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SEWARD MEMORIAL STATUE AKD SEWARD HOMESTEAD.

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THE UNVEILING

OF THE

Seward Memorial Statue

WITH THE ORATION BY
HON. WILLIAM M. EVARTS,
AND ADDRESSES BY
HON. CYRENUS WHEELER, JR.,
CHAIRMAN COM.
HON. THEODORE M. POMEROY,
HON. MORTIMER V. AUSTIN, MAYOR.
AT
AUBURN, NEW YORK,
NOVEMBER 15, 1888.

AUBURN. NY.
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1889.

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INTRODUCTORY.

The Memorial Statue to William H. Seward, modeled by Walter G.
Robinson, sculptor, of Auburn, N. Y., was unveiled at the Seward Park,
in the City of Auburn, on Thursday, the 15th day of November, 1888.
The statue is a gift to the city from several of its citizens and a few
non-resident personal friends of Mr. Seward. A list of the names of
the subscribers to the fund appears upon a subsequent page of this
volume. The proceedings preliminary to the inauguration of the statue were
in charge of a general committee consisting of the following named
gentlemen : CYRENUS WHEELER, Jr., THEODORE M. POMEROY,
NELSON BEARDSLEY, BENJAMIN B. SNOW,
HENRY A. MORGAN, THOMAS M. OSBORNE,
JOHN N. KNAPP, WILLIAM P. ROBINSON,
SERENO'E. PAYNE, GEORGE UNDERWOOD,
SAMUEL LAURIE, JAMES C. STOUT,
ORLANDO LEWIS, CLINTON D. Mac DOUGALL,
DAVID WADSWORTH, Jr., JOHN D. TELLER,
GEORGE H. NYE.

4 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr., was made chairman of the general
committee, Hon. Wm. P. Robinson, was made secretary thereof, and
Horace T. Cook, Esq. was made treasurer of the fund to be raised and
disbursed. Preliminary to the placing of the statue, Hon. Frederick W. Seward
and Gen. William H. Seward tendered to the city a substantial addi
tion to the park, from the adjoining homestead lot of the late Secretary
Seward. The following is the correspondence relating thereto and the
action of the common council thereon : Auburn, August 27th, 1888.
The Honorable, the Common Council of the City of Auburn :
The undersigned as a committee representing many citizens of Auburn, and
neighbors and friends of the late William H. Seward, who have procured a bronze
statue of that distinguished statesman, and propose erecting the same in a suitable
location and presenting it to the city, respectfully request your honorable body to
designate the park at the intersection of South and William streets, as the place for the
erection of said statue, and to authorize this committee to erect the same thereon.
Herewith is transmitted a letter " A " from Gen. William H. Seward, proposing, in
behalf of his brother, Hon. Frederick W. Seward and himself, to donate land for the
enlargement of said park ; and the undersigned respectfully request that the park so
enlarged be designated as the " Seward Park."
Samuel Laurie, John D. Teller, James C. Stout, S. E. Payne, David Wadsworth,
Jr., Theodore M. Pomeroy, N. Beardsley, C. Wheeler, Jr., J. N. Knapp, Henry A.
Morgan, George H. Nye, William P. Robinson, T. M. Osborne, G. W. Allen, C. D.
Mac Dougall, Orlando Lewis, George Underwood, B. B. Snow.

SEWARD STATUE. 5
"A" Auburn, N. Y., August 25th, 1888.
To the Chairman of the Meeting of the Donors of the Seward Statue :
Dear Sir : — In connection with the proposed erection of a bronze statue of the
late William H. Seward, by his neighbors and friends, to be placed in Seward Park, it
is the desire of Mr. Frederick W. Seward and myself, now the only surviving members
of his immediate family, to present, under proper restrictions, limiting its use for park
purposes to the city of Auburn, a plat of land to be taken from th« south end of the
grounds surrounding the family residence and adjoining the park.
This plat is about 127 feet on the park line, 151 feet on the north line, 40 feet on
South street, and 42 feet on William street. This will increase the area of the present
park nearly one-half. I make mention of this now to the end that your committee, in
selecting the location for the statue, may take into consideration the proposed enlarge
ment of the park. This ground includes the small arbor where Mr. Seward, for more
than forty years, passed much of his time, during the summer months. In this retired
spot, he worked during his early years upon many of his most important law cases,
and later on prepared many of his orations and political addresses. Here, during his
declining years, he performed some of his literary work and wrote of his travels.
Here it was that he delighted to receive his neighbors and friends, and with them
discuss current affairs. Here, also, after his retirement from public life, he received
many notable personages from abroad, who came to visit him. This spot is, therefore,
so intimately associated with much of his life work while at home, that it seems appro
priate that it should be now dedicated to public use, to the end that it may not be lost
sight of in the march of improvement which naturally tends, sooner or later, to oblit
erate old land marks in a growing city like ours. Very truly yours,
W. H. SEWARD.

G UNVEILING SERVICES.
By Aid. Murphey :
Whereas, Many citizens of Auburn and friends and neighbors of the late William
H. Seward propose to present to said city a bronze statue of that distinguished states
man, and to erect the sime upon a suitable granite pedestal in the park, at the
intersection of SoJth and William streets, known as Seward Park, without expense to
the city ; now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That full power and authority are hereby given for the erection of said
statue in said- park, with the proposed extension to be donated to the city by Gen. Wm.
H Seward and the Hon. Fred. W. Seward, and is hereby designated as " Seward
Park," and said citizens and donors are hereby authorized to select- within said paik, a
suitable plot on which said statue may be erected by them and encompassed in a
substantial iron fence for its protection, the same to be done as proposed by the
donors, without expense to ihe city.
By Aid. Nye : That the communications be accepted and filed, and that the
resolution be adopted. Carried.
The statue, which is of bronze, is nine feet in heighth, being a little
more than one-half larger than the life-size of Mr. Seward. It rests
upon a granite pedestal which is also nine feet high. The figure
represents Mr. Seward in the act of delivering the "Higher Law"
sentiment, his right foot advanced, his right hand elevated, the fore
finger pointing upwards, the face uplifted and glowing with thought,
and the form thrilled and animated by the prophetic utterance. The
artist, Mr. Walter G. Robinson, has caught the spirit of the orator and
has forcibly illustrated his expression. The pose is graceful and life
like, and the likeness is pronounced by Mr. Seward's most intimate
friends, as perfect.

SEWARD STATUE.
INSCRIPTIONS ON PEDESTAL.
[East face — fronting South Street.]
Presented November ijth, 1888, to the City of Auburn,
by the townsmen and friends of William H. Seward, in
commemoration of his beneficent life, and of his distinguished
services to the State, to the Nation, and to Mankind.

[Rear face — Northward.]
WILLIAM H. SEWARD
1 801
1 872

[West face — fronting William Street.]
The last eight lines of A. D. F. Randolph's sonnet :
" How through the years in silence llwn hast borne
The cruel doubt, the slanders of debate,
The assassin's knife, and kneener blade of scorn
Wielded by party in its narrow hate .
How could' st thou pause each step to vindicate
Of thy surpassing work ? Lo ! It is done ;
Freedom enshrined in our regenerate state,
And they who were divided made as one !

[Front face — Southward.]
A quotation from William H. Seward's California Speech, in the Senate, March
nth, 1850. Vol. I, page 74 :
The Constitution regulates our stewardship ; the Constitu
tion devotes the domain to union, to justice, to defence, to
welfare and to liberty.
But there is a higher law than the Constitution, which
regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the
same noble purposes. [and below, on base.]
SEWARD

8 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Notwithstanding the unpropitious rain, a vast concourse of people
assembled at the park to witness the ceremony of unveiling. At 1 1 -.^o
o'clock, Miss Fannie Seward, youngest daughter of General William
H. Seward, touched the lever which raised the flags and disclosed
the statue. A salute was fired by a squad from Seward Post, G. A. R.,
the chimes of St. Peter's church were rung, and the further exercises
were adjourned to the Opera House, in the afternoon. The exercises
at the Opera House commenced at 3 p. m. The Auburn City Band
rendered a selection, after which the Rev. Dr. Brainard, rector of St.
Peter's church, read a selection from Scripture, followed by prayer.

Selection of Holy Scripture and Prayers
BY REV. JOHN BRAINARD, D. D.
RECTOR OF ST. PETER'S CHURCH, AUBURN, N. Y.
I Kings, 111:5.

In Gibeon the Lord appeared to Solomon in a dream by night: and
God said, Ask what I shall give thee.
And Solomon said, Thou hast shewed unto thy servant David my
father great mercy, according as he walked before thee in truth, and in
righteousness, and in uprightness of heart with thee ; and thou hast
kept for him this great kindness, that thou hast given him a son to sit
on his throne, as it is this day.
And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made thy servant king
instead of David my father : and I am but a little child : I know not
how to go out or come in.
And thy servant is in the midst of thy people which thou hast
chosen, a great people, that cannot be numbered nor counted for
multitude. Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy
people, that I may discern between good and bad : for who is able to
judge this thy so great a people ?

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And the speech pleased the Lord, that Solomon had asked this
thing. And God said unto him, Because thou hast asked this thing,, and
hast not asked for thyself long life ; neither hast asked riche.s for
thyself, nor hast asked the life of thine enemies : but hast asked for
thyself understanding to discern judgment ;
Behold, I have done according to thy word : lo, I have given thee a
wise and an understanding heart ; so that there was none like thee
before thee, neither after thee shall any arise like unto thee.
And I have also given thee that which thou hast not asked, both
riches and honour : so that there shall not be any among the kings like
unto thee all thy days.
And if thou wilt walk in my ways, to keep my statutes and my
commandments, as thy father David did walk, then I will lengthen thy
days. And Solomon awoke ; and behold, it was a dream.

/^\UR Father, who art in heaven, Hallowed be thy Name. Thy
kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth, As it is in heaven
Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses, As
we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into
temptation ; But deliver us from evil : For thine is the kingdom, And
the power, and the glory, For ever and ever. Amen.

. :. SE WA RD S TA TUE. 1 1
f~^\ GOD, whose name is excellent in all the earth, and whose- glory
is above the heavens : We bless thee for the great things thou
hast done and art doing for the children of men. We consider the.
days of old; the years of ancient times, and unto th'ee do we give
thanks. Moreover, we -yield thee most high praise for the wonderful ¦
grace and virtue declared in all those thy children who have been the
lights of the world in their several generations. For raising up thy
servant whose memory we now seek to honor, and' giving him' to be a
leader to the people ; for granting him vision of the days to come ; and
for bestowing upon him many excellent gifts ; for a settled constitution,
and for equal laws; for freedom to do the thing that is right, and
liberty to say the truth ; for the spread of knowledge everywhere
among us, and for the preservation of the faith ; we bless and magnify
thy holy Name, humbly beseeching thee to accept this our sacrifice
of thanks and praise, through Jesus Christ our only Saviour and
Redeemer. Amen.
A LMIGHTY God, who in the former time didst lead our fathers
forth into a wealthy place : Give thy grace, we humbly beseech
thee, to us their children, that we may always approve ourselves a
people mindful of thy favor and glad to do thy will. Bless our land
with honorable industry, sound learning, and pure manners. Defend
our liberties, preserve our unity. Save us from violence, discord and
confusion, from pride and arrogancy, and from every evil way. Fashion
into one happy people the multitudes brought hither out of many
kindreds and tongues. Endue with the spirit of wisdom those whom

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we entrust in thy Name with the authority of governance, to the end
that there be peace at home, and that we keep a place among the
nations of the earth. In the time of prosperity, fill our hearts with
thankfulness ; and in the day of trouble, suffer not our trust in thee to
fail; all which we ask for Jesus Christ's sake. Amen.
T^HE grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the
fellowship of the Holy Ghost, be with us all evermore. Amen.

ADDRESS BY CYRENUS WHEELER, JR.

CHAIRMAN OF GENERAL COMMITTEE.

We have assembled today, to witness the unveiling of a statue
erected to the memory of that eminent citizen, statesman and philan
thropist, William H. Seward.
This work has been long delayed ; but the delay is not without its
advantages. Had it been undertaken at an earlier day, its promoters
would have been dependent upon foreign artists. It is, as they desired
it should be, like him whom it represents, distinctively American.
Its location is peculiarly fitting, being near the homestead with
which his name for half a century was associated, and close to that part
of it where he delighted to meet his friends and neighbors, and where
he spent many hours in preparation for his life work ; the earnest advo
cacy of liberty and justice, and the fearless condemnation of tyranny
and injustice.
The statue is the happy conception of Mr. Walter G. Robinson, a
citizen of Auburn, who has in its execution embodied therein, the char
acteristic features of an event in the life of him whom it represents,
that marked an important epoch in the history of this nation.
In 1871, Mr. Robinson designed a medallion portrait of Mr. Seward,
and copied the same in marble. This was pronounced by competent

14 UNVEILING SERVICES.
judges who examined it, a work of decided merit, and by the friends
and neighbors of the statesman, a likeness of great truthfulness. Stim
ulated by his: -success to higher efforts, a few years later, he conceived
the idea of modeling a statue, which might be deemed " worthy of
preservation in enduring form. Limited in means, and dependent upon
his daily labor, which; was interrupted by long periods of illness, he
devoted the limited time at his command to the object of his ambition
and labored diligently for its accomplishment, under difficulties and
discouragements, that would have thwarted the purpose of a less
persistent man. Patiently toiling for the accomplishment of the desired
object, his efforts known only to a few of Mr. Seward's friends, years
passed before he reached that degree of perfection which he believed
warranted him in submitting his work to public inspection and criticism.
About one year ago, the model was placed on exhibition, and
receiving the unanimous approval of our citizens, it was immediately
decided to obtain from it a copy in bronze for erection in this city. An
order was given to the Chickopee Company, of Chickopee, Mass., and
the completed statue was received in this city, a few weeks since.
A committee appointed by the subscribers to the fund, consisting of
Nelson Beardsley, H. A. Morgan, G. W. Allen; Gen. J. N. Knapp,
Hon. Sereno E. Payne, Samuel Laurie, Orlando Lewis, David Wads
worth, Jr., -Hon. Theodore M. Pomeroy, Benjamin B. Snow, Thomas
M. Osborne, George Underwood, Hon. William P. Robinson, James
C. Stout, General Clinton D. MacDougall, Hon. John D. Teller,
George H. Nye, and Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr., have had charge of the
enterprise, and expected to have held these ceremonies on the tenth

SEWARD STATUE. 15
day of October last, the anniversary of Mr. Seward's death ; but to
their regret, circumstances rendered it impracticable.
For the purpose of enlarging the "Seward Park" and making it a
more appropriate site for the statue, the Hon. Frederick W. Seward,
and Gen. William H. Seward, have deeded to the city, a substantial
addition to the same, which- is now included therein.
The townsmen and friends of the deceased statesman and philan
thropist, fully appreciating the great services he has rendered his
country, and mankind have united in sharing the expense of the
production, and erection of the statue, and now propose, through their
representative, the Hon. Theodore M. Pomeroy, to present the same to
the city, for its acceptance.

ADDRESS BY HON. THEODORE M. POMEROY,

PRESENTING THE STATUE TO THE CITY.

Mr. Mayor: — The pleasant duty has been assigned to me of pre
senting to the city of Auburn, through you, this statue in bronze. For
whom I speak, and why, is contained in the inscription upon the dais of
its pedestal: "Presented, November 15th, 1888, to the city of Auburn,
by the townsmen and friends of William H. Seward, in commemoration
of his beneficent life, and of his distinguished services to the state, to
the nation, and to mankind."
It is a matter of pride to us, that this long contemplated token
of affection from neighbors and friends, has finally taken expression
through the genius of one of our own citizens, and that it is located
upon ground hallowed by the associations of Mr. Seward's whole life,
secured to the city through his own family, and bearing his own name.
From early manhood, till past the allotted three score years and ten,
Mr. Seward was in all those local and social relations which furnish
life's greatest happiness, one of us. During all that time he resided
upon the ground, a portion of which is included in this park. Yonder
home was the Mecca of his thoughts, to which he ever came with
ardent affection, whenever relieved from the cares of public office. No
pomp of state, nor pride, nor assumed dignity of public position fol-

18 UNVEILING SER VICES.
lowed him here. No citizen walked out and in among us, more one of
us than he, more interested in all matters of municipal improvement,
more a citizen, neighbor and friend. Persecuted as few have been^
persecuted in his public life, he brought back no asperity from the
conflict, and the most bitter of political neighbors were moulded in
his genial, social presence, into a common band of devoted personal
friends. Beneath these elms in closest personal friendship with those about
him, of all parties and of all creeds, in seeming rest and quiet, he forged
his thoughts of eternal right and heaven-born principles of human
government, into the eloquent and undying expressions, which when
proclaimed to the world, were to make for him a life of irrepressible
conflict, and to bring to him a martyr's death and a martyr's crown.
The inspiration of the ceremonies of today comes from these peace
ful surroundings and from these home friends, never personally
separated from him in life by party or creed, who come today in a
common brotherhood of love and respect, to present to the city of his
home, this testimonial of affectionate remembrance of their departed
friend. But, while the inspiration to this occasion comes from these local
associations, the fulfillment of its purposes necessarily broadens to a
wider field. The suggestion of the statue itself is not of the restful
citizen, nor of the statesman in repose ; but of Mr. Seward as he
appeared in the prime of his magnificent manhood, the leader of his
party and the prophet of his time, building up from the crumbling
ruins of a nationality which a generation of American statesmen, unsur-

SEWARD STATUE. 19
passed in intellectual ability in any age, had been endeavoring to
preserve upon the shifting sands of compromise, a nation founded upon
the abiding rock of the higher law.
It is this great and enduring influence exemplified by Mr. Seward in
his distinguished services to the state, to the nation and to mankind,
emanating from him in all his utterances, as he ever looked upward for
instruction and strength, and ever led his party upward by his courage,
persistence and faith, that is sought to be feebly typified in this figure in
bronze. Such influence never dies. Like matter, it may be transmuted
or assimilated into other manifestations, but like matter it never dies.
Paul still stands on Mars Hill and Luther before the Diet at Worms,
and so will the purifying influence of Mr. Seward's high statesmanship,
continue through his personality, to lead mankind to a higher source of
the strength of national life, when time shall have obliterated this long-
enduring type of his physical manhood.
But Mr. Seward was thoroughly a statesman, and as such accepted
the limitations to individual effort which control under all constitutional
governments. Party organizations are these limitations. Whoever
floats a banner of material or political progress outside of these, simply
vexes the air. No men within the United States were more thoroughly
antagonistic to the institution of slavery, nor morally more courageous
in standing by their convictions, than William H. Seward and Abraham
Lincoln. Still, acknowledging these limitations, they walked together
with their party, through the admission of Texas, the Mexican War, the
fugitive slave law, the repeal of the Missouri compromise ; heart-sick
but never despondent, knowing not when God's time for emancipation

20 UNVEILING SERVICES.
would come, but knowing that when it did come, the result was to be
wrought out through human instrumentalities, and that then, they, as
leaders, would be powerless for good, except as the solid phalanx of
party organization stood with them. Men less patient, less enduring,
less obedient to the laws of Democratic development, would have
wrecked not only emancipation, but the Union as well, in the first
throes of Civil War. But they then stood not alone. Through party
organization there sat in the gubernatorial chairs of all of the free
states men of equal faith and endurance, Andrews, Buckingham, Mor
gan, Curtin, Blair, Brough, Morton, Yates and others of equal sturdiness
of patriotism, names not born to die, and the echo of the first gun of
the rebellion came to Lincoln in the presidential chair, and to Seward
at the helm of state, prepared to hold the outside world at bay. It was
from the legions with whom these, men had walked to the polls,
through years of national discouragement and defeat, that the armies
came which carried the flag reverently borne in sorrow from Sumter,
triumphant to Appomattox, and trampled out slavery in its march as a
mere incident of its progress to final victory. The further lesson to be
learned from the statue we unveil today, is not simply the recognition
of our subordination to a higher law, but that that law is to be
propagated on earth, in closest contact and fellowship with our fellow
men. That whatever inspiration the prophet may receive, upon the
mountain of contemplation, must be brought down to, and laid upon,
and held upon the heart of humanity to elevate and bless the world.
It was in his close walk with us as a neighbor and friend, that we loved
our neighbor and friend. It was in his close contact and alliance with

SEWARD STATUE. 21
his fellow citizens in the bonds of party organization, that his pure,
philanthropic and statesmanlike principles of political progress found
broad and ample room for recognition and development. Such com
pensation as has fallen to the lot of few of the great men of all time
came to him. He lived to see the realization of his highest political
aspiration, not a new south, nor a new north, but a new nation,
enfranchised and disenthralled everywhere and in every part, from
every bondage of fact and of opinion hostile to organic national unity,
and as we trust, henceforth dedicated by both divine and constitutional
law, "to union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, to liberty."
In conclusion, Mr. Mayor, I commit through you, as its most
honored representative, to the city of Auburn, with a pleasure and
pride which I know all of our citizens share in common with me, this
statue of Auburn's most illustrious citizen, of one of America's most
distinguished statesmen, and of one of the world's most beneficent
philanthropists and benefactors, William H. Seward.
At the same time, I am pleased to deliver to you a deed to the city
of Auburn, from Mr. Seward's family, of a substantial addition to this
park.

ADDRESS BY MAYOR MORTIMER V. AUSTIN,

ACCEPTING THE STATUE IN BEHALF OF THE CITY.

Mr. Pomeroy and through you to the donors of land and of the Statue
of William H. Seward :
As the representative of the city of Auburn, the home of the
illustrious statesman, in whose memory and as a tribute to whose public
services this gathering is had, I take pleasure in participating in behalf
of our city and its people, in the act of acceptance of the generous and
thoughtful offering of the valuable land for public purposes and of the
monument to William H. Seward.
Looking around me, I see many whose personal acquaintance with
him extended over many years, who possessed his close friendship and
were honored by his counsels and confidence. His quiet home, through
the serviceable and valuable years of his long life, overlooks this site ;
the land donated to us by his sons, consecrated for almost half a
century by his presence, was his favorite resort ; the trees waving over
us, planted and nurtured by his own hand, were the cherished objects
of his watchful care ; his life devoted to his family, his friends, his
country, and to struggling humanity, went out among us, and his mortal
remains rest within our borders.

24 UNVEILING SERVICES. *
As a reminder to us and our people, of his home among us while
living, of his life so spent in our community, of his attachment to
family and friends, of the value of his public services, local and national,
of his continued devotion and strict adherence to those principles which
had the benefit, education and elevation of mankind for their object,
of his noble aims inspired by the higher law, this cast were idle. The
form and features of the dead are reproduced in this base material with
such skill as to be easily recognized ; but a little time will elapse, when
none will remain to know it by comparison with the living, in whose
form it has been fashioned by skilled hands, under the supervision and
guidance of loving descendants. Those who come after us will, by this
statue, know his features, while here, but under the influence of time
and the elements, this life-like representation of him, must perish; this
monument made with care and now planted, must crumble and pass
beyond recognition, and the inscription become worn and defaced ; but
long after yonder home shall be unknown, its location and form shall
have passed from the memory of the living, after those trees, the fruits
of his labor, pride and care shall have decayed and passed away, after
this cast shall have crumbled into atoms and vanished, after the location
of yon resting place of his remains shall be unmarked and unknown,
the name of William H. Seward, his long and continued adherence to
principles of justice, his personal sacrifices and services to his country
in times of need and danger, and to humanity of his day and time, will
be familiar wherever commercial or industrial relations shall flourish
or educational institutions exist.

ORATION

BY

HON. WILLIAM M. EVARTS,

AT THE UNVEILING OF THE

SEWARD MEMORIAL STATUE,

NOVEMBER 15, 1888.

ADDRESS BY HON. WILLIAM M. EVARTS.

Mr. President and Citizens of Auburn:
The kind invitation of Mr. Seward's fellow townsmen and of my
esteemed friends, his sons and near kinsmen, to take part in the
inauguration of the statue, which is here to perpetuate his memory,
found me with every inclination of affection, and under every obligation
of duty, to accede to their wishes so agreeably expressed. The only
reluctance I might feel to assuming the service proposed to me in this
celebration, had no other source than distrust in my ability to treat
adequately, so great a theme, either suitably to the large space in the
public history of our country which Mr. Seward fills, in the eyes of all
his countrymen, or acceptably to the intimate and warm associations of
homage, admiration, and affection, which his neighbors cherish towards
him, as shown to them in his daily walk and conversation for a lifetime.
But this distrust, however well conceived, I must surrender to the
indulgent judgment which has assigned to me so responsible a share
in expressing your sentiments, and motives that have prompted and
justify this public and perpetual remembrance of the name, the worth,
the fame of William H. Seward.
A statue of enduring marble or brass, raised and accepted in public
approval and applause, imports very much to a people of our civiliza-

28 UNVEILING SERVICES.
tion, and especially to the people of this country. This evident and
demonstrative form of honor challenges the general favor of the pres
ent, and the permanent judgment of all future generations.' In the
mother country it is sparingly, and in our own more sparingly accorded.
Neither our civic sense of equality, nor our religious estimate of human
greatness, easily tolerates any forms of mere personal adulation, or of
mere human exaltation. In the classic period of Greek and Roman
development, neither the system of society nor of religious faith dis
couraged hero-worship, while their ample resources of sensuous art
supplied every form of dignity and beauty to manifestations of manlike
gods and godlike men. Indeed, the line between humanized images of
gods and deified statues of men was almost lost, and their attributes
were somewhat confused. Statesmen and orators of Republican Greece,
senators, magistrates, consuls, dictators, emperors of the successive
polities of Rome, all had their statues, often less upon personal than
upon official claims to this affected immortality. These stately and
enduring portraitures served to mark to successive generations the
illuminated record of the history and progress of the nation. Their
number, and their conventional titles to this homage could not long
maintain, if they ever gained, a personal place in the affections, the
admiration, or the gratitude of their countrymen. In the lapse of time,
and the changed opinions of mankind, scarce any interest in most of
these effigies survives, but such as the artist and his art may attract.
The estimate of men and their actions, of events and their relation
to human affairs, which the intellectual, moral, and social condition of
our people and of our time, shapes and adjusts in the distribution of

SEWARD STATUE. 29
these enduring and conspicuous honors, insists upon higher and more
profound, more comprehensive and more distinguishable, more evident
and more fruitful qualities and conduct of the lives and services which
we desire to illustrate and exalt before the eyes of the world.
These qualities and this conduct, these lives and these services must
in some degree connect themselves with the imperishable and universal
traits and needs of human nature ; must have wrought in the welfare of
society ; must have saved or built up the fabric of the state, enforced
moral and religious truths, enlarged or diffused knowledge, quickened
or elevated patriotism, displayed beneficent activities, increased the sum
of happiness or fortified the defences of civilization.
In raising statues to such characters and to such conduct, we not
only preserve their memory, but we inculcate and propagate their
virtues ; we assert and assist the progress of society and the dignity of
man. If, upon this criterion, the number of our statues is circum
scribed, the tribute is more signal, the instruction is more luminous, and
permanence in popular approval more secure.
In the great city of this country, destined, perhaps, to become the
great city of the world, our national history of a hundred years has
crowned but six citizens with the honor of a public statue, falling
within the province of statesmanship and resting upon that title —
Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Webster, Lincoln and Seward ! Who
would wish to season his admiration of these imposing names ? What
ever name might be added to this list in a particular or general
judgment without losing its lustre by the association, what one of these
would any of us submit to miss? In their title to this honor, what

30 UNVEILING SERVICES.
element is there but of the highest and sincerest nature ? Great powers
of mind, great elevation of character, great public service, great patri
otism, a great theatre of action, and great results in the well-being of a
great nation and in the permanent welfare of the world. In this their
undoubted title what flaw or alloy is there of personal pomp, or
personal power, or personal gain, or personal motives or ends? No!
Their work and their achievements were all for the common benefit,
and for themselves but a common share.
If we look more closely at these illustrious names, we may find
occasion to set apart from the rest, the name of Washington, upon a
higher plane than belongs to statesmanship alone, for he added to this
the power and fame of a great commander, and the transcendent name
and fame of Father of his Country. And, in the same sense, besides
Lincoln's illustrious distinction as a statesman, his power and fame with
his countrymen and mankind include the incomparable titles of the
Ruler of a Nation and the Emancipator of a Race. We may, also,
justly separate the name of Franklin from the list of mere statesmen,
for his fame and power as a benefactor of mankind in the domain of
science and the economies of life, may well be celebrated with the most
signal honor.
These three names remain, — Hamilton, Webster, Seward, — as
crowned with the civic honor of a statue in the great city of this great
state, for statesmanship and service to his country in the faculties, the
duties and the triumphs which may attend that high career. These
were all lawyers, they were all orators, they were all ministers of state,
they were all leaders of political opinion and of political parties ; they

SEWARD STATUE. 31
were all charged, in turn, with a critical share of the safety and hopes
of the country in junctures of the gravest moment, and in continuous
conduct of matters of state of the mightiest solicitudes and responsibil
ities. On these occasions their principles, their measures, — in these
capital junctures of the public welfare, — were prosperous in their
hands, and helped save and strengthen the commonwealth. I shall not
compare them or contrast them, or their opportunities, or their treat
ment of them. These were all of the highest and, by consent of all,
they were capable of the mastery of great affairs because they showed
this mastery. The towers of our strength needed to be defended, they
could be defended, and by these right hands they were defended.
Hamilton's political genius lent to the formation and adoption of
the constitution, and, as a working force, carrying the new government
over the breakers of public debt and public poverty into security and
prosperity, was as indispensable as it was adequate to the mighty task.
Webster, with the collective force of a massive reason and a flaming
eloquence, shattered as with a thunderbolt the powerful sophistries and
ambushed treasons that struck at the heart of the constitution and
shook the pillars of the established state. He informed, the under
standings of the people and prepared their hearts for the appropriate,
adequate, and seasonable means to carry the country through the
terrible struggle of opposing forces it was to encounter. Through this
stormy period, it was reserved for the generation of Seward to guide
and lead the nation to the desired consummation of an unmutilated
territory and an uncorrupted constitution. How great a part, and how
prosperously our statesman, your townsman, bore in this wonderful
stage of our history, I must attempt some brief delineation.

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Slavery, whose fateful name was so carefully left out of the text of
the constitution by its framers, was rooted in the structure of our
society, was wrought into the compensations and balances of our con
stituted liberties, haunted the public conscience, perplexed with fear the
augurs, scared the waking visions of the prophets, broke the chariot
wheels of every triumph, and made a spectral guest at every feast.
Some thought the lifeblood of liberty, by its own vigor, would suffo
cate or expel the incongruous element from the body politic and leave
no stain Dr scar behind. Some sought for a spell to exorcise the evil
spirit, and others for "poppy and mandragora and all the drowsy
syrups " to prolong its sleep. Rash men wished to hasten, brave men
feared to meet, wise men prepared for, the inevitable outburst of the
"irrepressible conflict."
For a considerable time after the permanence of slavery in our
system as a possible alternative was rejected by every thoughtful states
man as intolerable and visionary, it was hoped that a basis of political
treatment might dispose of the problem without breaking up the
organizations of the great parties which sought to maintain their foot
ing in the free states and the slave states alike. It was felt by many
that whenever it should come about, that the predominance of the issue
of slave labor and free labor should efface in the minds of the people
of the country all other topics of political interest among them, when,
thus, political parties could only hope to exist or grow on one side of a
geographical line or the other, and the antagonisms of politics should
divide the country into sections, instead of operating on the diversity
of individual opinions wheresoever — it was felt, I say, that this would

SEWARD STATUE. 33
be not so much a step towards, as a stage in, the dissolution of the
common government. The struggles for the possession of the govern
ment, it was feared, and for the control of measures touching this
absorbing issue between political parties — thus become effectively
geographical — could not very long be expected to adhere to the forms
of peaceful constitutional suffrage, or always submit to the preponder
ance of votes.
To resist this foreseen tendency in our politics and avert it, and
search for some sovereign remedy that might assuage these urgent
passions and interests, was the staple of our politics for many years.
A world of wisdom and of arts and artifices of politics, no end of
patriotic fervor and self-sacrifice was devoted to the solution of this
problem. I do not propose to dwell upon this period of our statesmen's
labors and trials, nor to measure or estimate, in detail, Mr. Seward's
share or fortunes in these complexities or prolixities. Events and
importunate exactions on one side and the other of these implacable
contentions, brought us face to face with the dissolution of the Union,
and the destruction of the government, as an overshadowing and
flagrant fact. The long debate came to an end, and force was to decide
what the debate had fathomed and explored but had not settled. The
various opinions whether the slavery question had enough of elemental
war in it to burst the strong bonds of the Union, now, all went for
naught. The subordinate doubt whether, if the nation was pushed to
the point of failure to reconcile the irreconcilable and repress the
irrepressible, separation would not need to be the logical consequence

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of that situation, was soon swallowed up in the conviction that separa
tion, by contract, was as impossible as it was illusory in speculation.
The manifest condition in which the people of the country were placed,
then, however slowly it might disclose itself to men of different party
or personal associations, was whether the nation could be dismembered
in the interest of slavery, or its integrity could be assured, whatever
might befall slavery, in the name and love of country, and of liberty
and union, one and inseparable.
Before the instant and urgent project of the dissolution of the
Union had occupied the scene, three distinct views, concerning this
dread possibility, had been formed in the northern mind, and had
divided the leaders of opinion and of politics into three groups. The
first included a very earnest, though not very numerous body of
thinkers and agitators, who had accustomed themselves to place the
separation of the northern people from responsibility for, and complicity
in, the continuance of slavery, above all interest or duty in the mainte
nance of the Union. These doctrines and their inculcation made light
of the question of the dissolution of the Union, as compared with the
extirpation of slavery from the nation in which they should continue
their citizenship and allegiance. Of the votaries of these opinions
some thought this end might be reached consistently with preserving
the integrity of the nation, while others regarded it as impossible, and
but a waste of force to calculate upon it. This group included hot
only the recognized sect of abolitionists, but also a class of politicians
who pleased themselves with the notion, that, to escape the stress and
reproach of double dealing, on this troublesome issue, in the pursuit of

SEWARD S7ATUE. 35
political careers, it was better to divide the country to accommodate this
exigency of their ambitions. This group could be counted upon to
resist the extension of the power and corruption of slavery in our
system, to the extreme, but not, also, to couple with it the inexorable
condition of the maintenance of the Union.
The second group of northern opinions and northern statesmen and
politicians looked upon the issue of slavery as incapable of treatment,
politically — with safety to the integrity of the Union and the mainte
nance of the constitution — except by the methods of conciliation and
protection of the issue till the preponderance of freedom should
demonstrate the hopelessness of any resort to force, or efface any desire
to attempt it. The leaders of these opinions set themselves against
any provocation of the issue of force. Always and under all circum
stances devoted to the preservation of the Union at every cost, they
had ever before their eyes the ease with which the passions of the
people and the exasperations of ambition might unsettle our "unity
and married calm of states," and the immeasurable consequences of
opening such a strife. This group embraced the great body of the
Whig statesmen and their supporters, and a large body of the northern
Democracy. The remaining group was made up of those who refused to consider
such grave issue as the dissolution of the Union, or its dismemberment
or preservation by force, as possible to arise in the conflict of opinions
and interests between slavery and freedom. They regarded the cohe
sion of our body politic as secure and immovable as the natural cohesion
of the solar system. They affected to think that the several elements

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that held us together were as permanent and dominant in their opera
tion as the natural elements that secure the harmony of the spheres.
Unaccustomed, therefore, to weigh the contingencies of a possible
disruption of our political system, under whatever severity of political
controversies and collisions, it was obvious that when the disruption
should take place, it was yet problematical what disposition and what
efficiency they would bring to deal with the flagrant outbreak, which
they had not counted upon as possible.
No competent judgment but must have felt that, unless these
various opinions and theories and political associations could be com
bined and animated and welded together, in a concentrated purpose to
preserve the Union first, last, and always and at every cost, as rapidly
as possible when the outbreak should occur, disaster, if not fatal
disaster, might attend the efforts of the government to maintain itself
against what would surely show itself as a most formidable rebellion.
Mr. Seward's attitude towards these various opinions was admirably
suited to bring about the necessary fusion among its groups. Hostile
to slavery to the utmost, and intolerant of any calculation of its perma
nence in our system, or of any policy looking to its strength or defence ;
incredulous of any possible choice by any great body of our country
men of slavery, out of the Union, over its extirpation by constitutional
processes within it ; open and sincere in absolute devotion to the
Union, and contempt for all calculations of its value, or any balancing
of evils under the constitution against ruin by its destruction — Mr.
Seward in the senate and before the people stood for conciliation, pru
dence, firmness, courage, loyalty, in one united purpose and action of

SEWARD STATUE. 37
all lovers of the Union and all opponents of slavery, to preserve the
one and insure the destruction of the other.
From the time when in 1849, ne took his seat in the senate until he
left it to tike his place in Lincoln's cabinet, Mr. Seward held no other
view than this — that slavery, by his voice or vote or acquiescence,
should gain no enlargement of strength or spread or duration, and that
it must abide its fate under the constitution and within the Union.
That this involved, by necessity, its decay, its decline and its destruction
was as apparent to his forecast as it was uppermost in his purpose and
desire. Midway in this senatorial service the repeal of the Missouri
compromise was accomplished. This put an end to the concordat
between freedom and slavery upon which a modus vivendi for them had
been found, under the conciliations of the constitution and the tradi
tions of our legislation, and the issue was handed over to a sheer trial
of strength between the two geographical sections, with whatever
methods and results might pertain to a trial of right by might. These
twelve years of Mr. Seward's life include, substantially, the whole
period of public oratory and parliamentary influence that make up the
area and arena upon which he exhibited and exercised, upon a great
theater, and upon subjects of the highest import in the critical affairs of
a great nation, the great faculty with which he was endowed, for the
safety of the state. Manifold were the occasions, multiform the modes
in which these efforts were put forth. For fullness and fertility, for
variety and force, for resolution and efficiency, no equal array of
speeches — none of them exhibitory, all of them responsible and to an
end — can be found in the records of our statesmen. No doubt, no

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single speech of Mr. Seward can compete for the crown of eloquence
with the speech of Fisher Ames on the British treaty, or of Daniel
Webster on the Foote resolutions. These stand, by popular and
critical concurrence, at the head of the annals of American parliamen
tary eloquence. But, as a whole series in one great debate, in which
every power and energy were put forth in this protracted peril to the
safety of the republic, the successive speeches of Mr. Seward are with
out a parallel.
Close upon the repeal of the Missouri compromise came the forma
tion of the Republican party out of northern followers of the old
Whig and Democratic parties. This new organization took the field at
the start, with no supporters in the slave states. This decisive move
ment called out the array and raised the standard of political revolt
against the traditional pretension that the power of slavery was safe,
under the constitution, against political proscription. This declaration
of its principles, this proclamation of its purposes, was not misunder
stood on either side of the issue raised, and proved the first stage of
avowed political sectional division within the province of the suffrage.
The consolidation of this sectional vote and its triumph in the electoral
colleges, in the canvass of i860, by the election of President Lincoln,
transferred the contest from the province of the suffrage to the field of
armed rebellion and armed defence of the government, the constitution
and the Union — from the arbitration of peace to that of war.
The political leadership of the movements which prepared and built
up the Republican party and culminated in this stupendous transforma
tion of the scene of its action from peace to war — movements which,

SEWARD STATUE. 39
thenceforth, were to be worked out by the methods of the sword and
the shock of arms — would seem naturally, if not necessarily, to have
fallen to Mr. Seward as the candidate in the canvass and the chief
magistrate of the nation in the supreme conduct of the great trans
action. But the situation was unprecedented, and the choice was — not
without prudence and, certainly, not without prosperity — made to turn,
with a measuring cast, upon the leadership being accorded to the vast
homogeneous and ardent population of the west rather than to the
older states of the east — to the Mississippi valley, and not to the
Atlantic coast. No doubt the great body of the party looked up to
Mr. Seward as the bold and persistent, the sagacious and circumspect,
organizing mind which had drawn together the powerful array which
was marshalled for the impending conflict. But neither Mr. Seward
nor these his followers and admirers made any question of the wisdom
of the patriotic convention's choice of a candidate. The task before
them all was great enough, and felt to be great enough, for every
demand upon the faculties and the courage of leaders and followers
alike. The drama of our Civil War and the parts played in it by the chief
actors, fills a great chapter in the world's annals, and brings it and them
into comparison with the largest transactions in human affairs and the
capital, figures in them, which the history of the race has recorded. If
it should ever be needful or useful to scrutinize and dissect the relative
importance of the shares in this arduous service and this resplendent
triumph which fell to each of our great statesmen and soldiers, the task
may well be left for the serener judgment of later times. It is for us

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to exalt the common and united service and give our homage to the
grandeur of their common and lasting fame. In the meantime, the
lustre of each character and of his due proportion in the conspicuous
actions of the marvelous work, is best enhanced by magnifying and not
belittling the parts of others played on the glorious scene. In this
spirit and in this aspect the particular enlistment to extol and perpetuate
the memory of this or that reputation, as pre-eminent, will best find its
exercise. The proud encomium, which has come to us from ancient
days, primus inter pares may thus be overmatched by the more singular
praise of par inter primos. It is nobler to be equal among the great
est, than to be merely the greatest among equals.
The very large and conspicuous part which Mr. Seward took in the
common counsels of the new administration, the unmeasured support
which he gave to the President in all the cares which rested upon him,
and to his colleagues in the cabinet in the arduous labors and responsi
bilities distributed among them, I need not insist upon. Events alone
would demonstrate this unity and concord, and the record of the times
confirm it. We may therefore turn our attention into some observa
tions upon that department of the government over which he presided,
the Department of State in charge of our foreign relations during the
Civil War.
The calculation of the revolted population that their distribution
into states would not only put at their service ready organized rebellion,
but save them from the distraction of society which Civil War would
otherwise bring in its train, was not misconceived. But they strangely
shut their eyes to the fact of organized loyalty, by the same reason,

SEWARD STATUE. 41
being preserved among the faithful states and the weakness of dissen
tient sympathy with the rebellion, in their population, averted.
De Tocqueville thought it, in our system, a peril to the united govern
ment which it could not survive, whenever state rebellion should raise
its standard. But when the time came, it was this very feature in our
admirable distribution of powers between nation and states that proved
the safety of the common government and the protection of society.
It was the inattention to this organic scheme of our government, on
the part of foreign powers, that misled them in their confident anticipa
tion of our dismemberment and our humiliation before their eyes. Out
of this theoretic infirmity, as the wise men of Europe interpreted it,
came our strength. When the statesmen of the great powers of
Europe pronounced, as they did, our suppression of so great a rebellion
impossible, they should have satisfied themselves with saying it would
be impossible under any form of government of which they had
experience. The immense advantage of this speedy accommodation of a Civil
War to the condition of public war, to the government in dealing with
the revolted population and marshalling the resources of the loyal
people, cannot be over-estimated. Under this operation the task of
the government, however prodigious, was manageable by the same
methods that would have been adequate and appropriate to a foreign
war with an antagonist of strength equal to that of the domestic rebel
lion. The vast transactions of the treasury, the immense combinations
and operations of the land forces and the naval service could thus be
handled, and were handled, without a break in the regularity of any

42 UNVEILING SERVICES.
functions of government, and without any persistent disturbance of the
peace in the loyal region of the country.
In the province of foreign affairs and the conduct of them, this
assimilation of our civil to a public war placed us in an attitude of
delicacy and difficulty towards the foreign nations whose interests were
deeply and rudely affected by the sudden transformation of this great
and friendly, powerful and commercial nation into a vast theatre of
domestic war. Soon it appeared that the lawful exercise by Our gov
ernment of the rights of public war to reduce the revolt, and which the
rules of public law required neutral nations to respect and submit to,
carried into the internal affairs of these nations, into their industries,
their commerce, their finances, the values and prices of their domestic
trade, the employment of labor and the rate of wages, as much disturb
ance, derangement and suffering as if they themselves were parties to
the war itself. Soon, too, it appeared that under our close blockade of
the southern ports the temptation to a vast trade to violate and evade
it sprung up and was irresistible. Soon, as well, the exigencies of the
rebellion demanded a foreign base of supply and a foreign maritime
resort for naval constructions and naval recruitments. In short, so
closely were the industrial and commercial interests of foreign nations
interlocked with our own, the maintenance of our domestic war seemed
to partake, in nature and effect, so strongly of the consequences of a
war upon the fabric of their peace and prosperity, that it seems as if
this must urge them to coerce a peace or take open part in the war
itself,

SEWARD STATUE: 43
The addition to these natural and urgent influences that were press
ing upon foreign nations to meditate or speculate how far and how long
this novel situation should be or could be allowed to continue, without
some form of friendly or hostile intervention, the political calculations
and designs of France and England as they watched the progress of
affairs on this side of the water, could not be looked upon by our gov
ernment without, the greatest distrust and concern. Imperial France
allied with imperial Mexico, planning an alliance with our revolted
states — England watching for the expected, if not desired event of our
dismemberment, and counting upon an industrial and commercial con
quest of bot-h the broken parts — these indeed, were attitudes and
eventualities which demanded in the conduct of our foreign affairs
unsleeping vigilance and an active and energetic diplomacy.
These observations on our foreign relations during the war can be
carried, on this occasion, no further. They go scarcely beyond mere
allusion to the elements of difficulty and danger, without attempting an
exposition of them. The more they are explored and understood, the
graver and more numerous and complicated they appear. The respon
sibility of this department of the public service, in all cabinets, foreign
and in our own, even in time of peace, rests wholly upon the minister
in charge of it. In disordered times, in periods when war rules the
hour and brings upon the scene its own inexorable rights, its own
despotic laws, the management of foreign relations is, of necessity, at
the charge of one mind, of one will, of one action and one accounta
bility. His eye must survey the whole field, his forecast must take in
the future, his wisdom, his courage, his faculty, his will must, for better

U UNVEILING SERVICES.
or worse, be the forecast, the wisdom and the will of the government
and the country. He who can point in this province of human affairs
and mastery, to the crown which ends his work in the prosperity and
triumph of his policy and methods, may, more than in any other great
sphere of political duty and political success, expect and receive the
applause which belongs to personal qualities, personal conduct and
personal achievement. For this reason, great reputations have been
deservedly made and conceded for prosperity in single instances, in
isolated negotiations and even in subordinate hands. Who, then, can
measure the vast services, and who will venture to qualify the honest
fame of one who held, through the whole great drama of our Civil
War on the world's stage, the part Mr. Seward filled and the action he
displayed. The leading ideas which, from the beginning to the end of his
administration of the state department during the first term of Mr.
Lincoln's presidency, held possession of the mind of Mr. Seward and
animated and directed his management of the situation, were these :
First, that a nation rent by civil feuds gives at once an opportunity for
foreign intervention in its affairs, and this constitutes the chief peril to
be guarded against. > Second, that the motives and the occasions for this
intervention in our domestic conflict were more profound and more
importunate than could well be measured. Third, that no calculation
could be tolerated of the degree or form of the mischief which would
come to our affairs, if this intervention should occur. Fourth, to pre
vent this intervention would require and must receive, incessant,
intelligent and intrepid action by this government, through the best

SEWARD STATUE. 45
means and agencies at its command. And, last, that neither public
opinion, nor popular excitement, nor theoretic reasoning as to our
rights, nor our pride or our passions could affect his duty and his respon
sibility to see to it that intervention did not take place. If, he
conceived, this great end was secured, there would be time enough in
the future for settlement of all trespasses and redress of all grievances.
If, in spite of every effort, foreign intervention should occur, this
disaster and our resentment would swallow up all minor incidents.
Upon this line Mr. Seward conducted his foreign correspondence, and
shaped and directed all other agencies of influence abroad which were
at his service. His policy was triumphant. The rebellion was abso
lutely suppressed without intervention, as, with it, it would not have
been, or, certainly, not crushed when and as it was, if intervention had
played a part in the transaction. France retired from Mexico and
Mexico remained and France became a Republic. England was
brought into judgment for excesses of neutral privileges and con
demned by the august tribunal of nations, assembled to pass upon her
conduct. The strange last stroke of the rebellion, as from a dying hand,
compassed the death of Seward and Lincoln and accomplished the
dreadful purpose in the martyrdom of the great President. The calm
sentiments, the prudent counsels, the serene wisdom, the all-embracing
charity, which suffereth long and is kind, which, by consent of all men,
the situation and the process of restoration and reconstruction mani
festly called for, were, for the moment, rudely set aside. Lincoln,
alone, held in one hand the moral, the political, the magisterial, gentle

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and powerful domination over the minds and hearts of his countrymen,
which could sway them to these controlling duties and purposes, and
that hand had lost its cunning and its strength. Suddenly, the task
was passed by the constitution into unprepared, unselected, unentrusted
hands. No statesman was ever placed in more difficult circumstances
than befell Mr. Seward by this tragic calamity. Yet nothing was more
peremptory, than that Mr. Seward should stand between the living and
the dead and attempt to stay the plague of confusion of counsels,
vehemence of passions, and the heady fight of factions which ensued
upon the death of the president. All these, as we know, culminated in
an attempt of the two houses of congress to depose the president,
through the constitutional process of impeachment. The failure saved
us from a disaster which would have been, to our institutions, a
reproach to the past, a peril to the present and a menace to the future.
And thus came to an end the great drama of the Civil War, and
thus the public life of Mr. Seward was brought to its close. In the
last, as in the earlier stages of his public service, the principles, the
methods, the policy which he pursued were crowned with success. His
political fortunes were never separate, and never separable, from the
prosperity of his party and the welfare of his country. The political
good of the country was always the end which he had before him.
The political means to accomplish this political end, under our institu
tions, were the action of parties through the methods of free speech,
free press, and free suffrage. In this scheme of our wide democracy,
he believed with Mr. Burke, "that no men could act with effect, who
did not act in concert; that no men could act in concert who did not

SEWARD STATUE. 47
act with confidence ; that no men could act with confidence who were
not bound together by common opinions, common affections and
common interests."
In the hour in which I might hope to engage your attention to the
man and the career, which it is your delight to honor, I have not
attempted the impossible task of unfolding or rehearsing the manifold
beneficent and elevated actions of his busy life. I have sought rather,
to place before you this imposing figure among men upon the solid
structure, as if upon a lofty pedestal, which his public career has built
up, to his own fame in the great temple of liberty and justice which we
hope will remain the habitation of our people forever.
To me, much meditating upon the collective traits of Mr. Seward's
character, his life and work seem among the sincerest and worthiest
that the history of government and the annals of statesmanship have
shown. Those traits were a calm judgment, a penetrating forecast, an
intrepid courage, a fervid spirit, unfailing patience, and the largest
charity. These united with great intellect and high morality, made
up his qualities and his preparation and equipment for the strenuous
public services he was destined to perform. His system of life, his
conduct of life comported, from the beginning to the end, with these
collective traits. He betrayed no trust, he deserted no duty, he quailed
before no danger, he recoiled from no labor, he broke no friendship, he
rose on no man's fall, he gained by no man's loss, he fed no grudges,
nor raised his own repute by defamation of others. Toward the dear
country which he loved, the great constitution which he revered, the
institutions of equality and freedom which he adored, the work of his

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life was given to strengthen, in every part, the republic, add stability
and permanence to its frame and cure all evils in the body politic — ad
firmandam rempublicam, et ad stabiliendas vires, et sanandum populum
omnis ejus pergebat institutio.
Mr. President and Citizens of Auburn: In decreeing a statue to
your celebrated townsman, you concur in the general judgment of the
country that this life has merited this honor. But there are elements
of closer and more delicate associations, on your part, with this life
than those which enter into his public fame. Here he lived in the sun
shine and the shadow of your and his household lives. Here he began,
here he pursued, that public course which, step by step, before your
eyes carried him up the steep ascent to the highest honors of the state
and of the nation, and of the applause of the world. Here, his public
services completed, he came back to be your daily companion. Here,
from a year's travel, in which he compassed the whole globe, receiving
everywhere illustrious honors, he returned again and for the last time.
Here, visibly, before your afflicted eyes, progressive infirmities oppressed
his bodily frame, but they did not dim the light of his understanding
nor abate his unquenchable spirit. Here, his mortal remains were laid
in the grave which your hands had prepared for them. Here, then,
while others lay upon the altar raised to his memory the rich gifts of
homage,- of honor, of blessing and of fame, you bring, besides, the
precious gold and frankincense and myrrh of your heart's affections to
the memory of your neighbor and your friend. Now and henceforth,
your beautiful vicinage shall be counted by your countrymen among
the sacred places of the land, as the home and the tomb of Seward,
and the shrine of the noble statue that illustrates his noble life.

CORRESPONDENCE.

The following letters have been selected for publication from the
large number received, for the reason that they are chiefly the expres
sion of personal friends or associates of Mr. Seward in his lifetime, and
reveal impressions which he made upon those who knew him most
intimately, or that they recall some incident in his career not before
made public : Hon. John Sherman, U. S. Senator.
Mansfield, Ohio, Nov. 9, 1888.
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation to
attend the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th inst.
I regret that engagements will not permit me to do so. It is fitting that his old neigh
bors and friends should mark the resting place of one of the most eminent citizens of
America with a memorial statue and accompany its erection with impressive ceremonies.
I had the honor to know Mr. Seward well, as well as any one entering public life could
know a veteran leader of his party, whose voice and influence were the controlling
element that for the first time made his country in fact as well as in name a free
Republic. In recalling his services and the matchless ability with which he conducted
the great battle of freedom I feel that the people of the United States have been
wanting in gratitude to him, but that his impress on our history is so strong, and the
good he did so great that each revolving year will bring out in living light his love of
liberty, the tenacity and courage of his long struggle with slavery, and his final triumph
in the emancipation of millions of slaves to which he contributed more than any one
living or dead. I take pleasure in adding my testimony to that of his fellow townsmen
and join with you in the highest honors that can bless the memory of a statesman, a
philanthropist and a patriot. Very sincerely yours,
JOHN SHERMAN.
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.

50 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, Mayor of New York City.
Mayor's Office, )
New York, Nov. 7, 1888. f
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and Others, Committee, Auburn, N. Y.:
Gentlemen : — I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of the invitation of the
citizens of Auburn to be present at the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward
on the fifteenth inst. I regret exceedingly that I shall not be able to leave New York
at that time, but I sympathize fully with the patriotic spirit which has led the inhabi
tants of the city, where he lived and died, to erect a durable monument to the memory
of the great man whose life was consecrated to the public service and whose impress
has been permanently made upon the institutions of the country. I knew him well
from my early youth, and I never ceased to admire the courage and the patriotism
which he displayed in his long and memorable career. It has been my privilege
already to contribute to the monument which stands in Madison Square in this city,
and I am glad to see that the example here set is followed in the interior of the state
which owes so much to his public spirit and his self-sacrificing devotion to the general
good. Yours respectfully,
ABRAM S. HEWITT.
Hon. Charles C. Nott, Judge Court of Claims.
Washington, D. C, Nov. 8, 1888.
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee, arc, &-'c:
Gentlemen : — Official duties, I greatly regret to say, will prevent me from being
present at the unveiling of the statue of the great statesman and revered friend whose
memory the citizens of Auburn are about to honor. Knowing well the love and esteem
in which he was held by both my father and my grandfather before me, I regret for
their sakes as well as my own that I cannot unite with you in this act of reverential and
just regard. As my contribution to the occasion I enclose a copy of what is now a rare and well
nigh lost literary gem, one which at the time of its publication gave Mr. Seward great
pleasure ; viz.: Whittier's sonnet on " The Great Plea for the Union," delivered in the
senate, January 12, 1861 ; and I send it with this explanation :
Knowing how much pleasure it had given Mr. Seward, coming as it did from that
extreme wing of ardent men who held " Even Union less
Than Liberty and Truth and Righteousness."

SEWARD STATUE. 51
And knowing also what an historic item it was of that dark and doubting period
just before the war, I naturally looked for it when the complete edition of Mr.
Whittier's works was published. It was not there. The matter slept for some time,
and then I wrote to the poet whom we all love and revere, asking him to tell me why
he had thus excluded it ; and then the curious literary fact appeared that he had sent
the sonnet to a newspaper without keeping a copy, and that he had never seen it after
ward, and that when the complete edition was published he had no copy to publish.
Fortunately I had taken better care of it than its author ; and I deem the unveiling of
the Auburn statue a fitting occasion for restoring the lost sonnet to the world.
I remain gentlemen,
Very respectfully, etc., etc.,
CHARLES C. NOTT.
The Lost Sonnet of Whittier,
On the Plea for the Union in the Senate,
January 12. i86r,
To William H. Seward.
Statesman, I thank thee — and, if yet dissent
Mingles, reluctant, with my large content,
I cannot censure what was nobly meant,
But, while constrained to hold even union less
Than Liberty and Truth and Righteousness,
I thank thee in the sweet and holy name
Of peace, for wise calm words that put to shame
Passion and party. Courage may be shown
Not in defiance of the wrong alone :
He may be bravest who, unweaponed bears
The olive branch, and strong in justice spares
The rash wrong doer, giving widest scope
To Christian charity and gene'rous hope,
If, without damage to the sacred cause
Of Freedom and the safe-guard of its laws —
If, without yielding that for which alone
We prize the Union, thou can'st save it now
From a baptism of blood, upon thy brow
A wreath whose flowers no earthly soil has known.
Woven of the beatitudes shall rest ;
And the peacemaker be forever blest.

52 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. M. Romero, Minister from Mexico.
Legacion Mexicana, Washington, Nov. io, 1888.
Dear Sirs : — I have been honored with your invitation to attend the ceremonies
of the unveiling of the statue of the late William H. Seward, at the city of Auburn,
N. Y., on the 15th inst. It was my fortune to have resided in this city, as the official
representative of the Mexican government during most of the time in which your
distinguished statesman, whose memory you honor, filled the office of secretary of
state of the United States, where he had the opportunity under the circumstances then
existing of rendering the most distinguished services to his country of his eventful
career. And I enjoyed not only his personal acquaintance, but also his friendship,
having at the same time the opportunity of admiring his high qualities as a patriot and
a statesman, under a condition of things no less trying for his than for my own country.
Nothing therefore could give me greater pleasure than to be able to join you, in a cele
bration to honor the memory of such a distinguished man, who was at the same time a
personal friend of mine, and a friend of my country. And it is with the greatest
regret, that owing to a previous engagement, I am constrained to forego what I almost
consider as the fulfillment of a sacred duty. I am gentlemen,
Very respectfully yours, etc.,
M. ROMERO.
Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.
Hon. John Hay, President Lincoln's Secretary.
Washington, Nov. io, 1888.
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and others :
Gentlemen : — I sincerely regret that it will not be possible for me to be present
at the unveiling of the statue of Mr. Seward, at Auburn on the 15th. I should have
been glad to bring my tribute of respect and veneration for one of the foremost patriots
and statesmen in all our history. To his unfaltering courage, clear and prophetic
insight, and unsleeping vigilance it is due in a great measure, that we were enabled to
fight out our battle for national existence, without the active interference of foreign
power. In the darkest hours he never despaired of the republic. In the great con
flict, in the preparation for which his ardent eloquence had done so much to rouse the
conscience of his countrymen, his calm and undaunted spirit looked always beyond the
clouds and mists of temporary reverses to the sure sunshine of a righteous peace. He
was Lincoln's most intimate and most trusted friend, and wisest counsellor ; and their
names will shine together like twin stars in the heaven of fame.
Yours respectfully,
JOHN HAY.

SEWARD STATUE. 53
Hon. George F. Edmunds, U. S. Senator.
Burlington, Vt, Nov. 8, 1888.
Dear Sir : — I have received the kind invitation of your committee, to attend at
the unveiling of the statue of the late William H. Seward, on the 15th inst. I sincerely
regret that official engagements at Washington compel me to deay myself the pleasure
of being present on the occasion. My admiration for Mr. Seward as a great man and
a pure patriot has been unqualified since my very young days. And when in 1866, I
came to know him personally, my appreciation of him as a man, and as a kind friend,
and as a statesman, increased with the continuance of our acquaintance. I am glad
that the citizens of Auburn have erected this statue in his honor, and I hope it will
stand in the presence of future generations, not only as a memorial to his worth and
public services, but as an inspiration to the people to strive for the justice of equal
laws and for the conservation of stable government.
Very respectfully yours,
GEORGE F. EDMUMDS.
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., Auburn, N. Y.
Hon. S. S. Cox, M. C.
New York City, Nov. ii, 1888.
Gentlemen of the Committee : — Your invitation to be present at the cere
monies attending the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward, on the 15th inst. is
received. It would give me pleasure to be present, were I not compelled by duties, to
lie elsewhere at the time fixed.
In so far as it would be in my humble power to honor William H. Seward, I would
be both pleased and proud to do so. My relations with him were all of a federal
kind and grew out of our service in the United States congress together. But it was
while he was secretary of state, during the war, that I learned to appreciate the incom
parable genius he displayed in the conduct of our complicated and menacing foreign
relations during the darkest years of the republic. Serving then on the foreign affairs
committee I was thrown into frequent intercourse with him ; and enjoying his absolute
confidence I had occasion to understand and appreciate the lofty and serene statesman
ship by which he foiled our enemies, and rescued our government from division and
disaster. He deserves from Auburn, nay, from the whole country, monumental honors, as
well as that higher testimonial to his patriotism, which the history of our country will
not fail to bestow. With respect,
S. S. COX.
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.

54 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. Leonard Swett, Lincoln s Partner.
122 Ashland Ave., Chicago, Nov. 12.
Mr. Benjamin B. Snow, and others of Committee :
Gentlemen : — Your invitation to be present at Auburn, at the ceremonies attend
ing the unveiling of the statue of Mr. William H. Seward, on the fifteenth instant, has
been received. I regret that professional engagements will prevent my participation in
this pleasing duty.
I had the pleasure of an intimate personal acquaintance with Mr. Seward, during
the period in which he was secretary of state to Mr. Lincoln, and remember especially
the intimate and friendly relations that existed between the two.
Mr. Lincoln's relations to the other members of the cabinet in the main, were
official, but between him and Mr. Seward there seemed to be an intimacy and friendship
based upon a personal liking of each other. They were alike and unlike just enough
to have a sincere affection for one another, and whenever their duties permitted, they
were fond of getting together, and spending a day in unbending genuine social life.
For instance, I remember in the autumn of 1864, when the lines of care had begun
to furrow themselves in Mr. Lincoln's face, a time was approaching in which he could
take a whole day off and rest. I went to him and reminding him of the day and
necessity for rest, said, " Where can you go and what can you do which will give you
on that day, the most unbroken recreation." After a moment's reflection he replied,
" Go to Marshall Lamon and get him and his carriage, a lunch and a rifle, and then
get Mr. Seward and we will go into the woods beyond the Soldier's Home and spend
the day there alone, talking and shooting with the rifle."
We made the preparations and I went to Mr. Seward, saying that Mr. Lincoln had
selected him as his companion for the day.
We went together as far as we could into the forest, in the bright sunlight,
"Where the sound of dropping nuts is heard,
Tho' all the trees are still,"
and spent the day in pleasant conversation and shooting with the rifle.
I also remember well, that Mr. Lincoln beat the whole party in shooting."
I recall also an incident which once occurred subsequently in the state department,
when Mr. Seward was secretary of state, in Mr. Johnson's cabinet.
I was sitting there opposite him so that the gash of the assassin's knife was promi
nent before me. I said, " Mr. Seward, I do not wish to be impertinent, but I do want
to look critically at your throat." He immediately took off his cravat, unbuttoned his
collar, and showed how the knife had pierced him, and how by a hair's breadth it'
missed the great artery of life.

SE WA RD S TA TUE. 55
As I sat down Mr. Seward said, "I have always felt that Providence dealt hardly
with me in not letting me die with Mr. Lincoln. My work was done, and I think I
deserved the reward of dying there. How much better to have died than to prolong
my life, in the miserable business of patching up Johnson's cabinet."
Mr. Seward was a great and good man, genial and pleasant in his friendships, and
honorable and true in all public positions he held. Yours truly,
LEONARD SWETT.
Quarter-Master General Meigs.
Washington, D. C, Nov. 9, 1888.
Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee :
Gentlemen : — It is a regret to me that I shall not be able to attend the unveiling
of the statue of Wm. H. Seward on the 15th of this month.
Mr. Seward, a great statesman, a patriot, and for years a power in our country, who
foresaw and designated the " irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery, long
before it culminated in the struggles of an armed nation, was from the time I first met
him, years before the rebellion, a most kind friend to me, and to him I rendered the
homage of respectful admiration and friendship, due to his genius and to his private
worth. His fame rests on sure grounds, in the written history of this country, and his
fellow citizens of Auburn, his home, do themselves honor in erecting a monument to
his memory. Such monuments appeal to the rising generations and lead them to reflect upon
the toils, the sacrifices, the dangers through which liberty and justice are established in
this country. With the hope that for centuries to come, no domestic discord will allow hostile
hands to desecrate the monument you are about to dedicate, I subscribe myself your
obedient and faithful friend and servant.
M. C. MEIGS,
Quartermaster General United States Army, Brevet Major-General.
Major-General N. P. Banks, Ex-Speaker of Congress.
Waltham, Mass., Nov. 12, 1888.
Mv Dear Sir : — Please accept my sincere thanks for your invitation to attend the
ceremony of unveiling Mr. Seward's statue at Auburn, the 15th inst. It is a grief that
I am compelled to deny myself that privilege as engagements that cannot be deferred
require my presence here. For many years I enjoyed the honor of Mr. Seward's

56 UNVEILING SERVICES.
acquaintance and learned as others did, to respect his just and generous character, his
varied and profound attainments, his lasting attachment to personal friends and his
patriotic regard for the interests of the country. But it was not until I was in some
slight measure associated with him in the consideration of foreign affairs that I was able
justly to appreciate the great qualities of his character.
No citizen could be less considerate of private or personal interests, or more
unreserved in devotion to the welfare of his country than Mr. Seward. He seemed
absolutely devoid of the spirit of rivalry, and best pleased when by his own concessions
he had harmonized the aspirations of others with the just and general interests of the
country. In his last days, when racked by pain and enfeebled by incurable disease, he
maintained the serenity of his character and gave to others the consolations which an
unclouded mind and great heart could command. He was a worthy coadjutor of
Abraham Lincoln and the cause and country for which Mr. Lincoln suffered and died.
Respectfully,
N. P. BANKS.
Admiral Porter.
Office of the Admiral, )
Washington, D. C, Nov. io, 1888. j
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation on
behalf of the citizens of Auburn, to be present at the unveiling of the statue of
William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th of November.
It would afford me much pleasure to be present at the ceremonies, if my health
and duties will permit.
Thanking you kindly for thinking of me on this occasion, I beg leave to remain
Very respectfully, DAVID D. PORTER, Admiral.
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.
J. C. Bancroft Davis, Late Asst. Secretary of State.
Washington, Nov. 8, 1888.
Messrs. B. B. Snow and others, etc
Gentlemen : — I regret extremely that inability to leave Washington on the 15th
inst., will deprive me of the pleasure of witnessing the unveiling of the statue of the
late Mr. Seward at Auburn, and of hearing the story of his noble life told in the
eloquent language of his distinguished friend, Mr. Evarts.
I count it among my cherished memories that I had the pleasure to know Mr.
Seward well, and I thank the committee for remembering me on this occasion.
I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
J. C. BANCROFT DAVIS.

SE WARD S TA TUE. 57
From the Hon. Charles Francis Adams. Boston, Nov. 8, 1888.
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq. and others, Committee, Auburn, N. Y.:
Gentlemen : — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation on behalf of
the citizens of Auburn to attend the ceremonies at the unveiling of the statue of
William H. Seward, on the 15th inst.
While it would afford me the utmost pleasure in this or in any other way, to show
the respect I bear to the memory of Mr. Seward, I regret to say that my engagements
are of such a character that they will not permit my absence from here at the time
named. Regretting extremely that this should be the case,
I remain, etc.,
CHARLES F. ADAMS.
Hon. Samuel B late hf or d, Associate Justice U. S. Supreme Court.
Washington, D. C, December 10, 1888.
Messrs. B. B. Snow and others, Committee of the Citizens of Auburn :
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your courteous
invitation to myself and my family to be present at the ceremonies attending the
unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th of November.
It would give me unfeigned pleasure to be present at, and take part in, these cere
monies, were it not for the necessity of my continued presence at Washington, in the
discharge of my public duties as a member of the Supreme Court of the United States.
I am rejoiced at this tribute of respect which the citizens of Auburn are paying to
the memory of the great statesman who made that city his home from his early youth
until his death. Associated with him as I was, from my appointment as his private
secretary, on the ist of January, 1839, at the time he assumed the office of Governor
of the State of New York, on his first election to that position, becoming military
secretary on his staff in September, 1841, and continuing in that relation until his
second term of office as governor closed, on the 31st of December, 1842, my relations
with him had become so close, that, in November, 1845, I removed to Auburn, from the
city of New York, and formed a co-partnership with him, and my excellent friend, the
late Christopher Morgan, in the practice of the law. This relation continued until the
fall of 1854, when I removed back to the city of New York, Governor Seward having
been in the meantime elected United States Senator from the state of New York, and
having taken his seat as such on the 4th day March, 1849. His public career from that
time, for twelve years in the senate and for eight years -as Secretary of State of the
United States, is well known to all.

58 UNVEILING SERVICES.
It was my good fortune, as an inmate of his family for nearly three years, to enjoy
the full benefits which such an intimate association could confer. I saw daily his
patient assiduity, his equanimity of temper, his varied resources, the versatility of his
acquirements, his. fidelity in every relation, his wisdom and his practical talent, as a
statesman, as a politician, as a lawyer, and as a man. In his daily intercourse with his
fellow citizens he was modest and humble, with a kind word for every one, a ready ear
for all who came to ask his advice, and a liberal hand in bestowing aid, cheerfully, yet
with discrimination.
It is fitting that his fellow citizens, who knew him so well and appreciated him so
thoroughly, should perpetuate his memory in the statue whose unveiling you celebrate.
It has given me great pleasure to have, been invited and permitted to contribute to the
erection of this memorial. It is also eminently fitting that it should be erected, not
only in the heart of the city whose prosperity was always dear to him, but in a site as
near as possible to those walks and abiding places which he most often frequented in
his lifetime, and where his virtues and excellencies are perpetuated by those who bear
his name. I am, with high respect. Your obedient servant,
SAMUEL BLATCHFORD.
Hon. George William Curtis.
West New Brighton, S. I., N. Y., Nov. 8th, 1888.
Dear Sir : — I am very much honored by your invitation to the ceremonies of
unveiling the statue of Mr. Seward, and I regret sincerely that I am unable to accept it.
In the National Republican Convention of i860, when the delegation from New
York, of which I was one, had endeavored in vain to secure the nomination of Mr.
Seward, I remember with what impressive pathos to which all our hearts responded, the
chairman of the delegation, who is your orator of the day, Mr. Evarts, said in moving
to make the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, unanimous, " Mr. Chairman, we came from a
great state, bringing with us, as we believed, the name of a great statesman." It was
very fortunate for the Republican party that it in its early days should have had in the
senate a leader of so philosophic and optimistic a temperament as Mr. Seward. No
political party, indeed, could have been more fortunate in its conspicuous chiefs, — Lin
coln, Seward, Chase and Sumner. Every young Republican of that day, recalling the
moral enthusiasm of the great controversy, now happily and forever closed, will rejoice
in the permanent honors paid to a statesman who represents the convictions which have
formed a more perfect union, established justice, secured domestic tranquillity, provided
for the common defence, promoted the general welfare, and secured the blessing of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity. Respectfully yours,
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.

SEWARD ST A TUE. 5 9
Hon. Charles Devens, Ex-U. S. Attorney General.
Boston, Nov. 12, 1888.
Gentlemen : — I am much obliged by the invitation of the citizens of Auburn to
attend the dedication of the memorial statue to Mr. Seward. It would afford me much
pleasure to unite with them in doing honor to the memory of this illustrious statesman
and to listen with them to the eminent orator by whom the occasion will be fitly
commemorated. I regret that my judicial engagements in Massachusetts, render it impossible.
No where was Mr. Seward more honored and loved than in this state, while his
name is forever identified with the great conflict which redeemed a nation, and conse
crated it forever to freedom, and while his fame is part of the honor and glory of the
whole country, it is eminently proper that such a memorial as that which you propose
should stand in the city which was his home.
You who were his neighbors and friends and who knew him in his daily walk and
conversation, like him must soon pass away. But his memory should remain forever
where he dwelt as an incitement to high thought, to faithful performance of duty, and
to noble and exalted patriotism. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
CHARLES DEVENS.
Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee on Invitations.
Hon. W. A. Sackett. Saratoga Springs, Nov. 10th, 1888.
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and others, Committee, etc.:
Gentlemen : — I have received your kind invitation in behalf of the citizens of
Auburn to be present at the unveiling of the memorial statue of William H. Seward, for
which please accept my most sincere thanks. Unavoidable circumstances will prevent
my attendance ; every feeling of my heart and all the memories of my earlier and
middle manhood, will unite me in spirit with those who participate in the ceremonies of
the occasion. A commemoration that well befits the memory of the great man, patriot
and statesman, whose name it perpetuates. No name in American history is more
worthy of monumental fame. His life filled the full measure of progress, truth, great
ness. History can not overstate the advantages of his career to his country and to
mankind. Mr. Seward in his earlier years, as governor, senator, secretary of state, was always
my most esteemed friend and political guide. These memorial services carry me back
through a most eventful period in our country's history, in peace and in war, for more

60 UNVEILING SERVICES.
than fifty years ; take me back again to the early days of slavery agitation, to the time
when the chains of bondage fell from more than five millions of our fellow men.
Mr. Seward's life was so full of earnest, determined effort in behalf of humanity
and the rights of man, that it is useless to attempt to enumerate. The pages of history
will do him justice. He will live in monuments, in fame, and in the hearts of his
countrymen, to the latest ages. His memory will be the memory of the great and
glorious events of his country, in the times in which he lived.
I wish I could be with you and take part in the honors to his name. I send my
heart, my memories and my most profound regards.
W. A. SACKETT.
Hon. Alexander H. Rice, M. C.
Boston, Mass., Nov. 8th. 1888.
Gentlemen : — I feel greatly honored by your invitation to attend the ceremonies
at the unveiling of the statue at Auburn, of your late illustrious fellow citizen, the
Hon. William H. Seward, whose friendship it was my privilege to enjoy, and whose
memory I cherish with affectionate veneration.
If it were possible for me to be present on the occasion referred to, it would give
me pleasure to accept )our invitation ; but I have engagements elsewhere which forbid.
I am, gentlemen, Yours very truly,
ALEXANDER H. RICE.
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.

Rev. Father Mulheron. Auburn, N. Y., Nov. 8, 1888.
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow, Clinton D. MacDougall, and others in Committee :
Gentlemen : — It is with regret that I must fail to respond in person to your kind
invitation to be present at the unveiling of the Seward monument, on the 15 th inst.
I must necessarily be out of town on that day, and could it be otherwise I would
gladly be present as a mark of respect to the honored statesman, both as a personal
admirer and as one of a class who owe such men a grateful remembrance.
Our country has been prolific in great men, but there are few the peers of William
H. Seward, who to great intellectual powers added a largeness of heart and a magna
nimity of soul which lifted him high above the narrowness of party spirit, and the
bigotry of sectarian prejudices. He was a great man in the true sense of the word,
and in honoring his memory besides honoring itself, our town deserves the gratitude of
the nation. Yours very sincerely,
W. MULHERON.

SE WARD S TA TUE. 6 1
Hon. John D. Lawson.
n Fifth Ave., New York, Nov. 8, 1888.
Mr. Benjamin B. Snow, and others :
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the invitation of
the citizens of Auburn to be present at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of a
statue of William H Seward, on the 15th inst.; but will be unable to do so. I regret
this the more as my first vote was cast for him in 1839, and during the succeeding years
of his life I entertained for him the highest respect and admiration, and made him my
political mentor. Yours very respectfully,
JOHN D. LAWSON.
Hon. Hamilton Fish, Ex-Secretary of State.
251 East 17TH st., New York.
Gentlemen : — It is with much regret that I am compelled to decline the invitation
to attend the unveiling of the statue of Governor Seward, on the 15th inst. The
condition of my health prevents my personal presence on this interesting occasion, but
I shall be with you in spirit, and in the desire of doing all honor to the memory of one
of. New York's greatest and most distinguished citizens.
With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
HAMILTON FISH.
Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.
Hon. Andrew S human, Ex-I^ieutenant Governor, Illinois.
Mr. Benjamin B. Snow :
Dear Sir : — I have received the invitation of your committe, to be present at the
ceremonies attending the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward, and much
regret that it will not be possible for me to accept.
I have a very pleasant remembrance of the Hon. William H. Seward as I knew
him in my boyhood, and have a profound veneration for him and his public career in
subsequent years. He was- the astute Gamaliel at whose feet I bowed while he was
living, and I shall honor his memory as long as I live. I heartily wish that I could
with others of his surviving friends and admirers, testify to my respect by being present
at the ceremonies to which you invite me, and I regret that I cannot do so.
Respectfully yours,
ANDREW SHUMAN.

62 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. Levi P. Morton, Vice-President Elect.
85 Fifth Avenue, New York, Nov. 14, 1888.
Dear Sir :— I regret to find that pressing engagements will render it impossible-
for me to be present at the ceremonies connected with the unveiling of the statue
intended to commemorate the noble life of William H. Seward. It is a disappointment
that I am unable to join you in these ceremonies, for my whole heart is with you in the
tribute the nation owes to the sound judgment, sterling ability and lofty patriotism of
this son of New York.
You will have with you, however, at your gathering tomorrow, orators who will
recall the services of inestimable value which he rendered to the nation, as the right
arm of Abraham Lincoln in the "irrepressible conflict." Together they stood at the
helm of the nation through its bitterest storm, together they were struck down by the
assassin's blow, and together they will live in the hearts of their countrymen as the
foremost patriots of all time. With renewed regrets, believe me
Very faithfully yours,
LEVI P. MORTON.
Messrs. B. B. Snow and others, Committee.
Hon. M. W. Fuller, Chief Justice U. S. Supreme Court.
Washington, Nov. 13, 1888.
Dear Sirs : — I sincerely regret that official duties here render it impossible for me
to accept your courteous invitation to be present at the unveiling of a statue of that
eminent statesman, your beloved townsman, William H. Seward, to appreciation of
whose great and instructive career, I would otherwise have been glad to testify by-
personal attendance on this interesting occasion. Very truly yours,
M. W. FULLER.
Messrs. Snow, Dwight, Mac Ddugall, Teller, Robinson, Underwood, and
Osborne, Committee. Hon. John A. King. Washington, Nov. 14, 1888.
Messrs. Snow, Dwight, and Members of Committee, etc. :
Dear Sirs : — It is with great regret that engagement in this city, will deprive me
of the pleasure to which you have so kindly invited me. It would have been with
unfeigned satisfaction, agreeable to me to have assisted at the ceremonies attending the
unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward ; of one whose memory is dear to every
true lover of his country, and of the great principles of human freedom.

SEWARD STATUE. 63
Truly have the citizens of Auburn honored themselves in placing so enduringly
and in the view of all who may henceforth visit their beautiful city, the features and
figure of the illustrious statesman, whose imprint has been made so deeply in the annals
cf our state and nation, that no time can efface.
Trusting that the occasion may in every way be full of happiness as it is most
fitting, I have the honor to be with the highest respect, Yours, etc.,
JOHN A. KING.
Hon. Samuel F Miller, Associate Justice U. S. Supreme Court.
Supreme Court of the United States, )
Washington Nov. 12, 1888. [
Mr. Benjamin B. Snou1 and others, Committe, &c:
Please accept my thanks for the invitation to be present at the unveiling of the
statue of William H. Seward by the citizens of Auburn.
It would give me no ordinary pleasure to be present on that occasion. Mr. Seward
was no ordinary man, and it was my pleasure to be personally on intimate terms of
friendship with him during the period of his long services as Secretary of State.
And while I have now been over a quarter of a century in the public service in a
position that has enabled me to become well acquainted with nearly all the public men
of the United States, few, indeed, have impressed me as he has done.
If he had no other claim on his country's gratitude than his services in the depart
ment of State, which is by no means all, it would be difficult to fix toe high a value on
them. But the duties of the court to which I belong forbid my presence, and thanking
you for your courtesy, I am, Your obedient servant,
SAM F. MILLER.
Hon. John G. Nicolay, Private Secretary of President Lincoln.
Washington, D. C, Nov. 13, 1888.
My Dear Sir : — I thank you and your committee for the invitation to be present
at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward at Auburn,
New York, on the 15th instant.
I had hoped to be able to go, but now find that work which I cannot postpone will
prevent my doing so. Though absent, I join you heartily in honoring the memory of
the great statesman whose patriotism and eminent public service it was my good fortune
to witness, and the recollection of whose personal friendship I gratefully cherish.
Your obedient servant,
JNO. G. NICOLAY.
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and Committee.

64 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Judge W. H. Robertson.
Katonah, November 13, 1888.
Gentlemen : — I regret my inability to be present at the unveiling of a statue of
William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th inst., to which I have your kind invitation,
and for which please accept my thanks.
I was an ardent admirer of Governor Seward from my boyhood till his death.
Twice I voted for him for U. S. Senator ; and the remembrance of those votes is even
now a source of pleasure and pride ; only one other member of the legislature voted
for him at both elections.
What he did in the cause of freedom ; what he did for the preservation of the
Union ; and what he did for the public good in other respects, have erected in the
hearts of the people, an enduring monument to his memory as a citizen, and to his fame
as a statesman. Regretting that I am unable to be with you at the unveiling, I am
Yours truly,
W. H. ROBERTSON.
Messrs. Benj. B. Snow and others, Committee.
Hon. Cornelius N. Bliss. New York, November 12, 1888.
B. B. Snow and others, Committee, Auburn, N. Y.:
Gentlemen : — I am in receipt of your invitation to attend the ceremonies incident
to the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward, on the 15th inst.
I regret that engagements of long standing for this week, make it impossible for
me to join with you on Thursday, in reviving the memories of this great patriot and
statesman. To men of middle age, no memorial is needed to recall Mr. Seward's supreme
devotion to his country during the political contest, which culminated in the rebellion
of 1861 to 1865 ; but it is peculiarly fitting that memorials should be erected by the
generation that knew him, that the young of this and future generations, as they look
upon the marble or bronze presentment, may be led to study his life, and to learn from
his great example, lessons of courage, of devotion to duty, and lofty patriotism.
Yours truly, CORNELIUS N. BLISS.
Hon. A. D. F. Randolph. New York, November 13, 1888.
To Benj. B. Snow, Esq., Clinton MacDougall, and others, Committee .
Dear Sirs : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation to
meet the citizens of Aubilrn at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of a statue of
William H. Seward, on Thursday next, and very much regret my inability to be present
on that occasion.

SEWARD STATUE. 65
Permit me to say that half a century ago, and before I had attained my majority,
that I was a "young Whig" under the leadership of the "young Governor." Later
on, as a private citizen, I followed him through the varying fortunes of the Whig party
into the Republican organization and the " Irrepressible Conflict " and all else that fol
lowed. It was the lead of one who had the courage of his convictions, combined with
those rarer qualities of self-poise and wise patience, that enabled him to go forward or
calmly wait, with no relaxing effort or abatement of determination to ultimately reach
a successful conclusion.
The true political history of Mr. Seward's own time is yet to be written. The
hour for such a record has not yet arrived ; some of the old passions, some of the
narrow judgments still remain. But that ultimate history will record the story of a life
of unflagging devotion to a just cause under circumstances without a parallel in the
history of American statesmanship. To him it was given to pre-eminently bear for long
vears, not only the contumely and scorn of the South, but also the bitter opposition of
the long dominant political party of the North, and when finally the Great Conflict
arose, to find within a brief period, and in the darkest days of the Republic, that some
of his bitterest foes were within the lines of his own victorious party, and yet the future
historian will record that from the beginning of the civil war, as before, and on to the
close of President Johnson's administration, though opposed, maligned, misrepre
sented and misunderstood, not only at the South, but also by many at the North, there
can be found no trace of failure in duty, no loss of high and steadfast devotion, no
effort at self-vindication, no spirit of retaliation, but only an ever present and supreme
determination to secure for an oppressed class, the inalienable rights of man, and to
keep inviolate the Union of the states.
And this he saw accomplished ; for his was a statesmanship based on broad and
enduring principles, and not on the passions' shifting policies of the hour.
The city of Auburn does well in this new honor to his memory. It is an addi
tional proof that where he was best known there he was best loved. I am
Yours faithfully,
A. D. F. RANDOLPH.
Hon. Johnston Livingston.
145 Broadway, New York City, November 13, 1888.
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and others of the Committee of the Citizens of Auburn :
Gentlemen : — I am in receipt of your kind invitation to be present at the unveil
ing of the Statue of William H. Seward, and regret that I cannot avail myself of it, and
be present, and do my mite in honor of the grandest character our state has produced.
The nation as well as our state are proud of him — and future generations of Americans
will continue to admire and honor him. With kind regards,
Yours truly,
JOHNSTON LIVINGSTON.

66 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. S. Edwin Day.
Moravia, N. Y., November 14, 1888.
Gentlemen : — That I cannot be present at the exercises attendant on the unveiling
of the statue of the late secretary Seward, pursuant to your kind invitation, is a source
of deep regret to me, inasmuch as the occasion will not only be one of present enjoy
ment, but of pleasant recollection in the years to come.
It is indeed meet that the virtues, valor, ability, services and sufferings of him who
was easily first among our citizens, who was for many years in the foremost rank of
leaders in the councils of the state and nation, and whose fame was as wide as the
world, should be recognized and honored by a commemorative work of art standing
and to stand at Auburn, his home, which he loved so well.
Chief among those virtues was his adherence to duty, and whether engaged in the
defense of a friendless and unfortunate dement in a criminal court or in the difficult
and delicate duty of managing and guiding the ship of state in the dark days and storm
of war, he was always true to his trusts, and he well earned his epitaph " He was
faithful." Very Respectfully,
S. EDWIN DAY.
To Benjamin B. Snow, and others, Committee.
Hon. Russell Sage.
506 Fifth Ave, New York, November 13, 1888.
Benjamin J3. Snow, Theodore Dwight, Esqs., and others, Committee, Auburn, A. Y.
Gentlemen : — I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of your invitation to be
present at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of the Statue of William H. Seward
on the 15th inst., hoping to be able to be present and thus manifest the love, friendship
and confidence I entertained for the great Statesman while living — and no less cherished
now that he is dead — but I have important engagements on the 15th instant that will
prevent my being with you.
The citizens of Auburn are to be congratulated for erecting a monument to the
memory of one of the most foremost Statesmen' of his age, and to one whose unsur
passed effort in the cause of human liberty has not been in our Public Councils since
nor before he left them. It was my good fortune to know Mr. Seward during the last
twenty years of his life, and to be associated with him in the Councils of our common
country, and to know of his untiring labors in battling for the right and for conciliating
the distrust and dissenting sentiments that prevailed from 1850 until the close of the
civil war in 1865.
It fell to my lot to be summoned to meet Mr. Seward in the month of June 1849,
after the adjournment of a special session of the United States Senate, and to learn of

SEWARD STATUE. 67
the distrust, envy and malignity that prevailed with leading Whigs at the south to destroy
Senator Seward's influence with Taylor's administration. This was aided by what was
termed the " Silver Gray " element of the Whig party in the Middle States, and it
required the greatest patience, patriotism and ability to overcome this feeling. But Gov.
Seward possessed the vigor of intellect and the power of patience to dispel the slanders
and the envy of the unheard of political intrigue that attempted to destroy his influence
and usefulness for the cause of human liberty. It was from this period to the close of
the civil war that he was strengthened in his unequalled efforts in the Senate in pleading
for the oppressed, and holding aloft the true standard that should draw around him the
party that sustained him until the conflict was over ; and, as time rolls on, the feeling
of gratitude, such as you evince today, in your efforts in commemorating the memory of
him, will be increased when the centuries roll around, and his name will be cherished
amongst the greatest defenders of human liberty that lived in the nineteenth century.
But I must stop or I fear I shall be drawn into a discussion beyond the limits allowed
to the acknowledgment of your courteous invitation, and I, therefore, subscribe mvself
to be Your obedient servant,

RUSSELL SAGE.

Hon. R. S. Chilton.

United States Consulate, Goderich, Ont., November 12, 1888.
To Benjamin B. Snow, Clinton D. MacDougall, &c, Committee, Auburn, N. Y.
Gentlemen : — I regret exceedingly that I am unable to accept the invitation with
which you have honored me to be present at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of
a statue of William H. Seward. It is fitting that he be thus honored. Although the
contemporary of many public men now living, it is not without an effort that we disso
ciate him from those statesmen of an earlier day who framed the republic, which he,
conjointly with our martyr-President, did so much to save. The lofty patriotism, the
heroic courage in the discharge of public duty, which distinguished them, was not less
conspicuous in him whose statue you will unveil on Thursday next.
I am, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant,
R. S. CHILTON, U. S. Consul.
General Alexander S. Webb.
The College of the City of New York,
President's Office, New York, November 7, 1888.
General Alexander S. Webb, LL. D., President of the College of the City of New
York, will gladly represent his college at the unveiling of the statue to William H.
Seward. Public education owes more to William H. Seward, than to any other honored
citizen of New York.

68 UNVEILING SERVICES.
Hon. Say les J. Bowen, Ex-Mayor of Washington.
Washington, D. C, November, 13, 1888.
Gentlemen : — I received last evening, your kind invitation to be present on the
15th instant, at the unveiling of the statue, erected to commemorate the name of William
H. Seward. While it would be a gratification to me to accept the invitation, and join with the
citizens of my native county in the ceremonies of the day, I find it impossible to leave
the city and be absent at the time designated.
I knew Mr. Seward from my earliest youth. During his periods of service in the
United States Senate, and in the Cabinets of the lamented Lincoln, and of Andrew
Johnson, I resided in this city and was cognizant of the many important patriotic acts
he performed in the interest and for the benefit of the whole nation. To his sagacity,
wise counsel and disinterested patriotism may justly be attributed the fact, that, during
the darkest days of the war of the rebellion, we were not involved in an open war with
Great Britian, and had the sympathy, aid and good will of Russia withdrawn from us.
But even to refer to his many acts of statesmanship, during his long and useful
public life would extend this letter beyond a proper length. The history of William H.
Seward is written in the hearts of the American people.
His name will be cherished so long as the American Government survives, or a
lover of human liberty and human rights exists.
Thanking you kindly for your invitation, and regretting my inability to be present
with you on the interesting occasion, I am, Gentlemen, most respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
SAYLES J. BOWEN.
To Hon Committee of Arrangements. &c.
Hon. Abram Wakcman.
46 East 20TH Street, New York, November 13, 1888.
Gentlemen : — Many thanks for your kind invitation to attend the ceremonies of
the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward at Auburn on the 15th instant.
I deeply regret that previous engagements of an imperative character will prevent
my acceptance. Although absent, my heart will respond in deep sympathy with all that may be
said or done to honor New York's greatest and noblest son. With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
ABRAM WAKEMAN.
To Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and others, the Committe.

SEWARD STATUE. 69
Hon. Robert C Winthrop.
Boston, Mass., 90 Marlborough Street, November 13, 1888.
Gentlemen : — Absence from home has prevented an earlier acknowledgment of
your obliging invitation. I had many pleasant associations with your illustrious fellow
¦citizen, Mr. Seward, and should most gladly have listened to the oration of Senator
Evarts on the unveiling of the Memorial Statue. But I am compelled to deny myself,
and can only offer you my sincere thanks, Yours, respectfully and truly,
ROBERT C. WINTHROP.
Hon. B. B. Snow and others, Committee cf Citizens of Auburn.
Hon. Mar vc lie IV. Cooper.
The Union League Club, New York, November 10, 1888.
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to receive your invitation to be present at the
ceremonies attending the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward at Auburn on
the fifteenth instant, and I beg leave to express my sincere regret that prior engage
ments will prevent me from availirg myself of the opportunity which this occasion offers
of testifying my high regard for the foremost man that New York gave to promote the
immortal mission of Abraham Lincoln. Very Respectfully yours,
MARVELLE W. COOPER.
To Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee.
General Schuyler Hamilton.
Park Ave. Hotel, New York City, November 13, 1888.
Benjamin B. Snow, and others, Committee.
Gentlemen : — Your kind invitation to be present at the unveiling of the statue of
William H. Seward at Auburn Nov. 15th is this moment received. Full of admiration
and esteem for his character and indebted to him for much personal kindness, I regret
that circumstances beyond my control prevent my being present at so interesting a
ceremony. Yours very truly,
SCHUYLER HAMILTON.

SUBSCRIBERS TO STATUE FUND.

Morgan, Henry A.
Blatchford, Samuel
Beardsley, Nelson
Wheeler, Cyrenus, Jr.
Avery, Edward H.
Allen, Gorton W.
Barber, George
Barker, Griswold & Co.,
Justin L. Barker,
Frank H. Griswold,
Charles P. Mosher.
Clapp, Emerous D.
George, Casey
Hughitt, William E.
Howland, Horace V.
Knapp, John N.
Lewis, Orlando

Laurie, Samuel
Merritt, Charles L.
Nye, George H.
Osborne, Thomas M.
Parker, Edward D.
Pomeroy, Theodore M.
Payne, Sereno E.
Storke, H. Laurens
Seymour, James, Jr.
Stevens, Abram W.
Smith, Charles Augustus
Smith, Dexter A.
Sartwell, Mrs. Amarilla B..
Tallman John K.
Woodruff, E. Delevan
Willard, Mrs. Jane F.

Anderson, Joseph C.
Allen, Frederick I.
Allen, Frederick
Allen, Miss Elizabeth
Allen, Miss Susan
Austin, Dewitt F.
Austin, Mortimer V.
Beecher, Willis J.
Burtis, Cary S.
Burtis, Edwin C.
Bradley, Mrs. Jane L.
Boyd, Arthur A.
Bulkley, Mrs. Hattie
Ball, Leveritt

Bodley, Caleb C.
Baker, Mrs. Charles
Baker, Gustave S.
Barrett, Miss Jennie Lotjt
Brainard, John M.
Beardsley, William P.
Beardsley, Alonzo G.
Cook, Horace T.
Case, Theodore P.
Carpenter, Lewis E.
Cosgrove, William
Coutant, Eburn H.
Cheesman, William S.
Clary, John S.

SEWARD STATUE.

71

Carson, James T.
Choate, John
Cronk, Reuben
Clark, Abel H.
Crane, Wellsly W.
Dunning, David M.
Dimon, Theodore
Drummond, Richard C. S.
Drummond, Nelson L.
Drummond, Alexander M.
Delaney, Charles
Eggleston, Jesse S.
Eldred, Nelson B.
Fay, Edwin R.
Fay, Fred H.
Fay, Charles R.
Gale, James M.
Gates, Mrs. Jessie Knapp
Hunt, Wallace M.
Hemenway, Charles C.
Harrington, Martin
Hunt, Miss Sarah A.
Hall, Benjamin F.
Hosmer, William
Harbottle, Mrs. Sarah
Hubbard, William H.
Halsey, William A.
Hollister, Wadsworth
Huntington, Ezra A.
Howard, Miss Sophia E.
Hoyt, Harry B.
Hotchkiss, Mrs. Caroline B.
Hickey, Mrs. Amanda S.
Hills, Harold E.

Hamilton, James
Ives, Benoni I.
Jeffreys, Charles V.
Kent, George R.
Kirby, William A.
Knapp, James G.
Kennedy, Martin H.
Kirkpatrick, George W.
Knapp, Grayson G.
Knapp, Peck & Thomson,
O. F. Knapp, Q. R. Peck.
H. J. Knapp, H. D. Peck,
E. H. Thomson.
Lyon, Elliott & Bloom,
Lewis E. Lyon,
George W. Elliott,
Richard H. Bloom.
Loyal Temperance Legion,
Lawton, Albert W.
Longstreet, George B.
Loughborough, N. Barton
Lyon, Mrs. Lewis E.
Lockwood, Homer N.
Lamey, William
Lee, Frederick H.
Meaker, William H.
Miller, Hiram K.
Mead, J. Warren
McCrea, Alexander
MacDougall, Clinton D.
Mulheron, Father William
Martin, Mrs, Cornelia W.
McKain, Allen
Mullen, Patrick
Miller, Alexander C.
Moses, William J.

72

UNVEILING SERVICE.

Manro, Thomas J.
Nichols, Mrs. Sarah C.
Nichols, Charles B.
Newton, Edwin S.
Nelson, Robert A.
Osborne, John H.
O'Neil, Adam,
Olmsted, Morris M.
O'Brien, John W.
O'Flaherty, Thomas
Parmele, Edwin B.
Perry, Mrs. Jane A.
Peck, George R.
Peet, Frederick T.
Paddock, Lewis
Rice, John W.
Richardson, George W.
Richardson, Frank W.
Reed, Silas W.
Risley, Hanson A.
Rich, Adelbert P.
Storke, Jay E.
Sibus, Ferdinand
Sagar, Charles H.
Stout, James C.
Sheldon, Charles L. Young,

Snow, Benjamin B.
Smith, Byron C.
Segoine, Jesse
Standart, Charles
Smith, Charles A.
Teller, John D.
Terrill, Mrs. Sophronia J.
TenEyck, George H.
Titus, Miss Mary M.
Tallman, Selah C.
Townsend, Edward H.
Tripp, George W.
Turner. George B.
Titus, Henry D.
Tuttle, Bradley A.
Tracy, Calvin
Underwood, George
VanOmmen, Miss Lottie E.
Wilcox, Benjamin M.
Wait, Horace R.
Wright, Frank D.
Woodruff, Paul C.
Walley, Martin L.
Winters, John P.
Woodin, William B.
Wills, George F.
Robert F.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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