendant under bond of fifty dollars for his appearance before
the Probate Court, and failing to give the required bond, I is
sued a mittimus remanding hira to the county jail, thereto
await the sitting of the court.
Night was approaching at the conclusion of these suits. It
was necessary to make the docket entries, and also draw up a
certified transcript of each case, and deliver the same to the
Probate Court before eight o'clock on the following morning.
I sat down to my task, and was kept very busy till about one
o'clock in the morning, when I heard a loud rap at the door.
Upon opening it, I recognized the familiar forra of 'Squire W. N.
Nease, who desired ray services at his residence lo see his wife
who was sick. Here was a dilemma, what should I do? Shall
I disappoint my old friend and patron? No, I will go with
him, and attend to his sick wife. Although two miles distant, I
was soon at her bedside, where I remained about an hour and
a half, and then returned horae. It was now early dawn, and I
once more took up ray pen and soon had the pleasure of knowing
that ray papers were ready. Iraraediately after breakfast I was
on my way to the county seat, and reached that place in lime lo
file the transcripts before the opening of the court. My fees in
these two cases amounted to nearly fourteen dollars ; the visit
to 'Squire Neases' was five dollars, and I had some additional
practice amounting to two dollars, making fully twenty dollars,
it being the largest amount of money that I ever earned in
twenty-four hours labor.
A great many amusing incidents occurred during the ses
sions of ray court. On one occasion, a very illiterate old
woraan, familiarly known in the neighborhood as "Nannie
Rags," was subpoenaed as a witness in a certain case. She
gave me to understand that she could not speak English cor
rectly. She said that she could not speak "guode English,"
and desired an interpreter. I granted her request, and as
it was known that there was to be an interpreter, the old
lady sprang to her feet, and commenced rattling off the
Welch diphthongs and tripthongs, and before I could stop

242 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

her, she was through with one sentence, and the interpreter
commenced to explain it, when an opportunity occurred to
stop the proceedings. I inforraed the interpreter that before
he could act in that capacity, he would first have to be sworn.
Some one else then made an interruption, and I was com
pelled to restore order. Finally every one was quiet, the
interpreter was sworn, and the old lady went on with her
testimony. About the commencement of my second term of office,
James Ewing, a cooper by occupation, moved to Syracuse,
declared himself an attorney, and coraraenced practicing be
fore Justice's Courts. Mr. Ewing was illiterate, even in the
common branches of education, but he was a man of consider
able natural ability, and sometiraes raade an able and eloquent
plea. He bad never plead law before a Justice of the Peace
until he accidentally plead a case before me, and it was before
me that he declared his intention to take up that profession.
On one occasion, he was acting as attorney for the plaintiff,
and 'Squire Duskey for the defendant. After hearing the
Iestiraony, Mr. Ewing addressed the court, and made quite
an eloquent plea, but it did not have much effect on the court.
'Squire Duskey then rose to his feet, and after the usual pre
liminary remarks, and with a merry twinkle. of his eye, com
menced a tirade against Ewing. "Here is Jim Ewing; he
don't know a colon frora a semi-colon ; he don't know a
comraa from a period; he don't know the beginning or the
ending of a sentence, and here he is pleading law before your
honor I" 'Squire Duskey then finished his plea.
John Borham, a coal miner by occupation, and who had
served several years as constable, also practiced before justice's
courts. Mr. Borham was perhaps better posted on law points
than Ewing, but he did not have the natural ability of the
latter. Borham and Ewing were usually employed by the
plaintiffs, and 'Squire Duskey by the defendants, and in such
cases I would have a full team before me.
On one occasion Borham and Ewing were employed as part
ners to attend a law-suit in an adjoining township. They were
both very poor scribes, and Mr. Ewing called upon me to write
a bill of particulars for them, and I wrote this instrument ac-

THOS. H. BARTON. 243

cording to his instructions. He tarried at my office about an
hour, quietly talking about bis expected case at law, and get
ting all the inforraalion from me about the case that he could.
When ready to go he picked up the first paper that he saw,
and unobserved by me, put it in his pocket. He then left the
office, and was soon on his way to attend the trial. In about
an hour after his departure, I entered the office, and the first ob
ject that I observed was the bill of particulars that I had writ
ten out lying on the table. He had taken the wrong paper,
and I remarked to ray wife : " What will Borham and Ewing
do? Mr. Ewing has left his bill of particulars in the office."
Lewis Hudson was studying medicine under me at the time,
and I had written a hypothetical prescription in order to test
his ability to fill it. This paper was missing. The two lawyers
soon reached their destination, little thinking that they had
left an important document behind thera. When the case was
called for hearing, the justice asked the defendant, who was re
presented by Borham and Ewing, for his bill of particulars,
and thereupon, Mr. Ewing, with his usual flourish, laid down
his supposed bill on the table. The justice saw that the paper
was written in a fair legible hand, and proceeded to read it,
but could not make out what it meant, and acknowledged that
be could not read it. Mr. Borham then looked at the bill, and
knew that it was in ray hand-writing. He told the justice that
he could read 'Squire Barton's writing, but.on looking over
the paper carefully, found it irapossible to read it. The con
stable, who officiated at the trial, was a fair scholar, and said
that he could read any paper that was written in a fair hand,
but he also failed. Mr. Borham then.wrote a bill of particulars.
It is hardly probably that the case could be tried on a physi
cians prescription I
About the middle of this term, L. A. Minx moved to Syra
cuse, and took up his lodging with me. He was a promising
young attorney, and he had located here for the purpose of
following his profession. I now had one regular attorney and
two pettifoggers, who were constant attendants on my court,
besides the literati, of Pomeroy, who would occasionally put in
an appearance in the more important cases. I had a large
number of cases, and the quiet village of Syracuse was now

244 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

well supplied with legal lore. I did not experience much difficul
ty in civil suits, but would sometimes be led astray by the wily
pleadings of the attorneys. On one occasion, Martin Hays,
who was one of the most prorainent attorneys of Poraeroy, led
me astray; but it compelled his client lo pay a large amount
of unnecessary cost. He succeeded in ruling out certain testi
mony which should have been admitted, and when the case
was appealed to the Court of Common Pleas my judgment
was reversed.
My civil docket became full of entries about two months
before the expiration of my second terra. I then applied to
the trustees for a new one, it being their duty to furnish me
with a docket. One of them said to rae : " 'Squire, if you need
a civil docket, buy one yourself!" I felt deterrained to resign
my coraraission provided it was not furnished rae. The town
ship clerk, however, inforraed the trustees that the law com
pelled them to furnish the justices of their township with a
civil docket. In less than two weeks I was presented with a
new and handsome civil docket.
My second term was now drawing to a close, and I had de
cided not to be a candidate for a third terra. I was succeeded
by Isaac Carleton, Esq., of Syracuse, who held the office for
three consecutive terras.

CHAPTER XIV.

PHYSICIAN AND DRUGGIST.
I am now approaching the most iraportant period of my life
in a financial point of view. Thus far I have only inci
dentally touched upon my financial affairs, but from what I
have already said the reader must infer that my prospects have
not been brilliant. At the beginning of the war, after ten
years of hard labor in the study and practice of medicine I
found myself but little better off financially than at the com
mencement of my labors. When mustered out of the service,
I had about three hundred dollars in greenbacks, worth about
thirty -three and one-third cents on the dollar. I soon spent this

THOS. H. BARTON. 245

for drugs, surgical instruments, and for necessary household
expenses. I also bought a horse. My instruraenls cost about
forty dollars, tbe drugs about fifty. As I have already stated in a
former chapter, my practice was good, and soon brought me a
fair income. I raanaged ray business affairs very carefully,
and in less than a year commenced the erection ofan addition
to our house, the building being too small for an office and
dwelling. I turned the small building one-quarter around,
and moved it back so as to erect a more commodious structure
in front. The new edifice was to be rectangular in form, six
teen feet wide, twenty-six feet long and two stories high, and
each story was lo be divided into two charabers, one of
the lower rooras being designed for an office and drug-store.
I completed this building without any difficulty, except in
one instance. One day, while on the road near Pomeroy, in
company with John Heaton, I mei 'Squire David Bailey
with a wagon load of oak shingles on his way to Poraeroy lo
deliver them to one of the salt furnaces. Being in need of
shingles at the time, I asked him if he would make and deliver
me about one thousand. He answered in the affirmative and
a bargain was iraraediately made, Mr. Bailey agreeing to raake
me as good a quality of shingles as those which he was then
delivering. We then separated, and a few days afterwards, on
returning home late at night, I saw a lot of shingles lying in
front of the house. My wife informed me that 'Squire Bailey
brought them ; and, as I was absent from home with the raoney,
she did not pay him. Next morning the carpenters came to
work before I had time to examine the shingles, and told me
that 'they were worthless, would ruin the building if put on
it, and that they were not fit to cover a nig pen." Conse
quently, I did not use them, and refused to pay for them. The
result was a suit al law, and I was summoned to appear before
a Justice of the Peace of Sutton Township to answer to a debt
of eleven dollars for one thousand lap-shingles. I decided to
litigate the case, and subpon^d ray witnesses. Mr. M. A.
Hudson advised me to employ 'Squire Duskey to attend to the
matter for me, but I concluded that I did not need his services,
and appeared without counsel. William Foster appeared for
the plaintiff. On the day set for trial, I selected a fair sample

246 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

of the shingles and delivered them before the magistrate as
evidence. I also proved by two responsible carpenters, "that
the shingles which Mr. Bailey brought were worthless, that
they would ruin the building if put on, and that the sample
now before the court is a fair representation of the whole lot."
John Heaton also testified to the same effect, 'Squire Bailey
proved by his witness, who made the shingles, "that the load
that I received was as good as those I had seen in the wagon,
and that they did not know whether or not they had made the
sample. 'Squire Foster in his plea said : "They have not
brought a fair specimen of the lot, they have picked the poor
est shingles !" as much as to say that I, together with my wit
nesses, 'nad sworn falsely. 'Squire Poster was abetter pettifogger
than I was myself, as I knew very little about pleading a case
before a Justice's Court. The magistrate rendered judgment
against me for eleven dollars and the costs of the suit.
On returning horae, I sought the a.d vice of Alexander Crooks,
of Syracuse, stated the case to hira, and he advised me to appeal
it to the Court of Coraraon Pleas, and even offered to sign the
undertaking for an appeal. I thereupon carried the case to
the higher court. While the suit was pending in court, I ac-
cidenatally met an old friend and acquaintance named Stiles.
He was no less a personage than'/Squire Zebedee Stiles, of
Scipio Township, and after stating the case to him, he advised
me to give it up, as 'Squire Bailey was a man of rauch exper
ience in law, and would probably gain the suit in the end. He
also inforraed me that my attorney, Judge Simpson had no
influence before a court or jury. This gentleman's advice in
stead of intimidating, only made me more firm and resolute,
and also more cautious, and when the case was called for hear
ing, I employed Judge Nash, of Gallipolis, Ohio, to assist
Judge Simpson. I was now fully determined not to p-ay for
these worthless shingles. I had a sample of thera before the
court. 'Squire Bailey employed a young attorney who had
located at Pomeroy, whose name I do not now reraember. His
evidence was about the same before the court that it was before
the justice ; while I proved about the same, and I also proved
by Mrs. Elizabeth Heaton and her daughter, that 'Squire
Bailey told thera "that the shingles were not good, but that I

THOS. H. BARTON. 247

would not know the difference between a good one and a poor
one." Upon hearing the testimony, Judge Guthrie, who was
then the Judge of the Court of Coraraon Pleas, quickly ren
dered a judgraent in my favor for]the costs in this suit.
Soon after completing this building, I also erected a barn,
sixteen feet wide and eighteen feet long. I was then the owner
of two horses, one of which I gave in exchange for the erection
of this barn.
In the fall of 1868, B. E. Sibley, a prosperous druggist of
Racine, was proposing to erect a drug store at Syracuse. My
store room was too small for the besiness, and in order to
keep Mr. Sibley from moving his place of business here, I
late in the fall of that year, coraraenced building a drug store.
It was to be eighteen feet wide, thirty feet long, and two stories
high. I began tbis work with very little funds. My prospects
were based on a large practice of raedicine and a good sale of
drugs, and I went into debt for raost of the building raaterial,
paying therefor as fast as I could. Henry Bartels took the
contract of enclosing this buidding. Mr. Marr was to do the
plastering, and Abner Curtis and Mr. Skirvin took the contract
of finishing the store room. This block, when completed, had
a front of forty-four feet on Second Street and thirty-eight feet
on Barringer Street.
It was ray intention to plaster the drug store roora, and leave
the upper story unfinished, but Mr. Marr persuaded me to cora
plete the upper charaber also. He was the only workraan who
received his pay in full. Henry Bartels came next and receiv
ed his wages except about one dollar and fifty cents. I gave
Mr. Curtis and Mr. Skirvin separate notes for the amount of
their wages. Mr. Skirvin afterwards negotiated my note to
Waid Cross, of Racine. This building cost about nine hundred
dollars, of which I had paid about five hundred dollars to the
workmen and for building material. My account with the
mechanics now stood as follows :
Mr. Curtis' share of the job was  |tl7.50
Mr.Skirvin's " " " " "  68.50
Total  186.00
I paid Mr. Curtis  $32.30
I paid Mr. Skirvin  31.90

248 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
Due to Mr. Curtis  185.20
" " Mr. Skirvin  36.60
'' " Mr. Bartels about  1.50
Total to the mechanics  123.30
It had been ray intention, when I comraenced tbe erection
ofthis building, to negotiate a loan of three hundred dollars,
and secure the same by a mortgage on the premises, and my
wife had consented to enter into a mortgage with me.
When I comraenced practicing raedicine at Pageville, ray
finances were very low, being in debt to D. Reed, of Pomeroy,
for a sraall supply of drugs, but I had no idea of keeping a
drug store at that time and place. While at Leon, West Vir
ginia, I kept a sraall supply of drugs on hand, together with
some patent medicines, and I also did the sarae while at
Chester, Ohio, having decided that, at sorae future lime I
would engage in the drug business. Upon locating at Syra
cuse, and during my sojourn here prior to the war, I became
satisfi«»d that this was a good place for the sale of drugs, and I
usually kept a good supply of pharmaceutical remedies for my
practice, together with some other articles, which I kept for
sale. As stated in a former chapter, I sold an unfinished
building for ninety dollars, and with the proceeds, purchased
a stock of drugs of Dr. Reed, lo the amount of fifty dollars. I
now had a larger supply on hand than al any previous time.
About this period Mr. Charles Eplin, of Chester, located at
Syracuse, and opened a drug store. His finances, however, did
not justify his undertaking this business here, and he did not
remain at Syracuse more than six months. Soon afterwards,
a physician, whose name I do not now reraember, moved here,
and established hiraself in the drug business, but he did not
continue long in this occupation. The result of all this was
that I was soraewhat retarded in my transactions. About the
year 1859, I became an agent for the firm of Dr. D. Jane &
Son for the sale of their medicines, which agency I held till
after tbe comraenceraent of the war. It was now my intention
to keep a drug store, but I had no building suitable for the
purpose, and no one to assist rae financially, so that I was com
pelled to abandon that idea for the present, and only kept a
moderate supply on hand.

THOS. H. BARTON. 249

And now came on the war, and more than three years
elapsed before I was again prepared to resume the practice of
medicine, or engage in the occupation of a druggist. In a
few days after I returned from the array, I purchased fifty
dollars worth of medicine of D. Reed paying him spot
cash. These drugs were placed on a table in one of the rooms.
I kept my stock replenished to about the same amount dur
ing the succeeding eighteen months, keeping up the supply by
sraall purchases. Soraetirae in the winter of 1866-66, I moved
my medicines into one of the rooras of the new dwelling,
which had then been erected. This was fitted up with count
er, shelving and drawers, and raade a very fair appearance,
notwithstanding the roora was small. About this time Henry
Bartels, a dry goods and grocery merchant, and who also kept
sorae patent raedicines for sale, offered me the privilege of
sending with him lo Cincinnati for drugs. I readily accepted
his kind offer, and made up an order to the amount of about
twelve dollars, the medicine lo be paid for cash on delivery,
(C. 0. D.) I ordered drugs in this way on several occasions,
getting a larger amount each time, and paying Mr, Bartels my
share of the freight. I purchased these drugs of Burdsal &
Brothers, I think it was in the latter part of 1866 that I com
menced dealing with that firm. My purchases were usually
made partly for cash and parily on credit. Early in the spring
of 1867, I bought a supply of patent medicines of John D.
Park, of Cincinnati, and about the sarae tirae a lot of Araeri-
can Star Bitters was left with rae to be sold on comraission.
One day. Captain Daniel De Wolfe, and 'Squire Duskey were
in my store at the same tirae. On seeing the Star Bitters,
Capt. De Wolfe wished to purchase a bottle. I inforraed hira
that I bad heard that these bitters were subject to the United
Slates internal revenue tax, and declined selling him,
a bottle. He insisted, however, that this tonic was
not taxed, then took a bottle, and left the store. About
one week afterwards, I received a notice from the in
ternal revenue collector of the Fifteenth Congressional
District of Ohio, whose office was located al Marietta,
notifying rae that the United States had a claim of
$87.60 against me as a retail dealer of liquors. A few days
32

250 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

after this I incidentally raentioned this matter to Henry Bar
tels, and he informed me that he had a barrel of old bourbon
whiskey, which he wished to dispose of, and proposed selling
it to me. We soon made a bargain, and I took the whiskey to
my store, paid the revenue tax, and thus became a retail dealer
of liquors. I have no doubt that 'Squire Duskey soon received
the much coveted lucre of $12.50, it being his dues for giving
the information. I then added a few gallons of brandy and
port wine to my slock, and soon found that 'Squire Duskey
had done me a favor instead of an injury. I was making
money, and doing it in a legitimate way. During this, or the
preceding year, I purchased a lot of second hand drug furni
ture of B. E. Sibley, of Racine. This was a useful and profit
able investment. ;
Lewis Hudson, who had been studying medicine under me
during the past two years, was of much benefit to me, and my
wife was a good druggist and assisted me in the sale of raedi
cines and in filling prescriptions. There had been one draw
back to my wife's services, and it came about in this way. On
the 15lh of April, 1866, a son was born unto us. We named
the little stranger Lewis Motte.
In the year 1867, I borrowed two hundred dollars of Miss
Lora A. Roush, securing the payment thereof by a raortgage
on my real estate. With this mone.y I purchased three hun
dred dollars worth of drugs and paints of Burdsal &
Brother, one hundred dollars of the amount being purchased
on time. My little store room was now filled to its utmost
capacity. In the Spring of 1868, I borrowed one hundred dollars of
Charles Ball on one year's lime at eight per cent interest. I de
sired to secure Mr. Ball by raortgage, but he preferred lo have
the araount secured by a personal endorsement. Henry Bartels
went my security on this note.
With a good praciice and a fair sale of drugs, the reader
may ask : "Why so rauch borrowing of money?" The an
swer is obvious, I had now completed my new drug store,
which, as already stated, cost about nine hundred dollars. It
was paid for with the exception of about fifty dollars, and, in
order to meet my financial obligations, I had depended mainly

THOS. H. BARTON. 251

on the collection of the fees for my medical services. Collect
ing doctor's bills, however, was slow work in those days, and
I do not think that I collected more than half the fees for ray
professional labor. I did not charge for the raedicines fur
nished on my own prescriptions, nor for that which was fur
nished to my patients on ray daily visits. Collecting medical
fees reminds me of the following anecdote : On one occasion,
a young lady, who was very handsome, went to a dry goods
and notion store, and asked the clerk, who was a single man,
to show her a pair of fine gloves. The clerk placed a lot of
gloves before her, and the young lady proceeded to make a
selection, and while she was fitting the gloves on her delicate
hands, the clerk was sizing her up on her good looks. Finally
she made a selection and asked the young counter-jumper the
price ofthe gloves. He replied : "You can have them for a
kiss 1" "I will take thera at your offer," replied the young
lady, at the same tirae a roguish sraile covering her sweet
countenance. It was no sooner said than done; their lips
met; the contract was closed, and the young lady simply re
marked : "You give trust at this store, now collect it if you
can I" She wrapped up the gloves, and immediately left the store.
It was no uncommon thing for ray patrons to act with
negligence in regard to the settlement of their accounts. They
appeared to mentally exclaim : "You do your practice on
credit, now collect it if you can !" In many instances, I do
not think that I was even thanked for my services, and no
doubt the major portion of my patrons had no intention of
paying rae. The Syracusa Coal & Salt Corapany paid their
employees on the 15th of each month, and after each pay-day
I would call on my customers, but it was a very common
thing for them to put me off till the first of the succeeding
month, then agreeing to pay me in merchandise from the
company store, but when the first of the month arrived, I sel
dom found them ready to meet their obligations, even in store
goods. I would sometimes become disgusted, and abandon
the collection of the claira. The year 1868, was an unusual
dull one in tbis respect. I do not think that ray stock of
drugs increased during that year, it being all that I could do
to meet my financial obligations in other respects.

252 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Collecting was frequently interrupted frora 1864 to 1869 by
"strikes" ofthe coal rainers. There were a nuraber of strikes
during this period, and on some occasions they lasted several
months. It is not my intention to discuss the merits of these
strikes. I think the company managed to hold out longest,
and gained their point in nearly every instance. A celebrated
strike occurred in the fall of 1865. The miners were then re
ceiving five cents a bushel for raining coal, and struck for
seven. In the spring of 1866, after the Pittsburg coal com
panies had supplied the Cincinnati and other markets with
coal, the miners were then compelled to work for three and a
half cents a bushel. During these idle times, business would
be very much depressed, and money scarce. I think a strike
of three raonths duration at any tirae would cause a loss to
each and every rainer of at least three hundred dollars. These
strikes would sometimes be followed by low water or ice in the
river, so that the mines could not be worked but a few raonths
in the year. These conditions would cause the raajor portion
of the rainers and day-laborers eraployed about the raines to
be in debt to their respective corapanies. The consequence
was that many of them could not meet their obligations, and
some of them seemed even inclined to repudiate their debts.
In October, 1868, the coal operators of the Pomeroy Bend re
duced the price of mining coal from three and a half to three
cents a bushel. During the succeeding winter of 1868-9, the
mines were worked to only about half their capacity. This
slate of affairs again caused a depression in business, and
had an injurious effect on my financial transactions, but
notwithstanding this I kept gradually increasing ray stock of
drugs and raedicines. This I had airaed to do since the
erection of my new drug building, and I had employed Mr.
Lewis Hudson to assist rae in ray business. Some time in
the spring of 1869, I found myself indebted to Burdsal &
Brother, of whom I had purchased my drugs, to the amount
of about two hundred dollars.
During the winter and spring, I was making strenuous efforts
to obtain money on a loan on one or two years time, offering
to give from eight to ten per cent, interest. I thought that
three hundred dollars would carry me through safely. I soon

THOS. H. BARTON. 253

found a gentleman, a farraer by occupation, who was expect
ing to receive the above named araount ; but when the money
was due he failed to receive it. Soon afterwards I found
another farmer who had several hundred dollars which he
wished to invest in some way. He politely informed me that
he would like to accommodate me, but could do better with his
raoney by investing it in stock in some of the salt furnaces, as
salt stock was then paying a larger dividend than any interest
that he could receive for his money. I afterwards learned that he
had invested several hundred dollars in stock in the salt fur
naces at Clifton, West Virginia, Imagine his surprise and cha
grin when, after the expiration of about one year, he learned that
his investment was worth only twenty per cent, on the dollar !
It is needless to say that I did not sympathize with this old
Shylock in the loss of his shekels.
A gentleman who resided in Syracuse at this time had about
$150 to loan. I politely asked him to loan me the money,
offering to make him secure by a raorlgage-nole with eight per
cent, interest. He partially promised to accoraraodale rae,
but afterwards changed his mind, and loaned the money lo
the Syracuse Coal and Salt Company at six per cent. On
another occasion I asked an old gentleman, who lived in the
country and was a farmer in affluent circumstances, for the
loan of some money. I informed him that I could secure the
loan by a mortgage with eight per cent, interest on our house
and lot, inforraing him in regard to the size of the building
and value of the propsrty. He replied : " I have the raoney
to loan, but I don't like to take a mortgage on such a small
building, for if I take a mortgage I may be put to the trouble
of closing it, and this would be a great expense to me." I im
mediately bade him farewell, mounted my horse and wended
my way home, and while on the way I rendered a judgment on
a note which had been left in my hands for collection. I had
issued a summons which was returnable on that day.
I solicited aid in a pecuniary way from several other indi
viduals, but failed to find a man who would accommodate me
with a loan. In the meantirae Burdsal & Brother had abso
lutely refused me any more credit, notwithstanding I had
plainly informed them that I was erecting a building suitable

254 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
for the trade at this place, that my business was fair, and that
I expected to be able to raeet all ray financial obligations.
About the first of May this firm threatened to bring suit
against me if this debt was not immediately paid. During
the spring my sales were large, but I was not replenishing
the store, and the amount of my stock was fast running
down. Some time in May I moved my drugs into the new building,
and in order to replenish my stock, I sent an order to a firm
in Pittsburgh for about $100 worth of medical supplies, and
received thera in due tirae. About the same time I sent an
order to a well known firm in Cincinnati for about the sarae
amount. These goods were duly received, and soon afterwards
an agent from Cincinnati visited me and solicited an order
for about fifty dollars worth of drugs and medicines. Thanks
to these gentlemen, I was now enabled to replenish my store
and relieve myself, for the tiine being, of financial embarrass
ment. These last orders for drugs were given in good faith.
I expected to pay for them by prolonging the time and paying
interest. I felt that I would be able to pull through, pro
vided Burdsal & Brother did not leave their account for col
lection. During the pleasant month of May, I was doing a good
business in the store. Mr. Hudson is kept busy from morning
till night. I now charge for the medicine in my prescriptions,
and my wife assists me in the store during my absence from
home. I fill some of the prescriptions of the physicians who
practice in this place, while others, who reside elsewhere, send
theirs to Racine or Pomeroy in order to have them filled. I
presume these physicians are jealous of my apparent prosper
ity. If I could now obtain one hundred and fifty dollars to
satisfy Burdsal & Brother, which is all that I now owe them,
I could certainly pull through : but the fates appear to be
against me ; the moneyed men turn a deaf ear to my strong
appeals for help ; my main thoughts are centered on Burdsals ;
Will they sue rae? I have no fears of Mr. Ball, for he has
readily consented to an extension of tirae on my note for
another year. One pleasant morning I observe a gentleman
approaching my lesidence, it is the sheriff of Meigs county,

THOS. H. BARTON. 255

he hands me a paper, I read it, it is a summons citing me to
appear at the next session of the Court of Comraon Pleas to
answer in a civil action wherein Burdsal & Borthers claim a
judgment against me for one hundred and fifty dollars.
I was now fearful that the drug business was about to come
to an end. I attended this session ofthe court and was asked
by Major D. A. Russell, now judge ofthe District Court, if he
could be of any service to me. I replied : "You cannot ; the
debt is just, and I do not propose to make a defence." The
Burdsals thereupon obtained a judgment against me for the
amount of their claim, together with tbe costs of prosecution.
A short time previous to this suit Henry Bartels had made an
assignment, and the assignee only paid about twenty per cent.
of the indebtedness. I think this was the reason why Burdsal
& Brother brought suit against me. I have no doubt that they
lost heavily through Mr. Bartel's failure, hence their action
against me.
The news soon spread through the quiet village of Syracuse
and the adjacent county, that I was about to fail in business.
This caused heavy sales to those persons to whom I was in
debted. The general sales were as good as could be expected.
I now redoubled my exertions to obtain a loan. I tried to find
a "syndicate" that would provide me with funds ; but it was
all in vain, I found none. My efforts proved a sad failure. I
then tried to dispose of my drugs at private sale, and for this
purpose, wended my way to Peraeroy, and tried to sell my
stock to some of the druggists of that city. This also proved
a failure ; I found no person willing to make the purchase. I
was doing this in order to satisfy Burdsal's judgment, and
other debts that were hanging over me.
On learning that Burdsals had obtained a judgment against
me, and that I was trying to dispose of my drugs, Charles
Ball, B. E. Sibley and Waid Cross, planted separate suits
against me before 'Squire Nease. I think Mr. Ball obtained a
judgment for one hundred and eight dollars, Mr. Cross for
about thirty-six dollars and Mr. Sibley for about seventy
dollars. While these suits were in progress, I asked my old friend,
W. T. A. Lallance, who had been a steamboat pilot on the Ohio

256 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
river for many years, whether or not he would like to change
his occupation, buy my drugs, rent the store-room, and become
a druggist. The bargain was made in a few days, Mr. Lallance
agreeing to lake ray stock of drugs at wholesale prices, and
pay me one hundred and ten dollars per annum rent for the
building, the rent to be paid in monthly installments. This
sale, when perfected would enable rae lo meet ray financial
engagements which were now due and pressing.
Will this sale be perfected? A few days has elapsed since
the arrangement was made. It was now July. It was about
nine o'clock in the evening, and I was quietly meditating in
regard to my affairs, and wondering what would happen next.
At that moraent the front door of the store was quietly opened,
and I found rayself in the presence of William L. McMasler,
Sheriff of Meigs County. He had an execution in his hands,
issued by the Clerk of the Court of Comraon Pleas, directing
hira lo levy on my goods and chattels to satisfy the judgment
of Burdsal & Brother. He made his business known, and I
immediately sent for Mr. Lallance with the intention of settling
this affair at once. He was soon at the store, but unluckily
for me, was not prepared to furnish the raoney. The Sheriff
then made his levy, and bidding us farewell, locked the doors.
I am not superstitious, but the click of the key, as the officer
shot the bolts, raade an ominous impression on my mind of
evil to come. The stock was invoiced on the ninth of July,
and araounted lo about four hundred and eighty dollars.
The stock, however, was not sold by the Sheriff. Mr. D. Lal
lance paid the judgments against me, together with the costs,
and also paid some other claims that were pressing, so that I
was soon clear of my pressing indebtedness. He imraediately
took possession of the drug-building, and not being a druggist
himself, employed Mr. Hudson as a druggist and pharmacist.
What has been the result of all this? It may be summed up
in a few words. I have been sued to the amount of about
three hundred and sixty-four dollars by these firms and indi
viduals, and judgments have been rendered against me, to
gether with the costs. I have paid these claims by selling my
drugs at private sale, but I have also been compelled to pay a
large amount of unnecessary cost. I have also paid some

THOS. H. BARTON. 257

other indebtedness ; and, prior to selling to Mr. Lallance, I
had paid about fifty dollars of my indebtedness by the sale of
drugs. The creditors who were pressing me have been paid in
full. These gentlemen have received the araount of their
clairas. They have the raoney in their pockets, but they have
subjected rae to unnecessary trouble and expense. Have they
bettered theraselves by so doing? I think not. How has it
been with tbe Burdsals, who have been the most clamorous of
all my creditors, and have been instrumental in bringing
about this result? They certainly have not bettered their con
dition, for they were afterwards compelled to raake assign
ments on two different occasions. They paid an attorney fee
of al least ten dollars for collecting their claira against me,
and their costs and expenses were equal if not greater than
raine. Moreover, this suit was the cause of their finally losing
the drug trade at Syracuse, which would probably amount to
fifteen hundred dollars per annum. Would it not have been
better for them lo have given me a reasonable extension of
tirae, secure their claira, and let the debt draw interest, than
to have pursued the course they did? As the sequel of ray
story will show, I was able lo maintain my family, and pay a
considerable amount of interest from the proceeds of ray prac
tice, thus leaving the profits on ray drugs a net gain which in
a few years, would have cancelled all ray indebtedness.
And now a few words in regard to Mr. Ball. I know that he
did not want to use the money. His note was signed by
Emily and rayself, and was absolutely good without Henry
Bartel's endorseraent. I am not a Wilkins Macawber, and I
did not think that my promissory note should pass as current
money all over the world, but I did believe that ray note was
good for its face value in this case, my wife being the owner
of real estate in her own right to the value of eighteen hun
dred dollars. Moreover there was no necesssity for Mr. Ball to
join Henry Bartels in the action, thus causing me to pay un
necessary cost. I do not think that Waid Cross and B. E.
Sibley were in such straightened circumstances as lo cause
them to bring suit, and I did not even know that Waid Cross
held my note until the constable suraraoned me to appear be
fore 'Squire Nease.

268 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

How was it with Laura A. Hudson, Uriah Quillen, and Ab
ner Curtis? During all this turmoil and exciteraent over ray
financial affairs they reraained quiet, and did not even ask me
for any part of their claira against rae. I have always felt
grateful for their leniency, and they afterwards received the
amount of their clairas in full.
These suits reraind rae of a flock of sheep that are about
lo jurap a fence. They hesitate, and reraain huddled together,
till one of their nuraber makes a break and leaps over. He is
immediately followed by the rest ofthe flock. It was just the
same with my creditors. They hesitated and looked on
while I was erecting the new drug building, but as soon as
Burdsal & Brothers comraenced proceedings, the others ira
raediately began actions against me.
I did not relish the idea of giving up the drug business.
I had no opposition, there being no other drug store in the
village al that tirae. My reverses were keenly felt by my
wife. Emily thought that there was great danger of our
losing all our property. She was a poor comforter to me in
this trying time. Moreover, she censured me severely for
buying such a large araount of drugs, and she also advised
ine lo seek another location. I had purchased these drugs,
however, in good faith, and was building up a large and
lucrative trade, and did not desire lo change ray location.
I ara now satisfied that I did wrong in the management of
this business. I ara firmly of the opinion that as soon as
Burdsal & Brother brought suit against me, I should have
called my principal creditors together, and if they were un
willing to give me an extension of lime, or if they determined lo
share equally in my assets, I should have made an assign
ment, and given all ray creditors an equal share. The reason
is obvious. I had accounts on my books to the amount of over
two thousand dollars. Of this, an assignee would probably
have collected about four hundred dollars, or twenty per cent.
My stock of drugs, as already stated, amounted to about four
hundred and eighty dollars. The law would have allowed me
a set-off, and with this I could have comraenced business once
more, or my wife could have started in business in her own
narae, and could soon have built up a lucrative trade. The

THOS. H. BARTON. 259

proceeds of my practice would raore than maintain ray faraily,
thus leaving the profits on the drugs a nel gain. I do not be
lieve that I realized more than ten per cent, on the debts
which were due me at that time. I do not relate this to dis
parage any of those who were indebted to rae. I had freely
and willingly credited out ray services and raedicines. There
was no one lo blarae but rayself, but there is an old adage
that sorae persons will ride a free horse to death. This re-
rainds me of an anecdote of a coal operator, residing al
Minersville, who, on one occasion, borrowed a horse to ride
a distance of about ten miles. The day was very hot, and
the animal was free to go. The horse was soon returned
covered with foam, and barely able lo stand on its feet, when
the following conversation occurred :
Owner : "Mr.  , I am afeared you have killed my boss !
Why did you ride him so fast?"
Borrower : "The boss wanted to go, and I let him out. I
did not think he would hurt hisself, therefore the boss is lo
blame I"
• Thus it was with myself, for so long as I was willing lo credit
out my services and drugs, ray customers thought as the bor
rower did, that there was no one to blame but rayself. Reader,
beware of the credit system !
Mr, Lallance proved a good tenant, and paid his rent
promptly. This raade business rauch easier for me, and I
soon became reconciled to the situation. During the first
year that he occupied the drug-building, ray financial affairs
iraproved, and I was able to pay some small araounts on ray
indebtedness. I more than kept the interest paid. During this
time, my wife, on several occasions, tried to sell tbe property
to Mr. Lallance, but he was not prepared to invest in real
estate, and no bargain was made. On the 9th of July, 1870, he
again rented the store, agreeing to pay ten dollars a month.
Throughout this year ray finances improved, and I paid some
sraall debts and raade partial payments on others. Making
collections, however, was about as dull as usual.
My wife was now making tbe most strenuous exertions to
dispose of our property. She used every means to induce Mr,
Lallance to make the purchase, offering to sell hira the real

260 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

estate for two thousand five hundred dollars. He, however,
declined the offer. About this time I also became willing to
sell, intending to remove to the State of Kansas, take up one
hundred and sixty acres of land under the soldier's pre-emp
tion act, and operate a farra in connection with the praciice of
medicine ; but, on finding that I was in earnest, my wife
strongly opposed this project. Her strong opposition soon
caused nie lo abandon the notion, and also the idea of selling
our property.
During the winter and early part ofthe spring of 1871, my
wife was more resolute than ever in regard to disposing of the
properly, and offered it to Mr. Lallance for two thousand two
hundred dollars, but he did not make the purchase. She was
bold enough lo tell Mr. Lallance and rayself that she would
sell on the first opportunity, provided she could get her price.
Up to the first of iMarch Mr. Lallance did a large and lucra
tive business, but about this tirae he became fearful lest we
would dispose of the drug-building, and thus throw hira out of
a location. During the first part of this month, he concluded
to buy a lot, and erect a suitable building for the drug trade at
this place. In the latter part of March, he purchased a lot on
Third Street, and commenced making preparations to erect a
drug store and dwelling. The mechanics were ready to com-
raence their labors about the first of April. I ara inclined to
the opinion that he made a mistake in so doing, and that he
has himself long since carae to the sarae conclusion. He could
have rented our drug store for an indefinite period, and the
business did not justify the expense of erecting a new building.
While Mr. Lallance was making preparations for his pro
posed building, my wife and I were consulting as to what we
would do with our store. My wife's first proposition was to
lock it up as soon as Mr. Lallance's time expired, but I came
to no hasty conclusion. My first idea was to obtain a loan of
one or two hundred dollars, and carry on tbe business our
selves, but I remembered ray experience of the previous three
years, and soon abandoned the idea of trying to borrow money,
and concluded not to depend on our friends and neighbors for
assistance, but on our own resources, and start the business on
a small scale. It is the old story of the lark and tbe farmer. As

THOS. H. BARTON. 261

soon as the farmer determined to cut the grass himself, the
lark concluded that it was time to seek another nest. I gave
my wife eighteen dollars to invest in drugs, wrote the order,
and she signed it. At her request the order was sent to J. S.
Burdsal & Company, being tbe same firm of whom I had
formerly bought ray drugs. On the sarae day that Mr. Lallance
coraraenced his now building, we were engaged in setting up
eighteen dollars and twenty-five cents worth of medicines in
our old stand, it being the small roora in our dwelling which I
bad first used as a drug store; This was a surprise to Mr.
Lallance, and he look umbrage at what he considered a very
unkind act on our part. However, it did not give him much
uneasiness, for he came to the conclusion that there would not
be much competition.
On commencing business again, ray wife and I adopted a
new plan, which was to separate the funds received from my
practice from the money received frora the sale of drugs. In
this way we could easily ascertain our profits in the drug
business. During the first three months my sole dependence
was on ray own prescriptions, which we now filled ourselves.
Up to this lime I had been writing from twelve to eighteen
hundred prescriptions yearly, and I knew that if I furnished
the medicines myself that my own practice would create a
large sale of drugs. Whenever I stood in need of funds, I
would borrow of ray wife, and vice versa. 1 kept a strict ac
count of the sales, and of the cash received, so that I knew
precisely how our business stood. At the urgent request of
ray wife, I did not use any printed blanks for prescriptions or
for labels, and wrote the prescriptions and directions on blank
paper, the object being to confine the practice and the sale of
drugs in our own hands. The other physicians who practiced
in this locality generally sent their prescriptions lo Mr.
Lallance. Sometimes, however, we filled a prescription from
some physician who made no choice.
To all appearances, the chances of success in our new busi
ness was strongly against us. Perhaps no firm ever com
menced business with less means, but with more enthusiasm,
energy and determination than we did. Even our children
were willing and anxious to help us in our undertaking. I

262 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

invariably wrote out the orders for our supplies of drugs, and
my wife signed thera. She was very cautious not to raake
these orders too large, so that we could not meet them when
due. We succeeded, however, in meeting all the demands
against us We moved our stock into the drug store soon after
Mr. Lallance vacated it. We took possession about the 10th
of July, and about the sarae tirae received an additional sup
ply of drugs and drug furniture. Our store now raade a fine
appearance, and we were rauch elated over our prospects. Our
stock now increased rapidly, and it was evident that we would
soon have a first-class drug stcue.
During the succeeding fall and winter my eldest son, George,
who had a fair education, was of some assistance to me in the
store. He could sell some of the articles which we kept on
hand, and Martha, who was a good scribe, would soraetimes
write the directions for the raedicines, while I wrote the pre
scriptions and filled them. In the spring and sumraer of 1872
George could handle the apothecary medicines, and in 1873 he
was able to fill the prescriptions, under my supervision. He
was now thirteen years old. One day Rev. Morgan, of the M.
E. Church, whose children were affected with the diphtheria,
carae to the store while I was absent and requested George lo
refill a prescription. Mr. Morgan handed him the bottle con
taining the number, asking if he could put up the raedicine.
The young man took the bottle, looked up the prescription
araong the files, and then corapounded the mixture. After
this he was able to fill prescriptions.
During the first eighteen raonths our business kept iraprov-
ing rapidly, and al the end of this period we had on hand a
fair araount of patent medicines, apothecary medicines, school
books, stationery, notions, paints, oil, dye stuff, glass, etc. Up
to October, 1872, my wife assisted willingly in the store, but
she now began lo falter in her belief in the propriety of keep
ing a drug store, and about Christmas we spent nearly one
week parleying as to the amount of an order for drugs that we
were getting up. Finally I wrote an order for a small amount,
and she signed it. I iraraediately sent it lo Burdsal's, at Cin
cinnati, but it was late in the season when the order reached
•them ; the river was closed with ice, and the goods did not

THOS. H. BARTON. 'J63

reach us till the first of February, 1873. During the win
ter and succeeding spring and early part of the suraraer,
Emily continued to urge me to dispose of our property and
purchase a farm with the proceeds. In order lo please her, I
wrote a few letters lo relatives residing in Indiana and Illinois,
inquiring about land and a location for practicing raedicine.
After much persuasion, Emily signed one or two orders more;
but on one occasion during the spring, she absolutely refused
to sign an order amounting to about sixty dollars. Her rea
son was : that " I was raaking such large orders that the house
and lot would have to be sold to pay for the drugs." Upon
her refusal, I presented it to Martha, who signed it in the name
of the firm.
Early in ^lay, my wife proposed that I should visit my
sister Elizabeth, near CoUett Station, Jay County, Indiana. I
presume that her idea was for me to look at the country, and
ascertain how I liked it. I had not seen my sister for more
than twenty years, and concluded to make the visit. Martha
was to accompany rae, and a journey of three days found us at
the Spilraan residence. My sister and I had both so changed
that we scarcely recognized each other ; but had I raet ray
brother-in-law in the city of New York, I would certainly have
known hira. It was a very pleasant visit, and after reraaining
one week, returned home, being absent two weeks. Upon my
arrival Emily inquired how I liked the country, and whether
I had found a good location. I informed her that I was
pleased with the locality for farming purposes, but that, in
my opinion, it was an unhealthy place, raalarial fever pre
vailing, raore or less, every year. I also inforraed her that, in
my then stale of health, that I was liable to contract this
fever if I resided there two or three months. On learning this
state of facts she appeared to be rauch disappointed.
During my absence, my wife, who was corapetent to pre
scribe in certain cases, was called to visit a gentleman who had
an attack ofthe colic, and she prescribed for hira. Upon my
return I was requested to to see the case, and learned that my
wife's treatment had partially relieved him.
I felt much relieved in body and raind, after having a rest
of two wee]?s from the toils of xny profession, apd opce more

264 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

turned my attention to business with great energy. I was also
well pleased with the manner in which ray wife and son had
conducted the store in my absence. For some time both
branches of business were more lucrative than ever before. I
could meet the present deraands upon rae and have sorae funds
left to apply on old debts. On one occasion, during the sum
mer, I met a gentleraan on the highway, who held a note
against me, which was dorinant; that is, it was barred by
limitation, and could not be collected. On reminding me of
this fact, I iraraediately paid him ten dollars on the note, thus
renewing the obligation. I think this was no raore than
justice. Permit rae to remark : "Do ye likewise."
In the latter part of August, I advised my wife to purchase
another town lot. It was sixty-lour feet in width and ninety-
eight feel in length, fronted on Barringer Street, and adjoined
the one she already owned, and would make a valuable acqui
sition to her property. She readily consented to make the
purchase, agreeing to give three hundred dollars for the lot,
fifty dollars of which was to be paid on the day of sale. My
reasons for advising her lo purchase this property were that,
for sorae time, she had said nothing in regard lo selling out,
and I desired, if possible, to wean her from that notion.
There were seven choice apple-trees on the lot, which were be
ginning to bear fruit; there was also room for a garden, and
play-ground for the children. She made the purchase, and,
for a time abandoned the idea of changing our location.

CHAPTER XV.

A FATAL STROKE OP THE PEN.
I write this chapter with great reluctance. If I could make
my narrative connected and coraplete without it, I should pre
fer lo say nothing about tbe events it records. I have exper
ienced raany changes, but to all save these I have become
reconciled ; these never will, never can be reconciled to my
satisfaction. I would that they could forever be blotted from
ray memory.

THOS. H. BARTON. 265

It was a bright day in the first week in October 1873. It is
now about four moths since I visited my sister Elizabeth, it is
about three months since I revived that dormant note against
me; it is six weeks since my wife purchased the adjoining lot
to ber property ; I have been called to IMinersville to visit sorae
patients. I am on ray return horae, and I ara meditating in
regard to the future ; I am building castles in the air ; I have
corae lo the conclusion that, in one year, my wife will have
paid for her late purchase, that, in the meantirae, she will keep
improving the store and increasing her stock of drugs, and
keep up her obligations with Burdsals. Her business, on an
average, has netted an income of about twenty dollars a month,
or two hundred and forty dollars per annum. I think it will
soon reach three hundred; perhaps more. Throughout the
suraraer I have had raore lucrative praciice than at any other
previous time, and ray standing as a physician is probably
better than ever before. I ara more than paying the interest on
my debts, I do not feel the expense fo Indiana, neither does
ray wife miss the fifty dollars which she paid on her property ;
but she has told me that she does not like drug business.
However, I have come to the conclusion that, with the assis
tance of George, I can carry on the business rayself, and that,
at the end of five years, we can have a first-class drug store.
My wife has been doing business about two years and six
raonths, and I think that the stock on hand will invoice about
six hundred dollars. This shows what can be done with eigh
teen dollars when rightly applied. I ara now willing that
Emily shall attend to her doraestic affairs, I will carry on the
business in ray own name; and, if there is no depression in
trade, in a very few years I will be clear of indebtedness, and
in ten or twelve years be able lo retire from active practice, I
ara about to exclaira in the language of the Bard of Avon :
"There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood,
Leads on to fortune."
I have now reached ray residence, I disraounl, bitch my horse,
and enter the store, where George is engaged in building a
miniature steamboat, I wend my way to the sitting room, and
find my wife apparently in deep meditation. I do not disturb
her. Presently she speaks. What do I hear her say? Am I
34

266 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
dreaming? No ! it is ray wife who speaks, and the words pro
ceed frora her own lips. "Doc. I have sold the house and
LOT I" Had a clap of thunder fallen frora a cloudless sky, or
had I found the block being consuraed by the flames, I could
not have been more surprised. For a few moments, I was
speechless. Can it be a reality? I have certainly not lost my
senses. It is m\' wife who is silting before me, and it is she
who speaks to rae. All ray hopes and desires ; all ray plans
and calculations ; all my castles in the air, vanish in an instant.
I was stunned, but in a few minutes I quietly asked her the
terras of the sale, and to whora she had sold the property.
She replied : "I have sold it to Lewis Hudson and Ambrose
Roush. They are to give me eighteen hundred dollars for the
real estate, and are to take the drugs at wholesale prices." She
further inforraed me that the purchase raoney is to be paid in
cash, as soon as they take possession ofthe property, and that
she has also agreed not to keep a drug store at Syracuse in
opposition lo thera, nor purchase any raore drugs, and that the
new lot and the barn are not included in the sale. Shall f
acquiesce in this transaction, sell our properly, and thus throw
us out of business, trusting to chance in order to obtain
another location? Yes, I will acquiesce, for without her assis
tance atthe present tirae, I feivr that I can not conduct the busi
ness alone, and if we do not succeed in the future as we have
in the past I shall not lie to blame.
Thus far there had only been a verbal contract between my
wife and Messrs. Hudson and Roush. In a few days after
wards these gentlemen appeared with a written article of
agreement for signature, in accordance with the foregoing
terms. In signing this article, I made a fatal stroke ofthe
pen. The property was now virtually out of my hands, and
Hudson and Roush were to take possession on the first of
April, 1874. In the mean tirae our orders for drugs were very
small, the s.iles were fair, and as a natural result the slock
was fast running down.
For a time I was rauch dissatisfied in regard to this sale ;
but soon after the bargain was consumraaled, the coal opera
tors at Syracuse, as well as elsewhere in the Poraeroy Bend,
deterrained to reduce the price of mining coal, The result

thos. h. barton. 267

was one of the most obstinate strikes that had ever occurred
in the bend. It continued until the following April. During
this period coal was very scarce at Syracuse, even for domes
tic purposes. The Syracuse Coal and Salt Company adopted
the following plan. If a coal rainer stood in need of coal for
his own use, he had the privilege of raining three cars of coal,
one for hiraself and two for the corapany. By this means a
partial supply of coal was provided for the citizens This de
pression of business was caused by the great financial crisis
of 1873, which, beginning in the East, gradually extended
throughout the United States.
One of the causes which led to this sale was the credit
system, and my wife was about as deeply in the mud as I was
in the raire. If I credited out ray services as a ph3'sician,
she also did the sarae in regard to her drugs. I will give one
illustration. One day, an old lady, who was not feeling well,
came to the store, and bought of my wife, a box of patent pills
on credit. She went horae and took a dose ; but in a few
hours I was called in great haste to see her, the raessenger
telling rae that she was severely craraped in the storaacb and
bowels. I was soon at her bed-side, and found as a result of
this potent cathartic, that her lower extremities were in close
proximity to her head. It caused me two visits, and no in
considerable araount of medicine to set her right once more.
At this writing, my practice, the medicine which I furnished
her, together with the pills, are standing on the books un- '
paid. The above is only one instance out of a score, perhaps hun
dreds, that I could enumerate; and it became evident to my
wife that Poor Old Trust was not dead as yet. Bad Pay had
not killed the poor old fellow, but it was reducing his vital as
well as his mental powers. Emily naturally came to the
conclusion that to quit the business was the only way lo break
up the credit system. She was unwilling to wait, and move
on in this quiet way until we attained better circumstances. I
wished to do so, but she did not agree with me. The reader
may coinelo the conclusion that as I was strongly opposed lo
selling the property, and had the power lo prevent the sale, I
should have done so. My answer is this : My wife owned the

268 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

property ; it was hers absolutely in fee siraple. I have already
staled, in a former chapter, that the deed was made lo her, and
also gave my reasons for so doing. She gradually became dis
satisfied. She was uncertain in regard to the final result. We
were losing, on an average, about ten dollars a month on sales,
which we failed to collect. She did not seem lo realize that
the profits on the medicines would justify the loss. Accord
ing to her reasoning these petty losses would in tirae close out
the store. ,1 gradually came to the conclusion that it was best
to let her have her way, and if this change in our affairs should
prove disastrous, I knew that the blame could not be charged
to me.
During -the winter of 1873-4, I wrote several letters lo Dr.
11. W. Stoddard, of Illinois, concerning the price of land in
his locality, and also in regard to a location for the practice
of medicine. He was a cousin ot ray wife, and had studied
medicine with me for a few months, while I resided at Chester.
I also corresponded with ray brother in-law, Mr. Christopher
Spilraan, who then resided in Indiana in reference to the
sarae subject. In the, meantime every person with whom I
conversed in relation to selling out and changing ray location,
with two exceptions, told rae that I did wrong in so doing. I
informed them, however, that I was opposed to selling our
]iroperty, and that it was my wife who made the sale. At the
sarae time Hudson and Roush were raaking strong appeals to
us to reraain at Syracuse. I was having an excellent practice,
and they wished to retain me in this locality in order to fill my
prescriptions We finally determined to move to Indiana. On the fourth
of April we disposed of our household goods at public auction.
I sold my horse at private sale on nine month's credit. About
the same lime the stock of drugs and raedicines on hand was
invoiced and turned over lo Hudson and Roush. The invoice
araounted to about five hundred dollars. During the spring I
paid a portion of ray old indebtedness from the sale of drugs
and frora raedical fees, which I succeeded in collecting. There
was aboutthree hundred dollars standing on the books exclu
sively for drugs. Our balances further showed that we had clear
ed, on an average, about twenty dollars per month from the sale

THOS. H. BARTON. 269

of drugs, and that about ten dollars per month had been
credited out, which was uncollected.
It had been arranged that we should take our departure on
the fifth day of April, and when the time arrived, a large num
ber of persons assembled at the river landing to bid us farewell ;
and when the good old steamer Hudson hove in sight, many of
those, who had been our friends and neighbors, gave each of us
a hearty shake of the hand, at the sarae tirae wishing us good
luck in our new undertaking. I endeavored to appear as lively
and cheerful as usual, but at heart I felt downcast and sad. I
was parting frora many old and pleasant associations, I was
about to take up my abode araong strangers, I had laid aside
an excellent practice, and was about to abandon the most
lucrative business in which I had ever been engaged. My
thoughts were troubled. Even the elements seeraed in unison
with my feelings. The sky was dark and lowering ; the sun
was obscured by the clouds ; the atmosphere was damp and
chilly ; a misty rain was descending ; all nature wore a gloomy
aspect. I felt its depressing influence, and wondered what the
future would be I
Three day's travel found us at Collell Station, Jay county,
Indiana, where we were raet by ray brother-in-law, who gave
us a hearty welcorae to his hospitable residence. We were
now among the plains and woodlands of the Hoosier State.
Mr. Spilman resided about one mile from Collett, which
is a small village situated four railes south of Portland, the
county-seat, and on the Richmond & Fort Wayne Railroad. The
land in Jay county is undulating and in places it is inter
spersed with marshes and swamps, and a few ponds are occas
ionally found. On the creek bottoms and upland the soil
consists of a rich loam, and is very productive. All the
cereals that grow on the Ohio river bottoms can be raised here
in abundance, but the soil is best adapted to raising corn, oats
and flax. Wheat is sometimes injured in March by the alter
nate freezing and thawing, and fruit is occasionally killed by the
late frosts. Peaches will not grow in this locality, the winters
being so cold that the frost kills the trees.
East of the railroad lies a forty acre lot. On its eastern
border stood an old log cabin which was probably tbe first edifice

270 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

ever erected in that locality. Near by stood a stable, which
was built of round logs, and the dirt floor was covered with
manure tsvo feet deep. There was also a building, which was
used as a corn-crib and hen house, on the premises, and an
orchard of about eighteen choice apple trees. The railroad
which, at this point, runs nearly north and south, ran across the
northwest corner ofthis lot at an angle of about thirty degrees,
thus cutting off about one and ahalf acres of land. Apart ofthe
village of Collett is located on the part of the original lot west
ofthe railroad. Soon after our arrival at Collett Mr. Spilraan
inforraed us that this property was for sale, and that the owner,
John Grearinger, asked thirteen hundred dollars for it. He
also inforraed rae, that according to the value of real estate in
the neighborhood, this piece of land was worth twelve hundred
dollars. Upon hearing a conversation with Mr. Grearinger
in regard to his terms for the sale of the property, he replied :
''It is worth thirteen hundred dollars;" we offered him twelve
and thus affairs stood during the next two days. Meanwhile,
we were not very anxious about purchasing property in this
loCBlity, and I now believe that, had I proposed to retrace our
steps to Syracuse my wife would have readily given her consent,
moreover, I believe this course would have been the best.
It did not prove a good location for the practice of medicine,
or the sale of drugs ; but unluckily for us, Mr. Grearinger
made his appearance at the appointed time at the Spilraan
residence, and agreed to sell the property at our offer. We
had agreed to give twelve hundred dollars for it ; the bargain
was closed at once ; the deed was raade, and the properly con
veyed to ray wife. A few days afterwards we raoved our house
hold goods into the old dilapidated log cabin.
Reader, do you believe iu drearas and oraens? If this
question was put lo myself, I am not prepared to say that I
do, nor am I prepared to deny that there raay be some myster
ious connection between our sleeping visions and the actual
realities of life.
One night, during the winter preceding our removal, I
dreamed that we had moved into an old building of the raost
primitive style. It was situattd in the stale of Indiana. The
floor of this old structure was bulged in the center, and the

THOS. H. BARTON. 27l

edifice itself was in the most dilapidated condition. In the
rear lay a garden of the richest soil, and in this garden was
about half a dozen stalks of corn of large growth ; but the ears
had been plucked off, and the stalks were dry and withered.
To me the premises had a desolate and doleful appearance,
and I felt downcast and sad to think that I was compelled to
inhabit such an inferior residence as this. On the other hand,
my wife appeared happy and cheerful, and while she was en
gaged in her household duties, she was singing a familiar
hymn. I awoke, and behold ! it was a dream.
I dreamed again ; and the visions of my head returned unto
rae : We had raoved into an old log cabin which was situated
about half a raile south of the city of Wheeling. No orna
ments decorated its walls, no furniture was to be found in it ;
but there were several piles of bed-clothing lying on the floor.
The city was plainly visible ; it made a splendid appearance ;
its streets were lined with costly edifices and luxurious raan-
sions ; its spires and steeples glittered in the bright sunshine.
All the coraforts and luxuries of life were near me — almost
within my grasp, while I was living in this miserable hut. I
awoke, and found it a dream. Have my visions been real
ized? Soon after raoving into this old shanty, I coramenced the
erection of a building twenty-eight feet wide, thirty long, and
ten feet high up to the square. The roof was to be gothic in
style, one half pitch, thus giving an upper story thirty feet long
and twelve feet wide, sufficient for two rooms. The lower story
was lo be divided into four chambers. This edifice was ready
lobe plastered by the middle of July, when we moved into it,
I also made some improveraents on the farm, and designed lo
follow the occupation of farming in connection with the prac
tice of medicine. The expense of building, however, reduced
our funds, and I soon found that I would be compelled to rent
the farm. Moreover, I was not a farmer by occupation, and
was uncertain whether or not I would be successful. We there
fore rented the land, except about two acres which we worked
ourselves, to Jacob Grearinger, a relative of the gentleraan of
whom we had purchased the property. Mr. Grearinger raised
a fair crop, but he only gave the corn about half the necessary

272 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
plowing, and there were from one to ten stocks of corn in each
hill. I call such farming a one horse business.
About the last of June, I was called to Syracuse on business,
and found that an epidemic of typhoid fever had made its ap
pearance at that place, and a nuraber of persons were affected
with it. My friends were all well pleased lo see rae once more,
and at once started me in business, and within a few days I
had several professional calls. Having attended to my affairs,
earned and collected sufficient funds lo pay my traveling ex
penses, I once more bid ray friends farewell, and returned to
Indiana. Soon after ray return, I received several letters from
ray friends at Syracuse, stating that ray services were required
at that place, as the epidemic was on the increase. I al once
decided to leave ray faraily for a time, return to Syracuse, and
practice medicine there. I boarded a train on the 28lh of
July and in due time reached ray destination. I opened an
office in one roora of Hudson and Roushes' residence, and
boarded with Jaraes Ewing, and was soon very busy treating a
number of cases of typhoid fever at Syracuse and Minersville.
I was kept very busy for about two months. There was a pro-
trated case of this fever at Minersville, the patient being a
raarried raan about twenty-six years old. The disease was ar
rested about the close of the third week ; but no sooner was he
clear of fever than he asked me if he could have a taste of
peaches. As there was an abundance of this fruit and general
ly of a good quality, I gave my consent, supposing that he
would procure a ripe peach. His wife, however, procured a sup
ply of the poorest quality that could be found in the market,
and he ate a few of these rind and all. The result of this feast
was an attack of periloritis, and in spite of all that I could do
for him, he died about two days afterwards.
This case, which is the only one I lost during this period at
Syracuse, is reported as a warning to those who may be con
valescing of typhoid fever. Do not eat green fruit, or fruit of
a poor quality especially the rind.
My professional labors closed with three cases of obstetrics,
during the last week of this period. The major portion of my
leisure hours was spent in study, thereby hoping to keep up
with the tiraes, and render rayself proficient in the science of
medicine.

THOS. H. BARTON. 273

About the 28th of September,- 1 once raore bid farewell to
my friends at Syracuse, not knowing but it might be the last
farewell, and was-soon wending my way to the swaraps of In
diana. I reached Ridgeville, which is about six miles south
of Collett, in due time, but was detained al that place about
two hours. I reached Collett about nine o'clock in the even
ing and was glad to be at home with my faraily once rnore. I
had hoped to find them in good health, but a few days pre
vious to my arrival, my wife and Mattie had contractsd the
intermittent fever. Perhaps I did not sympathize with them
as I sbould have done. I had warned thera in regard lo the
locality. For more than a year previous to our removal to
Indiana, I had repeatedly informed them in regard to the
unhealthy condition of that State. They were old enough lo
understand. I did ray duty, however, as a husband and father.
At the proper time, 1 administered a few large doses of quinine,
and the fever" was soon abated. It may have been well for
myself, that I was living in Ohio during the sickly season in
tbe Hoosier State.
Late in the summer and fall, water is scarce in this section
of Indiana. Near the old log hut two boles had been dug with
the intention of obtaining a well. These holes had been
walled up, but the walls had caved in, thereby causing a deep
depression in the surface of the ground. One of these afford
ed water during the winter, spring, and early sumraer, but late
in the summer and fall it was dry. It was evident that I
would have to dig a well, if I continued to reside in this
locality, and soon after my return from Syracuse, I employed
a few men and commenced digging for water. After digging
twenty feet I procured a dirt auger, and bored ten feet further
striking a vein of water. I then dug to this vein and obtained
an abundant supply, but it was impregnated with mineral sub
stances, and was of a poor quality. The water flowed in so
rapidly that it kept us bu^y building the wall to keep out of
the way. This well contained fifteen feet of water even in dry
weather. During my sojourn in Indiana I had some professional busi
ness, but it was not lucrative. I could have had more practice
had I been well prepared, and had I not been otherwise engaged.

274 AUTOBIOGRAPHY cF

I can not close this period of my narrative without making
mention of the n unierous snakes which infested this locality. I
think that, during the summer, my sons, George and Molt,
killed about one hundred of these reptiles. The black snakes,
(tbe Coluber constrictor) were the raost numerous. The common
snake {Nntrix torquata) was also abundant. One hoop or
jointed snake was seen. I do not remeraber of seeing any
rattlesnakes, {Crotalus haridus.)
One bright suraraer day, we were rauch surprised at Mott,
who carae running into the house crying out: "Mother, a
snake, a snake 1 wdiere is George?" Mott and Sophia were in
the wood about two hundred yards from the house and came
across a black snake. Sophia remained to watch his snake-
ship while iNlott ran to the house to seek George to assist in
killing the snake. George was soon at the scene of action. In
the meantime the snake was eying my daughter with sus
picion, George with hoe in hand, as David Crockett said :
"Severed his 'larnal head from his all tail of a body." This
reptile measured six feet in length.
About the 20th of October, hard frost raade its appearance.
The winters in Jay county are usually severe. The ground
generally freezes in Noveraber, and reraains in a frozen condi
tion till the raiddle of March. Such weather is conducive to
good health in that locality. As my funds were now getting
low, I determined to return lo Syracuse, and follow my pro
fession, leaving my family in Indiana. On mentioning ray
plans to my wife, she objected to my being away from home
during the incleraenl winter weather; and, on thinking over
our affairs, she carae to the conclusion that we had better raove
to Obio. I readily agreed with her. About the last of Octo
ber, we packed up our household goods, which were easily
transported, bade farewell to our relatives and new made
friends in the Hoosier State, boarded a train, and wended our
way to Syracuse, reaching our destination the first week in
November. I was now once more in Syracuse, but felt cast down in re
gard to my future prospects. I felt like the peacock when he
has shed his tail feathers, but unlike that fowl, I did not hide
myself frora public observation. How different is my situa-

THOS. H. BARTON. 275

tion and financial circumstances now from what they were
eighteen months previous. I was then residing in an elegant
and comfortable residence. I enjoyed many of the comforts
and some of the luxuries of life. More than all this, I had a
very fair prospect of raaking raoney. My wife owned prop
erty in her own right worth al least two thousand dollars. She
was the owner of a good drug store, and was doing a fair and
lucrative business, I was enjoying an excellent practice. All
this is now changed, we live in a house for which ive pay rent ;
my son is out of employment; my horse is sold, and I ara now
corapelled either lo hire a horse to attend to ray praciice al
Minersville rnd in the country, ride in the bus or watch for a
good opportunity and walk. Moreover, ray absence frora Syra
cuse during the sickly season raentioned, gave ray competitors
an opportunity of establishing themselves more firraly in their
profession. Notwithstanding these discouraging circurastan-
ces, I again offered ray professional services to the citizens of
this locality, and went to work with a will.
Beginning with a call next day after our arrival, I at once
had a fair amount of professional business. During the re
mainder of this year ray practice was fair, and I collected a
sufficient araount of ray earnings to meet all ray expenses in
cluding the rent.
We were now the owners of two thrifty, young orchards,
nevertheless we were corapelled to buy our fruit. The frost
killed our fruit in Indiana, and the raischieveous young
urchins, coraraonly known as the "sraall boy," destroyed it in
Syracuse. During the winter and spring of 1875, my professional busi
ness was good at Syracuse and also at Minersville. I think. I
had nearly all the practice in the latter place. An epidemic
of catarrhal fever had broken outin both these villages together
with a few cases of pneumonia. The result was that I was
kept very busy attending to my professional labors.
Early in the spring Dr. Edward H. Trickle, of Racine, located
at Syracuse with the object of practicing medicine. On the
breaking out of tbe rebellion. Dr. Trickle enlisted as a private
in company E, of the Fourth West Virginia Regiment, and
was appointed one of the corporals of that company. On the

276 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

19th of March, 1863, he was promoted lo be Second Lieutenant
of company I of the same regiraent, and in that capacity
he faithfully served the government till the expiration of his
term of enlistraent. Some time after the close of the war,
comrade Trickle studied raedicine under the preceptorship of
Dr. John R. Philson, of Racine and afterwards attended a
Medical College, and received his diploraa as Doctor of Medi
cine. He and I were on very good terms. He was well re
spected as a physician, and obtained a fair amount of practice
at Syracuse. He practiced raedicine here about two years,
and then returned to Racine.
Dr. Trickle was a very fair corapetitor ; yet, notwithstand
ing his opposition, I had a sufficient nuraber of patients to
keep me busy during the remainder of this year. My busi
ness was sufficiently extensive to require the use of a horse.
I purchased a horse, saddle and bridle of Jonas Ervin for
ninety dollars, giving him therefor my promissory note. My
financial afl'airs improved during this year, regardless of op
position, dull tiraes, and slow collections, and by the 1st of
November I had. after keeping up my expenses, a sraall sur
plus of funds laid by.
About the first week in Noveraber we learned that our
affairs in Indiana were not in good condition. In view of
this, ray wife visited our relatives at Collett. Soon after
erecting the re.'-idence on our farra in Indiana we had light
ning-rods put up, expecting to pay for this iraproveraent frora
the proceeds of the farra ; but, on her arrival, ray wife found
that these fixtures had not been paid for. She paid the
claim, attended to some other details in regard to the prop
erly, and then returned home, having been absent eight or ten
days. Her expenses during this visit was thirty dollars.
Some time during the succeeding winter Daniel Miller, re
siding near Collett, offered us fifteen hundred dollars for our
property in Indiana, the purchase money to be paid in install
ments. This was a fair price for it, but we desired to make
the sale a cash transaction, and no bargain was effected.
The spring of 1876 opened up with a, fair prospect of suc
cess in my profession. I was now the owner of an excellent
horse, and had paid a pari of the purchase money. I was

THOS. H. BARTON. 277

using ray utraost endeavors to build up a lucrative practice ;
but notwithstanding ray efforts, I was destined to meet with
some reverses.
Prior lo our removal to Indiana, as already stated in this
chapter, I sold my horse at private sale. I disposed of the
animal to James Ewing, whora I have raentioned as practic
ing law before justices' courts, taking his proraissor.y note for
seventy dollars, with Jacob Grira as security. The note was
about two years past due ; and on the 16th of March, at the
urgent request of my wife, I planted a suit against Ewing
and Grira before Isaac Carleton, a justice of the peace in and
for Sutton township, for the sura of eighteen dollars and thir
teen cents, it being the balance then due on the note. I had
boarded with Mr. Ewing during ray visit to Syracuse in the
suraraer of 1874. and I had used his horse a number of tiraes
in ray professional business, and had given hira credit on the
note for these iteras. I filed the note with the justice as a
bill of particulars. The case was set for hearing on the 21st.
On the day appointed for trial we raet at the raagistrate's
office, and, al the instance of Mr. Ewing, the case was
adjourned till early in April, when the defendant again ad
journed the case, and he continued lo adjourn it from lime to
time until the first of August, when he filed his bill of set-off.
He brought up two or three items of account which had been
previously settled. Among these was a claim of three dollars for
mo\'ing my sister-in-law to Chester, with which I had nothing
to do. Moreover, he received his pay for this service from my
sister-in-law, my books showing a plain statement. His claira
for horse hire was put at eleven trips to Minersville at one
dollar a trip; that is, every tirae I used the horse lo raake a
professional visit was counted as one day's service for the
aniraal, the distance being about three railes, going and re
turning. The case finally carae up for trial on the 5th of August, and
was tried before a jury. I was affected that day with the sick
headache and was unfit to attend to a suit at law, it being all
that I could do to give in my testimony,
Mr. Ewing testified, in substance, that I had the use of his
horse eleven trips |o Minersville; that J received the animal

278 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

about nine o'clock in the morning, returning about three
o'clock in the afternoon, and that this would make a day in
hiring a horse. My own testimony was substantially as fol
lows: That when I first engaged the aniraal Mr. Ewing said
that he would raake the charges reasonable, but that he would
expect more compensation than the regular 'bus fare, which
was twenty cents for going and returning; that on every oc
casion but two I received the horse about nine o'clock in the
forenoon, returning between twelve and one o'clock, thus giv
ing time for Hudson and Roush to fill my prescriptions and
send thera to Minersville by the 'bus in the afternoon ; that on
one occasion I received the animal about nine o'clock in the
morning and returned next day about seven, and that on an
other occasion I was absent from four in the afternoon till
eight in the evening; that one dollar a day was a reasonable
charge, and that I was willing to pay for the use of the
horse at that rate for tho actual tirae engaged, and that
the distance traveled averaged about two miles and a half.
I was represented by John Borham, Mr. Ewing by Calvin
DeWolf. Of these artists at law, perhaps |:Mr. DeWolf was the
best pettifogger before a Justice of the Peace. In this case at
any rale Mr. Ewing's counsel was raore shrewd than mine.
Testimony was introduced, without any objection on the part
of Mr. Borham, concerning the price of horse-hire by the day,
but I do not remember anything being said in regard to the
short distance which the animal had to travel in this case.
Even testimony was introduced showing what one of our liv
ery men charged tor a horse and carriage to go and return
from Middleport. at least three times the distance to and from
Minersville. I make no reflection in regard to the Justice. No
objections were made by counsel, and such testimony had a
tendency to mislead the jury.
The testimony being heard by the jury, the case was ready
for the pleadings ofthe attorneys. Herein my counsel allow
ed bib opponent to get the advantage.
The counsel having finished his plea, Mr. DeWolf rose. It
was not like the rising of Burke in the British Parliament, but
all the sarae it was fatal to ray case. Mr. DeWolf said "that
as I was the plaintiff in the case, in order to establish piy

THOS. H. BARTON. 279

claira I would have lo have a preponderance of evidence ;
and that as I had admitted a part of the claira, I was liable for
the whole amount." My attorney made no objection to this
false pleading. He should have maintained, that as the de
fendants had a set-off against me, in order to establish their
claira, they should produce a preponderance of testimony. The
jury rendered a verdict against rae for one dollar and fifteen
cents, and the costs ofthe suit.
I appealed the case to the Court of Common Pleas, and filed
my petition in court by an able attorney of the Meigs county
bar. The case was adjourned frora one session of the court to
another till the spring of 1879. In the meantime, during my
absence, my counsel allowed Jacob Grira to be disraissed as a
co-defendant, thus throwing out the only responsible party. I
Ibought strange of this, as at the Justices Court, he was in-
struraenlal in retaining Grim as a co-defendant. Meanwhile,
I was preparing for trial, and wrote a nuraber of questions for
Ewing to answer when he came to give his testimony, which,
in all probability would have impeached him. The case how
ever, never carae to a hearing in court. About the 20th of
May, 1879, Mr. Ewing left this world of strife, contention, and
law-suits, and quietly passed to a world where strife and con
tention is unknown.
At a future session of the court, ray attorney inforraed me
that he had duly suraraoned Grim to appear in court; and,
having failed lo answer the summons, he had obtained a judg
raent by default against hira for eighteen dollars and thirteen
cents in ray favor. He claimed, however, that there was sorae
error in the proceedings, and that it was best for rae to keep
quiet in regard to the matter, as the case might, within three
years, be reopened. Several years afterwards, I applied to my
counsel for an execution against the defendant. Now, kind
reader, what do you suppose that my counsel told me? He
said : "I have no recollection of this judgraent against Grira !"
He then looked up his record of judgments, and failed lo find
it. His action speaks for itself, and needs no further com
ment. In 1876 the finanpial panic was severely feU jn the •western

280 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP
states. The government was gradually preparing for the re
sumption of specie payments. Hence the stringency of the
money market. Property was rapidly depreciating in value.
Business of all kinds was almost at a stand-still. It was ex
tremely difficult for those, who had contracted debts during
the war and immediately afterwards, to raeet their financial
obligations. It was difficult, and in many instances impos
sible to make collections. This state of affairs was severely
felt by rayself. I had but little lime lo attend to the collection
of ray just dues, and many of ray patrons were very negligent
in this respect, and for soraetirae I received but a small pit
tance from those who were indebted lo rae. To aid rae in
ray finances, my wife, soraetirae during the preceding au
tumn, sold an acre of her land in Indiana to Daniel Miller, of
Collett, for eighty-seven dollars and fifty cents, but this was '
only a temporary relief.
For several years during the period of which I am now writ
ing, the game of croquet was a favorite recreation among the
young and raiddle aged of both sexes. The game was played
exten.sively both at Syracuse and Minersville. Al first I did
not like the game, but would occasionally be persuaded to take
part in this harmless arauseraent. For sorae lime, however, I
could see nothing amusing in it. I was slow in learning to
play, and understanding the science of the game, and was very
awkward in handling the raallet, I gradually becarae fond of
the exercise ; it afforded me some recreation during my leisure
hours. Although awkward at first, I kept on trying, until I
becarae thoroughly acquainted with the rules and the use of
the raallet, I played more or less everyday when the weather
was fair, and by dint of perseverence, became an excellent
player. Playing croquet, however, did not prevent my attend
ing church, and during these years I was a regular attendant
at divine service.
* * * * -V; * * %
I now approach an event of ray life, so soleran and sad, that
although the frosts of thirteen winters have passed away, the
occurrence is still fresh in my memory. I had met with
financial reverses. I had sustained pecuniary losses, but now
J am about to experience a greater loss, Qpce more J am

THOS. H. BARTON. 281

about to be separated frora a near and dear companion ; once
more the cold earth is about to close over the one I loved
best. Since our marriage, my wife's health had usually been good.
She had apparently recovered from the malarial fever. In the
suraraer of 1875 she had an attack of dysentery, and ray
brother .laraes, who still resided at Addison, was called lo
treat her. From this I think she also recovered. During the
ensuing winter she contracted, as I then supposed, a mild
catarrh, which was accorapanied with a dry cough. At first I
thought there was nothing serious, but she gradually grew
worse, and I coraraenced treating her. My treatment did not
prove effective ; the cough becarae raore troublesome ; her
body gradually comraenced to waste away, and by the latter
part ofthe succeeding suraraer, it becarae an evident fact that
she was affected with that terrible disease, pulraonary con-
suraption. I then eraployed eminent counsel, but our united
efforts proved unavailing. She still continued to fail ; her
breathing became more difficult ; the cough was nearly inces-
sent; her sputa becarae thick and tenacious, and when the
frosts of winter made their appearance, it was plainly evident
that her earthly existence was only a question of timo. I now
began lo abandon all hopes of her recovery, but nevertheless,
I kept her constantly under treatment first by one physician
and then another. Altogether there were six physicians who
treated her and gave her advice. During the month of De
ceraber, and early part of January, 1877, she continued to fail
rapidly, and about the middle of the latter month she was con
fined to her bed. Her respiration was extreraely rapid on the
least exertion, and it was with the greatest difficulty that she
raised the sputa frora her lungs. During all this time her ap
petite was fair, and her storaacb could digest light articles of
food. She gradually failed in strength till the twentieth of
February, when I becarae convinced that her earthly suffer
ings would soon be over.
*******
It is evening, and about the seventh hour. I ara now aware
that the supreme moment has come. For the second time I
}im standing by the dying bedside of a kind and loving com-
36

282

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

panion. She has been the partner of ray life for raany years,
but this union is now about lo be forever severed. She is
face to face with the grim monster. A lady who is standing
near her bedside speaks to her: "Emily, is Jesus with you? "
A kind and loving Savior is with her, but she cannot say so.
She tries lo speak, but the power of utterance fails ; her lips
move, but they utter no sound. In token of her faith in her
Redeemer, she raises her thin and emaciated arms towards
heaven, and clasps her hands together, as if she means lo say :
"Jesus is with rae; he is ray friend and coraforter in a dying
hour, and I will soon be asleep in .Tesus."
*******
A half hour raore, and all is over. The spirit has left its
earthly tenement and taken its flight to the realms of bliss.
The burial services, conducted by the Rev. Henry Berkstresser,
of the M. E Church, took place frora the Presbyterian Church,
The church was crowded with the friends and relatives of the
deceased. Rev. Berkstresser preached a very touching and
appropriate sermon from the latter clause of the second verse
of the fourteenth chapter of the Gospel of St. John : "In ray
father's house are raany mansions." Everything connected
with the sad obsequies was eloquent? of the loving esteem in
which my dear companion was held. After the last sad rite
had been perforraed at the church, all that was mortal of that
once vigorous and noble woman was laid to rest in the Syra
cuse cemetery, in the presence of her sorrowing friends and
relatives. I returned frora the solemn ceremonial weighed down with
sorrow and affliction. My household affairs went on as usual :
the fire burned brightly, the lara])scasl a radiant glow of light
in our hurable domicile, but the familiar form of ray loving
companion could be seen no more. Her life-work is ac
complished ; her mission is ended ; her spirit is asleep in
Jesus. " A.sleep in Jesus: blessed sleep
From which none ever wake to weep ;
A calm and undisturbed repose,
Unbroken by the last of foes."

THOS. H. BARTON. 283

CHAPTER XVL

TREATMENT OF PAUPERS. — LITIGATION.
During the years that have elapsed since the war, I have
treated a great many paupers, and received compensation there
for from the township or county ; and I have been regarded by
the trustees of Sutton Township, and the infirmary directors of
Meigs county as a prominent character in regard to reporting
paupers to the authorities for the purpose, of securing the fees
for my professional services. My narrative would be incora-
plele unless this part of my professional career be stated in de-,
tail, and I therefore propose to give my readers an unbiased ac
count of this important branch of my business.
In order to raake the subject clear, I shall go back lo
Leon, Virginia. A I the tirae of which I write, the paupers
in that state who stood in need of raedical or surgical treat
ment were reported to an officer called an overseer of the
poor, there being one such officer in each district. These
officers held a quarterly or annual raeeting, and paid the
claims of the several physicians for treating poor and indi
gent persons. While at Leon I received compensation in a
few such cases.
One year, during ray residence at Leon, a physician who
resided at Point Pleasant was elected overseer of the poor.
He succeeded in getting the other overseers to corae to an
agreement that no claim for treating paupers should be al
lowed unless notice was given to the overseers al the com
mencement of the treatment. The other physicians, being
ignorant of this agreement, failed to receive any compensa
tion during that year for their services, while the Point
Pleasant physician received a large amount from the poor
fund. I was among the number of those who lost their fees for
treating the poor. I do not think that I received any cora-
pensalion for such services during that year.
While at Chester, Ohio, I reported only one case to the
Trustees of that Township, but the trustees refused to recog
nize the person as a pauper unless his father reported hira as
such, which was done accordingly, and in due time I received

284 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
my fees. After locating at Syracuse, I reported no such cases
prior to the war.
About one year after ray return from the army, I reported
one patient, who resided at Minersville. The Minersville
trustee, however, rejected my claim without making any
further inquiry in regard to the merits of the case, and the
claim was not reported to the board of trustees. In 1867, I
received my first raedical fees from the Trustees of Sutton
Township for treating a pauper. The patient resided near
Syracuse, and I received an order from the Township Trustees
for $11.50 for my services including raedicines. Frora this
timeto the first of April, 1875, our trustees were very liberal to
the poor, and paid ray clairas in pauper cases in every instance
except two. One of these was a transient pauper, and ray
account was rejected by the board on that ground. In another
case, my bill was cut down and I lost a part of it. My books
show that I received ray fees in full for a nuraber of cases du
ring this period.
The following case is related in detail in order to show the
action of the township trustees and infirmary directors in the
premises. During the last week in January, 1869, a raan who resided
in Syracuse, received a dangerous injury from a fall from one
of the salt cisterns belonging to tbe Syracuse Coal and Salt
Corapany. Dr. Telers was immediately called to treat the
case, but the patient being in a dangerous condition. Dr.
Rathburn, of Middleport, was eraployed to treat hira. On
account of the severe and dangerous nature of the case. Dr.
Rathburn persuaded his patient to eraploy me as an assistant.
I was lo treat ihe case during Rathburn's absence, and to
assist him during his professional visits. The patient was
very. poor, and the case was likely to be protracted for an in
definite length of lime ; and I therefore, on the fifth of Febru
ary, 1870, reported him as a pauper to the trustees of Sutton
Township who imraediately took charge of the case, but in
stead of reporting hira forthwith to the Infirmary Directors,
as is required by law, they kept hira under their own care till
the first of March. The trustees then settled wilh me, paid
my fees in fall, and reported the case to the Infirmary Directors.

THOS. H. BARTON. 285

Henry Bartels and Lewis Hudson delivered the report of
the trustees to one of the Infirraary Directors, explained the
nature of the case and also informed him that I was treating
the patient. He replied — I give his exact language : "Tell
Dr. Barton to continue treating the case, and I will settle with
him for his services. I expect to be there lo see him in person
in less than ten days." On his return Mr. Hudson informed
rae in regard to what the Infirmary Director said, and I con
tinued to treat the case until the 16th of April. I presented
my account to the infirraary directors at their June session.
My account was upwards of thirty dollars, but I do not now
remember whether or not I claimed the araount in full. Be
this as it may, they offered lo pay rae only ten dollars for ray
services in this case. It was one of the hardest and most
dangerous cases that ever fell lo my lot lo treat. From the
very beginning the patient required the most careful atten
tion to save his life. The case was of such a nature that I was
compelled to visit him al night as well as in the day lime in
order to relieve him from excruciating pain. Besides my
regular visits, which were raade once or twice a day, I was
frequently sent for by the patient himself. I therefore, rejected
the pitiful offer of ten dollars for six weeks professional
services, and decided to test my rights as a physician; and, if
possible corapel this infimary director to do as he agreed.
Accordingly, I brought suit against the Board of Directors of
Meigs County. The case was tried before 'Squire Lee, of
Pomeroy, a Justice of the Peace in and for Salisbury Town
ship. Upon hearing the testimony, the magistrate imrae
diately rendered a judgment in my favor for the amount of
my claim and for costs.
The Infirmary Directors not being satisfied with the decision
of the Justice, appealed the case to the Court of Common
Pleas of Meigs County. In due time the case came up for
hearing in this Court, when the opposing attorney learned that
Dr. Rathburn bad written some of the prescriptions. These
amounted to about five dollars, and this amount was deducted
frora my claim, and I obtained a judgment for the balance,
the cost being taxed to the county.
From this time till the first of April 1874, I had no further

286 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

trouble with the trustees or directors. During this period the
trustees of Sutton Township allowed all the claims that I
presented to thera, but ray claims against them were few
in number and small in amount. The township clerk's
record for the year 1874, shows that one physician received
frora the pauper fund the snug sura of $44.20. A part of
this, however, was for provisions furnished. It is not de
signed to cast any reflections on the trustees in regard to their
action in this case, but to show their liberality to the poor, and
the respect shown the physician who treated the case.
The year 1874, was a prosperous one for sorae of tbe physi
cians who practiced in Sutton Township, and also for the
druga;ists who dispensed the medicines. The public funds
flowed into their coffers like milk and honey lo the Israelites
of old. One physician received the round sum of $59.00 for
his services treating one pauper, besides fees in a few other
cases. Another physician received $26.00 for treating a single
pauper, and one drug firra received the snug sum of $41.40 for
medipines furnished to one pauper, besides several other
physicians and druggists received a fair araount from the
poor fund, while I reported only one pauper, and was compen
sated in the insignificant amount of $6.10 for my services in
cluding raedicines. This was the only claira I had against the
trustees during that year.
In 1875, the township record shows that I received $29.50
for ray professional services araong the poor. I received my
just dues during this year, but had some difficulty in collecting
this araount in consequence of one of the trustees, who resided
at Racine, regarding rae with disfavor.
As already stated, I had a suit at law with the Infirraary
Directors of Meigs County. At a future period I had a con
troversy in the newspapers with one of the directors, and after
wards had a legal difficulty with the trustees of Sutton Town
ship. In order thatthe reader may fully understand the merits
of the controversy, I will give the law prescribing the duties
of township trustees and infirmary directors in relation to the
poor. In the session of 1876-6, a law was passed by the Gen
eral Assembly of the State of Ohio, entitled : "An act for the
relief of the poor, and to repeal certain acts." This law is

THOS. H. BARTON. 287

, found in the 73d annual volume of the Laws of Ohio, and is
contained in the following sections of the Revised Statutes of
1880. "Sec. 1491. The trustees of each township in the state shall
afford, al the expense of their township, public support or
relief lo all persons therein, who raay be in condition requir
ing the same, subject lothe conditions, provisions, and limita
tions herein.
"Sec. 1494. When a person in the township is in condition
requiring public relief, or the services of a physician or sur
geon, complaint thereof shall be forthwith raade lo the town
ship trustees, by sorae person having knowledge of the fact ;
if medical service is required, the physician or surgeon called
or attending shall iraraediately notify the trustees, or one of
them, in writing, that he is attending a pauper, and thereupon
the township shall be liable for all relief and for services ren
dered, which may thereafter be afforded to such person, only
in such amount as the trustees determine to be just and rea
sonable ; but if such notice be not given wilnin three days
after such relief is afforded, or service begins, then said town
ship shall be liable for such reliefer service only, as may be
rendered after notice has been given, but the trustees, or one
of them, may at anytime order the discontinuance of such
service or relief, and they shall not be liable for any services or
relief thereafter rendered.
"Sec. 1495. When coraplaint is made, as aforesaid, to the
trustees of a township, that any person therein requires public
relief or support, one or more of the trustees shall visit the
person needing relief, forthwith, to ascertain the name, age,
sex, birth-place, length of residence, previous habits, and pre
sent condition of such person, and especially in what town
ship and county in this State, if any, he or she is legally set
tled." Section 1496 provides for the care and disposition of non
resident paupers, and section 1497, provides for keeping ac
curate accounts of all expenses incurred for the relief of the
poor. "Sec. 1498. No account shall ever be audited or allowed to
the trustees of a township for the support of the poor, unless

288 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

the same be accompanied by the proper voucher, verified by.
the claimant or his agent, and duly certified by said trustees."
The following sections prescribe the duties of the infirmary
directors. ''Sec. 974. When, in any county having an infirmary, the
trustees of a township shall, after raaking the inquiry provided
for, be of the opinion that the person complained of is in a
condition requiring public relief, they shall forthwith transmit
a statement of said facts, together with the amount of relief
furnished, if any, so far as they have been able to ascertain the
sarae, lo the superintendent of the infirmary ; and if it appears
that such alleged pauper is legally settled in said township, or
has no legal settlement in this State, or that such settlement
is unknown, and the superintendent is satisfied that said
alleged pauper requires public relief, he shall forthwith receive
said pauper, and provide for him or her in said institution,
and furnish transportation for said pauper lo the infirmary;
and thereupon the directors shall certify to the correctness of
the items contained in the bill of said trustees, for costs and
expenses incurred by thera in affording teraporary relief to
said pauper; and if such stateraent of facts, so ascertained by
said trustees, is transraitted lo the superintendent of the in
firraary within five days after the sarae carae to their knowl
edge, then said bill of such trustees shall be paid out of the
poor fund of the county upon the warrant of the auditor there
of; but the directors may discharge any inmate of the in
firraary. "Sec. 976. If, in any case, the directors are of the opinion
that the condition of said pauper is such as to render his or
her reraoval inexpedient, or to require temporary or partial
relief only, they shall endorse the fact upon said warrant, and
direct the trustees to keep, and afford the pauper such relief,
in such manner and upon such reasonable terms as the direc
tors prescribe, until the removal of the pauper becomes expe
dient, or when partial or temporary relief only is required,
until the necessity therefor ceases ; and the trustees shall notify
said infirraary directors when such pauper can be safely re
moved, or when such temporary relief is no longer required;
such warrant, so issued, shall be by the clerk of the board of

THOS. H. BARTON. 289

directors numbered and filed, and the directors shall certify to
the correctness of the iteras contained in the bill of the said
trustees, for costs and charges incurred by thera in affording
relief to said paupers, after complaint was made, which bill
shall be paid on the warrant of the county auditor ; and the
failure of said trustees to transmit a statement of facts to the
directors, as herein contemplated, within ten days, shall
render such township liable for such relief as has been fur
nished." The above laws were passed by the General Assembly of the
Stale of Ohio, as already stated, during the session of 1875-6,
except section 974, which was passed at the succeeding session
of 1876-7. Section 974 supplies or amends a section wherein
it was obligatory on township trustees to report their paupers
to the infi-mary directors of the county.
In 1876, one of the trustees of Sutton Township, who resided
at Racine, took a decided stand against me, and appeared de
termined to raake rae lose my fees for treating the poor at
Syracuse and Minersville. In his action against me, he went
beyond his duly as a public officer. There was an arrange
ment araong the trustees that each of them was to attend to
the wants of the poor in his respective precinct, that is, the
trustee who lived al Racine looked after the poor in that pre
cinct, and the trustees to Syracuse and Minersville did the
same in their respective localities. The township was thus
about evenly divided between thera. In any case, however,
the Racine trustee wanted lo assume the ruling power, and
the other trustees would sometimes agree with him, and I
would thus be compelled to lose the whole or part of ray fees
for treating the poor. His mode of proceedure was as follows :
When I presented my accounts to the board for settlement
the Racine trustee would inquire of the one to whom I re
ported the case : "Did you order Dr. Barton to treat this
case?" The other trustee, if such was the fact, would reply :
"No, I never ordered Dr. Barton to treat this case." My friend
from Racine would then say lo me : "Doctor, we never ordered
you to treat tbis case, and we cannot pay you for your servi
ces." The other trustees would generally acquiese in his deci
sion, notwithstanding they wished me lo be paid my just dues.
37

290 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

I differed from the trustees on this point, and argued the
case with thera. I contended that when a physician reported
a pauper to the township trustees, there was then an iraplied
contract ; that the trustees were liable for his fees unless they
saw fit to discharge him, and that there was no necessity for
the trustees, or either of them, lo order the physician to treat a
pauper. I explained the law to them, but they paid very little
attention to m}- explanation, and I lost a portion of my pro
fessional fees by this unlawful ruling of the trustees. They
finally gave up this illegal ruling, and adopted another plan,
which was as follows : When I reported a pauper to them,
they would immediately report the case to the infirmary
directors, in order to save the township frora expense. When
I presented my account to the trustees, they, through their
leader, would be willing to allow ray claim up to the lime that
the case was reported lo the directors, at the sarae time telling
me to look to the infirmary directors for the balance of my
fees. I argued the point wilh them, contending that their
ruling was not in accordance with the letter and spirit of the
statutes, and that turning a pauper over to the infirmary
directors did not relieve the trustees frora liability. To save
future trouble, I adopted another plan. When called upon
by those who were poor, I would notify the trustees, or one of
thera, in writing, that I was attending a pauper, and after
wards report the case to the infirraary directors ; but I soon
found that this was a poor way to do, for by the tirae the
infirraary directors received their notice, sorae cases would be
discharged as cured, while others would be in a fair way to
recover. The trustees would pay for one or two visits, and
the directors would pay after being notified. In the mean
time, however, I would lose my fees for a few visits. In this
way I was defrauded in several cases during this year.
In 1877, I met another antagonist, who opposed the collec
tion of ray fees in pauper cases. W. H. Jones, one of the in
firmary directors of Meigs county, took up the cudgel, and
used it against me with all his power. I will give an illus
tration of his mode of proceeding. On the 8tb of January, I
was called to treat a raan who lived at Minersville, and who
stood in need of public relief. I visited the patient, and re-

THOS. H. BARTON. 291

ported him to one of our trustees, and the trustee reported
him to the infirmary directors. I saw the case on the 9lh and
again on the llth and 13th. I think it was while on the latter
visit, that I found Mr. Jones at the patient's residence. My
patient showed signs of improvement, nevertheless the direc
tor notified me that my professional services were no longer
required. He discharged rae against the wishes of the patient
and his friends, and employed another physician. Herein
the director exceeded his official duty. I abandoned the case
without further trouble, on account of ray wife's sickness.
About the sarae tirae I was called lo treat a lady, about
sixty-four years old, who resided at Minersville, and who
was in very poor circurastances. I notified one of the trus
tees that I was attending a pauper, and the trustee reported
the case to the directors. In due time Mr. Jones visited her,
and discharged rae against her wishes and the wishes of her
friends. He proposed sending her a physician whom she
did not know. She objected, and he abandoned her.
In March, I reported a young lady who was in circumstan
ces requiring public relief, as well as the services of a physi
cian. Being the family physician, I was called to treat her,
and I imraediately notified the trustees of the fact, and the
case was then turned over lo the directors. On ray third visit
I found Mr. Jones present. He was bending his body over
the patient, and at first, I thought he had turned out to be a
physician. The young lady was iraproving, but my good
friend, the director, iraraediately inforraed rae that my servi
ces were no longer required. This action was not in accord
ance with the wishes of the patient or her friends. I was in poor
circumstancea financially, and was unable to litigate the case,
and therefore I was compelled to obey his orders. Mr. Jones,
however, agreed to pay me for this visit, and I received my
fees in due lime.
Next day I visited the patient on my own accord, lo observe
how the change of physicians agreed with her, another hav
ing been eraployed to treat the case. I found the young lady
suffering severely with pain in her stomach and bowels, caused
by her medical attendant giving her a cathartic medicine
which did not agree wilh her. I ordered the sarae medicine

292 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

which I had previously given, and it relieved her, I did not
visit her again, and she soon afterwards recovered.
About the 6lh of May, a well-known lady, of Syracuse, came
to my office, and requested me to visit a friend of hers, who
was affected with fever, and she also inforraed rae that I would
have lo look to the township trustees for my compensation,
as her friend was very poor with respect to this world's goods.
I obeyed the call, notified the trustees, and the case was duly
reported lo the directors ; but, as I was afterwards informed,
those officers paid no attention whatever to the case. I was
also inforraed by one of our trustees, that other cases had
been previously neglected by the infirraary directors. The
name of the patient was Mary Harris, and her case was re
ported to W. H. Jones; but he neglected the matter entirely,
and gave no instructions concerning the patient. On learning
this, I wrote Mr. Jones a letter, in which I called his attention
to tbe case of Miss Harris, and referred him to the statutes
governing such cases. He sent rae the following brusque
reply :
"Sir: — I have been searching the statutes for the last week, and
failed to find your name mentioned in them. Signed, W. H. Jones."
Mr. Jones' reply led lo a controversy in the press of Meigs
county. I iraraediately wrote an article in regard to these
affairs, which was published in the Meigs County Telegraph.
This article is now lost, and I give its substance from memory.
I first gave a copy of Mr. Jones' letter to me, and then pro
ceeded to point out every section of the law for the relief of
the poor, and referred Mr. Jones to these sections, as a guide
to him in his official capacity. I also showed up his negli
gence in the case of Mary Harris, and gave him to understand
that she was better, but that she needed more medicines, and
that unless these were given her she was liable to relapse. In
conclusion I stated : "That I was informed that Mr. Jones,
while perambulating through the village of Minersville during
the preceding spring, had offered to give a young lady two
dollars." It was not intended in my article that the general
reader should know what tbe two dollars was given for,
and the statement was designed to draw him out in the press.

THOS. H. BARTON. 293

He replied in the Telegraph and also in the Meigs County
Republican, as follows :
"this is how it is."
"Editor Telegraph: — In your last issue is an article from Dr.
Barton, of Syracuse, in which he charges me with high crimes and
misdemeanors. As an explanation I offer the following : The
Doctor seems to have a very extended knowledge of law, and is
very positive that there is a statute of 1876, and that this statute
contains an act for the relief of the poor, aud to repeal certain acts
therein named, and that it is to be found on page 233; and that he
will show me said acts if I will call on him. All this is very kind
in the Doctor, to be sure, but why don't he hang out his shingle
as an attorney, so that the public may know where to go for legal
advice? He is very officious is assuming the duties of Township
Trustee. He reports Mary Plarris as having been aflFccted with in
termittent fever for nine months, and that she may relapse. I
wonder if the readers of the Telegraph thought of the Doctor's ob
ject? He thought if I ordered him to go on treating the case, aud
she did not relapse for nine months to come, he would have a snug
little sum due from the Poor Fund if he could make his visits as
frequent as be has heretofore done at other places. The best crite
rion for the future, is the experience of the past. I presume the
Doctor has not forgotten why he allowed his bill to be so indiscrimi
nately shaved the last time he met the Board, six months ago. I
think the Doctor is a very industrious and persevering man in
assuming the duties of those who are incompetent. I have never
known a thorough-bred, who had taken a regular course of study,
attended lectures and received his diploma, that would stoop to small
things. I asked afriend if he knew anything of Dr. Barton's course
of graduation. He replied that he knew him to be "a hospital
steward in the late war.'' As to the exterminating charge that I
paid a young woman two dollars in Minersville, out of the poor
fund, It is basely false, propagated and circulated for malicious pur
poses. I herewith submit the following offidavit :
" I did not directly or indirectly, out of the poor fund nor out of
my own, pay or cause to be paid to any young lady or other person,
two dollars or any other sum of money, as charged by Dr. T. H,
Barton, other than that prescribed by law in the di.»charge of my
duties as an inflrmarv director.
" W. H. Jones."
" Sworn to before me this Sth day of June, 1877. Witness my
hand and notarial seal.
John B. Downing,
Notary Public.'^

294 autobiography of

I replied as follows in the Telegraph :
"about taking care of paupers, etc."
"Fd. Telegraph :—
" In your issue of June 6th is an article from W. H. Jones, of Mid
dleport. I shall notice a part of his article, and confine my remarks
to the poor of Sutton Township. He says : ' He thought if I ordered
him to go ou treating the case, aud she did not relapse for nine
months to come, he would have a snug little sum due from the poor
fund.' The physician that treated Mary Harris has his snug little
sum in his pocket, and it was paid by the trustees of this township.
I hope when our trustees send the bill for the snug little sum to the
Board of Infirmary Directors, it will not be refused, as has been done
heretofore. I never asked Mr. Jones to order me to attend to her.
¦What is the reason that he did not file aflidavit that he gave Mary
Harris the attention which the statutes direct? He was duly noti
fied by our trustees of her condition.
" It is probably better to allow a reasonable bill to be ' indiscrimi
nately shaved ' twenty-five per cent, than to take the trouble to liti
gate and throw the board of directors in the costs, as I did several
years ago. i^ee the (,'ourt of Common Pleas record. He snys the best
criterion foi the future is the experience of the past ; and I agree with
him in this. But why did he, at the meeting of the Board of In
firmary Directors on the 6.h of March ' indiscriminately ' cut down
our trustees' accounts from $60 to $18? And why did he by his orders,
allow one physician to sap the poor fund iu this county, in the year
18T6, to the amount of about $500 ? At this rate, if every physician
in this county had an infirmary director to take bim in tow, and
have plenty of material to work upon, they would deplete the county
so much in a few years that there would be no circulation left in it,
and it would die of anemia. 1 think any thoroughbred, who has
taken a regular course of study, attended lectures and received his
diploma, is tbe proper person ' to stoop to such small things,' and
complain of the county officers when they fail to do their duty ac
cording to law. He and his friend seem to be very much concerned
about my course of study, graduation, etc. For the commencement
of my medical study, they will have to hunt for it a long time before
the war. He may tell his friend to turn to the LIV vol., page 282 of
the American Journal of Medical Sciences, and his eyes will be
opened so that he can see in the dark.
"When he wrote the two-dollar order for the young woman in
Minersville, she says he came to her mother's house intoxicated ; she
threatened to report him, and he gave her the order to keep still.
All I want him to do is to follow section 25 of the law for the relief of
the poor ; and when tbe trustees of this township report paupers

thos. h. barton. 295

to him from that township, that they be given such relief as he may
direct. Do not wait one week, as you have done, then visit them
in distant parts of the county, with your coat on your shoulder, a
physician at your right hand, and turn oS the family physician of
the poor, as has been done heretofore in this township. Some poor
people living in Syracuse during the cold weather of last winter
and the miners' strike in the spring, were reported to him by our
trustees, but he paid no attention to them, refused to pay the
trustees of this township for their bills, and refused to pay some
physician's bills. An old lady sixty-four years of age, living in
Minersville, was reported to him by our trustees ; he came to see
her, found she was under medical treatment, and proposed to turn
off her family physician and employ another. To this proposal
she refused ; he then abandoned and left her to the mercy of the
public. "I have no more malicious charges to make, but want to see the
poor of this township receive due attention from him, and that this
township does not pay a poor tax that belongs to the county.
T. H. Barton."
I also replied in the Meigs county Republican as follows :
"reply to infirmary director W. H. JONES."
"Editor Republican : In your issue of June 6th is an article
from W. H. Jones, of Middleport. Before I notice his letter, I will
state the cause and beginning ofthis controversy : Mr. Jones has bean
very neglectful of his duty toward the poor of Sutton Township. He
will frequently w*iit one week after our trustees turn the paupers over
to him, as an Infirmary Director of this county. Sometimes he pays
no attention to orders of our trustees; and, when he undertakes to
do his duty, as an Infirmary Director, he starts off to distant parts
of the county with his coat hanging on his shoulder, a physician at
his right hand, and turns ofTthe family physician of the paupers ;
and when they will not have his physician to attend to them, he
then abandons them to the mercy of the public, as has been done in
the village of Minersville. He has paid no attention to some poor
people in Syracuse, who were in need of bread and fuel during the
cold weather of last winter. They were duly reported to him by our
Trustees. This is the way he does his duty, instead of following the
25th section of the poor law passed in April, 1876, which directs him,
when he receives orders from the Trustees of any township in the
county, to forthwith order the Trustees to take charge of them, and
afford those who are in need of temporary or partial relief, such sup
port as he may direct, and said law has been entirely neglected by
him in this township since its passage, with the e:^ception of one cage

296 autobiography of

at Racine. Since my article in the Telegraph, Mary Harris, of Syra
cuse, was turned over to him, on the 14th day of May, by our Trus
tees ; and on the 16th, I called his attention to the poor law, passed
in April, 1876, and also advised him to order the trustees to take charge
of her, according to law. But I did not ask him to employ me to treat
the ease, for I was already employed by our trustees. On the 22d of
May, I received a burlesque from him, which is in the Telegraph of
May 30th, together with my letter of advice to him. Now, it is plain
ly to be seen that he was, for the time of one week, making a burles
que of me, and grossly neglecting his duty as a county officer ; hence
the correspondence commenced in tbe Telegraph.
"Mr. Jones seems to presume that I wanted him to order me to go
on treating the case of Mary Harris, and that I would have a good
thing of it, provided she did not recover. He said: 'No. Dr. I
could not conscientiously do so, from the fact that, from past exper
ience, money has been saved by substitution, ' and he gives good at
tention when he has the poor fund to draw from,
" I can see plainly from this, that he thought I would go on treat
ing the case till she was nearly cured, and then try to defraud me
of my fees, as he did in the case of T. W. Williams, Jr., of Miners
ville, when he waited six days after he received the order from our
Trustees, then came in person, and found him getting better, and
then employed another physician, against the will of the patient,
and defrauded the first physician of his lawful fees, by dire neglect
of duty as a county officer. The experience of the past, in the year
1876, is a good criterion, when by his orders, one physician was al
lowed to deplete the poor fund in or nearly the amount of five hun
dred dollars. Now, if every physician in the county had an Infirm
ary Director to take him in tow, and have plenty of material to work
on, they would deplete the county so that in a few years there would
be no circulating fiuid left, and it would die with anemia.*
"He says : 'One patient, a county pauper, (after I told him about
the number of visits the doctor had charged,) told me that the doctor
had not paid half that number.' Now, this is maliciously false, cir
culated and published by him to injure me, for I never did make
charges for visits that were not duly made, for any pauper in this
county, or for any other person. And I defy the proof thereof. I
would like to have the person pointed out to me. I recollect,
six months ago, that said Infirmary Director made a clean sweep
with our bills from this township ; two physicians and one drug
gist's bill, wereindiscriminately shaved twenty-five per cent. I don't
know why he shaved my bill or the other two. "Would like to know
the reason why these bills were shaved, and why, at the meeting of
the Directors on the 6th day of last March, our Trustees' bill was in"
'•'¦PoTerty and privation of blood.

THOS. H. BARTON. 297

discriminately shaved from $60 to $18. See Sutton Township record.
A thoroughbred, well-educated physician, who has taken a regular
course of study, attended lectures, takeu his degree, and received his
diploma, is the person to stoop to such business, as he calls it, and
see that our county officers do their duty according to law. If hi^
friend wants to get his eye opened, let him turn to No. C /II, of the
American Journal of the Medical Sciences, on page 282, July 1867,
and do not trace my history back in the late war, and leave me
there. "When he wrote the two dollar order for the young woman in
Minersvillle, he was so confused in his mind that he did not recollect
what he did that day. I presume he was intoxicated. She says he
was drunk. T. H. Barton."
There was a large demand for these newspapers, when ray
reply was published. The Republican failed to supply the
demand. I presume the public felt anxious to find out how I
would answer Mr. Jones' article, which no one will deny was a
masterpiece. Prior to this controversy in the press, the mode
of paying the physicians and the druggists, who had claims
against the township for treating paupers and furnishing them
medicine was as follows : The trustees would pay these accounts
until tbe paupers were turned over lo the directors ; then the
latter officers paid the balance, or a part of it, as they saw fit, but
after the above communications were published the trustees
paid the physicians and the druggists their accounts in full,
and the infirraary directors refunded the money to the respec
tive townships through the trustees. The latter method is the
legal way of handling this important branch of the county
and township business, ,g,nd is in accord with the letter and
spirit of the statutes.
My business with the trustees continued about the same
during the first half of 1877. During that year the township
record shows that the trustees paid four physicians the sum of
$197.05 for treating thirty-four paupers, it being an average of
$6.78 for each pauper treated. Four other physicians received
$104.26 for treating fifteen cases, an average of $6.95 for each
case, while I reported nineteen paupers, and received the sura
of $89.80, making an average expense for each pauper
of $4.72.
At the township election in April, 1878, the same trustee

298 autobiography of

was elected at Racine, but a change was made at Syracuse and
Minersville. A good business raan was elected at Minersville,
and a farraer presided over the poor al Syracuse. At first, I
thought that an excellent change had been raade, for the newly-
elected officers were men of intelligence. I now thought that
I would have no trouble, but I was doomed lo disappointment,
for they paid no attention to the laws of the State for the
relief of the poor, and still looked to the Racine trustee as
their leader in this branch of their business.
I was treating two paupers in Minersville when these trus
tees were sworn into office, and I was allowed to continue
treating them until one died and the other recovered. Al a
meeting cf the old trustees, about the first of April, my
accounts were endorsed as correct, but the trustees would not
permit the clerk to draw an order on the treasurer for ray
compensation at the same time telling rae that I would have to
present ray claims to the infirmary directors. The other phy
sicians received their orders without any difficulty. About
the first of the following June I presented my clairas to our
trustees, who endorsed them as correct, but refused to allow
the clerk lo give rae an order on the treasurer, and again
referred me to the directors. On the ensuing day the direc
tors held a meeting at Pomeroy, and they were met by one
trustee from every township in the county. The several trustees
presented their township accounts to the board of directors, in
order to have the money refunded, which had been paid out for
the relief of the poor in their respective townships. I was
there also with my claims endorsed as above staled. I in
formed our trustee that it was his duty to pay my claims,, and
have the raoney refunded by the directors. He disagreed with
rae, and referred me to the directors ; the latter officers referred
rae back to the trustee. At length, after waiting a number of
hours, he allowed ray claira and paid the amount lo me.
About the 10th of September, I was called to visit a child.
about four years old, that was afflicted with the diptheria.
The patient was reported as a pauper to the nearest trustee.
On the ensuing day, its grandmother informed me that the
trustee had visited the child, and left the following notice
for me ;

THOS. H. BARTON. 299

"Dr. Barton : You must not look to me for any further pay
for your services treating this child, for I have turned her over
to the Infirmary Directors, and have nothing further to do with
the case."
The patient was in a dangerous condition, and I continued
to treat the case. One day the child's grandmother informed
rae that one of the Infirmary Directors had visited the child,
and wanted to take it to the poor-house. He said : "I am one
of the infirraary directors, and have come to take her to the
infirmary." The old lady informed him that he could not do
so, as the patient was then very sick. The director replied :
"Very well, I can not do anything for her." By dint of per-
serverance, I received ray fees for half the nuraber of visits
made in this case, and lost about half the amount charged for
the raedicines furnished.
The next pauper that I was called upon to treat was the
most wretched specimen of humanity that ever lived in Sutton
Township. She was feeble in raind, as well as poor with re
spect to this world's goods. In regard to virtue, she had no
character. The faraily consisted of a grandmother, who was
about seventy years of age; the sick woraan was about thirty-
five, and she had a son, aged about thirteen, and a daughter
aged about eleven The dwelling that they occupied was hard
ly fit for a stable. I was called on the 12th of December to
treat the case, and I immediately reported her as a pauper to
one of the township trustees. He paid no attention to my no
tice, and probably thought, by so doing, that the township
would not be liable for ray corapensalion. I continued to treat
the case, and raade my last visit on the 24th, when I regarded
the patient as being out of danger.
In February, 1879, I was called upon to treat an old gentle
man who lived by himself. This man was old, feeble, and in
very poor circumstances, having no property or lunds where
with to pay a phsician. I therefore, imraediately reported him
as a pauper to the nearest trustee in the township. The trustee
visited him, and instead of reporting him to the Superintend
ent ofthe Infirmary, as he should have done, left a written
notice with Mr. I. H. Hall, at whose residence I kept my office,
ordering me not to visit my patient any* raore, as he would not

300 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

be responsible for my fees in the case. Next day I rode past
the Hall residence, and visited the patient, and on ray return
Mr. Hall gave rae the notice which had been left wilh hira by
the trustee. My fees in this case were $2.40, including raedi
cines. For the woraan above raentioned, who was in such de
stitute circurastances, I charged the township $11.85 raedicine
included, raaking a total charge for these two cases of $14.25.
At the annual meeting of the board of trustees in March, I pre
sented these bills for settlement. My account against tbe wo
raan was correct, and the trustees offered rae the munificent
sum of one dollar for treating the old gentleman. I refused
their kind offer. I again presented my account at a meeting of
the board in April, and was again offered the pitiful sura of
one dollar for ray services in the latter case. I once raore re
fused the offer.
I had been having difficulty with the trustees for raore than
two years, and during the previous eighteen raonths, ithadbe-
corae a town talk that I was having trouble with the trustees
in regard to ray claims for treating the poor in this part ofthe
township. I have no doubt the public thought that I was the
only physician who was receiving pay for such services. An
examination of the township record, however, showed that a
number of physicians were being compensated by the township
for professional services rendered lo the poor, and frora the
araount of the clairas allowed, there can be no doubt that these
physicians received their fees in full.
At the spring election of 1879, the same trustees were elected
at Syracuse and Minersville, but a change was made at Racine.
I had been nb.serving the action of these officers for sometime,
and was only waiting tor a good opportunity to plant an action
against them. I carae to the conclusion that the opportune mo
ment had now arrived. In the two last mentioned cases, I fell
confident that I had a good cause of action, and I therefore filed
a bill of particulars against thera inthe sura of $14.25 with
Isaac Carleton, a Justice of the Peace in and for Sutton
Township. I was represented by John Borham, Esq , and the
defendants were counselled by L. H. Lee, Esq., of Poraeroy. At
the trial Mr. Lee had the action disraissed on the ground that'
the gentleraan who served the summons was not a constable.

THOS. H. BARTON. 301

be having been sworn into office without giving the official
bond required by law. The magistrate, therefore, dismissed
the action at my cost without prejudice to a new action. It
was certainly reraarkable for a constable to be sworn into office,
without giving a bond with good and sufficient security to the
township trustees. As soon as a constable was duly qualified,
I procured a suraraons citing the trustees to appear before tbe
same justice, and in due lime the case carae up for hearing
before the magistrate. The evidence before the court showed,
beyond a doubt, that the persons mentioned in my bill of par
ticulars were paupers ; that they stood in need of the services
of a physician ; that the trustees were duly notified of this
stale of facts, and that they paid no attention to the notice.
Upon hearing the evidence, the magistrate rendered a judg
ment against the defendants in the sum of $14.25, and for costs.
The trustees, not being satisfied with the judgment of the
magistrate, appealed the case to the Court of Common Pleas
of Meigs County. Tbe testimony was the sarae before the
Court that it was before tbe Justice, with one exception. My
evidence showed that on my second visit to the Minersville
patient, I rode past my office at the Hall residence, and visit
ed the pauper, while at the same time a notice was at Mr. Wall's
discharging me from any further treatraent of the case. The
Judge rendered a judgment in my favor for $13.50, thus cur
tailing the judgment of the Justice seventy-five cents. The
trustees were still dissatisfied and carried the case to tbe Dis
trict Court on petition in error. The district Court confirmed
the judgment of the lower Court, and there was no further leli-
gation. This suit was stubbornly contested at every stage of the pro
ceedings. The attorneys on both sides understood that it was
to be a test case. In the higher courts I was represented by J.
Q. Speaker, of Pomeroy, and Squire Lee was ably assisted by
S. D. Norton, a prominent attorney of tbe Pomeroy bar. Both
sides used their utmost endeavor lo gain the victory, and the
attorneys looked up all the laws bearing on the case. As already
stated, the suit was carried to the District Court on error, but
I never understood the nature of this technicality. I must not
omit to inform my readers that, in a direct way, I gained

302 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

nothing by this litigation, for I paid my attorney the amount
of the judgment for his fees. indirectly, however, I made a
material gain in my professional services among the poor.
This suit cost Sutton township  $153,67
My judgment was  13,50
Cost of prosecution  65,55
Defendant's attorney fees  74,62
Total  $153,67
About eleven months elapsed from the time this suit was
comraenced before the Justice, until it was finally decided in the
District Court. In the raeantirae I continued to have difficul
ty wilh the trustees in regard to the poor. I lost a large por
tion of ray fees in such case for as soon as I reported a pau
per to thera the}' would iraraediately discharge me from the
case. However, notfl'ithstanding their watchful vigilance, I
obtained a small amount from the poor fund during this
period. Al the election in April, 1880, the trustee at Syracuse,
and also the one at Minersville were superceded by others,
who regarded rae more favorably, and generally allowed me a
reasonable fee for my professional services among the poor,
and I continued lo receive fair treatraent at their hands up to
1889. I think it was in 1885 that the infirraary directors as
sumed the illegal right of paying the physicians for treating
the poor. I think this practice was continued for about two
years. The physician who had the most friends managed to
carry away the largest amount ofthe spoils. Sometiraes I was
regarded very unfavorably by the directors. The following
case is reported, iu order to show their action towards rae :
About the 16th, of Septeraber,  , I was called to treat a
raan who resided in Minersville, and who had been stabbed
with a knife in the region of the heart. The weapon had not
injured the heart, but bad penetrated the cavity oi the pericar
dium. I reported the case to the trustees as a pauper, and they
reported hira to the superintendant ofthe county infirraary.'
I treated the patient till the 23d of October, when I considered
him out of danger. On the 9th of November I was again call
ed to see him, and continued treating the case till the 28lh,
when he was discharged as cured. My books show that I

THOS. H. BARTON. 803

made thirteen visits, and wrote three office prescriptions, I
charged the directors $1 .25 for each visit, and fifty cents for
each office prescription, thus making a total of $17.50 for my
services in the case. At a meeting of tbe board of directors in
December, I was compelled to lake ten dollars for my services
or litigate the case, I ara uncertain whether or not the other
physicians injMeigs County had their pauper claims reduced in
proportion to mine.
From 1885 to 1888 I experienced no material difficulty with
our trustees. If I remeraber correctly, I received my fees in
every case that was reported. In the latter year, however, I
was again treated very unkindly by these officers. I will re
port one case as an illustration :
About the 5th of May I was called to treat a child about fif
teen months old, that lived with its mother in Minersville. It
was a delicate child, and was affected with pneumonia. Its
mother's husband bad been convicted of some crime, and was
serving a term of imprisonment in the Ohio penitentiary, and
while in this penal institution, his wife became acquainted with
a "young blood " who resided at the village of Letart, in Meigs
County. They becarae very intiraate with each other, and
their intiraacy finally resulted in the birth of this child.
When called to treat the case, I learned that the young raan
visited her frequently, paid her rent and supplied her with
provisions. The woraan, however, appeared to be in rather
destitute circurastances, and I therefore reported the child to
the trustees as a pauper. The report was made verbally at a
meeting of the board, and I proposed to take charge of the
case on the following conditions : If the child's putative
father, or its mother, did not pay me for my services within
a reasonable tirae, that I would look to the trustees for my
compensation. I also explained to. thera its raother's mode of
living. The trustee who lived nearest the child's place of
residence, said : "I will not pay it, for I do not know her."
Another trustee chimed in and said : "We will not pay for a
woman living in the manner that you say this one does."
They all acquiesced in this decision. One of thera said :
''We are here to protect the township," and the others joined
in chorus : "We are here to protect the township ; we are here

304 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to protect the township." I continued to treat the case, and
made my last visit on the llth, making six visits in all, for
which I charged the trustees $8.25. I charged $1.80 for the
medicines furnished making a total of $10.05. At a fu ure
meeting of the board of trustees I presented this bill to them
for payment, hoping lo receive my just dues. But the claira
was refused, and the account is still standing on my books
unpaid. The trustees claimed that it was their business "to protect
the township." Let us see how the township was protected
during Ibis year. The record shows that during this year the
trustees paid out ofthe township treasury for treating pau
pers and for furnishing them medicines the sum of $199.35, of
which Dr. P. of Racine, received $67.00. The number of pau
pers are not given in this instance. Dr. D. a druggist of the
sarae place, received $32,85, for medicines furnished ; Dr. S.
of Syracuse, for treating three paupers, $16.00; Dr. N. of
Pomeroy, for treating one pauper, $6.00; Dr. R. of Syra
cuse, one pauper, $12.00; Drs. N. and W. of Pomeroy, treat
ing one pauper, $27.00; Dr. A. of Pomeroy, treating one pau
per, $2.00 ; Dr. H. of Poraeroy, one pauper $6.00 ; Dr. R. drug
gist at Syracuse, raedicines for six paupers, $19,55; Dr. L, a
druggist, raedicines for two paupers, $3.50; Dr. Q. of Hartford
City, W. Va., for raedicines, 76. I received $16.70 for treating
and furnishing medicine for two paupers.
Thus the township was "protected" lo the amount of nearly
two hundred dollars in 1888. The above statement contains
a number of cases at Racine, Syracuse and Minersville. I
know nothing concerning the merits of tbe cases treated by
Dr. P. at Racine, nor of those for whom Dr. D. furnished
medicines. Three patients resided at Minersville, for whom
the physicians received compensation frora the public treas
ury, although the heads of the respective families were able-
bodied men. There can be no doubt that the cases in Syra
cuse were meritorious, and stood in need of public relief. Two
hundred dollars is a large sura of money to be expended annu
ally for medical services among the poor ot Sutton Township.
Perhaps a liberal construction of the laws would justify the
expenditure. I find no fault with our trustees for being lib-

THOS. H. BARTON. 305

eral to the poor ; but permit me, kind reader, to ask this ques
tion : Why was this helpless infant in its mother's arms, and
unconscious of its surroundings, deprived of the benefit of the
poor laws? Why was the pitiful sum of ten dollars with
held in this case, while others received their just dues, and
some of them no doubt received raore than they were justly
entitled to?

CHAPTER XVIL

CONCLUSION.
I ara now approaching the closing period of my checkered
career. After ray return frora Indiana, I deterrained once
more to establish myself in business. I have already in a pre
vious chapter, related my experience as a druggist. The reader
knows the result ; my business transactions had proved a fail
ure ; I had been compelled lo sell ray stock of drugs in order
to liquidate a part of ray indebtedness, and at a future period,
I perrailted ray wife to sell our real estate, and close out her
business at Syracuse; I had abandoned my location, and given
up a lucrative practice. During these' years I had passed
through a trying ordeal; yet, nevertheless, I am once more
about to take hold of the pestle and spatule, and endeavor to
again build up my business and profession. The reader may
be surprised that I should undertake to do all this, after my
former experience ; but there is an old adage which still holds
good: "If you convince a man against his will,
He'll tie of the same opinion still."
Late in the fall of 1875, I rented a roora ofl. N. Hall, who
resided at CarletonviUe just below Syracuse. This was de
signed for an office and drug store. I then sent twenty dollars
to J. S. Burdsal & Company, whom I have previously men
tioned in this narrative, and wilh this araount purchased thirty
dollars worth of drugs and medicines, thus throwing myself
in debt to this firm in the sum of ten dollars. I already had
about ten dollars worth of medicines on hand, which was also
put in the store, thus making my stock amount to about forty
39

306 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

dollars. I turned this stock of drugs over to my two eldest
children, who thus commenced business under the firm narae
of Geo. R. Barton & Co., they obligating themselves to pay me
for the stock at a future time. Our plan of operations was
that I should ride lo the store every afternoon, attend lo my
professional business in that locality, and return home at
night, while George was to go there in the morning, and remain
until evening.
It is said that a "drowning man will grasp at a straw," and
to attempt lo do business in this way was about like the efforts
ofthe drowning man. However, we went to work with a will
and endeavored lo make the business successful. The whole
proceeds of the store were applied to purchasing more drugs,
and in this way we hoped in time to build up a lucrative trade.
During the first nine months the stock of drugs improved to
some extent, but at the end of this period ray wife, as already
staled, becarae affected wilh consuraption. Her sickness,
together with the stringency of the times, and the trouble aris
ing with the township trustees, as related in the former chap
ter, caused our business lo remain in about the same condition
till about six months after my wife's death. George then with
drew frora the partnership, and I look his place, and we com
menced doing business under the firm narae of Dr. T. H. Bar
ton & Corapany. I thus became the owner of one-half interest
in the concern. From this tirae till about the first of May,
1879, I regularly repaired to ray store every afternoon, when I
attended to business, and visited ray patients, except during
the heated season of the year, when I wended ray way to my
place of business in the morning, returning home at or about
noon, the distance being about a mile and a half During this
period our stock of drugs increased slowly and by the first of
May the stock invoiced about one hundred and twenty dollars.
It had been our intention to sell strictly for cash, but this was
found impracticable, on account of a general depression of
financial affairs, and upon looking over the books, it was found
that the debts due tbe firm were about equal to the araount of
the invoice. We were clear of indebtedness so far as the stock
of drugs was concerned, aud the books also showed that we
had drawn out of the business the amount of forty-two dollars.

THOS. H. BARTON. 307

In the meantirae I continued to enjoy a fair amount of
practice. During the years 1877 and 1878, my professional
business continued about the same, but nothing worthy of
notice occurred in this connection during this period.
*******
I am now approaching another iraportant event of my life.
I have once more come lo the conclusion that it is not good
for man to be alone, and I ara once raore, about to launch ray
barque upon the matrimonial sea.
About the middle of the sultry month of August, while
perambulating the streets of this quiet village, I met an old
lady, who was a cousin of mine. I was now a regular attend
ant at church, and my cousin knew that while in attendance
upon divine service I would sometimes cast my eyes to the
right where the ladies sat. She informed me that a single
lady, who had never been married, was visiting at her house,
and was then in the neighborhood. My cousin spoke well of
this lady, but told me that she did not know whether she
would be willing to change her condition. I listened atten
tively to ray cousin's remarks, and she informed me that her
friend's narae was Amanda Church, and that she lived with her
brother, Horace Church, near the Rolling Mill in the city of
Poraeroy. She was a daughter of Charles and Catharine Mc-
Cormick Church, who were both at this tirae, deceased.
Although a stranger to Amanda, I had an ardent desire to
see her, and suiting the action to my thoughts, I was soon in
her presence, and had a forraal introduction to her. The
lady who stood before rae was of raediura size, brown hair,
¦ and dark blue eyes. To me she appeared very handsome;
her movements were sprightly and graceful, and her manners
were pleasing and agreeable. Her visit was now al an end,
and she was ready lo return to her home, consequently I had
a poor opportunity for conversation with her, and bade her
farewell, and each of us returned horae. I did not desire to
intrude myself in her presence without an invitation, and I
therefore had recourse to ray cousin, and requested her lo in
duce Amanda to make another visit to Syracuse. She readily
gave her consent, and it was arranged for Amanda to make
another visit in two weeks.

308 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

We know the past and the present, but the future is un
known to us. About midnight on the day before Amanda was
expected at Syracuse, I was aroused from my slumbers by a
loud knocking at the door. I arose and opened it, and on the
threshold stood my nephew, David Barton, and a young man
named Davis, who informed me that ray brother James, who
had been unwell for some time, was now affected with con
vulsions, and they desired me to come to his residence at
once. I was soon on my journey, reaching Addison at day
light on the following morning. I found James in a delirious
condition ; his speech was imperfect, and he could only
articulate monosyllables. I remained wilh him until the
ensuing day, when he appeared much better. His disease
proved to be Bright's disease ofthe kidneys, and was of such
a nature that I had little hopes of his recovery. Sometime
during the forenoon I started for Syracuse, and ireached my
destination early in the evening.
I now learned that Amanda had made the anticipated visit,
and having finished my evening repast, I iraraediately repaired
to ray cousin's residence, where, for the second time, I had the
pleasure of meeting the lady who was to becorae my future
wife. I was pleased to see her once more, and passed a few
hours in pleasant conversation with her, and learned that she
would be pleased to have me escort her to her horae on the ensu
ing day. Next day found her by my side in a carriage, and we
reached her residence in due tirae. Here I found a neat
cottage, with everything plainly but tastefully arranged inside
and out. Her brother owned the premises.
I did not make an iraraediate proposition for her hand in
marriage. Oh, no 1 I did not believe in the doctrine of
"marrying in haste and repenting at leisure." I meant no such
foolishness as that. This was my third matrimonial venture,
and I believed in the doctrine : "Be sure you are right and
then go ahead." I now learned that she would be pleased to
have me visit her at a stated time. At tbe appointed -time I
was again at her brother's residence, and passed a few hours
pleasantly in her company. My visits soon became more fre
quent, and I was not satisfied unless in her presence. It is use
less to deny the truth, I was in love with Amanda. For the

THOS. H. BARTON. 309

third time I felt the subtle influence of Cupid's darts. Some
time in the succeeding Noveraber, we were engaged to be raar
ried, and it was finally arranged that the nuptials were to be
solemnized on the twelfth of January, 1879.
Was this an unwise step? I think not. It is true that I
was well advanced in years. I had passed the fiftieth mile
stone. I had daughters who were grown lo maturity. My
children treated me kindly. I was attached to thera and they
honored me as a father ; but there was an empty void, which
could only be filled by a wife. I was looking to the future and
not at the present.
The winter came on early, and was excessively cold and
severe, and the ground was soon covered with snow and ice ; but
tbe ice, the rain, the sleet and the snow, could not prevent me
frora visiting Amanda. If the roads were too icy for my horse to
travel, I wended ray way to her residence on foot.
The holidays have arrived; the nuptials are to be soleran-
ized on tbe twelfth of January ; I am anxiously waiting for the
appointed time; important business has called me to the
capital of Meigs County ; there is a very essential document
which it is necessary for rae to procure ; I have seen Rev. W.
J. Griffith, of the M. E. Church, and he has agreed to meet me
at the bride's residence at seven p. m. on the appointed day ;
tbe time at length arrives ; the ground is deeply covered with
ice and snow; I procure a sleigh and am soon on ray way to
the home of Amanda. I travel at a rapid pace, and arrive at
my destination in due time; the minister puts in an appear
ance ; there is a quiet wedding, onlya few of the bride's inti
mate friends being invited-
The marriage being solemnized, we repair to the sleigh, and
with my dear wife by my side, I return home. A sumptuous
feast awaits our arrival; but the wedding feast is no sooner
disposed of, than we are disturbed by a number of boys and
young men, who with horns and tin pans, furnish us with a
little monotonous music. The little fellows wanted a Ireati
and when I thought they had sufficiently earned it, I proceeded
to gratify their desires. They were satisfied, and left us in
peace. We retired to rest for the night, but even the nuptial couch

310 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

is not sacred from the calls of professional business. Every
thing was quiet, but ere the clock had announced the hour of
raidnight, I was roused from my slumbers by a loud rap at
the door, and was informed that ray services were iraraediately
required at the bedside of the sick. I obeyed the summons,
attended lo the wants of my patient, but did not reach home
till the clock had announced the approach of day.
* * *****
I was well pleased wilh the change in my condition, and
went about my professional labors with a will. Nothing
worthy of notice in a professional way occurred during the
reraainder ofthis year. My practice continued fair, and there
was sorae iraproveraent in the collection of medical fees, and
ray financial condition iraproved lo sorae extent. The year
1880 was in a professional way, a repetition of the preceding
one. About the first of March, 1880, I learned through my agent,
Mr. Daniel Miller, that a gentleman had offered hira one
thousand dollars for our property in Indiana, and that if
accepted, the sale would be a cash transaction. I iraraedi
ately answered his communication and informed him that
we would accept the offer. About the same time I also wrote
to an attorney at Portland, the county seat of Jay County.
inquiring concerning the law of "descent and distribution" in
that State. He gave rae to understand that I was entitled to
a one-third interest in the property, and that the children were
entitled to the reraainder. He also inforraed rae that the fees
for his services in the case would be twenty dollars, and
that the costs of the court would be the sarae, thus raaking the
total expenses about forty dollars. T came to the conclusion
that it was best to sell the property, and imraediately com
menced raaking preparations for the sale. I deemed it best
to sell as soon as possible, for instead of being a profit to me,
this farm was an actual loss. Tbe proceeds derived from it
did not even pay the taxes. Was it not best to dispose of it to
the best advantage? I decided to do so, and acted accordingly.
I had a guardian appointed for the minor children. George
and Sophia, being of sufficient age, chose William McCaskey,
of Syracuse, for their guardian, and he was also duly ap-

THOS. H. BARTON. 311

pointed guardian of Mott by the Probate Court. Mr. McCas
key commenced business immediately, and by the first week
in April, made a deed for the children's interest in the prop
erty. He received $929,33, and this amount was distributed
as follows : I received for my share, $320.00 ; Martha received
$160.00; George, Sophia and Mott each received $149.77 thus
making the cost of selling $70.69. This includes the cost of
appointing the guardian.
My financial circurastances were now in a worse condition
than they were when I was mustered out of the military ser
vice ofthe United Stales. The amount of money which I re
ceived from ray wife's estate was about equal to my moving
and traveling expenses to and from Indiana, and ray expen
ses in the way of rent since ray return frora that state. How
ever, I did not give way to these discouraging circurastances,
but at once set about business, determined, if possible, to re
trieve my affairs.
A neat dwelling-house stands on town lot number seventeen
in Carleton's Addition lo the village of Syracuse. The build
ing contains five rooms, and this real estate was the properly
of Susan Abies, widow of George Abies. Altogether there were
two lots each fifty by one hundred feet in size, and I conclud
ed that this would make us a coraforlable horae. It was for
sale, and I gave Mrs. Abies eight hundred dollars for the pro
perly. I had obtained a loan of Mr. McCaskey of $299.65, it
being Sophia and Moll's interest in their mother's estate, and
I also obtained a loan of Martha's interest. These sums, to
gether wilh my individual interest, amounted to nearly the
price of the property. I theretore paid the cash and obtained
a warrantee deed, my wife being joined with me in the convey
ance. Everything being in readiness, we moved into our new
residence on the eighth, when I, for the first time for several
years,' experienced a feeling of relief. I was once more doraicil-
ed in a horae of my own.
On the ninth, a little girl came to live with us. As she came
with the intention of making our home her permanent abode,
we named her Lillie May. The other children that were born
unto us are Charles Thomas, born Deceraber 30tb, 1881,
Arthur, born October 24th, 1883, and Edward Clayton, born
August 16th, 1889,

312 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

I now resurae my narrative at the period of my visit to my
brother at Addison. As before stated, I left James in a precar
ious condition, and with little hopes of his recovery. He,
however, partially rallied from this condition, but was never
again able to resume his practice, I saw hira on several oc
casions during the suraraer and fall till the following Decera
ber, when he becarae confined to his roora. His vital powers
gradually failed, and he quietly passed away an the 4th of
January 1880. His wife had died a few months previous.
Honored in life he was equally honored in death. A large con
course of friends and relatives attended his funeral obsequies,
and his raany friends and patrons erected a suitable raonuraent
to mark the last resting place of himself and wife — themeraor-
ial costing three hundred and fifty dollars.
****•*-**
I moved into ray new residence, as already stated, on the Sth
of April, 1880. During the previous eight years, I bad raet
with a long series of disasters. Those who have followed ray
narrative are aware of this fact, and recapitulation is unneces
sary. Soon after moving into our new horae, ray horse — a valu
able animal — died, thus leaving rae wdlhout one. At this period
my ill luck changed, and I have met with no serious loss up to
the present time.
During the latter past of April, I filled up the east room of
our dwelling-house for a drug store, the room being eleven feel
wide and sixteen feet in length. The raaterial and labor cost
me about eighty dollars, the work being performed in accord
ance with recent architecture. The room was fitted up and
ready for the stock of drugs by the first week in May. From
this time up to 1881, we purchased the most of our drugs and
medicines of E. Davis & Company, of Middleport, The stock
kept gradually increasing till the early part of 1881. About
this time my wife bought out Martha's interest in the business,
thus becoming a business partner as well as companion. I
think it was in the spring of this year that we bought a lot of
second-hand drugs of W. A. Carson. Latter in the year we, at
different times, purchased drugs of Laughlin Brothers & Com
pany, of Wheeling, West Virginia, we purchased our supplies
though Mr. Shrewsbury, one of the traveling salesmen of this

THOS. H. BARTON. 313,

firm. He visited Syracuse regularly, and on each occasion,
we bought a fair supply, and besides drugs and raedicines, we
also purchased tobacco and confectionaries. During this year
we bought $469.78 worth of drugs, raedicines, tobaccos and
fine groceries ; sold of those to the araount of $430.68, and col
lected $336.90. We therefore bought $39.20 more than we sold,
and sold $93.68 more than we received pay for. In 1882 we
purchased $139.96 worth of stock, sold $661.46, and received
pay on sales of $498.81, Consequently we sold $221.50 more
than was purchased, and sold $162.65 more than we collected.
In 1883, our purchases amounted to $568.22 ; sales $676.60 ;
receipts $651,00, thus selling $108.38 raore than we bought, and
$25.60 raore than was collected. During this year we purchas
ed our goods of Mackeoun, Thompson & Corapany, of Pitts
burgh, Pennsylvania, and of John L. Sraith, of Wheeling, and
also sorae of Laughlin Brothers & Company.
These figures show that during these three years outstand
ing claims had accumulated on our books to the amount of
$281.93. This is a large amount compared wilh the business
done, and raade an average annual loss of nearly one hundred
dollars, I have already had occasion to speak of the evil effects
of the credit sysiera.
Up to the year 1883 we had taken but a small amount of
funds from the proceeds of the store, consequently nearly all
the proceeds were used in replenishing and increasing the
stock of goods, but this year our books show that we drew out
ihe sum of $146.80. During the fall and early part of the suc
ceeding winter, we laid in a large amount of drugs, and our
sraall room was filled to overflowing; and by the time the
holidays came round, we had about six hundred dollars worth
of stock on hand, consisting of drugs, medicines, paints, dye
stuff, confectionaries, notions and toys. Throughout the win
ter our sales were good, but on account of the extreme severity
of the weather and the flood of February, 1884, we were unable
to meet our financial obligations, but we were put to no cost
or expense except the interest on our indebtedness. But this
failure to meet our obligations had an injurious effect on our
business standing and credit. Frora that lime up to the pre
sent writing, the commercial fraternity have generally given ue
40

314 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

the cold shoulder, and shown us but little favor. But notwith
standing their disfavor, we have managed to keep up Our stock
and have also paid a considerable araount of indebtedness, as
the following figures will show. During the years 1884-'85-
'86-87 and '88 our books show that we purchased goods lothe
amount of $1,923.60; sold, $3,181.49; received payment on
sales, $2,830.76, and paid out $2,024.54, the expenses and in
terest being $75,92. Our books also show that we drew out of
the store for private use the sura of $596.19. This shows that
we sold $350.73 raore than we collected, and that we collected
$907.16 raore than we purchased. Of the amount paid out
$100.94 cents was paid on indebete^ness.
During the latter raonths of 1888 we purchased a fair araount
of drugs, notions, groceries, confectionaries, and other articles.
Our little store roora was again crowded to overflowing, and
we did a fair araount of business during the holidays. Our
stock now amounted to over five hundred dollars.
The year 1889 opened up with a fair amount of business.
Our sales were good, but having some debts standing against
us, we dicided to apply the proceeds of the sales lo the pay
ment of our indebtedness, even if, by so doing, it run the slock
of goods down. From the beginning of this year up to the
last of September, the season was healthy, and we did not fill
as many prescriptions as usual, but our sales of groceries and
notions were fair. During this period we purchased $190.94
worth of goods; sold $409.40; collected $358.74, and paid out
$266.44, the expenses being $9..51. We therefore sold $50.66
more than we collected, and collected $167.80 raore than we
purchased. We applied $75.50 on our indebtedness, and drew
out $80.00 for private use. The stock on hand at the close of
this period would araount to about four hundred and fifty dol
lars. We have used our utmost endeavors to clear off our in
debtedness for drugs and merchandise. Perhaps there is no
drug store in the State of Ohio, according to its size, which
has kept a greater variety of articles for sale, or as large araount
of stock at a cash valuation, as we have had during the last
six years.
My son, Lewis Mott, assisted me at tiraes in the store and
put up the prescriptions and was of great service to me in that

THOS. H. BARTON. 315

capacity. He was registered in 1884, as an assistant pharma
cist. Soon afterwards, he engaged himself to Henry Barton,
and learned the trade of boiler-maker. He is now following
that occupation.
There are three drug stores in Syracuse at the present writ
ing, and they all appear lo be doing a fair, if not a lucrative
business. W. T. A. Lallance is located on Third street, and
A. N. Roush, who formerly clerked for Mr. Lallance, is carry
ing on the drug trade in the building which Hudson and
Roush purchased of my wife. They are both first-class drug
gists, and enjoy a fair share of the public patronage. But not
withstanding this strong opposition, I feel hopeful, by careful
management and close attention lo my profession Ihatby the
time my younger sons corae to years of raaturity and are able
to transact business for themselves, to have a first-class drug
store. *******
There is one peculiar characteristic of the people of Syra
cuse, which demands some attention at ray hands. There are
some persons in this goodly village who are in the habit of
meddling with the physicians in their professional business.
Up to 1881 I would occasionally have a protracted case pass
out of my hands, and the patient be placed under the care of
some other physician. Some of these cases would recover, while
others would terminate fatall}'. Other changes would soraetiraes
be made, which would generally protract the case much longer
than was necessary to effect a cure. I will report the follow
ing case in order to illustrate how the code of medical ethics
was conducted in Syracuse at that time.
A gentleman, who was in good financial circurastances, fell
ill during the first week in January, 1881. I had been his
family physician since the war, and on the llth I was called
upon to treat him. On the second or third visit I informed
his wife that bis case was raore dangerous than any which
had preceded it in the faraily, and that it would require great
care and attention to get hira through to thorough conva-
lesence and effect a cure. I continued lo treat him for about
twelve days without making much impression on his disease.
At this time some of his neighbors became greatly concerned

316 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

in regard to his condition, and urged his wife to employ some
other physician. On the thirteenth day of my treatment, at
the urgent request of some of his neighbors, his wife was in
duced to call Dr. J. Barr Sraith to see her husband. Dr. Sraith
visited the patient, but on learning that he was a patient of
mine, refused lo lake the case. Next day he was again
called lo see him, and his wife sent for me, and Dr. Smith and
I held a consultation, and agreed in regard to the mode of
treatment. I then repaired to my office,* prepared some
medicine, and delivered it in person lo the patient. During
this visit his wife said to rae : "Doctor, they have sent for
Dr.  ." I replied ! "I ara willing to consult wilh Dr.  ."
I gave her some instructions in regard to the medicine, bade
her good bye, and returned home. About two hours after
wards, I observed Dr.  wending his way lo visit my patient,
and in about an hour afterwards a messenger came lo my
office in great haste, inforraed rae that my services were no
longer required, and gave me to understand that the family
had eraployed Dr.  to treat the case. I was informed that
this doctor told my patient: "I think you will recover, pro
vided I have full charge of 3 our case." The doctor then took
"full charge of the case,' and commenced treating him, but
soon learned that it was a hard case to treat, it being impossi
ble lo relieve the patient of his excruciating pain. The result
was that this man obtained but little relief, and continued to
suffer day and night. He gradually failed, and, about six
weeks afterwards death relieved him of his sufferings. He
died suddenly and unexpectedly. His friends did not know,
and perhaps they were not inforraed of his dangerous con
dition. I have already had occasion, in a previous chapter, to speak
of the code of raedical ethics. The reader raay be surprised to
learn that the trio of physicians who figured in the above
mentioned case, were all merabers of the Meigs County Medi
cal Society, but such is the fact. This case shows that the forraer
physician acted in strict accordance wilh the code of medical
ethics, while the latter did not.
Nothing of interest occurred in a professional way till late
in the summer and fall of 1882, when an epidemic of malarial

THOS. H. BARTON. 317

typhoid and typho-malarial fevers broke out in this locality
to an alarming extent. These diseases appeared to be caused
by the humidity of the atmosphere. Nearly ever3' raorning
the air would be loaded with vapor or fog, which would re
main till about ten o'clock in the forenoon. It fell to my lot
to treat a large number of these cases, and frora the first of
August till the first of Noveraber. T was kept very busy, and
had all the practice that I was able to attend to I was generally
successful, losing only two cases during this epideraic.
One of the fatal cases was a young raan about sixteen years
old, who was stricken with an attack of malignant typho-mala
rial fever, which ran its course in about eight days. I had
eminent counsel called, but in spite of our united efforts, the
disease terminated fatally. The other case was affected with
typho-malarial fever, which was protracted to the fourth week
of the disease, when the patient died. She was a little girl
about twelve years old, and only a few days previous to this
child's sickness, the faraily had lost a son, he being a young
man about twenty years old. He was no doubt affected with
a malignant attack of typho-malarial fever, and was treated
by another physician. During the little girl's illness the family
had become over-worked with their nightly vigils around the
sick beds of their children, ^nd I do not think ray patient re
ceived as good nursing and attention as such a case required.
On two occasions I thought she would recover, but she would
again relapse into her former condition.
During the early part of November, I was much broken
down in health ; but after resting a few weeks from my exten
sive and laborious business, I found myself much better and
also much stronger.
Early in the spring of this year. Dr. J. W. Hoff raoved from
Pomeroy, and took up his residence in the west end of Syra
cuse. He made tbis move in order to be convenient to his
practice in this place and Minersville, where he formerly had
an extensive practice. He would also be in close proximity to
the city of Poraeroy. When Dr. Hoff moved to Syracuse, I
had some fear lest he would obtain nearly all the practice, and
leave me with nothing to do but sit in my office and look on ;
but he failed to make any apparent change in my professional

318 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

business, for my patrons clung to me, while at the sarae time
his customers employed him as usual. He moved back to
Pomeroy in the fall of 1885.
Early in this year. Dr. L. C. Rathburn, a son of Dr. D. C.
Rathburn, of Middleport, located at Syracuse. He was a gen
tleman of considerable ability, and soon obtained a fair amount
of practice, it being favorable for the profession during the
sickly season. Dr. Rathburn's health commenced failing early
in 1883, and he continued to grow worse rapidly, and died in
the spring of that year.
Early in 1882, Dr. Ross located at iVTinersville, and com
menced practicing medicine there. I was his principal op
ponent, and at that time, I had more than half the praciice in
the place. At first Dr. Ross made a great spread in regard to
his knowledge and ability, and was boasted of by his friends.
This year was an unhealthy one at Minersville ; sickness pre
vailed to a considerable extent in this smoky village, and Dr.
Ross at once obtained a fair amount of practice. The prevail
ing diseases were raalarial and typho-raalarial fevers. I think
the young doctor obtained raore practice from my worthless
patrons than he did frora those who were in good financial
circumstances. Some of these, however, employed him, and
gave hira a good reputation as a ph.ysician and surgeon. He
moved away in the fall of 1883.
The first part of 1883 was unhealthy, pneuraonia and catarrhal
fever being the prevailing diseases. "Consequently there was
considerable praciice, but towards the close of the year the
health of the people iraproved, and my practice fell off accord
ingly. At this time, I had no cellar under my dwelling-house. At
some previous tirae, a hole had been dug under the kitchen,
and it had been used for the purposes of a cellar. Early in tbe
fall I eraployed two stone masons and a few day laborers, set
them to work, and soon had a good substantial cellar under
my kitchen. It cost me about seventy-five dollars, which was
nearly double the amount that I supposed it would cost.
About fifteen dollars was turned in on the labor in the way of
professional fees, and I found myself in debt for the work
about forty-five dollars.

I'Hog. fl. Sartoi^. 319

The winter of 1883-4 was a remarkably severe one. Perhaps
more snow fell during this period than ever before in the same
length of time since the settlement of the country. It laid on
the ground till the last of January, when the weather moder
ated, and was followed by heavy rains ; there was enormous
quantities of snow in the Alleghany mountains, and this was
melted and carried away by the descending deluge. Every
tributary stream assisted to swell the water in the Ohio river.
Higher and higher came the flood, until the volume of water
in the Ohio was about five feet higher than the||great flood of
1882. The river reached its highest point on the seventh of Febru
ary. The water frora the river broke into the coal raines at
Syracuse and Minersville, causing an immense amount of
damage, and entirely suspending operations in this industry.
The works were suspended during the entire spring, summer,
and a large part of autumn of this year, and were only put in
running order after an immense outlay of time and money.
Tbis flood caused the greatest stringency in financial affairs
ever known since the coal mines were first put in operation.
Large numbers of families were driven from their horaes by
the angr3' waters entering their dwelling-houses, thus causing
immense suffering araong the people, and they were driven to
seek shelter araong their more fortunate neighbors. The Odd
Fellows — that noble beneficiary institution — threw open their
hall for tbe benefit of those who were driven from their horaes.
Sickness prevailed to a considerable extent ; but by careful
management all the cases in Syracuse recovered. I lost one
case at Minersville.
Commissary supplies were sent here in abundance, and dis
tributed among those who were damaged by the flood, and to
those l^who were in needy circurastances. Congress raade a
large appropriation for the flooded localities on the Ohio river,
of which Syracuse received its full share. Relief committees
were appointed for the distribution of the funds.
About six weeks after the flood, a prorainent member of the
relief committee, who resided at Syracuse, inquired of me if I
had any professional fees due rae frora flood sufferers who
were in indigent circumstances and unable lo pay their debts.

320 ¦ AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

Upon being answered in the affirmative, he then told me to
make out ray accounts, and place thera in his hands for collec
tion, and that the Chief of the Relief Coraraittee at Columbus,
Ohio, would pay thera. I looked over my books, found about
fifteen dollars of such claims, made out my accounts and gave
them to hira, he, at the same tirae assuring rae that the com
mittee would pay my clairas. He afterwards inforraed me
that he had forwarded thera lo the Chief of the Relief Com
mittee at Columbus. In due tirae I made inquiry of hira con
cerning ray clairas. He replied : "Your clairas are allowed,
and I ara daily expecting the money to be at Pomeroy." Sub
sequently, at different limes, I inquired of him concerning
these clairas, and received about the sarae answer. Failing to
receive a satisfactory answer frora the comraitteeman, I ad
dressed a letter to the chief of the coraraittee at Columbus, but
he failed to reply. I learned nothing further in relation lothe
matter, and will not give my own opinion concerning it. I
prefer that the reader should judge for himself.
Late in the fall of this year, I received a disability pension
from the United States Government, the arrears amounting to
about $440.00. This pension was for disease of chronic diar
rhoea, which was contracted, as I have stated in a former chap
ter, near Vicksburg, Mississippi. By the advice of ray wife, lo
whom I had explained all the particulars of the disease that I
had contracted, early in the year 1880, I made application for
a pension to the Comraissioner through ray Attorney William
L. McMasler, of Middleport. I knew but little in regard to the
pension laws of the United States, and made slow progress
with my claira ; but about one year after making application,
I employed Tucker and Bishop, of Washington, D. C, to pro
secute ray claim, and by our united efforts succeeded in obtain
ing a sraall pension. Since ray claim was allowed, I have at
three different times, had it increased. I am now drawing ten
dollars a month for the above mentioned disease of chronic
diarrbcea and resulting hemorrhoids. I applied nearly all the
proceeds of my pension raoney to payments on our real
estate. If any person, during 1872 and the early part of 1873,
had foretold that I would, at a future time, make application
for a disability pension, I would have regarded it as vain and

THOS. H. BARTON. 321

idle talk ; not because I was not entitled lo one, but for the
simple reason that at that time I did not think financially my
condition would ever be such that I would stand in need of the
bounty ofthe government.
The great flood of 1884 did not cause as much sickness as
might have beeii expected under the circumstances. A nura
ber of persons were affected with colds, caused by moving into
their dwelling houses while the floors and walls were wet and
damp. The year 1886 was a healthy one, and there is nothing
of importance to report in a professional way during that year ;
but the financial stale of the public was in a deplorable
condition. This stale of affairs was mainly brought about by
tbe laboring classes, as well as those engaged in business, not
having as yet recovered frora the effects of the flood. My o wn
finances were in a poor condition, it being all that I could do
to meet ray expenses, and this was only accomplished by using
a portion of tbe funds received from the sale of drugs. My
professional income did not meet the deraand.
Early in January, 1886, an epideraic of influenza broke out
in this locality, and a large nuraber of persons became affect
ed with this disease. It generally affected the young and the
aged, leaving the middle-aged comparatively free from its
ravages. It was accompanied with pneumonia, pleurisy,
pluro-pneumonia, bronchitis, and catarrah fever. This disease
was very fatal among the aged, and especially araong those
who were over sixty-five years of age. It continued in this
locality till the first part of April when the epideraic gradually
ceased. It fell to my lot to treat a large number of these cases ;
but unfortunately I met with poor success among those
patients who were approaching the age of three score years
and ten. One lady, who was about seventy years old, era
ployed me to treat her for the above mentioned disease. She
had been for a number of years, affected wilh chronic bron
chitis, consequently her health was very poor at the time. If
my memorj' serves me correctly, I visited her two or three
tiraes, when on the third visit, she coraplained that the medi
cine, instead of loosening her cough, had a tendency to make
it more difficult for her to raise the sputa. The reason is
obvious. The medicine did not loosen her cough because ber

32'2 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

vital powers were so much exhausted that it had no effect on
her complaint. At my last visit, she begged me to leave her
without treatraent until she felt stronger, and then she would
take the medicine. At her earnest request I discontinued the
treatment. She died in about two days after she quit taking
medicine. About the same time I lost a patient, who was a maiden
lady about forty years old. She was affected with pluro-
pneuraonia which had set in with the influenza. Her case
proved fatal in less than a week, in spite of my best endeavors
to save her. About the same time, a raarried lady, who was
about the same age, was taken with the influenza, when pneu
monia set in. Her case was very dangerous, but by careful
treatment, she recovered in due time.
The next patient that I lost was a gentleman about sixty-six
years old. He becarae affected with influenza, and soon after
wards contracted pneumonia. When I first saw him the dis
ease was in the second stage ; it passed rapidly to the third,
and terminated fatally. Medicine had no effect on his disease.
The next and last fatal case that fell under my treatment was
an old gentleman, who had passed his eightieth milestone.
He was suddenly taken with an attack of the influenza. His
symptoms were of a catarrhal nature, and they affected his
stomach and lungs. His treatment was tonics and stimulants,
but in spite of these he failed rapidly, and died in about a
week. There were a large number of children, from one year old
up to the age of puberty, that were affected with this disease,
and about half of them were in a dangerous condition. They
however, all recovered.
I was kept very busy from the tenth of January to the last
week in February, having all the practice that I could attend
to. I was frequently called up at night to visit my patients ;
and by the last week in February, I felt- myself about
used up. One morning, after lying in bed half an hour
longer than usual, I rose with the intention of .resuming my
daily avocation ; but on rising from my couch, I felt dizzy. I
was affected with the influenza, and it had produced vertigo.
I managed however, to get out of the house, but my gait was

THOS. H. BARTON. 323

staggering. I finally succeeded in getting into the house,
where I remained nearly all the time during the next month,
thus losing a large amount of professional business. How
ever, I was able to do, and did do, some office practice ; and by
the time I was able to attend to ray regular practice, this
epideraic had about run its course. During this period, I had
neglected my health, and had allowed my bowels to become
obstinately constipated, which was no doubt a sequence ofthe
chronic diarrhoea.
My professional business continued fair during the remain
der of this year, and it was also a good year for the collec
tion of medical fees ; but notwithstanding this, I lost a large
amount of my earnings. I could not well afford to do so. My
health was gradually failing, I was drawing a disability pen
sion, and the rate showed that I was totally disabled for the
perforraanceof hard labor, and at least one-third disabled for
the perforraance of continuous light labor. Old age was
gradually creeping on ; I was approaching my sixtieth mile
stone, and felt that I needed rest. I now resolved to turn
over a new leaf. From the beginning of 1887 up to the pres
ent writing, I have been using my utmost endeavors to ira-
prove the quality of ray practice. I allerapted lo accoraplish
my object 'by refusing to visit my non-paying customers and
those who were in arrears to me for professional services. I
would especially refuse to visit such persons at night. A few
individuals have taken advantage of me in this respect, and
obtained my services under false pretenses, pretending to
have the money wherewith to pay for my services, when at the
same time, they were out of funds and entirely worthless.
At first, my plan had an injurious effect on my practice, for
the news soon spread abroad that I would not visit the sick
at night, and this report caused me to lose as much lucrative
practice as I had formerly lost among my non-paying cus
tomers. From 1887 to the present writing, the health of the people
residing in this locality has generally been good, and this to
gether with my determination to do a paying business, has re
duced my practice very rauch. I have had an easier time, and
enjoyed comparative rest. Moreover, I have, by strenuous

324 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

efforts, improved the quality of my practice, and during the
last year or two, I have not lost nearly so large a per cent, of
my earnings as I formerly did.
I have endeavored to treat my fellow laborers in the medical
profession with respect. In writing this plain narrative of facts
it has not been my object to speak ill of anyone. In regard to
my competitors I have endeavored to give honor to whom
honor is due, nor have I feared lo withhold just criticism when
the same was deserved.
Some time during the fall of 1888, Dr. Milford Roush located
at Syracuse with the object of practicing medicine and sur
gery. Before moving here he inquired of me as to whether or
not Syracuse would be a favorable location. I informed him
in substance that I thought he could obtain a fair araount of
practice in this locality ; that Dr. Smith was is feeble health,
and unable to do but little professional business ; that he
would naturally obtain some practice araong Dr. Smith's
friends, and no doubt obtain a part of Dr. Hoff's practice and
also of mine. I cautioned Dr. Roush, however, in regard to the
situation, and gave him to understand that in all probability be
would not find the practice lucrative when it came to be divided
among three or four physicians. Dr. Roush was a young man
of considerable ability, and had he been spared, there can be
no doubt that he would have made an able physician, and
been an ornament to the profession. He left Syracuse early
in the spring of 1889, migrated west, and sorae tirae during
the suraraer of that year, died of the typhoid fever.
Dr. I. N. Holmes, who located at Syracuse in 1884, moved
away soon after Dr. Roush came. Dr. Holmes' practice, how
ever, was very limited, and made no perceptible difference in
my professional business. The removal of these two physi
cians left the field clear, so far as this immediate locality is
concerned, to Dr. Smith and myself. We now have no opposi
tion, except from those physicians who reside elsewhere. I
still adhere to my resolution of doing a paying business, not
that I am unwilling to visit those who are in indigent circum
stances, not alone for the patronage of the wealthy and influ
ential ; these are not the reasons ; I am forced to this policy
by advancing years and declining health. The time has come

THOS. H. BARTON. 226

in the closing months of 1889, when I bring my personal his
tory to an end, that I should enjoy, the fruits of a lifetime of
hard labor. *******
And now my written story ends, I have completed ray task.
I have endeavored lo convey, in plain and concise language
the struggles of a lifetime. These have covered more than
half a century; and now, in the evening of life, I look about
me once more — for the last time — before I close these pages.
And while I have accomplished rauch, I have not done all that
I could have desired. I aip surrounded wilh the coraforts, and
sorae ofthe luxuries of life. I ara happy in ray horae with my
wife and faraily. Her companionship, and the innocent prattle
of childish voices, cheer rae along the journey of life. And
there is inspiration in the words of the poet :
"Lives of great men all remind us.
We can make our lives sublime.
And, departing, leave beliind us.
Footprints on the sands of time."

SUPPLEMENT.
THE PHYSICAN AND PATIENT.

A sick person should invariably eraploy a physician who
is well educated in his profession, who is intelligent, skillful,
careful and attentive lo those who trust their lives to bis care.
The physician should also be a careful and attentive student
of raedicine, and keep hiraself well posted in regard to all the
changes in medical science. Moreover, he should be temper
ate, industrious, and virtuous. A nuraber of years ago I read
a short article in the Medical and Surgical Reporter, wherein
it was related of a gentleman who was traveling, that he
stopped at a certain town and took lodging at a hotel. He
was detained at this place several days on account of ill
health. Being in this condition he stood in naed of the ser
vices of a physician, and being a stranger in the place, and
unacquainted with any of the local physicians, he iraraedi-

326 AUTOBIOGRAPAY OF

ately called at the post office in order to ascertain the name
of the physician who took .the largest number of medical jour
nals, and having ascertained this fact, he employed the one
who took the largest number of these useful periodicals.
A sick person should employ a local physician in prefer
ence to an itinerant one, for the reason that the traveling doc
tors who go frora town to town, slopping frora'^ one to three
days at a place, then go to sorae other locality, returning in
about a month, can not give that attention to their patients
that the necessities of the case in many instances require.
These itinerant physicians generally pretend to do their work
for a certain sum of raoney ; that is, to effect a cure for a cer
tain fee : but they almost invariably demand their fee, or a
large portion of it in advance ; so that in any event, they have
their pay, whether or not they effect a cure. They usually
size up the patient according to his pocket book, charging the
wealthy and opulent exorbitant prices, being more liberal with
the poor and indigent.
I raay divide these traveling doctors into two classes.
First, the one-horse physician, who is entirely ignorant of the
science of medicine; and secondly, the more polished and
pristocratic fellow, who travels as a specialist. I will give a
few illustrations of the forraer class.
A few years after the close of the late war, a lady who re
sided in Minersville, became affected with emphysema of the
lungs. This lady puffed and blowed, and grunted like a
wind-broken horse. One day a traveling quack, who called
himself an Indian doctor, called al her residence, and pro
posed to cure her of her lung disease. She finally consented
to let him try, under the promise of a sure cure. He gave her
some medicine, she agreeing to pay hira on his next visit.
At the appointed tirae he was again at her residence, but
found her no belter. He also found her out of funds, and he
therefore failed to replenish his pocket-book. Moreover, she
refused lo take any raore of his remedies, but be continued
to visit her in order to obtain his fees. On one occasion,
when she was expecting him to call upon her for his medical
fees, a few of her neighboring ladies were calling at her place
of abode. She told her visitors that she did not know what

THOS. H. BARTON. 327

to do, as she was that day looking for the old Indian doctor
to call upon her for pay for his services, and being out of
funds, she was greatly perplexed and alarmed. At this mo
ment, one of her friends went to the door, and lo ! the poor
Indian ! He was wending his way to her house. Here was a
dilemma. The good old lady was greatly perplexed at the
announcement of this unwelcome tidings, and did not know
how to avoid the Indian doctor. However, one of her lady
friends came to her rescue, and told her what to do. She
was advised to bide herself under the bed, and the doctor was
to be inforraed that she was absent from home, but she was
also carefully instructed to make no noise, and neither puff
nor grunt while under the bed, for fear of being discovered.
She obeyed this advice, and was soon safely ensconced in her
hiding place. She was no sooner hidden than all the ladies
chiraed in. "Don't grunt, or he will hear you ; don't grunt,
or he will hear you !" There was a good deal of arauseraent
araong the circle of ladies, and when the Quixotic doctor ap
peared atthe door, one of them opened it, and he was quietly
informed that the patient was away from home, and this old
quack was corapelled to go away without receiving any com
pensation for his services.
About twenty years ago I was called to see an old gentleman
who resided in Syracuse. I immediately obeyed the call, and
upon examination, found him affected with acute bronchitis,
which had set in on the chtonic bronchitis. He inforraed me
that he had been treated by an itinerant physician who styled
himself an Indian doctor, and who had pronounced his com
plaint liver disease. This doctor had failed to make his last
round, and, in consequence, the patient had sent for rae. When
I coraraenced treating hira, he was very weak and feeble, had
a poor appetite, and was troubled with a severe cough. After
treating him two or three weeks, he felt much better and stron
ger, was troubled but little with cough, and had a good appe
tite. At my last visit I was greatly surprised, for there was
present no less a personage than his former medical attendant.
Supper was ready, and the old gentleman kindly invit'^d me
to a seat at the table, but I respectfully declined his invitation.
The patient sat down to the table and a tea hearty meal, and

228 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

appeared much relieved after replenishing bis gastric cavity.
It is my candid opinion that this old man would soon have
recovered his former health, even without medicine. After
supper he discharged me, and again employed this old travel
ing quack for the purpose of having him treat him for an ira-
aginary disease of the liver. About six weeks afterwards, a
messenger came to me in great haste, requesting me lo visit
this old gentleman, the messenger telling me that the old man
was very low. I refused to raake the call and did not go to
see hira, and Dr. Hoff was employed lo treat the case.
But it was now too late for a physician lobe of any service to
hira. The old raan soon passed away to that bourne from
whence no traveler ever returns.
About the year 1872, one of these traveling quacks, who
styled himself a "root and yarb" doctor, was in the habit of
raaking his monthly visits to Meigs County. He frequently
stopped at ray drug store in order to purchase raedical supplies.
On one occasion, I asked him the following siraple question,
for the purpose of testing his knowledge of medical science :
"Doctor, do you use capsicum in your practice?" He replied.
"I don't know as I do by that name." I then asked him. "Do
you use cayenne pepper in your practice?" "Oh yes," he re
plied. I use a great deal of cayenne pepper in my practice, I
can cure diptheria with cayenne pepper and salt." Now, kind
reader, here was a raan, calling hiraself a physician, who did
not know the botanical name of cayenne pepper ! And in all
probability, he did not know the sceintific narae of a single
remedy which he used, or its raedical properties and uses.
Even my children, who were present during the conversation
were rauch araused about this man, who called hiraself a
doctor, and who raanifested suchgrossignoranceof the science
of raedicine.
The aristocratic traveling physicians aue even raore danger
ous to the public than the former class, for they are intelligent,
shrewd, use good language, and have raore gab and gas than
scientific medical skill.
These itinerants send in advance numerous flaming circulars
and hand bills, wherein they set forth their pretended know
ledge of the science of medicine, and boasting of the numerous

THOS. H. BARTON. 229

cures which they have effected in the city of New York and in
other cities of the Middle and Eastern States. They parade
their wonderful skill and superior knowledge before the pub
lic, claiming that disease, in their hands, is like a toy in the
hands of a child. After having surprised the public in the
East by their almost superhuman knowledge and miraculous
cures, they have concluded to locate at the City of Columbus,
or some other city in Ohio, and establish an institution for
the cure of chronic diseases, and that they have an able and
efficient corps of physicians, who will visit the different locali
ties in tbis State, in order that the public may have an oppor
tunity to obtain their services. The principal of this institu
tion finally concludes lo visit the city of Pomeroy, and informs
the public that he will be in that place on a certain day, there
to remain for two or three days, so that the sick and afflicted
may obtain the advantage of his marvelous skill. The press
ofthe county is brought to bear in their behalf, aud the col
umns of the newspapers are fiUed^with flamraing advertise
ments. These newspaper notices read about as follows :
"Dr. Bravado, the experienced and successful specialist, of Bari-
tario will be at Balnibardo on the  day of  18 — .
"Particular attenlion given to diseases of the Skin, Catarrh in its
various forms, aflTections of the Throat, Lungs, Heart, Stomach,
Liver, Kidney, and Bladder, and all Chronic, Nervous and Private
diseases. "The attention of every woman who is suffering with any of those
distressing complaints peculiar to her sex is especially invited to Dr.
Bravado's new and successful naethods of treatment.
"Twenty-five years experience in the treatmeutof obstinate chronic
diseases has made Dr. Bravado the imperial master of these terrible
maladies. "You do not have to tell him your ailments ; he reads your com
plaints like an open book, describes your peculiar suflerings without
asking you a single question, and prepares remedies to meet the
precise wants in each particular case.
"No guess work ! No experiments ! No failures ! No disappoint
ments ! When he takes a case he cures it !
'•Delicate diseases, either sex, no matter how caused, relieved at
once and quickly cured.
"Consultation free and strictly confidential. Ofiice hours, 9 a. m.
to 5 p. m. Evening, 7 to 9 p. m."
42

330 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

The "Town Pump" never made a more eloquent harangue,
and it would be strange, indeed, if all this outcry did not
bring customers. At the appointed tirae the sick and afflicted,
the melingers, and all who fancy theraselves sick, flock to Dr.
Bravado for relief. He generally admits only one visitor at
a time, and when through with the examination, a small
amount of medicine is given to the patient for which an exor
bitant price is charged, provided no specified amount is fixed
upon for a cure. Sorae of these itinerant quacks, after ex
amining a case, have been known to hurry out of their
rooras, without their headgear, a greenback in their hands, pro
ceed to the nearest drug store, purchase a small quantity
of medicine, costing perhaps not to exceed twenty-five cents,
then wend their way to their rooras, and charge their vic
tims frora three to ten dollars according lo their ability to pay-
"Consultation free!" This is what Dr. Bravado's advertise-
raenls says; but in the way I have described, he generally suc
ceeds in obtaining araple compensation for his consultation.
When he is through wilh his patient he agrees to return in one
month, when his victims meet hira again. His visits are
repeated for the space of six raonths or a year, when he fails
lo put in an appearance, and is never heard frora any raore.
Perrait rae to ask this question : Has he cured the chronic
diseases of all those persons who have corae to hira for medical
advice? I presume that every candid person will answer this
question in the negative, and say, emphatically : No, he has
NOT. Perhaps a few have been cured, and probably a few
others have been relieved to some extent ; but the major portion
of his patients have been deceived, and, as it were, robbed of
their money, when they were promised a sure cure. Another
question naturally arises : Why have so many of these itiner
ant physicians, who have heretofore plied their vocation in
this locality, left their post of duty to be heard from no more?
The answer is obvious. Like Belshazzar of old, "they have
been weighed in the balance and found wanting." They are
deficient in raedical knowledge and skill. Permit me to ask
one more question : If these traveling physicians are what
they represent themselves to be; if they enjoy the reputation
set forth in their flaming advertisements ; if they have the

THOS. H. BARTON. 331

lucrative practice claimed for them in New York and the East,
how does it happen that they leave this practice and come to
Pomeroy and other places in Ohio to ply their vocation?
Again the answer suggests itself to our mind : "They have
been weighed in the balance and found wanting."
Take the case of two physicians who are equally skilled in
the science of raedicine. Is it reasonable to suppose the one
who sees biij patients only once a month can do better than the
one who sees them two or three tiraes a week? I think not. It
is unreasonable to suppose that the physician who makes a
monthly visit to his patients can do better that the one who
has them regularly under his care and attention. Moreover,
the local physician generally knows the physical and family
history of his patients, whereas the itinerant doctor does not,
and this alone gives a decided advantage to the local physi
cian. During a nuraber of years past I have noticed advertiseraents
in the newspapers which read about as follows : A retired
physician has at lost found a sure cure for consumption,
catarrh, bronchitis, and all diseases of the throat and lungs.
For the benefit of suffering humanity, he will send, free of
charge, to any person afflicted with lung disease, who will en
close a two cent stamp to his address, a recipe for the prepara
tion of a sure cure for said disease. These characters some
times imitate the clergy, and say in their advertisements : A
clergyman, who has traveled in the East Indies, has been fur
nished with a recipe, etc., etc. By numerous sick persons,
such an announceraent will be regarded with favor, and the
donor will be considered a benevolent gentleman. The bait
takes. In due time some affiicted person will desire to lake
advantage of this benevolent (?) offer, and will enclose the
necessary postage stamp in answer to the advertisement, and
send for the prescription, which, barring no delay in the mails,
arrives in the course of a few days. The victim immediately
presents it to his druggist in order to procure the raedicine.
The pharraacist looks over the recipe, and finds few farailiar
drugs which he always keeps in stock ; but in it he also finds
one or two articles of which he has no knowledge, never having
heard or read the narae before. The consequence is that he

332 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

can not put up the prescription. The holder then presents if
to another pharraacist with the same result; there are one or
two articles which he has not got, and which it is impossible
for hira to procure ; he can not compound the medicine. After
trying all the druggists in his locality, the holder writes to the
donor for an explanation, and is respectfully inforraed that the
very article which he can not procure is an essential ingredient
in the corapound, and that the medicine is useless without it ;
that it is a plant or shrub new to botanical science, and is in
digenous only in India, Arabia, or some other far-off country ;
that a small supply ofthis medicine has been procured at great
expense ; and that upon the receipt of two or three dollars in a
registered letter, the donor will send the remedy. What is the
result? The victim encloses the necessary cash, directs the
letter to his benevolent friend, and in due time receives the
nostrum. Now, if the patient is affected wilh consumption, he
has raost assuredly been the victira of a humbug, and has given
his raoney lo a shrewd and wily quack.
I have observed a nuraber of such advertisements in the
newspapers, and I have also seen sorae of the prescriptions.
They contained one or two ingredients, which I do not believe
can be found in any materia raedica or pharraacopeia.
*******
I shall now direct the reader's attention to the code of raedi
cal ethics in regard to employing physicians as counsel, and
the right of a patient to discharge his medical attendant and
eraploy another. Considerable has already been said as to the
manner in which the author has been treated in various cases.
To raake this raatter plain it is necessary to give an outline of
the code of ethics ofthe medical fraternity.
This code gives a patient a right to discharge his medical
attendant if he has just cause; but the attending physician
should invariably be discharged before another is employed,
for the reason that it will save the first physician tbe trouble
and mortification, on visiting a case, to learn that another has
taken his place. Every candid physician will quietly ac
quiesce in being discharged, whether or not there is just cause
for his patient doing so, provided he is notified before being
put to trouble and expense. It has fell to my lot to be regular-

THOS. H. BARTON. 333

ly discharged in a few cases, but it has more frequently been
my experience to visit a case, and then learn that another
physician had been engaged, and then and there receive my
dismissal. If counsel is required, the proper way for the patient and
his friends to do, is to have a friendly talk with the medical
attendant in regard to the case, then if the patient is in a dan
gerous condition, any candid physician will readly give his
consent to a consultation, and be willing to meet some physi
cian who is agreeable to himself and the patient. There may be
some difficulty in selecting a medical adviser who will be sat
isfactory to both parties. In this case I think the attending
physician should, as a general rule, have the privilege of select
ing his counsel, for the reason that he is generally personally
and intimatelyjacquainted with the physicians who reside with
in easy reach of any of his cases, and knows better than his
patient where to obtain the most reliable counsel. It will be
doing injustice to the regular attendant to employ as counsel
a physiciaii with whom he is not on friendly terms. If the
patient or his friends should persist in employing a physician
as counsel who is not on friendly terms with the attendant,
the attending physician should, as a general rule, withdraw
from the case. The writer has in several such instances, with
drawn frora the case, and refused to raeet the consulter. It is
admitted that the patient has a right to discharge his physician
in certain cases, and the physician should also have a right to
withdraw in case of dissatisfaction. It is a poor rule which
fails to work both ways, and the patient also has a right to re
fuse as counsel a physician with whora he is not on friendly
terms. I will give one or two illustrations of the working of the code
of medical ethics. Suppose a case of sickness is doing as well
as could be expected at 9 o'clock a. m., the time of his attend
ant's last visit. The physician, who may reside three miles or
more from his patient, prescribes or gives raedicine, then leaves
the case, and wends his way to his office. At 3 o'clock p. m.,
his patient suddenly becomes worse, and is in a dangerous, or
apparently dangerous condition. In such a case, our code of
ethics gives the patient, or his friends a right to call in coun-

334 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

sel, but they should, at tbe sarae time, notify the regular at
tendant of the fact, so that both may reach the bed-side with
out delay. The above rule should be strictly adhered to, for
if counsel is called without notifying the attending physician,
he can do but little until the attendant arrives, and valuable
time will thus be lost. The last visit of the attendant is paid
for by the patient, if he is a paying customer, otherwise it is
labor thrown away by the attending physician, and he is there
by put to trouble and inconvenience, especially if he has a
large nuraber of cases to attend to. I have soraetimes been
put lo inconvenience in consequence of the violation of this
rule. Having prescribed for my patient, or given hira medi
cine, as the case raay be, and then having proceeded to attend
to other cases, I have been overtaken by a messenger informing
me that Dr. Blank had been sent for to see my patient as coun
sel, and that he was waiting for me at my patient's residence.
On such occasions, I have lost much valuable time, which
could have been saved had my patient, or his friends, first no
tified me that they desired a consultation. If a consultation
cannot be imraediately held, it is generally rulable to fix upon
an hour when both physicians can be present, and they are in
honor bound to fill the appointraent, if in their power so to do.
If one physician fails to appear at the appointed time, the
other waits one hour, and if the delinquent still fails to appear
the engagement is virtually broken up.
The consultation should be conducted in the following man
ner. The attending practitioner first examines the patient,
and when he is through tbe consulting physician is kindly in
vited to raake an exaraination. The two physicians then retire
to a private room or some other convenient place, and there
discuss the pathology of the case, and its treatment. It is the
duty of the regular attendant to thoroughly explain to the
counsel the nature of the disease as he understands it, the
remedies he has used, the effect which they have produced,
and the diet he has ordered. If the counsel has any advice to
give, he gives it directly to tbe attending physician — not to
the patient or his friends. To them be should be silent on
this subject, nor should he, at any tirae say anything deroga
tory in regard to the mode of treatment which has been pur-

THOS. H. BARTON. 335

sued. It is then, as before, the duty of the attending physician
to write the prescriptions, or put up the raedicine, as the case
may be.
Our code of medical ethics does not give the consulting
physician the right to supercede the attending one. If the
two physicians can not agree in regard to the nature of the
disease or the mode of treatment, our code advises that anoth
er be called in to settle tbe dispute. If the attending physi
cian can not be present at the consultation, the counsel should
put his views concerning the case in writing in a sealed en
velope, to be delivered to the regular attendant. The counsel
should not write the prescriptions, but he is permitted to give
a small araount of raedicine for temporary relief After the
consultation is held, the consulting physician retires from
the case as if he had never been employed, nor should he
visit the patient again unless at the request of the regular
attendant and patient. This rule is absolute, and should
in no case be violated by the consulting physician. The coun
sel is permitted lo suggest to the attendant, but not to the
patient or his friends, that if the case does not improve in a
day or two, he will be willing to visit it again, provided he is
duly notified.
Many persons are of the opinion, when a consultation is
held over a sick person, that the patient has a right to dis
charge his medical attendant and employ the consulting
physician. This is a mistake. According to our code of
ethics he has no right to do so. Here is the rule in such cases :
If at a consultation, the attending physician is discharged, it
then becomes the duty of the counsel to withdraw from the
case and have nothing more to do with it. No rule is more
obligatory on the medical tfraternity than this, and the mem
bers of tbe profession are in honor bound to obey it. The
reason is obvious. Tbe rule is designed to keep physicians
on friendly terms with each other, for if this law is not
obeyed, the attending physician would most assuredly take
umbrage at tbe counsel for its violat.ion. Moreover, it would
prevent physicians frora having counsel called, if there was
danger of their patients discharging them, and employing the
counsel.

336 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

There are a few physicians with whom I am intimately ac
quainted, who have, at different times, violated nearly all the
rules of medical ethics in regard to consultations. I think,
in raost of these cases, it has been done willfully for gain or
notoriety, and no doubt the patient, or his friends, should
sometimes bear a share of the blame, as the following case will
show, if I am correctly informed. A few years ago I was
treating a lady who resided in Minersville, and on my third
visit learned that another physician had been employed to
treat the case. Upon making inquiry of the sick lady as to
how this came about, she informed me that her friends had
advised her to enploy Dr. Blank, and that he had already been
to see her, and at the request of herself and friends he had
prescribed for her, and taken full charge of the case. Here
was a visit unnecessarily raade by me, and much valuable
time lost from my other business, caused by a regular physi
cian violating the code of raedical ethics.
I know sorae consulting physicians, who, at a consultation,
have assuraed an air of great importance, at the same time boast
ing about the cures they have performed in cases who were af
fected with the same disease as the patient, thus hoping to gain
notoriety. These boasting physicians generally undertake to
make some change in the medicine the patient is using, whether
such change is necessary or not. This reminds me of an ar
ticle which I read in tbe London Lancet, in 1854. It was an
anonymous letter written by an old physician to a young one
just coraraencing the practice of medicine, and was intercepted
by the editor, and published in that medical periodical. It
advised the young practitioner never to permit a consulting
physician to change the medicine even in its color, and if any
Son of Esculapius raade the attempt, his advice was to im
mediately withdraw from the case.
I was young in tbe profession when I read this article. I did
not heed its advice, and never withdrew from a case of sickness
for this cause, but it is good advice to a physician who wishes
to establish his reputation. My experience has been that, in
nearly every instance where I have allowed my counsel to
change the medicine, my reputation as a physician has been
more or less injured. I think that some consulting physicians

THOS. H. BARTON. 337

are in the habit of changing the prescriptions whenever they
are perrailted so to do. Permit rae to corapare such physicians
to a 'bus driver, who never has his conveyance so full of
travelers but there is room for one more passenger. Such is
the case with some physicians. It matters not to them how
well the patient may be doing, thej^ can always find occasion
to make a slight change in the prescriptions and give a little
more medicine. There is always roora for one more dose.
Physicians are sometimes injured in their reputation in the
following manner. In numerous instances I have been injured
in the sarae way during the past thirty eight years. Take the
following hypothetical case. Suppose a person to be suddenly
and dangerously taken sick with some acute disease. About
twelve hours after he is taken down, the family physician is
called to treat the case. He obeys the call, and is soon at the
patient's bed side, and finds the case a dangerous one; the
patient and his friends are much alarmed about the situation.
The physician, after raaking an exaraination, raakes his diag
nosis and inforras his patient the narae and nature of the dis
ease. His diagnosis may be a little doubtful, yet he has hopes
thai by careful attention, the patient will, in due time, recover.
On the second day the physician thinks the case will re
cover, and so inforras the patient and his friends. But
they are greatly alarmed and ask the physician his opinion as
to whether or not the patient will recover, and if the physician
has any doubts they desire counsel. He informs them that he
thinks, by careful management, the patient will soon be belter
and that counsel is unneccessary. Counsel is demanded every
day until finally this privilege is granted. It is now perhaps
the fourth or fifth day in the progress of the disease, and at
this lime, the physician sees some signs of improvement, but
the friends ofthe patient do not. Dr. Cureall is sent for, and
in due time arrives, examines the case, makes his diagnosis
and in general agrees with the attending physician, but he
advises a change in the medicine, writes the prescriptions, and
continues to visit the case regularly. As usual, he boasts of
the numerous patients he has cured of similar diseases. Now,
kind reader, under such circurastances, there is no alternative
for the attending physician but to withdraw from the case, for
43

338 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP

if he does not do so he will sooner or later be discharged. If
the patient recovers, the consulting physician will receive the
meed of praise, while the regular attendant will be severely
censured. If the case proves fatal, as a general rule, the coun
sel will not be blamed. The friends of the patient, in such
cases, will generally say : Had he eraployed the counsel at
the comraenceraent, our friend would have recovered. In
sorae cases, the patient's friends appear to syrapathise with the
attending physician, they appear unwilling to part wilh an old
and dear friend, who has stood by thera in previous storras of
affliction, but this is the exception, and not the general rule.
In raost cases they appear careless in regard to his feelings
and reputation.
During the past thirty-eight years, I have had a large num
ber of patients, who were dangerously ill, under my individual
treatraent, and who have been restored lo health. In sorae of
the worst cases I have requested that counsel be called, but
this request was refused ; the patient hiraself declined having
a consultation. Had counsel been eraployed and the cases
recovered the consulting physician would have obtained all
the credit.
I will report two cases of injury, in one of which counsel was
demanded by the friends of the patient, and absolutely refused'
The first case was a young man in his teens, who had sprained
bis knee joint ; the other was a child four years old, that«had
sustained a dislocation of the knee cap (patella) together wilh
a sprain of the knee joint. I was called to see the young
man about four days after he received the injury, and found
the joint and adjacent parts rauch swollen and inflaraed ; he
was also affected with inflaramatory fever. I treated this case
five or six days, in the raeantirae making four visits. The
knee joint swelled gradually, but swelling less every day till
the sixth, when it appeared about stationery; there was now
no fever. At this tirae counsel was demanded, but I refused
having a consultation on the ground that it was unnecessary,
and also on account of a physician being selected who would
not consent to a consultation, and who would have taken
charge of the case as if he had been regularly eraployed to
treat it. For these good and sufficient reasons I refused coun
sel and abandoned the case.

THOS. H. BARTON. 339

Soon afterwards I was called upon to'treat the child with the
dislocated knee cap. The bone had remained out of place for
two days before I saw the case, and at this time the knee was
stiff and rauch swollen, the swelling extending frora the ankle
nearly to the body ; there was high fever caused by the sprain
in the knee joint. I replaced the dislocated bone, and put the
child under treatment ; bnt in spite of all that I could do the
swelling continued to increase for two weeks when it became
stationary and in one month's time the child could walk very
well. I presume the parents of the yonhg man thought that
it was the change of physicians that wrought the cure in his
case. Had counsel been called to see the child, there can be
no doubt that I would have been severely censured.
*******
About twelve years ago. Prof, Whitaker, of Cincinnati, de
livered a lecture before a meeting of the Ohio Valley Medical
Society. Dr. Whitaker said : "The public are slaves to us as
physicians, for this reason, we can charge our patients any
sum of money for our services, and they are corapelled lo pay
it." Doubtless this is true, if the physician is a learned one,
and resides in a large city like Cincinnati ; but in the rural
districts, and in sraall towns and villages, the case is differ
ent, and in raany instances this rule is reversed, andthe physi
cian becomes the slave of the public, especially in localities
where competition is strong. Several years ago I read an
article in the Medical and Surgical Reporter relative to an
eminent physician, who resided in one of the interior coun
ties of Virginia. He had practiced raedicine in that locality
for raany years, and had an extensive praciice. He died well
advanced in years, but did not leave behind hira sufficient
funds even to purchase a coffin, and was buried by public
charity. Such neglect on the part of his non-paying patrons
is a disgrace to the community in which he lived.
None ofthe learned professions is of more benefit to the
huraan family than that of medicine. It is in times of dis
tress and affliction thatthe physician comes to the relief of his
patients ; and if conscientious, does all in his power to relieve
their distress. As a general rule he is prompt. He does not
hesitate and wait to inquire in regard to the financial stand-

340 AUTOBIOGRAPHV OF

ing of his patrons, and their willingness to meet their obliga
tions. He does not "stand upon the order of bis going, but
goes at once." The wind and the snow, the hail and the
rain, the heat of suraraer and the frosts of winter do not deter
him from his duty. The deadly epidemic daunts hira not.
At the risk of his own life he enters the abode of pestilence
and breathes the noxious atmosphere, fraught with disease
and death, doing this for the relief of suffering humanity.
During the burning sun of summer and the chilling blasts of
winter, he has left his comfortable home to administer to the
wants of his patrons. Then remember the precept given nearly
nineteen hundred years age. "The laborer is worthy of his
hire." Pay Your Physician 1 Remember him for his servi
ces. He has spent the prime of his life in the study of medi
cine, and in making himself proficient in his chosen pro
fession, and in so doing he has freely expended his means.
He has given the best years of his life to the study of disease,
and has spent large sums of money in the purchase of books,
journals and instruments. He has given long years of study
to the principles of anatomy and physiology. He can locate
and describe every bone, muscle, tendon, joint and ligament
of the human body, and understands their situation, struct
ure and economy. He has studied the nature and pathology
of disease in its infinite forms, this knowledge being acquired
only after years of hard labor. Then recompense your physi
cian. To those who have the poor under their care and super
vision, we say : Pay the physician for his services. In con
clusion, we say to one and all. Pay Your Physician.
THE END.

YALE UNIVERSITY